The Sources for the Early History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical. An Introduction and Guide [Revised] 0374945608, 9780374945602

First published in 1929, Kenney's work not only established itself at once as an indispensable work of reference bu

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The Sources for the Early History of Ireland: Ecclesiastical. An Introduction and Guide [Revised]
 0374945608, 9780374945602

Table of contents :
Editor's Foreword vii
Preface to 1966 Reprint x
Preface xi
Abbreviations xv
I. History in Ireland 1
II. Ireland in the Ancient World: To about A.D, 700 110
III. The Irish Church in the 'Celtic' Period 156
IV. The Monastic Churches, Their Founders and Traditions — Part I: The Primitive Foundations 288
V. The Monastic Churches — Part II: Churches of the Sixth to Ninth Centuries; General Treatises 372
VI. The Expansion of Irish Christianity: From the Seventh to the Twelfth Century 486
VII. Religious Literature and Ecclesiastical Culture: Seventh to Twelfth Century 622
VIII. The Reform Movement of the Twelfth Century 745
Addenda 773
Addenda, 1966 791
Corrigenda 795
Index 799

Citation preview

RECORDS OF CIVILIZATION S O U R C E S A N D S T U D IE S Edited under the auspices of the Department of History, Columbia University g e n e r a l e d it o r


W. T . H. Jackson, Professor of German and History P A S T E D IT O R S

1915-1926 James T . Shotwell, Bryce Professor Emeritus of the History of International Relations

1926-1953 Austin P. Evans, Late Professor of History

1953-1962 |;u (|iies Barzun, Seth Low Professor of History

Number X I The Sources for the Early History of Ireland:







New York


Copyright 1929 Columbia University Press Copyright renewed 1957 Columbia University Press

Reprinted 1966 by special arrangement with Columbia University Press

O C T A G O N BOOKS, INC. 175 Fifth A venue N ew Y ork, N.Y. 10010

L ibrary of C ongress C atalog C ard N umber 66-15998


ED ITO R ’S FOREWORD T he primary object of this series is to bring easily within the reach of the inquiring reader certain treatises and documents which are of real importance for an understanding of the past. This aim is readily intelligible to anyone who has ever attempted to scratch beneath the surface in the investigation of any event, or who has endeavored to gain a little first-hand information about a people or an epoch. Many of us have neither the time nor the equipment to do this without the aid of translations and a certain amount of suggestion in the way of critical introduction and commentary. In some fields of study there is also a lack of bibliographical guides which will lead the reader quickly and surely into his subject. In a few such cases the series attempts to make good this lack by including in its numbers works of bibliography. It is not the intention to publish here simple lists of books, but careful critical guides to the sources. To this group belongs the present work by Dr. Kenney. The volume is timely. Within the last few years the study of Irish history has received new impetus, due, at least in part, to the events culminating in the establishment of the Irish Free State. But the materials for such study, especially for the early period of the history of Ireland, are widely scattered and difficult to find. There has been a real need of a guide, which the student might consult and in which he would find a critical evaluation of texts and literature. Into the making of the present volume Dr. Kenney has put much painstaking research, continued through a long period of years. The price of toil has won for him the right to speak. No labor has been spared to make the volume at once accurate and readable. A ustin P. E vans .

v ii


James F. Kenney’s book Sources for the Early History of Ireland (Ecclesiastical) not only established itself at once as an indispensable work of reference but marked an epoch in Hibernian studies. From its publication to the present day it has stimulated research on such a wide front as few books of this kind have ever done. Having been out of print for years, it is now issued as a reprint, incorporating a certain amount of revision. The need of bringing Kenney’s Sources up to date has been felt for some time. As far back as 1955, Jacques Barzun, as General Editor of the Records of Civilization series, approached the doyen in the field of early Irish history, Professor John Ryan, S.J., of University College Dublin, about a revision. The latter, owing to his many duties, had to decline, and suggested me. Being fully aware of the magnitude of the task, I did not accept without hesitation. I realized not only that this was a long-term project, especially for one who could give it only some portion of his working time and had to work singlehanded, but also that the publi­ cation of a new Kenney had better be postponed until a number of major enterprises, then at various stages of preparation or realization, were completed. That time has not yet come, and the amount of learned work bearing on the subject is steadily increasing. In the meantime I have done my best to take stock of the rich harvest that has been reaped so far, to keep a watchful eye on work in progress, to push ahead my own researches, and to encourage others engaged in similar pursuits. When, in the autumn of 1964, I learned that Octagon Books was planning a reprint, I at once consulted the Columbia University Press, under whose license the reprint was to be issued, about the possibility of a preliminary revision at this stage. It was agreed that, while a fullscale revision was out of the question, one of limited scope was as feasible as it would be desirable. For the present revision I have drawn on the following materials: I. Corrections and additions made by Kenney himself in his hand copy.— This copy, along with all of Kenney’s books, was bequeathed to University College Dublin and now forms part of its library. I am greatly indepted to the college librarian, Miss Ellen Power, for having placed this precious book at my unlimited disposal. Kenney’s entries range from the marking of broken type to the addition of bibliographical references and the questioning of particular statements. In point of time, unfortunately, they do not go beyond 1931. IX



2. Reviews.— I have read carefully all the reviews of Kenney’s book that have come to my notice. Four of the reviewers make substantial contributions to the subject in question: Dom L. Gougaud, O.S.B., in RHE X X V I (1930), 663-6; E. Gwynn in EHR X L V I (1931), 484-5; W. Levison in Hist. Zs. C X L V (1931-32), 580-2; and F. Lot in Le Moyen Age, 3d ser., X L (1930), 240-79. All criticism of detail by these and other reviewers has been taken into account; it has, of course, been impossible to take up issues of a more general nature such as those raised by F. Lot. 3. M y own notes from learned literature up to 1931 (the year at which Kenney’s revision stops).— For practical reasons, however, this limit has been exceeded in two directions. First, I have changed the form of Kenney’s references to manuscript wherever it differs from the present shelfmark or catalogue number. I have neglected only such minor inconsistencies as RIA 13.P. 16 and R IA 13 P 16, or Bodl. Auct. III. 15 and Bodl.Auct.3.15 (the second form, in either instance, being that of the latest catalogue) because there can be no danger of confusion. Second, I have revised all datings of manuscripts in the light of recent research. The technique of reproduction here employed has made it impossible to give my reasons or to quote my authorities. In many instances the datings are those of Dr. E. A. Lowe’s Codices Latini An­ tiquiores; others have been provided by Professor Bernhard Bischoff of Munich, privately as well as in his published work. For illuminated manuscripts I have consulted also the art historians, in particular Fran­ çoise Henry and Carl Nordenfalk; for biblical texts the Sigla volume of the Beuron Vetus Latina; and for liturgical manuscripts Klaus Gamber’s Codices Latini Laturgici. In other instances the responsibility is entirely mine. For technical reasons, only line corrections have been made in the actual text; the remainder has been gathered into Addenda, 1966, and Corrigenda, following upon the Addenda of the first edition. It is hoped that this reissue of Kenney’s Sources will be found to present the work purged of those minor blemishes which no pioneer can entirely avoid and which the author himself was most anxious to elim­ inate, and that it will play its part in the continued progress of studies in early Irish history along the lines laid down by Kenney {Cath. Hist. Rev. X VII, 1931, 1-9) thirty-five years ago. Ludwig Bieler University College Dublin.

PREFACE T he work of which the present volume is the first part is designed to serve as an introduction and guide to the study of the written sources for the early history of Ireland, so far as they have been made available in print. The period treated is that prior to the Anglo-Norman inva­ sion, and terminates about a .d. 1170. The volume now published deals with the sources that have a character or associations predomi­ nantly ecclesiastical, and also with the references to Ireland that are found in the ancient writers of continental Europe and of Britain. It is hoped that a second volume may cover the Irish secular sources and such later foreign records as do not relate chiefly to ecclesiastical affairs. No absolute lines of division have, however, been drawn, either in time limits or in subject classification. The two volumes will, it is believed, constitute a fairly complete survey of the documentary— the word is used in its broadest sense — sources of early Irish history. An excel­ lent guide to the archaeological sources is already provided by Dr. Macalister’s The Archaeology of Ireland. The scope of this survey has been made as broad as possible so as to cover all significant documents illustrative of old Irish life and civili­ sation. The sources listed are primarily those that can be consulted in printed editions, but notice has also been taken of some of the rela­ tively few texts that are still confined to the manuscripts. Moreover, although the book is not a catalogue of manuscripts, some account is given of all important codices, written by Irish hands or under Irish influence within the period under consideration, of which facsimiles, analyses of the contents, or other descriptions have been published. The normal treatment of each source is to give, first, the title and the date, or approximate date, followed by the incipit and explicit of the text; then a bibliographical paragraph, listing manuscripts and editions and the more valuable commentaries in books or periodicals; finally, a summary exposition of the character and significance of the document, and of the results of such noteworthy critical study as it may have received. From this scheme there are, of course, many divergences; especially in the treatment of foreign sources it has often seemed unnecessary to provide so full a critical apparatus. In the introductions, with their bibliographies, to the several chapters, sections, xi



and subsections, an attempt has been made to present briefly the general characteristics and the historical settings of the various groups into which the sources have been classified. The writer began his investigations into the historical records of Ireland when he was a graduate student at the University of Wisconsin in 1907-1908. The plan of the book took definite shape when he was at Columbia University in 1909-1910. The work was continued slowly through later years when the greater part of his time and energy had to be given to other tasks. In November, 1926, the manuscript of the present volume was placed in the hands of the printer. It was pos­ sible to make some slight changes in the text after it had reached the printer, but for the most part material that was either first published or first brought to the author’s notice since that date has been treated in the Addenda at the end of the volume. To those Addenda the atten­ tion of the reader is directed. It is a matter of regret that individual acknowledgment cannot here be made of the assistance that has been so fully and freely given by many scholars — historians and librarians — in both America and Europe. To five among them, however, the author feels that he must render explicit homage. To Dr. John L. Gerig, of Columbia University, under whom he studied Old and Middle Irish, he has appealed repeat­ edly for information and advice, and always with success. The late Kuno Meyer read a large part of the manuscript while it was still in relatively crude form. His kindly approbation is a treasured memory, and his suggestions and emendations have contributed materially to the making of the book. Father Paul Grosjean, S.J., of the Society of Bollandists, has shown an interest of the most helpful kind in the welfare of the work; to his keen observation, critical acumen and broad scholarship every section of it is indebted. The debt would have been still greater had it not been that the text was already in proof when it first came to his attention. Dr. James T. Shotwell, former editor of the series, has not only by counsel and criticism guided the author’s efforts, but also by his own unflagging patience and enthusiasm kept him keyed to the task through long and difficult years. To him and his successor in the editor’s chair it is due that the volume ever reached the stage where publication was possible, just as publication itself is due to the generosity of the Columbia University Press. James F. K enney . T edavnet, Ottawa, C anada. Lá Fhéile Pádraig, 1929.


Editor’s F oreword.................................................................................




r e fa ce to


66 R

e p r in t


P reface ......................................................................................................


A bbreviations...........................................................................................


I. History in I reland ...................................................................................



I. The Early Records — Pre-Viking Period: p. i. II. The Early Records — Post-Viking Period: p. 7. III. Transmission of the Records — Later Middle Ages: p. 16. IV. Transmission of the Records — The English Conquest: p. 26. V. Ascendancy, Anglicisa­ tion, Emancipation: p. 48. VI. Modern Scholarship and the Gaelic Revival: p. 69. VII. The Chief Collections of Manuscripts: p. 84.

General B ibliography............................................................................. II. I reland in the A ncient W orld


T oaboutA.D, 700.................................. n o

I. Prolegomena — Ireland and the Irish before Written History: p. 110. II. Phoenicians and Greeks: p. 118. III. The Roman Empire: p. 128. IV. Gaul and Spain: p. 139. V. Britain: p. 147. III.

T he I rish C hurch in the“ C eltic ” P eriod.......................................... 156 I. The Coming of the Faith: p. 157. II. Early Relations with Brit­ ish Christianity: p.170. III. Renewal of Intercourse with Continental Europe — St. Columbanus: p. 183. IV. The Paschal Controversy: p. 210. V. The English Mission: p. 224. VI. Ecclesiastical Legisla­ tion— Canons and Penitentials: p. 235. V II. The Beginnings of Christián Literature: p. 250.


T he M onastic Churches, T heir F ounders and T raditions — P art I: T he P rimitive F oundations................................................................ 288 I. Manuscript Collections of Acta Sanctorum: p. 304. II. Ancient Churches of Southern Ireland: p. 309. III. Árd-Macha (Armagh), the Paruchia Patricii, and the Patrick Legend: p. 319. IV. Cell-dara (Kildare) and St. Brigit: p. 356. V. Inis-Cathaig (Iniscathy, Scattery Island) and St. Senán: p. 364. VI. Cell-Sléibhe-Cuilinn (Killeevy) and St. Monenna: p. 366.


T he M onastic C hurches — P art II: C hurches of the Sixth to N inth C enturies; General T reatises ................................................. 372 I. The Monastic Churches — Foundations of the Sixth Century: p.372. II. The Churches and Legend of St. Brendan: p. 406. III. St. Columba, or Colum-cille, and the Paruchia Columbae — The Irish Mission in North Britain: p. 422. IV. The Monastic Churches —




Foundations of the Seventh Century: p. 448. V. Church Founda­ tions of Uncertain Date: p. 465. VI. The Reform Movement of the Eighth and Ninth Centuries — The Céli-Dé (Culdees) : p. 468. VII. General Treatises on the Saints: p. 478.


T he E xpansion of I rish C hristianity From the Seventh to the Twelfth Century............................................................................................................. 486 I. Irish Influences in the Merovingian Dominions in the Seventh Century: p. 489. II. Perrona Scottorum, and the Irish in Picardy and Flanders: p. 500. III. The Irish Missionaries in Southwestern Germany: p. 511. IV. The Abbey of Bobbio: p. 515. V. Irish Influences in Continental Europe in the Eighth Century: p. 517. VI. Irish Scholars in the Carolingian Empire under Charles the Great and Louis the Pious: p. 530. V II. The Circle of Sedulius: p. 553. VIII. Johannes Eriugena and the Irish Colony of Laon and Reims: p. 569. IX . The Abbey of St. Gall: p. 594. X . Other Records of the Irish in Continental Europe in the Ninth Century: p. 600. X I. The Irish Abroad in the Tenth, Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries: p. 605.


R eligious L iterature and E cclesiastical C ulture Seventh to Twelfth Century................................................................................................................. 62a A. B iblical and I ntellectual: p. 623. I. The Bible: p. 623. II. Books of the Monastic Schools: p. 659. B. L iturgical and D evotional: p. 683. I. Treatises on Liturgical Subjects: p. 687. II. Books for the Use of Priests and Bishops at the Mass and Other Services: p. 689. III. Books for the Divine Office, and Collections of Similar Liturgical Texts: p. 706. IV. Books for Private Devotions: p. 718. V. Irish Texts of Certain Christian Religious Documents: p. 722. VI. Hymns, Prayers and Other Devotional Compositions of Irish Origin or Char­ acter: p. 723.

C. Homiletical, Apocryphal, and I maginative: p.732. V III.

T he R eform M ovement of the T welfth C entury .......................... 745 I. The “ Broom out of Fánad” : p. 749. II. The Church of Cenannas (Kells) in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries: p. 753. III. AngloNorman Ecclesiastical Intrusion in Ireland: p. 757. IV. The Organ­ isation of the Episcopate and the Introduction of Foreign Religious Orders: p. 763.

Addenda ...................................................................................................... 773 A ddenda, 1966............................................ 791 C orrigenda.................................


I ndex

799 M APS [A t the End of the Volume]

E cclesiastical Ireland in the E arly M iddle A ges E x ter n a l R elations

of th e

I rish C hurch

in th e

E a r l y M iddle A ges

ABBREVIATIONS A A . SS. Boll. =Acta Sanctorum of the Bollandists [cf. p. 289 infra], A A. SS. ex Cod. S. = Acta Sanctorum ex Codice Salmanticensi [cf. p. 304]. AB = Antiphonary of Bangor. A B = Warren’s ed. [cf. pp. 706-7]. A C = Annals of Connacht. A C L = Archiv für celtische Lexicographie [cf. p. 94]. AdeJ = Henri d’Arbois de Jubainville. AdeJ Cat. = Essai d'un catalogue de la lit­ térature épique de l'Irlande; AdeJ CLC = Cours de littérature celtique [cf. pp. 92, 106]. AH = Archivium Hibernicum [cf. p. 94]. AH R = American Historical Review [cf. p. 93]. A LC = Annals of Loch Cé. A LC — Hennessy’s ed. [cf. pp. 34, 104]. An. Boll. = Analecta Bollandiana [cf. p. 289]. An. hymn. = Analecta hymnica medii aevi. Blume An. hymn. L I = Clemens Blume Die Hymnen des Thesaurus Hymnologicus H. A . Daniels I [cf. p. 250]. Anec. = Anecdota from Irish manuscripts [cf. p. 104]. Anec. Oxon. = Anecdota Oxoniensia [cf. p. 72]. AU = Annals of Ulster. A U = ed. by Hennessy and MacCarthy [cf. pp. 23, 66]. BB = Book of Ballymote [cf. p. 24]. Bede H E = Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum [cf. p. 230]. Bibi. hag. lot. = Bibliotheca hagiographica latina of the Bollandists; Supp. = Supple­ mentum [cf. p. 288]. Bk. Fen. = Book of Fenagh [cf. p. 401]. Bk. Fer. = Book of Fermoy [cf. p. 24]. Bk. Lee. = Great Book of Lecan [cf. p. 25]. Bk. Lis. = Book of Lismore [cf. pp. 25, 308]. BM = British Museum, London. BN = Bibliothèque nationale, Paris. BN E = Charles Plummer Bethada Náem nÉrenn Lives of Irish Saints [cf. p. 290]. Bodl. = Bodleian Library, Oxford. Bouquet = Martin Bouquet etc. Rerum Gallicarum et Francicarum scriptores [cf. p. 103]CGG = J. H. Todd Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh The War of the Gaedkil with the Gaill [cf. p. 104]. Cod. K. = Codex Kilkenniensis [cf. p. 305]. Cod. S. = Codex Salmanticensis [cf. p. 304]. Colgan A A . SS. — Colgan Acta Sanctorum . . . Hiberniae; Tr. Thaum. — Triadis Tkaumaturgae [cf. pp. 41, 289]. Corp. SS. eccl. lot. — Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum [cf. p. 104]. CS = Chronicum Scotorum. CS = Hennessy’s ed. [cf. pp. 65,104]. DNB — Dictionary of National Biography [cf. p. 105]. XV



Duine Memento = F. Duine Memento des sources hagiographiques de Vhistoire de Bretagne [cf. p. 170]. Eg. = Egerton MSS in the British Museum [cf. p. 90 n. 374]. EHR — English Historical Review [cf. p. 93]. EW = Emst Windisch. f., ff. = folio, folios. Fél. Oeng. = Félire, or Calendar, of Oengus. Fêl. Oeng.1 = first ed. (Dublin 1880); F el. Oeng.1 = second ed. (London 1905) [cf. pp. 479-80]. Flower Cat. = R. Flower Catalogue of Irish manuscripts in the British Museum vol. II [cf. p. 90]. FM = Annals of the Four Masters. F M = O’Donovan’s ed. [cf. pp. 43, 66]. 3 Frags. = O’Donovan Annals of Ireland Three Fragments [cf. p. 45]. Hardy Cat. = T . D. Hardy Descriptive catalogue of materials relating to the history of Great Britain and Ireland [cf. p. 91]. Harl. = Harleian collection of MSS in the British Museum [cf. p. 88]. Hist. Zs. = Historische Zeitschrift [cf. p. 93]. HZ = Heinrich Zimmer. H&S = Haddan and Stubbs Councils and ecclesiastical documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland [cf. p. 104]. IAS — Irish Archaeological Society [cf. p. 64]. IA&CS = Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society [cf. p. 64]. 1ER = Irish Ecclesiastical Record [cf. p. 94]. Ir. Sage: see RTh. I T *= Irische Texte [cf. p. 104]. IT S = Publications of the Irish Texts Society [cf. p. 81]. J T S = Journal of Theological Studies [cf. p. 93]. K M = Kuno Meyer. LA = Liber Ardmachanus, Book of Armagh. LA = Gwynn’s ed. [cf. p. 337]. Laud = Laud collection of MSS in the Bodleian Library [cf. p. 87]. Unless otherwise stated, the reference is to the “ Miscellaneous” series. LBr = Lebar Brecc, or Speckled Book [cf. p. 25]. LH = Liber Hymnorum. LH(F) = the Franciscan Convent MS; LH(T) = the Trinity College MS. LH 1 = Todd’s ed. (1855-69); LH 2 = ed. by Bernard and Atkinson (1898) [cf. p. 716]. Lis. Lives = Whitley Stokes Lives of saints from the Book of Lismore [cf. p. 308]. L L = Lebar Laignech, or Book of Leinster [cf. p. 15]. LU = Lebar na hUidre, or Book of the Dun [Cow] [cf. p. 15]. Mabillon A A. SS. 0. s. B. = Acta Sanctorum ordinis sancti Benedicti ed. J. Mabillon, etc. [cf. p. 289]. M acN = Eóin [John] MacNeill. Manitius Lot. Lit. — Max Manitius Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters [cf. p.91]. Mart. = Martyrology. Mart. Don. = O’Donovan, Todd and Reeves Martyrology of Donegal [cf. p. 485].



MGH = Monumenta Germaniae Historica. The abbreviations for the several series are usually readily comprehensible; 55 = the Scriptores [rerum Germanicarum] series begun by Pertz [cf. p. 103]. MHB = Monumenta Historica Britannica [cf. p. 104]. Migne PG = J. P. Migne Patrologiae cursus completus Series graeca et orientalis. Migne P L = Series latina [cf. p. 104]. Moran Essays = P. F. Moran Essays on the origin, doctrines and discipline of the early Irish Church [cf. p. 109]. NA = Neues Archiv der Gessellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde [cf. p. 93]. O’C = Eugene O’Curry, or Curry. O’C M S Mat. = Lectures on the manuscript materials of ancient Irish history; O’C M & C = Manners and customs of the ancient Irish [cf. pp. 92, 109]. O’D = John O’Donovan. O’Grady Cat. = Standish H. O’Grady Catalogue of Irish manuscripts in the British Museum vol. I; O’Grady SG = Silva Gadelica [cf. pp. 90, 104]. 01 = Old Irish. PH = Robt. Atkinson The passions and the homilies from Leabhar Breac [cf. p. 740]. Proc. = Proceedings. Rawl. = Rawlinson collection of MSS in the Bodleian Library [cf. p. 88]. RC = Revue Celtique [cf. p. 94]. Reeves Ad. = William Reeves The Life of St. Columba by Adamnan [cf. p. 430]. Rer. Hib. 55 . = O’Conor Rerum Hibernicarum scriptores veteres [cf. p. 104]. RH — Revue Historique [cf. p. 93]. RHE = Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique [cf. p. 93]. R IA = Royal Irish Academy. Roger L ’Enseignement = M. Roger L ’Enseignement des lettres classiques d’Ausone à Alcuin [cf. p. 106]. RS = Rolls Series [cf. p. 104]. RSAI = Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. RTh = Rudolf Thumeysen. RTh Ir. Sage = Die irische Helden- und Königsage [cf. p. 79]. s = saeculumt century. Schmitz I = H. J. Schmitz Die Bussbücher und die Bussdisciplin der Kirche; Schmitz II = Die Bussbücher und die kanonische Bussverfahren [cf. p. 235]. SHR = Scottish Historical Review [cf. p. 94]. Skene Piets and Scots = W. F. Skene Chronicles of the Piets, Chronicles of the Scots and other early memorials of Scottish history [cf. p. 104]. SS = Scriptores, scriptorum, etc.; Sancti, sanctorum, etc. Stowe = Stowe collection of MSS in the Royal Irish Academy [cf. p. 89]. T C D = Trinity College, Dublin. Thes. Pal. = Stokes and Strachan Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus [cf. p. 104]. Tig. = Annals of Tigernach. Tig. = ed. by Whitley Stokes in the Revue Celtique

W- p. 75}Trans. = Transactions; translation, translated, etc.



UJA = Ulster Journal of Archaeology [cf. p. 94]. Ussher Sylloge = Jas. Ussher Veterum epistolarum Hibernicarum sylloge [cf. p. 104]. Van der Essen Étude = L. Van der Essen Étude critique et littéraire sur les vitae des sahús mérovingiens de Vancienne Belgique [cf. p. 486]. Vat. = Vatican Library, Rome. Vit. Trip. = Vita Tripartita, the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick. Vit. Trip. — ed. by Whitley Stokes [cf. pp. 104, 342]. VV. SS. Hib. = Plummer Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae [cf. p. 290]. Warren Lit. = F. E. Warren Liturgy and ritual of the Celtic Church [cf. p. 684]. Wattenbach DGQ = W. Wattenbach Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter [cf. p. 91]. WS = Whitley Stokes. Y B L = Yellow Book of Lecan [cf. p. 24]. Z = Johann Kaspar Zeuss. Z 1 = Grammatica Celtica, first ed. (1853); Z * = second ed. (1871) [cf. p. 95]. Z C P = Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie [cf. p. 94]. Z K = Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte [cf. p. 93]. Zs. = Zeitschrift. In bibliographical references the number of the volume is usually indicated by Roman numerals, capitals; the number of the part, chapter, or section by Roman numerals, small; and the number of the page or column by Arabic numerals. Occasionally a suprascript Arabic numeral is used to indicate the number of the edition. In dating, the following signs and abbreviations have been employed: c = “ about” ; - in = the beginning, and -ex — the end, of the century of which the number is given; the sign / = “ o r” ; — signifies the whole period of which the first and last dates are given; and x, that the date in question falls somewhere within the period so indicated.

CH APTER I H ISTO RY IN IRELAN D I. T he E arly R ecords— P re -V iking P eriod T he great majority of the written sources for the history of Ireland in the early middle ages are due to two sets of institutions, the monas­ tic churches and the secular orders of learning. Although occasionally compositions in prose or verse may have been produced outside these specialised circles, it was only within them that the organisation and machinery existed to ensure the preservation of such texts.

Christianity came into Ireland in the fifth, or, quite probably, the fourth century. It brought with it the Latin language and the art of writing. Latin became the ecclesiastical language of Ireland as of the rest of western Europe, and seems to have been used as freely in Irish church circles as in those of lands where it was, in some form, the daily speech of the people. But in Ireland the speech of the people was Irish, and Irish was a language with both a national and a literary prestige. Although individual ecclesiastics may have occasionally dis­ played the scorn of their continental brethren for the vulgar tongue, the Church as a whole took Irish into its service in a spirit of liberal utilitarianism. The Latin system of writing was applied to Goidelic, and all through the middle ages Irish orthography retained marks of its origin in a society dominated by the Latin speech of foreign mis­ sionaries. Although Latin was the official language, employed in the great majority of formal documents, Irish was in constant use, especially for devotional, expository, and interpretative writings. The following is a summary list of the chief classes of texts which were produced or preserved in the monasteries: (i) acta sanctorum, generally the Lives of founders of monasteries; also calendars, martyrologies, and like documents; (2) disciplinary regulations, including monastic rules, church canons, penitentials; (3) devotional composi­ tions— hymns, prayers, religious poems, etc.; (4) homiletic literature;



(5) theological and philosophical compositions, especially works of exegesis; (6) imaginative religious literature, including voyage and vision tales and semi-apocryphal matter, to which may be added proph­ ecies; (7) letters, charters, and other documents of a diplomatic char­ acter; (8) annals and chronicles. In addition there were the various church and school books, the common heritage of Latin Christianity, some of which acquired an Irish identity either by variations in the text or by the attached commentary: (9) the Sacred Scriptures; (10) apocrypha; (11) the writings of the Fathers and of other famous churchmen; (12) liturgical books and documents; (13) works of Latin classical authors, and possibly a few Greek texts; (14) treatises on Latin grammar; (15) scientific texts, chiefly astronomical, computistical and geographical writings. Beside the ecclesiastical learning stood the secular.1 In ancient Gaul there were three orders of learning— the druids, the bards, and — and it is probable that in those whom classical writers call vates23 pagan Ireland a similar organisation existed. In Christian times the druids had disappeared, after a struggle against the new religion which is celebrated in various hagiographical compositions. The bards remained, although occupying an inferior status. The vates were repre­ sented by two bodies, the brehons, or jurisconsults, and the filid? These filid were the official savants and littérateurs of Ireland, to whom was entrusted the care of the national traditions, literature and scholarship. The separation of the functions of the brehon (brithem, brethem, plur. brithemin) from those of the fili (plur. filid) had taken place, it would appear, in pre-Christian times.4 The brehon was not a judge; in Ireland, as in other early societies, what we would call “ the administration of justice” as well as “ the preservation of law and order” was a function of the king. The brehon resembled the Roman jurisconsult; he was the specialist who knew, pre­ served, and to some degree developed the law, to whom disputes and difficulties were referred, and whose decision or opinion was usually accepted as binding. He taught the law to his disciples, by whom his interpretations and commentaries would be handed on from generation to generation. The treatises now commonly known as the “ Brehon 1 On the secular learning of ancient Ireland see especially AdeJ CLC I; also his “ Les bardes en Irlande et dans le pays de Galles” RH V III (1878) 1-9. 2 The word survived in Irish as fâith, “ prophet.” 3 Believed to be from a root * vel-, “ to see.” 4 The memory of this separation is incorporated into the tale entitled Immocallam in dá thmrad, “ Col­ loquy of the two sages.”



Laws”— parts of them possibly as old as the sixth century— were the text-books of these ancient law schools. They were the only law records. There were no collections of case law or statute law. A small number of famous decisions— usually with legendary settings— are preserved in the text-books, but there was no official registration of judgments; and although formal legislation, of a kind and on rare occasions, took place, the terms of such enactments were simply handed down as part of the general senchasy history, of the nation. The filid were a larger body than the brehons, with less specialised functions but a more developed organisation. They formed a close corporation, having a hierarchical order of dignities, a.professional soli­ darity and esprit de corps, an esoteric teaching, including secret lan­ guages and cryptic writings, and an elaborate system of training recruits. According to legendary accounts they formed, in early ages, an itinerant fraternity, unrestrained by any ties or regulations, and wielding a tremendous power because of their prestige and the universal dread of their satire. So oppressive did they become by their increas­ ing numbers, insolence and exactions that a national assembly was summoned to decree their banishment. This is localised at the mórdáil, or “ grand convention,” of Druim-Cetta, in 575, where, we are told, St. Colum-cille defended the filid, of whom he himself was one, with the result that they were not expelled, but reduced in numbers and given fixed appointments in the various states. In later times each túath, or state, seems to have had lands set apart for the support of an oilam, or fili of the highest rank, and perhaps for other members of the order; and their rights of travelling and refection, although retained, were limited by rule, as were also the rewards they might demand for panegyrical compositions. Each fili was expected to maintain and reach a number of pupils, and in some places there were large schools oi filidecht, with a nation-wide reputation. In the system of education of the filid, which originated in the days before the introduction of writing, memorisation and mental and oral exercises played a dominant part. At an early date, however, they took over from the ecclesiastics the method of writing the Irish language which these latter had evolved. This innovation Eóin MacNeill believes to be due to a certain Cenn-Faelad, who fought at the battle of Mag Roth (anglice Moira) in 637, and died in 679.5 In literary style and ideals also the filid underwent “ Latinist” influence, either ecclesiastical 6 MacN “ A Pioneer of Nations” Studies X I (Mar., Sept., 1922) 13-28, 435-46.



or secular. Most important was the influence on metrics: the majority of scholars agree that the classical system of Irish versification, which prevailed from the eighth to the seventeenth century, was in its origin based on the Latin versification of the later Roman empire. A most elaborate scheme of metre was built up by the Irish poets, and training in these metres formed a large part of the education of the filid, while the rank of members of the order was determined in part by the metres they were qualified and entitled to use. Such, and much else, was the technical side of filidecht, the lore of the filid. The other side, the knowledge to which this technique might be applied, included the bulk of the secular learning of the time, and especially what was known as senchas (stem sen, “ old” ), a word of wide significance, embracing his­ tory, both local and national, archaeology, myth, folk-lore, romance, topography, genealogy, and the customary rights, privileges and obli­ gations of kings and states. The following were the chief classes of texts composed or transmitted by the filid: (i) sagas or romances — in Irish scêla (sing, scêl) — and poems on mythical, heroic or semi-historical subjects; (2) historical narratives and poems, often hardly to be distinguished from the pre­ ceding; (3) topographical matter, especially the dindsenchas— literally, “ antiquities of fortified places” ; (4) genealogies, regnal lists, and sim­ ilar historical records; (5) official poetry, panegyrics, obituary eulo­ gies, etc.; (6) texts relating to the customary duties and prerogatives of kings and peoples; (7) satire; (8) lyrical and miscellaneous poetry; (9) didactic, gnomic and proverbial literature; (10) charms, incanta­ tions, and other magical texts; (11) grammatical treatises, glossaries, works on metre; (12) translations and adaptations from foreign litera­ tures. Certain features of this source-material as a whole are worthy of note. First is the extent and importance of the secular sources. In them we have the productions of the mind of an early mediaeval people practically unmodified by ecclesiastical control. Nothing similar to the organised secular learning and literature of Ireland existed else­ where in contemporary western Europe. This literature presents to us not only the thought and life of the society from which it immedi­ ately sprang, but also, because of the fact that a considerable portion of it consists of evidently well-preserved traditions of an older age, extraordinarily interesting reflections from primitive, pre-Christian, pre-Roman stages in the development of European culture. In Ireland, thanks to her freedom from Roman domination, to the absence of anti­



national bias in her Church, to the existencè of a powerful body of literati specially devoted to the perpetuation of the ancient tradition, and to the relatively early application of writing to the vernacular language, we have sources of the highest value to the student of the proto-history either of Europe or of mankind. Second is the almost complete absence of official archives and diplo­ matic documents. No doubt the present dearth of these is in part due to the calamities which overtook all the literature and records of Ireland. Documents that had no literary or religious appeal, that had value only as evidence of official acts or of material rights and privileges, would fare particularly ill through the accumulated disasters of six centuries which wiped out and rendered a thing of naught the whole ancient social and political system of the country. For example: the only extant charters of earlier date than the twelfth century owe their preservation to the chance that they were entered on the blank pages of that wonderful art treasure, the Book of Kells. Nevertheless it is certain that if early Irish diplomata do not exist to-day the chief reason is that they never did exist in quantity. This was in part due to the antecedent history of the country and to the generally simple character of its society and government. Ireland did not share that tradition of the use of written records for administrative and other official purposes which all the states that were heirs of the Roman empire in some degree inherited. It was also in part due to certain special peculiarities of the Irish political system. One such was the nature of the state, or túath, a comparatively small community of people inhabiting a quite limited extent of territory— there were about one hundred of these txiatha in the ninth and tenth centuries.6 The Irish túath resembled in several respects the Greek 7rôÀiç; there was a similar limitation to such size as made government a matter of personal relationship for each citizen; a similar sanctity arising from a long historic or mythical antiquity; and a similar general popular respect for local autonomy. The autonomy of each tuath— which did not necessarily imply exemp­ tion from the rendering of military service or the payment of tribute to the king of another state— was one of the broad principles of old Irish polity. The Irish mind— like the Greek— did not grasp, or, at any rate, did not approve the idea of a wide territorial sovereignty involving the need of an administrative machinery and a clerical service standing between the ruler and the people. Another Irish peculiarity militating against the growth of a clerical service and its complement, a body of ®M acN Phases of Irish History (1919) 274; Celtic Ireland (1921) 73 sqq.



official archives, was the character of the kingship. The king, ordinarily, attended to his duties in person. He succeeded not by inheritance but by election, and he was expected to retire when physical or mental disabilities rendered him incapable of performing his functions. No minor and no manifestly incompetent adult occupied an Irish throne, with the result that there was neither such opportunity nor such incen­ tive for the development of an administrative bureaucracy attached to the court as existed in other lands. Finally, Church and State were more clearly separated in Ireland than elsewhere in Christian Europe. On the Continent, and even in Anglo-Saxon England, when the king needed the assistance of men of learning he could turn only to the bishops and abbots of his kingdom and the chaplains of his household, all of whom had received through the Church some­ thing of the Roman tradition of the use of the written record. In Ireland his brehon and his ollam stood beside the king, in whom he had counsellors with a long tradition of service;— in which, however, the written record did not play a part. Only very rarely do we hear of a churchman holding the position of a king’s minister; and, of course, even in the Church in Ireland the Empire tradition was weak. A third noteworthy feature of these old Irish sources is their essen­ tially national character. They are, with but few and partial exceptions, sources for the history of Ireland as a whole, and it is evident that their authors had in view an audience from all Ireland. Particularism in things political may have been as pronounced in Hibernia as in Hellas, but Irish civilisation showed less local divergences than did Hellenic. In things spiritual and intellectual Ireland was one. Neither in the Old Irish nor in the Middle Irish period of the language are there any notable signs of dialectical distinctions. Likewise no cleavage appears in religion, law, literature, social and political customs. Local diversi­ ties there were, of course, but subject to an unified whole. Church, brehons, filid, bards, all were national institutions, the members of which travelled freely from school to school and from state to state, and show in all their writings their appreciation, consciously or uncon­ sciously expressed, that the culture of which they were part was the common and distinct heritage of the whole Irish people. In addition to the sources of Irish origin there are those of foreign origin. These consist of (i) references to Ireland in works by foreign writers; (2) acta sanctorum and other records of Irishmen abroad; and (3) the writings of these expatriated Gaels, writings which covered much the same range of subjects as those produced in the monasteries



at home. These form a very considerable and very valuable body of documents. The whole expansion movement of the Irish Church from the sixth to the twelfth century is one of the important phases of mediaeval Irish history. The fact worthy of special note here, however, is that, because of the immeasurably better preservation of early docu­ ments on the continent of Europe than in Ireland, we have far more material relating to individual careers among these exiles than to those of their contemporaries, a thousand times more numerous, who remained at home. It is to the manuscript collections of Europe that we must go for really first-rate biographical material regarding Irishmen of lead­ ing in the religious and intellectual world of the early middle ages, and it is in the writings of these men, trained in Ireland but working abroad, that we find the most important examples extant to-day of some of those classes of sources listed above as the products of the monastic schools of Erin.

II. T he E arly R ecords— P ost-V iking P eriod The onslaught of the Norse sea-kings was the next great movement, after the introduction of Christianity, to affect seriously Irish life and civilisation. These freebooters began their attacks in 795, and con­ tinued to be a constant menace for more than two centuries. The his­ tory of the struggle cannot here be even sketched. It must be sufficient to indicate the chief features of the war: in its first stage, which lasted through much of the ninth century, it consisted of pillaging descents on the coast, with raids inland which penetrated deeper and deeper until all parts of the island were being harassed, but with the enemy usually sailing home before the winter storms began; in the second stage, permanent settlements were made at strategic havens, which served as bases for plundering forays into the interior and for more or less continuous efforts at the subjugation of the neighboring states; in the third stage great expeditions were from time to time assembled from the far-flung sea-empire of the Scandinavians and directed to attempts at conquest on a large scale. The characteristics of each of these stages, however, persisted into those which followed. In the second stage the Hiberno-Norse towns of Dublin, Waterford and Lim­ erick were founded— Dublin perhaps as early as 841, Waterford and Limerick not later than the first quarter of the tenth century. In the third stage the greatest of the northern invasions met decisive defeat



at the battle of Clontarf (Clúain-tarbh, “ Bull Meadow” ) in 1014. Thereafter the Northmen seem to have abandoned hope of subjugating Ireland,7 and their settlements tended more and more to accept the status of principalities within the Irish polity. It is necessary now to consider some of the effects of this long strug­ gle with a strange and heathen foe. In the first place, Ireland was involved in a whole new set of inter­ national relations. The activities of the Scandinavians extended from Greenland in the west to Constantinople in the east. Their settlements in Ireland, and particularly Dublin, became important maritime centres, well known throughout northern and western Europe. They were traders as well as robbers; in the eleventh and twelfth centuries the greater part of the foreign commerce of Ireland was in their hands, and there is no doubt of their trading extensively with the Irish even before Clontarf. Friendly intercourse between Irish and Norse had not been uncommon. Many Irish, either freely or of compulsion, amalgamated with the invaders. Irish blood formed a not inconsid­ erable element in the colonisation of Iceland. The Norse settlers in Ireland were in time Christianised and partially Hibernicised. And when, partly under Irish influence, a great Norse literature arose in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, it produced a long series of com­ positions which serve as sources for the history of the war in Ireland and for the careers of the Hiberno-Norse in the Scottish isles and in Iceland. Less satisfactory were the effects on the Irish Church and on the scholarship which had flourished under its protection. Throughout the whole struggle, but more especially in its earlier phases, the monas­ teries were peculiarly the objectives of the enemy’s attacks. They were numerous, easily accessible, capable of offering little resistance, and usually sources of considerable booty. A large portion of the record of the war in the Irish chronicles is a record of the plundering and destruction of churches. We hear of Armagh being sacked nine or ten times, Clonmacnois ten or eleven times, Kells five times, Glendalough four times, Lismore perhaps six times, Kildare some sixteen or seven­ teen times. Only the more important churches are, in general, noticed by the annals, and of these the story is meagre and probably incomplete. The Irish themselves in this as in other respects acquired anti-religious 7 There were threats of danger, such as the expedition which the Norwegian king Magnus “ Barefoot’* led in 1 103, hut they passed away without materialisation.



habits from contact with their enemies. Attacks on churches, while not unknown, had been rare before the ninth century; in the tenth and eleventh they became not infrequent episodes in inter-state hostilities. An evil result to religion and learning from all this was inevitable. It is possible that the Irish Church would in any event have entered on a period of decline; the damage it received from the foreigners undoubt­ edly hastened the movement of dissolution and secularisation by which a majority of the old monasteries either disappeared entirely as religious institutions or were perpetuated only by a single priest or a few anchor­ ites. Nevertheless many of the churches came safely through the ordeal, and a few of the larger, notably Armagh, Clonmacnois, Derry and Lismore, seem to have grown in power and importance. The fate of the manuscripts belonging to these ancient monasteries is a subject of speçial interest. The historical saga Cogadh Gaedhel re Gzllaibh, “ War of the Irish with the Foreigners,” speaks of “ the burning and the drowning of their writings and their books in each church and in each sanctuary where they were, by the spoilers, from first to last.” 8 Whether the invaders displayed any peculiar enmity to books or not, :he destruction of a monastery would usually involve the destruction f its library. There is no doubt that the Viking ravages are responsible only a part of the present dearth of ancient Irish manuscripts; that large numbers which escaped the torch of the sea-kings perished in later times of trouble. But be that as it may, the fact remains that inly some ten manuscripts of older date than the year 1000 have sur­ vived on Irish soil.9 On the other hand, of the books which Irish emi­ grants carried with them to foreign lands well over fifty, complete or fragmentary, are still extant.10 It is difficult now to determine the remoter history of many of the Irish manuscripts in foreign libraries. Manuscripts were left, doubt­ less. wherever Irish monks went, and they were ubiquitous in western Europe. Lindisfarne must have had codices from Ireland, or, what * Ed. Todd, RS (1867) 138-9. • The Cathach, or Psalter of Colum-cille; Codex Usserianus I; Book of Durrow; Book of Mulling -Embodying at least two distinct MSS); Book of Dimma; Domnach Airgid; Book of Kells; Book of and Garland of Howth, or Codex Usserianus II. Cf. nos. 453-8, 467, 471, 474, 477. •W alther Schultze listed 117 Irish MSS, older than the eleventh century, in continental libraries Srm&übldlt fü r Bibliothekswesen, July 1889, pp. 287-96). He professes to give only a partial list of M 5 S, and does not enumerate any in the Vatican or, of course, in British libraries. But some of named by him are not now classed as Irish. W.*M. Lindsay, in the appendix to his Notae Latinae . lists 32 Irish MSS, 38 insular MSS (some of which, doubtless, are Irish), and several continental 5- ' ' copied from Irish originals, all preserved in foreign countries and all believed to be of date earlier A-D. 850. Moreover, with b u ta few exceptions, MSS in majuscule script were omitted by Lindsay.— It * probable that some of these distinctively Irish MSS were written abroad by Irish scribes, but this does itze seriously affect the argument.



to all intents was the same, from Iona. On the Continent Pertona Scottorum, Irish monastery in Picardy, to-day Péronne, probably had many Irish books before it was sacked by the Northmen in 880. Brit­ tany and Tours may also have served as entrepôts for Irish manuscripts. The chief collections, however, and three of the greatest monastic libra­ ries in Europe, came to be at Bobbio, St. Gall, and Reichenau. Bobbio, founded by the Irish saint, Columbanus, in 614, was a favorite resort of Irish ecclesiastics for centuries. So, too, was St. Gall, which, although not founded until the eighth century, had its origin as a church in the cell built there by another Irish saint, Gall, who was a companion of Columbanus. Reichenau, on an island in the lake of Constance, had not the same historical or sentimental attractions for Irishmen, but there is evidence that actual association was quite intimate, and that its library received donations from Irish monks.11 The most important accession of Irish books to Reichenau was, however, perhaps due to the fact that for a time it sheltered the library of St. Gall. In the year 925 an incursion of the Magyars led the monks of St. Gall to remove their books to Reichenau for safe-keeping. When the danger had passed and St. Gall was re-established, the same number of codices was brought back, we are told, from Reichenau, but not in all cases the identical volumes.12 It resulted that thereafter some of the Reichenau manuscripts were of St. Gall provenance. At home in Ireland the churches that survived the Viking storm experienced, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, important religious and intellectual developments. Two dominating and, in some, of their phases, antagonistic movements may be distinguished. One was the movement towards uniformity with the continental Church and towards religious reform in accordance with Cluniae ideals: this cul­ minated in the introduction of the Cistercian and other foreign religious orders, and in the substitution of an episcopal administrative system and a territorial organisation for the old Irish monastic organisation. It also paved the way, if it did not afford the occasion, for the AngloNorman invasion. The other movement was nationalist in character, and perhaps part of a general national reaction following on the Norse attacks. It showed itself in the expansion of the Irish at the expense of the Latin language in ecclesiastical usage, in the devotion of the clergy to the national literature and history, and in the elaborate study of the antiquities of the national Church. 11 Cf. pp. 86, 518, 550, 668, 675, 677 infra. it Ekkehard Casus St. Galli (no. 411 infra)'. M G E S S I I 105.



The chief note of the intellectual life of this era is the amalgama­ tion of secular and religious learning. Such a note was already struck, in the ninth or early tenth century, in that epic of the old Irish Church, the “ Voyage of St. Brendan.” Though based to a large degree on Gaelic sources it is written in Latin— perhaps the last notable HibernoLatin literary production. Characteristic of the succeeding centuries are the saints’ Lives in Irish, many of them translations from Latin; the Irish dramatic poems put in the mouths of famous saints, as Columcille and Moling; the Irish homilies, largely adopted or translated from Latin; the extensive commentaries in Irish on ancient religious texts. The shifting of emphasis from Latin to Irish is indicated by the appear­ ance of fer Uiginn (“ man of reading,” lecturer, master of studies) in place of scriba as the designation of the head of the intellectual activities of the monastery.13 It may be noted here that at a synod of the clergy of all Ireland, held at Cloenad (Clane, in Kildare), in 1162, it was decreed “ that no one should be a fer Uiginn in a monastic church in Ireland unless he were an alumnus of Armagh.” 14 In furtherance of this policy of mak­ ing Armagh the national university Ruadri hÚa Conchobuir (Rory O’Connor), king of Ireland, in 1169 “ gave ten cows each year from himself and from every king after him till doomsday to the fer Uiginn of Armagh, in honor of Patrick, to give lectures to students of Ireland and Scotland.” 15 The obituary notice of the man who was at this time head of the school of Armagh is given in 1174: “ Flann Ua Gormain, ârd-fer-Uiginn .chief /. /.] of Armagh and of all Ireland, a learned man, distinguished in divine and human wisdom, after having spent twenty-one years in study among the Franks and Saxons, and twenty years directing the schools i Ireland, died peacefully on the 13th of the Kalends of April [March the Wednesday before Easter, in the seventieth year of his age.” 16 T ie first prominent example of ecclesiastical interest in secular literature is that of bishop— if he was bishop— Cormac mac Cuilennáin, who became king of Munster, irA was slain in 908. He is reputed to have been the author or compiler of Sanas - ^maicy “ Cormac’s Glossary/' a dictionary of Irish words unusual or obsolete in In AU the ordinary use of the term scriba seems to end with 932, when the obit of Fer-domnach mac - — --*cáin, scribe of Clonard, is recorded. Exceptional later occurrences are under 989 — Dunchad ij. britn, of Clonmacnois; 1006 — Airmedach mac Coscraich, of Armagh; and 1098 — “ Mael-Isu -i scriba philosophiae Mumunensium, immo omnium Scotorum.” In this last entry, however, -'■ < -•-*« =eems to have a different signification. The title fer Uiginn is applied first in 879 to one Mochta, 1- ' ^ - ,h, who was, doubtless, the same man as the scriba of that name whose obit is given in 898. C/. Scribhneoir” in Smith and Cheetham Diet. Christ. Antiq. * AU. is AU. ic AU.



his time; of the earlier version of Leabkar na gCearty or the “ Book of Rights” of the kings of Ireland; and of the lost Saltair Caissil, the “ Psalter of Cashel,” apparently a collection of texts on historical, genealogical, and allied subjects. Other churchmen whom we know to have been interested in secular lore were Flann mac Máil-Máedóc (d. 977), airchinnech or official head 17 of the church of Glenn Uisen; Eochaid úa Flainn, or Flannacáin (d. 1004), airchinnech of one of the institutions at Armagh and of the church of Clúain-Fiachna (Clonfeacle near Dungannon), described as “ a súi [sage] in filidecht and senchus,” a large number of whose poems on the history of pagan Ireland have survived; Flann Mainislrech (d. 1056), fer lêiginn of MainisterBuiti (Buite’s monastery, Monasterboice), the subject-matter of whose extant poems is entirely within the province of the ß id \ Dub-dá-Leithe, fer lêiginn of Armagh, 10461049, and head of that monastery, 1049-1064, who was compiler of the book known by his name; Máel-Muire mac Céilechair of Clonmacnois (d. 1106), one of the scribes of the codex known as Lebor na hUidre, or “ Book of the Dun [Cow]” ; Gilla-Comáin úa Congalaig, fer lêiginn of Roscommon (d. 1135);18 Aed mac Crimthainn, abbot of Tír-dá-glas [Terryglass], compiler of the Book of Leinster; and his friend, Finn mac Gormâirç, bishop of Kildare, who died in 1160.19 Dub-dá-Leithe of Armagh and Tigemach úa Broin (d. 1088), airchinnech of Clonmacnois, are known also as chroniclers, theirs being almost the only names preserved from those of the many who must have helped to compile our annalistic records.20

The attacks of the Northmen did not cause as much harm to secular learning as to ecclesiastical. Doubtless they did check for a time the activities of the filid and their schools, causing something like a break in the literary history, with the result that critics now draw a line between pre-Viking and post-Viking texts. The ultimate effect, how­ ever, seems to have been rather stimulating: the national revival which developed out of two centuries of alternate disaster and triumph showed itself in a rejuvenated literature and scholarship. Noteworthy features of this intellectual renaissance were that amalgamation of secular and religious interests to which reference has just been made; growth of a patriotic-historical mentality; development of the impulse to the compilation and conservation of the national antiquities; and a revolu­ tion in saga-composition which changed completely the subject-matter of the chief field of popular literature. 17 Airchinnech (anglice erenagh), “ head,” “ leader,” “ superior,” is the name which in the post-Viking period was most frequently applied to the head of a monastic church. The airchinnech seems to have held the same position as the earlier abbas. Probably the change is another instance of that shifting from Latin to Irish in ecclesiastical usage which has been noticed in connection with scriba and fer lêiginn, but perhaps also the associations of the title abbas were such as to make its use seem incongruous when the position was becoming more or less secularised. 18 Cf. O’Grady Cat. 94; RTh Ir. Sage 16. 19 It is possible, in view of the extensive secularisation of the monastic churches, that some of these men had no ecclesiastical associations beyond the fact that they drew a living from the monastic property. 20 MacN believes that Sinlán, or Mo-Sinu, moccu Min (d. 607-Tig.), abbot of Bangor, was the author of an Irish continuation of Eusebius, coming down to 607, and that about 712 an “ Old Irish Chronicle” was compiled, on which all our present annals were based. Cf. Êriu V II (1913) 30 sqq; MacN Celtic Ireland (1923) 28.



The amalgamation of religious with secular intellectual interests is seen in the recasting of the national history. When Christianity arrived in Ireland, bringing in its train the Bible, Eusebius, Orosius, Isidore, etc., Irishmen began to learn world history as taught by the early mediae­ val Church. There inevitably followed the impulse to fit their own Irish past into this scheme of history, and to pour their myths, tradi­ tions, sagas, genealogies, into an orderly historical mould. Apparently as early as the seventh century churchmen, such as Mo-Sinu moccu Min, and filid, such as Cenn-Faelad, were attempting to elucidate, with the help of the Old Testament and Orosius, the origins of the Irish people, and, with the help of Eusebius and other chroniclers, to set up a chronological scheme of their later history. But it was not until the ninth, and especially the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries, that this historical impulse acquired full momentum. Then many of the filid seem to have turned their energies almost entirely to the task of transmuting the national folk-lore into a harmonised history. A twelfthcentury text declares that “ he is no fill who does not synchronise and harmonise all the sagas.” 212 Only a few shadowy names, such as Adna, Ferceirtne, Toma éces, Dallán Forgaill, Senchán Torpéist, Cenn-Faelad, Rumann, remain of the filid prior to the ninth century. But thereafter there is a long list, many of whose compositions can be read to-day: Máel-Muru of Othain, or Fahan, near Derry (d. 887), called “ king-jî/f of Ireland” ; Flannacán mac Cellaig of Brega, who was, doubtless, the king of Brega of that name slain by the Norse in 896; Flann mac Lonáin (d. 896 or 918), called the Vergil of Ireland; Cormac mac Cuilennáin (d. 908), of whom mention has been made; Cormacán êces mac Máele-Brigte (d. 946); Cináed úa hArtacáin (d. 975), called priméces Érenn, perhaps about equivalent to “ dean of the scholars of Ireland” ; Flann mac Máil-Máedóc (d. 977); Erard mac Coisse (d. 990),22 to whom the same title is given; Eochaid úa Flainn, or Flainnacáin, (d. 1004), who also has been mentioned previously; Mac Liag (d. 1016), ollam to Brian bóroimhe; Cúán úa Lothcháin (d. 1024), pHmêces Êrenn; Flann Mainistrech (d. 1056), previously mentioned; Eochaid eolach [“ the learned” ] úa Círín, who seems to have been associated with Flann and possibly was his successor at Monasterboice; Gilla-Coemáin (d. 1072); Gilla-Mo-Dutu of DamInis (Devenish), who was writing in 1147;23 Gilla-in-Choimded úa Cormaic; Gilla-nanaomh úa Duinn (d. 1160), fer lêiginn of Inis Clothrann (in Loch Ree); and many others of lesser fame. Almost all the compositions of these men are either panegyrics of their contemporaries or attempts at the reconstruction of past history. MáelMuru, Cinaed úa hArtacáin, Eochaid úa Flainn, Cúan úa Lothcháin, Flann Maintstrech and Gilla-Coemâin appear to have been the most active in the work of “ synchro­

21O’C M S

Mat. 593. 22 So AU and Tig.: FM give the obit of an Erard mac Coisse in 1023.

Cf. O. Bergin Êriu IX (1923)

17.S. 23 So RTh Ir. Sage 46; K M identifies him with a Gilla-Mo-Dutu ua Casaide (d. 1143)— Primer of Irish Metrics (1909) 43; Fianaigecht (Dublin, 1910) p, xxix.



nising and harmonising,” and they may be classed as the chief of what Eóin MacNeill aptly designates “ the synthetic historians.” “ The work,” says MacNeill, “ of dating and correlating the national legends and traditions was possibly carried out under their direction. A t all events, it was they who summarised the results, and on whose authority those results were accepted by later writers as genuine history. So far as their history refers to pre-Christian times, it is partly fabricated, and partly made up of mythology, legend, and epic narrative, arranged under an arbitrary chronology.” 24

The chief objects these men had in view were to provide the Irish people with an antiquity equal to that of the Hebrews and the empires of the East, and the principal families, states and institutions of their own time with a long and heroic past. In particular, the high-kingship of Ireland, theoretically localised at Tara, and the kingship of Munster, at Cashel, sovereignties that appear in reality to have arisen quite late in the pagan era, were endowed with an elaborate and venerable history. To serve the needs of this pseudo-history the old Irish mythology was worked over until it is hardly recognisable. The Lebor Gabâla, or “ Book of Takings” (i.e.y the successive occupations of Ireland by the various races that w'ere fabled to have inhabited it), completed this syncretistic movement by gathering into one narrative the story of Ireland and the Irish from Noah to Ruadri hÜa Conchobuir, a narrative into which were incor­ porated many of the poems of the later filid. In its final form the Lebor Gabâla dates from about 1168. Essentially part of the same growth of historical consciousness was the impulse to the conservation in permanent written collections of the old legends, literature and records. Since all earlier secular man­ uscripts have disappeared, it is to these compilations of the twelfth and later centuries that we owe almost all our Old Irish non-ecclesiastical texts. Whether the compilers of the earlier of these bulky codices had in mind the repairing of the damage wrought by external and internal wars, or not, it is certain that the practice was continued in later centuries with the motive of saving from destruction amid con­ temporary disasters the records of the nation’s antiquities. Through so much of Ireland’s story the primary duty of the historian has been to gather up the fragments, lest they be lost ! The oldest secular manuscript of which we have genuine knowledge was the Cin 25 Dromma-Snechta, the “ Book of Drumsnat” (in Monaghan), which may have been 24 M acN Celtic Ireland (Dublin 1921) 40. See the whole chap. iii,“ The Irish Synthetic Historians.” 26 C and Dublin Review (Dublin, London 1836- ) — this last a Catholic more than an Irish publication — will also be found of interest. (c) P hilology — G eneral : Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung (Berlin 1852- ). — Beiträge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen (Göttingen 18771907; then amalgamated with preceding). — Indogermanische Forschungen (Stras­ burg, Berlin, Leipsic, 1892- ) . — Transactions of the Philological Society, London (1859- ) . — The American Journal of Philology (Baltimore 1880- ).



(d) C eltica ; Scotland; W ales ; B rittany : The most important periodical is the Revue Celtique (Paris 1870- ) [cf. p. 71 supra]. Of equally high scholarship, but less useful as a guide to contemporary literature, is the Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie (Halle a. S. 1897- ) [cf. p. 71 supra]. — Archiv für celtische Lexicographie (Halle a. S. 1898-1907) [cf. p. 71 supra]. — Scottish Historical Review (Glasgow 1903-1928).— Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland (1852- ) . — Celtic Magazine (Inverness 1876-88). — Celtic Review (Edinburgh 1904-1916). — Archaeologia Cambrensis (London 1846- ) . — Y Cymmrodor (London 1877- )• — Trans, of the lion. Soc. of Cymmrodorion (London 1894- ). — Revue de Bretagne (Nantes 1857- ). — Annales de Bretagne (Rennes 1886- ). (e) I reland : The Ulster Journal of Archaeology (Belfast 1853-62, 1896-1915).— Studies An Irish Quarterly Review (Dublin 1912- ) [devoted to all fields of scholar­ ship: cf. p. 84 supra]. — É riu The Journal of the School of Irish Learning, Dublin (Dublin 1904- ) [treats of Irish philology and literature, and only incidentally of history; maintains a high standard; has no reviews or news notes: cf. p. 72 supra]. — The Irish Ecclesiastical Record (Dublin 1865- ) has published much material, both primary and secondary, for the early history of Ireland. — The Gaelic Journal Irisleabhar na Gaedhilge (Dublin 1882-1909), although devoted mainly to language topics and contemporary affairs, occasionally included matter of interest on early history. — The Royal Irish Academy [cf. pp. 59, 65 supra] has two chief series of publications, the Transactions (Dublin 1786-1907) and the Proceedings (1836- ): both contain a large quantity of Irish historical matter. In the “ Irish Manuscript Series” there is one issue (1880) in the Transactions and two (1889, 1890) in the Proceedings. There is also the “ Todd Lecture Series,” vols. I-X I, X III-X V II (1889-1924), almost entirely composed of editions of Irish texts. — There are 22 vols, of publications of the Irish Archaeological Society [after 1853 the Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society] (Dublin 1841-80); 6 of the Celtic Society (Dublin 1847-55) [merged with the preceding in 1853]; and 6 of the Ossianic Society (Dublin 1854-61) [cf. pp. 64-5 supra], — The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (Dublin 1890- ) was originally (1849) the Transactions of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, next the Proceedings and Transactions, and, later, the Journaly of the Kilkenny and South-East of Ireland Archaeological Society; and afterwards (1868) the Journal of the [1869-89 Royal] Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland. This body has also published several separate works. [Cf. p. 65 supraf\ — The publications of the Irish Texts Society (London 1899- ) [cf. p. 81 supra]. — Archivium Ilibernicum or Irish His­ torical Records (Maynooth, Dublin 1912- ), chiefly, but not exclusively, sources for the history of the Catholic Church in Ireland. — There are also a large number of local archaeological and historical societies, whose publications occasionally contain articles of more than provincial interest. Noteworthy are the Journals of the Co. Louth Archaeological Society (Dundalk 1904- ); the Waterford and South-East of Ireland Archaeological Society (Waterford 1895- ); the Cork Archaeological Society (Cork 1892- ); the Ivemian Society (Cork 1908- ); the North Munster Archaelogical Society (1908- ) [earlier the Limerick Field Club (Limerick 1897-1908)]; the Galway Archaeological and Historical Society (Dublin 1900- ).



3. Auxiliary Sciences — Philology The study of language has two interests for the historian : first, it provides him with the instrument for deciphering certain historical records; and, secondly, in itself it provides him with historical records, for the speech of a people and the evidence of its evolution constitute veritable sources for the history of that people. From both these points of view interest will be found in these three books: A. Meillet Linguis­ tique historique et linguistique générale (Paris 1921); Jos. Vendryes Le langage Intro­ duction linguistique à Vhistoire (Paris 1921); and Edward Sapir Language An introduc­ tion to the study of speech (New York 1921).— See sect. 2 above for periodicals; also Best’s Bibliography for fuller lists up to 1913. (a) I ndo-E uropean P hilology: The best treatise on the general structure of the Indo-European languages is the second edition, brought out with the collaboration of Berthold Delbrück, of Karl Brugmann’s Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen (Strasburg 1897-1916). Of the first ed. (1886-93) there is a trans, by Jos. Wright, R. Seymour Conway and W. H. D. Rouse, Elements of the comparative grammar of the Indo-Germanic languages 5 vols. (London 1891-5), but the second ed. of the original is preferable [cf. p. 73 supra]. A. Meillet’s Intro­ duction à iétude comparative des langues indo-européennes (Paris 1903; 6th ed. 1924) and Les dialectes indo-européens (Paris 1908) should also be consulted. — For the evidence as to primitive vocabularies, see August Fick’s Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen, 4th ed. by Adalbert Bezzenberger, A. Fick and Whit­ ley Stokes (Göttingen 1894): Part II is the Urkeltischer Sprachschatz of Whitley Stokes, trans, by Bezzenberger: there are additions and corrections by WS, Beiträge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen X X I (1896) 122-37, X X III (1897) 4 165, 321; and by J. Loth, RC X V II (1896) 434-43, X V III (1897) 89-99, X X (1899) 344-55 [cf. p. 74 supra]. (b) L atin : Interesting essays on some aspects of mediaeval Latin philology are con­ tained in the following publications: Ludwig Traube (ed. Franz Boll) Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen II: Einleitung in die lateinische Philologie des Mittelalters, ed. Paul Lehmann (Munich 1911); Paul Lehmann Vom Mittelalter und von der latein­ ischen Philologie des Mittelalters {Quellen u. Untersuchungen z. lat. Philol. d. Mittelalters V i (Munich 1914); “ Aufgaben und Anregungen der lateinischen Philologie des M ittelalters” Sitzungsberichte d. bay. Akad. d. Wissensch. philos.-philol. u. hist. K l. 1918 no. viii. There is no good dictionary of mediaeval Latin, but a very valuable glossary of peculiar and technical terms is that of Du Cange, Glossarium mediœ et infimae Latinitatis 3 vols. (Paris 1678); ed. by the Benedictines and Pierre Carpen­ tier, 10 vols. (Paris 1733-66); by G. A. L. Henschel, 7 vols. (Paris 1840-50) [best ed.]; and by Léopold Fabre, 10 vols. (Niort 1883-7). An international committee with headquarters in Paris has undertaken the preparation of a mediaeval Latin diction­ ary, and, in connection with the preliminary work, is publishing a periodical, the Bulletin Du Cange (Paris 1924- ). (c) C eltic : Johann Kaspar Zeuss Grammatica Celtica: e monumentis vetustis tam Hibernicae linguae quam Britannicae dialecti Cambricae Comicae Armoricae nec non e Gallicae priscae reliquiis 2 vols. (Leipsic 1853); 2nd ed. by H. Ebel (Berlin 1871) [cf. p. 70 supra]. — Emst Windisch, “ Keltische Sprachen” Allgemeine Encyklopädie



der Wissenschaften und Künste, by J. S. Ersch and J. G. Gruber (ed. August Leskien)» 2nd sect. X X X V (Leipsic 1884) 132-80 [cf. p. 71 n. supra]; anda nother article with the same title in G. Gröber’s Grundriss der romanischen Philologie I (Strasburg 1888) 283-312, 2nd ed. (1904) 371-404. — Henri d’Arbois de Jubainville’s Eléments de la grammaire celtique (Paris 1903) is a brief, clear and simple exposition, but deals with Old Irish much more than with primitive Celtic. — The standard work of refer­ ence is Holger Pedersen Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen 2 vols. (Göttingen 1909, 1913) [cf. p. 73 supra]. — Georges Dottin La langue gauloise (Paris 1920), although limited geographically to France, is the best survey of the ancient continental Celtic [cf. J. Vendryes RC X X X V III (1920-1) 179-85; J. Loth Revue archéologique X III 108-19]. — Alfred Holder Altceltischer Sprachschatz 21 parts, in 2 vols, and 5 extra sections (Leipsic 1896-1913): this work of vast and painstaking labor was designed to give all ancient and early mediaeval occurrences of Celtic words, and words of whose Celtic origin there is even a possibility: with the Urkeltischer Sprachschatz of WS and the vocabulary of Gaulish given by Dottin it provides a very complete survey of Celtic words. (d) I rish : John Strachan Old-Irish Paradigms (Dublin 1905, 2nd ed. 1909). — Jos. Vendryes Grammaire du vieil irlandais (Paris 1908) [especially valuable for syntax; cf. HZ Deutsche Literaturzeitung X X X (1909) 289-94; O. J. Bergin Z C P VII (1910) 512-6]. — Rudolph Thurneysen Handbuch des Alt-Irischen 2 parts (Heidel­ berg 1909) [the most important work on O -I grammar: cf. J. Vendryes RC X X X I (1910) 100-4; H. Pedersen Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen Jahrg. C L X X IV i (1912) 19-48]. — F. W. O’Connell A Grammar of Old Irish (Belfast 1912) [cf. J. Pokomy Z C P X (1915) 449-52]. — Julius Pokomy A concise Old Irish Grammar and Reader pt. I [all published] (Halle a. S. and Dublin 1914) [cf. RC X X X IV (1913) 237-9, X X X V (1914) 247-8]; A Historical Reader of Old Irish (Halle 1923); and Altirische Grammatik (Sammlung Göschen) (Berlin and Leipsic 1925). — G. Dottin Manuel d'irlandais moyen 2 vols. (Paris 1913) [cf. J. Vendryes RC X X X V (1914) 92-6. On all these works cf. pp. 72-3 supra. Pokomy’s Reader will afford to the student who is not a specialist in linguistics a convenient survey of the historical development of O-I.] — There is no dictionary of Old or Middle Irish; the student has to do as best he may with several incomplete compilations, the glossaries added to various published texts, and a few dictionaries of the modem language: Edward O’Reilly (ed. John O ’Donovan) An Irish-English Dictionary new ed., with supplement (Dublin 1864) [an uncritical gathering of middle and modem Irish words and forms; cf. p. 60 supra]. — Rev. Patrick S. Dinneen Foclóir Gaedhilge agus Béarla An Irish-English Dictionary (Dublin 1904; new ed. in the press) [the best dictionary of modem Irish]. — Ernst Windisch Irische Texte mit Wörterbuch [vol. I] (Leipsic 1880). — B. Guterbock, R. Thurneysen Indices glossarum et vocabulorum Hibernicorum quae in Grammaticae Celticae editione altera explanantur (Leipsic 1881) [a very useful glossarial index to Z2]. — Robt. Atkinson The Passions and the Homilies from Leabhar Breac . . . and glossary (RIA Todd Lecture Ser. II) (Dublin 1887) [this work has been severely criticised — cf. p. 740 infra — nevertheless it is a helpful compilation]. — Graziadio I. Ascoli II Codice Irlandese delV Ambrosiana: III Illustrazioni a Glossario delV antico Irlandese (Turin 1888-1907) [incomplete]. — Kuno Meyer “ Contributions to Irish lexicography ” Supplement to A C L I -III (1898-1907) [covers words with initial letters A-Dn]. — Dictionary of the Irish language based mainly on Old and Middle Irish materials Published by the Royal Irish Academy under the editorship of Carl J. S. Marstrander, fase. I (Dublin 1913) [D — Degôir], — On these books see pp. 73-4 supra.



4. Auxiliary Sciences — Palaeography and Diplomatics There are three classes of evidence by which Irish writing of the mediaeval period may be distinguished: (i) palaeography proper, the manner in which the letters are formed and are joined to each other; (ii) abbreviations; (iii) orthography of Latin words. It is only with regard to abbreviations that, thanks chiefly to Traube and Lindsay, a good foundation has been laid for the study of Irish script of the early middle ages. On the palaeography of the codices written in Irish in the later middle ages practically nothing has been done. Some of the older grammars contain lists of scribal abbre­ viations, for the most part inherited from the Hibemo-Latin scriptoria of the earlier period. (a) P alaeography, General : R. L. Poole “ The teaching of palaeography and diplo­ m atic” in Essays on the teaching of history (Cambridge 1901) 11-30 [a good introduc­ tion].— Hubert Nelis L'Écriture et les scribes (Brussels 1918) [a bibliography of palaeo­ graphy].— Wilhelm Wattenbach Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter (Leipsic 1871; 4th ed. 1904). — Lecoy de la Marche “ L ’art d’écrire et les calligraphes” Rev. des quest, hisl. 1884. — Paoli Cesare Programma scolastico di pdleografia latina e di diplomatica (Florence 1883-98). — Maurice Prou Manuel de paléographie (Paris 1890; 4th ed. 1924). — E. H. J. Reusens Eléments de paléographie (Louvain 1891; new ed. 1899). — Ludwig Traube Nomina sacra Versuch einer Geschichte der christlichen Kürzung {Quellen u. Untersuchungen z. lat. Philol. d. Mittelalters II) (Munich 1907) [intended to be the first vol. of a history of Latin abbreviations, but this part only was completed, and that by a race against death]; (ed. Franz Boll, Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen I:) Zur Paläographie und Handschriftenkunde, ed. Paul Lehmann (Munich 1909) [a history of palaeography, of MSS and of libraries]. — Franz Steffens Lateinische Paläographie, 2nd ed. (Trêves 1909) [Fr. trans, by Remi Coulon, Paléographie latine (Trêves 1910)]. — B. Bretholz Lateinische Paläographie 2nd ed. (Leipsic 1912). — E. M . Thompson An introduction to Greek and Latin palaeography (Oxford 1912) [an enlarged ed. of his Handbook of Greek and Latin palaeography, first published in 1893; there is a short section on Irish writing]. — Adriano Cappelli Lexicon abbreviaturarum (Milan 1899; revised ed. 1912). — W. M . Lindsay Notae Latinae An account of abbreviations in Latin M SS. of the early minuscule period (c. 700-850) (Cambridge 1914) [a monumental work, based on an examination of every minuscule MS recognised as of the eighth cent., and of a large number of the first half of the ninth: adequate attention is given to Irish MSS]. — A. Mentz Geschichte der griechisch-römischen Schrift bis zur Erfindung des Buchdrucks (Leipsic 1920). — Luigi Schiaparelli La scrittura latina nett' età romana {Note paleografiche) Awiamento allô studio della scrittura latina net medioevo (Como 1921) [valuable: is really a systematic re-editing of Paoli Cesare’s book]; Awiamento alio studio dette abbreviature latine nel medioevo (Florence 1926). — All these works give some notice to Irish script, or at least to the Anglo-Saxon and con­ tinental scripts which were formed under its influence. (b) P alaeography, I rish : Ludwig Traube Perrona Scottorum Ein Beitrag zur Ueber­ lief erungsgeschickte und zur Palaeographie des Mittelalters (Munich 1900); also in Sitzungsb. d. philos.-philol. u. d. hist. Cl. d. kgl. bayer. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1900 Heft IV, and, with the exception of the study of the abbreviations of noster, in Franz Boll’s Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen von Ludwig Traube III (ed. S. Brandt) (Munich 1920) 96-119 [important: has notes on the history of Irish palaeography]. — W. M.



Lindsay “ The Bobbio scriptorium: its early minuscule abbreviations” Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen X X V I (1909) 293-306; Early Irish minuscule script {St. Andrews University publications VI) (Oxford 1910) [very important]; “ Irish cursive script” Z C P IX (1913) 301-8, 2 pis. — Luigi Schiaparelli “ Note paleografiche Intomo all* origine e ad alcuni caratteri della scrittura e del sistema abbreviativo irlandese” Archivio Storico Italiano anno L X X IV vol. II disp. 3a, 4a, 1916 (Florence 1917) pp. 3-126 [very important]. (c) I lluminations: The illuminations of manuscripts belong primarily rather to the archaeological section of historical sources than to that of written records. But they also serve, like the script and the abbreviations, as valuable means of determining the provenance of the manuscripts. In this, as in other respects, Irish illumination is particularly important. — Waagen “ Die Miniaturmalerei in Irland” Deutsches Kunst­ blatt 1850. — Ferdinand Keller “ Bilder und Schriftzüge in den irischen Manuscripten der schweizerischen Bibliotheken” Mittheilungen der antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zürich VII iii (Zürich 1851); trans, by W. Reeves “ Early Irish Calligraphy — Il­ luminations and fac-similes from Irish manuscripts in the libraries of Switzerland” UJA V III (i860) 210-30, 291-308 [important: with Z completed the vindication, begun by Dr. Chas. O ’ Conor, of Ireland’s claim to MSS previously classed as Saxon *]. — W. Wattenbach Zeitschrift für christliche Archäologie und Kunst 1856 pp. 21-49. — J. 0 . Westwood “ On the distinctive character of the various styles of ornamentation employed by the early British, Anglo-Saxon and Irish artists” Archaeological Journal X (London 1853) 275-301. — F. M. Unger “ La miniature irlandaise, son origine et son développement” RC I (1870) 9-26. — Eugène Müntz “ Recherches sur l’origine des ornements connus sous le nom d’entrelacs” RC III (1878) 243-5; “ La miniature irlandaise et anglo-saxonne au IX e siècle” Études iconographiques et archéologiques sur le moyen âge (Paris 1887). — Margaret Stokes Early Christian art in Ireland (London 1887, reprint 1894) 6-52. — Franz Friedrich Leitschuh Geschichte der karo­ lingischen Malerei Ihr Bilderkreis und seine Quellen (Berlin 1894). — Johan Adolf Bruun An enquiry into the art of the illuminated manuscripts of the middle ages pt. I Celtic illuminated manuscripts (Edinburgh 1897) [very valuable]. — Bernhard Salin Die altgermanische ThierOrnamentik (Stockholm 1904) chap. V “ Die angelsächsische und die irländische Thierornamentik.” — Leprieur “ La peinture en Occident du V e au X e siècle en dehors de l ’Italie” in André Michel Histoire de Part depuis les premiers temps chrétiens jusqu*à nos jours I (Paris 1905). — J. Strzygowski in Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Alterthum, Geschichte und deutsche Literatur Jahrg. VIII Heft i (1905); (trans. 0 . M. Dalton, H. J. Braunholtz) The Origin of Christian Church Art New facts and principles of research (Oxford, London 1923) [the author advances a new theory of the oriental, and especially Armenian, origin of western mediaeval, including Irish, art]. — J. Romilly Allen Celtic Art in Pagan and Christian times (London [1904]). — Stephan Beissel Geschichte der Evangelienbücher in der ersten Hälfte des Mittelalters (Freiburg i. B. 1906). — Baldwin Brown “ Art (Celtic)” in Hastings Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics II (1909). — H. Leclercq “ Celtique (A rt)” Diet, d'archéol. chrét. et de liturgie II ii (1910). — J. A. Herbert Illuminated manuscripts (London 1911).— L. Gougaud “ L ’Art celtique chrétien” Rev. de l'art chrét. L X II (1911). — L. Bréhier L'Art chrétien Son développement iconographique des origines à nos jours (Paris 1918). — Jean Ebersolt “ Miniatures irlandaises à sujets iconographiques” Rev. archéol. X III (1921) 1-6. 1 Cf. Traube Perrona Scottorum 470-6, 529-32.



(d) F acsimiles: A list of facsimiles of Irish manuscripts, practically exhaustive to date, is given by Dorn Louis Gougaud, “ Répertoire des facsimilés des manuscrits irlandais” RC X X X IV i (1913) 14-37, X X X V iv (1914) 415-30, X X X V III i (1920) 1-14. Reference should be made to this for individual reproductions. The following are the more important collections: Charles Purton Cooper Appendix A (B . C. D. E. Supplement to Appendix A) [appendices to a report on Rymer’s Foedera, intended to have been made to the Commissioners on Public Records (London 18356?)], issued by the Master of the Rolls, 1869 [contains poor facsimile plates of pages of many important Irish MSS]. — Joseph B. Silvestre Paléographie universelle Collec­ tion de facsimilés d'écritures de tous les peuples et de tous les temps, 4 vols. (Paris 1841); trans, by Sir Frederick Madden, Universal Palaeography 4 vols. (London 1850).— J. 0 . Westwood Palacographia sacra pictoria Being a series of illustrations of the ancient versions of the Bible (London 1843-5); Facsimiles of miniatures and ornaments in AngloSaxon and Irish manuscripts (London 1868).— Facsimiles of manuscripts and inscrip­ tions 3 vols. (The Palaeographical Soc., London 1873-83); 2nd ser. 2 vols. (188494); indexes (1901); Facsimiles of ancient manuscripts (The New Palaeographical Soc., London 1903- ) [there is an Index to facsimiles in the Palaeographical Society publications, by L. R. Dean (Princeton, Univ. Lib. 1914)]. — J. T . Gilbert Fac­ similes of national manuscripts of Ireland, selected and edited under the direction of the Rt. Hon. Edward Sullivan 4 vols, in 5 (Dublin 1874-84). — Anton Chroust Monu­ menta palaeographica Denkmäler der Schreibkunst des Mittelalters ist ser. 3 vols. (Munich 1902-6), 2nd ser. 24 pts. (1909-17). — Stanford F. N. Robinson Celtic illuminative art in the gospel books of Durrow, Lindisfarne and Kells (Dublin 1908). (e) D iplomatics: There is no work dealing with the diplomatic features of early Irish documents. The best general treatise is Arthur Giry Manuel de diplomatique (Paris 1894); new ed., not revised, in 2 vols. (1925). Many of the works on palaeography contain some information on diplomatics.

5. Auxiliary Sciences — Chronology See Giry’s Manuel, bk. ii. There is a review of the literature in Mittheilungen des Instituts für oesterreichische Geschichtsforschung X X V (1904) 338-51. The best special works on the theory and history of chronology are : Ludwig Ideler Handbuch der Chronologic 2 vols. (Berlin 1825-6; 2nd ed. Breslau 1883) [the Lehrbuch der Chron­ ologie (Berlin 1831) is an abridgment]. — Franz Rlihl Chronologie des Mittelalters und Neuzeit (Berlin 1897). — P. Marichal “ Calendrier solaire, julien et grégorien” Bibl. de VÉcole des chartes Sept.-Oct. 1905. — F. K . Ginzel Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie 3 vols. (Leipsic 1906-14). — A subject of importance is discussed by R. L. Poole, “ The beginning of the year in the middle ages” Proc. Brit. Acad., 1922. For the ecclesiastical calendar see K. A. H. Kellner Heortologie oder Das Kirchenjahr und die Heiligenfeste in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung (Freiburg 1901; 2nd ed. 1906); trans.: Heortology A history of the Christian festivals from their origin to the present day (London 1908). Irish chronology is treated in B. MacCarthy The Codex Palatino-Vaticanus no. 830 (RIA Todd Lect. Ser. I ll) (Dublin 1892) 341-95, and his “ Introduction” to A U , IV (1901) [cf. Z C P IV (1903) 332-8]. Calendar tables will be found in Robert Schram Kalendariographische und chronologische Tafeln (Leipsic 1908). — For lists of historical dates by which events may be located the best works are: UArt de vérifier les dates (Paris 1750; 3rd ed. 1783-7; 4th ed., 44 vols.,

lO O


1818-44). — [J. M. J. L.] de Mas Latrie Trésor de chronologie (Paris 1889). — A. M. H. J. Stokvis Manuel d'histoire, de généalogie, et de chronologie de tous les états du globe 3 vols. (Leyden 1888-93).

6. Auxiliary Sciences — Geography and Topography W. Fitzgerald The historical geography of early Ireland (London [1926]) [introductory]. There are, of course, many descriptive geographical works on Ireland. Useful for the ordinary purposes of the historian is the series, The Provinces of Ireland, ed. Geo. Fletcher: — Ireland (Cambridge 1922), Ulster (1921), Leinster (1922), Munster (1921), Connaught (1922). For the historical geography of Europe see Joachim Lelewel Géographie du moyen-âge, accompagnée d'atlas 5 vols. (Brussels 1852-7), and E. A. Freeman The historical geography of Europe 2 vols. (London 1881; 3rd ed. by J. B. Bury, 1903). Irish names of places are treated in P. Power The place-names of Decies (London 1907) [chiefly Co. Waterford]; P. W. Joyce The origin and history of Irish names of places new ed. 3 vols. (Dublin 1910-12-13); and Edmund Hogan Onomasticon Goedelicum locorum et tribuum Hiberniae et Scotiae An index, with indentifica­ tions, to the Gaelic names of places and tribes (Dublin, London 1910). This last, although a pioneer, not a final, work, has great value: it gives very full references to the sources. There are several short treatises in periodicals and society proceedings. Holder’s Altceltischer Sprachschatz [p. 96 supra] renders a similar service for early occurrences of Celtic place-names throughout Europe. For Latin and other mediaeval names of places see Dictionnaire de géographie ancienne et moderne par un bibliophile [Pierre Deschamps] (Paris 1870), and J. G. Th. Graesse Orbis latinus oder Verzeichnis der wichtigsten lateinischen Orts- und Ländernamen, 2nd ed. by Friedrich Benedict (Berlin 1909). There is no good historical atlas of Ireland; the best general atlases are Karl von Spruner (ed. Theodor Menke) Historischgeographischer Handatlas 3rd ed. (1880); Gustav Droysen Allgemeiner historischer Handatlas (Leipsic 1886); R.L. Poole (ed.) Historical atlas of modern Europe from the decline of the Roman Empire (Oxford 1902); W. R. Shepherd Historical Atlas (New York 1911; 6th ed. 1927). Irish associations with mediaeval France give importance to the excellent Atlas his­ torique de la France of Auguste Longnon (Paris 1885-9). The best modern maps of Ireland are those of the Ordnance Survey; there are also the “ New Reduced Ord­ nance Survey M aps” of J. G. Bartholomew, one inch to four miles.

7. Archaeology and Anthropology Archaeology, which every year is becoming in itself a more important and more exten­ sive science, is, from the historian’s point of view, a subdivision of history. It is the study of the material records of the past, and is generally considered to include inscrip­ tions. The present work deals only with written sources, but in the practical task of historical investigation and exposition the archaeological and the written records must be used side by side. A list is given of a few important books which may serve to introduce the student to the subject. — In a lesser degree the above remarks apply also to anthropology, which in some of its phases is a section of history, but, in another aspect, a larger whole of which history is a part. — For periodicals and societies, see pp. 93-4 supra. (a) A nthropology: One of the best volumes, especially for the student who is not a specialist, is A. L. Kroeber Anthropology (New York [1923]); of value also are Eduard



Meyer “ Elemente der Anthropologie” Geschichte des Altertums 3rd ed. I pt. i (Stuttgart, Berlin 1910); J. Fleure The Peoples of Europe (London 1923); and Eug. Pittard Les races et Vhistoire (Paris 1924). Older works that may still be consulted are W . Z. Ripley The Races of Europe 1 vol. and supp. (bibliog.) (New York, etc. 1899; new ed. London 1913); and Joseph Deniker Les races et les peuples de la terre (Paris 1900), trans. The Races of Man An outline of anthropology and ethnography (London 1900). (b) P rimitive E uropean A rchaeology: Interesting, though over-enthusiastic, expositions of the methods and results of what is called “ prehistory” 2 are found in two articles by Camille Jullian in the Revue bleue (Paris) of Dec. 14, 1907, and Jan. 16 and 30, 1909: “ Plaidoyer pour la préhistoire” and “ L ’héritage des temps primitifs.” — Excellent treatises based mainly on archaeology are: James Geikie The antiquity of man in Europe (London 1914). — Carl Schuchhardt Alteuropa in seiner Kulturund Stilentwicklung (Strasburg, Berlin 1919). — M . C. Burkitt Pre-History A study of early cultures in Europe and the Mediterranean basin (London 1921). — R. A. S. Macalister A Text-Book of European archaeology: I The palaeolithic period (Cam­ bridge 1921) [the succeeding volume will have more relationship with Irish history]. — Marcellin Boule Les hommes fossiles Éléments de paléontologie humaine 2nd ed. (Paris 1923); trans. Jessie Elliot Ritchie and James Ritchie (London 1923). — Geo. Grant MacCurdy Human Origins A manual of prehistory 2 vols. (New York and London 1924). — Jacques de Morgan Pre-Historic Man A general outline of pre­ history (London 1924). More closely connected with our subject are the following: Joseph Déchelette “ L ’Archéologie celtique en Europe” Rev. de synthèse historique III (1901) 30-59 [bibliography]; Manuel d'archéologie préhistorique celtique et galloromaine 4 vols. (Paris 1908, 1910, 1913, 1914) [covers only the “ prehistoric” and “ Celtic” periods: for Déchelette was killed on the field of battle, Oct. 6,1914. The work is really a comprehensive treatise on the èarly history of western Europe, with extensive references to the literature. Irish matters are not treated at length, but the student of Irish history will find it indispensable for comparative study and for the general background. Cf. C. Jullian “ L ’époque de La T èn e” Journ. des Savants (Jan. 1915), a review of part of the work, and “ Joseph Déchelette” Rev. des études anciennes X V I (Oct.-Dec. 1914), an obituary notice.] — Harold Peake The Bronze Age and the Celtic World (London 1922) [interesting, but containing some dubious theory; the study of the distribution of sword types is important]. (c) T he C elts : The following works, which relate, for the most part, to a compara­ tively late period of proto-history, that when Celtic-speaking peoples dominated west­ ern Europe, make use of archaeological evidence, but depend chiefly on anthropological (i.e.y linguistic), and literary (i.e., Greco-Latin) : Otto Schrader Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte (Jena 1883); 3rd ed. 3 vols. (1906-7) [has much value for the history that is based on linguistics; there is a trans, by F. B. Jevons, Prehistoric antiquities of the Aryan peoples (London 1890), but the last German ed. should be used]; Reallexicon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, Grundzüge einer Kultur- und Völkergeschickte Alteuropas, 2nd ed. by A. Nehring, 2 vols. (Berlin, Leipsic 1917-23). — H. Hirt Die Indogermanen, ihre Verbreitung, ihre Urheimat, und ihre Kultur 2 vols. (Strasburg

2A number of workers in archaeology and a vast crowd of popular writers have combined to force this inaccurate and illogical word into use. The term “ proto-history,” although an abomination to ti e eye, would logically be less objectionable as a designation of all that period of human history that lies before written records.



1905, 1907). — D ’Arbois de Jubainville Les premiers habitants de VEurope d'après les écrivains de l'antiquité et les travaux des linguistes (Paris 1874), 2nded. 2 vols. (1889-94) [a standard work; 2nd ed. gives extensive quotations from sources: cf. Gaidoz Revue critique 6 mai 1876; Babelon Bibl. de l'école des chartes L 584-6; Lot ibid. LV 148-55]- — Georges Dottin Les anciens peuples de l'Europe (Paris 1917) [good; cf. J. Loth RC X X V II (1917-9) 358-60]; Mamiel pour servir à l'étude de l'antiquité celtique (Paris 1906; 2nd ed. 1915) [an excellent introduction with abundant refer­ ences to sources and literature; cf. J. Loth in Annales de Bretagne X X II i (Nov. 1906)]. — A. Bertrand and S. Reinach Les Celtes dans les vallées du Pô et du Danube (Paris 1894) [a very important study of the early history of the Celts; some of the conclusions are no longer tenable]. — D ’Arbois de Jubainville Les Celtes depuis les temps les plus anciens jusqu'en l'an 100 avant notre ère (Paris 1904) [clear, popular exposition, with considerable discussion of the evidence]. — Niese “ Galli,” in Pauly andWissowa Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft V II (Stuttgart 1912) 610-39. — Fustel de Coulanges (ed. C. Jullian) La Gaule romaine 3rd ed. (Paris 1891). — Bloch Les origines, la Gaule indépendante et la Gaule romaine (vol. I of Lavisse’s Histoire de France) (Paris 1900). — Camille Jullian Histoire de la Gaule: I Les inva­ sions gantoises et la colonisation grecque (Paris 1908), II La Gatde indépendante (Paris 1908), III La conquête romaine et les premières invasions germaniques (Paris 1910) [continued in 3 more vols.; a work characterised by remarkable detailed knowledge of the sources, both archaeological and literary, and ingenuity in coordinating them, and in applying them to the reconstruction of the past]. — [Sir] John Rhys “ The early ethnology of the British Isles” (Rhind Lectures) Scottish Review X V 233-52; X V I 30-47, 240-56; X V II 60-82, 332-49; X V I I I 120-43 (1890-1). — T . R. Holmes Ancient Britain and the invasions of Caesar (Oxford 1907) [includes an important study on the primitive inhabitants of Britain]. (d) I reland — Primitive T imes. See the book by J. Romilly Allen noticed p. 98 supra. — John Cooke (ed.) IVakeman's Handbook of Irish Antiquities (Dublin, etc. 1903) [a convenient summary, treating also of the mediaeval period; does not give the historical setting. This is the 3rd ed. of Archaeologia Hiberniae, by W. F. Wakeman, first published in 1848. Cf. p. 63 supra] — W. G. Wood-Martin Pagan Ireland A handbook of Irish pre-Christian antiquities (London, etc. 1895) [contains a good bibliography]. — Sir William R. W. Wilde Descriptive catalogue of the antiquities in the museum of the Royal Irish Academy (Dublin 1857-62) [includes early mediaeval objects]. — George Coffey New Grange (Brugh na Boinne) and other incised tumuli in Ireland : the influence of Crete and the Ægean in the extreme west of Europe in early times (Dublin 1912); The Bronze Age in Ireland (Dublin 1913). — W. G. WoodMartin The lake dwellings of Ireland, or, ancient lacustrine habitations of Ireland, com­ monly called crannogs (Dublin 1886). — Thomas Johnson Westropp “ The ancient forts of Ireland: being a contribution towards our knowledge of their types, affinities, and structural features” Trans. RIA X X X I (1902) pt. xiv 579-730 [supplement in Proc. RIA X X IV C (1904) xv 267-76. Westropp did a vast amount of valuable work in the survey of the forts and other field antiquities, the results of which are to be found in the publications of RIA and RSAL] — R. A. S. Macalister Ireland in preCeltic times (Dublin and London 1921) [the best single work on Irish archaeology of the stone and bronze periods; cf. MacN Studies Dec. 1922 pp. 632-4]. — Because of the close relationship, archaeologically, between Scotland and Ireland, the very good study by Joseph Anderson, Scotland in Pagan times (Edinburgh 1883, 1886), is useful for Irish history.



(e) I reland — E arly M iddle A ges : R. R. Brash (ed. G. M. Atkinson) Ogam inscribed monuments cf the Gaedhil in the British islands (London 1879). — R. A. S. Macalister Studies in Irish epigraphy 3 vols. (London 1897, 1902, 1907) [the best collection of ogam inscriptions]. — Geo. Petrie (ed. Margaret Stokes) Christian inscrip­ tions in the Irish language from the earliest known to the end of the twelfth century 2 vols. (Dublin 1872-8) [cf. p. 64 supra; the collection is neither complete nor entirely trust­ worthy, but contains many inscriptions now lost]. — H. Gaidoz “ Notice sur les inscriptions latines de l’Irlande” Mélanges publiés par la section historique et philolo­ gique de l ’École des hautes études (Paris 1878) 121-35. — R. A. S. Macalister The memorial slabs of Clonmacnois (Dublin 1909). — Henry O’Neill Illustrations of the most interesting of the sculptured crosses of ancient Ireland (London 1857). — Margaret Stokes The high crosses of Castlcdermot and Durrow with an introduction on the high crosses of Ireland (Dublin 1898). — Geo. Petrie The ecclesiastical architecture of Ireland anterior to the Anglo-Norman invasion, comprising an essay on the origin and uses of the round towers of Ireland (Dublin 1845) [appeared first in Trans. RIA X X : cf. p. 64 supra]. — E. R. W. Wyndham-Quin, third Earl of Dunraven (ed. Margaret Stokes) Notes on Irish architecture 2 vols. (London 1S75-7) [valuable]. — Margaret Stokes Early Christian architecture in Ireland (London 1878). — Arthur C. Champneys Irish ecclesiastical architecture with some notice of similar or related work in England, Scotland and elsewhere (London 1910) [good]. — Margaret Stokes Early Christian art in Ireland (London 1887; reprint 1894). — Geo. Coffey Guide to the Celtic antiquities of the Christian period preserved in the National Museum, Dublin (Dublin, London 1909; 2nd ed. 1910). — See also Jos. Anderson Scotland in early Christian times (Edin­ burgh 1881) [cf. p. 102 supra]. Also the works on “ Illumination ” under Palaeography pp. 98-9 supra, especially the articles by Brown, Leclercq and Gougaud.

8. Collections of Sources The following list contains the names of collections which the student of early Irish history will encounter most frequently. For more extensive lists see Potthast, Gross and other guides noticed in sect. 1 of this bibliography. Acta sanctorum, liturgical texts, and other special collections are noticed at the head of the chapters or sections dealing with these particular subjects. (a) G eneral E uropean : Henricus Canisius Antiquae lectionis tomus Ius [2, etc.] in quo . . . antiqua monumenta ad historiam mediae aetatis illustrandam . . . nunc primum e mss. codd. edita et notis illustrata 6 vols. (Ingolstadt 1601-4); 2nd ed. by Jacobus Basnage, Thesaurus monumentorum ecclesiasticorum et historicomm, sive Henrici Canisii Lectiones antiquae . . . 7 vols, in 3, 4 or 5 (Antwerp [Amsterdam] 1725). — Lucas d’Achery Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum . . . 13 vols. (Paris 1655-77; 2nd ed. of vols. I —II, 1665); new ed. by L. F. J. de la Barre, Steph. Baluze, Edm. Martène, 3 vols. (Paris 1723). — Edm. Martène and Ursinus Durand Thesaurus novus anecdotorum seu Collectio monumentorum 5 vols. (Paris 1717); Vet­ erum scriptorum et monumentorum historicorum . . . amplissima collectio 9 vols. (Paris 1724-33). — Martin Bouquet, etc. Rerum Gallicarum et Francicarum scriptores Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France 23 vols. (Paris 1738-1876); new ed. by Leopold Delisle (1869-1894). — J. D. Mansi Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplis­ sima collectio (Florence, Venice 1 759-98). — Monumenta Germaniae historica (Hanover, Berlin 1826- ). [This scholarly collection is, with the possible exception of Migne



PL, the most useful of all the general compilations of sources. It is divided into five series — Scriptores, Leges, Diplomata, Epistolae and Antiquitates — and many sub-series. The divisions to which most frequept reference must be made are the subseries Auctores antiquissimi, Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum, and Scriptores [rerum Germanicarum] ed. G. H. Pertz, of the series Scriptores', the series Epistolae', and the Poetae latini of the series Antiquitates. NA — cf. p. 93 supra — is published by the same society as the Monumenta.] — J. P. Migne Patrologiae Latinae tomus I C C X X I (Paris 1844-64) [an extraordinarily extensive and very useful publication, composed almost entirely, however, of typographically poor reprints of older, and often imperfect, texts). — Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum (Vienna 1866- ) [good editions of early Church writers]. — Collection de textes pour servir à Vétude et à l'enseignement de l'histoire (Paris 1886- ) [sources for early French history]. (b) I reland, G reat B ritain : James Ussher Veterum epistolarum Hihernicarum sylloge (Dublin 1632); also in Whole Works IV 383-572 [cf. p. 47 supra], — Charles O’Conor Rerum Hibernicarum scriptores veteres 4 vols. (Buckingham, 1814-25-26-26) [cf. p. 62 supra: contains, besides extracts from Latin and Greek authors and several historical poems, the annals of Tigernach, Inisfallen, Boyle, the Four Masters, and Ulster, in whole or in part]. — Monumenta historica Britannica: I [all published] Extending to the Norman conquest ed. Henry Petrie, John Sharpe, T . D . Hardy ([Lon­ don] 1848) [contains extracts from Greek and Roman writers; inscriptions; and various historical works to 1066, including Gildas, Nennius, Bede, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Asser, Florence of Worcester, Simeon of Durham, Henry of Huntingdon, Gaimar, the Annales Cambriae and the Brut y Tywysogion]. — Rerum Britannicarum medii aevi scriptores, or Chronicles and memorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the middle ages, Published . . . under the direction of the Master of the Rolls (London 1850-96) [the “ Rolls Series” : cf. p. 65 supra: the publications of chief interest for early Irish history are the Brut y Tywysogion (i860); Annales Cambriae (i860); Giraldi Cambrensis opera 8 vols. (1861-91); Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 2 vols. (1861); Hardy’s Descriptive Catalogue 3 vols, in 4 (1862-71) [cf. p. 91 supra]; Chronicum Scotorum (1866); War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill (1867); Willelmus Malmesbiriensis (1870; 1887-9); Annals of Loch Cê (1871); Henrici Huntindunensis Historia (1879); Historians of the Church of York 2 vols. (1879-86); Symeon of Durham 2 vols. (18825); Eadmeri Historia novorum (1884); Icelandic Sagas 2 vols. (1887); Tripartite Life of St. Patrick 2 vols. (1887)]. — William F. Skene Chronicles of the Piets, chronicles of the Scots, and other early memorials of Scottish history (Edinburgh 1867). — A. W. Haddan and William Stubbs Councils and ecclesiastical documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland 3 vols, in 4 (Oxford 1869-73-78-71) [vol. II pt. ii (1878) contains early Irish documents: the death of Haddan prevented final revision of this section, which is imperfect, and also inferior in scholarship to the remainder of the work]. — Ernst Windisch and Whitley Stokes Irische Texte 4 vols, in 7 (Leipsic 1880-4-7, 1891-7, 1900-9) [cf. pp. 72, 76 supra], — Standish Hayes O’Grady Silva Gadelica A collection of tales in Irish with extracts illustrating persons and places 2 vols. (London 1892). — Whitley Stokes and John Strachan Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus A collection of Old-Irish glosses, scholia, prose and verse 2 vols. (Cambridge 1901-3); Supplement (Halle a. S. 1910) [cf. p. 72 supra; also ZC P V (1905) 505-21, 575-8]. — O. J. Bergin, R. I. Best, Kuno Meyer, J. G. O’Keeffe Anecdota from Irish manuscripts 5 vols. (Halle a. S., Dublin 1907-8-10-12-13) [cf. p. 73 supra]. — Alan Orr Anderson Early sources of Scottish history 2 vols. (Edinburgh 1922) [extracts arranged chrono­ logically, with trans.; good bibliog.].



9. Works for Historical Reference (a) E ncyclopaedias and E ncyclopaedic D ictionaries: A few articles in the general encyclopaedias, such as Ersch and Gruber’s Allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Wis­ senschaften und Künste, the Grande Encyclopêdiey and the Encyclopaedia Britannica, n t h ed., will be found useful, but the most important works of this kind are in the domain of religious and ecclesiastical affairs. The Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings, 12 vols. (Edinburgh 1908-22), contains many arti­ cles on Celtic and Irish religion, both pagan and Christian. The Dictionary of Chris­ tian antiquities of William Smith and Samuel Cheetham, 2 vols. (London 1875-80), and the Dictionary of Christian biography, literature, sects and doctrines, of William Smith and H. Wace (London 1877-87 ; abridged ed. by Henry Wace and W. C. Picrcy, 1911), are still useful. Of great value are the Rcalencyklopädic für protestantische Theologie und Kirche of J. J. Herzog, in the carefully revised 3rd ed. by A. Hauck, 24 vols. (Leipsic 1896-1913), and the Kirchenlexikon oder Encyclopädic der katholischen Theologie und ihre Hilfswissenschaften, 2nd ed. by Hergenröther and Kauler, 12 vols, and index (Freiburg 1882-1901). The Catholic Encyclopedia, edited by C. G. Herber­ mann et al., 16 vols, and Supplement (New York [1907-14,1922]) is of uneven character, some of the articles, especially those by continental European scholars, being of high merit; the treatment of many of the Irish topics is unsatisfactory. — The following two works, which are in progress, are magnificent monuments of contemporary French scholarship and have a very practical value for the student of Irish history: Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, ed. Dom Fernand Cabrol (Paris 1903- ); and Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. A. Baudrillart, A. Vogt and U. Rouzies (Paris 1909- ). (b) B iographies and G enealogies: The best biographical compilation is the Dic­ tionary of National Biography, ed. Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee, 63 vols. (London 1885-1 poo); supp. 3 vols. (1901); index and epitome (1903); errata (1904); new ed. 22 vols. (1908-9); 2nd supp. 3 vols. (1912); index and epitome (1913). Its biographies of early Irish personages, though fairly full, show usually only elementary criticism. The Dictionary of Christian biography [cf. sub-sec. (a) supra] also contains a number of articles on Irish subjects, as does Thomas Wright’s Biographia Britannica literaria 2 vols. (London 1842-6). A. Webb Compendium of Irish biography (Dublin 1878) is the chief Irish biographical dictionary: it is quite incomplete, both in subjects and in treatment. J. O’Hart Irish Pedigrees 2 vols. (Dublin 1876-8) is the principal treatise on Irish genealogy. It makes no attempt at critical reconstruction of the ancient lists. (c) H istory of E urope, General : The History of Medieval Europe, by Lynn Thorn­ dike (under the editorship of Jas. T . Shotwell) (Boston, etc. 1917); The Middle Ages 395-1272, by Dana Carleton Munro (New York 1921); and the Histoire de l'Europe au moyen âge 395-1270, by Charles Bémont and Gabriel Monod, new ed. (Paris 1921), may be mentioned as excellent brief surveys of mediaeval history, without derogation to the many other good short manuals which are available. Of larger treatises the most useful are, probably, the Histoire générale, ed. E. Lavisse and A. Rambaud (Paris 1893-1901), of which the first three volumes relate to the mediaeval era; the Histoire de France, ed. E. Lavisse (Paris 1900-11); and The Cambridge Mediaeval History, ed. J. B. Bury, of which 4 vols, have appeared (London, New York 1911- ). For the study in detail of any period the most useful collections are the Jahrbücher der

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deutschen Geschichte by various German scholars under the auspices of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences (Berlin, Leipsic i 860- ), and G. Richter Annalen der deutschen Geschichte im Mittelalter 3 vols. (Halle 1873-98), a condensation of the Jahrbücher. None of these works gives any special attention to Irish history. Of more direct interest to the student of that subject are, for one or another reason, various treatises on special topics, of which the following may be mentioned: H. O. Taylor The classical heritage of the middle ages (London 1901). — Sir John Edwin Sandys A history of classical scholarship: I From the sixth century b .c . to the end of the middle ages (Cam­ bridge 1903; 3rd ed. 1921) [treats the Irish evidence with some fulness]. — M . Roger L 'enseignement des lettres classiques d'Ausone d Alcuin (Paris 1905) [also devotes con­ siderable space to Ireland]. — R. L. Poole Illustrations of the history of mediaeval thought and learning (London 1884; 2nd ed. 1920). — W. P. Ker The Dark Ages (vol. I of Periods of European Literature, ed. Saintsbury) (Edinburgh, London 1904). — C. R. Beazley The dawn of modern geography 3 vols. (London 1897-1906). — Fridt­ jof Nansen (trans. Arthur G. Chater) In Northern Mists Arctic exploration in early times 2 vols. (London 1911). — See also the works of Ebert and Manitius noticed above, p. 91. (d) C hurch H istory, General : Charles De Smedt Introductio generalis ad historiam ecclesiasticam critice tractandam (Ghent, etc., 1876) [the chief “ introduction” devoted solely to this field; has valuable bibliographies of the older literature]. — W. E. Collins The study of ecclesiastical history (London 1903) [brief but valuable]. — Peter Guilday An introduction to Church history (London, St. Louis 1925). — Caesar Baronius Annales ecclesiastici a Christo nato ad annum i i q 8 12 vols. (Rome 1599-93); there are several continuations, and also later eds., the most important being that by Mansi, 38 vols. (Lucca 1738-59), and that by Theiner, 37 vols. (Bar-le-Duc and Paris 1864-83) [this work has been the foundation for all subsequent church history, and remains, in spite of many defects, a compilation of importance for reference purposes]. — Louis Sébastien Le Nain de Tillemont Mémoires pour servir d Vhistoire ecclésiastique des six premiers siècles 16 vols. (Paris 1693, etc.; 2nd ed. 1700, etc.) [a famous work of erudition; the only purely Irish topic treated is St. Patrick]. — J. Alzog Universal­ geschichte der Kirche (Mainz 1840), ioth ed. by F. X . Kraus (1882); trans, from 9th ed. by F. J. Pabisch and T. S. Byrne, Manual of universal Church History 4 vols. (Dublin 1889-1902). — Wilhelm Moeller Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte 3 vols. (Freiburg 1889-94); later eds. by Hans von Schubert (1897-1907); trans, by Andrew Rutherford and J. H. Freese, History of the Christian Church 3 vols. (London, etc. 1893-1900), 2nd ed. of vol. I (1898). — Karl Müller Kirchengeschichte 2 vols. (Frei­ burg 1892-7; new ed. Tübingen 1916, etc.) — Joseph Hergenröther Handbuch der allgemeinen Kirchengeschichte, 5th ed. by J. P. Kirsch, 4 vols. (Freiburg i. B. 19113-5-7). — Karl Heussi Kompendium der Kirchengeschichte 4th ed. (Tübingen 1919). — F. X . Funk (ed. K . Bihlmeyer) Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte 7th ed. (Paderborn 1921): Eng. trans, from 4th ed. by L. Cappadelta (London, St. Louis 1910). — Albert Hauck Kirchengeschichte DetUschlands 5 pts. (Leipsic 1887-1920; 4th ed. of vol. I, 1904) [of great value]. — Hans von Schubert Geschichte der christlichen Kirche im Frühmittelaller (Tübingen 1917-21) [sixth to ninth centuries, inclusive]. Of the above, Baronius, Tillemont, Alzog, Hergenröther and Funk wrote from the Catholic point of view, Moeller, Müller, Heussi, Hauck and Schubert from the Protestant, but all maintain a high standard of scholarship. (e) C eltica ; T he British I sles : H. d’Arbois de Jubainville (ed.) Cours de littérature celtique 12 vols. (Paris 1883-1902): I Introduction d Vétude de la littérature celtique,



by the ed. (1883); II Le cycle mythologique irlandais et la mythologie celtique, by the ed. (1884; [trans. R. I. Best The Irish mythological cycle and Celtic mythology (Dublin, London 1903)]; III-IV Les Mabinogion, by J. Loth (1889); V Vépopée celtique en Irlande, by the ed., with several collaborators (1892); VI La civilisation des Celles et celle de Vépopée homérique, by the ed. (1889); V II-V III Études sur le droit celtique, by the ed. (1895); IX -X I La métrique galloise, by J. Loth (1900-2); X II Principaux auteurs de Vantiquité à consulter sur Vhistoire des Celtes (1902) [AdeJ’s work is most attractive and important, but should be used with certain precautions: his primary motive was to reconstruct the antiquities of Celtic Gaul, which he attempted to do partly by the direct study of the Irish literary sources, partly by comparing these with Greek and Roman records: he was too much prepossessed by ideas drawn from the classics, and too prone to press the identity of Irish, British and Gallic customs and institutions, and their analogy with those of Greece and Romel; La famille cel­ tique: étude de droit comparatif (Paris 1906); Les druides et les dieux à formes d'ani­ maux (Paris 1906). — E. C. Quiggin “ C elt” (Languages, Literature) Encycl. Britan­ nica n th ed. — Heinrich Zimmer, Kuno Meyer, Ludwig Christian Stern “ Die keltischen Literaturen” in Die romanischen Literaturen und Sprachen mit Einschluss des Keltischen (Paul Hinneberg’s Die Kultur der Gegenwart Teil I Abteilung X I i) (Berlin and Leipsic 1909) 1-137. — G. Dottin Les littératures celtiques {Collection Payot) (Paris 1924) [small but comprehensive]. — Sir John Rhys Origin and growth of religion as illustrated by Celtic heathendom {Hibbert Lectures 1886) (London 1888). — Sir E. Anwyl Celtic religion in pre-Christian times (London 1906). — John Arnott MacCulloch The religion of the ancient Celts (Edinburgh 1911); Celtic Mythology {Mythology of all nations III) (Boston 1918). — Geo. Henderson Survivals in belief among the Celts (Glasgow 1911). — Eóin MacNeill Celtic religion (Cath. Truth Soc., London). Sir John Rhys Celtic Britain (London 1884: 4th ed. 1908) [interesting, but to be used with caution: cf. pp. 77, h i ]. — Ernst Windisch Das keltische Brittannien bis zu Kaiser Arthur (Leipsic 1912) [topical treatment; cf. p. 76 supra; also RC X X X IV (1913) 207-10]. — J. W. Jeudwine The first twelve centuries of British story (London 1912) [follows unconventional lines; uses Irish sources]. The following works ostensibly deal with the “ Celtic” Church in the British Isles as a whole; but, because the sources are chiefly Irish, they are, in the main, treatises on the early Irish Church: Jas. Ussher A Discourse of the religion anciently professed by the Irish and British (Dublin 1631); also in Whole Works IV 235-381; Britannicarum ecclesiarum antiquitates (Dublin 1639); in Whole Works V -V I [cf. p. 47 supra; Ussher was influenced by controversial preoccupations, but he was a scholar well versed, for his time, in Irish antiquities, and his writings are worthy of consideration; he made use of some manuscripts that have since been lost]. — C. W. Schoell De ecclesiasticae Britonum Scotorumque historiae fontibus (Berlin 1851) [of value, though marred by confessional prepossessions]. — Friedrich Loofs Antiquae Britonum Scoto­ rumque ecclesiae quales fuerint mores, quae ratio credendi, quae controversiae cum Romana ecclesia causa atque vis (Leipsic and London 1882) [work of merit]. — Heinrich Zimmer “ Keltische Kirche in Britannien und Irland” Realencyklopädie f . proi. Thcol. u. Kirche 3rd ed. X (1901) 204 sqq; (trans. A. Meyer) The Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland (London 1902) [cf. p. 77 supra; important; brief and topical; a radical and iconoclastic study that has inspired much controversy; cf. H. Williams “ Heinrich Zimmer on the history of the Celtic Church” Z C P IV (1903) 527-74; J. Gwynn LA pp. xcvii-c]. — Louis Gougaud Les Chrétientés celtiques (Paris 19ii) [a compact

io 8


and comprehensive little manual, indispensable to every student of early Irish history; has excellent bibliographies; cf. J. Loth RC X X X II (1911) 488-94]. (f) Scotland: W ales ; B rtttany; E ngland : William Forbes Skene Celtic Scotland: a history of ancient Alban: I History and Ethnology (Edinburgh 1876, 2nd ed. 1886), II Church and Culture (1877, 1887), III Land and People (1880, 1890) [cf. p. 68 supra; gives much attention both to early Britain and to Ireland, and, in spite of imper­ fections and errors, is worthy of careful consultation]. — Alphons Bellesheim, Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Schottland 2 vols. (Mainz 1883): trans. D. O. Hunter Blair History of the Catholic Church in Scotland 4 vols. (Edinburgh 1887-90). — John Dowden The Celtic Church in Scotland (London 1894). Ferdinand Walter Das alte Wales Ein Beitrag zur Völker-, Rechts-, und Kirchenge­ schichte (Bonn 1859). — Frederic Seebohm The tribal system in Wales (London, etc. 1895; 2nd ed. 1904). — Sir John Rhys and David Brynmor-Jones The Welsh People (London 1900; 5th imp. 1909) [the early mediaeval period is treated in broad lines only]. — John Edward Lloyd A history of Wales from the earliest times to the Edwardian conquest 2 vols. (London 1911; 2nd ed. 1912) [an excellent work]. Arthur Le Moyne de La Borderie Histoire de Bretagne 3 vols. (Rennes and Paris 1896-8-9) [widely informing but somewhat uncritical; there is a continuation by Barthélemy Pocquet for the later middle ages and modem times]. Chas. I. Elton Origins of English history (London 1882; 2nd ed. 1890) [valuable, especially for the literary sources]. — Frederic Seebohm Tribal custom in AngloSaxon law (London, etc. 1902; reprint 1911). — Thomas Hodgkin The history of England from the earliest times to the Norman conquest (London, etc. 1906). — Charles W. C. Oman England before the Norman conquest (London [1910]). — G. B. Adams The history of England from the Norman conquest to the death of John (1066-1216) (London, etc. 1905). — H. W. C. Davis England under the Normans and Angevins 1066-1272 (London [1905]). — William Bright Chapters of early English Church history (Oxford 1878; 3rd ed. 1897) [gives considerable attention to the Celtic Church]. — William Hunt The English Church a .d . 5Ç7-1066 (London 1899). — W. R. W. Stephens The English Church 1066-1272 (London 1901). — H. D. Traill (ed.) Social England A record of the progress of the people in religion, laws, learning, arts, industry, commerce, science, literature and manners 6 vols. (London, etc. 1894-7; illustrated and revised ed. 1901-4). (g) I reland : There are few good histories of Ireland: even some that are fairly satisfactory for modem times fail in their treatment of the early middle ages. A brief but very good German compendium is Julius Pokorny’s Irland (Gotha 1916), in Perthes’ Kleine Völker- und Länderkunde. Patrick Weston Joyce A short history of Ireland to 1608 (London etc., 1873; new imp. 1911), is one of the best of the older works. It has been re-issued, without the revision which it should have received, as A history of Gaelic Ireland from the earliest times to 1608 (1925). Irish Nationality, by Alice Stopford Green, in the “ Home University Library,” is an impressionist sketch, bringing out well some salient features of the nation’s story. Of similar char­ acter, but with much greater detail, is her History of the Irish State to 1014 (London 1925), which is a valuable general sketch of the early mediaeval period. — Artur Ua Clerigh History of Ireland to Henry I I (London 1908; is a work of originality contain­ ing some acute observations amid much ill-founded speculation. The best studies covering the early middle ages are Phases of Irish history (Dublin 1919) and Celtic Ireland (Dublin, London 1921), both by Eóin MacNeill, but the former is a series of



lectures, popular and in places sketchy, and the latter a collection of essays on special topics (cf. p. 81 supra). See also “ Ireland: Early History,” by E. C. Quiggin, Encyd. Brit, n th ed. X IV (1910) 756-70; and “ Irlande,” by F. Lot, in the Grande Encydopêdie. Two papers dealing, one with the beginning, the other with the end of our period, which attempt, not too successfully, to apply the principles of criticism to the Irish records, are Sir John Rhys “ Studies in early Irish history” Proc. Brit. Acad. 1 (1903-4) 21-80 (cf. p. 77 supra), and Standish O’Grady “ The last kings of Ire­ land ” EHR IV (1889) 286-303. The following works relate to special fields: Eugene O ’Curry (ed. W. K . Sullivan) On the manners and customs of the ancient Irish 3 vols. (London 1873) W- P* 67 supra, and RC II (1874) 260-4, H I (1876) 31-9, 90-101: a vast collection of material; Sullivan’s contributions should be treated with special caution]. — W. G. Wood-Martin Traces of the elder faiths of Ireland, a folk-lore sketch 2 vols. (London 1902). — P. W. Joyce A social history of ancient Ireland 2 vols. (London 1903) [cf. p. 69 supra; another important collection, generally trustworthy as to facts but showing only elementary criticism]. — Douglas Hyde A literary history of Ireland from the earliest times to the (London 1899: also later reprints) [popular]. — Also the work by Eleanor Hull noticed p. 92 supra. Mervyn Archdall3 Monasticon Hibcrnicum; or an history of the abbies, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland (Dublin 1786); re-edited in part by P. F. Moran 2 vols. (Dublin 1873-6) [cf. p. 58 supra]. — John Lanigan An ecclesiastical history of Irdand from the first introduction of Christianity . . to the beginning of the thirteenth century 4 vols. (Dublin 1822; 2nd ed. 1829) [cf. p. 61 supra; a work of old scholarship, based on the Latin sources]. — J. H. Todd St. Patrick, Apostle of Ireland . . . with an introductory dissertation on some early usages of the Church in Ireland . . . (Dublin 1864) [this introduction is very important, but Todd was influenced by Protestant preconceptions]. — P. F. Moran Essays on the origins, doctrines and discipline of the early Irish Church (Dublin 1864) [uses much original material, but is propaganda for the Catholic interpretation], — Carl J. Greith Geschichte der altirischen Kirche (Frei­ burg i. B. 1867) [also from the Catholic point of view]. — Alphons Bellesheim Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Irland von der Einführung des Christenthums bis auf die Gegenwart 2 vols. (Mainz 1890-1) [on the whole good, but see a severe criti­ cism by B. MacCarthy in The Academy 23 Aug. 1890 p. 153]. — Geo. T . Stokes Ire­ land and the Celtic Church A history of Ireland from St. Patrick to the English conquest in 1172 (London 1886); 6th ed. by H. J. Lawlor (1907) [popular and attractive, but filled with erroneous views and mistakes of fact; Lawlor, whose ed. alone should be used, offers a mild antidote to the more glaring errors]. — John Salmon The ancient Irish Church as a witness to Catholic doctrine (Dublin 1897) [although controversial in design, has a scholarly basis]. — F. Kattenbusch “ Irland in der Kirchengeschichte,” Theologische Studien u. Kritiken X C I I I 1 Jan. 1921 (Gotha) 1-53. * The works of Ware (c/. p. 48 su p ra ) are now of little value except occasionally for special investi­


CH APTER II IRELAN D IN TH E A N C IE N T WORLD To about A.D. 700 T he earliest written sources for the history of Ireland are the occa­ sional statements and allusions to be found in the ancient authors of Carthage, Greece and Rome. The evidence offered by these writers, and by those of what may be called the succession states of the Roman Empire, down to the end of the seventh century, will now be con­ sidered. From the seventh century, records in some abundance have been bequeathed to us by Ireland herself, and, on the other hand, the relations between Ireland and the Continent took on thereafter, as a result of ecclesiastical connection, a new character.

First, however, it seems well to give, as background and setting, a summary appreciation of what archaeology and anthropology can tell us regarding the position of Ireland and the Irish people in this ancient world. I. P rolegomena — I reland and the I rish before W ritten H istory

Bibliography The books on anthropology and archaeology listed on pp. 100-3 supra; also those on Indo-European and Celtic philology on pp. 95-6. O. Montelius “ The chronology of the British Bronze Age ” Proc. Brit. Acad. 1909 pp. 97 sqq.— Geo. Coffey “ Origins of prehistoric ornament in Ireland ” Journ. R S A I X X V 37 sQQt “ Archaeological evidence for the intercourse of Gaul with Ireland before the first century” Proc. RIA X X V III C iv (1910).— O. G. S. C. Crawford “ The distribu­ tion of early bronze age settlements in Britain” Geographical Journ. Aug., Sept. 1912 [important also for early trade relations of Ireland].— J. Loth “ La première apparition des Celtes dans Tile de Bretagne et en Gaule” RC X X X V III (1920-1) 259-88.— E. C. R. Armstrong “ The La Tène period in Ireland” Journ. RS A I L U I i (1923) 1 -3 3 .

Sir John Rhÿs “ The Celts and other Aryans of the P and Q groups” Trans. Philol. Soc. 1891-4 pp. 104-31 [a brief statement of Rhys’s theory as to the settlement of the



h i

British Isles]; “ Celtae and GalH” Proc. Brit. Acad. II (1905).— E. Zupitza “ Kelten und Gallier ” ZC P IV (1903) 1-22.— HZ “ Auf welchem Wege kamen die Goidelen vom Kontinent nach Irland?” Abhandl. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1912 [also in separate print; the greater part a criticism of portions of R h ys’s Celtic Britain (p. 107 supra); cf. RC X X X III (1912) 384-7].— Cecile O’Rahilly Ireland and Wales (London etc. 1924) 1-34 “ Goidels and Brythons.”

The earliest traces of the existence of man in Ireland belong to that intermediary period between the palaeolithic or “ Old Stone” age and the neolithic or “ New Stone” age to which some archaeologists give the designation mesolithic. During much of the “ Old Stone” age of human history — the epoch when chipped stone implements were the characteristic products of man’s handicraft — Ireland seems to have been largely or entirely covered with a glacial cap. It is possible that, as the glaciers disappeared, men of at least the later palaeolithic era made their way thither with the fauna that have since prevailed, and evidences of their presence may yet be found. It is noteworthy that within the time of recorded history there have been apparent certain phenomena in Irish life pointing to the former existence there of a race of people resembling in culture the Eskimos.1 If such were the case, they were doubtless a stranded fragment of an ancient sub-glacial race, but they may, of course, have been in the neolithic stage of culture. Ireland possesses in abundance archaeological remains of the “ New Stone” age — when the characteristic implements were of polished stone — and of the bronze age which was its successor. Archaeologists are chary of fixing dates for the palaeolithic and neolithic periods. It is certain, however, that the mesolithic culture, and the presence of human life in Ireland, must precede the bronze age by several thousands of years: 10 000 X 6000 b .c . is, perhaps, a not unreasonable approximate location for the era of transition from the “ O ld” to the “ N ew ” stone culture. For the bronze age we are offered more precise estimates: Déchelette gave the limits for western Europe as 2500 to 900 b .c ., and for northern Europe and the British Isles 2500 to 500, including in this a preliminary “ copper” period coming down, perhaps, to 1900; 2 Coffey, with whom Macalister agrees, thought that for Ireland the copper age goes back hardly as far as Déchelette sug­ gests, and put the limits of the true bronze age as 1800 X 1500 to about 1 J. Pokorny “ Beiträge zur ältesten Geschichte IrlaDds" Z C P X I (1917) 189-204, XII (1918) 195231; D. MacRitchie “ Earth-houses and their occupants ” P r o c. S o c. o j A n tiq u a ries o f S cotland LI (1917) 17 8 -9 7 .

* J. Déchelette M a n u e l II i (1910) 105-7, ü (1913) 555, 588, iii (1914) table at end.



350 B.c.3 Ireland has always — by reason of her geographical posi­ tion — lagged a little behind in the movements which have spread over continental Europe. Her isolation, however, may easily be exagger­ ated, for the period before the use of writing as well as for that since: from the years when the great forests succeeded the post-glacial steppes down to comparatively recent times the easiest and the most frequented way of communication was the sea, or rather the sea-coast, and Ireland’s maritime position is most favorable. The archaeological evidence indi­ cates that in the greater part of both neolithic and bronze ages she was in the full current of West-European culture, and maintained rela­ tively close intercourse with other lands, particularly on the one side with Scotland and the Scandinavian countries, and on the other with north-western France and the coasts of the Spanish peninsula.4 Re­ cently some anthropologists have been attempting to distinguish a special variety of neolithic culture, called heliolithic, “ Sunstone,” because associated with sun-worship and the erection of megalithic monuments, which was spread over the borders of the Atlantic, from the British Isles to about equatorial Africa, those of the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean, the East Indies, eastern Asia, Polynesia and even the Pacific slope of America.5 This hypothesis may be regarded with some scepticism, but the point of interest here is that the monu­ mental remains which are one of its strongest foundations are practically as numerous in Ireland, at one extreme of the “ culture area,” as any­ where throughout its extent. What peoples inhabited Ireland during these long centuries we do not know. There was ample time for the migration and coalescence of innumerable tribes and races. When at length clear information begins to be available we find the inhabitants a Celtic people, that is to say, a people speaking a Celtic language and possessing a social sys­ tem and culture resembling those of the other Celtic-speaking peoples of Europe. Nevertheless all the evidence indicates, and all the anthrop­ ologists agree, that the oldest inhabitants were not Celts, that the Celts appeared, at the earliest, not before the bronze age. It is also accepted that the original Celtic-speaking peoples of Ireland were invaders, obtaining, doubtless very gradually, the dominance through8 G. Coffey The bronze age in Ireland (Dublin 1913); R. A. S. Macalister Ireland in Pre-Celtic times (Dublin 1921). 4 Déchelette op. cit. II i 12, 28, 92-3, 349» and passim. 5 See G. Elliot Smith Migrations oj early culture (Manchester, London, etc. 1915). Also, for a more restricted interpretation, J. Déchelette “ Une nouvelle interprétation des gravures de New-Grange et de Garr’inis” L ’Anthropologie 1912 p. 29; H. Breuil “ Les pétroglyphes d’Irlande” Rev. archéologique 5th ser. XIII (1921 I) 7 5 - 8 .



out the island which resulted in the universal adoption of their language by the older inhabitants, who, it may be, then formed, and still form, the largest blood-strain in the population.6 The Celtic language-family is one in the group of language-families to which philologists give the name of Indo-European, Indo-Germanic, or Aryan. Other families of the group are Italic, Greek, Teutonic, Slavonic, and the Asiatic languages Armenian, Zend, Sanscrit, and their descendants. The languages of all these families, although each has developed along its own lines out of all recognition by its brethren except through the eyes of science, are fundamentally similar in struc­ ture, and must be used by people following fundamentally similar ways of thinking. It cannot be too often insisted that identity or relation­ ship in language does not imply, either now or at any period in the past, identity or relationship in blood, but it is obvious that such rela­ tionship does testify to long and intimate past association in actual liv­ ing. Hence it is certain that at some time in the dim neolithic past there was a people living together in a somewhat well-marked-off soci­ ety and conversing together in a common speech, the speech from which have sprung all the Indo-European tongues of later ages. Philology can even reconstruct part of their vocabulary, and from it history can determine something of the manner of life they led, and the type of culture they had evolved.7 The habitat of these primitive Aryans can­ not be fixed with certainty, but scholars of the present day incline to place it either in south-eastern Europe, to the north and north-west of the Black Sea, or in west-central Asia. In time, as a result of the develop­ ment of linguistic differentiations caused, or accentuated, by the spreading out of the people, the primitive language split into the ances­ tral tongues of the several language-families already named. This must have taken place, at the latest, in early bronze times, for we have* * Anthropologists distinguish, on the basis of p hy sica l characterististics, three prevailing human types in Europe, extending laterally across the continent: a northern, or “ Nordic,” stock, fair and “ long­ headed;” a central, or “ Alpine," dark and “ broad-headed;” and a southern, or ” Mediterranean,” still darker and “ long-headed.” The British Isles show a mixture of the three stocks. Only very slight anthropological data regarding the population of Ireland is available, but it seems to indicate that, as compared with Britain, the " Nordic ” element is slightly greater, the “ Alpine ” and the ” Mediterra­ nean ” slightly less. Documentary evidence shows that in early mediaeval times the dominant class in Ireland, who, probably, were largely the descendants of the Celtic-speaking invaders, described them­ selves as having the physical characteristics of the " Nordic ” type, while they described the subject peoples, whom we may believe to have sprung chiefly from the pre-Celtic inhabitants, as having those of the " Mediterranean ” type. C/. Macalister Irela n d i n P r e -C e ltic tim es (1921) 30-sr. H ow is doubtful whether a common linguistic stock formed also a common physical type in the days of the Celtic expansion any more than to-day. 7 Fick Vergleichendes W örterbuch der indogerm anischen S p ra ch en (Göttingen 1873) [résumé in AdeJ L e s prem iers habitants de l'E u r o p e I (Paris 1889) 101; to be modified by later investigations]; also the works by Schrader and Hirt cited p. iox su p ra .

1 14


evidence that by 1400 B.c. Aryans were well established in Asia and had developed their own distinctive religious system.8 If the Hittites of eastern Asia Minor spoke, as is now generally believed, an IndoEuropean language, we have Aryans in Asia at a still earlier date. The Celtic-speaking peoples moved westward, probably in close association with the Italic speakers until these branched off and made their way into the peninsula which has since been their home.9 The linguistic peculiarities which differentiated the Celts from the other Indo-European groups — some of which undoubtedly developed after the separation of those groups — have been determined by philological research: noteworthy among them was the weakening 10 and disappear­ ance of the sound of “ p ” at the beginning of words and between vowels, from which it results, for example, that the word which appears in Latin as pater and in English as father is in Irish athair. This Celtic­ speaking people must have remained together as a fairly closely-knit society for a long period of time, during which they developed a quite elaborate civilization. The evidence, as in the case of their predecessors, the primitive Aryans, lies in part in their vocabulary, a vocabulary of which about 2250 words have been identified.11 Probably by the time at which we hear of Aryans in Asia the Celts had become well established in the table-land of central Europe, occu­ pying the whole or large parts of what are now east-central France, Switzerland, Baden, Wiirtemberg, Bavaria, Austria and Bohemia.12 8 The Tell-el-Amarna tablets, and more particularly records discovered at Boghaz-Keui in Cappa­ docia, have shown that in the fifteenth and fourteenth centuries b .c . the kings of the Mitani people, who dwelt in the upper valley of the Euphrates, worshipped among their gods Mitra, Varuna, Indra and the Nâsatyas. Cf. Eduard Meyer “ Das erste Auftreten der Arier in der Geschichte ” Sitz. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. 19081; UAnthropologie 1908 p. 314, 1910 p. 160; Revue des Études Ethnographiques et Sociologiques 1908 p. 301. The question arises whether the gods mentioned, who are well-known Indian divin­ ities, represent a western extension of an already distinct Indian culture, or whether they are Asiatic Aryan prototypes of their later Indian namesakes, and represent a stage when Indo-Iranians had long broken away from the Furopean Aryans, but had not themselves yet split into their two chief divisions. The former hypothesis is supported by H. Jacobi Journ. of the Roy. Asiatic Soc. 1909 pp. 721 sqq, 1910 pp. 456 sqq, and Sten Konow The Aryan Gods of the Mitani People (Publications of the Indian Institute of the Royal Frederik University I i) (Christiania 1921). If correct, it probably pushes the date of cleavage among the Aryans back to a much earlier epoch. Cf. also H. R. Hall “ The Hittites and Egypt,” in W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder (eds.) Anatolian Studies presented to Sir William Mitchell Ramsay (Man­ chester, London, etc. 1923) 165-85. 9 For a brief statement of the characteristics that are peculiar to Celtic and Italic, and mark them off from the other families, see art. " Latin ” in Encycl. Brit., n th ed. For more extensive treatment see A. Meillet Les dialectes indo-européens (Paris 1908) 31-9; W. Christ in K . Akad. d. Wissensch. zu München, Sitz. d. philos.-philol. u. d. hist. Kl. 1906 Heft II; A. Walde Über älteste sprachliche Beziehungen mischen Kelten und Italikern (Innsbruck 1917); J. Vendryes RC X L II (1925) 379-90. 10 G. Dottin La langue gauloise (1920) 307. 11 WS Urkeltischer Sprachschatz: cf. p. 95 supra. Holder in his Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz lists over thirty thousand words, but some of these are probably not Celtic, and the great majority are place-names, in which a quite small number of roots are used over and over again. 12 For the conclusions very summarily presented in these paragraphs detailed references cannot be



Apparently they were in the lower Rhine country, and Belgium also, at an early date, but whether before or after the end of the bronze age is not very clear. About 900 B.c. the knowledge of the working of iron came into central Europe from the south, and ushered in a period of power and prosperity for the Celts. Their country was rich in iron ore, and they themselves seem to have developed remarkable mechanical skill. The culture of the iron age north of the Mediterranean lands, although it spread beyond the bounds of Celtica, was dominated by the Celts.13 This iron age is divided into two main epochs, and these again into several subdivisions, for which an approximate chronology can be fixed. The “ First Age of Iron,” or Hallstatt epoch — so named from a site 14 in upper Austria where extensive remains have been found — dates from 900 to 500 b .c ., and includes Hallstatt I, 900-700, and Hallstatt II, 700-500; the “ Second Age of Iron” or La Tène epoch — La Tène is a site on lake Neuchâtel in Switzerland — covers the period from 500 b .c . to the Christian era, and includes La Tène I, 500-300, La Tène II, 300-100, and La Tène III, the last century before Christ. This is the archaeological chronology for the times which saw the expan­ sion of the Celts over a large part of the ancient world, followed by their almost complete subjugation by the Romans and the Germans.15 The pre-Celtic inhabitants of western Europe of whom we hear from Greek writers were the Ligurians and the Iberians.16 The Ligurians in Roman times were a small people living around the Gulf of Genoa, but before the coming of the Celts they certainly held southern France east of the Rhone, and perhaps extended north and west. The Iberians in the later period are found mingled with Celts in Spain and Portugal, and it seems fairly well established that they had at cne time occupied the south of France from the Rhone to the Bay of Biscay. For the British Isles some have identified the pre-Celtic peoples as Ligurians.17 Others, especially given, but through the bibliography the reader will be able to locate many of the most important special studies. 13 See, e.g., AdeJ “ Les témoignages linguistiques de la civilisation commune aux Celtes et aux Ger­ mains pendant le Ve et le IV e siècle avant J-C.” Rev. archéol. 3rd ser. X V I I 187-214; Dottin Manuel pour servir à l'étude de l'antiquité celtique (1915) 420 sqq, and works there noticed. 14 Some scholars consider Hallstatt itself a foundation of the Illyrians — from whom, probably, the Celts learned the use of iron — others assign it to the Sigynnes, an obscure Mid-European people who seem to have been absorbed by the Celts. i®See Léon Joulin “ La protohistoire de l’Europe barbare d’après les découvertes archéologiques récentes” Rev. archéologique Nov.-Dec. 1923. is See Déchelette Manuel II i 6-28. 17 So AdeJ and Camille Jullian. Cf. Jullian " Survivances géographiques ” Revue des études anciennes V III (1906) July-Sept. Now Jullian believes that the Ligurians were not Pre-Celts but Proto-Celts, identical with the Italo-Celtic people when they were still united: “ Notes gallo-romaines " Ixxii, lxxiv, lxxvii Rev. des études anciennes Oct.-Dec. 1916, April-June 1917, Jan.-March 1918; and in Dottin La langue gauloise (Paris 1920) pp. xii-xiii.



English writers, have long been accustomed to speak of them, more particularly in connection with Ireland, as Iberians. In recent times quite an elaborate theory has been built up from this basis: the Iberians, who would be represented to-day by the Basques of the western Pyre­ nees, would be one of the branches of a dark-skinned Mediterranean race, which included also the Berbers of North Africa, the ancient Egyptians, and the Minoan-Mycenaean peoples of the Aegean, a race to which would be due the old heliolithic culture. Sir John Rhys, who did so much to promote Celtic studies in Great Britain, was an advo­ cate of the Iberian theory, and expended much labor in an effort to show that the ancient speech of the British Isles was related to Basque.18 But the whole subject is still quite nebulous, and the questions still remain open whether the Iberians were a race of such antiquity,19 whether the Basques had any ethnic or linguistic affinity with them, and whether either had any association with Ireland or Britain. For the more important phases of the expansion movement of the Celts precise dates can in some cases be given, derived from Greek and Latin records. To the south-east they were advancing into the Balkan peninsula in the fourth century b . c ., making a treaty with Alexander the Great in 335, raiding into Greece in 279, and soon after crossing to Asia Minor, where they seized the country henceforth known as Gala­ tia; 20 to the south they occupied northern Italy about 390. To the west and south-west they expanded over France, Britain, Ireland and the Spanish peninsula. Spain seems to have been entered before 450 and the Mediterranean coast of France between 350 and 220.21 It may have been under pressure from the Germans, who hitherto, it would appear, dwelt in the region of the Baltic, that these Celtic migrations took place. Henceforth the old home of the Celts in central Europe was occupied by mixed German and Celtic peoples, with the Germans more and more predominating and pressing southward and westward against Celts and Romans. One of these Germano-Celtic peoples, the 18 See, e.g., his “ The inscriptions and language of the northern Piets " Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scot. X X V I. 19 Jullian holds that the Iberians were not a race of ancient date, but a state created in the valley of the Ebro towards the sixth century B.c., which received its name from that river: Revue des études anciennes 1903 p. 383. Other important studies on the Iberians are Déchelette “ Chronologie préhis­ torique de la péninsule ibérique ” Revue archéologique 4th ser. X II (1908 II) 219-65, 390-415, X III (1909 I) 15-38; Philippon Les Ibères, étude d'archéologie et de linguistique (1909). 20 It is now generally accepted that the terms Celtae and Galli or Galatae were originally equally applica­ ble to the whole Celtic people. Some Celticists, however, have seen in these names the manifestation of a two-fold division. C/. Dottin Manuel (2nd ed. 1915) 12 sqq; Déchelette Manuel II ii (1913) 560 n. Julius Caesar appears to have been the first to limit Gallia to the region between the Rhine and the Pyrenees. 21 As early as 368 Celts were serving as mercenaries in the army of Syracuse, and we hear of them in this capacity repeatedly down to the Christian era. Cf. Dottin Manuel (2nd ed. 1915) 257 sq.



Belgae, had settled in Belgium and north-eastern France well before 103 B.C., and before 55 b .c . also in parts of the coast districts of Eng­ land and perhaps of Ireland, in all cases dispossessing earlier Celts.22 The date of the advent of the Celts in Ireland can not, on this show­ ing, be closely fixed. Archaeological testimony is to the effect that — except for sporadic occurrences — the earliest type of “ iron” culture in northern and western France is Hallstatt II (700-500),23 and in the British Isles the end of La Tène I (35o?~3oo). As it is hardly possible that a Celtic people could have made any great migration after 900 without bringing iron, the conclusion is that their invasion of Britain and Ireland took place either before 900 or about 350 b .c .24 The Celts in these two islands were quite sharply distinguished from each other in language. One of the chief distinctions was, in the terms of the philologists, that the Gaelic, or Goidelic, speech of Ireland retained the original Indo-European qu (modified to c = k by the time a written literature appeared) while the Briton, or Brythonic, changed it to p. Thus the word for “ son” is in Irish mac (in the ogam inscriptions maqu)> in Welsh map, later ap\ for “ head” Irish has cend, later cenn, ceann, Welsh penn. The Gallic of ancient Gaul, so far as can be determined from its scanty remains, seems to have been, for the most part, in agreement with Brythonic in this respect.252 6 It might seem probable that the division into “ Q ” peoples and “ P ” peoples was the result of the remote position of the Irish Celts, but the fact that the same cleav­ age is found in the Italic languages (Latin belongs to the “ Q ” division, Osco-Umbrian to that of “ P ” ) suggests that it may go back to the very beginnings of Celtic history, and that the Goidelic speakers were a distinctive branch of the Celts before they left central Europe. 22 On these relations of Celts and Germans, see M acN Phases of Irish history (Dublin 1919) 15-25, 52-60. On the Celtic migrations in general see Müllenhoff Deutsche Altertumskunde II 247 sqq; Niese “ Zur Geschichte der keltischen WanderungenM Zeitschrift f. deutsche Litteratur 1898 pp. 129 sqq. Cf. also AdeJ "Les Celtes en Espagne ” RC 1893 pp. 357 sqq-, " Conquête par les Gaulois de la région située entre le Rhin et l'Atlantique, au nord des Pyrénées ” ibid. 1903 pp. 162 sqq. 23 G. Radet " La Gaule primitive et archaïque ” Journ. des savants 1908, April-M ay, puts the Celtic invasion of Gaul in the 8th century. 24 Loth (op. cit. in bibliog. p. n o ), mainly on the risky interpretation of certain archaeological and anthropological evidence, argues for the beginning of the Bronze Age, 2000-1500 b . c ., as the date of the Celtic invasion of western Gaul and the British Isles. His argument shows a tendency to identify anthro­ pological " race ” with linguistic stock, and also largely ignores the Irish evidence. In Britain at the beginning of the Bronze Age a new people become prominent in the archaeological records, “ roundheads " who bury their dead in " round barrows.” These Loth would identify with the Celts. The Britons of the stone ages were “ long-heads ” and were buried in “ long barrows." But in Ireland, where there is no doubt of the presence of large numbers of both Celts and Pre-Celts, there were, on the one hand, no " long barrows,” and, on the other, to judge from the scanty evidence, very few “ round-heads.” 26 Dottin La langue gauloise (1920) 98. There may be traces of *' Q ” peoples in Gaul. Cf. also Rhys “ Celtae and G alli” Proc. Brit. Acad. II (1905); H. Pedersen Vergleichende Grammatik I (1909) 4.



The theory has been held by H. d’Arbois de Jubainville, Sir John Rhÿs, and others, that the Goidels crossed the channel at an early date, in the bronze age or before 800 b .c ., and overran first Britain and then Ireland. Later the Brythons (who, according to d’Arbois de Jubainville were identical with the Belgae and came in the second cen­ tury b .c ., but according to others preceded the Belgae by 300 years or more) followed in the same path and conquered the Goidels in Britain, but not in Ireland.26 Rhys thought that there were still considerable bodies of Goidels in the west of Britain at the time of Julius Caesar, but this certainly is not attested, and there is no clear testimony to the presence of Goidelic peoples at any time in the greater part of Britain. Coffey and Zimmer, with whom Windisch agreed, maintained that the Goidels came to Ireland not by way of Britain but directly from western France. The Brythonic invasion of Britain may, of course, have been contemporaneous. Some such view, it would seem, must be held by all who place the advent of the Celts in the British Isles as late as 350 b .c . II. P hoenicians


G reeks

Bibliography The majority of the items in the following bibliography will be found to relate also to the succeeding section. John Dalton “ Essay on the ancient history, religion, learning, arts and government of Ireland” Trans. RIA X V I ii (1831) 1-379 [of value only for the references to foreign sources].— AdeJ Principaux auteurs de Vantiquité à consulter sur Vhistoire des Celtes depuis les temps les plus anciens jusqu’ au règne de Théodore I er (CLC X II) (Paris 1902) [an excellent guide, in which the Irish student can find much of value for his special subject]. The following six works contain extracts from the ancient Greek and Latin authors: Martin Bouquet Recueil des historiens des Gaules I (1738; new ed. 1869) [cf. p. 103 supra; this collection, and that by Cougny, are designed to cover only matter relating to Gaul, but of necessity many passages of Irish interest are included].— Rer. Hib. SS. I (1814) [the only collection relating peculiarly to Ireland, but incomplete and anti­ quated].— MHB (1848) Excerpta [contains almost all passages of classical writings which refer to the British Isles, with trans, of those in Greek].— Edmond Cougny (the last vol. by Henri Lebègue) T a M ix ^ X L V II (1904) 250 sqq; Theologische Studien u. Kritiken 1910 pp. 530 sqq, 1911 pp. 20 sqq, 204 sqq. — Manitius Lat. Lit. I 334. Maximus Confessor (c 580-662) was one of the most famous of Greek theological writers and champions of Catholic doctrine. His use and interpretation of PseudoDionysius did much to bring that author into repute among the oithodox. A codex of one of his treatises, an explanation of ambiguous passages in the sermons of St. Gregory Nazianzen (Airopa els Tpriybpiov), must have been preserved in the palace library or some monastery of France in the time of Charles the Bald. Soon after the completion of his version of Pseudo-Dionysius Charles called upon Johannes Eriugena to render the same service for this text of Maximus. The resulting translation is similar in character to its predecessor. It has some importance in illustrating John’s ideaá.

It is believed that John also made a translation, for his own use, of the De hominis opificio of Gregory of Nyssa. Cf. Dräseke “ Gregorios von Nyssa in den Anführungen des Johannes Scottus Erigena ” Theol. Studien u. Kritiken L X X X II (Gotha 1909).

391. Johannes Eriugena: Uepl $úo-eo>v Mepurpov, id estf De divisione naturae c a . d . 867 Magister.

Saepe mihi cogitanti . . . convertit in lucem.

MSS: Bamberg H. J. IV 5 and 6 5 IX . — Reims 875 s IX . [These MSS contain notes and corrections said to be in John’s own hand: the Bamberg MS seems to have been once in Reims: possibly both belonged to Hincmar.] — BN 12964 5 IX . — Avranches 230. — BM Harl. 2506 s X [excerpts: cf. Turner Catholic Uniiersity Bulletin X III 566 n. 4]. — BN 12960 j X [beginning only]. — Floss made use of three St.-Germain 247 This passage, thought to be from a work by Johannes, Libtr de egressu et regressu animae ad Deum, has been published by Carl Greith Spicilegium Vaticanum (.Frauenfeld 1838) 30 sq, and by Floss in Migne P L C X X II 1023-4. P- Lehmann has shown that it is really an extract from the trans, of Maximus Con­ fessor {Hermes LH 116-8). Cf. Manitiu3 Lat. Lit. II 803.



MSS: 309 5 X I, 830 s X I, 280 s X II in BN, and BN 1764 s X II.248 E d : Floss in M ign ePL C X X II 439-1022. G e r m , t r a n s : Ludwig Noack Johannes Scotus Erigena über die Eintheilung der Natur (Philosophische Bibi. Bds. L X X X V I-L X X X V II) (Leipsic 1870,1874).249 C o m m : Manitius Lat. Lit. I (1911) 328-30, 334-5.— The works mentioned supra, pp. 569-71. — Delisle Le cabinet des mss II 125. — A. Schmitt Zwei noch unbenutzte Hss des Johannes Scotus Erigena (Bamberg 1900). — J. Dräseke “ Johannes Scotus Erigena und dessen Gewährsmänner in seinem Werke De Divisione Naturae Libri V ” Studien z. Geschichte d. Theologie u. d. Kirche IX ii (Leipsic 1902) 10-63 [study of the use of earlier Greek and Latin authors by Johannes]. — Manitius NA X X X II 678 sqq. — Ludwig Traube (ed. E. K. Rand) “ Palaeographische Forsch­ ungen Vter Teii: Autographa des Iohannes Scottus ” Abhandl. d. k. bay. Akad. d. Wissctisch. I Cl. Bd. X X V I Abt. I (Munich 1912) [cf. Bibi, de VÉcole des Chartes L X X III (1912) 301 sqq. But Rand in Unhcrsity of California Publications in Classical Philology V viii (1920) advances reasons for doubting the genuineness of these alleged autographs].

The most important work of Johannes Eriugena, and the first great philosophical production of western Europe, is the De Divisione Naturae. Unfortunately no adequate study of it has yet been made, at least in the English language. It is a philosophico-theological discussion, in the form of a dialogue, of the constitution of the universe, or “ Nature ” : “ Nature ” is analyzed, “ divided,” into four aspects: “ Nature creating but not created,” the Neo-Platonic ev, God as the origin of all things; “ Nature creating and created,” the world of Platonic ideas; “ Nature created but not creating,” the world of sense-phenomena; “ Nature neither created nor creating,” God the end, the destination, of all things. The Neo-Platonic mysticism which he imbibed from Pseudo-Dionysius, Maximus Confessor, Chalcidius,250 and others, permeates the whole, and has been developed into a quite thorough-going pantheism. Ration­ alism, too, is one of its cardinal doctrines, but a rationalism most incon­ gruous with the usual modern conception thereof, for it is based on the principle that the intellect is God Himself speaking in man. All this body of teaching is reconciled in full sincerity with the dogmas of Cath­ olic Christianity. The older authors whom Johannes certainly made use of in preparing his magnum opus are Vergil, Pliny, Augustine, Boethius, Martianus Capella, Hilary, Jerome and Ambrose, of the Latins, and Pseudo248 A brief extract from the De divisione n iturae, treating of the Aristotelian categories, is found in St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 274 s IX p. 4, and has been edited by M. Esposito, Proc. RIA X X X V III (1910) C 75. Cf. P. Lehmann “ Johannes Scottus über die Kategorien ” Berliner philologische Wochenschrift X L I (1921) 670-2. 219 An Eng. trans., in MS, by the Irish poet, William Larminie, is said to be in the National Library Dublin; cf. M. Esposito Studies II (Dec. 1913) 506, who says it should be used only with caution. 260 Sandys (Hermathena X II 428 sqq) says that John’s quotation from Plato’s Timaeus, in De Div. Nat. I xxxi, is entirely independent of the translation by Chalcidius.



Dionysius, Epiphanius, Gregory of Nyssa, and Maximus Confessor of the Greeks. The work is dedicated to his fellow-student Wulfad, afterwards bishop of Bourges.251

392. Johannes Eriugena: Commentary on the Opuscula sacra of Boethius c a .d . 868 x 870 Commentum Boethii De Trinitate.

Quinti dicebantur . . . commendat.

MSS: In the following codices the commentary appears as a complete work: BN lat. 12957 s IX f. 2 sqq. — Bern Stadtbibl. 265 j X /X I ff. 68 sqq. — Einsiedeln Stiftsbibl. 235 s X /X I pp. 96-164. — BN lat. 2788 s X I ff. 29 sqq. — St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 134 pp. 134 sqq s X I. — Munich Staatsbibi. 11314 s X I/X II ff. 26 sqq. — St. Gall Stifts­ bibl. 768 s X II pp. 9 sqq. In the following the commentary forms an interlinear and marginal gloss: Vat. Urb. 532 5 IX ff. 1 sqq. — Bern Stadtbibl. 510 (f. 1), 517 (f. 22v) s IX /X . — Bamberg Q VI 32 s IX /X ff. i v sqq. — Munich Staatsbibl. 18765 i X f f . 2 sqq. — Vat. lat. 567 s X I ff. 66v sqq; Reg. 592 s X I ff. 77v sqq. E d : E. K. Rand Johannes Scottus (Munich 1906) 3-80. C o m m : Manitius Lat. Lit. I (1911) 337-8. This Commentary was written soon after the death of Pope Nicholas I in 867. It is another example of the — for his time — superior exegetical work of Johannes. According to the editor it shows in places a toning down of the strongly heretical tendencies of the De Dinsione Naturae.

393. Life of Boethius MSS: Oxford Corpus Christi Coll. 74 s X I. — Florence Bibl. Laurentiana Plut. 78, 19 s X II f. 3V. E d : Peiper Boethii De Consolatione Philosophiae (Leipsic 1871). C/. M. Esposito Hermathena X V II (1912) 109-11. A short Life of the Christian scholar and philosopher Boethius (d. 524/525) which the manuscript attributes to Johannes Scottus.

394. Homily on the prologue to the Gospel of St. John, attributed to Johannes Eriugena Vox spiritualis aquilae . . . prophetalium visionum, cui gloria c. P. et s. S. per o. s. s.


MSS: Alençon 149. — Vienna 679. — BN lat. 2950 5 X II ff. 179-89 [the first attributes it to Johannes Scottus, the other two texts are anonymous]. E d s : Félix Ravaisson 251 Cf. p. 562 supra. In the Paris MS Bibl. Mazarine 561 s IX f. 2tgv there is a library cat. which has been published by Petit-Radcl, Recherches sur les bibliothèques 95-6, and by G. Becker, Catalogi bibliothecarum, antiqui (Bonn 1885) 42 no. xxi. As published the first item reads " biblia Vulfadi,” but, as Lehmann has noted, Hermes L U 113 sqq, and as the facs. in L. Traube (ed. E. K. Rand) Palaeographische Forschungen V [see p. 584 supra] pi. xii clearly shows, it is " Bibli Vulfadi.” Evidently this was the list of Wulfad’s books; among them are “ Sti Dyonisii ariopagitae,” " litterae eiusdem,” “ libri periûseon II, ” “ Scoliarum Maximi.”



Rapports sur les bïbl. des dêp. de Vouest (Paris 1841) 334-55. — Saint-René Taillandier Scot Erigène et la philosophie scolastique (Strasburg 1843) 299 sqq. — Floss in Migne P L C X X II 283-96. Cf. Hauréau Notices et extraits des mss. de la bibl. nationale X X X V III 410-4. This homily is of very considerable interest even to the modem reader. The opening sections of the Gospel of St. John must have made an especial appeal to a man of Eriugena’s peculiar philosophical conceptions. Its treatment here has a comprehen­ siveness, ease, and felicity which seem to argue a date of composition when his opinions had reached maturity. He uses his knowledge of Greek occasionally in order to elu­ cidate passages by means of the original text.

395. Johannes Eriugena: Commentary on the Gospel of St. John. Four Fragments MS: Laon 81 s IX [either John’s autograph, or a copy revised by him: cf. Traube in Rand Johannes Scottus pp. viii-ix.262 There is a facs. of a page in Traube (ed. Rand) Palaeographische Forschungen V (p. 584 supra).] E d : Floss in Migne P L C X X II 297-348, 1241-4. Cf. Manitius Lat. Lit. I 327. These considerable fragments of a commentary by Johannes on the Gospel of St. John are of great importance. He had the advantage over his contemporaries of being able to develop a textual criticism by use of the Greek text, of which he had one or two manuscripts. His textual criticism served as an instrument for his exegesis, an exegesis bound down by the allegorical methods of his time yet showing on the one hand a laudable insistence on the determination of the literal meaning, and on the other originality and profundity in the paraphrastic comment.

396. Commentary on the Old Testament attributed to Johannes Eriugena MSS: Vat. Reg. lat. 215 a .d . 876/7 ff. 88-106. — Berne Stadtbibl. 258 s IX [cf. H. Hagen Catalogus codicum Bernensium (Berne 1875) 288-9; G. Löwe Prodromus corporis glossariorum latinorum (Leipsic 1876) 174]. E d s [of O -I glosses]: HZ Glossarum Hibernicarum Supplementum (Berlin 1886) 1-2. — WS “ Notes of a philological tour ” Academy X X X (Oct. 2, 1886) 228; “ The Old-Irish glosses in Regina Nr. 215 ” Z s .f. vergleichende Sprachforschung X X X (1889) 555-61; “ Glosses from Turin and the Vatican 1 Old-Irish ” Academy X X X V II (Jan. 18, 1890) 46-7; “ Glosses from Turin and Rome 2 The Old-Irish glosses in Rome ” Beiträge z. Kunde d. indogermanischen Sprachen X V II (1891) 138. — Bruno Güterbock “ Aus irischen Handschriften in Turin und Rome ” Zs. f. vergleichende Sprachforschung X X X III (1893) 103-5 [with important commentary]. — Thés. Pal. I (1901) pp. xiii, 1-2. In a manuscript now in the Vatican, written in 876 or 877, there is a glossary to the books of the Old Testament compiled by taking alternate extracts from two other glos­ saries. The one set of extracts is distinguished by the marginal entry “ A I ” or “ H AI,” the other by “ 10 ” or “ IOH.” In this last set are found several Old Irish glosses, 262 But see Rand op. cit. (p. 584 supra].



which, however, have no very great intrinsic interest. The same compilation is preserved in a Berne codex, also of the ninth century, but evidently further removed from the originals than the Vatican text. Both manuscripts are by continental scribes who apparently did not understand Irish, but the glosses in that language are more corrupt in the Berne version. Moreover, in that text the “ 10 ” extracts are not continued after the first three books of the Pentateuch. Güterbock has shown that it is quite probable that the “ H A F ” passages are from a commentary prepared by Haimo of St.-Vaast, one of the teachers of Heine of Auxerre, and that those marked “ 10 ” are due to Iohannes Eriugena.

397. The Poems of Johannes Eriugena MSS: See below. C/. Dümmler NA IV (1879) 531-4; Strecker ibid. X L IV (1922) 231; Traube Prooemium to his ed. E d s : Angelo Mai Classicorum auctorum V 426-48 [poems from the Reginae codices]. — Floss in Migne P L C X X II 1221-34, 1237-40 [poems from the Reginae and Laon codices]. — Miller Notices et extraits des mss. de la bibi. nat. X X IX pt. ii (Paris 1880) 194-8 [the Greek words collected by Martinus in Laon codex 444; cf. pp. 23-4]. — Traube MGH Poet. lat. aevi Carol. I l l (Berlin 1896) 518-56 [excellent ed. with very valuable introd.]. Summary of Traube’s classification: I Caesare sub Karolo, etc.

Cf. no. 381.

II MS: Vat. Reg. 1587 j X f f . 57-64^ (i) Hellinas Troasque suos. . . . 82 11. a .d . 859. (ii) Aspice praeclarum radiis. . . . 72 11. (iii) Auribus Aebraicis notum. . . . 74 11. (iv) Haec nostram dominam Yrmindrudis. . . 52 11. (v) Mystica sanctorum panduntur. . . . 50 11. (vi) Emicat ex Erebo lux. . . . 40 11. (vii) o-rixoi row luavvov T ßcuriXei K apo Ay. Lux superans animas. . . . 24 11. (viii) ol otLxoi tov itaavvov r y Kvpltp aùrov r y Avclkti K apo Ay* Si vis ovpavlas. . . . 84 11. III MS: Laon 444 s IX ff. 296-7. Cf. no. 400. This part, as also V, consists of extracts of Greek words and verses made by Martinus from poems by John, including those in II and IV. IV MS: Vat. Reg. 1709 s X ff. i6v-8. (i) Versus uarjavtns (ncwddi. Postquam nostra salus. . . . 82 11. (ii) Item stichos eiusdem. Graculus Iudaeus iam . . . [imperfect]. 2011. V MS: Laon 444 s IX ff. 296v-8.

Cf. I l l supra.

VI SitipjEpovi avTOKpdrcop ppbvipjos. . . . 8 11. [Greek in Latin characters]. MS: Brussels Bibl. roy. 10078-84 s X I/ X II fol. addit, [written by an unlearned scribe]. V II (i) Hanc libam, etc.

(ii) Lumine sidereo, etc.

V III (i) Kyrrie, caeligenae, etc. etc. Cf. no. 390.

Cf. no. 386.

(ii) Quisquis rhetorico, etc.

(iii) Quisquis amat,

IX Versus Iohannis Scotti ad Karolum Regem. Aulae sidereae paralelos undique circos. . . . io i 11. MS: Cambridge Corpus Christi Coll. 223 5 X . X Hie iacet Hincmarus cleptes vehementer avarus: Hoc solum gessit nobile, quod periit.253 MSS: Vat. Reg. 240 î X . — Munich Staatsbibl. 14569 [once of St. Emmeramus, Ratisbon] s X I f. 72v. 263 Cf. Traube 0 Roma nobilis 363.



X I Ornat [acus mi] ro sabanum molimine fulta. . . . 12 [Traube thought not by John].


MS: BN 1764 f. i45v

It is probable that all, or almost all, the poems of Johannes Eriugena were written after 858. They indicate his religious feelings and interests, his esteem for the PseudoDionysius, and his relationship with Charles the Bald. One set of poems was dedi­ cated to that king between 859 and 869: of these, one poem (II iv) refers to Irmintrud, Queen of Charles the Bald (842-869); another (II i) congratulates Charles on a victory over Louis the German in 859; a third (II ii) describes the angelic hierarchies according to the scheme of Dionysius. Some verses (IX) relate to a church dedicated to Mary which Charles the Bald had enlarged and adorned. One poem (VI) is an eulogy of Dionysius. A couplet (X) forms an ironical epitaph for John’s early friend and, apparently, later enemy, Hincmar, archbishop of Reims, written while that famous churchman was still living. The poems are noteworthy because of the large number of Greek words, phrases, lines, whole passages, found scattered through them. The Greek is usually bad both in orthography and syntax, but it is evidence that Johannes must have had some rough fluency in the use of the language. Many of the mistakes, doubtless, are due to the copyists.

398. Psilotrum MS: Avranches 2940 s X I. Cf. Félix Ravaisson Rapports sur les bibl. des dép. de Vouest (Paris 1841) 131-3; Traube MGH Poet. lat. aevi Carol. I l l 518. This curious little tract is found in a manuscript containing treatises on various pseudo­ scientific subjects.264 It contains a description of a medicament said to have been used and recommended by Bishop Pardulus and the grammarian Fregus. The author adds: “ Moreover the learned Greeks, as I have heard from Johannes, make very great use of this medicine.” 266 There can be little doubt that the Johannes here referred to is Eriugena, and Pardulus the bishop of Laon. Traube suggests that Fregus is Fergus, the friend of Sedulius Scottus.

To Johannes is attributed a fragment on the Life of Vergil, found in a contemporary manuscript. Cf. J. Brummer Philol. L X X II 288 sq; Manitius Lat. Lit. II 803.

William of Malmesbury,266 in his Gesta pontificum Anglorum {lib. v: ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton (RS: London 1870) 392-4), completed in 1125, and Gesta regum Anglorum (II cxxii: ed. W. Stubbs I (RS: London 1887) 131-2), of which the first edition was finished about 1125, gives an account of Johannes Scottus who, he says, came to 264 The title is “ Psilotrum ad noxios quosque humores extrinsecus dissicandos [desiccandos] et pilos qui displicent extirpandos." 265“ Non solum autem, ut superius dictum est, pilos delet verum etiam noxium humorum impetum reprimit; quo et frequenter Pardulus utebatur episcopus, et Fregus grammaticus, qui et dicebant: Qui­ cumque hoc tertio usus fuerit in Martio, non opus ei febrium molestiam timere in anno illo. Graeci quoque sapientes, u l audivi a Johanne, hoc maxime utuntur medicamine. Nec aliquando fortassis alteram pro dessiicandis humoribus curavit accipere potionem.** *MC/. p. 608 infta.



England in the time of Alfred the Great and settled at Malmesbury, and was there murdered by his pupils. There is, however, no trustworthy support for this legend, which perhaps rests on a confusion of names. (C/. Traube MGH Poet. lot. aeii Carol. I l l 522 n. i.) In the Gesta pontificum William relates an anecdote embodying what has been called the best bon mot of the middle ages: Charles the Bald, entertaining his Irish guest Johannes, enquired over the cups: “ Quid distat inter sottum et Scottuin? ” and received the reply “ Tabula tantum.”


a r t in u s


ib e r n ie n s is

After Johannes Eriugena the most important member of the group of Irish exiles in the kingdom of Charles the Bald was Martinus Hiber­ niensis, a teacher at Laon. Of him, however, we know very little. 3 9 9 . Annales Laudunenses et S. Vincentii M ettensis breves E d : Holder-Egger MGH SS X V 1293-5. These annals contain contemporary records made at Laon in the ninth and tenth cen­ turies. The following entries are believed to refer to Martinus: “ 819 [Martinu]s Hiberniensis bom, who was afterwards to be an exile, and a teacher at Laon.” “ 875 [Mar]tinus Hiberniensis slept in Christ.” Entries under the years 892 and 903 mention ecclesiastics at Laon named Adelelmus and Bemardus, doubtless those so designated in Codex 444.257 Perhaps Adelelmus may be identified with the “ brother ” of Johannes Eriugena.268

400. Codex Laudunensis 444

a .d .

858 x 869

MS: Laon Bibl. publ. 444. C omm: F. Ravaisson in Cat. gên. des mss. des bibi. pubi, des dêp. I (Paris 1849) 234 sqq. — E.Miller Glossaire grec-latin de la bibl. de Laon (.Notices et extraits des mss. de la bibl. nationale et autres bibi. X X IX pt. ii) (Paris 1880) 1-230 [a valuable study of the contents, with publication of extensive extracts]. — H. Omont Album paléographique (Paris 1887) tab. xxiii. — G. Goetz in G. Loewe’s Corpus gloss­ ariorum latinorum II (Leipsic 1888) pp. xxvi sqq, 487-506 [the Greco-Latin idioms]. — L. Traube 0 Roma nobilis 355, 362-3; MGH Poet. lat. aeii Carol. I l l (1896) 523, 686-97 passim, 821. — J. Vendryes “ Les mots vieil-irlandais du manuscrit de Laon ” RC X X V 377-81. — AdeJ “ Un fragment grec transcrit en lettres latines par un irlandais au V IIIe ou IX e siècle ” RC X X V I 384-7. — F. N. Robinson ibid. 378-9. — WS Suppl, to Thés. Pal. (Halle 1910) 81. — Lindsay Classical Rev. X X X I 128. (i) F. 2: Verses on the eight vices: Labitur heu nimium . . . 16 IL E d s : Bernard de Montfaucon Palaeographia graeca (1708) 249. — Ravaisson op. cit. 235. — G. F. Hildebrand Glossar, lat. bibl. Paris. (Göttingen 1854) P- x; Zs. f. d. Gymnasialwesen V II 117. — Traube MGH Poet. lat. aevi Carol. I l l 692-3. (ii) P r in c ip a l C o n t e n t s :

M7 C/. no. 400.

C/. no. 402.



F. 2V: Extract from a homily attributed to St. John Chrysostom. E d : Miller op. cit. i i . (iii) F. 3: Dedicatory epistle to the abbot of St. M[aria at Laon]: Dilectissimo abbati S. M. fidissimus amicus veram in Christo salutem: Lectis epistolae. . . . E d : Du Cange Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis I (new ed. Paris 1840) 27. Cf. Montfaucon loc. cit. (iv) F. 4: Examples of Greek idioms, drawn from Macrobius. Cf. Miller 13-4. (v) F. 4V: Greek and Latin alphabets. Cf. Ravaisson 234 [facs.]. (vi) Ff. 5-255: Greco-Latin glossary. E d : Miller 25-112. [Found also in BM Harl. 5792 s VII, which once belonged to Nicholas Cusa.] (vii) Ff. 255^74: List of pairs of Greek and Latin words, similar in meaning but differing in gender. E d : Miller 112-8. (viii) F. 2y$v : Verses written in Tironian notes (the ancient short­ hand) and probably addressed to Hincmar,269 bishop of Laon (858-69) : Graecarum glossas domino. . . . 6 11. E d s : Ravaisson 234 [facs.]. — W . Schmitz NA X V (1890) 197-8 [reporting the solution of the script by the abbé J. C. Gauthey of Marseilles]. — Traube MGH Poet. lat. aevi Carol. I l l 686. (ix) Ff. 276-87^ Greek words used by Priscian, with Latin equivalents. E d : Miller 118-75. 00 H . 294-7: Glossary of Greek words used by Johannes Eriugena, and Greek poems by him. Cf. no. 397. (xi) F. 297v : Verses in Greek written by Martin at the conclusion of his notes on Johannes Eriugena; a bilingual epigram in praise of “ Iohannes ” and “ Liuddo” ; a Greek prayer for Queen Irmindrud — ú\a£ov, (3 0e6s} ttjv ßa90 Also in Dimma and Mulling: in the latter at the beginning of the service. !9i The signing and the second pax are in Dimma.



written about 792x815, and that Móel-cáich’s revision took place very soon after. Warner further argues with considerable force that the presence of the name of Máelrúain, founder of Tallaght, who died in 792, as last of the bishops commemorated in the list of saints attached to the Memento of the Dead, saints none other of whom was later than the early seventh century, makes it probable that the missal was written at Tallaght after 792. Máel-rúain was succeeded by Air-fhinnan (d. 803) and Bishop Echaidh (d. 812), of whom the second at least was commemorated as a saint. The absence of his name would give 812 as a terminus ad quem. But, although the case for Tallaght is attractive, some considerations of a different tenor should be noticed. It is by no means certain that the local diptychs are represented by the list of saints attached to the Memento of the Dead; they may have been a distinct document, read at the offertory. And Máel-rúain acquired such a high reputation, especially among the followers of what has been called above 192 the reform movement of the eighth century, that his name might naturally be added to the Memento at many other churches besides Tallaght* Warner’s further conjecture that the primary object of the missal was to provide Tallaght with an authoritative ritual, does not persuade. Its small size, poverty of ornamentation, fixed lections and paucity of proper readings and special masses — as well as the inconsiderate manner in which it was treated by the reviser — indicate that the book was not produced as the official missal of an important church, or high ecclesiastic, but rather as a private service-book which a priest could easily carry with him and find therein the minimum ritual necessary for the performance of his functions. That its contents were drawn from the books of the monastery where it was transcribed may be assumed. The most probable explanation of the revision it underwent is that it soon passed to another monastery where a somewhat different ritual prevailed, and was emended to suit the usage of its new home.193 With regard to the liturgical contents, the close agreement of the Fulda Missal (no. 556), the St. Gall and Carlsruhe fragments (nos. 557, 558), and the canon of the Bobbio Missal (no. 554) make it probable that we have in the original text of Stowe a mass of wide though not universal acceptance in Ireland. It may well represent approximately the mass which was evolved by the Romanising churches of southern — or perhaps more particularly of central — Ireland in the seventh century. In the matter due to Móel-cáich the Gallican element seems greater; perhaps his church was one where the old Irish liturgy had been less affected by Roman influence.194

556. The Missal of Fulda E d : Georg Witzel (Vuicelius) Exercitamenta syncerae pietatis (Mainz 1555) [extracts only]. C o m m : Paul Lejay Rev. d'hist. et de litt, relig. VII (1902) 561. Georg Witzel (1501-1573), a native of Hesse, became a writer of some prominence in the controversies of the German Reformation. In 1554 he settled in Mainz and 192 Cf. pp. 468 sqq supra. 193 Warner, who thinks — against the probabilities, as it seems to the present writer — that the revision as well as the original writing took place at Tallaght, suggests that the missal may have been brought to northern Munster by Donnchadh mac Briain as part of the pledges he took from Leinster in 1026. 194 To the present writer it seems an acceptable hypothesis — nothing more — that the Stowe Missal was transcribed at Tallaght, within the period 792 x 8 i2 , from the liturgy of that church; was carried to Lorrha within, at most, the next twenty-five years (there may have been close associations between Lorrha and Tallaght: cf. p. 469 supra); and was there revised by Móel-cáich in accordance with the liturgy of Lorrha.



devoted the remainder of his life to literature and scholarship, publishing a great number of works. One of the earliest of these was his Exercitamenta syncerae pietatis, in which he gave extracts from an old missal of the monastery of Fulda.195 This missal is not now known, but Witzel’s extracts show that it was of Irish provenance, and that its text was very nearly related to, though not identical with, that of the Stowe Missal.

557. The St. Gall fragments Codices 1394 and 1395 in the monastic library of St. Gall are gather­ ings of remnants of ancient manuscripts, bound together by the historian von Arx when he was librarian. They include the following interesting fragments of Irish sacramentaries, missals or rituals. (i) Fragment of a requiem mass MS: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 1395 pp. 430-3 5 V III. F a c s : F. Keller “ Bilder u. Schriftziige ” [p. 98 supra], and Reeves’s trans. — C. P. Cooper Appendix A [p. 99 supra] pi. xxxi. E d s : A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. xlviii- 1. — H&S I (1869) 197 [gospel]. — Warren Lit. (1881) 180-2. — H. J. White in J. Wordsworth Old Latin Biblical Texts II (1886) [gospel]. C0101: G. Scherrer Verzeichniss d. Hss. d. Stiftsbibl. v. St. Gallen (Halle 1875) 463. — S. Berger RC VI 350-1; Histoire de la Vulgate (Paris 1893) 31, 418. — F. H. A. Scrivener and E. Miller Plain introduction to the criticism of the New Testament (London 1894) II 49-50. This remnant — two leaves — contains apparently the in tro it196 and gospel of a mass for the dead. The gospel is the story of the raising of Lazarus, taken from John xi 14-44. The text is not Vulgate but Old Latin, with many peculiar characteristics which seem to be Irish. It is closely related to Codex Usserianus I and to Codex Bezae. Symbol in textual criticism: p.

(ii) Intercessory prayer and litany MS: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 1395 p. 179 s V III/IX . F a c s : Cooper op. cit. pis. xxiii, xxiv. E d s : A. P. Forbes op. cit. p. xlviii. — Warren Lit. (1881) 179-80. — B. MacCarthy “ On the Stowe Missal ” Trans. RIA X X V II (1885) 233-7. Cf. p. 695 supra. This single richly ornamented leaf contains the same confession, intercession and litany of saints as that with which the Stowe Missal opens. The concluding clauses are missing, but doubtless would have been found on the next leaf.

(iii) Fragments of the mass service MS: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 1394 iv pp. 95-8 s IX (?). F acs : Keller op. cit. pi. xi 6. — Cooper op. cit. pis. vi, xxix, xxx. E d s : A. P. Forbes op. cit. pp. xlv-xlvii. — C. J. Greith Geschichte der altirischen Kirche (Freiburg i. B. 1867) 440-2. — Warren Lit. 175-9. — MacCarthy op. cit. 234-7 [partial]. Cf. Scherrer op. cit. 459. 195 See p. 520 supra.

196 Ps. lxv 2-3: “ Te decet, domine.”



These two leaves contain portions of masses apparently proper to the feasts of the Circumcision and Epiphany, and the ordinary of the mass from the Paler noster to the post-communion. This latter part resembles closely the text of the Stowe Missal.— Scherrer and others have suggested that we have here the remains of the missal in Irish script which is mentioned in the oldest catalogue of St. Gall.197

(iv) Office for the visitation of the sick M S: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 1395 pp. 444-7 5 V III/IX . F acs : Cooper op. cit. pis. xxv— xxvii. E ds : A. P. Forbes op. cit. pp. 1-li. — Warren Lit. 182-3. Cf. pp. 697-8 supra. These leaves contain a section of a prayer (known in its complete form from several continental sources) 198 which formed part of an old Irish office for the visitation of the sick.

(v) Blessings of water (a) Benedictio aquae et salis ad spergendum in dom[ibus]: D om ine sancte p ater om nipotens in staura­ tor. . . . (b) Item benedictio aquae spargendum in dom o: D eus, qui ad salutem hum ani generis. . . . (c) Item alia: E xorcizo te, creatura aquae . . . .

MS: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 1395 pp. 444-7 s VIII. Forbes op. cit. p. Ii. — Warren Lit. 183-4.

F acs : Cooper op. cit. pis. xxv-

These three prayers are on the reverse of a finely illuminated page. They are to be found, sometimes with considerable variations, in several continental liturgical collec­ tions; 199 the three are also in the Bobbio and the second and third in the Stowe Missal.

658. The Carlsruhe fragments MSS: Carlsruhe Landesbibl. App. Aug. C L X V II [fragments of vellum formerly used in binding Aug. CLXVII] s V III/IX . E ds : H. M. Bannister J T S V (1903) 49-75 [includes valuable commentary]. O-I passages: WS Z s .f. vcrgl. Sprachforschung X X X I (1889) 246 sq. — Thés. Pal. II (1903) pp. xxix, 256 [cf. Supplement (1910) 76]. Among the Reichenau manuscripts at Carlsruhe Dr. Holder identified as Irish two strips of vellum which had been used as binding for the codex known as the Carlsruhe Bede (no. 525). They were found to be fragments from two old sacramentaries or missals. (1) A mutilated sheet, forming originally two leaves of a codex, written in part in an insular Irish hand of the late eighth or early ninth century. F. 1 contains what seem to be portions of a mass for penitents and a mass for the dead. F. 2 has part of the preface and the post-sanctus (with variations) of the Stowe mass for apostles and other saints. The first scribe left the greater part of f. 2 blank: it was filled in by an Irishman writing on the Continent, who inserted the epistle, gradual, gospel and ordo of a mass for captives, five collects, and part of a preface. This 197

Cf. no. 416.

i»8 “ T h e same prayer occurs in the Sacram . G elas, p. 747, in a nin th-cen tury French (Fleury) R itu al, printed b y M artene (lib. III. cap. 13, v ol. II. p. 381), and in a tw elfth -cen tury Salzburg Pontifical (ib. p. 387), where it opens thus, ' O m nipotens sem piterne D eus qui hum ano corpori anim am / & c .” 199 C f . W arren loc. cit.

W arren loc. cit.



arrangement of the lections is reminiscent of the Bobbio Missal. In two places here Bannister believed he found allusions to the Northmen. (2) Another mutilated sheet, now in two parts, written in an insular Irish hand of apparently about the same epoch as the preceding. In an upper margin is the entry “ sancte trinitatis et sancti cronáni filii lugaedón.” Cronán or Mo-Chúa of Clondalkin was son of Lugaed, according to the notes to the Calendar of Oengus, August 6.200 There is, therefore, some grounds for conjecturing, with Bannister, that the service-book of which this sheet had formed part belonged originally to the monastic church of Clondalkin. There are some Irish passages, badly mutilated. One apparently prays for preserva­ tion “ from a flood of foreigners and foes and pagans and tribulations; from plagues of fire and famine and hunger and many diverse diseases.” This suggests that when it was written the raids of the Norsemen had become familiar. The liturgical text seems to be a considerable but much mutilated part of a mass in commemoration of saints. — The close relationship of both these fragments with the Stowe and Bobbio Missals is noteworthy.

659. The Piacenza fragment MS: Piacenza, Archivio of St. Antonino MS $ IX /X (?). V (1903) 49- 75-

E d : H. M. Bannister J T S

Among the documents belonging to the church of St. Antonino at Piacenza 201 there was discovered a sheet of parchment containing four pages written in Irish minuscule, but with some continental traits. The date of the script has been assigned variously from the ninth to the fourteenth century, but the text can hardly be later than the ninth. The two outer pages are illegible; the two inner contain parts of three masses, one of which is headed “ ordo missae sanctae mariae,” while the other two contain pre­ faces which are found also in the Bobbio Missal. There are rubrics in Irish.

560. Liturgical sections of the Book of Armagh MS: LA ff.

1 9 , 53v .

3 7 , 100, 4 6 4 - 5 .

E d s:

Cf. nos.

Warren Lit. — Vit. Trip. II

3 5 0 -1


19 ].

— LA pp. lxxv,

1 3 1 , 474, 523.

F. 19. A t the end of the additions to Tírechán [cf. p. 335 supra] are two groups of catch-words and abbreviations, similar in form but having no connection in matter with the Patrician notes which precede. The first group has not been satisfactorily interpreted; the second consists of a number of allusions to the life of Pope Gregory the Great, with the text in full of the Hanc igitur prayer of the Roman canon. — F. 53v. A t the end of the Gospel of St. Matthew is a collect in his honor (Deus inmensae cle­ mentiae . . . ), doubtless to be recited on his feast day, on which this page was written. î0° T h e " com otatio ” (cf. p. 335 su pra) of the relics of " M ochua m ac U Lugedon ” is given in A U 7 9 0 , th a t is, abou t the beginning of the epoch to which the present M S is assigned. M a c N has consequently included 11 moccu Lugedon ” in his list of m ocu eponym s, P ro c. R I A X X I X C 7 9 . T h e evidence of the present M S , how ever, m akes it possible th a t we should read m ac Lugedon, and th a t the “ mic U Lugedon M of A U is an error, perhaps resulting in some w ay from the facts th a t abbots of Clondalkin designated Ua Lugedon are m entioned under th e years 781 and 801. *01 There were close relations between Piacenza and B obbio.



561. Ritual for penance MS: Basel Universitätsbibi. F. iii. 15. E d s : A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbulhnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. xliv sq. — Warren Lit. 151-2 [here described as of St. Gall]. Formulae for confession and the assignment of penance. No person since Forbes seems to have examined the text in the manuscript, which contains many sections, some Irish, some English.202

562. Liturgical sections of the Book of Mulling MS: T C D 60 [cf. no. 456]: ff. 4^-50 5 V III/IX ; f. 94v 5 V III (?). E d s : A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. x-xi. xx-xxii. — Warren Lit. 171-3 [these two give the office for the visitation of the sick]. — H. J. Lawlor Chapters on the Book of Mulling (Edinburgh 1897) 9-10 [description of ff. 49v~5or], 145-66 [study and reconstruction of the liturgical notes on f. 94v]. Cf. also The Academy Jan. 26, 1895, P- 83, Feb. 2,1895, p. 106; LH I (1898) pp. xxi-xxvi; H. Jenner “ Celtic Rite ” sec. vi, Cath. Encycl. The Book of Mulling contains two liturgical passages, an Office for the Visitation of the Sick, entered on a space originally left blank at the end of the Gospel of St. Matthew, and a collection of notes giving the outline of some ecclesiastical office, written on what was the last page of the codex following the Gospel of St. John. (1) The first of these was written some time after the bulk of the manuscript had been finished: the script is of a manifestly later period. The text resembles the similar rituals in the Stowe Missal, the Book of Dimma, and the Book of Deer. (2) The second is so faded as to be almost undecipherable, and all that can be said of the script is that it seems to be due to a different hand from that which wrote the Gospel of St. John immedi­ ately preceding. Lawlor with great patience and ingenuity elucidated these obscure lines, and reconstructed the office of which they were the headings. He believed it to be a daily office at the monastery of Tech-Moling (St. Mullins) and thought it pos­ sible that it was said by each monk in his cell before all assembled for the service of Matins. Dr. Bernard, however, noticing its close resemblance to the service pre­ scribed in the Second Vision of Adamnán 203 as an intercession against the pestilence which, legend and prophecy said, was to arise in Ireland on the feast of the Decolla­ tion of St. John, is of the opinion that the two were identical, and quotes evidence 204 that Tech-Moling was a place of such intercession against plague.

563. Liturgical sections of the Book of Dimma MS: T C D 59 (A. 4. 23) ff. 52-54 5 V III/IX [cf. no. 458]. E d s : A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. xii-xiv, x vii-xx.— Warren Lit. 167-71. See also nos. 555, 562, 564. The scribes of the gospel texts in the Book of Dimma left some folios blank between those of Luke and John, and thereon a later hand entered a ritual which constitutes, doubtless, the office of visitation of the sick as used in the monastery of Roscrea in 202 C f . p. 681 su pra.

203 N o. 627.

C f . pp. 750 sqq.

204 C am b rensis E v ersu s (ed. K e lly ) 1 132.



the second half of the eighth or first half of the ninth century. The service, which closely resembles those of the Stowe Missal, the Book of Mulling and the Book of Deer, consists of the anointing and the communion of the sick person, with the accom­ panying prayers.

564. Liturgical sections of the Book of Deer MS: Cambridge Univ. Lib. I i. 6 . 32 ff. 28v-9 5 X I [cf. p. 656]. E d s : Paley Home and Foreign Review I (1862) 487-8. — A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnolt (Burntisland 1864) PP- xiv-xv, xxii-xxiii. — John Stuart The Book of Deer (The Spalding Club: Edinburgh 1869). — H&S II pt. I (1873) 275.— Warren Lit. (1881) 164-5. The tenth-century Scottish manuscript known as the Book of Deer contains a liturgical office, of Irish type, entered, apparently towards the end of the eleventh century, on two pages originally left blank. It is a ritual for the visitation and communion of the sick, closely related to those of the Stowe Missal, the Book of Dimma and the Book of Mulling,205 but does not include, as they do, the prayers for the administration of extreme unction.

565. The Zürich fragments M S: In the library of the Antiquarian Society of Zürich, deposited in the Stadtbibl. F a c s : Keller “ Bilder u. Schriftzüge ” [p. 98 supra] 88, pi. xiii no. 3. Eds: A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) p. xlv. — Archaeolog­ ical Journal X X X I (1874) 85-6. — Warren Lit. 23. This is a sheet, two leaves, from an old Irish manuscript, which has been used as a book-binding. The script is Irish, of the tenth century or earlier. The first page is illegible, the second has the order of consecration of a virgin, the third part of the commendation of a departing soul, and the fourth the debris of an unidentified service.

Mention should be made of certain documents which, though apparently not con­ taining Irish liturgical texts, either had, or were believed to have, Irish associations: (1) Zürich Zentralbibi. Rh. 30 c a . d . 800. This is one of the MSS used in H. A. Wilson The Gelasian Sacramentary (Oxford 1894). Cf. also Gerbert Monumenta veteris liturgiae alemannicae I (1777) 362; U JA V III (i860) 304; L. D e l l e Mémoire sur d'anciens sacramentaires (Paris 1886) 84 no. ix; E. Bishop Liturgica historica (Oxford 1918) 77 sqq. It has been identified with the “ very old missal ” mentioned in Codex 1305 of the St. Gall Stiftsbibliothek as at the monastery of Rheinau: “ This missal, written by some Irishman, our St. Fintan, coming from Ireland, either himself wrote or brought, written, with him to our monastery of Rheinau.” — G. Haenel Catalogi librorum manuscriptorum qui in bibi. Galliae, Helvetiae} etc. asservantur (Leipsic 1830) 734. On St. Fintan see pp. 602-3 supra; on the calendar in this codex p. 479. The book may have belonged to Fintan, but it did not have its origin in Ireland. The script is continental. Delisle thought it was written in northern Gaul. It is a 206Nos. 555, 563, 56a.



Gelasian sacramentary of the type known as “ the Gelasian of the eighth century.” 200 ; St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 348 c a .d . 800. Also used in Wilson op. cit. Cf. G. Scherrer Vr^fickniss d. Hss. d. Stiftsbibl. v. St. Gallen (Halle 1875) I22J Delisle op. cit. no. x; B-'hop loc. cit. This codex belonged to Remedius, bishop of Chur (800-20), and n a y have been written at Chur. It shows, according to report, strong marks of Irish palaeographical influence. The contents form a sacramentary of the “ Gelasian zi the eighth century ” type. If Edmund Bishop was right in his conjecture that the Irish were concerned in the modifications which the Roman liturgy underwent in Gaul and northern Italy in the eighth century 207 it may be that this and the preceding sacramentary are more or less products of their work. (3) Cambrai Bibl. publ. 164 formerly 159) a .d . 790x816. Cf. Cat. des bibl. des départements X V II (1891) 44-5; Bishop op. cit. (see index of MSS), and J T S IV (1903) 414-5; H. A. Wilson The Grel^rizn Sacramentary under Charles the Great (Henry Bradshaw Soc. X LIX ) (London This was written for that Bishop Hildoard of Cambrai who was a friend of n e Irishman Dungal.208 According to some it shows evidence of Irish influence in ns production; but the contents are the original Gregorian sacramentary as sent to Claries the Great by Pope Adrian, without the Carolingian additions. (4) Ibid. : : j ~3 (formerly 158) $ IX . Cf. Cat. des bibl. loc. cit.; Bishop loc. cit. This also is sajd to show Irish influence. The text is the Gregorian sacramentary fused with ^arriingian additions. (5) Vat. lat. 3325 (s X I) cover 5 X /X I. E d : H. M. Bannister J T S IX (1908) 414-21. This eleventh-century copy of Sallust has as binding two ieaves of a missal or sacramentary in Irish-continental handwriting, apparently of n e tenth or eleventh century. The Sallust, possibly with its binding, once belonged to the abbey of St. Blandin near Tournai. The two leaves contain masses for the feast of Holy Innocents, incomplete; the Circumcision, complete; and the vigil of n e Epiphany, incomplete. The gospel of the second is from a Gospel of “ James bcc of Alphaeus,” hitherto unknown, but possibly derived from the apocryphal pseudoMatthew. The contents as a whole show no evidence of Irish origin.

566. The Drummond Missal MS of Drummond Castle, 5 X I. E d : A. P. Forbes Kalendars of Scottish Saints (Edin-r-n h 1872) pp. xv-xviii, 1-32 [calendar only].— G. H. Forbes Missale Drummoni^TKse the ancient Irish missal in the possession of the Baroness Willoughby de Eresby Burntisland 1882) [cf. J. Dowden The Academy 15 Dec. 1883 p. 393]. — C o m m : A P. Forbes Liber Ecclesic Beati Terrcnani de Arbulhnotl (Burntisland 1864) pp. xxviiim - i . — F. E. Warren The manuscript Irish missal belonging to the President and Feuers of Corpus Christi College Oxford (London 1879) pp. 1-13 [collation of the canon]. >n:p7. etc.: Irish minuscule, classed as of 5 X I. A small volume containing 109 ff. :c a b o u t 6 X 4 ] in. Initial letters generally are ornamented with yellow. C o n ten ts: F Blessing of water. — Calendar. This is a continental calendar, with names of n e more famous Irish saints inserted. By the loss of a folio the entries from Sept. 22 Oct. 10 inclusive are missing. F. 18: Exorcisms of salt and water, and prayers ‘ : : r every ecclesiastical grade.” At f . 22 the missal proper begins with a votive mass of He Holy Trinity. There are many votive masses, a considerable number common :í' saints, and very few proper of saints or of the season. No Irish saints are com=>enorated by masses. The preface and canon are given at f. 37. In the canon at * * C r. p. 686 su pra.

207 Op.

cit. 84a.

208 Cf. p. 541 su pra.



the prayer Communicantes there are added to the usual text the names of Sts. Martin, Gregory, Augustine, Jerome, Benedict and Patrick, and at the Nobis quoque peccatoribus those of Sts. Eugenia and Brigit. The volume is, however, purely a Roman missal of the post-Carolingian type. — Three quatrains in Irish are written on the upper mar­ gins of ff. 43v-4, 8 q v - q o , and 9ov- i , and at the end of the missal there is a short dia­ logue in Irish verse between St. Coemgen and St. Ciarán of Saigir (cf. nos. 198, 124), beginning “ Is mochen a noeb äderig.”

667. The Corpus Missal Oxford Corpus Christi Coll. 282 5 X I I 1. E d : F. E. Warren The manuscript Irish missal belonging to the President and Fellows of Corpus Christi College Oxford (London 1879). S c r i p t : Irish, usually classed as of the 12th century. It is a portable volume, about 6| X 5 inches, and quite thick, containing now 212 leaves, but imperfect at the end. There is very considerable ornamentation of the usual Irish character. C o n t e n t s : Opens (like the Gregorian) with the canon; the ordinary is missing. Then follows a long series of votive masses, ending with the order of marriage and the nuptial mass. A limited number of masses of the season come next, beginning with the first Sunday of Advent and ending with Pentecost. The masses proper of saints follow, of which only two are for Irish saints — Brigit and Patrick. Concluding the missal portion are thirteen masses common of saints. Then follow the order of baptism and of blessing water; the blessing of homes; the visitation, anointing and communion of the sick; and the commendation of the departing soul. The texts are essentially those of the Roman rite. Quite a number of readings agree with the Sarum usage. There are also many minor variations, some of which seem peculiarly Irish. In a litany appointed for Holy Saturday supplication is made that God may preserve the King of the Irish and his army, and grant them life, health and victory. In an earlier intercession of the same day mention is made together of “ our most blessed Pope, our venerable Bishop, our most glorious King N., and his most noble offspring N .” 209 Various expres­ sions indicate that the book was for the use of a male religious community. C o m ­ m e n t : It is a reasonable inference that the missal was a product of the reform move­ ment of the twelfth century210 and belonged to one of the houses of the continental religious orders established in Ireland before the Norman invasion. Warren guessed that the time was the reign of Toirdelbach Úa Conchobuir (c 1136-1157), and the place the church of Clones.



oo ks

fo r

th e


iv in e



f f ic e

it u r g ic a l

an d



o l l e c t io n s


s im il a r

ex ts

568. The Antiphonary of Bangor M S:

M ila n B ib i. A m b r o s ia n a C . 5 in f. 5 V I I .

graphie I

1903) p i. x x iv infra. E d s : L .

(F r ib o u rg

s h a w S o c. e d .,

20# Warren’s ed. pp. 133,128.



Lateinische Paläo­ 30]. See also H e n r y B r a d ­ Anecdota ex Ambrosianae Bibliothecae F a c s : F . S teffen s

F r . e d . p i. x x v i [f.

A . M u r a to r i

110 Cf. pp.

74s sqq infra.



codicibus . . . [usually quoted as Anecdota Ambrosiana] IV (Padua 1713) 119-59 [some omissions, chiefly of well known texts, and many errors, probably due to the copyist; all subsequent eds., till that of the Henry Bradshaw Soc., are based on this]; Opera omnia X I pt. I l l (Arezzo 1770) 217-51. — Migne P L L X X II 579-606. — War­ ren Lit. (1881) 187-94 [selections]. — J. O’Laverty An historical account of the diocese of Down and Connor II (Dublin 1884) App. pp. ix-xlv [more nearly complete than Muratori’s ed., but not accurate]. — F. E. Warren The Antiphonary of Bangor 2 vols. (Henry Bradshaw Soc. IV, X) (London 1893, 1895) [L descriptive introd., complete facs., and letter-press; II: liturgical introd., emended text, valuable notes and appen­ dices]. There are various eds. of individual texts: see analysis of contents infra. C o m m : Rer. Hib. SS I (1814) “ Epist. nuncup.” pp. clxiii-clxxvi. — W. Reeves UJA I (1853) 168-79. — Otto Seebass Über Columba von Luxcuils Kloslerregel und Bussbuch (Dresden 1883) 25 sqq. — Ebert Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters im Abendlande I (1889) 621 sq. — Manitius Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie (Stuttgart 1891) 482 sqq. — The Tablet 16 Dec. 1893 P- 972- — W. C. Bishop “ A ser­ vice book of the seventh century” Church Quarterly Rev. X X X V II (1893-4) 337-63 [interesting and ingenious suggestions]. — B. Zimmerman 1ER X V I (June 1895) 635 sqq. — G. Morin “ Explication d’un passage de la règle de s. Colomban relatif à l’office des moines celtiques; destination de la formule ‘ ad pacem celebrandam ’ dans l’Antiphonaire de Bangor” Rev. Bénédictine X II (1895) 200-2. — S. Bäumer (trans. R. Biron) Histoire du bréviaire romain I (Paris 1895) 239 sqq, 263 sq [includes some adverse criticism of Warren’s work]. — F. Cabrol “ Bangor (Antiphonaire de) ” D id. d’archéol. chrêt. et de liturgie II pt. I (1910) 183-91 [very important]. — L. Gougaud “ Celtiques (Liturgies) ” ibid. II pt. II (1910) 2969 sqq [especially sects, on “ Sources ” and “ The Divine Office ” ]. — W. M. Lindsay Early Irish minuscule script (Oxford 1910) 1. — Manitius Lat. Lit. (1911) 160-2.

Of the ancient monastery of Bend-chor, or Bangor,211 the only important surviving relic is a small manuscript service-book in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, whither it was brought by the founder, Cardinal Federico Borromeo, from the abbey of Bobbio. It was desig­ nated Antiphonarium Benchorense, “ the Antiphonary of Bangor,” by its first editor, the Italian scholar Muratori, and the name, though inappropriate, has become permanent. etc.: A codex of 36 leaves, about 9 X 7 inches in size, of coarse vellum; in three gatherings, of 5 (ff. 1-6, 10-13), 4 (ff. 14-21), and 7 (ff. 22-8, 30-6) sheets. In the centre of the third gathering a narrow slip (f. 29) was inserted to carry the last few lines of the text on the preceding page; and three single leaves (ff. 7-9) have been bound into the first gathering, forming an interpolation in the midst of another text. The script is semi-uncial, passing into minuscule, and resembles somewhat that of the Schaffhausen Adamnán {cf. p. 429 supra). Script, ornamentation, abbreviations and orthography are Irish, and are not inconsistent with a seventh-century date. S c r ip t ,

C o n t e n t s : First Part: ff. i - i 7 v b 14. This consists, according to the primary plan, of three canticles drawn from the Sacred Scriptures and ten metrical hymns or poems: “ Canticle of Moses ” (Deut. xxxii 1-43 ) ; 212 “ St. Hilary’s Hymn ” (p. 252); “ Apos-

211 Cf. pp. 395-7 supra.

212 Cf. p. 689 supra.

7 o8


ties’ Hymn ” (no. 89 iv); “ Blessing of Holy Zachary ” {Luke i 68-80); “ Hymn for the Lord’s D ay ” (“ Te Deum laudamus,” having the anthem “ Laudate pueri ” — Ps. exii i — prefixed) ; “ Hymn at the Communion of the Clergy ” (no. 89 v) ; “ Hymn at the Blessing of the Candle ” (no. 89 i) ; “ Midnight Hymn ” (“ Mediae noctis tempus est ” ); “ Hymn for the Natal D ay of Martyrs or for the Sabbath at Matins ” (no. 89 iii); “ Hymn at Matins on Sunday ” (no. 89 ii); “ St. Patrick’s Hymn ” (no. 87); “ St. Comgall’s Hymn ” (no. 92 i ) ; 213 “ St. Camelacus’s Hym n” (no. 88). — But, as has been noticed above, three extra folios (7-9) have been interpolated into this part of the codex, on which are written two more scriptural canticles, one designated simply “ Canticle ” (“ Cantemus Domino ” Exodus xv 1-19), and the other “ Blessing of the Children ” (“ Benedicite ” Dan. iii 57-88). Where now placed, they break into the “ Blessing of Zachary.” The script of these leaves is that of the hand which wrote ff. 26v-3 ov, but neither there nor elsewhere is there any break in the MS into which we could believe that they once fitted. Warren advanced the theory “ that they were originally intended to be loose, and to be shifted backwards or forwards to that part of the MS. where the collect or anthem occurs which was to be used in connec­ tion with them.” 214 It is more probable that when the scribe of if. 26v~3ov took over the MS he, or his superior, decided that these two texts should be included in the col­ lection of scriptural canticles which the volume was to contain, and he accordingly wrote them out on loose sheets of vellum to be attached to the first part of the codex. Possibly from the first they were inserted at what must have seemed an appropriate place, the text of the “ Blessing of Zachary.” — Throughout this Part the script of the text is by the same hand, with the exceptions of these three interpolated leaves and of the last stanza of the “ Hymn at the Blessing of the Candle,” a kind of doxology, which has a distinct character but may, perhaps, not be from a different scribe. Second Part: ff. i7 v b 16-29. This Part forms a repertory of sets of collects, divided into two groups: (1) those to be recited at the various hours of the Divine Office; and (2) those to be appended to certain canticles, psalms and hymns. It was designed — as will be seen presently — to extend from f. 18 to f. 28v, that is, from the middle of the second gathering to the middle of the third. The first of the two sections into which it falls contains collects for the hours of “ secunda ” (corresponding with that which is now designated prime), terce, sext, none, vespers, “ initium noctis ” (corre­ sponding with compline),215 nocturn (vigils or matins), and matins (the present lauds). Three different sets of collects for these hours are given, beginning at the top of f. 18, and also a single collect “ at secunda,” entered on f. 17V, apparently to fill space left at the end of the collection of canticles and hymns. Of the three sets, the first con­ sists of short riming prayers, one for each of the hours beginning wnth “ secunda,” except the last, matins, which has three. This series differs both in content and in form,216 from the bulk of the other matter in the Antiphonary. The second s e t217 appears to have 213 It should be noted that the ornamentation of the initial letters of these two hymns is more elaborate than that of any others in the MS. 214 Such collects and anthems are found scattered through the lattei part of the volume, from f. 22 to the end. 216 Warren equates “ initium noctis,” noctum and matins with what he designates first noctum, second nocturn, and third nocturn combined with lauds, respectively. 216 Warren calls attention to the fact that the dotted ornamentation of capital letters which prevails generally in the book is discontinued throughout this set of collects. 217 A cross placed in the margin calls attention to the beginning of this series; the same mark seems to be frequently used for a like purpose throughout the rest of the MS. Possibly it indicates a new exem­ plar, or a new part of an exemplar, rather than editorial divisions of the present collection.



been that in most frequent use at Bangor: it consists of single collects for each of the day hours from “ secunda ” to vespers, two for “ initium noctis,” followed by prayers at the giving of the “ pax,” by the symbol or creed,218 and by the “ Our F ath er” ; then one collect for noctum and two for matins. After these come a long series of intercessions for special classes of persons: the common prayer of the brethren,219 the dominating thought of which is supplication for the forgiveness of sins; prayers for the baptized, the clergy, the abbot,220 the monks, for peace of peoples and kings, for blasphemers, the impious, those going on a journey, those giving thanks, those doing alms-deeds, the infirm, captives (?), those in tribulation (?), and penitents (?). (Two commemorations of martyrs and one collect of a general character are included in this group of special petitions, possibly because of some misunderstanding on the part of the scribe or confusion in his Vorlage.) In these collects we may see, no doubt, the development of the scheme of prayers which was prescribed — for the day hours — by Columbanus, who carried the discipline of Bangor to the continent of Europe just about one hundred years before the date usually assigned to the Antiphonary: “ With the augment of the intervening versicles, first for our sins, then for the whole Christian people, then for priests, and the other consecrated grades of holy orders, next for those doing alms-deeds, after that for the peace of kings, finally for our ene­ mies,221 that God may not reckon it as a sin to them that they harass us and rob us, for they know not what they do.” {Regula Coenobialis vii.)222 The last of the three sets consists of a collect for nocturn and three for matins. If, as the passage quoted from Columbanus suggests, the long series of prayers for special classes of persons really belongs to the day hours, it probably forms part of that set; otherwise it is a series in which all but the last two hours are missing. The second of the two groups into which this Part is divided is made up of eight or nine sets of collects for the following occasions: (a) after the canticle “ Cantemus Domino ” ; (b) after the “ Benedicite,” or Blessing of the Three Children; (c) after the “ Three Psalms,” i.e.yPsalms cxlviiicl; (d) after the “ Evangelium,” which, seemingly, designates the gospel canticle “ Benedictus,” the Blessing of Zachary; (e) after “ the Hymn ” (the particular hymn used probably varied from day to day or from season to season) ; 223 and (f) a collect “ of the martyrs.” 224 The collects in each set are arranged in this order, but the number in a set varies from the entire six to only one.225 — The handwriting in this Second Part continues the same as in the first to f. 25v, where, at the third collect of the fifth set in the group just mentioned, there is a slight change of style. On the next page, at the “ post hymnum ” of the sixth set, another and larger script begins, and on f. 26v, at the beginning of the eighth series, we meet with a very notable script 218 An interesting text: cf. p. 722 infra. 219 Perhaps this title applies to the whole series, not merely to the first prayer. 220 Cabrol calls attention to the fact that here alone, among all these litanie prayers, there are only the anthems, no “ oratio.” This has significance for his theory that the Antiphonary was the abbot’s book. 221 Columban’s intercession “ for our enemies ” is replaced by those for blasphemers and the impious, of which the first contains the passage quoted by the saint and based on Acts vii 59. 222 Cabrol is of the opinion that this series of prayers and versicles constitutes the series of litanie prayers which is recited ordinarily at the end of the great offices. 223 Cf. pp. 714-5 infra. 224 Jenner (" Celtic Rite,” Calh. Encycl.) suggests that we have here an outline of the Bangor office of Lauds. 228 Several of these texts are met with also in the Turin Fragment (no. 569); but elsewhere very few (with the exception, of course, of the Pater noster) have been discovered — one collect and an anthem from another in the Stowe Missal (no. 555), one in LH (no. 574), two in the Southampton Psalter (no. 476), and, of these two, one also in the psalters Vitellius F. X I and Palatinus 65 {cf. p. 646).



— that in which the interpolated folios 7-9 are written — which continues to the end of this part. It is to be noted that the last few lines of the last collect are on a narrow strip of vellum (f. 29) inserted in the middle of the third gathering. This makes it probable that the next page (beginning what is here distinguished as the Third Part) had already been written, and — as a deduction therefrom — that in the original design there was to be a division point in the book at this place. Third Part: ff. 30-36. The last of the three main divisions of the codex contains a heterogeneous collection of texts written down by many different scribes. It opens with the “ Verses of the Community of Bangor ” (no. 92 ii), having its own distinct script. The last scribe of the Second Part, passing over this text, inserted after it a form of exorcism, found also in the Stowe Missal and elsewhere. Then another scribe wrote a prayer “ de martyribus,” probably to fill space, for on the following page, in another handwriting, begins a long series of anthems, constituting the only part of the MS (ff. 31 V~3V) to which its accepted title can logically be applied. Anthems are given for Psalm lxxxix, for the “ Three Psalms,” for the canticles“ Cantemus Domino,” “ Benedicite ” and “ Gloria in excelsis ” — the text of this last is transcribed in full, — for the communion, and “ de martyribus.” The bulk of this series seems to have been written by one scribe,226 but the final page is in a new handwriting. After a blank half column, indicating the end of a division, there follow several prayers or collects for the Divine Office, set down more or less at haphazard, it would appear, by various scribes. On f. 34' one of them has written a “ common prayer for the day hours,” a “ prayer for our abbot,” and a “ common prayer for ourselves,” 227 ending with the “ Our Father,” the whole perhaps to serve as a short substitute for the series of intercessions for special classes of persons given on ff. 20-22: the second and third are identical with collects of that set. A second 228 has inscribed collects for matins and nones on f. 34*; and on f. 3Sr others “ ad secundam ” and “ de martyribus ” were entered by a third, whilst a fourth, at some later time, added a collect — to fol­ low “ Te Deum ” on Sundays — on the lower part of this page, originally left vacant. The script of this last contributor is markedly different from any other in the codex. Two more “ Te Deum ” collects, one of them merely an expansion of the above, are transcribed on f. 35v by three different hands. On f. 30r another penman wrote a collect “ for the blessing of the candle,” and one for “ Te D eum ” : the latter was subsequently partially erased when it was discovered that it had already been twice recorded on the preceding folio. Finally we come to the last page and, in a new script, the interesting and important poem “ In Memory of Our Abbots ” (no. 92 iii).

It will be seen that the manuscript has in some degree the appearance of a liturgical common-place book. As it now stands it can hardly be the publication of the monastic scriptorium in the sense in which the majority of the other early codices may be so described. Probably it was begun as such — the existence of the Turin fragment 229 shows that 226 Warren thought there were two, but the differences might be attributable to a change of pen. Sev­ eral of these anthems are also in the Stowe Missal, St. Gall MS 1394, Book of Mulling, Book of Dimma, Book of Deer, and LH. 227 " Common oroit dún,” another example of the use of the Irish language in liturgical books. C/. pp. 687, 695. The titles of this page seem to be by the writer of the text. 228 Warren thought this might be the same scribe as he who wrote the last page of the series of anthems. 222 No. S69.



i: was not unique — but the sporadic character of script and contents in the later part of the volume points rather to its possession or use by many successive holders, who each made his own addition to the collec­ tion. The rubrical titles, we may note, are by the same hand throughout, and evidently were added after the book was completed. Furthermore, i: is clear that when the texts were written the insertion of the present titles was not contemplated: in fact, it is very doubtful whether the add­ ing of rubrics in any form was part of the original design. This con­ c lû te s presumptive evidence that our book was a special compilation, n : t a transcript or new edition of a kind of service-book already in com­ mon use; also that in the primary plan it either was not intended for practical use in the choir, or, if for such use, was to be in the hands of some person whose knowledge of the liturgy was such that no rubrical guidance would be required. Many attempts have been made to classify the Antiphonary of Ban­ gor. O’Laverty thought it a service-book proper to Bangor, containing only, or chiefly, such matter as was peculiar to the usage of that church in the observance of the Divine Office, and serving as a local supplement to the service-book in general use. Another suggestion was that it was a fragment of a larger codex which had contained also the entire psalter. Still another was that it was an abbreviated breviary, a portable servicebook for the use of travellers. Edmund Bishop was of the opinion that it had been formed by the combination of four or five small service-books, which, after the loss of some leaves and the interpolation of others, resulted in the present manuscript. None of these solutions has com­ mended itself to later liturgists. Only two theories remain to be seri­ ously considered: Warren’s, “ that it is a companion volume to the Psalterium and Lectionarium for use in the Divine Office, either i) on Easter Eve and Easter Day; or (2) on Saturdays and Sundays in Easter-tide; or (3) on Saturdays and Sundays through­ out the year, and also on Feasts of Martyrs . . . and that the pre­ ponderance of evidence is in favour of ” the last; and Cabrol’s, that it was the book either of the hebdomadarian — the priest who, according to the custom — at least of Benedictine monasteries — was appointed each week and had, among other duties, that of commencing the devo­ tions at the various canonical hours; or, more probably, of the president of the choir, who would be the abbot or the prior. With this book, the “ book of hymns of the week,” and the Bible,230 the abbot would be 230 The abbot, it is assumed, directed the lector where to begin and to end the readings, and would have a Bible beside him for this purpose. Our M S, however, with its scriptural canticles, has the appear­ ance of being a companion to the psalter rather than to the whole Bible; indeed, as the abbot would un-





in a position to direct all the offices and devotions, habitual or special, of the monastery. CabroFs hypothesis meets the difficulties of the problem better than any other. It does not seem, however, to give due emphasis to the peculiar manner in which the codex was compiled. That manner of compilation points to its being to a considerable degree a personal and chance production: priests or priori or abbots liturgical handbook it doubtless was, but it appears to have been at the same time his common­ place book. It is generally agreed that the date of the manuscript is fixed within the era 680 x 691 by the last item, the hymn “ In Memory of our Abbots.” It is possible, however, that this is an addition later than the bulk of the codex; and, on the other hand, not impossible that the codex is of later date and the hymn a copy of an older exemplar.231 Of the importance of the Antiphonary of Bangor there is no question. It may be the oldest extant Irish manuscript: it is the oldest to which precise dates can — with probability — be assigned. Apart from some fragments it is the only record surviving of the old Irish church services unaffected by the Romanising movement of the seventh and eighth centuries, and is one of the very few western liturgical books of the seventh century which we possess. The Antiphonary of Bangor and the “ Orationale Gothicum ” are the only two liturgical books, other than mass books, written in western Europe in the seventh century and still available for study. In it the specialists find their primary sources for the Gallican, Ambrosian, Mozarabic and oriental elements of the old Irish liturgy, for the curiously vigorous cult of martyrs, for the details of the divine office, for the Irish versions of Holy Scripture; 232 and through its pages the general student can receive the voice of the daily worship of God carried across twelve centuries from those famous, but shadowy, monasteries of ancient Ireland.

569. The Turin liturgical fragment MS: Turin Bibl. nazionale F . IV. 1 233 5 VII. F a c s : C. Cipolla Codici Bobiesi ( 1 9 0 7 ) pi. xxxiv. E d : Wilhelm Meyer “ Das turiner Bruchstück der ältesten irischen Liturdoubtedly know his psalter and the weekly cursus hymnorum by heart, he could direct the chants and litanical prayers by the help only of the present book. 231 Under ordinary circumstances it would be brought up to date by the addition of lines commemorating the later abbots, but this was made impossible by its alphabetical character. 232 The scriptural readings have been analyzed by Warren, vol. II pp. xxxi-xxxix. They give the inter­ esting result that the “ Irish ” type of text — at any rate in the gospels — was already established when the Antiphonary was written. 233 This volume has other Irish sections: cf. nos. 511 and 515.





gie ” Nachrichten v. d. k. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. z. Gottingen philol.-hist. K l. 1903 pp. 163-214 [with dissertation making a comparison with AB; cf. F. E. Warren J T S IV (1903) 610-3; P. Lejay Rev. d'hist. et de litt, relig. IX (1904) 169 sq: each of these reviews gives a good account of the document]. Among the remains of the library of Bobbio is this fragment of six leaves now bound with various other pieces to form a codex at Turin. It is a fragment of an Irish servicebook resembling the Antiphonary of Bangor, but, in the opinion of its editor, Meyer, is of earlier date. He also thought that it was written at Bobbio. Script, abbrevia­ tions and contents, however, are Irish. C o n t e n t s : “ Canticle of Moses ” (Exod. X V 8-19) [the beginning lost]; 2 collects thereto; “ Canticle of the three children ” (Dan. iii 57-88); 234 2 collects thereto; 3 collects to the “ Three Psalm s” (cxlviii-cl) ; Yrnnutn dicat turba fratrum (p. 252 supra)] 2 collects “ post evangelium ” ; Spiritus diuinae lucis (no. 89 ii); 2 collects “ de martyribus ” ; Te Deum laudamus; 2 collects thereto; 2 collects for sext. All these items are in AB, except four collects, of which one is in the Southampton Psalter (no. 476).

570. The Paris fragments of an Antiphonary MS: BN nouv. acquis, lat. 1628 s V III/IX .


G. Morin Rev. Bénédictine X X II

(1905) 329-56.

This codex contains fragments of an antiphonary written in an Irish, or at least insular, hand. It belongs to the Gallican liturgical family, and does not seem to have any close relationship with the Antiphonary of Bangor.

571. Liturgical sections of the Basel Psalter MS: Basel Universitätsbibi. A. vii. 3 s IX ff. 1-3 [no. 364 (iv)]. E d : A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1864) pp. xli-xliv. Cf. War­ ren Lit. (1881) 185; Lawlor Book of Mulling (1897) 164-5; LH2 I (1898) pp. xxvixxviii. The first three leaves of the Irish psalter at Basel contain liturgical notes written by several Irish hands of somewhat later date than that of the bulk of the manuscript. The following are the liturgical articles: Hymn Cantemus in omni die (no. 98); collect thereto (LH2 I p. xxvii); hymn Alta audite rà cpya (no. 95 ii); hymn Christus in nostra insula (no. 95 i) [first line only]; intercession to B. V. M.; epistle of Christ to Abgarus 235 [title only]; prayer of St. John Dcus meus et Pater [opening words]; prayer entitled De conscientiae reatu ante altare; 236 invocations of B. V. M., saints and 234 These are the canticles on the inserted leaves in A B: cf. p. 708 supra. 233 Cf. H. Leclercq " Abgar (La légende de)” Diet, d'archéol. chrtt. et de liturgie I i 87-97; L. Gougaud RH E X X i i ( 1 9 2 4 ) 2 1 2 - 3 . 233 Also in Angers Bibl. de la ville 18 (formerly 14) s I X /X f. i8ov , where it has the title Conjessio sancti Patricii episcopi, and in the Bk. of Cerne ff. 48-50, with title Alma confessio. In the Bk. of Nunnaminster the latter part of the prayer is on f. 34: what precedes is missing through the loss of a leaf. The texts of the several MSS differ considerably: the incipit of the Basel Psalter is “ Domine Deus omnipotens ego humiliter te adoro of the Angers MS “ Deus, Deus meus, rex omnipotens ego ” etc.; of the Bk. of Cerne “ Deus Deus meus omnipotens ego “ etc. It is cither an apologia sacerdotis {cf. p. 695 supra)





angels {Atlantis V 76). It is possible that part of the above was the outline of some office.

672. The Cursus hymnorum MSS: Unterdrauberg, Carinthia, Kloster St. Paul 25. 2. 31 5 IX in. ff. 6-8 [no. 535]. — Carlsruhe Landesbibl. Cod. Aug. C X C V s IX in ff. 45~^v [no. 524]. — Cologne Kapitelsbibl. 106 (formerly Darmstadt 2106) 5 IX [cf. Jaffé and Wattenbach Ecclesiae metropolitanae Coloniensis codices manuscripti (Berlin 1874) 43 sq; Blume thought this of Irish origin, but Lindsay {Notae Latinae 453) says “ it seems to be the MS prepared at Tours in a hurry by Alcuin in 802 for Bishop Amo of Salzburg ” {cf. p. 525 supra). Alcuin’s Irish affiliations in liturgical and devotional matters are well known.] ■— For later MSS, none of which is Irish, see the list in Blume An. hymn. LI pp. xviixix. C o m m : Clemens Blume Der Cursus s. Benedicti Nursini und die liturgischen Hymnen des 6.-9. Jahrhunderts {Hymnologische Beiträge III) (Leipsic 1908); “ Gregor der Grosse als Hymnendichter ” Stimmen aus Maria-Laach L X X IV (1908) pp. 269 sqq; An. hymn. LI (1908) Einleitung. — A. S. Walpole Early Latin hymns (Cambridge 1922) introd.

On the continent of Europe under the Benedictine rule there was prescribed, in the early middle ages, a certain number of hymns to be sung in fixed order at the canonical hours. Except for a few assigned to special occasions, the cycle of these hymns was completed each week. What this early c u r su s h y m n o ru m was has been determined, after careful investigation, by Clemens Blume. That a similar weekly rotation of hymns was used at the divine office in Ireland, and that hymnaries, books containing the order of hymns for the week, were issued by the Irish sc r ip to r ia , is to be inferred from several allusions in ancient texts. The following passage from Adamnan’s Life of Columba 237 is pertinent: “ A t another time, a book of hymns for the week,238 written by the hand of St. Columba, together with the leather satchel in which it was enclosed, fell from the shoulders of a boy who, slipping off a bridge, was drowned in a certain river in the country of the Leinstermen. This little book, after remaining in the water from the Feast of the N ativity of the Lord till the end of the Paschal season, was found on the bank of the river by some women walking there, and carried to a certain priest, Iogenan, a Piet by race, whose property it formerly was, being still in the same satchel, which was not only water-soaked, but badly decayed. Y et when this Iogenan opened the satchel, he found his little book sound, and as clean and dry as if it had remained all that time in a case, and had never fallen into the water. . . . Concerning the aboveor a penitential confession, or, quite probably, was used as both. There can be no doubt that it was com­ posed long after Patrick’s time, but the name doubtless testifies to its Irish origin. In the Angers copy a separate prayer beginning “ Ante oculos tuos, Domine ” has been interpolated into this text. Cf. p. 721 infra. E ds: Basel text: A. P. Forbes Liber Ecclesie Beati Terrenani de Arbuthnott (Burntisland 1S64) pp. xlii-xliv. — Warren Lit. 185-7. Angers text: S. Berger RC X V (1894) 155-9. — LB II 213-6. Cerne text: A. B. Kuypers The Book of Cerne (Cambridge 1902) 95-9. 237 No. 214. Lib. II cap. ix. 238 “ hymnorum liber septimaniorum.”






mentioned book of Iogenan, we received the account in unequivocal terms from several truthful and worthy men of good repute, who examined the same little book, which, after its submersion for the many days above stated, was perfectly white and clean.”

Of prior date to the ninth century we have no such Irish cursus hymnorum surviving. But from the beginning of that century there are two Irish manuscripts — which in these sections, however, may possibly have been written on the Continent — that together contain a complete order of hymns. In the Irish St. Paul Codex are twenty-eight hymns, assigned to the several canonical hours of the week, and one for Easter; and in the Carlsruhe Augustine is a supplementary collection of nine, of which one seems to be for Easter, seven are for saints’ festivals, and one is an extra hymn for terce. Moreover the contemporary Cologne codex 106, written on the Continent but of Irish, or more probably English, origin, gives eight of these hymns in the same order. Two things are noteworthy: (1) this new cursus hymnorum, appearing first in these Irish manuscripts, differed almost entirely from the older Benedictine cursus; and (2) from the tenth century onward it completely displaced the older collection throughout Latin Christendom, and, with modifica­ tions, persists to-day in the Roman Breviary. Blume assumes that this new collection represents the cursus of the Irish Church, and that its introduction, and successful propagation, on the Continent were due to Irish and English ecclesiastics in the ninth century. The fact that the collection is made up of individual hymns of conti­ nental, not Irish, origin Blume would explain by the theory that this cursus really is one drawn up by Pope Gregory the Great, which was adopted in Ireland from a “ book of hymns of the week ” which he sent to St. Columba.239 Militating against Blume’s theory are the facts that, except in these two or three ninth-century codices, the hymns in question are scarcely either quoted or mentioned in early Irish literature; and that such scanty information as we possess regarding the constitution of the divine office in the Irish Church before the ninth century is of quite different tenor. For the liturgical matter in the Southampton Psalter, s IX /X , see no. 476. 239 LU 2 II 24. — On the other hand Thomas of Elmham in his Hisioria monasterii S. Augustini Cantuariensis (ed. C. Hardwick, RS 1858), compiled in 1414, professes to give (p. 97) a list of hymns for the canonical hours which Gregory sent to Augustine of Canterbury. It has nothing in common with our alleged old Irish cursus, but is the Benedictine collection with considerable variations.

7i 6


673. The Paris fragment of an Irish hymnal MS: BN lat. 9488 ff. 75-6 s XI(?). Comm: H. M. Bannister J T S IX (April 1908) 422-7 [gives a collation of the texts]. The Paris codex 9488 is made up of fragments from many old manuscripts which had been used as book-bindings. Two leaves are in a script which is described as being continental Irish, probably of the eleventh century, and evidently form a fragment of an Irish hymnal or other service-book. The contents are the Hymnum dicat (cf. pp. 252, 419), wanting the first three verses, Spiritus divinae lucis (no. 89 ii), and Te Deum laudamus (cf. pp. 717, 722). These texts occur in the same order, but with accompanying collects, in the Turin liturgical fragment (no. 569).

574. The Liber Hymnorum — Book of Hymns MSS: T C D 1441 (E. 4. 2) s X I. — Franciscan Convent, Merchants’ Quay, Dublin, MS s X I. Facs: Facs. Nat. M SS Ire. I (1874) pis. xxxii-xxxvi [pages and ornamental letters from T C D copy], xxi [from Franciscan copy]. E ds: J. H. Todd Leabhar Imuinn The Book of Hymns of the ancient Church of Ireland fase. I (IA&CS: Dublin 1855),II (1869) [contains the first 18 texts of the T C D copy, with introductory matter relating to the 19th]. — J. H. Bernard and R. Atkinson The Irish Liber Hymnorum I Text and introduction, II Translations and notes (Henry Bradshaw Soc. X III, X IV : London 1898) [complete text drawn from both MSS]. Of Irish texts only: WS Goidilica (Calcutta 1866); 2nd ed. Goidelica (London 1872). — I T I (1880) 3-58.— Thés. Pal. II (1903) pp. xxxv-xl, 298-359. There are many eds. of one or more of the hymns, as indicated in the special bibliographies.

We have two codices of the eleventh century, containing similar and largely identical matter, which are usually referred to jointly as the Irish Liber Hymnorum, “ Book of Hymns.” Little is known of the history of either: one has been in Trinity College, Dublin, since the seventeenth century; the other, which has come to the Franciscan monastery in Dublin by way of Louvain and St. Isidore’s, Rome, was once the property of the Franciscan friars of Donegal, with whom it was consulted by Michael O’Clery in 1630. The first folio of the Trinity College copy is missing, but that of the Franciscan volume has the title “ Book of hymns which the saints of Ireland composed.” Though inaccurate as a title it indicates the character of these collections: they are antiquarian, not liturgical, compilations; — products, like much else of our literature, of that movement for gathering and annotating the relics of the national past which developed in the centuries following the Norse invasions. Though the two volumes differ in arrangement, and to some extent in contents, it is clear that for the majority of their texts they go back to a common Vorlage, a gathering, or group of gatherings, of hymns and other devotional compositions, with commentaries, put together in the



tenth or early eleventh century. The ultimate sources must have been religious service-books, in many of which, it is quite probable, marginal annotations had been from time to time entered. The use of such sources explains the presence of scriptural, apocryphal and other nonIrish documents, and also of the antiphons which frequently are attached to the hymns. Script, etc.: The T C D MS (T) is now of 34 ff., about io |X 7 in., with three scraps of vellum bound in at the end. The folios from 25 to the end have been wrongly arranged by the binder. The writing, to f. 31, is a beautiful script, with illuminated initials. After f. 31 it is of inferior character and probably later date. In the main portion the script of the Latin texts is a square semi-uncial, that of the Irish an angular minuscule, that of the prefaces a similar but smaller script, and that of the glosses, and of the notes on the top margins, a still smaller hand. The Franciscan codex (F) consists of 23 ffsm a lle r in size than T . The main texts are in a large and pleasing minuscule, while the prefaces and marginal and interlinear notes are in a similar but much smaller hand. Palaeographically it seems as old as T, but some of its linguistic forms seem later. C ontents: The treatment of each document (except the later additions) includes the following: (1) The preface. This, in a mixture of Irish and Latin, sets forth (in accordance with a well-known convention of Irish commentators) the author, place, time and occasion of the composition of the following text. Alternative explana­ tions and other accretions are frequently found. In the majority of cases the T and F prefaces are practically identical, and in almost all they are closely related. (2) The text. (3) The interlinear and marginal glosses. In T these are attached to all the texts to the end of the hymn Ateoch rig, and appear occasionally on later folios; in F they are added only to the Irish documents, except that the Altus prosator has a few. The T and F glosses frequently agree, but as a whole they are not as closely related as are the prefaces. (4) The antiphons and collects which are attached to many of the texts. (5) In T only there are, to f. 22, many entries in the upper margins which appear to have been added at a later date and to have no direct con­ nection with the principal text. They are difficult to decipher, but consist for the most part of extracts from Holy Writ and from patristic and mediaeval authors.— With regard to the arrangement of the texts, it should be noted that those common to both codices fall into certain groups: the order of the groups differs in the two, but the order of the texts within each group is the same. A partial exception to this rule is the fact that one of the T groups forms, with additions, two groups in F. These features have importance for the investigation of the genesis of the two collec­ tions, but that is too difficult a task to be attempted here. L ist of Contents of T : [Group A] The original first folio, which must have had the preface to the opening hymn, is missing. F. 1 “ Hymn of St. Patrick bishop of the Irish ” Audite omnes amantes (no. 87); f. 2 Christus in nostra insula (no. 95 i); f. 3 Celebra Iuda (no. 93); f. 4 Parce Domine (no. 90). [B] F. 4V Sén Dé (no. 582); f. 6 Cantemus in omni die (no. 98). [C] F. 6V Ymnum dicat (cf. pp. 252, 419); f. 8 In Trinitate spes mea (no. 97); f. 8V Martine te deprecor (no. 99). [D] F. 9 Gloria in excelsis; f. 9V Magnificat; Bene­ dictus; f. 10 Te Deum laudamus (cf. pp. 716, 722). [E] F. 11 Altus prosator (no. 91 i) [a folio is missing between ff. 12 and 13, on which were stanzas 14-21 of the Altus];

7i 8


f . 13 In le Christe (no. 91 ii) ; f . i3v Noli Pater (no. 91 iii) ; Deus meus et Pater (cf. p. 713) ; f. i4v the epistle of Christ to Abgarus (cf. p. 719 infra). [F] F. 15 Genair Patraicc (no. 132); f. 16 Admuinemmair noeb-Patraicc (no. 102); Brigit bê (no. 95 iii); f. 17 N i car Brigit (no. 148); f. 19 Ateoch rig (no. 583). The remaining items of T are not found in F: F. i9v Patrick’s Lorica (no. 101); f. 20 “ Lamentation of Ambrose” Adonai Domine sabaoth; f. 22v an abbreviation of the psalter (cf. p. 721) [there is a gap between ff. 24 and 25, as a result of which part of this text is missing]. From f. 31 the texts seem to be later additions: F. 31 Alto el ineffabile (p. 380); f. 3 iv Abbas probatus omnino (no. 181); In spirut nóeb (no. 585 vi); names of the apostles, in a quatrain; f. 32 Ecce fulget clarissima (no. 141 vii); Phoebi diem (no. 155 i); ff. 33, 26 the Amra Coluim-cille (no. 212); f. 28v Colum-cille co Dia (no. 225 i); pedigree of St. Mobi. Attached to the back of the codex are three fragments: (i) Hymn Pilip apstal apstal cdidhy2A0 and five short and faded paragraphs, apparently notes on pre­ ceding texts; (ii) the release of Scandlan mór and the death of Columba (cf. pp. 4267); (iii) poem on the five divisions of Munster, Coig Mumain. Contents of F: P. 1: Paragraph in praise of hymnody Noem papa nasal oiregday and hymn Triur rig tainic do thig D é 2Al these are later additions. P. 2: Group E of T. P. 12 : Group A. P. 20: Group C. P. 24: Group D i — this consists of the Gloria in excelsis from T ’s Group D, preceded by Benedicite (cf. p. 708) and Christe qui lux es (in no. 572), and followed by Christi Patris in dextera (no. 587). P.27: Group B. P. 31 : Group D2 — the remainder of Group D , with Cantemus Domino gloriose inserted between the Mag­ nificat and the Benedictus. P. 36: Group F. P. 45: The Quicunque mit (cf. p. 667), not in T .

It should be observed that many hymns and liturgical offices for the festivals or other commemorations of saints are either incorporated in or attached to many of the vitae sanctorum. Some of these have been noted above in chaps. IV and V.

IV. B ooks


P rivate D evotions

676. The Harleian Prayer-Book M S: BM Harl. 7653 s V III/IX . E d : A B (1895) App. 83-97* Comm: E. M . Thomp­ son Catalogue of ancient manuscripts in the British Museum pt. II Latin (London 1884) 61. — Walter de Gray Birch Book of Nunnaminster (1889) 114-9.

This is probably the only surviving fragment of an old Irish private prayer-book. It was compiled for a woman, doubtless a nun, in the eighth or perhaps ninth century. On the first page there is an AngloSaxon gloss of the tenth or eleventh century, indicating that the book 140 Eleven quatrains giving an account, said to be due to the apostle Philip, of immortal birds that dwell in east Africa. Also in R IA Stowe C 3. .2 s X V . Ed. with trans. L E 2 1 185-6, I I 83—4, 236. 141 Poem on the three kings at Bethlehem, in 10 quatrains, of which the last two are a still later addition. Also in R IA 23 G 33 p. 307. Ed. with trans. LE * 1 194, II 90-1, 239.



was then in England. There is, indeed, the possibility that it was written in England by an Irish scribe or one of Irish training. Script, etc. : Seven leaves of coarse vellum, written in Anglo-Saxon semi-uncial, with Irish ornamentation and orthography. Contents: A litany, imperfect at the begin­ ning, in which many scriptural and early continental but no Irish saints are invoked; Te Deum laudamusywith prefatory collect; the hymn In pace Christi dormiam (no. 96); and five prayers, the last a fragment, of which two are also in the prayer-book Reg. 2 A.XX (no. 576), two in the Book of Ceme (no. 578), and two in the Fleury Libellus precum (p. 722 infra). No Irish saint except Patrick is mentioned in the book.

676. The Royal Library Prayer-Book MS: BM Reg. 2. A. X X 5 V III2. Facs: C. P. Cooper Appendix A to a Report on Rymer's Foedera pi. xxiv [ff. i i v . 23]. E d : A. B. Kuypers Book of Cerne (Cambridge 1902) 201-25. Comm: E. M . Thompson Catalogue of ancient manuscripts in the British Museum pt. II Latin (London 1884) 60. — W. de Gray Birch Book of Nunnaminster (London 1889) 101-13. — A B II (1895) 89-102 [complete table of contents, and texts of several extracts]. — W. Meyer “ Poetische Nachlese aus dem soge­ nannten Book of Ceme in Cambridge und aus dem Londoner Codex Regius 2 A xx ” Nachrichten v. d. k. Gesellsch, d. Wissensch. z. Göttingen philol.-hist. K l. 1917 iv 597625. This is a prayer-book written in the north of England, possibly at Lindisfame, in the eighth century. It forms, with the Book of Nunnaminster, the Book of Ceme, and the Irish Harleian Prayer-Book, a group of closely related books of devotion, all of which were immediately or ultimately products of the Irish Church. That the first three were written in England is testimony to the persistence there of Irish influence. Script, etc. : Northumbrian semi-uncial and large minuscule, in several hands. Orna­ mentation shows Irish influence. Marginal and interlinear additions by an English hand of about A.D. 1000. Ff. 52. C ontents: Ff. i - i i v : Extracts from the Gospels, to serve as lections for various feasts. The text is of the mixed “ Irish ” type. Ff. i i v~3v : The Lord’s Prayer, Apostles’ Creed, Epistle to Abgarus (cf. p. 718), and a prayer for protection. Ff. i3v-6: The Magnificatt Canticle of Zachary, and Canticle of the Three Children (cf. pp. 708, 717). F. i6v : A charm against bleeding. F f. 1725v : A collection of prayers, with eight headings; 242 one of these is in LfaeHarleian Prayer-Book (no. 575) and the Fleury Libellus precum (cf. p. 722 infra). Ff. 2ô-yv: Litany having resemblances to the Stowe litany,243 followed by praises of God. F. 28: The Gloria in excelsis, a creed, and a prayer. Ff. 29-38^ A series of 23 prayers begin­ ning with the successive letters of the alphabet. F. 39: A prayer, followed by a paraphrase of the 83rd psalm, both thought to be by Bede (cf. Meyer op. cit.). F. 40: A metrical creed ascribed to Cuth[bert] or Cuth[rad],244 followed by a formula of con242 The first is ascribed to “ Abbot Hygbald.” Bede {Hist. Eccles. IV iii) mentions an abbot of the name “ in the province of Lindsey,” and there was a bishop of the same name, never called abbot, at Lindisfame 780-803. Cf. p. óqs supra', also Bishop Liturgica historica 139 sqq. ” * Cuthbert would be, no doubt, the saint, and Cuthrad or Cudrad a priest of Undisfarne to whom Alcuin addressed a letter in 793-4 (Migne P L C 144).




fesßion. Ff. 4ov- i : A kind of litany addressed to the B. V. M., apostles and angels. Ff. 4 iv-2: An intercession to God. Ff. 42-5: A collection of nine related prayers, attributed to a “ Moucanus,” which is probably a British name {cf. Meyer op. cit). Ff. 45~9V: Five prayers, of which the first is penitential and the second a variety of loricay with an exorcism in Greek. A t the end of the fifth is another form of the charm against bleeding. F. 50: Hymn of Sedulius on the birth of Christ, a wellknown alphabetical hymn in 23 stanzas. F. 51: Another alphabetical hymn in 23 stanzas, describing the New Jerusalem: “ Alma fulget in caelesti,” 246 etc.

577. The Book of Nunnaminster MS: BMHarl. 29655VIII/IX.

E d : Wal ter de Gray B irchen ancient manuscript of the

eighth or ninth century; formerly belonging to St. Mary's Abbeyyor Nunnaminster y Win­ chester (Hampshire Record Soc.: London 1889). Comm: E. M . Thompson Catalogue of ancient manuscripts in the British Museum pt. II Latin (London 1884). The Book of Nunnaminster is a manuscript prayer-book which at one time belonged to Nunnaminster, that is, St. M ary’s Abbey, Winchester, England, originally founded, it would seem, in the time of Alfred the Great, and probably by his Queen, Eahlswith. The book, however, antedates the monastery: the script is generally classed as of the eighth century, although its editor expresses the opinion that it may be by a ninthcentury scribe who, in the earlier leaves especially, imitated the writing of an older exemplar from which he was copying. It was designed for the use of an abbess or other head of a community of nuns. In its contents it belongs to the Irish family of devotional compilations. S c r i p t , etc.: English semi-uncial or large minuscule. Writing, ornamentation, abbreviations and orthography show Irish affinities. F f. 41 : the first gathering is lost, and there are gaps at ff. 32-33 and 33-34. Some additions have been made in the tenth century. C o n t e n t s : Ff. 1-16: The passion according to Mark (acephalous), Luke and John. Ff. i 6v-2 o : Four prayers, of which the first 246 is ascribed to Pope Gregory the Great and the second to St. Augustine. Ff. 2o~32v : A series of 44 short prayers related to events in the life of Christ.247 F. 33: A communion hymn Domine Deus y I esu (no. 579 vi) in 16 quatrains, and a rhythmical morning salutation, Te deprecamury Domine. Ff. 34-7: Eleven miscellaneous prayers, the first a fragment of the so-called Confessio s. Patricii {cf. p. 713 supra)y the last a prayer against poison. Ff. 37v~4o: The Lorica of Laid-cend [no. 100]. F. 4ov : A prayer for the cure of dis­ ease of the eyes, followed by what seems to be a magical formula.

578. The Book of Ceme MS: Cambridge Univ. Lib. LI. 1. 10 s V III/IX . E ds: F. A. Paley “ Liturgical manu­ scripts at Cambridge ” Home and Foreign Review I (1862) 473-84 ;[extracts]. — A. B. Kuypers The Prayer Book of Aedeluald the Bishop commonly called the Book of Cerne (Cambridge 1902) [has a valuable liturgical note by E. Bishop. Cf. Paul Drews 246 Published by E. Diimmler Rhythmorum ecclesiasticorum aevi Carolini specimen (Berlin 1881) no. ix p. 14. 24« Also in the Bk. of Cerne (no. 578). 247 These prayers are Roman rather than Irish in character. Four of them are in the Bk. of Ceme.



Literarisches Centralblatt 17 Jan. 1903.] C o m m : H. A. Wilson “ On a rhythmical prayer in the Book of Cerne ” J T S Jan. 1904 p. 263. — F. Cabrol “ Le Book of Ceme et les liturgies celtiques ” Rev. des quest, hist. L X X V I (1904) 210-22, and his Les origines liturgiques (Paris 1906) 227-42.—W. Meyer “ Poetische Nachlese aus dem sogenannten Book of Cerne in Cambridge und aus dem Londoner Codex Regius 2 A. XX ” Nachrichten v. d. k. Gesellschaft d. Wissensch. z. Göttingen philol.-hist. Kl. 1917 iv 597-625. — E. Bishop Liturgica historica (Oxford 1918) 192-7. The Book of Ceme is a manuscript volume which, it would seem, at one time belonged to the abbey of Ceme, in Dorset, England. It is divided into three parts, originally independent codices, of which we have here to do only with the second. This is a prayer-book for private devotions, chiefly of the Irish type : it is, indeed, used by Dorn Fernand Cabrol to illustrate his description of the characteristics of the Celtic liturgy. He points out, however, that the book is actually a kind of liturgical mosaic where is found ancient debris of many origins. Edmund Bishop made a recondite investi­ gation of these origins, showing that the Irish, the Mozarabic and the Roman elements preponderate. Mozarabic and even Roman may have come, in whole or in part, through Irish channels. etc.: English large minuscule. Ornamentation shows Irish influence. Ff. 98 [given as 2-99 : the first folio is missing, and perhaps there is a loss at the end]. C o n ­ t e n t s : Ff. 1-40: The passion and resurrection of the Lord according to the four evangelists. The text is Vulgate of the “ Irish ” type. Ff. 4ov-83v : 69 prayers, of which the first 52 are addressed to God,248 the last 17 to the angels, B. V. M . and apostles. Some of these are rhythmical and riming compositions which might be classed as hymns. Several are combinations of two or more distinct documents. No. lxix is the same version of the same prayer as no. xxx; in some other cases the prayers seem to be fundamentally the same, but in quite different versions. The following should be particularly noticed: f. 43: the Lorica of Laid-cend (no. 100); f. 44v : Te Deum laudamus (cf. p. 722); f. 48: Ante oculos tuos Domine and Deus, Deus meus omnipotens\ 249 f. 53v : Deus Pater omnipotens, Domine caeli et terrae {cf. p. 724); f. 66: Sancte sator suffragator (no. 579 xii). The Canticle of the Three Children, the Gloria in excelsis, and several psalms or parts thereof, are indicated by the opening words only. Ff. 84~7V: The following hymns: Ymnum dicat turba fratrum {cf. pp. 252, 419); Luce uidet Christum; Pro peccatis amare; Domine Deus lesu; Amici nobiles Christe {cf. pp. 724-5). Ff. 87^98: A collection of versicles from the psalms, forming a kind of abridged psalter {cf. p. 718 supra). Ff. 98V~9V: An apocryphal Descensus ad inferna. — Of the prayers and hymns, one is also in AB (no. 568), one in the Stowe Missal (no. 555), one in the Basel Psalter (no. 364 iv), 4 in the Harleian Prayer-Book (no. 575), 6 in the Royal Prayer-Book (no. 576), 17 in the Book of Nunnaminster (no. 577), 3 and fragments in Alcuin’s De psalmorum usu liber and 10 and fragments in his Oßcia per ferias {cf. p. 722), 4 in the Collectanea et flores attributed to Bede (vol. I l l p. 499 of the Cologne, 1612, ed. of his works), 3 and a fragment in the Prayer-Book of Charles the Bald (pub. Ingolstadt 1583), 6 and a fragment in the Fleury Libellus precum {cf. p. 722), 3 in LH. — The MS has a few passages in the Mercian dialect of Anglo-Saxon: some of these seem to be contemporary and the rest S c r ip t ,

248 A quite considerable number of these are apologiae or penitential confessions. Cf. p. 695 supra. 242 Cf. p. 713 n. 236 supra. Ante oculos tuos Domine is also in the Stowe Missal (no. 555), and inter­ polated into the Angers copy of Deus, Deus meus omnipotens. It is also in several continental missals. C f Kuypers The Book of Cerne p. xxxiii.



not later than the ninth century. H i s t o r y : On f. 21 are some verses giving the acrostic “ Aedeluald episcopus,” and the title of the abridgment of the psalter attrib­ utes it to “ Oethelwald episcopus.” Dom Kuypers therefore designated the codex “ the Book of Aedeluald the Bishop.” He is usually identified with Aethelwold who was bishop of the Mercian see of Lichfield a .d . 818-30. Drews and Edmund Bishop, however, thought that Bishop Aedeluald’s book 260 was only one of the sources of the Book of Ceme; and, because of the “ Irish ” character of his work, inconsistent, runs the argument, with a ninth-century English date, Bishop contended that he must be the only other personage of the name known to have held episcopal rank at an early date, Aedeluald, bishop261 from 721 to 740 of Lindisfarne, where Irish influences prob­ ably still lingered.

There are three continental prayer-books in which the Irish element, if not pre­ dominating, as it seems to do in the English books just noticed, plays an important rôle. Two of these are works the authorship of which is attributed to Alcuin: De psalmorum usu liber cum variis formulis ad res quotidianas accomodatis, in Migne P L CI 465-508; and Officia per ferias, ibid. 509-612. On Alcuin’s liturgical work see Cabrol “ Alcuin ” Diet, d’archéol. ehret, et de liturgie I i 1072-92, and “ Les écrits liturgiques d’Alcuin ” RHE X IX (1923) 507-21, and the references there given. The Irish matters that entered into these compilations for private devotion were probably part of his Northumbrian inheritance, though they may have been due in part to his Irish associates, such as Colcu and Joseph (cf. pp. 534-6 supra), or to Irish influences on the Continent. Even stronger than in Alcuin are the Irish features in a so-called Fleury Prayer-Book of unknown authorship. It is a tenth-century MS in the Bibl. de la ville of Orleans, and was published by Martène in his De antiquis Ecclesiae ritibus IV xxxiv, reprinted in Migne P L CI 1490 sqq, under the title Libellus sacrarum precum ex M S Floriacensi annorum circiter goo. Cf. A B II 96.


I r is h

tex ts


c e r t a in


h r is t ia n

r e l ig io u s


ocu m en ts

Attention has been given (pp. 623 sqq supra) to the development of an Irish type of text of the Scriptures, or at least of large portions of the New Testament. In a somewhat similar way there were Irish modifications of those Latin texts of external origin which the Irish Church adopted for public and private devotions, such as the scriptural and other canticles, sacramentary prayers, hymns, litanies. In the case of Te Deum laudamus a special study of the Irish versions has been made in A B II (1895) 93-4. Cf. also Julian’s Dictionary of hymnology and the Cath. Encycl. s. v. “ Te Deum ” ; the references there given; J T S IX (April 1908) 425 sqq; and the Church Quarterly Review C II no. cciii (April 1926). — For that favorite hymn of the Irish, Hymnum dicat, see pp.252-3 supra. — In the history of the creeds an important rôle is taken by manuscripts of Irish origin or relationship. Of the Apostles’ Creed

260Bishop would identify this with a “ Hymnar of Edilwald ” which was at one time in the library of Fulda. 261His argument is supported by the fact that the acrostic verses apparently contain errors due to transcription.



the Irish manuscripts offer some interesting and unique variations. See the articles on the several creeds in the Realencykl.f. prot. Theologie u. Kirche and the Dictionnaire de théologie catholique; A. and G. L. Hahn Bibliothek der Symbole 3rd ed. (1897); F. Kattenbusch Das apostolische Symbol 2 vols. (Leipsic 1894--1900); A. E. Bum Introduction to the creeds (London 1897) and Facsimiles of the creeds (Henry Bradshaw Soc. X X X V I) (London 1909). Kattenbusch and especially Bum are important for the Irish part of the history.

V I.


ym n s

, P

r a yer s

an d

oth er



e v o t io n a l


o m p o s it io n s


I r is h


In the preceding pages some account has been given of the surviving liturgical and devotional books or collections, belonging to the period prior to A .D . 1170, that were of Irish origin or inspiration. It would obviously be impossible to list here all the individual liturgical formulae which were, or may have been, composed in Ireland. Even less possible is it to enumerate all the private prayers and hymns, all the literary pieces of a devotional cast, which the Christian Ireland of our period produced. In chap. I l l sect, vii some description has been given of such documents the date of which can, with good probability, be placed not later than the early years of the eighth century. The attempt is now made only to notice what seem to be the better known, the more important, or the more significant of those of later date. Attention should be called to certain types of compositions which were especially popular with the Irish : (1) rhythmical prayers, often classed as hymns but probably intended for mnemonic recitation rather than for singing; (2) confessions and apologiae; 252 (3) litanies; 253 (4) loricae.254 Sometimes the one document belongs to two or three classes.

579. Hiberno-English hymns and prayers It has been seen that the English manuscripts, Regius 2 A. xx, the Book of Nunnaminster, and the Book of Cerne, are made up of material which is chiefly of Irish origin or inspiration. In these volumes and in certain continental codices of English (or in one case possibly Irish) 252 C/. p. 695 supra. 253 The chief litanies and litany-like prayers in Irish have been published by the Rev. Dr. Charles Plummer Irish Litanies (Henry Bradshaw Soc. L X II) (London 1925). 264 C/. p. 254 supra. In connection with what follows the article of Dom Louis Gougaud “ Étude sur les loricae celtiques ” Bull, d'ancienne littérature et d'archéologie chrétienne I (1911) 265-81, II (1912) 33-41, 101-27, should be consulted.



provenance there are several hymns or rhythmical prayers which both in their subject-matter and in their verse-form have the marks of an Irish origin. As there is, perhaps, no Irish manuscript tradition of these texts, this Irish origin cannot be asserted without qualification: it remains possible that some of them were composed by English writers of Irish training. If they are of Irish composition it is quite probable, as has been stated previously,255 that many of them are of the seventh century. (i) Ad Dominum clamaveram . . . possidere eximia. 17 quatrains. MSS: Cologne Kapitelsbibi. 106 (formerly Darmstadt 2106) s IX . — Munich Staatsbibl. 14447 $ IX . — Carlsruhe Landesbibl. Cod. Augiensis C X X X V pt. iii i X f . 159. [These last 2 MSS contain Alcuin’s exposition of the psalms, addressed to Bishop Amo of Salzburg, and it has been noted — p. 714 supra— that Lindsay thinks the first MS was prepared under Alcuin’s direction for Amo.] E d s : [C /. Chevalier Reper­ torium hymnologicum no. cxxii.] Froben Alcuini opera I i 389-90. — Migne P L X C IV 528. — Mone Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters I (Freiburg i. Br. 1853) 393-5. — Blume An. hymn. L I (1908) 293-4. A versified prayer, of which the first 15 stanzas consist of adaptations of the opening words of the 15 gradual psalms, or “ songs of degrees,” ps. cxix-cxxxiii. (ii) Ambulemus in prosperis . . . sempiternum in gaudium. 8 quatrains. MSS: BM Reg. 2 A. XX s V III f. 25. — Bk. of Cerne s IX f. 46. E d s : Kuypers The Book of Cerne (1902) 91-2, 211. Cf. W. Meyer Nachrichten v. d. k. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. z. Göttingen philol.-hist. K l. 1917 pp. 598-9. A morning prayer. (iii) Amici nobiles . . . norunt florescere. 14 quatrains. MS: Bk. of Cerne f. 87. E d s : Kuypers op. cit. 173-4. — Blume op. cit. 314-5. Cf. Meyer op. cit. 614. An alphabetical poem in praise of virgins, apparently incomplete. (iv) Christum peto, Christum preco . . . terras atque aequora. 18 of Ceme f. 66v. E d s : Kuypers op. cit. 132. — Blume op. cit. 301.


M S: Bk.

(v) Deus Pater omnipotens, Domine caeli ac terrae . . . ubi regnum regnorum saeculorum in saecula. Meyer arranges it in 52 11., but the actual text is less. MS: Bk. of Ceme ff. 53V~4V. E d s : Kuypers op. cit. 106-8. — Meyer op. cit. 600-5. (vi) Domine Deus, Iesu . . . in sempiterna saecula. 16 quatrains. MSS: Bk. of Nunnaminster (no. 577) s V III f. 33. — Bk. of Cerne ff. 86v~7. E d s : W. de Gray Birch An ancient manuscript . . . formerly belonging to . . . Nunnaminster (London 1889) 81-3. — Kuypers op. cit. 172-3. — Blume op. cit. 297-8. Apparently a com­ munion hymn. It is doubtful whether this is a product of the Irish school of verse. (vii) Heli, Heli, Domine mi . . . ut sim sanus hic et in saecula, Ceme f. 62v. E d s : Kuypers op. cil. 124. — Blume op. cit. 301-2. 606-7.

11. MS: Bk. o f Cf. Meyer op. cit.


(viii) [Refrain] O Andreas sancte . . . , followed by 11 stanzas: Te nunc peto, carp . . . regum sine fine. M S: Bk. of Ceme f. 81. E d s : Kuypers op. cit. 16 1-2 .— Blume op. cit. 316-7. Cf. Meyer op. cit. 607.


255 supra.



(ix) Peto [MS Teto] Petri . . . saeculorum in saecula. 11 stanzas. MS: Bk. of Cerne ff. 8 iv-2. E d s : F. A. Paley Home and Foreign Review I (1862) 478. — Kuypers op. cil. 162-3. — Blume op. cit. 312-3. — Meyer op. cit. 1916 pp. 625-6. A prayer to the apostles. (x) Pro peccatis amare . . . requiescam in pace. 12 stanzas. f. 86. E d s : Kuypers op. cit. 171-2. — Blume op. cit. 351-2.

MS: Bk. of Ceme

(xi) Sancte Petre, apostole . . . in trinitate Dominus. 8 quatrains. MS: Bk. of Cerne ff. 79v-8o. E d s : Kuypers op. cit. 158-9. — Blume op. cit. 349-50. This may not be of the Irish school. (xii) Sancte sator, suffragator . . . Sicque beo me ab eo. 29 11. MSS: Bk. of Ceme f. 66. — Cologne Kapitelsbibi. 106. — Munich Staatsbibi. 14447. — Carlsruhe Landes­ bibi. Cod. Augiensis C X X X V pt. iii f. 159. [Cf. no. i supra re these 3 MSSJ — Munich Staatsbibi. 19410 s IX. — BN 8779 j IX. — Cambridge Univ. Lib. Gg. V. 35 s X I. E d s : [Cf. Chevalier op. cit. no. 18506.] Mone op. cit. 365-6. — Müllenhoff and Scherer Denkmäler deutscher Poesie u. Prosa 3 (Berlin 1892) I 221, II 353-4.— Kuypers op. cit. 131-2. — Blume op. cit. 299-301. (xiii) Te deprecamur Domine . . . in sempiterna secula. Nunnaminster f. 33v. E d : Birch op. cit. 83-4.

5 stanzas.

MS: Bk. of

(xiv) Te deprecor, Pater sancte . . . magni regis et potestas. 16 11. MS: BM Reg. 2 A . XX f. 4ÓV. E d s : Kuypers op. cit. 221. — Meyer op. cit. 1917 pp. 624~5.256

580. Scúap Chrábaid, or Broom of Devotion, of Colcu úa Duinechda [Part I) Ateoch frit, a Isu nóib . . . 7 ina menmannaib [7 ina nindib]. . . . Poil apstail ro raide: Quis me liberauit, etc. Ameu.

[Part II] A Isu noeb, a chara coem

MSS: Y B L col. 336 (facs. p. 326) [this portion written by Murchad Ó Cuindlis in 1398-9]. — LBr p. 74 [pt. II and a frag, of pt. I]. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324 f. 71; 4190 f. 212; 5100 p. 9 [these 3 MSS are by Michael O’Clery; the ist and 3rd from the Lcbar ruad Muimnech} “ Red Book of Munster,” which also was written by Murchad Ó Cuindlis, the 2nd fromaM S written by Giolla-glas Úa hUiginn in 1471]. E d s : B. Mac Carthy “ On the Stowe Missal ” Trans. R IA X X V II Antiq. (1886) 178-81 [pt. I with trans.] — K M Otia Merseiana II (1900-1) 92-8,100-3 [with trans.]. — C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xvii-xix, 30-45, 111-2 [with trans.]. T r a n s : O’C 1ER I (1864) 4-12. C/. O ’C M S Mat. 379-80. The Sciiap Chrábaid} or “ Broom of Devotion,” of Colcu úa Duinechda of Clonmacnois (d. 796) 257 seems to have been one of the most famous of old Irish prayers. The present text 258 is identified with it by O’Clery, apparently on the authority of the “ Red Book of Munster,” written in the fourteenth century. O ’Clery, however, copied another Vorlage in which our document was attributed, without title, to Aireran ind ecna, i.e. Aileran the Wise (d. 665).289 The language is not incon250 The verses beginning A ltu s auctor om n iu m , which Blume publishes, op. cil. 302, are, it seems clear, not of Irish origin. 257 C/. p. S34 supra. 258 It is not certain whether the two parts form one whole. O’ Clery apparently thought so, and they are in immediate association in all the MSS. 259 Cf. pp. 27g 81 supra.



sistent with Colcu’s authorship, but if due to Aileran must have been carefully modernised. There is also some slight reason to believe that our texts are derived from Clonmacnois. In the “ Notes on the Customs of Tallaght ” 260 respectful reference is made several times to a Colcu. If, as is not improbable, he was Colcu úa Duinechda, evidence is thereby given that the latter was one of the leaders of the reform movement of the eighth century. The prayer, especially in its first part, has the form of a lorica.

581. Hymn in honor of St. Michael Archangelum minim magnum . . . in regali culmine.

23 stanzas.

MS: Carlsruhe Landesbibl. Cod. Augiensis C C X X I s V III/IX ff. 191-2 (s IX in.). E d : Blume An. hymn. L I (1908) 333-5. A t the close of the hymn is a collect, followed by: “ Benedicat De[us] te et Michael for [= says] Moilrum. Amen.” The person intended is, doubtless, Máel-Rúain of Tallaght (d. 792).201 That Máel-Rúain had special devotion for the archangel Michael is implied in the preface to the Martyrology of Oengus.262 It is, therefore, a fair inference that this hymn was in use at Tallaght, and quite possible that it was composed there, but Blume’s ascription of its composition to Máel-Rúain is hypo­ thetical. It is a good example of Hibemo-Latin versification.

582. Hymn ascribed to Colmán moccu Clúasaig Sén Dé donfé fordonté . . . sén Dé donfé fordonté. [19 quatrains] . . . ria slùag ndemnae diar sénad. [3$ quatrains] . . . Críst ronsóera ronséna. [4 quatrains].

MSS': LH(T) fT. 4V~5. — LH(F) p p . 28-30. E d s : WS Goidilica (Calcutta 1866); Goidelica (London 1872) 121 sqq. — B. MacCarthy (?) 1ER IV (1868) 402-9. — LH 1 II 122-36. — I T I 5, 321. — LH 2 1 25-31,11 pp. xxxv-xl, 12-6, 113-22. — Thés. Pal. II pp. xxxvi sq, 298-306. Trans, in all except IT . C o m m : H. Gaidoz RC V 94-103 [with Fr. trans.]. This hymn is a prayer for protection against evil, resembling the loricae. It falls obvi­ ously into three parts, of which the first seems to have been based on a Latin prayer similar to the “ Commendation of a soul in its last moments ” in the Roman Breviary. The Irish introduction and notes ascribe the first two parts, which they treat as one, to Colmán moccu Clúasaig, called fer lêgind of Corcaige (Cork),263 or to him and his pupils, and the last to Diarmait úa Tigemáin, who was comarha of Patrick at Armagh, with interruptions, from 835 to 853, or to him and to Mugrón, comarha of Colum-cille from 964 to 980.264 The Irish annotations say that the hymn was composed as a pro­ tection against the Yellow Plague of 664-5; but the annalists place the death of Colmán, whom they call úa Clúasaig, in 662, and the wording of the hymn does not mo No.


263C/. p. 421 supra.

261 C/. p. 46g supra. 264

Cf. p. 727 infra.

262 Fél. Oeng 2 12-3.



suggest composition for such a special occasion. Moreover, it is generally agreed that the language forms demand a date not much before 800 nor, at least for the bulk of the piece, later than 850.266

683. Sanctán’s Hymn Ateoch rig namra naingel . . . ateoch in rig adróethach. . . . macc rogénair i mBethil. 3 quatrains.

MSS: LH(T) f. 19. — LH(F) p. 43. (London 1872). — I T in all except IT .

1 49-52, 324. —

Ed s:

io quatrains.

Epscop Sanctán sancta sruith

WS Goidilica (Calcutta 1866); Goidelica

LH 21 129-32, II pp. lvi sq, 47-8, 206-8.


This is another of those old Irish hymns asking protection against dangers, physical and diabolical, which really belong to the same class of prayers as the loricae. The word lurech, Irish derivative from lorica, is used in the present text. Its author was, we are told, a Bishop Sanctán, who is commemorated in the calendars but of whom little else is known. According to the preface he was a Briton. The language seems to be of the ninth century.

684. Prayers attributed to Mugrón (i) Litany of the Trinity: [Rawl.: Mugrón comarba Coluim Cille haec verba composuit de Trinitate.] Airchis din a Dé athair . . . on ordnigther cech n-uasal. (Addit.: . . . onoir 7 inocbail in s. s. Amen.l (ii) Mugrôn’s Lorica: Cros Críst tarsin gnûis-si . . . cros Crist tar mo gnúis-si. 12 quatrains, (iii) Colum Cille cend Alban . . . trebhand treibhi Cuind Colum. 3 quatrains.

(i) MSS: LBr p. 74 [frag.]. — Y B L col. 338, facs. p. 327. — Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. 42. ■— BM Addit. 30512 s X V f. 37 [a longer recension]. E d : K M Hibernica minora (Oxford 1894) 42-3 [text from LBr and Rawl., with trans.]. — C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xxi, 78-85 [with trans.], (ii) MSS: Bodl. Laud 615 p. 55.— RIA 23 G 4 and 23 G 5. E d : K M Z C P X II iii (1918) 387. T r a n s : LH2 II 212, 244 [partial], (iii) MS: Bodl. Laud 615 p. 105. E d : K M Z C P X (1915) 340. Mugrón, “ comarba of Colum-cille in both Ireland and Scotland ” since 964, died in 980.266 Of the pieces ascribed to him, the first is a litany composed of three series of invocations addressed respectively to the three Persons of the Trinity; the second is a lorica in which the cross of Christ is invoked for protection; and the third a little poem in praise of Colum-cille. The second is also attributed to that saint,267 but while Mugrôn’s authorship is linguistically possible, that of Columba is impossible.

585. Poems by Máel-ísu Úa Brolcháin (i) A aingil, beir, a Michil mórfhertaig . . . a marbad Anchrist ainglig. 9 stanzas, (ii) A Choimdhe baidh . . . non-geibh fot comm I 4 quatrains, (iii) A Choimdiu, nom-chomét . . . nom-chomét, a Choimdiu. 13 quatrains, (iv) Búaidh crábuidh, búaidh n-ailithre . . . tue damh na ceithre búadha. 4 quatrains, (v) Deus meus adiuua me Tue dam do sheirc . . . Deus meus adiuua me. 7 stanzas, (vi) In spirut nóeb immun . . . ronsóera do spirut. (vii) Dia háine ni longud . . . ifern ocus garseclae. 13 quatrains.(i)

(i) MSS: Y B L col. 336. — Bodl. Laud 610 p. 118. E d s : WS Goidelica2 (1872) 175 [2 stanzas]. — KM The Cath Finntrága or Battle of Ventry (Oxford 1885) 88-9 [YBL 265 MacN, however, apparently accepts Colmán’s authorship. 266 AU. 267 Cf. p. 438 supra.

Cf. Studies Sept. 1922 p. 438.



text, with variants from Laud]; Gaelic Journal IV (1890) 56-7 [YBL text, trans.]. — C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xxii sq, 88-9 [with trans.]. T r a n s : K M Selections from ancient Irish poetry (London 1911) 41. (ii) MS: Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324 p. 56. E d : K M A CL III iii (1906) 231. (iii) MS: BM Egerton h i p. 15; Addit. 30512 f. 44. — T C D 1285 (H. 1. 11) f. i54v [copy of AdditJ. E d : K M Z C P VI (1908) 259-60. (iv) M S: Brussels Bibl. roy. 5100 268 p. 56. E d : K M A CL III iii (1906) 230-1. (v) MS: LBr p. 101. E d : Fêl. Oeng.1 p. clxxxv [text, trans.]. — K M Selections from early Irish poetry [Dublin 1909] 8-9. T r a n s : Geo. Sigerson Bards of the Gael and Gall 2nd ed. (London 1907) 207-8. (vi) MS: LH(T) f. 3 iv [this is in the later portion of the MS]. E d s : WS Goidilica1 (1866), Goidelica2 (1872) [text, trans.].— LH 2 I 159, II 52, 221 [text, trans.]. — Thés. Pal. II pp. xl, 359 [text, trans.], (vii) M S: T C D 1285 (H. 1 .1 1 ) a .d . 1752 f. 140. E d : K M ZC P X II (1918) 296-7; cf. 454.269 Máel-ísu 270 Üa Brolcháin died on Jan. 16, 1086, according to the Annals of Ulster, which describe him as “ master of wisdom and of piety and in filidecht271 in both lan­ guages,” i.e. Irish and Latin. His address to the archangel Michael, bilingual inter­ cessory prayer, and invocation of the Holy Spirit are among the most famous of the religious poems of the later portion of our period.

686. Litany of Irish Saints [Part I] Secbt noeb epscoip déc ar secht cétaib di aes. . . . [Part II] T ri choicait curach di ailithrib Roman . . . [Part III] Secht noeb epscoip Dromma Urchailli. . . .

MSS: LL p. 373 of facs. — Leabhar Üi Maine f. 53 (formerly 109). — BM Addit. 30512 f. 23 [incomplete]. — T C D 1285 (H. 1. 11) f. 130 [incomplete]. — LBr p. 23 [pts. II and III]. E d s : B. Mac Carthy 1ER III (1867) 385-97, 468-77 [with trans.]. — C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xix sq, 54-75, 112-21 [with trans, and notes]. In this litany a vast number of Irish holy ones are invoked, some by name, some by place of origin, but the majority by the name of the saint or the church with which they were associated. It has the appearance of being an antiquarian rather than a devotional composition, but this is in part due to the incorporation of annotations into the text. The attribution of the authorship to Oengus “ the Culdee ” originated, in the opinion of Plummer, with Colgan. The earliest manuscript is of the middle of the twelfth century, and the document is probably a product of the ecclesiastical antiquarianism of the tenth and eleventh centuries. We cannot be certain whether the three parts into which the litany falls should be regarded as separate texts or not : they are all of a similar type, and have much value for topography and hagiology.

687. Hymn in praise of Sts. Peter and Paul Christi patris in dextera . . . dominantem infinita.

MS: LH(F) f. 14. 241-2.

E d s:

50 11.

Dreves An. hymn. X IX 236 [cf. L I 350]. — LH 2 I 19S-9 II

Probably of Irish composition.

The text may be imperfect.

268 Cf. C. Plummer Irish Litanies p. xxiii. 269 In B k.L is.f. 52v there is a poem by him, in 66 quatrains, on the eight principal vic.'s: Ocht n-aerich na ndualuch . . . . Cf. Lis. Lives p. xviii. 270 The name means “ Tonsured (i.e., Devotee) of Jesus.” 271 Cf. pp. 3- 4 supra.



588. Prayer of St. Brendan In nomine P. et F. et S. S. ternam gratiam. Amen.

Amen. Per sanctam Annunciationem . . . magnam misericordiam et sempi­

MSS: Rome Bibi. Sessoriana B. C X X V II. — Munich Staatsbibl. 13067 s X I/X II ff. 9 -1 6V. — St. Gail Stiftsbibl. 321 * X IV . — BM Reg. 7. D. xxvi 5 X IV /X V . — Cam­ bridge Corpus Christi Coll. 275 s X V . — Milan Bibi. Ambrosiana D. 158 inf. 5 X V ff. 37v- 8. — BM Addit. 37787 s X V f. 165. E d : P. F. Moran Acta sancti Brendani (Dublin 1872) 27-44. C o m m : G. Schirmer Zur Brendanus-Legende (Leipsic 1888) 11-2.— D. O’Donoghue Brendaniana (Dublin 1893) 97-103. A long, litany-like prayer, addressed to God and the saints, containing a large number of allusions to events of scriptural history. It probably should be classed as a lorica of Irish origin, but its association with Brendan seems to be one of the developments of his legend.

589. Prayer to the Saviour and the Saints [Part I] A Sláinicidh in ciniuda daona . . . i frecnarcus na Trinoti, in s. s. Maire 7 Eoin macain . . . hi frecnarcus na Trinoite, in s. s. Amen.


[Part II] Impide

MSS: Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. 41. — BM Addit. 30512 s X V f. 38. — BM Egerton 92 s X V f. 29 [pt. I].— Brussels Bibl. roy. 4190 f. 215 [copy by O’Clery of MS by Giolla-glas Úa hUiginn, 1471]. E ds: K M Otia Merseiana II (1900-1) 98-100, 103-5 [with trans.]. — C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xvi sqy20-7, h i [with trans.]. Whether the two parts of this fine prayer are distinct texts is not certain. The manu­ scripts, except in the case of the fragmentary Egerton 92, unite them, but, as Plummer notices, the first part is composed in the singular number, the second part in the plural. This second part seems designed for a community of nuns. The two parts, however, appear to be complementary to each other. The language is not inconsistent with an Old Irish date.

590. Lorica of Virgins [No]m churim ar commairge . . . co nilur a phian.

MS: LL p. 360 of facs. E d : C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xxiii, 92-3, 121-3 [with trans, and notes]. In this metrical lorica, of which the manuscript is of the twelfth century, protection is sought of the Trinity and of various classes of saints, and, by name, of Mary and of twenty-eight Irish virgin saints.

591. Lorica Ateoch friut an dechmad . . . atteoch friutsa a Athair. The original poem ended at 1. 50; there are two additions, of 28 and 14 11., respectively, with verbally similar endings.

MSS: RIA 23 N 10 p. 92. E d s : K M Z C P V III (1912) 231-2; Selections from early Irish poetry [Dublin 1909] 3 [first part only]. — C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London I 92S) PP- »dii sqt 102-7 [with trans.].

73 °


This piece seems to be modeled on the Scûap Chrâbaidfm and, indeed, is itself so designated in the first set of additional stanzas. The author also imitates the older loricae, such as Patrick’s,273 by naming many of the objects of nature, but the tone here is much more learned and academic.

592. Litany of the Blessed Virgin Mary A Muire mór . . . ros aittrebam, in s. s.


MS: LBr p. 74. E ds : Vit. Trip. I pp. clxv-clxviii [with trans.]. — C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) 48-51 [with trans.]. T rans: Moran Essays 224-5 [by O’C]. C omm: A. de Santi (Fr. trans. A. Boudinhon) Les litanies de la sainte Vierge (Paris [1900]) 105-7. Stokes assigned this litany, or litany-like prayer, to the twelfth century. interesting document for the history of devotion to M ary.274

It is an

593. The Penitential Litany of St. Ciarán Omne malum feci coram té. . . . A Athair, a Meic, a Spirut Noim, dilguid.. . . A fir-Dia, tibi soli peccaui. Dilaig, dilaig, dilaig. Amen.

MSS: Bodl. Laud 6ro 5 X V ff. 5V-6V. — BM Addit. 30512 s X V f. 36. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324 f. 69; 5100 p. 6 [both copied by Michael O’Clery from “ the Red Book of M unster” ]. E d : C. Plummer Irish Litanies (London 1925) pp. xvi, 2-17 [with trans.]. This litany, which is a lengthy confession of sins, is attributed in the O’Clery manu­ scripts to a Ciarán, and there is some slight reason to believe that it came from Clonmacnois. But it is far later than the time of Ciarán of Clúain; indeed, we cannot be quite certain that it is not later than our period. It is in Irish, but with some passages in Latin.

594. Poem asking three wishes of God Mo theora ucse forsin Rig . . in tan dobretha mo theora.

14 11.

MSS: R IA Stowe B. IV. 2 [by Michael O’Clery]. — T C D 1285 (H. 1. ir) f. 151. E d : KM Êriu VI (1911) 116 [with trans.].

a .d



Described by Meyer as an “ undoubtedly Old-Irish poem.”

595. Blessing the road before a journey Rop soraid in sét-sa . . . rop sóinmech, rop soraid.

MS: Bodl. Laud 615 p. 55. 1 12 [with trans.].

E d s:

3 quatrains.

K M A CL III iii (T906) 221; Êriu VI (r9 n )

A Middle-Irish poem which Meyer suggested might have been composed by Máelísu Úa Brolcháin. 272 No. 580. 273 No. 101. 274 In Z C P X II (1918) 379-83 K M has published a poem in honor of Mary from R IA 23 N 27 f. 23v — “ Gabh ar h’ionchaibh mé, a Mhuire . . . bíodh ’sna demannuibh derccá: 37 quatrains.



696. A Prayer for tears Tue dam, a Dé móir . . cia dobéra acht tú.

MS: BM Addit. 30512 f. 3ov. 1 13-4 [with trans.].

8 quatrains.

E d : K M A C L III iii (1906) 232; Êriu V I (1911)

Another Middle-Irish poem which, Meyer suggests, may be by Máel-ísu Úa Brolcháin.

697. A Prayer to Christ for help A Christ cobra, tair chucum

. . . bi 'com chobair, a chride.

8 quatrains.

MSS: BM Addit. 30512 f. 44.— T C D 1285 (H. 1. 11) p. 155 [from preceding]. K M Êriu VI (1911) 114-5.

Ed :

Meyer described it as a “ late Old-Irish or early Middle-Irish poem,” which probably means that it was composed within, as outside limits, a .d . 850 to 1050.

598. Prayer attributed to St. Fursa Robé mainrechta Dé forsind fhormna-sa . . . in duine-sea.

MS: BM Addit. 30512 * X V f. 35v.

E d : K M A C L III iii (1906) 232.

A litany-like short prayer attributed, quite impossibly, to Fursa.276

599. Prayer to the seven archangels for the days of the week Gabriel lim i nDomhnaighibh . . . ar gach ngabud.

8 quatrains.

MSS: BM Addit. 30512 f. 22v. — R IA 23 P 3 f. 19. E ds : K M A C L II iii (1903) 138 [incomplete]. — Thos. P. O’Nolan Êriu II (1905) 92-4 [with trans.]. Cf. ibid. V i i 2. T rans: Celtic Review Oct. 16, 1905, p. 200. — Ernest Rhys in Eleanor Hull Poem-Book of the Gael (London 1912) 134-5.

600. Comad Croiche Crist : Poem of the Cross of Christ Creidim-si Crist israeracht . . . a tudhacht cóir a creitim.

M S: R IA 23 N 10 p. 94.

7 quatrains.

E d : K M Êriu I (1904) 41-2 [with trans.].

A poetical act of faith in Christ.

601. A Hymn of praise to the Trinity Bennocht ocus édrochta. . . .

MSS: BM Addit. 30512 s X V f. 30. — T C D 1285 (H. 1. 11) a .d . 1752 f. 137 [copy of preceding]. E d : R. I. Best Êriu IV (1908) 120 [with trans.].

The Litany of the Culdees of Dunkeld has been published by J. G. F. Gordon, from a Ratisbon MS, in Notes and Queries 3rd ser. IX 406-9; and reprinted in A. P. Forbes 276

C/. pp. 500 sqq.



Kalenders of Scottish Saints (Edinburgh 1872) pp. xxxiv sq, lvi-lxv, and H&S II pt. I 278-85. It is a Scottish litany of the late middle ages, which probably received its final form in the sixteenth century, but it may have its ultimate origin in an old Irish litany.

There are many short devotional pieces, in prose and in verse, of unknown authorship and uncertain date, the majority untranslated, which have been published in various periodicals and other collections, especially in A C L , ZCP, 1ER, RC, Êriu, and the Gaelic Journal. These do not seem to be of sufficient importance to demand individual notice here; some of them are listed in R. I. Best’s Bibliography of Irish philology and of printed Irish literature (Dublin 1913) and in his “ Bibliography of the publica­ tions of Kuno Meyer ” Z C P X V (1925) 1-65.





Bibliography Georges Dottin “ Notes bibliographiques sur l'ancienne littérature chrétienne de l’Irlande ” Rev. d’hist. et de litt, religieuses V (1900) 162-7 [cf. p. 92 supra]; Manuel d'irlandais moyen 2 vols. (Paris 1913) [especially vol. II].— Kuno Meyer and Alfred Nutt The Voyage of Bran son of Febal . . . with an essay upon the Irish vision of the happy otherworld and the Celtic doctrine of rebirth 2 vols. (Grimm Library IV, VI) (London 1895, 1897) [gives some consideration to the Christian eschatological litera­ ture of Ireland, which is treated more fully in the following work]. — C. S. Boswell An Irish precursor of Dante (Grimm Library X V III) (London 1908) [cf. p. 502 supra]. — L. Gougaud Les chrétientés celtiques (Paris 19 i i ) 260-6: “ Les Apocryphes.” — St. John D. Seymour “ The seven heavens in Irish literature ” Z C P X IV (1923) 18-30; “ The eschatology of the early Irish Church ” ibid. 179-211.

In addition to the exegetical and scholastic, the liturgical and devo­ tional, there is a considerable amount of exhortatory, imaginative and miscellaneous literature of a religious and ecclesiastical character. Earlier works of this kind, up to the beginning of the eighth century, have been noticed in chapter III. The great bulk of this literature, however, is later than the ninth century. In fact, about the beginning of the tenth century, almost contemporaneously with those linguistic changes which modern philologists have selected as marking the transi­ tion from Old to Middle Irish, a change came over Irish ecclesiastical literature and culture. To the predominantly Latin, or Hiberno-Latin, culture of the earlier period succeeded the predominantly Gaelic of the later.276 The new age is distinguished not only by partially original works in Irish, but also by extensive translations from Latin into Irish. 276Of- PP* 10 sqq supra .


7 33

And the greater part of this literature, although falling into several differ­ ent classes, has its own common and distinctive note. Chief among the classes of this later literature are: (i) antiquarian compilations, especially annotations on ancient texts, compiled, doubt­ less, in the schools 277 and imitating the earlier Latin scholia, but com­ posed chiefly of extraordinary stories culled from popular legend and folk-lore; 278 (2) Lives of the saints and other hagiographical matter, usually adaptations or translations from earlier Latin documents and showing the strong influence of secular literature:279 many of these Lives are in the form of homilies; (3) connected with the preceding is the very considerable amount of semi-dramatic poetry put in the mouths of the famous ancient saints but embodying late ideas and legends; (4) the voyage and vision literature, which had its greatest development, within a religious setting, during this period; (5) homilies, chiefly translations, more or less modified, of well-known Latin texts; and (6), what some­ times can scarcely be distinguished from the homilies, imaginative expositions of biblical and church history, of cosmic and eschatological ideas, based partly on the scriptures but mainly on Latin apocrypha and legends of continental origin. Although little of it has been preserved in its original form through Irish media,280 a vast amount of this Chris­ tian mythical lore must have been circulating in Ireland in the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries, some of it very curious and unusual and but little known elsewhere in Europe. It was all used freely and fully by what we may call popular writers in Irish on religious subjects. Indeed, all this later Irish ecclesiastical literature of which an outline has just been given is characterised by an intense interest in the super­ natural and the eschatological, and a constant delight in the wonderful and the bizarre.

602. Latin poems of Irish composition (i) Vere nouo florebat humus, satus aethere sudo. . . Testentur fixum foedus thalamumque coronent. [Ends imperfect.] 92 11. (ii) Perge carina: Per mare longum. . . .Mille coronas Posce salutis. 78 11. (iii) Rauco sonora Languida voce. . . . Psallere voto Larga potestas. 27 11. (iv) Incipit de signis et prodigiis et de quibusdam Hybemiae admirandis. Plurima mira malum signantia signa futurum. . . . Ends imperfect in the 133rd line.

(i) E d : A. Riese Anthologia Latina I fasc. ii (1870) 355-7 no. 941; 2nd ed. (1906) I pt. ii 361. (ii) E d : Pitra Spicilegium Solesmense III (1855) 399-400. C/. Traube 277 The work of one of these later schools is illustrated on pp. 681-3 supra. Part of the texts there noticed are of the same character as those considered here. 278 As the notes to Fél. Oeng. and LH . *7®Chaps. IV and V supra. 280 Certain apocalyptic fragments published by Dom De Bruyne in Rev. Bénédictine X X IV U907) from Reichenau C C L IV s V I I I /IX were probably derived immediately from Ireland. Their signifiance for Irish literature is pointed out by M . R. James J T S X X 14 sqq. Cf. also Z C P X IV 2 2 ,181.



MGH Poet. lot. aevi Carol. I l l 274 n. (iii) M S: B N 8069 5 X / X I f. i v [a Vergil, preceded by some epigrams from Martial]. E d s : J. Quicherat Bibi, de VÉcole des Chartes 4th ser. I l l (Paris 1857) 352-3. — Riese op. cit. I ii 205-6 no. 739. Cf. Traube loc. cit. (iv) This is one of the sections added to Nennius: cf. pp. 152-5 supra. MSS: BN 11108 $ X II; 4126 s X III f. 12. — BM Cotton. Titus D. xxiv $ X II ex. f. 74. E d s : Wright and Halliwell Reliquiae antiquae II (1845) 103-7. — Riese op. cit. I ii 257-8 no. 791; 2nd ed. I ii 269 [the first 31 11.]. — Mommsen MGH Auct. antiq X III ( Chron. min. I ll) (1894, 1898) 219-22 [cf. p. 152 supra]. C o m m : M . Manitius Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart 1891) 240-1.— K M Êriu IV (1908) 3. — L. Gougaud RC X L I (1924) 355. — A version in Irish in BB f. 256 is published by Todd The Irish version of the Historia Britonum of Nennius 192 sqq; and another in Leabhar Húi Maine f. ii5 v by K M Z C P V 23-4. These poems are of Irish origin but uncertain date. The first, second and fourth were ascribed to a Patricius who was commonly identified with St. Patrick. The second is a boat song, and the third, which is in the same Adonic metre, was classed by Traube as Irish, chiefly, it would seem, because of the character of the versification. The fourth poem consists of an opening section on wonders in general, followed by a particular account of the wonders of Ireland. Kuno Meyer would date it about

A.D. 1000.

603. Old Irish Homily [Restored text] Atluchammar buidi do D ía . . . atarothrebam in s. s.


MSS: Y B L coll. 397 sqq, facs. 15-6. — R IA 23 P 2 ff. i7 v-8 [written by William Mac an Legha in 1467]. E d s : K M Z C P IV (1903) 241-3 [text of 23 P 2]. — J. Strachan Êriu III (1907) 1-10 [text of Y B L , restored text, and trans.]. A homily on the duties of thanksgiving to God and a life of virtue, which belongs to the later Old-Irish period, probably to about the middle of the ninth century.

604. Daniel úa Liathaide’s advice to a woman A ben, bennacht fort! ná ráid . . . ná ro lámur trist, a ben.

7 quatrains.

MS: L L 278. — T C D 1337 (H. 3.18) p. 731. E d s : EW Berichte d. k. sacks. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. X L II (1890) 86-8 [with Germ, trans.]. — AdeJ “ Documents irlandais publiés par M . Windisch ” RC X II (1891) 158-60 [reprint of text, Fr. trans.]. — K M Êriu I (1904) 67-71 [with trans.]. This moral exhortation is attributed to a Daniel úa Liathaide, airchinnech of Lissmór. The Four Masters, who call him abbot of Corcaige (Cork) and Liss-m6r, say that he was mortally wounded in 861. In the opinion of Kuno Meyer the language may be of the ninth century.

606. Religious poems ascribed to Cormac mac Cuilennáin (i) Dia comalltis réimm ndligid. . . . (ii) Eochair chéille coistecht. . . . (iii) In roghso, a R í na rún . . . (iv) Is imdha eccla ar mh’anmain. . . .

(i) E d : K M Selections from early Irish poetry [Dublin 1909]. (ii) MSS: Y B L p. 420. — T C D 1337 (H. 3. 18) p. 37. — R IA 23 G 3 p. 37. — RIA 23 N 11 p. 179. E d s :



K M Z C P V I (1908) 270-1. — T . P. O’Nolan 1ER 4th ser. X X IV (1908) 395-7, 500-1 [with trans.], (iii) MS: R IA 23 N 10 p. 17. E d : K M Z C P X (1915) 45-7. (iv) M S: Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324 p. 47. E d : K M A C L III (1906) 216. Cormac mac Cuilennáin, bishop-king of Munster, was slain in 908. If his episcopal character was in anything more than the name he might be pointed to as marking the transition from the predominantly Latinist culture of the Irish Church in the earlier part of our period to the predominantly Gaelic in the later. He is best known by his secular compositions, Cormac’s Glossary and the Book of Rights, but several religious poems are attributed to him. It is doubtful if any of the attributions are correct, although the third text noted above was an old and famous poem which was quoted in several of the treatises on grammar and metrics.281

606. Poem to Crinog A Chrínóc, cubáid do cheól . . . tan ragat íar céin 6n chriaid.

11 quatrains.

MSS: Dublin Franciscan Convent A (9) s X V p. 40.— T C D 1363 (H. 4. 22) s X V . E d s : K M Z C P V I 266; Silzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. Philos.-hist. K l. 1918 pp. 362-71 [with Germ, trans.]. T r a n s : K M Selections from ancient Irish poetry (London 1911) 37-8. This tenth-century poem seems to be an address to one of those virgines subintroductae or conhospitae who, we have reason to believe, existed in the primitive Irish as well as continental Church.282 But if this poem is not purely a work of historical imagination it leads to the remarkable conclusion that the custom persisted in Ireland till the tenth century.

607. Thanksgiving hymn of a sick man Atlochar duit, a m o R i . . . mór lemm a fot, at int at.

11 quatrains.

MS: Dublin Franciscan Convent A (9) s X V p . 40. E d s : K M Z C P V I (1908) 263; Silzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. Philos.-hist. K l. 1918 pp. 371-4 [with Germ, trans.]. Kuno Meyer believed that this tenth-century poem by a northern man who was sick in Munster was by the same author as the address to Crínóg.

608. Poem on the flightiness of thought Is mebul dom imrádud . . . ni hinand is mé.

12 quatrains.

MS: LBr 262. E d : K M Êriu III 13-5 [with trans.]. ancient Irish poetry (London 1911) 35-6.

T rans : K M Selections from

A religious poem assigned by its editor to the tenth century. 281 Two quatrains from LL , attributed to Cormac, are published in O’ C M & C III 388 and translated by K M Selections from ancient Irish poetry 94. 282 C/. p. 479 supra.



609. The Saltair na Rann MSS: Bodl. Rawl. B 502 ff. 19-40. — LBr p. h i [poem no. x; also has, at p. 109, a prose paraphrase of parts of poems ii, iv, vi, viii, ix, xi]. — RIA 23 G 25 [corrupt modernised copies of poems iv-vi]. E d s : WS Saltair na Rann ( Anec. Oxon. Mediae­ val and modem ser. I iii) (Oxford 1883) [text only but with a précis of poems i, xi, xii. Cf. his emendations in Academy X X IV (1883) 31-2, and note, ibid. 114. Also RTh RC VI (1883) 96-109]. — B. MacCarthy The Codex Palatino-Vaticanus no. 830 (RIA Todd Lect. Ser. I ll) (Dublin 1892) [text, trans, of the LBr paraphrase; cf. RC X X IV 243 sqq]. T r a n s : Eleanor Hull The Poem-Book of the Gael (London 1912) 1-50 [parts of poems i, ii, vii, viii, xi, xii]. C omm: J. Strachan “ The verbal system of the Saltair na Rann ” Philological Soc. Trans. 1895 PP- I - 76 [cf. RTh Z C P I (1897) 342-56; K M Sitzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1914 pp. 947-52; Miscellanea Hibernica (Urbana, 111, 1916) 37-8]. — K M “ Zur Metrik von Saltair na Rann ” Sitzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. philos.-hist. Kl. 1918 pp. 874-87. — St. John D. Seymour “ The Book of Adam and Eve in Ireland ” Proc. RIA X X X V I (1922) C 121-33; “ The Signs of Doomsday in the Saltair na R a n n ” ibid. (1923) 154-63. The Saltair na Rann, “ Psalter of the Staves, or Quatrains,” is a poetical composition in 162 cantos, of which the first 150 formed the original work — hence the name — and the last twelve are an addition, though probably of not much later date. In the edition by Stokes there are in all 8393 lines. The subject is sacred history from the creation, based on the Scriptures and, in some parts, on apocrypha. The first poem gives a description of the universe; and, of the additions, nos. cli and clii express repentance and ignorance of God, and the others, in which the sacrifice of sense to metre makes interpretation difficult, set forth the signs and events of the nine days leading up to the last judgment. Seymour points out that for the story of Adam and Eve 283 the author uses not only the apocryphon Vita Adae et Evae 284 but also the Greek Apocalypsis Mosis,285 probably in a Latin version. He also shows that for the signs of Doomsday use was made of one of the Anglo-Saxon Bückling Homilies,286 or of the matter on which it was based, and of the Apocalypse of Thomas.287 In 1. 8009 the author professes to give his name : “ I am Oengus cèle Dé.” If by this is meant the Oengus mac Oengobann to whom is 283 A legend giving the eight things from which Adam was created is in BM Addit. 4783: pub. with trans, by WS Three Irish glossaries (London etc. 1862) pp. xl sq. He gives a metrical trans, in Academy X X V I (1884) 236; cf. Brooke and Rolleston Treasuiy of Irish poetry (London 1900) 348-50. For the Latin original see Max Förster Archiv f . Religionswissensch. X I (1908) 479 sqq; Z C P V II (1910) 511, X II (1919) 47-8. — In the margins of Vat. Palat. 830 (no. 443) are several poems relating to Old Testament history. One, " Cenn ard Adaim . . . naming the different countries from which God took earth to make Adam’s body, has been published by WS Zs f. vergl. Sprachforschung X X X I (1890) 249-50, and by B. M acCarthy The Codex Palatino-Vaticanus No. 830 (Dublin 1892) 24; another “ Cethror coic [fhjichit . . . ,” giving the number of the children of Adam, by MacCarthy, ibid. 26. — Another version of Peannaid Adaim, “ The Penance of Adam,” is in Y B L facs. pp. 158-9 and Edinburgh N at. Lib. X L pp. 45-8. It has been published by A. O. Anderson RC X X IV (1903) 243-53, with trans. 284 w. Meyer Abhandl. d. k. bay. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1879 (Munich); trans. Charles Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of Old Testament II. 285 Tischendorf Apocalypses Apocryphae; trans, in Ante-Nicene Library X V I. 2M R. Morris Bückling Homilies {Early Eng. Texts Soc. Pub.) pp. v, 90. 287 Bihlmeyer Rev. Bénédictine July-Oct. 1911 pp. 270-82. An Old-Irish poem on the end of the world, " Dofil aimser laithe mbratha,” from Bodl. Laud 615 pp. 132-4, is published by K M Z C P V III (1912)




attributed the Félire Oengusso written about a .d . 8oo,288 the passage must be a falsifying interpolation. The linguistic forms are those of Middle Irish, and must be more than a century later than the time of Oengus mac Oengobann. Moreover in poem xii the author gives certain chronological records and allusions to contemporary rulers which make it fairly certain that he was writing in the year of “ the cattle-plague,” 987. With this date the philological and other evidence agrees.289 In Rawl. B 502 the Saltair na Rann is followed by some chronological matter with the heading “ According to the Seventy.” With this is a poem on Babylon: Babilóin rodos hi céin . . . rocumthacht in Babilóin. 22 quatrains. All this is published by K M Z C P III (1901) 17-9.

610. Eve’s Lament Mé Eba ben Adaim uill . . .

MS: R IA Stowe B. IV. 2 f. i46v. E d : K M Êriu III (1907) 148 [with trans.; trans, also in Selections from ancient Irish poetry (1911) 34]. This dramatic monologue in verse is dated by Meyer as probably of the late tenth or early eleventh century.

611. Poem on the Day of Judgment Brâth ni ba beg a brisira . . . tall i mbroscur in brátha.

24 quatrains.

MSS: Bk. Lis. f. 53. — Dublin Franciscan Convent A (9) p. 38. — R IA 23 G 27. E d : J. G. O’Keeffe Êriu III (1907) 29-33 [with trans.]. According to its editor this text is “ possibly as old as the tenth century.”

612. Tenga Bith-nxia: The evemew Tongue In principio fecit Deus caelum et terram et reliqua. Bithnua tosach in creidim.

Airdri domain as treisi each righ . . . in Tenga

MSS: Bk. Lis. ff. 46-52. — There are several abridgments, none older than s X IV , and none of much value for the restoration of the corrupt Lismore text: Y B L cols. 700-7, facs. 81-6. — B N Fonds celtique i ff. 24-7. — Cheltenham Phillipps MS 9754 ff. 7-8. — BM Egerton 171 s X V III 44-65.— Liber Flavus Fergusiorum.— Rennes 598/15489 ff. 7o-4v. E d s : G. Dottin RC X X IV (1903) 365-403 [Rennes text, with Fr. trans.; cf. X X V III (1907) 278-307, where a i9th-cent. version is given]; Annales de Bretagne X X X IV 190-207, 278-97 [the Paris text, with trans.].— WS Êriu II (1905) 96-162, III (1907) 34-5 [Lismore text, with trans.]. The story tells how the bishops and kings of the East held an assembly at Mount Sion, where the spirit of the Apostle Philip,- called the Evemew Tongue, addressed them. He received the name because his tongue was nine times cut out by the heathen, and 288 Cf. pp. 471,480 supra. 289 MacCarthy argued that all this matter was a later accretion; but MacCarthy, although possessing a good working knowledge of the Irish language, had little understanding of philological science.



nine times miraculously restored. “ In answer to questions put by the sages, the Evemew Tongue tells them about the creation of the universe, and treats especially of the seven heavens; of the seas, wells, rivers, precious stones and trees of the earth; of the sun and stars; of birds, men and beasts. The order of the six days in Genesis, chap, i, is here followed. Lastly, the Evemew Tongue describes hell, doomsday, and heaven.” It was composed, probably on the basis of a Latin original, in the tenth or eleventh century.

613. Scéla Lai Brátha: Tidings of Doomsday Dia dobennachad nanéstidi uli.

Tabrad . . . Athar 7 Maic 7 Spirta Náim.

M S: LU 31-4. E ds : WS RC IV (1880) 245-57, 479 [with trans.]. — P. Walsh M il na mBeach (Dublin 1911) 62-8. C omm: Alfred Nutt in K M The voyage of Bran son of Febal I (London 1895) 223-8. — C. S. Boswell An Irish precursor of Dante (London 1908) 1 71 sqq. This description of the last judgment, set in the form of a homily, and composed, it seems probable, in the eleventh century, has considerable value as an exposition of contemporary Irish ideas on the other world.

614. Dâ Brôn Flatha Nime: The two sorrows of the Kingdom of Heaven Cid aran apar brón in nim?


Eli 7 Enóc. . . .

MSS: [Type I] LU 17-8 [wanting beginning]. [Type II] L L 280-1. — Y B L 120-1. — B N Fonds celtique i ff. 27v-8. — Bk.of Fermoy 114-5. E d : G. Dottin RC X X I (1900) 349-87 [with Fr. trans.]. The two sorrows of the kingdom of heaven are the prophets Enoch and Elias, who have passed thither with their mortal bodies and are awaiting the end of time when they may die. The piece has much value as a source for the religious ideas of the time, especially the idea of Anti-Christ. As in the other writings of this class, the author worked from the basis of certain European Latin works: here probably the pseudo-Hippolyte De consummatione mundi, the pseudo-Augustine De Antichristo, and the Libellus de Antichristo of Adso of Montiér-en-Der, sometimes attributed to Alcuin. The text, apparently, was written in the eleventh century.

616. Scéla na hEsêrgi: Tidings of the Resurrection Tabrad each dia airi . . . Athar 7 Maic 7 Spirta Náim.

M S: LU 34-7. E ds : J. O’B. Crowe Scéla na Esêrgi A treatise on the resurrection (Dublin 1865) [with trans.; of little value]. — WS RC X X V (1904) 232-59 [with trans.]. — P. Walsh M il na mBeach (Dublin 1911) 69-78. This account of the resurrection of the dead, written in the eleventh century and more probably in the second than in the first half, is, after the Vision of Adamnán and the Tidings of Doomsday, the most important source for mediaeval Irish eschatology.



616. Biblical stories and legends in Leabhar Breac The early fifteenth-century codex Leabhar Breac (see p. 25 supra) contains chiefly religious matter. The contents are given in the introduction to the R IA facs. and, more briefly and usefully, in PH 36-40. Biblical history occupies ff. 109-60, 194-8. Part of this, ff. 133^41, containing “ Stories of the Gospels ” and allied matter 290 in Irish, has been edited, with trans., by Edmund Hogan The Irish Nennius from L. na Huidre and homilies and legends from L. Brecc (RIA Todd Lect. Ser. VI) (Dublin 1895). This contains the well-known Lament of the Mothers of Bethlehem, “ Cid ima n-delige mo mac grádach frim . . . ,” which Hogan had published in The Latin Lives of the saints as aids towards the translation of Irish texts and the production of an Irish dictionary (RIA Todd Lect. Ser. V) (1894). It was also published, with trans., by K M in Gaelic Journal IV (1891) 89-90. There are verse trans, in Geo. Sigerson Bards of the Gael and Gall. 2nd ed. (London 1907) 178-9; K M Selections from ancient Irish poetry (London 1911) 42-3; Eleanor Hull Poem-Book of the Gael (London 1912) 1:54-5 [by A. P. Graves]. This piece has been ascribed to the eleventh century. The “ Stories ” as a whole are later, but most of the matter in LBr seems to go back at least to the twelfth century.291 — WS has published in RC V III (1887) 360-1 certain notes on the Magi from LBr 137, 199, and ibid.t with trans., a poem “ Aurilius humilis árd . . . ” from BM Harl. 1802 f. 5V. Another ed. of this poem, by O’C, was pub­ lished by W. Reeves Proc. RIA ist ser. V 47-50.— Notes on the apostles from LBr 180, with similar matter from Y B L col. 332, BB f. i4v, and BM Harl. 1802 f. 9V, have been published by WS RC V III 352 sqq, IX (1888) 364; and from Bodl. Laud 610 ff. 9V,38, by K M Z C P V III (1912) 107, X II (1918) 397. 292— On pp. 221-36 LBr has an account of the true cross, its discovery, events at the crucifixion, etc. Part of this has been published, with German trans., by Gustav Schirmer Die Kreuzeslegenden im Leabhar Breac (St. Gallen 1886).293 — A t p. 187 of LBr there is an account of the origin of All Saints’ Day, the Irish Samain: it is published, with Germ, trans., by EW I T II 215-6; and, from LBr and Maynooth MSS, by P. O’Neill and T . Roche M il na mBeach (Dub­ lin 1911) 57 sqq.

617. The Passions and the Homilies in Leabhar Breac A large portion of Leabhar Breac is taken up with passions — accounts of the suf­ ferings of Christ and the apostles and martyrs — and homilies, sermons. These seem to have been composed towards the end of our period : in the opinion of Tomás ó Máille, in the second half of the eleventh century. Cf. Êriu V I (1911) 1. They are in Irish, but have passages in Latin, sometimes very extensive. As they are all based more or less closely on Latin texts received from the continent of Europe they are not sources of the first importance for Irish history, but have interest as witnesses to the kinds of Latin literature circulating in Ireland, to the ways in which that litera290 In Leabhar Húi Maine ff. 115, 116 there are poems on the childhood of Jesus CSa rdith-sea rucadh M uiri) and on the seventeen wonders at his birth Jnn-aidchi geint Christ cain: these have been published by KM Z C P V III (1912) 561-3, V (1905) 24-5. 291 Hogan, ibid, publishes from L B r 256 some notes on the creed, and from 257 instruction on the sacraments. 292 a poem on the mission of the apostles (Idail 6 rohairgidsom . . . brig anbfine cech idail, 24 qua­ trains) from R IA Stowe B. IV. 2 p. 140 and RIA 23 N 10 p. 90 is published by K M Z C P X I I I (1919) 15-6. >93 i Q Z C P V III (1912) 107 K M publishes two quatrains from T C D H. 3. 18 on the four woods in the cross.



ture was assimilated and modified, and, in connection with both these aspects, to the Irish religious ideas of the time. These passions and homilies — with two exceptions noted below — have been pub­ lished, with trans., by Robt. Atkinson, The passions and the homilies from Leabhar Breac (RIA Todd Lect. Ser. II) (Dublin 1887) W • the criticisms and observations by AdeJ RC IX (1888) 127-36;294 H. Gaidoz RC X (1889) 463-70; WS Philol. Soc. Trans. 1890 pp. 203-4, reprinted, with additions, in Beiträge z. Kunde d. indogerm. Sprachen X V I (1890) 29-64]. The following is a list of these texts: P. 1 Passion of Christ’s image; 4 history of Pope Sylvester [incomplete];296 7 meeting of the monks Paphnutius and Onophrius [incomplete];296 7 passion of Pope Marcellinus; 34 passion of Stephen, and finding of his body; 35 homily addressed to kings; 40 homily for Palm Sunday; 44 for Wednesday of the Betrayal; 45 on the fast of the Lord in the desert; 48 on the Lord’s Supper; 52 for Pentecost; 56 on the circumcision of Christ; 59 on the Life of St. Martin [not published in PH , but by WS in RC II 381-402, with trans.]; 66 on charity; 68 on alms; 72 on St. Michael and the orders of angels; 107 on the transfiguration; 107 on penance; 160 passion of Christ; 170 the descent of Christ into hell;297 172 passion of Peter and Paul;298 175 of Bartholomew; 177 of James; 178 of Andrew; 179 of Philip; 181 of Longinus;299 183 homily on the Macchabees; 187 passion of John the Baptist;300 189 of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus; 190 of St. George; 194 homily on the manifestation to Thomas; 198 on the Epiphany; 201 a second on St. Michael; 243 on the Ten Commandments; 248 on the Lord’s Prayer; 251 on death (the debate of body and soul); 258 on fasting; 278 passion of St. Christopher [not published in PH , but by J. Fraser from this and Liber Flavus Fergusiorum I f. 16 (68), in RC X X X IV (1913) 307-27, with trans.].

The LBr Lives of Patrick, Colum-cille and Brigit are in the form of homilies. have been noticed above, nos. 136, 215, 152.


618. The Voyage of the Úi Corra (Immram curaig húa Corra) Flaithbhrúghaidh ceadach comramach . . . do Mo-Colm-oc mac Colmain i nAr[ain], conid de sin aspert in t-escop na b[riathra so:] Hua-Corro do Condachtuib . . . in clanna-sa hua-Corra. 16 11.

MSS: Bk. Fer. f. 105 [cf. Proc. R IA Ir. MS ser. I pt. I (1870) 44-5]. — RIA 23 M 50 A .D . 1744 pp. 187-200. — R IA 23 N 15 A .D . 1760 X 1816 pp. i sqq. — R IA 23 C 19 5 X IX pp. 158 sqq. E d : WS RC X IV (1893) 22-69 [with trans.]. T ra n s : P. W. 294 He calls attention to the fact that the homilies on death, fasting, the Lord’s Prayer, penance and the Lord’s Supper are also in BN Fonds celtique i. 296 A poem on the legend of the curing of Constantine by Sylvester is inp t l. Oeng.1 p. xxxvi, Ftl. Oeng 2 46. Another text on the same subject, from BM Harl. 5280 f. 20v , is published by K M ZC P III (1900) 226-7. 299 There is another version of this and the following in BM Egerton 91 f. 60; Bodl. Laud 610 f. 25; B N Fonds celt. 1 f. ii2 v . 297 This and the preceding are based in part on the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus. Another version of that Gospel is in Y B L 812. A poem “ Eiséirgi do éirigh Dia,” on the “ Harrowing of Hell,” is published by O. J. Bergin, Êriu IV (1908) 112-9, from Bk. Fer. pp. 193-4* 299 Also in BM Egerton 91 p. 14. 299 Imperfect versions in BM Eg. 91 f. 13, and 136 p. 85. 800 The same version is in Y B L 849, and another in BM Eg. 91 p. 46. Cf. pp. 751 sqq infra.



Joyce Old Celtic romances 2nd ed. 1894; 3rd ed. 1907 pp. 400-26. C omm: O’C M S Mat. 289-94.— HZ Z s . f . deul. Alterthum X X X III (1889) 182-211. — C. S. Boswell An Irish precursor of Dante (London 1908) 157-62.

The principal texts which form the Christian “ voyage ” literature of Ireland are the Voyage of Máel-dúin (which is really a pagan legend given a slight Christian setting), the Voyage of Brendan,301 the Voyage of Snedgus and Mac Riagla,302 and the Voyage of the Úi Corra. This last as we have it is the latest of these romances, but the matter which enters into it is old, much of it being used also in the Voyage of Máelduin and the Voyage of Brendan. Unlike the other compositions which make up the Christian voyage and vision literature, it is not connected with any of the famous churches or saints. Conall derg úa Corra finn, a brugaid 303 of Connacht, and his wife, the daughter of the airchinnech of Clochar,304 had three sons, Lochán, Enna and Silvester,305 who were consecrated to the devil from their origin. They destroyed half the churches of Connacht, and were about to destroy that of Clochar and kill their grandfather when they were stricken with repentance. They went to Finnian of Clonard, who directed them to rebuild the churches they had destroyed. Returning, they said that they had rebuilt all but one, Cenn-mara, “ Head of the Sea” (Kinvara, on Galway bay). He answered that this above all must be reconstructed, for it was the church of Comman, the oldest of Ireland’s saints. The Üi Corra accordingly erected the church of Cenn-mara, and then had a curach built, in which they set forth over the ocean. The wonders seen are recorded at considerable length: the purgatorial element is extensive, and is used to enforce the author’s moral, and especially Sabbatarian, ideas. From a bishop who accompanied the adventurers the story came to St. MoCholm-6c of Aran, by whom was written the versified summary at the close. The setting of the legend is undoubtedly very late. Stokes thought the verse might be of the eleventh century. Zimmer believed that the tale is a recasting, in the thirteenth century, of a text of the eighth, the oldest of the “ voyages,” of which a small section at the beginning is preserved.306

619. The Vision of Tundale [Prologue] Venerabili ac Deo devote domne G., Dei dono abbatisse, frater Marcus . . . adjuvante pro­ peremus. [Visioni Hybemia igitur insula est . . . qui superest cunctis, que ante diximus, J. C., d. n., cui h. est et g. per i. s. s. Amen. Explicit visio cujusdam militis nomine Tnugdali.

MSS: 54 are given by Wagner, who classes the following as of s X II: Vienna National Bibl. 815 ff. 76-103; 1321 ff. 95-100; Munich Staatsbibl. 4569 ff. 99v sqq\ 18523 ff. 14-29; Berlin Staatsbibl. 100 ff. 1-66; Erlangen 403 ff. 156^94. E d s : Libellus de raptu animae Tundali et eius visione [Cologne c 1470]. — O. Schade Visio Tnugdali 801 Pp. 406-18 supra. 302 No. 229 supra. 303 Rent-paying farmer. 304 C/. p. 351 supra. 306 The names were extracted from a martyrology, probably that of Oengus, for Dec. 31, on which date were commemorated Pope Sylvester I and two obscure Irish saints, Lochán and Enna, of Cell-na-manach (Kilnamanagh near Tallaght). 806 The title is given in the list of tales in the twelfth-century LL: cf. O’C M S Mat. 587.



(Halle 1869).— Albrecht Wagner Visio Tnugdali Lateinisch und altdeutsch (Erlangen 1882). Of the eds. of vernacular versions, see esp. V. H. Friedel and K M La vision de Tondale (Tnudgal) Textes français, anglo-normand et irlandais (Paris 1907).307 C o m m : A. Mussafia Sulla visione di Tundalo (Sitzungsb. d. k. Akad. d. Wissensch. philos, hist. Cl. LVII) (Vienna 1871). — Alessandro d’Ancona I Precursori di Dante (Florence 1874).— Emil Peters Die Vision des Tnugdalusy ein Beitrag z. Kulturge­ schichte des Mittelalters (Programm) (Berlin 1895). — C. S. Boswell An Irish Precursor of Dante (London 1908) 212-29. — H. J. Lawlor St. Bernard of Clairvaux*s Life of St. Malachy of Armagh (London, New York 1920) notes passim. — St. John D. Seymour Z C P X IV (1923) 24, 182. — H. J. Lawlor “ The biblical text in Tundal’s Vision ” Proc. R I A X X X V I (1924) 351-75. The Vision of Tundale (Tnûthgal or Tnùdgal) was written by a monk named Marcus, according to some of the manuscripts at Ratisbon in southern Germany, where there was an Irish monastery. The historical data which the author provides indicate that the vision was seen in 1148 and that he wrote probably in 1149. He was evidently a Munster man, and a partisan of that ecclesiastical reform movement of which St. Malachy,3 308 who died in 1148, was the leader. 7 0 The theme was, no doubt, Irish. The story is another contribution to the Chris­ tian Irish vision literature, of which earlier examples were the Vision of Fursa and the Vision of Adamnán.309 The setting also was Irish. Tundale, or Tnúdgal, was a soldier of Cashel who had served under Cormac Mac Carthaigh, king of Desmond (d. 1138). While on a visit to Cork he fell into a trance and was taken by an angel through the other world, where he saw, and in part experienced, the sufferings of the bad and the rewards of the good. The author anticipates Dante in making Tundale meet with many of his contemporaries and friends. Among those whom he encountered were St. Patrick, St. Rúadán,310 St. Malachy, King Cormac, Donnchad, brother of Cormac (d. 1144), Conchobar Úa Briain, king of Munster (d. 1142), Celestine, or Cellach, archbishop of Armagh (d. 1129),311 Christian Üa Morgair, bishop of Clogher and Louth (d. 1138), and Nehemiah Úa Moriertach, bishop of Clúain-uama (Cloyne), who according to this text died in 1148.312 The eschatology of the piece resembles that of the first Vision of Adamnán, and there are many evidences of the influence of that apocryphal literature which was translated into Irish quite extensively in the eleventh century. But, apart from this, the descrip­ tion of the other world does not contain much that is peculiarly Irish. It is, in the main, an elaborate, but crude, compilation of cosmopolitan horrors. With the exception of the Voyage of St. Brendan 313 — to which, as a literary produc­ tion, it is far inferior — the Vision of Tundale became the most widely popular of all the stories of mediaeval Ireland. It spread out over Europe from Ratisbon, and was translated into German, French, Italian, Anglo-Norman, Middle English, and Norse. Finally in the second decade of the sixteenth century Muirges mac Paidin úi MaoilChonaire, compiler of the Book of Fenagh,314 translated the tale into the language in which, it is pretended, Tundale originally told it to the monk Marcus.316 307 For other vernacular eds. see Potthast’s Wegweiser. 308 Cf. no. 652. 309 Cf. nos. 296, 226. 310 Cf. no. 184. 311 Cf. pp. 765-6 infra. 312 FM 1149. 313 Cf. pp. 414-7 supra. 314 P. 401 supra. 316 Found in T C D 1337 (H. 3. 18) pp. 771-6, 792-809.



620. Story of Máel-Suthain úa Cerbhaill [O’C] Triar foglainntig tainicudar . . . in Innis Faithlenn isin eclais fos. M S: R IA Liber Flavus Fergusiorum pt. i f. n . — B N Fonds celt, i f. 44*. E d s : O’C M S Mai. 76-9, 529-31 [text, trans.; reprint in L H 1 249-50]. — J. Vendryes RC X X X V (1914) 203-11 [with Fr. trans.]. One of the objects to which the Irish story-teller turned his narrative of intercourse with the world beyond the grave was the exaltation of his favorite prayer. So we have supernatural testimony to the spiritual value of the Beati psalm and the hymn Hymnum dicat.31* The present tale witnesses to the importance of the Altus Prosator hymn of Colum-cille.317 It is attached to the figure of Máel-Suthain úa Cerbhaill (d. 1010), who is identified with the anmchara or confessor to Brian bóroimhe.318

621. Description of the two deaths Is c[oir] a fhis . . . thogus Dia neoch. MS: Liber Flavus Fergusiorum I f. 25.

E d : Carl Marstrander Ériu V 120-5.

It is a story of a holy monk who sees a vision of the death of the just man and of the wicked. In substance and style it resembles the homilies of Leabhar Breac. “ The language gives evidence of considerable age.”

622. Story of two young clerical students Dias macclérech batar . . . as dech fil ann.

MSS: L L 278. — Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. i4ov. — Bk. Lis. f. 43. E d : Lis. Lives pp. x-xii [with trans.]. The familiar theme of the compact by which the first who dies is to return with tidings from the other world. It is here used to exalt the merits of the recitation of the Beati psalm.319

623. Story of four young clerical students Cethrur macclérech. . . . MS: LL 281.

E d : K M Gaelic Journal V (1894) 64, 79-80 [with trans.].

A story of four young clerics who went on a pilgrimage to Rome. 316 Cf. pp. 451, 419 supra. 317 Cf. no. 91 (i). 318Cf. no. 144. — In ZC P V (1905) 498 K M publishes from Bodl. Laud 610 f. Ç2y a poem attributed to Máel-Suthain úa Cerbhaill: Cóictach, descipul, foglaintid . . . filed, fian for cóe [9 quatrains; the 10th, giving the author’s name, ends:] bas certu atá cóe. This gives lists of seven grades or divisions of various ecclesiastical and secular matters, but is more a secular than a religious text. 31®Cf. no. 233.



624. Foscel ar Bannscail— Story of the temptation of a confessor Araile smith noemda bói. . . .

MSS: LBr 242. — Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. i4ov. — BM Egerton 92 f. 27. — B N Fonds celtique i f. 28v. E d : H. Gaidoz Kpwràdui IV (Heilbronn 1888) 262-81 [with Fr. trans.]. One of several stories, mostly incorporated into the vitae sanctorum, of the temptation of saints by amorous women.

As stated on p. 732 supra with regard to devotional pieces, many other minor religious compositions have been passed over here without individual notice. — Consideration of a certain number of Irish poems on secular subjects, but written by ecclesiastics or given an ecclesiastical setting, has been postponed in order that they may be described in association with the purely secular poetry to which they are closely related. Some of these, such as “ The monk and his pet cat,” “ The black-bird’s song,” “ The hermit’s song,” throw an interesting and pleasing light on the ancient monastic life.


THE REFORM MOVEMENT OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY In the year 909 William, Duke of Aquitaine, founded the monastery of Cluny, in Burgundy, about fifteen miles north-west of Mâcon. It was designed to be an innovation in continental monasticism at a time when European religious life was in the ebb. The success of the project was extraordinary: Cluny itself became the most famous of abbeys, while by the twelfth century more than three hundred religious houses, scattered over Europe, were subject to its rule. On a principle well known to Irish monasticism but hitherto rejected by Benedictine, all these formed one congregation under the supreme dominion of the abbot of Cluny. The promotion of Cluniae ideals was almost equally successful, and the Cluniae reform movement became one of the greatest forces operating in western Europe in the eleventh century. Its influence extended far beyond the limits of the cloisters of the congregation, and when Lanfranc, first archbishop of Canterbury appointed after the Norman conquest of England, reorganised the English Church according to continental models, and his successor, St. Anselm, opposed William Rufus on the investiture question, they were merely applying the principles that Cluny had been teaching for nearly two hundred years. Finally, at the end of the eleventh and in the first half of the twelfth century, the ripples from the pebble that William of Aquitaine had dropped in Burgundy in 909 were lapping on the shores of Ireland. The Cluniae movement, while having as its object the advancement of morality and devotion, was more directly practical than perhaps the majority of similar religious movements in the middle ages, including some which may be said to have derived from it their origin. It sought its ends by increasing the efficiency of the ecclesiastical body, both secular and regular. Education, independence, organisation, dis­ cipline constituted its prescription for the ills which afflicted the Church in the dark days of the tenth century. In particular, the Cluniae reformers are remembered for the struggle they inaugurated to free




the clergy from the control, or even the influence, of secular society. One line of this struggle was against the marriage — the reformers called it concubinage — of the clergy. Another was against the absorp­ tion of the Church into the feudal system. From centuries of donations by the faithful to churches and monasteries it had resulted that abbots and bishops were holders of vast estates. With the evolution of feu­ dalism it was natural that nobles and kings should claim and exercise similar rights over these as over other landed property, the right of investing the new incumbent and of exacting from him homage and service. From the right of investiture sprang inevitably the claim of appointment and from this the practice of using such appointments as gifts or rewards to relatives, favorites, partisans, servitors or, fre­ quently, those who would pay the highest cash price, with little or no regard to the moral and ecclesiastical qualifications of the nominees. The cleansing of the Augaean stables which such conditions produced was a task that even Cluny, boldly though she undertook it, could scarcely accomplish. Ireland in the eleventh century must have presented to the eyes of a continental reformer a spectacle far worse than that of countries with which he was more familiar. Actually, there was a fundamental unity in the life of western Christendom, and religious conditions in Ireland in the eleventh century, on the eve of reform, did not differ very essen­ tially from those of the Continent in the tenth. But the external forms and circumstances were different, and to those inspired by the Cluniae ideals of organisation, uniformity and discipline — such men as Lanfranc, St. Anselm and St. Bernard — these strange external forms were among the worst evidences of depravity. It must be remembered that what we call the Cluniae movement, like other similar developments in history, accomplished what it did because it found everywhere large numbers in a frame of mind prepared to act on its suggestions. So it was in Ireland. Inspiration, advice, example may have come from abroad, but the driving force which effected the ecclesiastical revolution of the twelfth century came from within the Irish Church. These Irish reformers had three tasks before them, the relative importance of which doubtless seemed different to different persons: the first was to bring the organisation and external form of the Church into uniformity with that of the Continent; the second was to abolish the abuses — evils from both the Irish and the foreign point of view — which had grown up; and the third was to improve the morality and spirituality of the people.



From at least the end of the sixth to the end of the eleventh century the most outstanding distinction between the Church in continental Europe and the Church in Ireland was, as has already been set forth, that the first was diocesan in organisation and episcopal in adminis­ tration, the second monastic in organisation and abbatial in adminis­ tration. There were, consequently, no archbishops in Ireland, and no primate, although the comarba of Patrick at Armagh exercised some jurisdiction over the whole island, based on the belief that the entire people owed their conversion from paganism to Patrick. Of the dis­ tinctive liturgy of the Irish Church and its gradual disappearance before that of Rome notice has been taken in the preceding chapter: it is evident from statements by Gilla-espuic of Limerick 1 and from other allusions that the old peculiarities still lingered to a greater or less degree in various local churches. The general evil afflicting the Church in Ireland, as elsewhere, was laïcisation, the absorption of the ecclesiastical by the worldly. In Ireland it took the form of decay of the monastic churches until they became, under their monastic form, largely secular institutions. The marriage of ecclesiastics, both clergy and lay monks, and the attraction of the church property, were secularising forces at work in Ireland as on the Continent. Of the earlier stages of decline some notice has been given in connection with the reform movement of the eighth century.2 There can be no doubt that this decline was greatly accen­ tuated by the attacks of the Northmen in the following two hundred years. B y the eleventh century it would seem that in the average church the abbot, generally known as the comarba, “ heir,” of the saintly founder, or, if it were not the saint’s principal establishment, the aircinnechy “ head,” had become a lay lord, whose family held the office and the church property from generation to generation; the monk, manachy had become a tenant of church-lands under the aircinnech; and the student, scológy3 had become a farm laborer. In some cases, apparently, all trace of a church-establishment had disappeared, except that the incumbent claimed for his lands, the termonn of the ancient monastery, those privileges and exemptions which had from of old been accorded to ecclesiastical property; but generally the comarba or aircinnech maintained a priest, and, in the more important churches, one or more bishops and several priests, to administer the sacraments and perform other sacerdotal duties. The larger churches were still extensive ecclesiastical institutions, with a numerous clergy, a school 1 Cf. no. 651. 2 Cf. pp. 468 sqq supra. * Cf. Sitzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. philos.-hist. Cl. 1914 pp. 944-5.



presided over by a fer lêgind with his assistants and scribes, hospitals, sometimes attended by Cell Dé, who likewise had been secularised, and especially a hermitage or disert, where “ pilgrims,” deâraid} from other districts or churches lived in seclusion and maintained the ancient traditions of piety and asceticism. Moreover, these lay incumbents of the abbatial office seem to have been for the most part men of religion and learning who worked conscientiously for the good of the Church. But the exceptions must have been many and serious, and the whole situation, in which at least the greater part of the revenues and the greater part of the administrative power of the Church were in the hands of laymen who transmitted their positions by hereditary succes­ sion — of the Irish type — while the clergy were practically their hired servants, was obviously anomalous when not positively evil. The laïcisation of abbacies in Ireland and the feudalisation of bishop­ rics and abbacies in Europe had the same origin, the wish of the local ruling families to obtain and retain control of the rich property of the churches, and their manipulation of law and custom to effect that end. The established rule of succession to an Irish abbacy was that the abbot should be selected from the kindred of the founder; if they could not provide a qualified person, the selection was to be made from the kindred of the secular king or prince who had granted the land on which the monastery was built; next from among the monks of the church; and then in order from various other classes which were duly specified. But in practice the local ruling family usually got, sooner or later, com­ plete control of the office and, by a lax interpretation of the qualifications required, converted it into their permanent possession. Another source of trouble for the Irish churches was the attempt of the kings to exact from them dues and services similar to those imposed on other property-holders, just as in continental Europe dif­ ficulties arose over the feudal obligations which it was sought to impose on church lands. From the time of our earliest sources we find the churchmen claiming exemption from such impositions, and, it would seem, having a guarantee of “ freedom ” attached to all grants of land made to them. But in the tenth and eleventh centuries the secular powers became increasingly insistent on these claims, particularly that of coindmed — what English writers of a later age called “ coigny ” — the free billetting of troops and retainers for a certain period of time. In resistance to this “ abuse ” clerics and lay incumbents, reformers and anti-reformers alike were united. Foreign critics of the Irish, then and subsequently, have had much to say as to the immorality into which the people had sunk. The



chief specific charge was of looseness in sexual relations and disregard of the Christian law of matrimony; and the Brehon law tracts offer apparent testimony as to the justice of the indictment from the Christian point of view. But whether conditions as a whole were really worse than those of earlier times which have been described as the golden age of saints and scholars, or even than those of other countries of Europe, is undetermined. To estimate the morality of a people, either positively or relatively, without extensive and trustworthy records, is impossible. That religious sentiment, of a kind, was deeply planted in the Irish people is indicated by the story of the panic of the year 1096, an event that may, perhaps, be regarded as inaugurating the twelfth-century revival. In the ecclesiastical revolution which was effected in this century the decisive movement was that of the hitherto dependent bishops, who, under foreign inspiration and that of certain of their own number who held diocesan administrative powers in the Danish towns of Dublin, Wexford, Waterford and Limerick, met together, organised, and assumed executive power in disregard or defiance of the comarbai. They set up dioceses and archiépiscopal provinces, selected cathedral churches, established diocesan chapters, and founded new monasteries occupied by branches of foreign religious orders. Of the local adjustments with comarba or aircinnech we know but little : probably the reform obtained important support here by winning several of the new dynastic families who in this era of civil as well as ecclesiastical revolution were rising into prominence. Comarbai and aircinnig, however, retained their lands and persisted till the seventeenth century, forming, under the designa­ tions “ corbes ” and “ erenaghs,” problems for English lawyers and historians. By customs doubtless dating from the arrangements of the twelfth century they rendered fixed contributions and services to the dioceses and parishes.

I. T he “ B room

out of

F ánad ”

Bibliography O’C M S Mat. 399-430, and appendices. — R . A. S. Macalister “ Temair Breg: a study of the remains and traditions of Tara 5. The Voice of Fál ” Proc. R IA X X X IV (1919) C 344-61. — Käte Müller-Lisowski “ Texte zur Mog Ruith Sage ” ZC P X IV (1923)


Students of mediaeval history are familiar with the “ legend of the 10 0 0 ,” the modern historians’ myth of a panic which seized the




people of Europe as the year a . d . i o o o approached, drove them in vastly increased numbers on pilgrimage to the holy places of Palestine, and thereby had as an ultimate result the Crusades and all that followed in their wake. Like those of other European countries, the Irish records know of no peculiar alarm produced by the year iooo, but they have much to say about a panic of the year 1096. The Annals of Ulster read: “ Great fear upon the men of Ireland before the feast of John of this year, until God spared [them] through the fastings of the comarba of Patrick and of the clergy of Ireland besides.” The Annals of the Four Masters give more details: “ The festival of John fell on Friday this year; the men of Ireland were seized with great fear, and the counsel taken by the clergy of Ireland, with the comarba of St. Patrick at their head, in order to save them from the mortality which had been predicted to them from a remote period, was to command all in general to observe a three days total fast, from Wednesday to Sunday, every month, and an [ordinary?] fast every day till the end of a year, except on Sundays and great festivals; and they also gave alms and many offerings to God, and many lands were granted to churches and the clergy by kings and princes. And so the men of Ireland were saved for that time from the fire of vengeance.” The Annals of Clonmacnois add to the measures taken by the clergy “ they also appointed certain prayers to be dayly said.”

Obviously there can have been no occasion for such extraordinary alarm in the fact that in 1096 the feast of the decollation of John the Baptist, August 29, fell on a Friday. The production known as the Second Vision of Adamnán 4 informs us that the time of danger was when this occurred in a bissextile (i.e., leap) and embolismal (i.e., having an extra lunar month) year at the end of a cycle. The first two of these conditions were fulfilled in 1096, but as it was the fourteenth of the then universally used nineteen-year cycle the conjunction of the third is not so evident. Moreover, there seem to have been rival prognostications in which different chronological coincidences were given as the marks of the fatal year. But, no doubt, in 1096 men’s nerves had been unstrung by a great epidemic which had raged from the first of the preceding August to the beginning of M ay.5 Various names were given to this threatened visitation of death: “ the fiery dragon” ; the Roth Ratnach, “ paddle-wheel” or “ rowing wheel” ; the Scúap a Fânait, “ Broom from Fánad,” i.e., from the north, for Fánad was a district on the northern coast, in the present Donegal. They were to come “ in vengeance for the killing of John,” 6 «N o.


« See the annals. Those of Clonmacnois, which show pseudo-rationalistic editing, make no mention of the panic but represent the special religious measures as designed to stay the plague. • C/. FÜ. Oeng.f notes to Aug. 29,



and there is a whole cycle of stories which explain why this vengeance was to fall with peculiar force on Ireland. After the crucifixion of Christ the greatest horror in human history, to the mediaeval Irish mind, was the decapitation of John the Baptist. But whereas the Irish had no more than the common human respon­ sibility for the former — and perhaps not even that, for legend said that their pagan king, Conchobar mac Nessa, had died in a fit of righteous indignation on receiving knowledge of the crucifixion — they did carry a special national guilt in connection with the second named event, for it was an Irish druid, Mog Ruith, who actually executed the sentence on the Baptist. Mog Ruith had the further culpability of being the chief assistant of Simon Magus in his contest with the apostles.7 Evidently, as Macalister has indicated, we have here the remains of ancient pagan cult and myth, only half understood, or completely mis­ understood, by Christians of the tenth and eleventh centuries, but adapted by them to the purposes of the apocalyptic and eschatological literature then in such vogue. Names of the form Mog Ruith, literally “ Slave of Wheel,” are pagan in significance: the second term is the name of a god or of something partaking of divinity. An ogam inscrip­ tion at Drumloghan in Waterford,8 and perhaps another at Lamogue in Kilkenny,9 give, as the name of an eponymous and, doubtless, divine ancestor, “ Rottais ” (in a peculiar genitive form). The people repre­ sented were probably the Roithrige or Rothraige, a branch, it would seem, of the Dési:10 later notices represented them as sprung from Mog Roith 11 — which was to substitute the priest for the god. This primitive name Roil- is identical, so far as form goes, with the Irish word for “ wheel.” The interpretation proffered by Macalister for these particular echoes of heathenism is at least ingenious: The Roth, “ wheel,” or Roth Ramach, “ paddle-wheel,” was the bull-roarer,— in Ireland, on this hypothesis, as among certain other peoples a sacred instrument used at secret religious services — and Mog Ruith was the priest who used it. Precept and myth told of the calamities that would befall if the taboos connected with the sacred “ wheel ” were violated. Fragments of this lore it was that writers of the tenth century turned into Christian apocrypha and prophecy. 1 There may have been some connection between this invention and that of the seventh-century con­ troversialists who declared that the Irish tonsure was the tonsure of Simon Magus. 8 No. 218 in Macalister’s Studies in Irish epigraphy. 8 C/. Proc. R IA X X X IV C 345. 1° Ibid. X X IX C 74. 11 Hogan Onomasticon Goeddicum s. v.



Be this as it may, it seems certain that in the year 1096 the apocalyp­ tic and similar tendencies of ecclesiastical thought, noticed in the preced­ ing chapter, which had been developing for two centuries or so, secured for a time complete domination over the whole population. From the records it may be inferred that the result was an increase of popular piety and of the influence of the clergy.

Certain secular texts, the general examination of which must be reserved for Part II of the present work, are in part involved in the aggregation of legends here being considered: (i) The genealogies: cf. ZC P V III 332, 334, X IV 162-3; Proc. RIA X X X IV C 349. (ii) The Dindsenchas Êrenn, “ Antiquities of Ireland ” : sections on Tlachtga: RC X V I 61; Z C P X IV 158-61; E. Gwynn The metrical Dindsenchas IV (RIA Todd Lecture Ser. X I) (Dublin 1924) 186-91; and on Crotta Cliach: O’C M S Mat. 426-8, 632-4 [includes a metrical prophecy ascribed to Moling, beginning: A Dé mair — ]; RC X V 440. (iii) Immacallam in dá Thuarad, “ Colloquy of the Two Sages ” : RC X X V I 47. Of these, the first two contain early matter related to the legend of Mog Ruith, the third an allusion which a gloss explains by reference to the Roth Ramach.12 (iv) Forbhuis Droma-Damhgaire: O’C MàrC II 279-83 [extract];— pro­ fesses to tell how Mog Ruith acquired the territory of Fir-Muige (Fermoy). Of the texts already noticed the Life of Adamnán (no. 224) has a brief statement that Adamnán foretold a calamity following St. John’s day, supposed to have been fulfilled in his own death; while one of Colum-cille’s prophecies (no. 220 xliv) and the Baile Moling (no. 251 iii) give accounts of the threatened disaster in considerable detail.

625. Imtheachta Moighi Ruith: Adventures of Mog Ruith Cacht ingen Catmaind do Breathnaib . . . oc forbus Droma Damgaire.

MSS: BB 265. — Y B L 190. [with Germ, trans.].


Käte Müller-Lisowski Z C P X IV (1923) 154-6

This text tells of Mog Ruith’s training under Scáthach and Simon Magus.

626. Poems on the death of John the Baptist (i) [Mackinnon] Apsalon baile in righ . . . Fa'n cenn toir an Apsolon. uli . . . do tsil Adhaim is da chland. 43 quatrains.

6 quatrains,

(ii) C lam a Israël

(i) M SS:Leabhar Úi Máine f. i52(i)*v.— Edinburgh Nat. Lib. Scot. Gaelic I pp. 14-5 [has version in prose, with the poem added in an abbreviated form], E d : Mackinnon Celtic Review V III (Oct. 1912) 168-70; Descriptive catalogue of Gaelic manuscripts in Scotland (Edinburg 191a) 76-7. [the Edinburgh verse, with trans.]. C/. Proc. RIA X X X IV C 352. (ii) MS: Leabhar Húi Máine f. 123. E d : A. M . Scarre Êriu IV (1910) 173-81 [with trans.]. i2 Mention is made of Mog Ruith in a twelfth-century poem by Gilla-in-Choimded úa Cormaic: L L

X44; ZC P X IV IS7 .



These two poems are based on the passion of St. John the Baptist as given in Leabhar Breac,13 but the second has other apocryphal matter, and both relate that the heads­ man was the Irish Mog Ruith. The second is attributed, quite impossibly, to Flann Fina mac Ossu, i.e., Aldfrid, king of Northumbria, who died in 705.

627. The Second Vision of Adamnán Uisio quam uidit Adamnanus. . . . Uae, uae, uae uiris Hiberniae. . . .

MS: LBr 258-9. — Liber Flavus Fergusiorum vol. II pt. ii f. 10. — T C D H. 2. 15 pt. ii p. 59. E d : WS RC X II (1891) 420-42 [with trans.]. C o m m : O’C M S Mat. 424-5. — LH 21 pp. xxi-xxvi. The document known as the Second Vision of Adamnán 14 professes to be a prophetic vision seen by that saint, but in reality was, it would seem, composed in connection with the alarm of 1096. It warns against the chronological peculiarities which made that year portentous, describes the sins of the people, and sets forth the conditions of penance, good works and prayers by which the threatened calamity might be averted. Bernard has shown that the order of devotions here prescribed resembles very closely a liturgical office in the Book of Mulling.16



h e


h u rch



en a n n as


w elfth

(K C




th e


leven th

an d

e n t u r ie s

Bibliography O’D “ The Irish Charters in the Book of Kells ” Miscellany IA S (Dublin 1846) 127-58 [gives text, trans., and commentary].

It has been noticed already 16 that at the beginning of the ninth century the headquarters of the Columban community were transferred from Iona to Ireland and established in a new church built at Cenannas (Kells, in Meath) between 804 and 814. This seems to have remained the metropolis of the Columban monasteries in Ireland until some time in the twelfth century, when that position was taken by Doire (Derry). To the church of Kells belonged the celebrated evangeliarium known as the Book of Kells. On blank spaces 17 in this codex there was copied, for safe-keeping, a series of records regarding the property of the church which are usually designated the Charters of the Book of Kells. The entries were all made at the same time — the second half of the twelfth century, O’Donovan thought — but it is evident that the original docu13 Cf. no. 617. 15 Cf. p. 703 supra.

14 For the first vision cf. no. 226. 16 Cf. p. 445 supra. 17 F f. 6, 7, 27,



ments were drawn up at dates separated by considerable intervals. They are the chief records of this kind which have been preserved from the old Irish churches, though it can be inferred from many allusions in the acta sanctorum and other sources that similar registrations were made quite frequently. From these documents considerable information can be drawn as to the organisation and polity of one of the principal of the monastic churches at the time of the decline of the old monastic order and the rise of the new episcopal and diocesan system.

6 2 8 . Charter No. IV Do saire cille delga inso.

a .d


1033 x 1049

Fechtas tanic Conchobor . . . is brathair hé do colum cille.

Ed s : O’D op. cil. 136-41. — Facs. Nat. M SS. Ire. II (1878) pi. lx [facs., letterpress, trans.]. This is a record of the grant of a church to the Columban community, and of its exemption from secular dues. The circumstances leading to the grant are first related : Conchobar Úa Máel-Shechlaind (of whom we hear in the annals from 1033 to his death in 1073; he is the first king of the Southern Úi Néill, or of the central province of Mide, or Meath, to be designated by the chroniclers “ king of Tara,” that title having signified hitherto the ârd ri of all Ireland) held a conference with a man who evidently had been his enemy, an otherwise unknown “ Gilla-Coloim, grandson of Aed.” This one was associated in some way with Cenannas — probably he had been fostered, or at least educated, there — and the meeting w^as held under the protection of the comarba of Columba, Máel-Muire Úa hUchtain (who held the office at least from 1025 to his death in 1040),18 but Conchobor violated the guarantee, carried off the unfortu­ nate Gilla-Coloim “ from the altar of Colum-cille,” and put out his eyes. In atone­ ment for the outrage a grant was made of Cell Delga (now Kildalkey), a church about ten miles south of Kells. The character of the grant is briefly stated: “ with its terri­ tory and lands ” (co na chrich 7 co na ferund), “ to God and to Colum-cille forever ” (1do dia 7 do colum cille co brath: this type of formula continually recurs), “ without tax, without tribute, without military service in battle or hosting, without billeting ” {cen cis cen chobach cen fecht cen [sh]luaged cen choinnim) “ to king or prince ” {rig na toisig). Next follows a list of the “ sureties and guarantees” {commairchef sldna) for the observation of these conditions: of the clergy, Amalgaid comarba of Patrick 19 (his term was from ro2o to 1049) with the “ Staff of Jesus ” (bachall îsu); the comarba of Finnian [of Clúain-Iráird] (probably Cellach Úa Cleircein, who died in 1043 after succeeding, it would seem, in 1019, or Fer-domnach Úa Innascaidh, 1043-1048); and the comarba of Ciarán [of Clúain-maccu-Nóis] (probably Loingsech Úa Flaithen, 10301042, or Echtigern Úa hAghrain, 1042-1052) with his minna; and, of the laity, the kings13 * 13 C/. Reeves Ad. 398-9. 19 He was a married man who received and transmitted his position by hereditary succession, and may not have been in holy orders. The term " clergy ” was used in a wide sense as applying to all connected officially with the Church.



of four local tuatha in Mide, Oengus Úa Cainelbain 20 (O’Quinlan), king of Telach-árdd (the name is represented by Tullyard, two miles north-east of Trim, but the principality approximately by the baronies of Upper and Lower Navan, extending south and south­ east of Kells); Máel-ísu Mac Coirthen, king of Telach-cail (location not known); Gilla-Griguir Úa Dummaig, king of Mag-Lacha (the name is preserved in Moylagh, in the barony of Fore, west of Kells); Laidgnen Mac Maelan, king of Túath Luigne (the barony of Lune, south-west of Kells, but the ancient territory was of greater extent); and Queen Mor, granddaughter of Conchobar.21 Thus the sureties were the heads of the chief church of Ireland and the two principal older churches of the midlands, and the rulers of the small states around Cenannas. Their guarantees were given “ in the presence of the men of Mide, both laity and clergy ” (i.e., doubtless, at a dál, or assembly), and the whole matter was confirmed by all present giving their blessing to every king that should respect the exemptions granted, and their curse to any king by whom they should be violated. The document is thus a record of the most solemn kind of agreement known to Irish usage. The date must lie between 1033 and 1049.

629. Charter No. II a .d .

10 73

x 10 8 4

Ro edpair ri Temhrach . . . ocus dia chraidbechaib.

E ds : O’D op. cit. 130-3. — Facs. Nat. M SS. Ire. II p. lix. Record of a grant made by the king of Tara, Máel-Sechnaill, son of Conchobar Úa Máil-Sechnaill,22 and by the community of Kells, of the Disert of Colum-cille at Kells, to “ pilgrims” (deôraid).23 The comarba of Colum-cille was Domnall M a c 24*Robartaig, who ruled from 1062 to 1098, and for whom the cumdach of the Cathach of Colum-cille was made.23 Among the securities and witnesses were Donnchad son of A rt Úa Ruairc, king of Connacht,jwho was killed in 1084, and Donnchad mac Carthaich, king of Cashel, who fell in 1093. The date of the grant would thus be between 1073 and 1084.26

630. Charter No. HI c

a .d . 1092

Ferand do rúagell . . . iar na luaigh.

E d s : O’D op. cit. 132-7. — Facs. Nat. M SS. Ire. II pis. lix-lx. Record of the purchase of land by the priest of Cenannas and his kinsmen. The boundaries are described, and a long list of the sureties given, among them “ the four 20 He died in 1085, and the last preceding king of whom we hear in 1033 (AU). He was head of the Úi Loeghaire, the senior, but not the dominant, branch of the southern Ú i Néill. They were the descend­ ants of Loeguire, king of Ireland in Patrick’s time. 21 This cannot be the same man as the Conchobar who was making the grant. His granddaughter would hardly be accepted as a surety for him, even if such an one could have been of sufficient age at this time. 22 /.«., son of the king of the preceding document. He reigned, it would seem, from 1073 to 1087 (AU). 23 Cf. pp. 488, 748 supra. 24 Elsewhere also " Úa.;* 26 Cf. p. 629 supra. 26 A t the end of the *' charter ” is a request for a prayer for the scribe, M ac Maras tróg. This may be the “ Mac Marais of Cairbre,” whose death is recorded by AU in 1098.



strangers from the four cardinal points.” 1094.27

6 3 1 . Charter No. VII

.d .


The date seems to have been shortly before

11 14 x 111 7 (?)

Dorogill gilla crist mac manchan . . . dhon leith aile. E d s:

O’D op. cit. 146-9. — Foes. Nat. M SS. Ire. II pi. lxi.

This is a record of a purchase of land for the community of Cenannas. The probability is that it dates from the rule of Máel-Brigte Mac Ronáin, who was comarba f :om 1114 to i i 17.28

632. Charter No. V

a .d

. 112 8


113 8


Land ro chennaig . . . E d s:

O’D op. cit. 140-1. — Facs. Nat. M SS. Ire. II (1878) pi. lx.

This document, partly illegible, is a record of a purchase of property. It contains the names and dignities of several of the officials of Cenannas, in the first half of the twelfth century, perhaps c 1128 x 1138.29

633. Charter No. I

a .d

Muinter cennansa e rra id ............ i.

. 112 8


114 0

Luigne connacht.

E d s : O’D op. cit. 128-9. — Facs. Nat. M SS. Ire. II p. xliv n. A grant by the community of Cenannas of two townlands (baile) in Luigne to the Disert of Cenannas for the support of “ pilgrims.”

634. Charter No. VI

a.d. 1 1 5 7 x 1 1 6 6

Sochur arda brecan . . . do each midiuch ar chena.

E d s : O’D op. cit. 142-7. — Facs. Nat. M SS. Ire. II pi. lxi. The Úi Loeghaire 30 claimed the right of one night’s billeting (coinnmed) every quarter of a year from the church of Ârd-Brecâin.31 Muirchertach Üa Lochlaind, king of Ire­ land (about 1157-1166) and Diarmait Úa Máil-Sechlainn, king of Meath (1157-1169) induced Aed, son of Cû-UladÜa Chaennulbán, to sell this claim: “ the church, there­ fore, with its territory and lands, is free, for two reasons, viz.: on account of the general freedom of all churches and on account of this purchase.” 27 In this year Domnall son of Flann Úa Máil-Sechnaill, king of Tara, was slain. A difficulty arises from the fact that Fer-domnach Úa Clucáin is called com arba , although Domnall Mac Robartaig, who, as stated in the preceding text, held that position, did not die until 1098. It may be that Fer-domnach was abbot of Cenannas under Domnall, who, it is likely, was of Doire, but the transcriber of the document thought that he was comarba from the first; or perhaps there was a break between Cenannas and Doire. 28 C/. Reeves Ad. 403. 29 So Reeves Ad. 404. 30 C/. p. 7 5 5 su p ra . 31 Cf. p. 329 supra,




n glo


orm an


c c l e s ia s t ic a l


t r u s io n




elan d

Bibliography The principal documents are in Ussher’s Sylloge (cf. p. 104). investigation of this whole theme is a desideratum.

A new and original

Anti-Irish prejudices had occasionally shown themselves in the old English Church, notably at the Council of Celchyth, and perhaps some suspicion of the absolute soundness of Irish Catholicity may have lin­ gered till the end of Anglo-Saxon independence. But on the whole, from the end of the Easter Controversy to the Norman Conquest, eccle­ siastical relations between Ireland and England were friendly. In par­ ticular, no spirit of aggression towards their brethren beyond St. George’s Channel was displayed by English churchmen. But with the Norman conquest of England in 1066 came a change. Englishmen disappeared from positions of leadership and were replaced by continental ecclesiastics whose fidelity to the new order could be trusted. The last English archbishop of Canterbury was deposed in 1070 and William the Conqueror nominated in his place Lanfranc, abbot of Bee, an Italian by birth but long a resident of Normandy, who seems to have been the chief agent in giving to William’s predatory invasion the character of a holy war. As archbishop of Canterbury Lanfranc effected an energetic and fruitful, though unsympathetic, reorganisation of the English Church, and, further, proceeded to assert his supremacy, not only over the rival English see of York,32 but also over the whole of Britain and Ireland. His pretensions were put forward in English con­ troversies in 1072, and can be read in the letter which he wrote in that year to his former pupil, by then become Pope Alexander II.33 Opportune for the application of these theories was the circumstance that just at this period episcopal sees were being erected in the recently Christianized Hiberno-Scandinavian towns of Dublin, Wexford, Water­ ford and Limerick. From 1074 to 1140 a succession of bishops-elect from these new sees were consecrated at Canterbury. The explanation commonly offered is that these Scandinavian colonists preferred to form their ecclesiastical connections with their kinsmen in England rather 32 There is reason to suspect Lanfranc of personal responsibility for a series of forgeries in support of his claims over York. Cf. H. Böhmer Die Fälschungen Erzbischof Lanfrancs von Canterbury (Leipsic 1902), and, in defense of Lanfranc, Saltet in Rev. des sciences ecclésiastiques 1907, and A. J. MacDonald Lanfranc, a study of his life, work and writing (London, New York 1926). 33 J. A. Giles Beati Lanfranci . . . opera omnia I (Oxford 1S44) 24.



than with their Irish enemies; but the facts that almost all these early bishops were Irish in blood, although trained abroad, that the towns were generally under the dominion of one or other of the Irish kings, who sometimes joined in the recommendation of the episcopal candidate, and that there is no evidence of close association or sympathy between the Northmen of Ireland and the Gallicised Normans of England, render such a hypothesis dubious. More probably the townsmen wished partly to regularise their position in the universal Church, partly to insure their independence of the neighboring Irish comarbai. They made no objection to entering the Irish Church as soon as that had adopted a diocesan organisation in which their position was recognised. In the meanwhile the archbishops of Canterbury assumed the position of metropolitans over these sees, and exacted, and carefully preserved, declarations of submission and fidelity from all candidates who came seeking consecration. Towards the Irish Church itself more circumspection was shown, but the Irish reputation for canonical irregularity and moral laxity gave occasion for admonitions having the tone, if not the form, of metropolitan charges. Anglo-Norman influences, we may be sure, helped on the Irish reform movement, especially through the friendship between Anselm, Lanfranc’s successor in Canterbury, and Gilla-espuic, or Gillebert, bishop of Limerick, papal legate, and reform leader. But the whole history of Ireland made it natural that the Irish Church would, in this crisis, seek inspiration and help on the Continent rather than in England. Rome and Clairvaux were the predominating external forces in effecting an ecclesiastical revolution, and under Roman direction a diocesan episcopacy was set up, with four archbishops, and the HibernoDanish sees were incorporated into the Irish ecclesiastical polity. The imperialism of Canterbury had the ground cut from beneath its feet, but Norman aggression was not thereby checkmated; the secular power stepped in, and, following the example of William I and Lanfranc, applied solemnly to the Pope for authorisation to conquer Ireland and restore religion and morality. Of this application something will be said in the succeeding volume.

635. Letter from the people of Dublin to Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury a .d . 10 74 (?) Venerando sanctae Cantuariensis. . . . Vestrae paternitati est cognitum . . . est forma doctrinae. E d : Ussher Sylloge no. xxv; Whole Works IV 488-9 [from a Cottonian MS].



They state that, as the church of Dublin, “ which is the metropolis of the island of Ireland,” has lost its pastor, they have selected a worthy priest, Patricius,34 whom they wish to be ordained as their bishop. The date was probably 1074, when died “ Dunan, archbishop of the Foreigners.” 36 According to a late and at least partly legendary story in the Black Book of Christ Church, Dublin,36 a site and endowment for that church were granted to Donatus (Dunan), the first bishop, by Sitric, Danish king of Dublin who died in 1042.37 If it could be trusted, this would indicate that Bishop Dunan had established himself in Dublin before that date.

636. Letter of Lanfranc to Gothric (Godred?) king of Dublin

a .d .

10 7 4

Lanfrancus non suis meritis. . . . Venerabilem fratrem ac coepiscopum . . . feliciter vos perducat.

E ds : Ussher S y llo g e no. xxvi;

W h o le W o rk s I V


This letter was carried back to Dublin by Patrick, who, sent over by the king and people, had been consecrated bishop by Lanfranc in 1074. Lanfranc announces the consecration, urges the king to reform the laxity in marital relations and other evils of his dominion, and advises him to hearken to the new bishop.

637. Letter of Lanfranc to Terdelvac (Toirdelbach) king of Ireland A.D.

IO74 (?)

Lanfrancus peccator et indignus. . . . Nullam Deus majorem . . . vitam aeternam concedat.

E d : Ussher S y llo g e no. xxvii;

W h o le W o rk s

IV 492-4.

Bishop Patrick of Dublin, it is probable, also carried back this epistle to Toirdelbach úa Briain, king of Ireland from 1072 to 1086, in which Lanfranc pointed out the evils prevailing in his kingdom and urged their extirpation.

638. Letter of Lanfranc to Bishop Domnald

a .d


1081/1082 (?)

Lanfrancus indignus sanctae. . . . In itinere positi . . . eis decrevimus. E d : U ssh er Sy llo g e no. x x v iii; W h o le W o rk s I V 4 9 5 -7 .

In the text published by Ussher the letter is addressed to the Irish bishop “ D ” ; but in an extract which that editor quotes from what he calls the annals of Canterbury there is a passage to the effect that Lanfranc, in the eleventh year of his episcopate, wrote an epistle on sacred doctrine to Bishop Domnald in Ireland. Lanigan 38 identi­ fies the recipient with the Domnall Úa hEnna who died, according to the annals, in 1098, and who is sometimes called archbishop of Cashel. The letter is a reply to a request for information as to the necessity of the communion of children. A request 34 No doubt, Gilla-Patraic.



36 Dugdale’s Monasticon Anglicanum (ed. Caley, Ellis and Bandinel) V I 1148. Gaedhil with the Gaill 290. » Tig., FM. 38 Ecclesiastical History 2nd ed. I l l (1829) 455.

Cf. Todd War of the



was also made for the solution of some problems in secular letters, but Lanfranc has renounced such subjects since undertaking pastoral duties.

639. Letter from Anselm to the bishops of Ireland

a .d .

10 95


Anselmus Cantuariensis ecclesiae metropolitanus. . . . Odorem religionis vestrae . . . opere compleatis.

E d : Ussher

S y llo g e

no. xxxiii;

W h o le W o r k s

IV 515-7.

This letter is addressed to “ seniori Domnaldo ” (Domnall Úa hEnna: c f. su p ra ) and “ Donato ” (Donatus, or Donngus, bishop of Dublin, d. 1095), and the other bishops of Ireland. Anselm relates how he was forced against his will to accept the pontifical office, and what troubles he has since suffered. He asks for the prayers of the Irish bishops and urges that they consult him in difficulties. The date was probably early in 1095.

640. Letter from the people of Waterford to Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury a .d . 1096 (?) Anselmo, Dei gratia Anglomm archiepiscopo. . . . Pater sancte, caecitas . . . subscripsimus. . . . epis­ copus subscripsi, &c.

E d : Ussher S y llo g e no. xxxiv; W h o le W o r k s IV 518-9. (no. 650), ed. Rule, pp. 76-7.

The letter is also in Eadmer’s

H is to r ia n ovorum

The people of Waterford, wishing to have a bishop, chose Malchus,39 of Irish birth but a monk of Winchester, and sent him, with this letter, to Anselm for consecration. The date was probably 1096, and the signatures are those of “ Murchertachus rex Hibemiae ” (Muircertach Úa Briain, king of the southern half, and claimant of the sovereignty of the whole of Ireland from about 1090 to 1119); “ Dermeth dux frater regis” (Diarmait, his brother, who died in 1118); “ Domnaldus episcopus” {cf. no. 638); “ Idunan episcopus Midiae ” (Máel-Muire Úa Dunáin, who died in h i 7; he is mentioned in no. I l l of the Kells charters); “ Samuel Dublinensis episcopus ” {cf. pp. 761-2); “ Ferdomnachus Laginiensium episcopus ” (of Kildare, d. 1101).

641. Letters from Anselm to King Muirchertach

a .d .

1095/1096 (?)

(i) Muriardacho glorioso gratia. . . . Gratias ago Deo . . . regnum coeleste transeatis. Muriardacho gloriosos regi. . . . Quoniam multa de vestra . . . coeleste regnum veniatis. ullatenus ducere.

E d s : Ussher S y llo g e nos. xxxv, xxxvi;

W h o le W o rk s

Amen, (ii) Arnen. . . .

IV 520-5.

Anselm, while praising the king’s good government, urges that evils be extirpated, espe­ cially those connected with marriage and with the consecration of bishops. The two letters cover much the same ground, and Lanigan 40 thought they might be different recensions of one original. The letter or letters may have been brought to Ireland by Bishop Samuel of Dublin or Bishop Malchus of Waterford, whom Anselm conse­ crated in 1095 and 1096 respectively, or by both. 39 Máel-lsu Úa hAinmire, who died in 1135 (FM). (1920) 18-9. 40 Eccles. Hist. 2nd ed. IV 21.

Cf. H. J. Lawlor St. Bernard's Life of St. Malachy



642. Letter from Anselm to Malchus, bishop of Waterford Anselmus archiepiscopus Cantuariae, amico. . . . Audivi, quod dominus Samuel . . . consulendo monea­ tis. Valete.

E d : Ussher Sylloge no. xxxviii; Whole Works IV 528-9. A covering letter, transmitting that addressed to Samuel of Dublin.

643. Letter from Anselm to Samuel, bishop of Dublin Anselmus archiepiscopus Cantuariae, venerabili. . . Audivi, quod libros . . . hominibus ostendas. Vale.

E d : Ussher Sylloge no. xxxix; Whole Works IV 530-1. Reprimands him for having, as is reported, disposed of the books, vestments and other church ornaments — which Lanfranc gave to his uncle, Bishop Donatus — as though they were his private property; for having expelled the monks from his church; and for the practice of having a cross carried before him on the highway, a prerogative which belongs only to archbishops who have received the pallium from the Pope.

644. Letter from King Muirchertach to Anselm Murchardachus rex Hiberniae, Anselmo. . . . Quam magnas vobis . . . mandaveris famulaturum. Vale.

E d : Ussher Sylloge no. xxxvii; Whole Works IV 526-7. Muirchertach thanks Anselm for remembering him in his prayers, and also for succour­ ing his son-in-law, Emulf. This was Arnulph de Montgomery, lord of Pembroke, who with his brother, Robert de Belesme, earl of Shrewsbury, revolted in 1102 against Henry I of England, and found refuge, and perhaps obtained aid, in Ireland.

645. Letter from Gillebert, or Gilla-easpuic, bishop of Limerick, to Anselm c a .d . 1 1 0 7 Anselmo Dei gratia Anglorum . . . Audieno, pater . . . . largitatem confido. E d : Ussher Sylloge no. xxxi; Whole Works IV 511-2.

Congratulates Anselm on subduing the Normans to ecclesiastical discipline, and sends a gift of pearls. Written probably in or after 1107, when the settlement of the English investiture struggle was reached.

646. A Letter from Anselm to Gillebert Anselmus servus ecclesiae Cantuariensis.......Gratias ago reverentiae . . . misistis. Orate pro me. E d : U ssh er

Sylloge no.

x x x ii;

Whole Works I V

5 1 3 -4 .

A n se lm return s th a n k s for th e co n g ra tu la tio n s an d g ift; refers to th e ir form er a c q u a in t­ an ce sh ip a t R o u e n ; an d urges th a t G ille b e rt a c t w ith v ig o r in his e p isco pa l p o sitio n , of his e le v a tio n to w h ich he, A n se lm , h as ju s t heard.



647. Letter from the people of Dublin to Ralph, archbishop of Can­ terbury C A.D. 1 1 21 Domino reverentissimo ac religiosissimo, Radulpho. . . . Cum te, sancte pater, . . . retinere volueritis. Vale.

E d : Ussher Sy llo g e no. xl; (no. 650) ed. Rule 297-8.

W h o le W o rk s

IV 532-3.

Also in Eadmer

H is to r ia novorum

Samuel Úa hAngli, bishop of Dublin, died in 1121, and, according to the annals, Cellach, of Patrick, “ took the episcopacy of Ath-Cliath [Dublin] by choice of the Foreigners and of the Gaidhil.” It is probable that this means “ assumed the adminis­ tration of the diocese,” and that there was nothing disreputable in the transaction: Cellach seems, from the scanty information we have of him, to have been a man of high character and ability. Apparently there were two parties within the city, one of which sent a certain Gregory to England to be consecrated, while the other, in his absence, admitted Cellach. com arba

The letter professes to be from all the citizens of Dublin, and the convention of the clergy, and requests the consecration of their bishop-elect, Gregory. They inform Ralph “ that the bishops of Ireland are very jealous of us, and especially that bishop who dwells in Armagh, because we are unwilling to submit to their ordination, but wish always to be under your rule.” The combination of flattery and threat which the document offers perhaps indicates anxiety as to whether their request would be granted, an anxiety which may have been due to the fact that Gregory was a layman, or, according to Eadmer, a subdeacon. Eadmer and the continuator of Florence of Worcester, who tell of the coming of Gregory to England, state that he was first ordained deacon and priest, and afterwards bishop.41 According to Eadmer, when Gregory found Cellach in occupation of his see he returned again to England and took refuge with Anselm. A few years later, however, he was in peaceful possession of Dublin.

648. Letter from Henry I of England to Archbishop Ralph c

a .d . i i


Henricus rex Angliae. . . . Mandavit mihi . . . dilatione expleas. Teste Ranulpho cancellario apud Windelsor.

E d : Ussher S y llo g e no. xli;

W h o le W o rk s

IV 534.

On the word of the king of Ireland and the citizens of Dublin, directs the consecration of Gregory. The king of Ireland was probably Toirdelbach Oa Conchobuir of Con­ nacht, who in 1118 had obtained the submission of Dublin. His approval shows that the election of Gregory was not entirely a lining up of Gall against Gael.

649. Professions of obedience to the archbishops of Canterbury, made by the bishops of the Scandinavians, or Ostmen, in Ireland E d : Ussher

Sylloge; W h o le W o rk s

IV 564-8.

The texts of the professions of Patrick, Donatus and Samuel of Dublin, Malchus of Waterford, Gregory of Dublin, and Patrick of Limerick (this last in 1140). 41 J. R. H. Weaver (ed.) Chronicle of John of Worcester (Oxford i q o 8 ) 16.



660. Eadmer: Historia novorum in Anglia E ds : John Seiden (London 1623). — Gabriel Gerberon (Paris 1675; later eds. 1721; Venice 1744) [attached to the works of Anselm]. — Migne P L C L IX 346-588.— Martin Rule (RS: London 1884). C omm: F. Liebermann A n g lo -n o rm ä n n isch e G eschichtsqu ellen (Strasburg 1879) 284-302. — Rule C a m bridge A n tiq . S o c . C o m m u n i­ cation s 1888 V I 195-304. — Ragey E a d m e r (Paris [1892]).

Eadmer was a monk of Christ Church, Canterbury, and friend and confidant of Anselm. His H isto r ia novorum is a history of England, and especially of the see of Canterbury, from about 960 to 1122, which is regarded by critics as a historical work of high value. It is our principal narrative source for the visits of episcopal nominees from Ireland to obtain consecration at Canterbury, and for other relations between that see and Ireland.42

In H&S I 357 there is a record (extracted from Cambridge Corp. Christi Coll, h i f. 54) of an indulgence granted by Nicholaus, bishop of Llandaff, to those who should visit the church of Bath on the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. Similar indulgences were issued by several other bishops, among them “ Mark bishop of Cloyne.” This last was, doubtless, an Irishman, as to whose identity several con­ jectures have been advanced.



h e


r g a n is a t io n of



th e

o r e ig n



p is c o p a t e

e l ig io u s


an d

th e


t r o d u c t io n

rd ers

Bibliography In addition to the sources mentioned below, the annals, especially FM , and Keating’s History of Ireland (pp. 44, 81 s u p ra ), in which matter is drawn from the now lost Annals of Clonenagh, are important. Of secondary works, the church histories gen­ erally treat the period at considerable length, though not with full understanding. What is probably the best study, though admittedly incomplete, is by H. J. Lawlor in his trans, of S t. B e r n a r d 's L i f e o f S t . M a la ch y (no. 652). For the struggle at Armagh see King T h e early history o f the p rim a cy o f A rm a g h (1854) [cf. p. 319 su pra] and Lawlor and Best “ The ancient list of the Coarbs of Patrick ” (1919) [cf. p. 353]. On the early Cistercian monasteries see Leopold Janauschek O r ig in u m C iste r c ie n siu m tom . I (Vienna 1877), which contains a catalogue of houses (index s.v. “ Hibernia ” ) with a biblio­ graphy for each and a brief account of its foundation.

661. Gilla-easpuic, or Gillebert: De statu Ecclesiae [Introductory epistle] Episcopis [et] presbyteris totius Hiberniae. . . . Rogatu, necnon et praecepto . . . valere merear. Amen. [Main text] Imago generalis Ecclesiae . . . martyrio paratus probetur.

MSS: Cambridge Univ. Lib. Ff. 1. 27 pp. 239-42.— Durham Chapter Lib. B. ii. 35. — Cambridge Corpus Christi Coll. 66 pp. 98-9 [prologue only]. E ds : Ussher S y llo g e 42 He tells us that in 1115 Gillebert, bishop of Limerick, assisted the archbishop of Canterbury and vari­ ous English prelates in consecrating a bishop of St. David’s. — Historia novorum, ed. Rule, pp. 235-6.

764 no.


XXX ; W h o le W o rk s

IV 500-10. — Migne


C L IX 995-1004. C omm: H. J. Lawlor (London, New York 1920)

S t . B ern a rd o f C la ir v a u x 's L i f e o f S t . M a la ch y o f A rm a g h

pp. xxx-xxxiii. In the epistle, addressed to the bishops and priests of Ireland, Gilla-easpuic states that at their command he has attempted to write down the canonical customs in the observation of the hours and in carrying out the whole ecclesiastical order. It is a plea for liturgical uniformity rather than for that of hierarchical organisation, and some have thought that it accompanied a treatise on liturgical usage, now lost. The treatise D e sta tu E c c le sia e accompanied and explained a graphic representation of the Church, its members and officials, and their interrelations. It was designed to set forth to the Irish clergy the proper organisation of the Church under priests, bishops, archbishops, primates, and the Pope, and may be regarded as the programme of the reforming party. Obviously it was based on European conditions, and from the Irish point of view some of the statements must have been curiously incongruous. The date is uncertain, but it was probably before the synod of Rath-Breasail, held in m o or m i , 43 at which an episcopal organisation was drawn up for the whole of Ireland, and after Gilla-easpuic’s correspondence with Anselm, which may be assigned to 1107.

662. Documents by St. Bernard of Clairvaux, relating to St. MáelMáedóc Úa Morgair, or Malachy (i) [Letter from Bernard to Malachy, a .d . 1141! Venerabili Domino et beatissimo patri Malachiae. . . . Inter multiplices aestus et curas . . . peccatoris oratio. In Domino valete, (ii) [Letter from Bernard to Malachy, a .d . 1 14 1 /1142] Malachiae Dei gratia episcopo. . . . Fecimus quod praecipit . . . orationibus commendantes. Valete, (iii) [Letter from Bernard to Malachy, a .d . 1143/1144] Amantissimo patri et domino. . . . Quam dulcia faucibus. . . memor in Christo, (iv) [Letter from Bernard to the Cistercian brethren in Ireland, November a .d . 1148] Religiosis fratribus qui in Hibernia. . . . Si haberemus hic . . . Christus custodiat, (v) [Sermon by Bernard on the death of Malachy, November 2, a .d . 1148] De coelo vobis hodie . . . suffragia non deesse. (vi) [Another, November 2, a .d . 1140 (?)] Liquet, dilectissimi, quod dum corpore . . . suaviter ardes, praestante D. n. J. C., qui c. P. et S. s. r. D. per o. s. s. Amen, (vii) [Life of Malachy by Bernard, January (?) a .d . 1149] [Prologue] Semper quidem operae . . . com­ perta sunt vobis. [Life] Malachias noster, ortus Hibernia . . . tecum et cum ipso pariter regnaturi in s. s. Arnen.

MSS: Numerous; see Hardy C a t. II 236. E ds : C/. Boll. B ib l. hag. lo t. 770, 1368. The various eds. of Bernard’s works, as that by Mabillon (Paris 1667; later eds. 1690, 1719, 1839), reprinted in Migne P L C L X X X II 545-6 [i], 558 [ii], 558-9 [iii], 578-80 [iv], 1073-1118 [vii], C L X X X III 481-90 [v, vi]. The epistles are nos. 341, 356, 357 and 374 of Mabillon. Also the following partial eds: i-iv: Ussher S y llo g e nos. xlii-xlv, W h o le W o rk s IV 535-45. vii: Surius D e p robatis sa n ctorum h isto riis 3 44 Nov. VI (Cologne 1575) 88-115, 2nd ed. IV (1617) 27-41. — Messingham F lo r ile g iu m in su la e sa n cto ru m (Paris 1624) 350-76. — A A . S S . ex C o d . S . 551-640. — A A . S S . B o ll. 3 Nov. II i (1894) 135-66. T rans : H. J. Lawlor S t . B e rn a rd o f C la ir v a u x 's L i f e o f S t . M a la ch y o f A rm a g h (S. P. C. K .: London, New York 1920) [complete, with valuable commentary]. C omm: E. Vacandard “ Un évêque d’Irlande au 12. siècle, Saint Malachie O’Morgair ” R ev. des quest, h ist. L II (1892) 1-57 [reproduced in condensed form 43C/. Lawlor op. cit. pp. xxxvii sqq. 44Malachy died Nov. 2, but as this is All Souls’ Day the feast is transferred to Nov. 3.



as chap, xxix of his V ie de s. B e rn a rd 2nd ed. II (Paris 1897), 4th ed. (1910). — O’Laverty L i f e o f S t . M a la ch y (Belfast 1899). — H. J. Lawlor “ Notes on St. Bernard’s Life of St. Malachy ” P r o c . R I A X X X V (1919) C 230-64. — W. J. Ferrar “ St. Malachy of Armagh: a twelfth-century sain t” C h u rch Q u a rterly R ev. X C I (1921) 247-59.— Jas. Wilson “ The passages of St. Malachy through Scotland ” S co ttish H is t. R ev. X V III (1921) 69-82. — H. Maxwell “ St. Malachy in Scotland ” ib id . 228-9.

There is an abridgment of St. Bernard’s Life in the N o v a Legenda A n g lie f ed. C. Horstman II (Oxford 1901) 158-67, and an Irish trans, in the MS R IA 23 O 35 pp. 197-248. — A hymn in honor of Malachy is published in Martène A m p lis s im a collectio I 746 and Migne P L C L X X X I I 1117-8.

Domnall, comarba of Patrick, who with the clergy of Ireland had prescribed the measures by which to avert the calamity prophesied for A.D. 1096, was taken sick while at Dublin, in 1105, attempting to make peace between Muirchertach Úa Briain and Domnall Ua Lochlainn, king of the north of Ireland. He died at Damliac (Duleek) on the way home, and his body was brought to Armagh on August 12. He was the last of a series of eight members of the Úi Sinaich family who had held the comarbship in succession without taking holy orders. Cellach, grandson of Domnall’s brother and immediate predecessor Móel-lsu, was chosen for the office, and he, probably already influenced by the stirrings of reform, had himself ordained on September 23. In the following year he made an official visitation first of the Cenél Eoghain in the north and then of Munster. In Munster the reform movement was getting under way, and while there Cellach was consecrated archbishop. This seems to have been determined on by a national synod, and it is probable that at the same time Malchus, or Máel-Isu Úa hAinmire, whom St. Anselm had consecrated bishop of Waterford in 1095, was made archbishop of Cashel.45 In 1120 Cellach made his next visit to Munster, and on this occasion, it would seem, he appointed as his vicar at Armagh a young man named Máel-Máedóc Úa Morgair, who had been born at Armagh in 1095, probably son of the ârd fer lêgind, or chief professor, Mughrón Úa Mor­ gair,46 and had been educated there by Imar Úa hAedhagáin, a recluse, doubtless a deôradf and a promoter of reform.47 Máel-Máedóc showed 45 Cashel, the ancient residence of the kings of Munster, had been granted to the Church by Muir­ chertach Úa Briain, probably with the design that it should become an archbishop’s see. FM give the date noi, while Keating (ITS ed. Ill 296-7), who, however, is confused in his chronology, puts it in this year 1106. 46He died at the monastic church of Mangarit (Mungret), in Munster, probably “ on pilgrimage,” in 1102 (AU). 47 He built the church of Sts. Peter and Paul in Armagh, probably for Augustinian Canons. It was consecrated in 1126. In 1148 he died on pilgrimage at Rome.



such zeal and vigor in this office that, it seems probable, he was already selected as the ideal leader to carry on the new movement, and was sent south to receive further training under the aged Máel-Muire, or Malchus, of Waterford and Cashel, who had now retired to the old monastery of Liss-mór. In 1123 there died at Liss-mór while “ on his pilgrimage ” Oengus Úa Gormain, comarba of Comgall of Benn-chor (Bangor), one of the famous monastic churches which had been entirely abandoned as a result of the Viking wars.48 Either he or his successor was MáelMáedóc’s maternal uncle, and an arrangement was made, similar to the final settlement between bishops and comarbai, whereby a lay represen­ tative retained the property while Máel-Máedóc received the site of the church, and, no doubt, the ecclesiastical rights and privileges. An opportunity was thus given to introduce the diocesan organisation into the north-east, and Máel-Máedóc, recalled from Liss-mor and conse­ crated, became bishop of Coindire (Connor) and also abbot of Bennchor, where he founded a new monastery in accord with continental ideas. About 1127 a political disturbance compelled him to leave Benn-chor and return to Munster, where he founded the monastery of Iveragh in what is now Kerry. On April 1, 1129, Cellach of Armagh died at Árd-Patraic 49 in Munster, and three days later was buried at Liss-mór. On April 5 Muirchertach, son of his predecessor Domnall, was instituted as comarba, in accordance with the old custom, and on his death in 1134 Cellach’s brother, Niall, was appointed. But Cellach before his death had nominated Máel-Máedóc to be his successor, and in 1132 the reforming clergy, led by Máel-Muire of Liss-mór and Gillaespuic of Limerick, the papal legate, insisted on Máel-Máedóc making the attempt to take possession of the primatial see. The struggle con­ tinued five years, and seems to have ended with the triumph of MáelMáedóc, perhaps by the help of Donnchad Üa Cerbhaill, a friend of the reformers, who became king of Air-gialla, in which is Armagh, probably in 1136.50 But as Máel-Máedóc immediately resigned the primacy in favor of Gilla-meic-Liag, or Gelasius, comarba of Colum-cille at Doire (Derry), and returned to Benn-chor, it is possible that some agreement was reached by which the victory of the reformers was made more acceptable to their opponents. From Bangor Máel-Máedóc practically dominated the Irish Church for the remainder of his life. In 1139 he travelled to Rome to ask Pope 48C/. pp. 8-9 supra.

*9This church was the seat of the moor, or steward, of Patrick for Munster, who collected the contribu tions to the Patrician community. 60Cf. p. 770 infra.



Innocent II for the palls for the two Irish archbishops. The Pope answered that the request must come from a national synod; but he appointed Máel-Máedóc his legate in Ireland in place of Gilla-espuic, who was resigning because of old age. Going and coming the Irish bishop visited St. Bernard at Clairvaux, where was the most famous abbey of the new Cistercian order, an outgrowth of, and in some respects an ascetic reaction against, the Cluniae monastic movement. He left there four of his followers to be trained as Cistercian monks, and later sent others from Ireland. In 1142 these, with some continental brothers, founded the first Cistercian abbey in Ireland, Mellifont, near Drogheda. Before Máel-Máedóc’s death five other houses had been established. In 1148 a synod was held at Inis-Patraic (off Skerries on the eastern coast), at which formal application was made for the palls. With this Máel-Máedóc set out, hoping to meet the Pope, Eugenius III, in France; but he went no further than Clairvaux, where on November 2,1148, he died in the arms of St. Bernard. Máel-Máedóc was the greatest of the leaders of the ecclesiastical revolution, and his Life by St. Bernard is our most important document for its history. It was written within three or four months of the saint’s death, at the request of Abbot Congan, of the Cistercian monastery of the Suir, or Inislounaght, and other members of the order in Ireland, who also supplied information. On a careful examination the Life appears to be a trustworthy source, except that allowance must be made for Bernard’s ignorance of Irish customs and circumstances, and for his unrestrained denunciation of what he did not understand, but believed to be evil. Marcus, author of the Vision of Tundale (no. 619), itself a source of some import­ ance for the reform movement of the twelfth century, visited Clairvaux, it seems certain, very soon after the death of Máel-Máedóc, and, doubtless, gave some assist­ ance in the compilation of the Life. (Cf. Seymour Proc. RIA X X X V II (1926) C 90-1.) The letters relate to the beginnings of the Cistercian order in Ireland.

St. Malachy is best known at the present day as the reputed author of a prophecy regarding the succession to the papal throne. The document has no bearing on Irish history, and Malachy’s authorship is quite improbable. It was first published by Arnold Wion Lignum vitae I (Venice 1595) lib. II cap. xl pp. 307-11; other eds. in Gfrörer Prophetiae veteres pseudepigraphi (1840) 433; O’Brien Prophecy of St. Malachy (Dublin 1880). There is an extensive literature, of which the following may be noted: Adolf Harnack “ Uber den Verfasser Und den Zweck der Prophetia Malachiae de sum­ mis pontificibus (1590) ” Z K III (Gotha 1879) 315-24; H. Thurston The War and the Prophets (London 1915); E. Vacandard “ La prophétie de Malachie sur la succession des Papes ” Revue apologétique X X X III (1922) 657-71, and in his Études de critique et d'histoire religieuses (Paris 1923) [cf. Studies Sept. 1923 pp. 509-11]. — There is also an alleged prophecy of Malachy regarding English domination in Ireland which is quite obviously a modem concoction.



663. The Council of Kells

a .d . 1 1 5 2

(i) List of bishoprics established by the Council of Kells (a) The Liber Censuum of Cencius the Chamberlain, a .d . 1192. MS: Vat. lat. 8486. E d : Paul Fabre, L. Duchesne, Le Liber Censuum de VÉglise Romaine (Paris 1889----) : the Irish list is in vol. I pp. 232 sqq. This list was used by Ware in his De Hibernia et Antiquitatibus ejus Disquisitiones 2nd ed. (London 1658) 83-7; Harris (ed.) Whole Works of James Ware: Antiquities of Ireland 285 sq. (b) The Provinciale of Albinus, Cardinal Bishop of Albano, a .d . 1188/1189. MS: Vat. Ottob. lat. 3057. E d : Duchesne in op. cit. II 85 sqq. (c) MS: Montpellier Bibl. de l’École de médecine 92 s X II. E d : H. J. Lawlor “ A fresh authority for the Synod of Kells, 1152 ” Proc. RIA X X X V I (1922) C 16-22.

(ii) Ordinance of Cardinal John Paparo, papal legate Quoted by Simon Rochfort, bishop of Meath, at a synod held at the monastery of Sts. Peter and Paul, Newtown, near Trim, 1216. E d : David Wilkins Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae (London 1737) I 547. C omm: Lawlor St. Bernard of Clairvaux1s Life of St. Malachy of Armagh (London, New York 1920) pp. xxvii sqq. We have no records of the beginning of papal intervention in the Irish ecclesiastical revolution,61 but the first papal legate, Gilla-easpuic of Limerick, was appointed, it seems certain, between 1107 and m o . In m o or h i 1 he held a synod at RáithBresail, which is probably the same as Fiadh-mac-nAenghusa, at which the country, exclusive of Dublin, was divided into twenty-four dioceses, and their boundaries defined. In general principle this represented what the reformers were working for, but the exact letter of the decrees was not closely observed. In particular in Mide (Meath) a number of small dioceses had, apparently, already been created, and these persisted in spite of the provisions of Ráith-Bresail. According to certain of the annals a synod was held at Uisnech in m i , at which still another diocesan arrange­ ment for Mide was decreed. Of the work of Máel-Máedóc Úa Morgair as papal legate, and of his unfinished journey to ask that the Pope grant the pallium to two Irish archbishops, something has been said. Apparently another deputation was sent to Rome after the death of Malachy, and Pope Eugenius III commissioned Cardinal Johannes Paparo to bring the palls to Ireland. He reached England in 1150, but was held there for several months by King Stephen.62 Finally he arrived in Ireland and held a Council at Kells, at which four palls were granted, giving recognition as arch­ bishoprics to Dublin and Tuam as well as to Armagh and Cashel. The dioceses were organised into four provinces, and various other ordinances were enacted. Our infor­ mation regarding the council is derived chiefly from Keating and the annals,63 but we have also the scheme of diocesan organisation, preserved in three recensions: (1) the list of Irish bishoprics in the Liber Censuum, a schedule of dioceses and religious houses 61 Ussher in his Sylloge, no. xxix, While Works IV 498-9, prints a letter from Pope Gregory VII to King Toirdelbach and the clergy and people of Ireland (Gregorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, Terdelvacho. . . . Per orbem universum . . VI. Kal. Mart.). It is now generally considered that the letter is a forgery. CJ. H. J. Lawlor in Stokes Ireland and the Celtic Church 6th ed. (London etc. 1907) 371. 62 See John of Hexham in Arnold’s ed. of Symeonis monachi Dunelmensis opera omnia (RS) I 326, and the Historia Pontificalis attributed to John of Salisbury in MGH S S X X 539 sq. M FM do not mention Kells or the palls, but say that Paparo held a synod at Drogheda in 1152.



from which the Pope claimed revenue, compiled in 1192 by Cencius the Chamberlain, afterwards Pope Honorius III, and based, as regards this part, on a pastorale of 1164 X 116 7;64*(2) that in the provinciale of Cardinal Albinus of Albano, of 1188/1189; and (3) that in a manuscript of the Medical School of Montpellier, which its editor guesses may have come from Clairvaux. Moreover, in the acts of a synod held in Meath in 1216 an ordinance of Paparo at the Council of Kells is cited to the effect that as the bishops of the weaker dioceses died off they should be replaced by arch­ priests.66

654. Foundation Charter of the Cistercian Monastery of Newry c a .d . 115 6 X 116 0 Dugdale Monasticon Anglicanum ist ed. II 1031. — Rer. Hib. S S I 2nd proleg. 158. — O’D Dublin Penny Journal I (1832) 102-4.

E d s:

B y this document Muirchertach Úa Lochlainn, king of Ireland, granted his protection and certain lands to the monks at Ibar-cind-trachta (“ the yew-tree of the head of the strand ” ), known in Cistercian records as Viride lignum and in modern times as Newry. There is an important list of witnesses. The date seems to be about 1156 x 1160.

655. Foundation Charter of the Augustinian monastery of Ferns 1 1 6 0 / 1 1 6 1 (?)

a .d .

E d : Dugdale Monasticon Anglicanum I I 1040, 2nd ed. 1141. B y this charter Diarmait Mac Murchadha, king of Leinster, granted lands to the new monastery of Fema (Ferns). The date was probably 1160 or 1161.

656. Confirmation of the Foundation Charter of the Cistercian mon­ astery of Killenny a .d . 1 1 6 2 x 1 1 6 5 M S: In Kilkenny Castle. E d s : Facs. Nat. MSS. Ire. II pi. lxii [facs. and letterpress; by a misreading the editor makes it apply to the abbey of Duiske]. — Constance M ary Butler and John Henry Bernard “ The Charters of the Abbey of Duiske ” Proc. RIA X X X V (1918) C no. i 4-8. Diarmait Úa Riain, lord of Idrone, had granted 56 to the Cistercian abbey of Jerpoint, in what is now county Kilkenny, an abbey recently founded from Mellifont, certain lands as an endowment for a daughter-house at Cell-Lainne (Killenny). By the pre­ sent instrument the grant was confirmed by the king of Leinster, Diarmait MacMurchadha. 64 R. L. Poole The Papal Chancery (1915) 193 sq. 66 In a letter from the Pope Honorius III mentioned above to Henry of London, archbishop of Dublin, dated 6 Oct. 1216, Paparo’s orders for the incorporation of the diocese of Glenn-dá-locho into that of Dublin are noticed. — Gilbert (ed.) Crede Mihi (Dublin 1897) n . 60 This document is lost. There is a registration of a confirmation by Henry Ûa Riain in 1424 (Butler and Bernard op. cit. 139-40).



657. Grant of Baile Dubgaill (Ballydoyle) to Aedán Úa Caellaighi, bishop of Louth, for a community of canons c a . d . 1 1 6 2 x 1 1 6 6 M S: T C D 525 5 X V . E d : R. Butler Registrum Prioratus Omnium Sanctorum juxta Dublin (IAS: Dublin 1845) 50-1. Diarmait MacMurchadha executed this grant about 1162x1166. Although made to the bishop of Louth it appears to have been for the benefit of the establishment afterwards known as the Priory of All Saints, Dublin.

658. Obituary notice of Donnchad Úa Cerbhaill, king of Air-ghialla M S: T C D 77 (B. i. 1) 5 X V /X V I. E d : Geo. Petrie Origin and history of the Round Towers of Ireland (Dublin 1845) 391 [with trans.]. The trans., revised, is also in WS F élire Húi Gormáin The Martyrology of Gorman (London 1895) p. xx, and H. J. Lawlor St. Bernard of Clairvaux's Life of St. Malachy of Armagh (1920) 170. In a breviary of the late middle ages which belonged to the church of Ärd-Macha and has sometimes been designated the “ Antiphonary of Armagh ” there is a notice of the year 1170, copied from some older manuscript. It asks a prayer for Donnchad Úa Cerbhaill, the king of Air-ghialla who has been mentioned above 67 as a friend of Archbishop Máel-Máedóc and the reformers, and gives a brief account of his activities in reforming matters ecclesiastical in his kingdom and in founding and equipping churches and monasteries. — The Annals of Ulster state that Donnchad Úa Cerbhaill died as a result of a murderous assault by one of his servants committed in 1168.

659. Life and Miracles of St. Lorcan Úa Tuathail, or Laurence O’Toole [Plummer's text. Prologue:] Benedictio et claritas et sapientia. . . . [Vita:] Dilectus igitur Deo et homini­ bus. . . . Rex regum, et Dominus dominancium, c. est g., h., et i , in sempiternum. Amen. [Transla­ tion and canonisation:] Igitur cum per annos quinque . . . fuere presentata [includes the letter of Pope Honorius authorising the canonisation]. [Epilogue to the miracles:] Hue usque miracula . . . perstrin­ genda sunt. [Miracles:] Fuit autem apud Blangeium . . . ueritas iurata est.

(i. Panegyric by Jean Halgrin, or Jean d’Abbeville 68): MSS: B N 14364 s X I I I .— Rouen Bibl. municipale A 575 ff. 288-92 [extracts]. E d : The Bollandists Catal. codd. hagiogr. lat. Bibl. nat. I l l 236-48. (ii. Life by a canon of Eu) : MS: Paris Bibl. Ste.Geneviève 1833 s X V III pp. 205 sqq [copied from a MS of Eu, since lost], (iii. New ed. of preceding, by another canon of E u): MSS: Cod. K ff. n 6 v — 24. — T C D 175 (E. 3. 11) ff. 92v sqq. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 8943 ff. 2-26v ; 11987 ff. 167-74. E d í ». Surius Vitae SS. 14 Nov. V II 310-24, 2nd ed. 331. — Messingham Florilegium (1624) 379-89. — Chas. Plummer An. Boll. X X X III ii (1914) 121-82. (iv) MSS: Bodl. Rawl. B 485 f. i24v; B. 505 f. 20^. — For other MSS of the miracles see Plummer’s ed. and Legris, op. cit. infra 133 sqq; also Cod. S. f. 167. C o m m : O’Hanlon The Life of St. Laurence O'Toole, archbishop of Dublin (Dublin 1877). — A. Legris Saint Laurent O'Toole {Saint Laurent d'Eu) Archevêque de Dublin (Rouen, Eu 1914) [valuable]. « P. 766. 68 Bishop of Besançon from 1225 to his death in 1237.



Lorcan Úa Tuathail, best known of the men on whom fell the task, after the success of the ecclesiastical revolution, of making the new religious machinery work effectively, was the son of the head of one of the principal families of northern Leinster, at this time rulers of the southern part of what is now Kildare. He was born about 1128, and for a time as a child was a hostage with Diarmait Mac Murchadha. About 1140 he was placed in the monastery of Glenn-dá-locha, and about 1153 became abbot. In 1162 he was consecrated archbishop of Dublin to succeed Gregory, who had died Oct. 8, 1161. Lorcan, who was above all a man of peace, became deeply involved in all the difficulties and horrors resulting from the Anglo-Norman invasion. While attempting to negotiate with Henry II of England on behalf of Ruadri Úa Conchobair he died at Eu, in Normandy, on November 14, 1180. His tomb became a place of pilgrimage for many of the leading eccle­ siastics of Ireland, his contemporaries. From them the canons of Eu must have learned much regarding Lorcan’s history. In 1191 applica­ tion was made for his canonisation, an application which was finally granted on December 11, 1225. All the Lives seem to have been written shortly after canonisation, and to have been based chiefly on material collected for that process.




i6. Cf. add. to p. 756 infra.— Anc. Laws Ire. V 450, 498, re juridical recogni­ tion of the written record (MacN). 9 n. 9. Perhaps Stowe Missal. Cf. pp. 693-4 infra, and add. 15 1. 7. Probably a copy (MacN). 15 n. 29. New ed. by Best and Gwynn in preparation. 22 n. 57. Prefix may be hypocoristic do, not numeral dd. 24 n. 72. BM Eg. 92 s X V, 32 ff., was part of Bk. Fer. (Flower Cat. 505-6). 25 1. 26. Cf. add. to p. 308 infra. 25 n. 74. T C D 1319 (H.2.17) p. 172 has 9 leaves (Abbott and Gwynn Cat. Ir. M SS TCD 112). Cf. Proc. R IA X X X V III (1928) C 31-50. 25 n. 79. Maynooth College has other copies by the O’Longans. 25 n. 80. Cf. Z C P X V II (1928) 389-402. 30 n. 91. Cf. p. 37 n. 123. 37 n. 122. Cf. Sommervogel Bibliothèque des écrivains de la Compagnie de Jésus 10 vols. (Brussels 1890-1910). 52 1. 13. Cf. Coimisiûn na Gaeltachta Report (Dublin 1926); RC X L III (1926) 461-4. 56 1. 18. “ Ó Cearbhallâin” : cf. Ó Mâille IT S X V II (1916). 63-7 Cf. P. M. MacSweeney A group of nation-builders (Dublin 1913). 68 n. 281. London Times Lit. Supp. Oct. 29, 1915, p. 381. 72 1.5. In 1926 the School amalgamated with RIA; Êriu now pub. by RIA. 73 1. 14. E. Hogan Outlines of the grammar of Old-Irish (Dublin 1900). 74 1. 7. RTh, Pokorny and F. N. Robinson are preparing an O -I dictionary based on published glossaries. 82 1. 9. Georges Dottin died Jan. 10/11, 1928. Cf. RC X L V 435-9. 83 1. 10. Charles Plummer died Sept. 8, 1927. Cf. ibid. 431-5. 87 1. 32. Cf. M. R. James EHR April 1927 pp. 261-7. 87 n. 367. Hist. M SS Commission Report on Franciscan M SS ai the Conventt Merchants’ Quay, Dublin (Dublin 1906); T . A. O’Reilly “ Franciscan MSS in the Convent, Merchants’ Quay, Dublin” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum V III (1914) 749-59; Paul Grosjean “ Cat. hag. lat. bibi. Dubl.” An. Boll. X L V I i-ii (1928). 93 1. 41. Zs. f. vergl. Sprachf. now pub. at Göttingen. 94 sub-sect. (d). Scottish Gaelic Studies (Oxford, Aberdeen 1926- ). 94 1. 16. Table of contents, 1865-1922, by T. D. Shaw (London 1925). 95 1. 7. Trans: Vendryes Language (London 1925). 96 1. 37. Dinneen Foclôir new ed. (Dublin 1927). 97 sub-sect. (a). W. Wattenbach Anleitung zur lateinischen Palaeographie 4th ed. (Leipsic 1886).— W. M. Lindsay Contraction in early Latin minuscule M SS



774 PAGE

98 99 100


102 103 104 108





(St. Andrews Univ. pub. V) (Oxford 1908). — C. G. Crump, E. F. Jacob (eds.) The Legacy of the middle ages (Oxford 1926) 197-226: E. A. Lowe “ Hand­ writing” [excellent brief in trod.]. — E. K . Rand “ On the symbols of abbrevia­ tions for -tur” Speculum Jan. 1927 pp. 52-65; “ A nest of ancient notae” ibid. April 1927 pp. 160-76. Sub-sect. (b). Fr. Steffens “ Über die Abkurzungsmethoden der Schreibschule von Bobbio” Mélanges offerts à M . E. Châtelain (Paris 1910) 244-54. — Chas. Plummer “ On the colophons and marginalia of Irish scribes” Proc. Brit. Acad. 1926. sub-sect. (c). E. H. Zimmermann Vorkarolingische Miniaturen (Berlin 191618). — R. A. S. Macalister The Archaeology of Ireland (London 1928) 285-303. sect. 5. E. Cavaignac Chronologie (Paris 1925). sect. 6. M. Besnier Lexique de géographie ancienne (Paris 1914). — Lists of place-names in Irish census reports, esp. 1851, and in town-land index to ordnance maps. sub-sect. (a). E. Pittard Les races et Vhistoire (Paris 1924); trans. Race and history (London 1925). Sub-sect. (b). M. Ebert (ed.) Reallexikon der Vorge­ schichte (Berlin 1924- ) [to be completed in 15 vols.]. — V. Gordon Childe The dawn of European civilization (London 1925; 2nd ed. 1927). Sub-sect. (c). S. Feist Kultur, Ausbreitung und Herkunft der Indogermanen (Berlin 1913). — Childe The Aryans (London 1926). sub-sect. (d). R. A. S. Macalister op. cit. (add. to p. 98) [important]; Proc. RIA X X X V II (1927) C 245-62. sub-sect. (e). H. S. Crawford Handbook of carved ornament from Irish monu­ ments of the Christian period (RSAI: Dublin 1926). sub-sect. (b). O. Jones, E. Williams, W. O. Pughe The Myvyrian archaiology of Wales 3 vols. (London 1801-7), 2nd ed. 1 vol. (Denbigh 1870). sub-sect. (f). R. W. Chambers England before the Norman Conquest (London etc. 1926) [extracts from sources, with well-informed commentary]. Sub-sect, (g). Eleanor Hull A history of Ireland and her people to the close of the Tudor period (London etc. 1926) [treats pre-Norman period briefly], sect. I. Bibliog. W. Bremer in Festschrift zu Feier des L X V -Jährigen Bestehens des römisch-germanischen Central-Museums (Mainz 1927); trans. Ireland in . . . Europe (Dublin 1928).— G. Kraft Antiquity Mar. 1929 pp. 3 3-44* n. 4. J. Loth Mem. de la Soc. d'hist. et d’archéol. de Bretagne VI (1925) 137 sqqt VII (1926) i sqq\ Bosch Gimpera “ La migration des types hispaniques à Pénéolithique et au début de bronze” Rev. archéologique 1925 ii 191 sqq. n. 8. Attention was called to the Mitani names first by Hugo Winckler, Mitteil­ ungen d. deut. Orient-Gesellsch. X X X (Berlin 1907) 51. Some associated Hittite documents at Boghaz-Keui show Aryan affinities, and several petty rulers in Syria of the same epoch seem to have Aryan names. C/. Childe The Aryans (London 1926) 16-30. n. 19. L. Siret Questions de chronologie et d*ethnographie ibériques (Paris 1913). — A. Schulten Numantia I (Munich 1914). — L. Pericot La prehistoria de la peninsula Iberica (Barcelona 1923). — P. Bosch Gimpera “ Los Celtas y la arqueologia celtica en la peninsula iberica” Boletin de la Sociedad espanola de Excursiones X X IX (1923); “ Ensayo de una reconstruction de la etnologia prehistorica de la peninsula iberica” Boletin de la biblioteca Menendez Pelayo (San-







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148 150

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166 168 171

172 175 178 179 180 180 187

tander 1923); “ Die Vorgeschichte der iberischen Halbinsel seit dem Neolitikum ” Prähistorische Zs. 1924 pp. 81-130. n. 21. Recent discoveries tend to put the Celtic invasion of Spain and of Italy in Hallstatt II. Cf. supra; H. Hubert RC X X X IV (1913) 424 sqq; X L IV (1927) 78-89. n. 3 7 1.4. After “ (1924) ” : pp. 166-79. Cf. H. Obermaier Boletin de la comision provincial de monumentos historicos e artisticos de Orense V II (1923) 1 sqq.— Bol. de la Real Acad, de la hist. L X V II 164 sqq. n. 51. Loth “ Les Pietés d’après des travaux récents” Ann. de Bretagne VI h 1-6. — J. Fraser History and Etymology (Oxford 1923); “ The question of the Piets” Scottish Gaelic Studies II ii (Feb. 1928) 172-201. 1. 19. P. Charlesworth Trade routes and commerce of the Roman Empire (Cam­ bridge 1924). no. 10. Proc. RIA X X X II C iii 41-57. — Dinse Centralblatt f . Bibliothekswesen X X X (1913) 379. n. 70. R. K. McElderry “ Juvenal in Ireland” Classical Quarterly X V I15 1. 1. 20. u Chronicon imperiale” : Wrongly attributed to Prosper of Aquitaine; written in southern Gaul, perhaps at Marseilles, and completed a .d . 452. 1- 35- The Vulgate psalter is a revised text, not the translation. no. 20. D. Tardi “ Sur le vocabulaire de Virgile le Grammairien” Bulletin Du Cange 1927 i. 1. 21. R. E. M. Wheeler Prehistoric and Roman Wales (Oxford 1925). — MacN “ The native place of St. Patrick” Proc. RIA X X X V II (1926) C 118-40.— M. Cary RH C L IX (Sept.-Oct. 1928) 1-22 [summary of recent work]. n. 131. For the other side, Wheeler op. cit. no. 23. F. L o t ‘ ‘ De la valeur historique du ‘ De excidio et conquestu Britanniae’ de Gildas” Medieval Studies in memory of Gertrude Schoepperle Loomis (New York, Paris 1927) 229-64. — Z C P X V II (1925) 401-6. n. 140. Cf. G. H. Wheeler EHR Oct. 1926 pp. 497-503. n. 151. In 14th-century pedigrees (F Cymmrodor V III (1887) 83 sqq) his descent is: ‘ ‘ Brachan [= Broccán] son of Chormuc [= Cormac] son of Eurbre [= Coirbre] Gwydel 0 Iwerdon” [i.e.f “ the Irishman from Ireland” ]. 1. 40. MacN op. cit. (add. to p. 147). n. 53. MacN op. cit. 134 sqq. 1. 13. C. H. Slover “ Early literary channels between Britain and Ireland” Univ. of Texas Bulletin no. 2648 (1926) (Studies in Eng. VI) 5-52; no. 2743 (1927) (ibid. VII) 5-111. n. 63. P. Grosjean “ Cyngar Sant” An. Boll. 1923. 1. 4. “ of Wales” : the Goidelic district Demet, or Dyfed. Cf. no. 35. no. 35. C o m m : Cf. add. to p. 475 infra.— RC X L V 141-72. 1. 4. See, however, Wade-Evans Life (1923) 57.— L. 21. Del. “ to . siddl 1. 2. Scottish Gaelic Studies II i (June 1927) 1-12. no. 37 (1). G. H. Doble St. Carantoc (Cornish Saints X IV) (Shipston-on-Stour 1928). (7) St. Petroc (ibid. X I) (1927). 1. 4. Mériot ‘ ‘ Colomban ou le Christianisme dans l’Est ’ ’ Mêm. de la Soc. dyÉmu­ lation de Montbéliard 1922-3 pp. 113-264. — S. B. Curti-Pasini II culto di San Colombano in San-Colombano al Gambro (Lodi 1923). — M. V. Hay A chain of




191 191

192 194 197 199

201 205 207 207 208 208 210


223 223

224 226

229 230 242 242 251

error in Scottish history (London etc. 1927) 78 sqq [controverts anti-papal inter­ pretation]. 1. 13. F. W. Kellett “ Pope Gregory the Great and his relations with G aul” Cambridge Hist. Essays (Cambridge 1889). n. 107. In 594 Gregory sent a copy of his Liber regulae pastoralis (which Columbanus mentions here) to “ the priest Columbus.” — Epist. v 17: MGH Epist. I 299. 1. 21. E d s : Hay op. cit. 208-31 [Gundlach’s text, trans.]. no. 42 (ix). L. Traube Anzeiger f. deut. Altertum X V III (1892) 208 sq\ Vor­ lesungen u. Abhandlungen III (1920) 168-9. 1- 35* Krusch NA X L V I (1925) 148-57. n. 1 21. Cf. H. Plenkers Untersuchungen zur Überlieferungsgeschichte der ältesten lateinischen Mönchsregeln {Quellen u. Untersuch, z. lat. Philol. d. Mittelalters I iii) (Munich 1906). 1. 12. G. Morin Rev. bénédictine X X X V III (1926) 164-77. no. 49. M. Baudot Le moyen âge X X I X (1928) 120-70. 1. 7. T r a n s : Maud Joynt The Life of St. Gall (S. P. C. K .: London 1927). 1. 36. Some think by Walahfrid himself, unrevised. 1. 24. After “ 7569” : ff. 176-83 [by Bollandus from MS of Nicolas Belfort, date unknown]. 1. 31. Said to be a brother of Gall. Bibliog. G e n : J. C. MacNaught The Celtic Church and the See of Peter (Oxford 1927). T im e R e c k o n in g , etc.: A. Giry Manuel de diplomatique (Paris 1894; reprint 1925) bk. II chap, iii sect. v. — R. Steele (ed.) Compotus {Opera inedita Rogeri Baconi VI) (Oxford 1926) introd. T o n s u r e : M. Joynt Ériu X (1928) 130-4. n. 142. The Julian was the true year based on the heliacal rising of Sirius; our “ true astronomical year” is from mean equinox (or solstice) to mean equinox (or solstice). Cf. Fotheringham Ériu X i (1926) 66. 1. 31. “ Scotia” might include Iona (cf. Plummer Baedae op. hist. II 186) or even the Irish settlements in north Britain. n. 193. L. Duchesne “ La question de la Pâque au Concile de Nicée” Rev. des quest, hist. X X V III (1880) 5-42; F. Daunoy Echos d'Orient X X V III (Paris 1925) 424-44. 1. 6. H. Pierquin Les annales et conciles de Véglise d*Angleterre pendant la période anglo-saxonne (Paris 1913). 1. 22. A. S. Cook “ Sources of the biography of Aldhelm” Trans. Conn. Acad. of Arts and Sciences X X V III; “ Who was the Ehfrid of Aldhelm’s letter?’ ’ Speculum Oct. 1927 pp. 363-73. 1. 19. E d s : B. Colgrave (Cambridge 1927) [with trans.]. 1. 21. G. K . Fortescue Subject index of modern works added to the library of the British Museum I Ç 0 6 - 1 0 (London 1911) 401-2. 1. 14. E. Gwynn The Rule of Tallaght {Hermathena xliv 2nd suppl. vol.) (Dublin, London 1927) pp. xvii-xx. 1. 34. Perhaps written at Tamlachta under Máel-Rúain. 1. 4. F. J. E. Raby A history of Christian-Latin poetry from the beginning? to the close of the middle ages (Oxford 1927).




253 263 264 267 275 276 277 282 285 286 286 286 288 289 290 290 290 291

303 305 306 306



309 313

n. 285. “ The Pyrrhic accent and rhythm” Virginia Univ. Alumni Bulletin April 1923 [cf. Z C P X V (1925) 391-2]. 1. 41. Trenholme Story of Iona (Edinburgh 1909) 156-61 [Mitchell’s trans.]. 1. i. After “ 434” : W. M. Lindsay “ Columba’s Altus and the Abstrusa glos­ sary” Classical Quarterly X V II (1923) 175-99. 1. 35. After “ 323-6.” : T. de R. [the Rev. Thos. Roche] Irisleabhar Muighe Nuadhad 1910 pp. 75-6. After 1. 3: No. 186 infra may be of s VII; it has affiliations with the loricae, and Hisperic reminiscences. n. 373. Perhaps the monasteries of St. Carthach (Latinised Carthagus), i.e.r Rathan and Liss-m6r (Grosjean). Cf. p. 451. 1. 27. “ sesquivoli” : Grosjean suggests “ squirrels.” 1. 24. Possibly Irish, the name modified from one with Celtic root Catu. 1. 15. “ gloss.” Cf. Hermathena xliv (1926) p. 67. no. 1 13. Cf. ZC P X V II (1928) 371-2. 1. 33. After “ 472, 13 ” : (6th ed.) 472, 9. n. 421. Middle-Irish version LBr pp. 157-9: ed. and trans. V. Hull Z C P X V II (1928) 225-40. 1. 12. After “ 1921” : 3rd ed. 1924. 1. 8. Vol. X L V I i-ii (1928) has the important “ Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum bibliothecarum Dubliniensium,” by Paul Grosjean. I.30. After “ 1906” : 3rd ed. 1927. 1. 38. After “ no. 2” : expanded as Sanctus Essai sur le culte des saints dans r antiquité (Brussels 1927). 1. 45. After “ (Paris 1912) ” : Delehaye Les origines du culte des martyrs (Brussels 1912). 1. 4. Irène Snieders (posthum.) “ L ’influence de l’hagiographie irlandaise sur les vitae des saints irlandais de Belgique” RHE X X IV (July, Oct. 1928) 596627, 827-67. n. 48. Eng. trans. G. C. Bateman, additions by author (London 1927). 1. 30. Grosjean op. cit. {add. to p. 289) 98-100, 109-11. I.22. Grosjean loc. cit. 112-5. n. 56. Cf. Grosjean loc. cit. 116-8. Maynooth 3 G 1 belonged to the Chandos collection, and, later, to Charles O’Connor of Belanagare. Grosjean found pas­ sages where Colgan’s texts agree with it rather than with either Marsh’s or the T C D MS. — Among hagiologists these two MSS are commonly designated “ M ” and “ T ” respectively. But in the present work “ Cod. K ” designates Marsh’s MS, without prejudice to the question whether it is actually the vol. originally so named. After 1. 29: Cambridge Corp. Christ. Coll. 405 (from the Hospitallers, Water­ ford: see M. R. James’s Cat. II) has interesting lessons drawn from Lives of Irish saints. 1. 40. Ó Buagachain, or Ó Buadachain, was not a scribe of Bk. Lis., but of “ the short Book of Úa Buadachain, ” whence Life of Find-chú was copied into Bk. Lis. O’Buadachain took it from Bk. Monasterboice. Cf. Plummer Mise, hag. Hib. Cat. no. 36; Grosjean Êriu X ii 162. no. 120. BM Eg. 180 is copy of Stowe A. 4. 1, by Muiris Ó Gormáin c 1780-1. 1. i i . M a y n o o t h 3 G 1 p p . 3 5 -4 7 .


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314 314 314 316 320 321 329 .334 337 340 341

344 345 347 348

348 348 350 351

351 353 354 354 356 356 360 361


12. (ii) Helueus episcopus beatissimus Hybemie insule alter Patritius . . . [as (i)]. 1. 17. After “ 132-5 Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 62-9. n. 83. MGH Auct. antiq. X III (1Chron. min. III) 221-2. no. 124. MSS: (i) BM Eg. 91 s X V ff. 42-4 [cf. Flower Cat. 444]. I.44. After “ 1911 Eng. trans. 1912. 1. 18. Grosjean “ Patriciana” An. Boll. X L III iii-iv (1925) 241-60.— MacN Journ. R S A I LV II (1928) 1-21. 1. 30. Grosjean loc. dt. 241-50. 1. 14. Grosjean loc. dt. 255-6. no. 131. Zimmermann Vorkarolingische Miniaturen (Berlin 1916) pis. 206-7. — Grosjean op. dt. {add. to p. 289) 82-3. 1. 15. Grosjean op. dt. {add. to p. 321) 250-5. — M acN Proc. R IA X X X V II (1926) C 123 [suggests that author was Aed of Slébte]. 1. 4. MSS: Brussels Bibl. roy. sér. I I 1124 (Phillipps 4705) [Grosjean’s collation — incomplete — piakes it almost certain that this is Colgan’s Aulne MS]. — Cambrai 816 (721) s X V f. i45v. 1. 29. Cf. Ifor Williams Bull, of the Board of Celtic Studies IV (1927) 58-60. 1. 19. After “ important]” : ; “ Die Verbalformen der Vita Tripartita” ibid. X V I iii (1927) 411-52. Cf. RC X L V 100. no. 140. Cf. Bollandists, Bibl. hag. lat. no. 6513. Date: 1181 x 1185. Cister­ cians came from Furnes, Benedictines from Chester. 1. 7. R. Flower “ A Glastonbury fragment from West Pennard” Notes and Queries for Somerset and Dorset X V II pt. cxxxvi (1923) has part of an AngloNorman poem on Patrick, Benignus and Brigit from a MS of s X III. An. Boll. X L III iii-iv (1925) 355-6 lists an unidentified Life in Novare MS L X X V II (73) s X III pt. ii ff. i-8 v, and Grosjean mentions another in Paris Arsenal 300 s X II f. 224v. 1. 22. Patrick O’Neill M il na mBeach 34-5 [from Maynooth copies of Bk. Lis.]. 1. 25. BM Add. 30512 s X V f. iyy [cf. Flower Cat. pp. xxxiv, 477]. — T C D 1285 (H. 1 . 11) A .D . 1752 f. i i 8 v [copy of preceding]. no. 142 (i). Cf. Studies Dec. 1926 pp. 660-1. 1. 15. Ir. Life has Lat. passage, perhaps fragment of an ancient text, claiming certain places near Tuam for the paruchia Patricii. — On Anglo-Norman poem, cf. add. to p. 348 1. 7 supra, and An. Boll. X L III iii-iv (1925) 258-60. n. 181. Cf. J. Duhr “ Le De Fide of Bachiarius” RHE X X IV (1928) i 5-40, ii 301-31 [cf. Rev. bénédictine X L (1928): “ Bull, d’anc. litt, chrét.” p. [286]]. 1. 7. Cf. Grosjean A A . SS. Boll. 9 Nov. IV 167-8; An. Boll. X L III iii-iv (1925) 256-8. 1. 24. BM Eg. 92 f. 29v. no. 146. G. Waterhouse Hermathena xliv (1926) 30-51. 1. i sqq. Roger of Wendover gives date, and statement that Owen was a fol­ lower of Stephen. Neither follows from Henry’s narrative. (Waterhouse). 1. 3. “ Louth” : in Lincolnshire. n. 218. After “ 123” : and other MSS of no. 152 (i) infra. 1. 32. Cambridge Corp. Christ. Coll. 405 [frag.]. — T C D 1104 [transcript by Reeves of a MS — Bradshaw thought not later than s IX — which in 1875 was




362 362 362 364 365 365 366 378 381 381 381 381 382 382 385 386

386 387 388 390 392 392

393 393 393

393 393 394 395

395 396

397 398

in the possession of the Rev. T . W. Carson; original in a continental hand, and having in one place “ praecones” for “ Britones,” suggesting the ancient “ Pretones.” (Grosjean, who expects to edit the Vita in An. Boll.)] — T C D 179 (E. 4. 10) s X V II [Ussher’s copy of a Cottonian M S — now lost — with variants from Stephen White’s transcript of a Ratisbon MS used by Colgan and the Bollandists — also lost]. — Dublin Marsh’s Lib. Z 4. 5. 12 s X V II ex [Marsh’s copy of preceding]. 1. 30. MSS: BM Eg. 91 ff. 58-62v [imperfect]; Eg. 136 a .d . 1630 f. 79 [frag.]. 1. 37. After “ 31-6 ” : [Grosjean believes from Vorlage of s VIII/IX ]. 1. 37, at end. Other extracts in A A. SS. Boll. 10 Nov. IV 502. 1. 36. After “ 201 s q q — Dublin Fran. Con. A. 24 pp. 244-50. — Maynooth 3 G i pp. 69-78 [all MSS imperfect]. 1. 5. After “ 769-78” : [Colgan’s abbrev. trans, of Brussels 2324-40 (Grosjean)]. 1. 8. Cf. Flower Cat. pp. xxxiv, 447. 1. 7. MSS: BM Add. 19995 s X V f. 2 [frag., 11 stanzas]. 1. 16 end. Dublin Fran. Con. A 24 pp. 104-11. 1. 7. MSS: BM Eg. 92 5 X V f. i7 v. 1. 8. F M s. a. 539. 1. 23. Cf. RTh Ir. Sage 282 n. 2; Z C P X IV 306. 1. 31. MSS: Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324-40 f. 84. 1. 15. After “ 259” : BM Eg. 92 f. 26v. 1. 16. G. Dottin Manuel d’irlandais moyen II (Paris 1913) 119-23. 1. 32. Dublin Fran. Con. A 24 pp. 187-94. After 1. 4. Early poem on Colum: Ni bu cráeb crínfhedo . . . úas chiunn chuiri chráeb. 11 11. MSS: Bodl. Rawl. B 502 f. i22v. — L L 315. E d : K M Learning in Ireland in the fifth century (Dublin 1913) 18-19, 29. Ascribed to a Mongán éces mac Echach. 1.10. After “ 74-6” : Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 219-23. 1. 37. Cf. Flower Cat. 462-5. n. 49. Cf. Flower Cat. 464. 1. 6. After “ i2v ” : Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 152-9. 1. 16. After “ 53 sqq” : Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 129-34. 1. 19. After “ 1 7 3 A A. SS. Boll. N o v . IV 500. 1. 16. After “ Amen.” : (ii) almost as (i). 1 . 1 9 . Cod. S ff. i o 8~9v , i 19 , i n , 1 1 3 - 4 . 1. 21. After “ n o v sqq.” : Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 171-5. 1- 23. Cf. Studies Dec. 1926 pp. 662-4. no. 186. Eds: O. B. Schlutter Amer. Journ. of Philol. X X (1899) 71-4. — A A. SS. Boll. Nov. IV 503. 1. 23. (iii): Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 175-82. 1. 21. MSS: R IA Hodges & Smith 150 p. 168. — Cambridge Univ. Lib. Add. 4183 pp. 165-6. n- 85* K M “ Zur keltische Wortkunde” II Sitzungsh. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. philos.-hist. Cl. 1912 pp. 1144 SQQ no. 36; E. Gwynn RIA Todd Lect. Ser. X I (1924) 417. 1. 29. MSS (i): Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 138-45. 1. i i . After “ E ast” : (i.e.} as Plummer suggests — Cat. no.123 — Britain). 1. 17. MSS (ii): Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 159-67.




399 1. 30. MSS (iii): Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 182-90. 400 n. 122. To Plummets MS add: BM Eg. 92 ff. 16, 3ov. 401 After 1. 17: Transcripts of present Bk. Fen.: R IA 23 P 8 [by O’D]; BM Eg. 186 [of certain poems, by Richard Plunket, c 1777]. Copies of poems from “ the Old Book of Fenagh” are in Bodl. Rawl. B 514 [cf. E. C. Quiggin “ Prolegomena to the study of the later Irish bards” Proc. Brit. Acad. V (1911) 46 the Book of the O’Conor Don [cf. Douglas Hyde Ériu V III i (1915) 78 sqq]\ and a MacClean MS in Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Part of poem “ Enna dalta Cairpri cruaid” (Bk. Fen. 330 sqq) in Todd Irish version of Nennius (IAS: Dublin 1868) append, pp. civ sqq. 401 1. 38. MSS (Lat. i): Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 167-71. Unidentified Lat. Life in Cambridge Corp. Christ. Coll. 405. 402 1. 4. MSS: (Ir. ii) BM Add. 39665 a .d . 1807 ff. 107-12; 18948 a .d . 1829-35 ff. 32-8. 403 1- 37- MSS: (i) Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 103-13. (ii) Dublin Fran. Con. A. 24 405



413 413 415

416 416 416 418 4 19

4 19

420 422 422 422 422

PP- 95- 911. 7 sqq. MSS: (i) Dublin Fran. Con. A. 24 pp. 194-206. — (iii) Maynooth 3 G i 21-3 [frag.]. Eds: Grosjean An. Boll. X L V I i—ii (1928) 122-3 [Cod. K]: 1 24-141 [(i)]. C o m m e n t a r i e s : H. L. D. Ward Catalogue of romances in the British Museum II (London 1893) 516. — W. F. Thrall “ Vergil’s Aeneid and the Irish imrama: Zimmer’s theory” Modern Philology X V (Dec. 1917) 65-90; “ Clerical sea pil­ grimages and the imrama” Manly anniversary studies (Chicago 1923) 276-83. 1. 6. A. Cabassut “ La mitigation des peines de l’enfer d’après les livres litur­ giques ” RH E (Jan. 1927) 65-70; L. Gougaud “ La croyance au répit périodique des damnés dans les légendes irlandaises” Ann. de Bretagne: Mélanges bretons et celtiques offerts à M. J . Loth (Rennes 1927). 1. 6. After “ K ” : ff. 56v-64v; Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 83-100. 1- 39- After “ 9 ” : by Donnell* son of Teigue junior, O’Sullivan, a .d . 1640; careless; Black Book derived from Bk. Lis. (Grosjean, from Plummer’s papers). (NB2). Eds: E . G . R . W a te r s The Anglo-Norman Voyage of St. Brendan by Benedeit (O x fo rd 1928). (NB3). E ds: Waters op. cit. 1. 35. After “ MacParthalain” : this part by anonymous scribe c 1484 (Flower Cat. 526). 1. 41. Cf. A. C. L. Brown “ The wonderful flower that came to Brendan” Manly anniversary studies (Chicago 1923) 295 sqq. no. 207. Eds: D. T . Brosnan AH I 362-3. no. 208 (ii). Modern copy recently added to T C D . — Part of matter in no. 603 infra. no. 208 (iv). Eds: T . de Roiste M il na mBeach 33-4. no. 208 (v). Ed. by de Roiste, ibid. pp. 32-3. I.3. (ii): As (i). 1. 8. After “ 19 ” : pp. 542-53. no. 211. MSS: (iii) BM Add. 18948 ff. 46-9v. — Cambridge Univ. Lib. Add. 4183 pp. 178-84. (iv) Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 100-3. sect. I l l Bibliog. W. Douglas Simpson The origins of Christianity in Aberdeen­ shire (Aberdeen 1925) [cf. RHE July-Oct. 1925 p. 666]; The historical Saint




426 431

433 435 436 437 439 440 442 442 443 444



447 449 451 452 455 457 460 461 463 465 465

Columba (Aberdeen 1927) [cf. The Month CL (1927) 312-20; Scottish Gaelic Studies II i (June 1927) 106-8; An. Boll. X L V I i-ii (1928) 197-9: argues that the northern Piets received Christianity from Candida Casa, Bangor and Glas­ gow, not at the hands of Columba]. — Leclercq “ Iona” Diet, d’archéol. chrêt. et de liturgie. — Wm. J. Watson The history of the Celtic place-names of Scotland (Edinburgh 1926). 1. 17. B M Eg. 1782: cf. Flower Cat. 263-6. 1. 19. Watson op. cit. (add. to p. 422). no. 215. MSS: BM Eg. 91 ff. 22-6v. E ds: Grosjean Scottish Gaelic Studies II ii (Feb. 1928) 111-7 1 (Nat. Lib. text, trans.) no. 219 (ii). MSS: BM Eg. 91 f. 26. 1. 17. B y Eoghan carrach O’Siaghail (Flower Cat. 543). (ix). MSS: BM Eg. 2899 c a .d . 1500 f. iii. — Dublin Fran. Con. A 35 pp. 442-3 [“ Sgiathluireach Choluim Cille”]. — (xvii). BM Add. 30512 f. 34. (xliv). New ed. of O’Keamey, Dublin 1925. — (xlvi). BM Add. 30512 f. 41*; 33993 f. i6v. — Brussels Bibl. roy. 5100-4 f. 26v. (lx). Edinburgh Nat. Lib. Scot. Gael. V f. 10: Mackinnon Catalogue 81-2. — (lxix). MSS: BM Add. 30512 f. 42. no. 221. J. Vendryes “ À propos d’un quatrain annonçant la naissance de Colum Cille ” RC X L V (1928) 93-101. 1. 33. Expi. uncertain: order of leaves wrong. no. 222. MSS: Dublin Fran. Con. A 24 pp. 27-31. no. 226. Seymour Proc. RIA X X X V II (1927) C 304-12. After 1. 21 : The relics of Adamnán were deposited ultimately at the place thence called Serin Adamnáin [A.’s shrine], Skreen, co. Sligo. Poem “ A maccáin na smith . . . ” 19 quatrains. MSS: LL 37ov; BM Harl. 5280 f. 42; Brussels Bibl. roy. 2324-40 f. 83, 4190-200 f. 31 [probably from LL]. E d : L. Gwynn A H IV 199-214. Cf. 1ER 1914 p. 457. Describes contents of reliquary. no. 229. E ds: (i) Cf. Hermathena xliv (1926) 67-8. C omm: W. F. Thrall “ The Legend of Snedgus and Mac Riagla, clerics of Colum Cille” Univ. of Chicago abstracts of theses Humanistic ser. vol. I 409-14; “ Clerical sea pilgrimages and the imrama” Manly anniversary studies (Chicago 1923) 276-83; “ The historical setting of the legend of Snedgus and Mac R iagla” Studies in Philology X X II iii (Chapel Hill, N. C. July 1925) 347-82. 1. 29. After “ -20” : Sitzungsb. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. X V I (1891) 295-9. no. 230. MSS: (iii) Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 209-14. E ds : (vii) An tEaglaiseach Gaedhealach Mar. 1919 p. 8 [extract]. no. 232. MSS: (iii) Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 256-8. no. 234. MSS: (ia) Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 23-35. no. 239. MSS: Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 120-9. no. 243. MSS: Cf. add. to p. 308. — Edinburgh Nat. Lib. Scot. Gael. X X IV ff. 1-8.— Cambridge Univ. Lib. Add. 4183 pp. 187-8 [one poem]. no. 246. MSS: (i) Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 134-8. no. 248. MSS: (i) Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 113-20. no. 251 (i). Cf. R. M. Smith “ The Speculum Principum in early Irish literature ” Speculum Oct. 1927 pp. 411-45, esp. 435-6. 1. 9. After “ 206 sqq” : also p. x, beginning only. 1. 34. Cf. Flower Cat. 571-2.




466 1. 20. After “ 23 O 41” : pp. 236-40. 467 no. 262. MSS: Maynooth 3 G 1 pp. 78-82 [frag.]. 469 n. 307. A modem, or modernised, dialogue between Mael-Rúain and MaelDithruib is in BM Eg. 187 a .d . 1686 f. 13 ; 146 s X IX f. Ç2V; and other MSS. Eds: O’Kearney op. oil. [p. 439 xliv: cf. aid.]. — J. H. Lloyd Gaelic Journ X IV (190s) 838-9. 471 no. 264. Fran. G 36 has 10 ff., c a .d. 1635; by an Irish Franciscan of Louvain, probably Colgan: Mod. Ir. rendering of a more extensive redaction of the “ Notes” ; ends imperfect. Ed : E. Gwynn ‘‘ The Rule of Tallaght” Herma­ thena no. xliv (2nd suppl. vol.) (Dublin, London 1927) [pp. 104-9: emendations to ed. in Proc. RIA X X IX ]. 472 no. 266. Ed : E. Gwynn op. cit. [preceding add.] 65-87, 97-103. — Almost all earlier part is in one or both redactions of no. 264; latter part resembles “ Riagail Pàtraie” (Êriu I 216-24). 473 no. 267. Speculum Oct. 1927 p. 435 n. 2. 473 n. 321. To Fothad are ascribed 2 quatrains on repentance, of later date. MSS: BM Harl. 5280 f. 35v. — R IA 23 N 10. Ed : K M Z C P V II 299. 474 no. 268 (i). MSS: BM Add. 30512 ff. 45v-6. 475 After 1. 17: An unallotted rule for clerics: Cid is dech do clerech . . . . MSS: LBr 260; T C D 1336 (H. 3. 17) s X V -X V I cols. 837-9; Dublin Fran. Con. A 9 s X V pp. 27-8. Ed : Mac Eclaise 1ER 4th ser. X X V III (1910) 475-9, X X IX (1911) 289-93. 475 1. 21. L. Gougaud “ Étude sur YOrdo monasticus de Culross” RHE X X III iv (Oct. 1927) 764-78 [relationship with Rhygyfarch’s Life of St. David (no. 35); ordo a late derivative from vita]. 475 no. 269. MSS: BM Eg. 92 f. 17,. — Lib. Flav. Ferg. pt. I f. 2ov. 476 no. 270. T rans: D. MacLean The Law of the Lordfs Day in the Celtic Church (Edinburgh 1926) [(c); with comm.; cf. RC X L III (1926) 448-51; An. Boll. X L V I i-ii (1928) 206-9]. C o m m : H. Dumaine “ Dimanche” Diet, d'archêol. chrêt. et de liturgie IV i 858-994. — Flower Cat. 307-10. — W. R. Halliday Speculum Jan. 1927 pp. 73-8. — H. Delehaye “ Un exemplaire de la lettre tombée du ciel” Recherches de science religieuse X V III (Num. extraord. i-ii) (Feb.-April 1928) 164-9. 477 After 1. 34: Late metrical version of Cdin: Dénaid cáin domnaig Dé dil . . . . MSS: Dublin Fran. Con. A 9 p. 39; BM Add. 4783 f. 7. Ed : J. G. O’Keefe Êriu III (1907) 143-7 [from Fran. MS]. 482 After I.16 : Baile Bricin. Bái Bricíni Túama Drecan . . . ol int aingiul. MSS: BM Harl. 5280 ff. 46-8; Eg. 1782 ff. 17-9. E d : K M Z C P EX 449-57. 0-1 text; revelation to St. Bricin, abbot of Túaim-Drecain (Toomregan, on borders of Cavan and Fermanagh?) of the nicknames, monasteries, and periods of abba­ tial rule of the saints of Ireland. 484 no. 276. Cf. Flower Cat. 512 re list in BM Eg. 92 f. 17. 484 no. 278. Attached is a poem on the patron saints of the chief divisions of Ire­ land: Hú Néill uile ar cul Coluim . . . 4 quatrains. LL 367. E d : Brosnan 361-2. Cf. Z C P X V I (1927) 453- 7486-7 Bibliog. J. H. A. Ebrard Die iroschottische Missionskirche (Gütersloh 1875) [tendencious]. — Helen Waddell The wandering scholars (London 1927) 28-63 [haut vulgarisation]. — Jos. P. Fuhrmann Irish mediaeval monasteries on the




490 500 500 502 502 503 509 510 510 511





Continent (Washington, D. C. 1927). — Gerard Murphy “ Scotti Peregrini” Studies X V II (Mar., June, 1928) 39-50, 228-44. — P. W. Finsterwalder “ Wege und Ziele der irischen und angelsächsischen Mission im fränkischen Reich” Z K X L V II ii. — Snieders op. cit. (add. to p. 291). n. 9. Cf. A A . SS. Boll. Nov. II i p. [93]. 1. 10. Snieders op. cit. n. 31. E. de Moreau St. Amand (Louvain 1927) [cf. Van der Essen RHE X X IV (Jan. 1928) 155-9]. I.5 . After “ 75 sqq"-. [cf. Z C P V 434 n. 6]. 1. i i . Kirwan 1ER 1912 pp. 170-87. 1. 23. [Comm, praev. by De Buck, pp. 380-1, has summary re Irish in Belgium, and relations with Karlings]. no. 310. Cf. M. Coens An. Boll. X X X IV -X X X V 306-30; A. Hofmeister MGH SS X X X pt. II fase, i (1926). no. 312. C omm: J. Corblet Hagiographie du diocèse d1Amiens IV (Paris 1874) 417-25 [bibliog.]. — J. Vendryes RC X L IV (1927) 101-8. no. 314. C omm: A. Stracke “ De oud-dietsche legende der H. Dimphna” Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis X V I (1926) 1-27. sect. III. Bibliog. Cf. p. 486. — J. D. Schöpflin Alsatia illustrata 2 vols. (Colmar 1751-61). — P. A. Grandidier Histoire ecclésiastique . . . d1Alsace (Strasburg 1787). — C. I. Hefele Geschichte der Einführung des Christenthums in südwestlichen Deutschland (Tübingen 1837). — P. Heber Die vorkarolingischen christlichen Glaubensboten am Rhein (Frankfort 1858). — Falk “ Schottenklöster im Eisass” Katholik 1868 pp. 309 sqq. — Also the works of Greith and Hauck (pp. 109, 106 supra). After 1. 4: St. Arbogast, bishop of Strasburg (d. 21 July 678?), and his successor, St. Florentius (d. 7 Nov. 687?), reputed Irish: Life of A. by Utho, b. of Stras­ burg 950-65. E d s : A A . SS. Boll. Jul. V 168-79. — Grandidier Hist, de Véglise et des évêques de Strasbourg I (Strasburg 1776) pièces justif. — Migne P L C X X X IV 1003-8. Several late vitae of F. E d s : Surius De probatis SS. his­ toriis VI 136-7. — Grandidier loc. cit. — A A . SS. Boll. Nov. I l l 395 sqq. C omm: Hist. lit. de la France III (1735) 621-2. — Tanner Bibl. Brit.-Hib. (1748) 47, 288. — Wattenbach DGQ1 I 135. — Postina Römische Quartalschrift X II (1898) 299-305 (cf. An. Boll. X V III19 1). — Hogan 1ER 1902 pp. 481-90. no. 319. T rans: Jos. Schlecht Die Korbinians-Legende nach der Handschrift des Klosters Weihenstephan (Freising 1924). C omm: B. Sepp Zehntes Sammelblatt des Historischen Vereins Freising (Freising 1915) 22-9. — B. Arnold Das Leben des hl. Korbinian (Freising 1924). — A. M. Zimmerman I I I Jahresbericht d. bay. Benedikt.-Akad. 1924 (Metten 1925) 1-20. no. 320. C omm: M. Huber “ Der hl. Otto und seine Klosterstiftung Altomün­ ster” in J. Schlecht (ed.) Wissenschaftl. Festgabe z. zwölfhundertjährigen Jubiläum d. hl. Korbinian (Munich 1924) 209-44. no. 322a. C ommentary: M. Görringer Pirminius Geschichte des linken Rheinufers (Zweibrücken 1841). — Hogan 1ER 1894 pp. 405 sqq. — Fink Dritter Jahresbericht der bayer. Benedikt.-Akad. 1924 pp. 22 sqq. — K . Beyerle (ed.) Die Kultur der Abtei Reichenau 2 pts. (Munich 1925). — Fuhrmann op. cit. (add. to pp. 486-7) 41-53 [valuable]. — Gall Jecker Die Heimat des kt. Pirmin (Beitr. z. Gesch. d. alt. Mönchtums u. d. Benediktinerordens X III) (Münster-in-W. 1927) [in-





eludes ed. of Scarapsus; Pirmin from Spain or south-western France — probably near Narbonne]. — Four charters re the beginnings of Murbach — officially known as “ Vivarius Peregrinorum,” and traditionally a colony of “ Scotti” (Murbacher Annals — compiled s X V I: Anzeiger f. Schweiz. Geschichte IV (1882-5) 167; Schöpffin Alsatia illustrata I (Colmar 1751) 737): (1) M ay 13, 728: Privilege from Bishop Widegem of Strasburg: Schöpffin Alsatia diplomatica I (Mannheim 1772) 10-3 [defective]; P. A. Grandidier Histoire de Vêglise . . . de Strasbourg I (Strasburg 1776) pièces justif. 39; Pardessus Diplomata II (Paris 1849) 352-5; A A . SS. Boll. Nov. II i 16; cf. Fuhrmann^o. (2) July 12, 728: Charter from King Theodoric IV: Schópffin I 7 sq; Grandidier I Pièces justif. 37; Pardessus II 351; MGH Dipl. reg. Franc. I 84 no. 95; A A. SS. Boll. Nov. H i 15. (3) 731/732: Charter from Eberhard, count of Alsace: Schöpffin I 8, 14; Pardessus II 363 sq; A A. SS. Boll. Nov. II i 18. (4) 735x737: Charter from Eberhard: Schöpffin I 8-10; Pardessus II 255-7; A A . SS. Boll. Nov. II i 17 sq. [Cf. W. Levison “ Die Urkunden des Elsassischen Grafen Eberhard” NA X X V II (1902) 368-88.] Murbach exempted from diocesan control; occupied by “ peregrini monachi” ; one of a community of “ monasteries of Bishop Pirmin” containing such monks: — facts suggesting an Irish, or at least Celtic, character. — Amulfsau (Schwarzach, Bavaria) was of same class: cf. charter of 748 from Bishop Heddo: Schöpffin I 17-9; Pardessus II 408-11; Gallia Christiana V 458; Wasserschieben Die irische Kanonensammlung (Leipsic 1885) pp. xlvi sq. Heddo also endowed the monastery of Ettenheim (in Baden); — the founder, St. Landelin, was regarded as Irish: Grandidier op. cit.; Migne P L X C V I 1547; Hefele Geschichte d. Einführung d. Christenthums i. s.-w. Deutschland (1837) 333; Bibl. hag. lot. no. 701-2. The word “ peregrini,” in the Frankish dominions in the 8th cent., may have had the special connotation of “ Irish missionary monks” : J. Friedrich Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands II (Bamberg 1869) 602; cf. Fuhrmann op. cit. 49. — This movement, especially the foundations of Pirmin and that at Honau (no. 335), was helped by the family of Erchinoald {cf. pp. 496, 500 supra). His son Leudesius {cf. p. 496) left a son, Adalric, or Ettico, duke of Alsace. Adalric’s children were Duke Adelbert of Alsace, Bothelo, Haicho, Bleon, St. Odilia, abbess of Hohenburg (no. 323), and Eugenia, her successor. Of the next generation were Duke Luitfrid, Count Eberhard, and Bishop Heddo of Strasburg (previously abbot of Reichenau in succession to Pirmin), sons of Adelbert; Boronus, son of Bothelo; Hugo, son of Haicho; and Hugo, son of Bleon. no. 324 (i). T r a n s : E. Kylie The English correspondence of St. Boniface: The King's Classics (London 1911) ;reprint inMedieval LibraryX IX (London 1924) [part.].

523 no. 329. Lynn Thorndike Isis V I iii (1924) 369-70. 528-9 no. 335 (i). E d s : Mabillon Annales ordinis s. Benedicti II 699 no. x v ii.— J. G. Eccard Origines familiae Habsburgo (Leipsic 1721) 105 no. xii. — Grandi­ dier Hist, de Vêglise de Strasbourg II (Strasburg 1778) 108 no. lxiv. — Migne P L X C V II 927.— (ii). E ds : Schöpffin Alsatia diplomatica I (Mannheim 1772) 49 no. li. The following charters also relate to Honau while it was an Irish establishment: (i) June 21, 723: Grant from Boronus {cf. add. to p. 518). (2) Sept. 17, 723: Grant from Haicho. (3) Dec. 11, 723: Grant from Duke Luitfrid and Eberhard. (4) 748: Grant from Boronus. (5) M ay 29, 748: Grant from Hugo, son of Bleon. (6) Oct. 22, 749: Grant from Bodolus. (7)






542 543 551 553 555 559

561 563 569

571 572

Sept. 15, 758: Grant of immunity, by Pippin the Short. (8) 758/759: Con­ firmation of possessions and privileges, by Pippin. (9) March, 770: Grant of immunity, by Carloman; similar to no. 7. (10) June 9, 775: Confirmation of earlier grants, by Charles the Great. (11) Dec., 775: Award to Honau, by Charles the Great, of property claimed by Corbie. (12) Jan., 778: Grant of immunity, by Charles the Great: similar to no. 7. (13) Oct. 17, 781: Grant of freedom from tolls, by Charles the Great. MSS: Only relatively modem copies exist. Mabillon’s texts were from a codex of the church of Old St. Peter’s, Strasburg (to which the ecclesiastical establishment of Honau had been trans­ ferred), copied in 1079 by Leo, canon of Honau (loc. cit. 59). E ds : Mabillon 695-700 [nos. 1-6, 8-13]. — Eccard 102-5 [nos. 8-13]. — Bouquet V 705, 720, 739, 745 [nos. 8, 9, 12, 13]. — Schöpflin 35, 43, 49-52 [nos. 8-13]. — Grandidier 88-9, 101, 121, 129, 140 [nos. 7-10, 12, 13]. — Migne P L X C V I 1531; 1533, I 545J 1577 (also X C V II 919); X C V II 957; 954; 961; 967 [nos. 7-13I. — Mühlbacher MGH Dipl. Karol. I (1906) 14-7, 69-70 143-4, i55“ 6, 187-8 [nos. 7-12]. After 1. 14: Tradition said that Charles the Great placed an Irishman, Patto (d. 788?), over a monastery at “ Amarbic;” that Patto became bishop of Verden (Hanover); and that he was succeeded in each by another Irishman, Tanco (d. 808?). Cf. Colgan A A. SS. 794-5, 348-9; 4 .4 . SS. Boll. Mar. I l l 844 (3rd ed. 840-1), Feb. II 889 (890). no. 338. T rans: S. E. Turner (New York 1880). C omm: F. Ganshof “ Notes critiques sur Éginhard” Rev. belge de philol. et d'hist. 1924 pp. 725-58 [contra Halphen]. no. 350. Cf. Z C P X IV (1923) 426. no. 351 (ii). Cf. M. L. W. Laistner Speculum July 1928 pp. 392-7. 1. 17. New ed. by L. Levillain: I (Paris 1927) (1Classiques de Vhist. de Fr. au m. â. X ). sect. VII. Bïbliog.: Waddell op. cit. {add. to pp. 486-7) 60 sqq. n. 163. E. K . Rand Speculum Jan. 1927 pp. 58 sqq. 1. 25. Téicht do Róim . . . . 2 quatrains. F. 23 marg. inf. E d s : WS Goidelica * (1872) 18. — HZ Glossae hib. (1881) 264. — EW Berichte d. kgl. sächs. Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. 1890 p. 84 [RC X II 153-4]. — Thés. Pal. II 296. Cf. LH * II 191. no. 365. C omm: E. K. Rand “ Mediaeval gloom and mediaeval uniformity” Speculum July 1926 pp. 253-68 [with trans, of no. lxxxi]. no. 370. C/. E. Munding Abt-Bischof Waldo (Beuron 1924) app. sect. VIII. Bibliog.: Vernet Diet, de théologie catholique V (1913) 401-34 [val­ uable; good bibliog.]. — É. Gilson Études de philosophie médiévale (Pub. de la fac. des lettres de Vuniv. de Strasbourg III) (Strasburg 1921) 1-14. — C. R. S. Harris in Crump and Jacob (eds.) Legacy of the middle ages (Oxford 1926) 229-34. — L. J. Walker “ The theistic philosophy of Erigena and Anselm” Dublin Rev. C L X X IX (Oct.-Dec. 1926). 1. 9. After “ 1925) ” : Cf. History July 1927 pp. 152-3, April 1928 p. 32. n. 212. Hilduin of St. Denis, Walahfrid Strabo, Christian of Stavelot and Heiric of Auxerre show some knowledge of Greek. Possibly all had undergone Irish influence. On Christian cf. M. L. W. Laistner “ A 9th-century commenta­ tor on the gospel according to M atthew” Harvard Theological Rev. X X (Cam-




bridge, Mass. 1927) 129-49. Stavelot, founded by St. Remade c 645, may have had Irish connections. Cf. Fr. Baix Étude sur Vabbaye de Stavelot-Malmêdy I (Charleroi, Paris, 1924). 574 n. 214. After “ 1866” : and by Dick, 1925. 574 n. 215. E d : Cl. Bäumker and B. S. von Waltershausen Frühmittelalterliche Glossen des angeblichen Jepa zur Isagoge des Porphyrius (Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Philos. d. Mittelalters X X IV i) (Münster 1924). Eds. conclude author was not Dunchad, but belonged to s IX and to school of Auxerre. 580 n. 241. Cf. Le moyen âge 2nd ser. X X V 1 11-53. 582 no. 389 (iii). C o m m : P. G. Théry “ Inauthenticité du commentaire de la théologie mystique attribué à Jean Scot Erigène” La vie spirituelle III (1922) pp

591 594

594 596

597 598 600 605


- [13 7H 1S 3 ]-

1. 12.

Cf. Laistner “ Abbo of St. Germain-des-Prés ” Bulletin Du Cange I (1924) 27-31. sect. IX . Bibliog.: Rombaut Van Doren Étude sur Vinfluence musicale de ! abbaye de Saint-Gall (Louvain 1925). — Leclercq “ Gall, Saint-, Abbaye de” Diet, d'archêol. chrêt. et de liturgie. — Joynt op. cit. {add. to p. 207) introd. 1. 15. After “ influences” : Cf. Speculum 1927 pp. 354-6. 1. 15. After “ 1878” : 2nd ed. by P. Butler, 1925. no. 413. Cf. Krusch NA X X X V 275. 1. 28. E. Schlumpf Z s . f . Schweiz. Kirchengeschichte July 1927 pp. 142-51. no. 417. Cf. Fuhrmann op. cit. {add. to pp. 486-7) 54 sqq. sect. X I. Bibliog.: E. Hauswirth Abriss einer Geschichte der BenedictinerAbtei U. L. F . zu den Schotten in Wien (Vienna 1858). — M. Wieland “ Das Schottenkloster zu St. Jakob in Würzburg” Archiv d. hist. Vereins v. Unterfranken u. Aschaffenburg X V I (1863) ii 1-182. — Johann Meier Das ehemalige Schottenkloster St. Jakob in Regensburg und dessen Grundherrschaft (Stadtamhof 1910). — Fuhrmann op. cit. 73 sqq. I.5. After “ 58” : (Leipsic 1856) [trans. Reeves UJA 1859 pp. 227-47, 295-

313]no. 424. Cf. Robinson Two Glastonbury legends (Cambridge 1926); C. H. Slover “ William of Malmesbury and the Irish” Speculum July 1927 pp. 268-83. 607 n. 296. Cf. A A . SS. Boll. 9 Nov. IV 169-70. 608 1. 3. After “ monastery” : Also in Life by Osbern of Canterbury, c 1090. E d s : Mabillon A A . SS. 0. s. B. V 659-88. — Wharton Anglia sacra II 88-120. — A A . SS. Boll. Mai. IV 359-84. — Migne P L C X X X V II 407-56. — Stubbs op. cit. pp. xxxi, 69-161. 608 n. 303. Maccalan’s first monastery was St.-Michel-en-Thiérache: he afterwards returned, leaving Cadroe in charge of W aulsort 613 1. 21. After “ 344” : X X (1901) 163 sqq. 614 1. 15. After “ (1888) ” : 3rd ed. by Steinberg and Schmeidler (1926). 614 1. 17. Cf. A A . SS. Boll. 10 Nov. IV 564-6. 614 After 1. 27: On the legend of the foundation, in s X I, of Schotten, Hesse, by two Irish princesses cf. Decker Archiv f. hessische Geschichte u. Altertumskunde I (1837) 134; Heber ibid. IX (1861) 319; Scott “ Schotten in Hesse” The Ances­ tor July 1904 pp. 70-3; Fuhrmann op. cit. 103. 616 no. 444. C omm: Thom. Ried Historische Nachrichten von den Schottenkloster Weih-St.-Peter zu Regensburg (Ratisbon 1813). — Hogan “ The Irish monas606






623 624 633

635 638 648 651 652 654

656 657 661 661 666

teries of Ratisbon” 1ER 1894 pp. 1015-29. — Meier op. cit. (add. to p. 605). — B. Leib Rome, Kiev et Byzance à la fin du X I e siècle (Paris 1924). 1. 28. Note after “ (1183)” : W ü r z b u r g : Trithemius “ Chronicon monasterii s. Jacobi in suburbio Herbipolensi” Opera spiritualia (Mainz 1605) i sqq, and in Ludewig SS. rer. Wurzburg. 993 sqq. — Wieland op. cit. (add. to p. 605). — N u r e m b e r g : A. F. Oefele Rer. Boicarum SS. I (Augsburg 1763) 340 sqq, 348 sqq. C o n s t a n c e : K. Rieder “ Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Schottenklosters z. Konstanz” Freiburger Diöcesen-Archiv N. F. II (1910) 309 sqq. V i e n n a : Hauswirth op. cit. (add. to p. 605); “ Urkunden d. Benedictiner Abtei U. L. F. z. d. Schotten i. W ien” (Fontes rer. Austriac. X V III) (Vienna 1859). — B. Pez Thesaurus anecdotorum novissimus VI (Augsburg 1729) 384, 436. Late necrological notes: MGH Necrol. Germ. V (Berlin 1913) 303-18. 1. 15. A new foundation at Kieff s X II ex, by Irish monks from Vienna, was abandoned because of a Mongol invasion in 1241. — There are many diplomata relating to the Schottenklöster, but the majority are later than 1170. Letters of protection from Emperors and Popes in s X II will be found in Paricius Aller­ neueste und bewährte Nachricht von der römischen Reiches freien stadt Regensburg (Ratisbon 1753). 1. 6. Zimmermann op. cit. (add. to p. 98). 1. i. After “ Revision o f” : E. Tobac RHE April 1927 pp. 242-53. — Vol. I (Genesis) of the new ed. has appeared (Rome 1926). no. 458. R. I. Best “ On the subscriptiones in the ‘ Book of Dimma’ ” Herma­ thena no. xliv (1926) 84-100: “ Dimma” substituted for name of real scribe, perhaps by the writer of the office for the sick (no. 563) ; cumdach may be of s X II, but repaired by Tadhg O Cearbaill of Éle, probably him who died in 1407. no. 461. O -I glosses: Z C P X V II (1928) 223-4. no. 467. Cf. E. C. R. Armstrong and H. J. Lawlor Proc. RIA X X X IV (1918) C 96-126; Macalister op. cit. (add. to p. 98) 290-2. 1. 34. Ff. V + 109 — 13 % " X ioj/é"; 20-22 11. to page. Luke ii-xxiv 47; John (f. 63) V 2-xxi 16. Illuminated. no. 490. RC X L I (1924) 268-71. — Geo. Taylor London Times Lit. Supp. 11 Nov. 1926 p. 797. — Macalister op. cit. (add. to p. 98) 300-2. 1. 14. “ N isita” : Cf. EHR X X X V I (Oct. 1921) 540^5. After 1. 2. Amiens Bibl. mun. 6-9, 11, 12. a .d . 772 x 781. Cf. Berger op. cit. 102-3, 374. Sections of a bible written at Corbie in the time of, and partly by, Abbot Maurdramnus. — Tours Bibl. publ. 10 s V III ex. Cf. Berger op. cit. 204, 246, 419. Octateuch. — Dom J. Chapman believes that Amiens 6-7 (Mo) is a revised copy of an Irish, and Tours 10 (Mar) of an Anglo-Irish, Penta­ teuch (Rev. bénédictine X X X V II (1925) 5 sqq, esp. 13-20). E. K. Rand con­ siders it more probable that the Vorlage of Tours 10 was Irish (Speculum Jan. 1927 pp. 61-5). no. 502. C o m m : Simpson The historical St. Columba 34 sqq. After no. 508: Vat. Palat, lat. 65 s X I: Irish psalter. After 1. 12: St. Gall Stiftsbibl. 258: Commentary on John. Cf. Hermathena xliv (1926) 67. sub-sect. (b). Bibliog.: F. C. Burkitt J T S X X V III (1926-7) 97-10 1.— A. Sou ter The earliest Latin commentaries on the Epistles of St. Paul (Oxford 1927). no. 517. Cf. Hermathena xliv (1926) 66.





no. 519. E. K. Rand says copy in BM Eg. 2831 s V III (from Tours) has Irish associations: Speculum Jan. 1927 p. 62. 668 no. 523. F r . t r a n s : Paul Monceaux Saint Martin Récits de Sulpice-Sévère (Paris 1926) [has valuable introd.]; Eng. trans, from Fr.: M. C. W att (London 1928), 672 n. 114. So Cat. gên. des mss. des bibi. pub. de France — Départements IV (Paris 1886) 176-7. Collection of grammatical treatises; s IX . 678 1. 12. E ds: Petschenig Wiener Studien IV 168 sq; Tangl in W. Arndt’s Schrift­ tafeln no. 42. 678 1. 23. After “ sás” : [part of no. 250 (i)]. 678 no. 537. Cf. ZC P X V II (1928) 102-6. 680 no. 541. Cf. Flower Cat. 487-9. 683 After 1. 19: BM Eg. 1782 ff. 49^50: 23 quatrains of school-questions, chiefly on Old-Testament history; ed. KM ZC P IV 234-7. 684 1. 25. G. H. Forbes co-operated with his brother. 688 n. 150. Note also in BM Eg. 92 f. 17; 1782 f. 45. 693 1. 27. T. F. O’Rahilly “ The history of the Stowe Missal” Êriu X i (1926) 95-109 [Missal not on the Continent, but found, shortly before 1735, by O’Ken­ nedy of Lackeen, near Lorrha, in the walls of an old castle, and given to the first Marquess of Buckingham by Sir Richard Grace, M.P. (d. 1801)]. 699 n. 194. O’Rahilly’s hypothesis is that the MS was taken to Terryglass from Tallaght by Máel-Dithruib (cf. pp. 469 sqq supra) or one of his comrades, and passed to Lorrha c s X II ex. 702 no. 560. Cf. A. P. Forbes Missale de Arbuthnot pp. lxxxix sq. 702 n. 200. There is a suspicion that “ moccu” was sometimes translated “ filius” (Grosjean). 714 no. 572. Cod. Aug. CX CV. Cf. P. Siffrin Rev. bénédictine X X X IX (1927) 135-6, X L (1928) 137-8. L. W. Jones, Speculum Jan. 1929, pp. 27-61, con­ cludes that Cologne 106 was written at Cologne c 805. Cf. Rand ibid. Jan. 1927 p. 57. 718 n. 240. Derived from Tenga Bith-núa (no. 612). 724 (i) Cf. add. to no. 572. 728 no. 585 (vi). MSS: BM Add. 30512 f. 3ov. (vii) MSS: Ibid. f. 32v. 731 no. 596. MSS: Y B L p. 16 [frag.]. — BM Eg. 92 f. 6V. 732 Division C. Bibliog.: Seymour “ Notes on apocrypha in Ireland” Proc. RIA X X X V II (1926) C 107-17734 no. 602 (iv). C omm: Studies X III (1924) 376. 736 I.3. After “ x i” : Similar paraphrases in BM Eg. 92 f. 31; 1782 f. 44v. 736 I.17 . Cf. ZC P X V I (1927) 4S3” 7736 n. 283 1. i. After “ 4783” : f. 7; RIA Stowe D. IV f. 53v; BM Eg. 1782 f. 45v; 136 f. 74v [cf. Flower Cat. 522]. 736 n. 287 1. i. After “ 270-82” : M. R. James The apocryphal New Testament (Oxford 1924) 556. — A t end: “ The fifteen tokens of Doomsday” (WS RC X X V III (1907) 308-26, 432, from BM Add. 30512 ff. 95-8); probably later than A.D. 1170: a variation of the theme, of which earliest Irish example may be in Kollektaneum Bedae (no. 541). The author seems to have known the Saltair na Rann additions. Cf. Seymour loc. cit.\ Flower Cat. 501-2; R. Peiper Archiv f . Literaturgesch. IX (1880) 117 sqq.





no. 612. MSS: Lib. Fl. Ferg. pt. II ff. 35 sqq. — BM Eg. 136 a .d . 1630 ff. 53 sq q ; 174 s X V III ff. 1-12 [all Eg. texts are incomplete]. — Edinburgh Nat. Lib. Scot. Gael. X L V II [frag.]; LV. — T C D 1287 (H. 1. 13) a .d . 1746 pp. 89 s q q ; 1414 (H. 6. 10) j X V III pp. 91 sqq. — RIA 23 L 29 s X VIII(?). C omm: James J T S X X 9 sqq. — Flower Cat. 556-9. 739 1. 8. After “ 1895)” : Cf. Flower Cat. 534-7 re frag, in BM Eg. 1781 ff. 76-86; James Latin infancy gospels . . . with a parallel version from Irish (Cambridge 1927). 739 11. 23 sqq. Cf. LBr 159, Speculum Jan. 1928 pp. 98-101. 739 1. 29. Similar matter in Bk. Lis. f. 67, BM Eg. 92 f. 3 iv, BN Celt, et basq. 1 f. 739 740

740 740 740 740 740

740 740 740 740 740

741 742 743 750

i 5Vn. 293. Same theme in BM Add. 30512 f. 33, Lib. Fl. Feig. I f. 10, and else­ where. Cf. Flower Cat. 484. 1. i i . After “ kings” : Note: Another version in Nat. Lib. Scot. Gael. I pp. 3-4; VII ff. i o v - i i v . The story of David and Solomon (cf. RC II 382) also in Y B L p. 122, Bodl. Rawl. B 512 f. 144, Bk. Lis. f. 69, BM Eg. 92 f. 26. Another story of David — ibid, and in Bk. Fer. f. 57, Eg. 1781 f. 150 — pub. S. H. O’Grady Mélusine IV 163-6. 1. 15. After “ trans.” : Also Eg. 91 f. 44v. 1. 18. After “ Philip” : (Closely related versions of passions of Philip, Andrew and James in Nat. Lib. Scot. Gael. I pp. 3-4, 4-5, 5-6.) 1. 21. After “ Commandments” : (Also Nat. Lib. Scot. Gael. X X V ff. 6v- i5 v.) I.22. After “ soul” : (Cf. Gaidoz loc. cit.; Seymour J T S X X II 16 sqq.) After 1. 26: There are many other Lives and anecdotes of foreign saints (Plum­ mer Mise. hag. Hib. 255 sqq), but generally late and unimportant. Noteworthy is the Life (homily) of Gregory the Great (represented as of Irish birth and buried in Aran) of which matter and perhaps text is of s X I/X II: Tunc dicet rex his qui a dextris eius sunt. Atbera hlsu Crist . . . . MSS: Y B L cols. 858-63, pp.164-6. — BN Celt, et basq. 1 ff. 41-2L — T C D H. 2. 17 pp. 423-8. — BM Eg. 91 ff. 3ov-2v. — Bodl. Laud 610 f. i4v [frag.]. — Edinburgh Nat. Lib. Scot. Gael. V f. 5 [anecdotes]. E d s : KM ZC P III 36 [Laud]; X II 367-74 [YBL]. — Vendryes RC X L II 119-53 [BN; cf. An. Boll. X L V (1927) 167-8]. Grosjean is to edit several texts in next issue of RC. n. 295. Another version BM Eg. 91 f. 67v; Lib. Fl. Ferg. I ff. 10, 37v. n. 296. Story of Paphnutius also in Nat. Lib. Scot. Gael. I pp. 16-18. n. 298. For other MSS, cf. Flower Cat. pp. xxxiii, 440; Mackinnon Cat. of Gaelic M SS in Scoiland (Edinburgh 1912) 80. n. 299. Cf. LBr 159, Speculum Jan. 1928 pp. 101-3. n. 300. After “ 849” : (whence pub. Z C P X IV 144-53, with Germ, trans.), Lib. Fl. Ferg. I f. 33v, and Nat. Lib. Scot. Gael. I pp. 14-5 [cf. Mackinnon op. cit. 76-7,80]. no. 618. C o m m : W. F. Thrall “ Vergil’s Aeneid and the Irishimrama” Modern Philology X V (Dec. 1917) 65-90. 1. 10. After “ 182” : Proc. RIA X X X V II (1926) C 87-106. no. 621. C omm: Seymour “ The bringing forth of the soul in Irish literature” J T S X X II 16 sqq. 1. 6. A slight peculiarity of the calendar in 1065 produced alarm in central Europe. Cf. E. Joranson “ The great German pilgrimage of 1064-1065” in





763 768 771

L. J. Paetow (ed.) The Crusades and other historical essays presented to Dana C. Munro (New York 1928) 3 sqq. After 1. 28: Bk. Durrow f. i3v (cf. p. 631 n. 15 supra) deciphered by R. I. Best, “ An early monastic grant in the Book of Durrow” Êriu X ii 135-42, facs.: Ostende nobis . . . Óentu mór eter Comgan . . . 7 dia tuccad. Flannchad filius filii scientis scripsit. Grant by Glenn-Uissen (Killeshin, 2\ miles w. of Carlow) to Durrow, a .d . 1086 x 1119. Contains interesting names, among them Gilla-na-nóem húa hÉnlúain, abbot of Durrow; Gilla-Adamnáin húa Cortén, priest of Durrow (mentioned in Kells Charter V (no. 632) as comarba of Columcille) ; Cathasach húa Corcráin, airchinnech of Glenn-Uissen (FM obit, erroneous, 1045) ; and Dublittir húa hÚadgaile, fer lêgind, known as author of a tract on Sex aetates mundi (in Bodl. Rawl. B 502, BB, Bk. Lee., and LU — imperfect). c f PP- 153- 4sect. IV. Bibliog. : J. MacErlean A H III 1-33. no. 653 (i). Cf. Flower Cat. 524-5. end. Cf. M. V. Ronan 1ER 5th ser. X X V II 347-64, X X V III 247-56, 467-80, 596-612.


25 87 96

145 149 152 154 159

160 169

171 175 192 201

209 228

240 245 261

n. 79. The Book of Lismore is now in Chatsworth Castle, Derbyshire. n. 367. The Franciscan Library is now housed at Dun Mhuire, Killiney, co. Dublin. 1. 16. J. Loth “ Les mots latins dans les langues brittoniques” Annales de Bre­ tagne V II (1892) 205-42. — H. Pedersen V ergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen I (1909) 189-242. 1. 24. M. R. James Cambridge Medieval History III (1922) 500. 1. 4. For literature on Cormac’s Glossary see J. Loth in Le Moyen Age 3rd ser. X L (1930) 260 n. i. 1. 36. J. Loth Le Moyen Age 3rd ser. X L (1930) 261 (sides with Thurneysen; gives also additional bibliographical references). 1. 34. Footnote to De sex aetatibus mundi: Cf. pp. 670, 790. n. 9. M. Varin “ Mémoire sur les causes de dissidence entre l’Eglise bretonne et l’Eglise romaine” Mémoires de VAcadémie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres 1. sér. IV. 2 (1858) 117-20. — J. Loth op. cit. 266 sq. n. 14. L. Mühlhausen “ Die lateinischen, germanischen, romanischen lehnwô'rter im Cymrischen” Festschrift Ernst Windisch (Leipzig 1914) 249-348. 1. 12. J. Hardouin Conciliorum collectio ragia I (1715) 1789-93. — Mansi Sac­ rorum conciliorum nova . . . collectio V I (1761) 513-20. — Wilkins Concilia Magnae Britanniae I (1737) 2-3. l . i i . C. H. Slover “ Early literary channels between Britain and Ireland” Univ. of Texas Studies in English no. 6 (1926). 1. 27. W. Levison NA X X X V (1910) 228; Miscellanea Ehrle I I —Studi e Testi 38 (1924) 213 sq. [Wrdisten’s use of Actus Silvestri]. 1. 23. Jean Rivière “ Saint Colomban et le jugement du pape hérétique” Revue des sciences religieuses III (1923) 277-82. 1. 12. A. Vaccari “ Il salterio ascoliano e Giulio eclanese” Biblica IV (1923) 337"55- — R- Devreesse “ Le commentaire de Théodore de Mopsueste sur les psaumes” Revue Biblique X X X V II (1928) 340-66; xxxviii (1929) 35-62. I .7 . W. Levison Histor. Aufsätze Aloys Schulte gewidmet (Düsseldorf 1927) 67. 1. 16. P. W. Finsterwalder Die Canones Theodori Cantuarensis und ihre Uber­ lieferungsformen (Weimar 1929) and the review by W. Levison Zs. der SavignyStiftungfür Rechtsgeschichte L y Kanonist. Abt. X IX (1930) 699 sqq. 1. 20. J. Loth Le Moyen Age X L (1930) 273 would write “ Venniavus.” 1. 3. Hardouin Conciliorum collectio regia I (1715) 1793-6. — Mansi Sacrorum conciliorum nova . . . collectio V I (1761) 522-8. 1. 4. But surely it would be impossible to point out Rathan in Offaly from Granard. But Hogan in Doc. de S. P. pt. II 195 and Warren in A B II 57 accept it. Hogan Onomasticon under Mag Cuini doubtfully identifies the last with 791


792 PAGE

BaUycowan, near Rathan, Offaly. (Pencilled note by J. F. K. in the margin of his hand copy.) 271 1. 19. Charles Singer “The Lorica of Gildas the Briton, a magical text of the sixth century” From magic to science (London 1928) 111-32. 286 1.35. M. R. James Cambridge Medieval History III (1922) 507. 314 no. 122. According to J. Loth Le Moyen Age X L (1930) 264, Ailbe belongs to the late fifth or early sixth century. 331 1. 18. Note that the opening section, “ prologus,” of the Br. MS consists of a conflation of an (Irish) preface to a Life of St. Basil the Great of Caesarea and some passages from Tirechán. (Pencilled note by J. F. K. in the margin of his hand copy.) 340 n. 160. Probably rather the hymn of Sechnall. Cf. [MacN] Journ. R S A I L V n i pt. i (June 1928) p. 20. But I am not sure. (Pencilled note by J. F. K . in the margin of his hand copy.) 345

355 408 458 487 489 494 506 511 520 533 535 537


599 610 615

1. 5. The LBr homily is similar in diction to the other homilies which O’Máille dates from the second half of the n th century. Cf. no. 617. (Pencilled note by J. F. K. at bottom of page in his hand copy.) 1.2 . E. H. van Heurck Les livres populaires flamands (Antwerp 1931) 96-8. 1. 6. E. H. van Heurck op. cit. 98-100. 1. 38. According to the catalogue of the National Library of Ireland, the MS dates from the late 15th and early 16th century. I.3 . P. W. Finsterwalder “ Wege und Ziele der irischen und angelsächsischen Mission im fränkischen Reich” Z K X L V II, N. F. X (1928) 203-26. 1. 31. I. van der Essen Etude critique et littéraire sur les vitae des saints méro­ vingiens de Vancienne Belgique (Louvain 1907). 1. 37. W. Levison MGH SS rer. merov. V (1910) 552 with n. 2, 573. 1. 28. W. Levison op. cit. 544 n. 3. 1. 22. W. Levison Histor. Aufsätze Aloys Schulte gewidmet (Düsseldorf 1927) 68. 1. 26. Hirschmann Histor.-politische Blätter C L X III (1919) 513-30. 1. 19 Meyer von Knonau “ Mitteilungen zur vaterländischen Geschichte 36” St. Gallische Geschichtsquellen V I (St. Gallen 1918). 1. 6. C. Gradara “ I ‘pueri aegyptiaci’ di Alcuino” Roma e VOriente IX (1915) 83. 1. 20. In the opinion of J. Tolkiehn, only (a) and (d) are by Clemens; his edition is based on the Bamberg and Munich MSS only. K. Barwick (Gnomon V I 1930 385-95) denies the authorship of Clemens for (a) and (b), thinks the ‘colophon’ of (a) Clemens grammaticus . . . imperatoris to be the title of (c), and attributes this text, with the verse dedication (d) to Clemens; later the title became separated from the body of the work by the insertion of (b). 11. 25-8. With regard to the bibliographical list in Baldwin’s Dictionary, a warning is indicated. It is “ an indiscriminate and valueless catalogue in which Eriugena is confused with Duns Scotus” (I. P. Sheldon-Williams Journ. of Eccles. History X 1959 223). no. 416. Cf. nos. 486, 488. I .1 7 . Cf. also a series of articles by H. Schrörs in Annalen des histor. Vereins für den Niederrhein L X X X V III, X C , X C I, and C (1910-17). n. 315. On the Scotti at Mains cf. Vita Arnoldi ed. Ph. Jaffé Monumenta Moguntiana (Bibi. rer. Germ. III 605-15) and P. Amandus Gsell NA X L III (1922) 358- 9-




617 619

628 633 679 702 712 742 743

1. 28. P. J. Barry Die Zustände im Wiener Schottenkloster vor der Reform des Jahres 1418 (Aichbach 1927). no. 445. Aegidius Gelenius De admiranda sacra et civili magnitudine Coloniae (Cologne 1645) 646 mentions Book II of itineris sive periegesios S. Petri by a Marianus Scottus, who is possibly identical with either the chronicler or the abbot. I.5 . A. Kingsley Porter The crosses and culture of Ireland (Yale 1931) 79. 1• 36. The Ottingen-Wallersteinische Bibl. was formerly at Maihingen. 1. 2. For a description of the MS, see H. Hagen Catalogus codicum Bernensium (Berne 1875) under its number. 1. 18. C o m m : E. Nasalli Rocca “ L ’Archivio capitolare di S. Antonino in Pia­ cenza” Archivio storico italiano X V (1931) 290-6. 1. 22. Was the Orationale Gothicum (Verona) really of the seventh century? (Pencilled note by J. F. K. in the margin of his hand copy.) 1. i i . E. H. van Heurck Les livres populaires flamands (Antwerp 1931) 94-6. 1.5. Gougaud in Modern Research p. 13 refers to A de J RC X I 492-3. (Pencilled note by J. F. K. in the margin of his hand copy.)


24 70 100 143 175

197 200 216

234 240

258 267 272 278 279 280 283 285 316 328 340 345 347 351 353 361 390

I . 7 . For, written in the year 1300, read, written probably in the fifteenth century 1. 5. For, the time of Lhuyd, read, Edward Lhuyd’s Archaeologia Britannica of 1707 1. 28. For, 6th ed. 1927, read, 7th ed. London 1930 1. 9. For, Virgili grammatici opera, read, Virgili Maronis grammatici opera 11.31-2. For, whose name in hypocoristic form, after the fashion so well known in Irish hagiology, it retained, read, whose name, in a form with the prefix to-, is retained 1. 19. For, Meermann Collection Phillipps MS 1747, read, Phillipps 1747 1. 36. For, inf. s V III/IX , read, inf. 11. 1-2. For, mission of Columbanus in Gaul. In or about 632 many of the southern Irish accepted the Victorian system, read, Irish saint, Columbanus, in Gaul. In or about 632 many of the southern Irish accepted the system there in use [C/. pp. 188, 1 91 supra] 1. 16. For, Cambridge Univ., read, Cambridge Univ. Libr. 11. 14-6. For, Eds: D ’Achéry Spicilegium I (1655) 491. — Martène and Du­ rand Thesaurus novus anecdotorum IV (Paris 1717) 1 sqq. — Wasserschieben, read, E ds: Wasserschieben 1. 38. For, p. 238 (of facs.), read, p. 238b. — Cambridge C.C.C. 41 j X I p. 207 [last three stanzas only] 1. 24. For, Trêves]. — LH, read, Trêves]. — Ivrea Bibi, capit. 70 $ X I f. 78v. — LH 1. 24. For, 93 f. 19 [O’C says written in 1477], read, 93 a.d. 1477 f.19 1. 22. For, VIII. — Carlsruhe, read, VIII. — Laon Bibl. publ. 50 5 V III/IX . — Carlsruhe 1. 14. For, Meerm. 56 [formerly Phillipps 1660], read, Phillipps 1660 1. 18. For, Bibl., read, Bibi. I. 2. 40 2 1. 15. For, 619, read, 679 (619) 1. 6. For, X , read, IX med 1. 25. For, Franciscan MS, read, Franciscan Convent A 24 1. 38. For, Slébte, north-west Leinster, read, Slébte, Leinster 1. 35. For, sidiy read, aes side 1. 6. For, (formerly Ancien fonds, read, (Ancien fonds 1■ 35- For, one of the “ black monks/’ read, a Cistercian n. 181, 1. 7. For, 1ER 1923, read, 1ER 5-X X I (1923) 468-80, 618-32 1. i. For, the Saltair Caisil list has five names, read, the Saltair Caisil list; but Colgan gives five names I.32. For, 857, read, 857 (761) 1. 7. For, Bodl., read, Bodl. Bodley 795




397 402 402 414 414 416 419 437 443 449 457 458 459 462 479 488 515 516 520 537 537 537 539 540 541 541 541 543 548 548 548 556

556 562 564 565 565 565 568 579 579 579 579

1. g. For, Nat. Lib. of Scot., read, Natl. Lib.of Scot. Gael. 1. 3. For, 150, read, 23 M 50 j X V III 1. 3. For, 168, read, 23 A 44 5 X IX 1. 31. For, Vat. Regin., read, Vat. Regin. lat. 1. 37. For, 735, read, 830 (735) 1. 39. For, H. i. i i , read, 1285 (H. 1. 11) 1. 10. For, H. 3. 18, read, 1337 (H. 3. 18) 1. 6. For, 135, read, 135; 101 p. 517 1. i i . For, Nat. Lib., read, Nat. Lib. Gael. 1. 23. For, Reeves MS 32, read, 24 P 21 j X V III or X IX pp. 1-189 1. 8. For, Hodges & Smith 224, read, 23 H ij 1. 38. For, Cheltenham Phillipps 9194 a . d . 1329, read, Dublin Nat. Lib.

Gael. 5 (Phillipps 9194) j X V 1. 32. Fo, H. i. i i , read, 1285 (H. 1. 11) 1. 14. For, Nat. Lib., read, Nat. Lib. Gael. 1. 27. For, Merchants’ Quay, MS, read, Gaelic MS A 7 1. 15. For, “ deôrad,” read, “ deôrad Dé” 1. 27. For, 17, read, 17 (Naples Bibl. Naz. Lat. 2 and 1) I.3 . For, Vat. Palat., read, Vat. Palat, lat. 1. 43 to 521, 1. i. For, Willibald, who was bishop of Eichstätt in Bavaria, c 741-786, read, Willibald 1. 21. For, Bamberg M. V. 18, read, BambergClass. 30 (M.V. 18) 1. 25. For, Bibi. pubi. M. 7. 3, read, Bibl. publ. 393 (376, M. 7. 3) 1. 29. For, [part of a], read, [part of a]. — J. Tolkichn Philologus Suppl. X X . 3 (Leipzig 1928) [a, d] 1 . 31. For, abbot] C a.d., read, abbot] Domino in Christo . . . Vestra ergo . . dulcissime pater. C a .d. 1. 13. For, Reg. 200, read, Reg. lat. 200 1. i. For, Leningrad (Petersburg) X. Q. V. Otd., read, Leningrad Q. v. 1. 17. For, Reg. 2078, read, Reg. lat. 2078 1. 40. For, Reg. 2078, read, Reg. lat. 2078 1- 31- For, Reg. 190, read, Reg. lat. 190 1. 33. For, Voss. Q., read, Voss. Lat. Q. 1. 35. For, Voss. Q., read, Voss. Lat. Q. I.40. For, Bodl. F., read, Bodl. Auct. F. 1. 3. For, H. J. IV s X f. io6 v, read, HJ. IV. 11 (Class. 6) s X io çv 1.32. For, Leyden Universiteitsbibl., read, Leyden Universiteitsbibl. Voss. Lat. 1. i i . For, Leyden Universteitsbibl., read, Leyden Universiteitsbibl. Voss. Lat. 1. 24. For, Vat. Palat., read, Vat. Palat, lat. 1. 14. For, B. V. 24, read, Bibl. 127 (B. V. 24) 1. 30. For, Meerm. 56 (= Phillipps 1660, formerly Meerm. 426), read, Phillipps 1660 (Meerm. 56) 1- 37- For, Vat. P a la t, read, Vat. Palat, lat. 1. 26. For, Carlsruhe MS, read, Carlsruhe MS ‘S. Petri’ 1. 10. For, 46, read, 1668 (Meermann 46) 1. 14. For, Avranches, read, Avranches (47 $ XII) 1. 18. For, B IV 8, read, Patr. 66 (B IV 8) 1. 21. For, Vienna and the Vatican, read, Vienna, the Vatican and elsewhere




581 582 582 582 583 583 584 585 585 585 587 587 587 591 591 600 601 602 602 603 603 604 618 627 628 632 633 633 636 640 641 642 645 650 658 658 659 667 671 672 673 673 674

1. 36. For, 1025-30, read, 1025-30. — MG Epistulae V II 430 sqq . 1. 17. For, Vat., read, Vat. lat. 1. 21. For, Vat., read, Vat. lat. 1. 27. For, hist. eccl. 136, read, lat. 574 1. i i . For, 569, read, lat. 596 1. 35- For, H. J. IV 5 and 6, read, Ph. 2/1 and 2/2 (HJ. IV 5 and 6) 1. i. For, MSS: 309 j X I, 830 5 X I, 280 s X II in BN, and BN 1764 s X II,

read, MSS, now BN lat. 12255 5 IX /X , 12964 and 12965 5 IX , and of BN 1764 5 IX /X 1. 13. For, Urb. 532, read, Urb. lat. 532 1. 14. For, Bamberg Q VI 32, read, Bamberg Patr. 46 (Q VI 32) 1. 15. For, Reg. 592, read, Reg. lat. 592 1. 19. For, Reg. 1587, read, Reg. lat. 1587 1. 28. For, Reg. 1709, read, Reg. lat. 1709 1.40. For, Reg. 240, read, Reg. lat. 240 1. 6. For, reg. 215, read, Reg. lat. 215 1. 18. For, BN 12929, read, BN 12949 s IX I.2 7. For, especial 17, read, especial 17. — MG Capit. II 427-41. 1. 13. For, Voss. O., read, Voss. Lat. O. 1. 33. For, 84 5, read, L X X X IV s 1. 33. For, Stiftsbibl. 1%, read, Stiftsbibl. 2 (olim 1/4) 1. 31. For, Vat. 5751, read, Vat. lat. 5751 n. 292, 1. i. For, A Rheinau MS, no. 30 of the Universitätsbibi., Zürich, read, MS Zürich Zentralbibl. Rh. 30 1. 6. For, Vat. 5751, read, Vat. lat. 5751 1. 23. For, Theol. 287, read, Theol. lat. 287 1. 18. For, 1394 part. — St. Gall Stadtbibl., read,1394 II pp. 50-89 H~ 172 p. 256 H- St. Stadtbibl. (Vadiana) 1. 29. For, VI ex., read, VI ex. or V II in. 1. 2. For, 60 5, read, 60 (A. 1. 15) 5 1. 6. For, s V III, or possibly VII, read, j V II ex. 1. 10. For, V II/V III, read, V III 1. 37. For, Irish semi-uncial, resembling the Book of Kells and the, read, Anglo-Saxon semi-uncial, resembling the 1. 5. For, semi-uncial, read, semi-uncial and minuscule 1. 20. For, V III/IX , read, V III/IX (before a . d . 822) I.12. For, (Petersburg) former imperial Library F. L, read, Public Library F. v. I. 1. 33. For, 59 s , read, 59 (c. 9) 5 1. 25. For, 24 s X , read, 24 (A. 41) 5 X or X I in. 1. 6. For, VII, read, VI/VII 1.25. For, VIII, read, V II/V III 1. i. For, MS s , read, MS s. n. s 1. 14. For, a mixture of semi-uncial and minuscule, read, semi-uncial verging on minuscule 1. 32. For, 5755 ff., read, 5755 j IX ff. 1. 7. For, 59, read, 59 s VIII(?) 1.42. For, Hohenfurt, read, Vyssi Brod (Hohenfurt) 1• 43. For, Bohemia, read, Czechoslovakia 1. 8. For, insular, read, Anglo-Saxon insular


798 PAGE

675 677

1. 6. 1. 25.

682 682 687 688 704

For, Vat. Palat., read, Vat. Palat, lat. For, p. 66, read, f. 45r-v For, II ff., read, II 5 V III/IX ff. For, N 10 [Stowe], read, N 10 For, Stadtbibl., read, Staatsarchiv (A. G. 19 no. X X X V I f. 57 = pp. 117/118) 1. 30. For, s X I, read, now New York Pierpont Morgan Lib. M. 627 s X I e x . 1. 32. For, i 233 s VII, read, 1 fasc. 9233 j V III in. 1. 4. For, Unterdrauberg, Carinthia, Kloster St. Paul, read, Kloster St. Paul, Carinthia, 1. 23. For, semi-uncial or large minuscule, read, semi-uncial 1. 27. For, celtique, read, celtique et basq. 1. 27. For, Cheltenham Phillipps M S 9754, read, Dublin Nat. Lib. Gael. 9

For, Foedera, read, Foedera, Suppl. For, Unterdrauberg, Carinthia, Kloster St. Paul 25. 2. 31, formerly 25. d. 86 (Codex, read, Kloster St. Paul, Carinthia, 80. ib (25. 2. 31b; xxv. d. 86; Codex 680 1. 31. For, Unterdrauberg in Carinthia Kloster St. Paul 25, read, Kloster St. Paul, Carinthia, xxv.

705 712 714 720 737 737

l. 12.

1. 39. 1. 20. 1 24. 1. 18.

(Phillipps 9754)

738 743 744 753 753 763 765 765 770 770 770


22. For, celtique, read, celtique et basq. 1- 3- For, celt., read, celt, et basq. 1. 4. For, celtique, read, celtique et basq. 1. 7. For, H. 2. 15, read, 1317 (H. 2. 15b) 1. 8. For, p. 59, read, ff. 59-66 1. 14- For, f. 54, read, s X I I p. 54 1. 8 . For, 35 pp., read, 35 í X V I I I pp. 1. 34. For, deórad, read, deôrad Dé 1. 3. For, 525 s , read, 525 (F. 4. 29) 5 1. 29. For, A 575, read, 193 (A. 575) 1. 33. For, 8943 ff. 2-26v; 11987 ff., read, 8943 s X V II ff. 2-26v; 11987


X V I ff.

INDEXi (Figures within parentheses refer to numbered source-items.) Abbán, St., 305-6» 310-1; Life of, 318-9 (126) Abgarus, Epistle of Christ to, 713 (57i), 718 (574)* 719 (576) Achad-bó (Aghaboe), 394“ 5, 523 Acta sanctorum, i, 6, 11, 41, 43, 82, 173, 288 sqq, 293 sqq. See Saints Adalbero I, of Metz, 609, 613 Adalbero II, 613; Life of, 611 (432) Adalgisus, Algéis, St., 507; Acts of, 506 (303) Adalhard of Verona, Poem on, 603-4 (423 iii) Adam and Eve, Stories of, 736 Adam of Bremen: History of the bishops of Ham­ burg, 614 (442) Adamnán of Iona, 216, 218, 231, 249, 254, 270, 283 sqq, 324, 327, 332, 351, 369, 384, 391» 394. 396, 423. 425, 427, 439 (220 1), 450, 535, 678, 689; Law of (Cáin Adamnáin), 237, 245-6 (81), 284, 445, 461, 473; Canons, 245 (80); Com­ mentary on Vergil, 286-7 (113); De locis sanctis, 231, 285-6 (112); Féilire (Calendar), 444 (225 iii); Prayers and poems, 444 (225); Relics of, 781; Vision of, 414, 444-5 (226), 738, 742; Second Vision of, 269, 703, 750, 753 (627); Life of, 443-4 (224), 752. See Columba of Iona, Life of Aed mac Brice, 305-7; Life of, 393 (185); Prayer to, 393-4 (186) Aed dub mac Colmáin, of Cell-dara, 364 (156) Aed mac Cróngillae húa Farréith, Poem in praise of, 354 (145) Aed of Slébte, 246, 269,325,329, 332,335, 778 Aedán Úa Caellaighi, bishop of Lugmadh, Grant to, 770 (657) Aedán, Aidan, of Lindisfarne, 220, 224-5, 231, 328 Agathemer: Outlines of Geography, 138 Agilus, Agile, Ayeul, St., Life of, 494-5 (289) Ailbe, St., of Imblech-ibair, 184, 220, 305-7, 310; Life of, 314-5 (122). See Rules Aileran, Aireran, “ the Wise,” 279-81 (107), 327, 362, 459, 725; Kanon Evangeliorum, 272, 634 Airbertach mac Coisse, or Coisi-dobráin, 681 sqq] Geography of, 682-3 (546); Poems by, 682 (545), 683 (547) Airchinnig, 12,20, 33 Albart, St., Life of, 527 (332 ii) Albinus, Cardinal, of Albano: Provinciale, 768-9 Alcuin, Albinus, 177, 195, 272, 389, 464, 525, 531-2, 537-9, 549-50, 619, 654, 686, 719, 721-2,

724, 738; Correspondence and Poems of, 5 3 4 -5 (340); Life of St. Riquier by, 492 (280 ii); Life of St. Willibrord by, 232-3 (68); Poem by, on Virgilius, 526 (329 vii) Aldelmus, 5 7 1 , 5 91 (402) Aldhelm, 226-7 (62-3), 271, 501, 5°7 (306 i, ii), 553Î Writings of, 226-7 (62 i); De laude vir­ ginum and Epistola ad Eahfridum, 257; Letter to, 227 (63); Lives of, 226-7 (62 ii, iii) Alea Evangelii, 647 Alfred the Great, 232, 488, 589, 605, 720; Life of, by Asser, 606-8 (424 i) Alms, 740 (617) Alphabets, Verses on, 275 (103), 604 (423 viii) Alto, St., Life of, 514-5 (320) Amand, St., 500-1, 505; Life of, 183-4 (39) Amatus, Amé, St., Life of, 505 (300 iii) Ambrose of Milan, 136, 249, 253, 480, 553, 584, 666, 676; Lamentation of, 718 (574) Ammianus Marcellinus, 127; History, 136 (13) Anastasius, papal librarian, 579; Letter of, 581-2 (388) Anatolius, Paschal cycle of, 214; Book of, on Paschal Reckoning, 217 (54 iii), 223 Anatolius, St., Life of, 614 (441) Andrew, St., 740 (617) Angels, 740 (617) Angoulême, 140, 497; Sacramentary of, 592 (405). See Annals Annals, 2, 12, 15, 22, 80, 300; Annales Augienses brevissimi, 671; Bertiniani, 554, 577; Cambriae, 151, 154-5, 177-9; Einhardi, 513; s. Emmerami Ratisponenses maiores, 526; Engolismenses (of Angoulême), 592; of Flodoard, 608, 610; Fuldenses, 551; Juvavenses maiores, 526; Laudunenses et s. Vincentii Mettensis breves (of Laon), 589 (399); Laureshamenses (Lorscher), 508 (308); Maximiniani, 513; Mosellani, 513; Salisburgenses, 526; Sangallenses maiores, 598; s. Vitoni Virdunensis (of St. Vannes), 612 Annals of Boyle, 62; of Clonmacnois, 21, 44, 54» 377, 631, 750; of Connacht, 34; of the Four Masters, 43-4, 56, 63, 66, 68, 90, 339, 750; of Innisfallen, 62; of Innisfallen, (Dublin), 54; of Ireland, Three Fragments, 45; of Loch Cé, 34, 56, 66; of the O’Duigenans, 34; of Tigernach, 15, 19, 75, 377; of Ulster, 23, 56, 66, 75, 177, 750- See Chronicles

1 This summary index to the sources and to a selected number of proper names and technical terms has been added for the assistance of the reader until more adequate aids can be provided at the end of Volume II.




A n n ia n u s , St., Acta of, 511-2 (316) Anselm of Canterbury, 745-6, 758, 763; Letters from, 760 (639, 641), 761 (642-3, 646); Letters to, 760 (640), 761 (644-5) A n s o a ld o f P o itie rs , 497, 499 (295) A n tip h o n a r y : see M a n u s c r ip ts Apgitir Crábaid ( A lp h a b e t o f D e v o tio n ) , 4 7 1 - 2 (265) A p o c r y p h a , 264, 732 sqq, 736, 789; A c t s o f T h o m a s , 682; Apocalypsis Mosis, 736; A p o c a ly p s e o f T h o m a s , 736; B o o k o f H e n o ch , 264; G o s p e l o f J a m e s, so n o f A lp h a e u s , 705; G o s p e l o f N ic o d e m u s, 740 A p o s t le s , N o te s o n , 739 (616) A p u le iu s , L u c iu s : De Mundo, 133 A r a n , 180, 373-4; C o lu m b a in , 435 (219 ii), 437 (220 x v ii) A r b o is d e J u b a in v ille , H e n ri d ’ , 74, 76 ,8 3 ,115,118 , 123, 142, 535, 591 A rc h a n g e ls , P r a y e r t o , 731 (599) Archiv für celtische Lexicographie, 71, 73 Â r d - M a c h a (A rm a g h ) , 8, 9, 11-2, 15, 18, 23, 38, 178, 181, 222, 260, 293, 302, 311, 3 1 9 sqq, 323, 3 3 1,335- 7, 349, 354, 35», 373, 4*4, 47i, 527, 609, 645, 648, 680, 747, 765, 768, 770; B is h o p s a n d a b b o t s o f, 352-3 (143); P o e m in p r a is e o f o ffi­ c ia ls o f, 354 (145); B o o k o f: see M a n u s c r ip ts A r is to t le , P se u d o -: C o n c e rn in g th e W o rld , 13 1 (8)

680 (539) Arno of Salzburg, 714, 724; Indiculus, Notitia, of,

A r is to t e lia n c a te g o r ie s , T r a c t o n , 5 2 4 -5 (329 iii) A s t r o n o m y , 125,

133; N o te s , 670-1 (525); T r e a t ­ 546 (353), 680 (539) Athanasius of Alexandria, Festal Letters, 214; T r a c t a t e o n p a s c h a l re c k o n in g , 217 (54 ii) A tk in s o n , R o b e r t , 73-6, 80-1, 340 A t t r a c t a , S t ., L ife o f, 467 (262) A u d o m a r, O m e r, S t ., L ife o f, 209 A u g u s tin e , T h e Ir is h : De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae, 223, 275-7 (104), 278 A u g u s tin e o f C a n te r b u r y , 153, 224, 328, 658, 715 A u g u s tin e o f H ip p o , 141, 162, 164, 249, 278, 282, SSO, 576, 584, 619, 636, 666, 720; De civitate Dei, 568; D ia le c tic a n d R h e to r ic , 560; L e t t e r s , 674; S erm o n s, 667 (521); C a rls ru h e M S o f, 669-70 (524); T r ê v e s M S o f, 673 (531) A u x e rre , 163, 593; H is t o r y o f th e b is h o p s o f, 592-3 ises o n ,

(406) A u x iliu s (U sa ille ), S t .,

169-70 (30), 221, 260, 337 Ora maritima, 120-2 (i)

A v ie n u s , R u fiu s F e s t u s :

737 351; F a it h o f, 667 (520) B a ir r e , S t ., o f C o r k , 299, 306-7\ L ife o f, 401-2 (194); P o e m in p ra is e o f, 402 (195) Báithín (Baithene), St., 305, 307, 450; Life of, 443 B a b y lo n , P o e m o n , B a c h ia riu s ,


Báithín mac Cúanach, 437 (220 xx), 439 (220 liv) Bamberg, 617; cryptogram, 556 (363) B a n g o r: see B e n d - c h o r; M a n u s c r ip ts , A n tip h o n ­ a r y ; R u le s

Baptism, Order of, 698 Bartholomew, St., 740 (617) Basil, St., 249, 673 (531) Beatus, abbot of Honau, 528-9 (335 i, ii) Bede, 153, 155, 173, 177, 217, 219-22, 224-6, 228-9, 233, 286, 324, 347, 423, 425, 431, 463, 506, 524, 535, 553, 592, 648, 676, 719, 721; Writings of, 230-2 (67); De arte metrica, 671 (527); De natura rerum, 277; De psalmorum libro exegesis, 629, 666; De temporum ratione, 671 (526); Historia ecclesiastica, 500, 502, 560; Lives of St. Cuthbert, 225-6 (61 ii—iii); Penetential, 232; Carlsruhe MS, 481, 670-1 (525). See Martyrologies Bede, Pseudo-: Kollektaneum, Collectanea et (sive) flores, 282, 567, 680 (541), 721 Bend-chor (Bangor), 12, 187, 218, 222, 262, 395 sqq, 766; Verses and hymns of, 265-6 (92), 710, 712. See Manuscripts, Antiphonary; Rules Benedict of Aniane, 199, 544; Letter of, 537 (343) Benén, Benignus, St., 221, 274, 308, 337, 352, 607, 778; Life of, 350-1 (142 i) Berach, St., 307; Life of, 402-3 (196) Bernard of Clairvaux, 18, 703, 746, 767'; Docu­ ments relating to Máel-Maedóc Úa Morgair (St. Malachy), 764-7 (652) Bethlehem, Lament of the mothers of, 739 (616) Bible, The, 80, 151, 190, 241, 248-9, 264, 275-80, 297, 433. 531, 623 sqq, 711-2 — , Versions of: Greek, 625; Old Latin, 625; Vulgate, 137, 391, 626 — , Texts: 168, 625-7, 658. — Old Testament, 650 (488). — Psalms, 303, 557-8 (364 iii, iv), 629-30 (454), 637 (465), 645-7 (476, 478-80), 650 (489), 657 (508), 658. — New Testament, 642-4 (474), 655 (499). — Gospels: 558 (364 v), 591, 627-8 (450-3), 630-4 (455-60), 636-42 (462-4, 466-8, 470-3), 644-59 (475, 477, 481-7, 490-2, 494-8, 501-6), 700 (557 i). — Acts, 339, 628-9, 644, 658. — Epistles, 339, 639 (469), 657 (507), 659. — Pauline Epistles, 559 (364 vi), 618-9 (445), 635-6 (461), 643, 653 (493), 655 (500), 657-8 (509). — Apocalypse, 339, 659 — , Extracts and abridgements: Psalms, 718 (574), 721 (578). — Gospels, 719-21 (576-8) — , Commentaries on: 138. — Old Testament: see Johannes Eriugena. — Psalms: 664-6 (516), 682, 689 (553); by Cassiodorus, 666 (517); by Theodore of Mopsuestia, 201-2, 664-5 (515)See Columbanus. — Job, 278, 667 (518).— Isaias, 667 (519).— Gospels, 660-1 (510-2). See Johannes Eriugena; Sedulius Scottus. — Epis­ tles of Paul, 661 sq, 663 (514)- See Pelagius; Sedulius Scottus. — Catholic Epistles, 277-8 (105) — , Translation of: Psalms, 569 (376) Biblical stories and legends, 739 (616) Bishop, Edmund, 608, 692, 695, 705, 711, 721-2 Blathmac, Life of, 445-6 (227) Blessing of Ireland, by Patrick, 349 (141 v); of the road, 730 (595); of water, 701 (557 v)

INDEX Blume, Clemens, 254, 262, 265, 714-5, 726 Boat song, 733-4 (602 ii); of Columbanus, 195

(431) Bobbio, 10, 40, 85-6, 188, 201, 204, 515-6, 564, 568, 602, 639, 649, 658, 665, 667-8, 671, 676-7, 690, 692, 713; Catalogues of library of, 516 (322); Verses by a fugitive from, 604 (423 iv). See Manuscripts, Bobbio Missal Body and Soul, Debate of, 740 (617) Boethius, 574, 584, 676,678; Opuscula sacra, Com­ mentary of Johannes Eriugena on, 585 (392); Life of, attributed to Johannes Eriugena, 585 (393) Boniface, St., of Germany, 227, 233, 248, 4 7 7 , 509. 518, 522, 524; Correspondence of, 519-21 (324 i), 523, 524 (329 i, ii); Life of, 520-1 (324 ii). See Manuscripts, Fulda Boniface IV , Pope, Letters of Columbanus to, 192-3 (42 V , vi) Book: see Manuscripts Books, 86; Irish, in mediaeval libraries, 620-1 (449); of the mediaeval priest, 236 Bordeaux, Bordigala, Bordgal, 29, 44, 140-2, 158; Council of, 498-9 (294) Breaca, St., 181 (38), 184 Brehons (brilhemin), 2, 20-1, 24, 33-6. See Laws Brénaind, Brendan, of Birr, 220, 410, 417 Brénaind, Brendan, of Cluain-ferta, 172,268,305-9, 374, 406 sqq, 421, 436 (220 i); Life (Vita) of, 295» 410-1, 412-4 (202), 434; Poem on, 418 (207); Prayer of, 729 (588); Satirical verses on legend of, 417 (204); Stories of, 419-20 (208); Voyage (Navigatio) of, 11, 410-1, 414-7 (203) Breviary of Aberdeen, 224, 433, 446, 484 Briae, St., 181 (38) Brian bôroimhe, 13, 339, 404; Confirmation of claims of Ard-Macha by, 353-4 (144) Briefn, St.: Baile, 782 Brigit, St., 41, 174, 177, 302, 305, 307-9, 318, 337, 344, 351, 356 sqq, 387, 535, 560, 607, 706; Genealogy of, 208 (50 vi); Dialogue between Patrick and, 363 (154); Hymns in honor of, 267-8 (95), 360 (148), 363 (155); Life of, 361-3 (151 iii, 152); by Animosus, or Anmchad, 361-2 (151 ii); by Chilienus, or Coelan, 361-2 (151 i); by Cogitosus, 296, 324, 359-60 (147); by Laurence of Durham, 295, 362 (151 iv); Poem ascribed to, 363 (153); Poems in praise of, 360 (149), 778; Poems by Moling addressed to, 363. See Paruchia — , List of nuns of, 361 (150) Britain, 116-8, 123, 125, 127, 129, 132, 135-7, 145, 147-9, 152, 155, 158, 163, 165, 170-X, 181-2 (38), 187, 224, 251, 427 Britons, Brythons, 118, 127, 167, 171, 180-1 (37) Brittany, 10, 108, 122, 139, 150, 155, 171, 181-2 (38), 248, 364, 409 Bruno, St., Life of, 610 (430) Budoc, St., 181 (38) Buite mac Brónaigh, 172, 307, 372-3; Life of, 373 (163)


Burgundofaro, St., 490; Life of, 492-3 (281) Bury, J. B., 83,160,162,168, 295,310, 328, 3 3 3 -4 , 340-1, 359 Cadoc, St., 172, 182; Life of, 179-80 (36) Cadroe, St., 608, 613; Life of, 609-10 (428) Caesar, Caius Julius, 116, 118, 127; Notes on the Gallic War, 129-30 (4) Caesarea, Acts of the Council of, 217 (54 i), 223 Caillin, St., 300, 302, 401, 440 (220 lxii) Cáimín, St., 385; Life of, 386 (178). See Manu­ scripts, Psalter Câin, câna, 237; Dáire, 237. See Adamnán; Patrick; Sunday Cainnech, St., 305-7, 409, 437-9 (220 xiv, xv, xxiii, lii); Life of, 394-5 (187), 450; Story of, 395 (188) Cairech dergâin, Story of, 467 (261) Caimech, St., 172, 180 (37), 351-2 (142 v) Caisel, Caissel (Cashel), 12,14, 60,314, 343-4, 527, 742, 765, 768. See Martyrologies Canons, 235 sqq, 244-5, 247, 250; Canones Adomnani, 245 (80); Canones Hibernenses, 228, 244 (78); Canones Wallici, 240; Collectio canonum Hibernensis, 145, 177, 221, 237, 245, 247-50 (82), 282-3, 566, 662; of Eusebius, 280. See Kanon Canterbury, 219, 221, 226, 228, 235, 645, 656, 658, 763; Professions of obedience to the arch­ bishops of, 762 (649) Canticles, 645-7, 707 sqq, 713, 717-9 Carantoc, St., 155, 180 (37) Carthach (Mo-Chuta), St., 216, 222, 261, 3°5-6, 451 sqq, 472; Expulsion of, 452 (235); Life of, 452(234); Minor texts, 453 (236). See Rules Cassian, John, 164, 174, 240, 242, 249, 297, 619, 676, 687 Cassiodorus, 515, 636, 662, 666; Historia tripartita, 565; Commentary on the Psalms, 666 (517) Cast, St., 181 (38) Cathaldus, St., 185-6 (41) Céitinn, Seathrún (Geoffrey Keating), 44, 55, 60, 81, 768 Celchyth, Council of, 234-5 (71) Celestine, Pope, 165, 341-2, 673 (531) Céli, 470; C m Dé (Culdees), 343, 468 sqq, 477, 603. See Rules Cell-Abbáin (Killabban), 318-9 Cell-achid-drommo-foto (Killeigh), 22, 475-6 Cell-Alaid (Killala), 456-7 Cell-Beraigh (Kilbarry), 402 Cell-Cainnig (Kilkenny), 28, 38, 62, 394 Cell-Cuanna (Kilcoona), 465 Cell-Da-Lúa (Killaloe), 395, 404-5 Cell-dara (Kildare), 8, 12, 293, 302, 356 sqq, 369-70 Cell-Lainne (Killenny), Charter of, 769 (656) Cell-maic-Dúach (Kilmacduagh), 456 (241) Cell-Maignenn (Kilmainham), 465 Cell-na-manach (Kilnamanagh), 25, 741 Cell-Ronáin (Kilronan), 34, 465-7 Cell-Sléibhe-Cuilinn (Killeevy), 366 sqq



Cellach of Ârd-Macha, 353, 742, 762, 765 Cellach, of Cell-Alaid, 456; Life of, 457 (242) Cellanus of Péronne, 227, 501, 507 (306), 508 Celtic Review, 72 Cenannas, Cenondas (Kells), 8, 338, 425, 445~7, 640-1, 753 sqq; Charters of, 754 sqq (628-34); Council of, 768 (653) Cencius the Chamberlain: Liber Censuum, 768-9 Cenél Conaill, 284, 423, 629-30 7 Cenél nEogain, 344, 645, 765 Cenn-Etig (Kinnitty), 421-2 Ceolfrid, Abbot, 227-8 (64), 231 Chalcidius, 584, 679-80 (539) Chalons-sur-Saône, Councils at, 191, 529 (337) Charity, 740 (617) Charles the Bald, 489, 532, 550, 554-5, 561-2, 571, 576,579-80,587-90,593,600,602,721; Capitulare of, 600 (418); Letters to, 581-2 (387-8); Poem to, 603-4 (423 ii). See Manuscripts, Paris B N lat. 2 Charles the Fat, 554, 596-7; Grants to St. Gall,

595 (4 0 9 ) Charles the Great, Charlemagne, 282, 477, 489, 513, 517, 526, 529 sqq, 539, 541, 544, 547-8, 550, 686; Decree of, 528-9 (335 i), 785; History of, by the Monk of St. Gall, 533 (339); Legend of, 606; Letters of, 529 (336), 539 (34s); Letter of Alcuin to, 535; Life of, by Einhard, 532-3 (338); Planctus Caroli, 531 Charms, 273-4, 360, 719-20 Charters, 5, 753 sqq (628-34), 769-70 (654-7) Christ, Birth and childhood of, 739; Descent into hell, 740 (617); Fast of, 740 (617); Genealogy of, 279-80 (107 i); Image of, 740 (617); Letter of, that fell from heaven, 476-7 (270), 522; Pas­ sion of, 740 (617); Transfiguration of, 740 (617). See Abgarus Christopher, St., 740 (617) Chronicles: Anglo-Saxon, 235, 487; of Centula (Saint-Riquier), 492 (280 iii); of Ethelwerd, 607; of Fredegarius, 146, 205 (49); Chronicon imperiale, 136, 775; Chronicon monasterii s. Michaelis Virdunensis, 543; Chronicon Virdunense seu Flaviniacense, 612 (436); Chronicum Scottorum, 65. See Annals Ciarán, of Clúain-moccu-Nóis, 220, 305-7, 309, 374, 376 sqq, 423, 535; and Coirpre crom, 381 (169); Law of, 377; Life of, 378-80 (166); Litany attributed to, 730 (593); Miracle of hand of, 381 (168); Patrick’s prophecy of, 380-1 (167); Poems attributed to, 381-2 (170); Verses in honor of, 380. See Rules Ciarán (Piran), of Saigir, 182, 305-8, 310-1, 379! Dialogue with Coemgen, 706; Life of, 316-7 (124) Claudianus, Claudius, Poems of, 136 (14) Clemens, Clement: Letter to Tassilo II, 526-7 (331) Clemens Scottus, 145, 531, 533, 535, 549; Texts relating to, 537-8 (344) Clerical students, Stories of, 743 (622-3)

Clochar (Clogher), 23, 89, 351, 387, 741 Cion-, Cloon-: see ClúainClúain-Brónaig (Clonbroney), 464-5 Clúain-coirpthe (Kilbarry), 402 Clúain-credal, Cell-lte (Killleedy), 389-90 Clúain-Dolcain (Clondalkin), 279, 702 Clúain-ednech (Clonenagh), 384 sqq, 471, 480 Clúain-eóis, Clúain-auiss (Clones), 33, 386-7, 638, 706 Clúain-ferta-Brénaind (Clonfert), 409, 420 Clúain-ferta-Molúa (Clonfertmulloe, Kyle), 397 sqq Cluain-fota-Baitan-Aba (Clonfad), 270 Clúain-Iráird (Clonard), 11, 222, 279, 374 sqq, 417 Clúain-moccu-Nóis (Clonmacnois), 8 , 9, 11-2, 15, 222, 276, 329, 376 sqq, 423, 534, 726; Poems on the cemetery of, 383 (172); Registry of, 383 (173); Stories of, 382 Coeman, Testimony of (Teist Choemáin), 475-6 (269) Coemgen, St., 305-7, 360, 369; Dialogue with Ciarán of Saigir, 706; Life of, 403-4 (198) Cogitosus, 174, 277, 331, 356-8, 362. See Brigit, St. Coindire, Condere (Connor), 222, 352, 399, 766 Colcu, Colgu: (1) úa Duinechda, 534; Scúap Chrdbaid, 725-6 (580); (2) friend of Alcuin, 534, 722; (3) teacher in Ireland, Letter to, 556 (363) Colgan, John, 37, 39-41, 43, 86,182,185, 289, 306, 309, 319, 332, 338, 341, 361-3, 434, 728 Collects, 646-7, 702 (560), 708 sqq, 713, 7*9 sqq. See Prayers Colmán, Verses by, to Colmán, 551 (359) Colmán, St., of Austria, Life of, 613-4 (440) Colmán (Mo-Cholm-óc), St., of Druim-mór (Dromore), 305, 307, 465; Life of, 466 (255) Colmán of Lindisfame, 217, 224, 231, 463-4, 534 Colmán Elo, St., 305-7, 352, 456; Life of, 399-400 (192) Colmán mac Dúach, 456; Story of, 456 (241) Colmán mac Lúacháin, 453 sqq; Life of, 295, 438, 454-5 (238) Colmán (Mo-Cholm-óc) moccu Béognae: Apgitir Crdbaid (Alphabet of Devotion), 472 (265) Colmán moccu Cluasaig: Elegy for Cuimine fota, attributed to, 421 (210); Hymn of, 726-7 (582) Cologne, 86, 529, 544, 555, 606, 610, 615; Cata­ logue of abbots of St. Martin’s, 613 (439) Colors, Liturgical, Tract on, 689 (552) Columba, Colum-cille, of Iona, 3, 9, 41, 90, 153, 187, 224, 231, 254, 264-5, 284, 304-9, 324,327-8, 334, 372- 4, 384, 386, 391, 394, 396, 400-1, 409, 422 sqq, 487-8, 597, 616, 631, 656, 714-5, 752; Verses and hymns attributed to, 263-5 (91), 348-50 (141 i), 379-80; Amra of, 366, 426-7 (212), 718 (574); Cause of pilgrimage of, 435Î Death of, 718; in Aran, 435 (219 ii); Poems relating to, 436-41 (220), 727 (584 ii); Origin of name, 436 (219 iii); Simeon’s verses on, 434 (216). See Manuscripts — Cathach and Bk. Kells; Prayers; Rules

INDEX — Life of, by Adamnán, 68, 225, 296, 301, 395, 399. 409-10, 428-33 (214), 714-5; by Cuimine •übe, 296, 428-9 (213), 432; by Manus O’Don­ nell, 442 (221); other Lives, 433-5 (215, 217-8) — Adventures of the clerics of (Echtra clêrech Ckoiuim-cille), 447-8 (229); Disciples and rela­ tives of, 435 (219 i) Columba, St., of Terryglass, 305, 307, 779; Life of, 375, 385-6 (176) Columbanus, St., 10,40 ,142,177,18 3,186 sqq, 205, 209, 217, 219, 257, 260, 277, 308, 324, 390, 396, 4S7, 492, 511, 535, 594- 5, 597, 616, 628, 672, 688, 709; Commentaries on the Psalms, 200-3 ( 4 7 ) , 637; Letters of, 187, 189-95 (42); Ser­ mons of, 196-7 (44); Minor writings of, 195-6 (4 3)See Penitentials; Rules — Life of, by Jonas, 187, 203-5 (48), 208, 296; by Flodoard, 204 Comarbai, 33, 292, 352-3 Comgall, St., 265-6 (92 i), 305-7, 409, 461, 535, 687; Life of, 396-7 (189); Story of, 397 (190). See Rules Commendation of departing soul, 704 (565) Computus, 1 5 4 - 5 , 223 (59), 277, 636, 671-2 (528-9); Computistical notes, 670-1 (525) Confessor, Story of the temptation of a, 744 (624) Conlaed, Bishop, 356-7, 360, 387 Consecration, of church, Tract on, 688 (551); of virgin, Order of, 704 (565) Corbinian, St., 521, 667; Life of, 514 (319) Corcach (Cork), 28, 40, 50, 55, 401-2, 742 Corcu Loegde, 310, 317 Cormac mac Cuilennáin, 11, 13, 15, 155, 444 (225 iii, v), 460; Glossary of (Sanas Cormaic), 11, 149, 357- 8 ; Poems of, 734-5 (605). See Rules Cormac úa Liatháin, 409-10, 438 (220 xxvii, h x iii) Cornwall, 122-3, 125, 149-50, 181, 216, 317, 352, 364, 389, 488 Craeb-Ghrelláin, Graeb-mór (Creeve), 465 Cranat, St., 405; Life of, 406 (200) Creed, Creeds, 722-3, 739; Apostles’, 519, 669 (524), 719, 722-3; Athanasian, 667 (520-1), 718 (574); of Damasus, 667 (520); Nicene, 557 Crínóg, Poem to, 735 (606) Cromm dubh, Legend of, 395 (188) Crónán, St., of Ros-cré, 305; Life of, 460 (246) Crónán: see Mo-Chúa, Mo-Chuaróc Cross of Christ, Poem of {Comad Croiche Crist), 731 (600) Cross, True, Legend of, 739 (616) Cruindmel: On metre, 145, 552-3 (361) Cuanna, Cuannatheus, St., 304-5, 465; Acts of, 467 (259) Cuimine ailbe, 324, 391, 425, 434. See Columba of Iona Cuimine fota, St., 241, 420 59; Elegy for, 421 (210); Hymn of, 266 (93); and Mac-dá-cherda, Legends of, 420-1 (209) Cuimmin of Coindire, Poem attributed to, 303, 482



Culdees: see C ili Dê Cummean, 249. See Penitentials Cummian, 217, 277; Paschal epistle of, 220-1 (57), 324-5 Cummian, Cumianus, of Bobbio, Epitaph of, 516 (321) Cuthbert, St., 719; Lives of, 225-6 (61); by Bede, 230-2 (67). See Manuscripts, Gospels of Lindisfarne Cybi, Kebius, St., 180 (37) Cyran, Sigiramnus, St., 490; Life of, 493 (285) Cyril of Alexandria, Paschal letters of, 214; Forged epistle of, 217 (54 iv) Dd brón flatha nime (The two sorrows of the King­ dom of Heaven), 738 (614) Daig mac Cairill, St., Life of, 383-4 (*7 4 ) Dair-inis (Blackwater), 249, 468 Dair-mag (Durrow), 220, 424, 790 Dáire’s Law: see Cdin Ddire Daire-Calgaich, Daire-Coluim-cille, Doire (Derry), 9, 18, 424, 753, 756 Dál Araide, 322-3, 352, 366-7, 396, 399 Dál gCais, 353, 404 Dál Cuinn, 321-3, 329 Dál Riada, 323, 423, 425, 429, 431 Dallán Forgaill, 13, 366, 427 Dam-Inis (Devenish), 13, 33, 387 sqq Daniel úa Liathaide’s advice, 734 (604) David, St., 172-3, 239-40, 365, 376, 402, 449, 479Î Life of, 178-9 (35). See Penitentials David Scottus, 355, 619-20 (448) De duodecim abusivis saeculi, 281-2 (109) De sex aetatibus mundi, 154 De tribus habitaculis, 283 (n o ) Death: Description of the two deaths, 743 (621); Homily on, 740 (617) Déclán, St., 306, 310-1; Life of, 313 (121) Deicolus, Desle, Diey, St., of Lure, Life of, 208 (51) Deôrad, 488 Dermatius, Diarmait, Sermon by, 619 (447) Dési, 21,178, 218,312,321,389, 751; Expulsion of, 149 Desiderius, Didier, Géry, St., 490; Life of, 493 (284) Devenish: see Dam-Inis Dicuil, 531, 545 sqq; Treatise on astronomy, 546 (353); Treatise on geography (Liber de mensura orbis terrae), 546-8 (354); De arte grammatica, 545-6 (352) Diodorus Siculus, 125; Historical Library, 127 (3) Dionysius: Periegesis, 132, 683 Dionysius the Areopagite, 264, 583-5, 588. See Johannes Eriugena Dionysius Exiguus, 214-5, 223, 229, 247, 433! Cycles of, 670 (525); Paschal Arguments of, 672 (528-9) Disibod, St., Life of, 513-4 (318) Divine Office, Books for, 706 sqq; Cursus for, 687-8 (548). See Hours



Domn&ll Úa hEnna, Letters to» 759-60 (636-9) Donatus, grammarian, 543-4 (351 v), 552-3 (362), 560, 564, 679 (538) Donatus of Fiesole, 362; Verses by, and Life of, 601-2 (421) Donatus, Donngus, of Dublin, 762 (649); Letter of Anselm to, 760 (639) Doomsday, Poems on, 736-7 (611); Signs of, 736; Tidings of, 738 (613); Tokens of, 788 Dottin, Georges, 73, 81-2, 773 Druids, 2, 21, 273, 302, 393, 464; Prophecy of Patrick, 344 Druim-cetta, 3, 442; Mór-dál of, 427, 437 (220 xii, xiii), 439 (220 xli) Druim-snechta (Drumsnat), 14, 397 sqq Dub-dá-chrich, 508, 523, 526 (330) Dub-dá-leithe I, of Ard-Macha, 336 Dub-dá-leithe III, 12, 354 Dubduin, Verses by, 598 (414), 650 — , Trinity College, 47, 5°, 55, 58-9, 64, 68, 74, 76, 83, 87-9 Dub-linn (Dublin), Ath-cliath, 7, 28, 54, 56, 58, 60-2, 66-7, 72, 78, 88-9, 326, 347, 404, 470, 528, 749, 757, 765, 768, 770; Letters to Canterbury, 758-9 (635). 762 (647) Dubthach (mac Máel-Tuile?), 555, 557-60 Dunan (Donatus) of Dublin, 759 Dún-Blesci, Duleng (Doon), 403 Dunchad, Dunchat, of Reims, 571, 753~4 (377), 593 Dunchad úa Braen, 11, 382 Dungal, abbot, Verses addressed to, 542 (350) Dungal, bishop, 535 Dungal, of Bobbio, 516 Dungal, of the Circle of Sedulius, 560, 563 (370) Dungal. of Pavia, 531, 533 540, 550 (357) Dungal of St.-Denis, 538 sqq, 580; Letters to and from, 539-40 (345- 6); Verses by, 540-2 (348-9); Reply of, to Claudius of Turin, 540 (347) Dunkeld, 446; Litany of the Ciildees of, 731-2 Dunstan, St., 605; Lives of, 606-8 (424 ii, iii) Durrow: see Dair-mag Dympna, Damnat, St., Life of, 510 (314) Eadmer: Historia novorum in Anglia, 762-3 (650) Efflam, St., 181 (38) Einhard, 532-3 (338), 535, 537 Ekkehard IV, 10; Casus S. Galli, 596-7 (411) Electus Scottigena, 601 Eligius, Eloi, St., 490; Life of, 493-4 (286) Eloquius, Éloque, of Lagny, 503 (297), 507 Emine bán, Cáin, 459-60 (245) Emly: see Imblech-ibair Ênda, St., 172, 180, 307, 467; Life of, 374 (164) Eoghan, St., Life of, 172, 305, 400 (193) Eoghanacht, 314, 392, 397, 420 Epiphany, 740 (617) Erenagh: see Airchinnech Erhard, St., Legend of, 527 (332) Ê riu, 72, 78, 121, 133 Ermenrich of Ellwangen: Letter to Grimald, 595 (408)

Ethbin, Egbin, Ediunet, 180 (37) Ethelwulf, Poem by, 234 (70) Ethicus Ister: Cosmographia, 145-6 (21), 547 Etton, Zé, St., Life of, 506-7 (304) Eumenius: Panegyrics, 135 (12) Eusebia, St., Life of, 505 (300 ii) Eusebius, 12-3, 138, 190, 280, 480, 566, 648 Eusebius, The Irish, 276, 596 Eutyches, 515,552,677 (534)î Commentary on, by Sedulius, 563-4 (371) Eve’s Lament, 737 (610) Falbeus, Falvius, Fail be, 490,494 Familia, 291-2 Farannán, Life of, 443 (223) Fasting, Homily on, 740 (617) Féchín, St., 307, 464; Life of, 458-9 (244) Fêlire: see Martyrologies Fenagh: see Fidnacha Feock, St., 181 (38) F er léiginn, i i , 18 Fer-dá-crich of Dair-inis, 352, 468-9 Fer-domnach, scribe, of Ard-Macha, 169,327,334-6, 338, 344. 644 Ferghil: see Virgilius Fermoy: see Fir-Muige Ferna (Ferns), 448-9,461; Charter of, 769 (655) Fiacc of Slébte, 268, 335, 340; Hymn of, 339“4° (132); Story of, 348 (141 iv) Fiacra, Fiacre, St., 308, 490; Life of, 493 (283) Fiadh-mac-nAenghusa, Synod of, 768 Fidnacha (Fenagh), 46, 400-1, 437 (220 xix) Fili, Filid, 2, 3, 6, 12-4, 16, 19, 21, 145, 258, 357, 421, 427, 441; Filidecht, 3, 4, 12, 19 Fínán cam, St., 305-7, 421 sqq; Life of, 422 (211) Findan, Fintan, St., of Rheinau, Life of, 602-3 (422); Missal of, 704-5 Find-chú, St., 309; Life of, 457-8 (243) Fingar, Guigner, St., 181 (38) Fingen, St., 611-3 Finnian (Findio, Findén) moccu Telduib, of Clúain-lráird, 172, 177, 180, 240, 305, 307, 309, 374 sqq, 379, 387, 392, 741; Life of, 375-6 (165) Finnian of Druim-Finn, 391, 630 Finnian (Findio, Findén) moccu Fiatach, of MagBile, 172, 177, 185, 240, 263, 308, 368, 375, 390-1; Life of, 391 (183) Fintan, of Dún-Blesci, 305; Acts of, 403 (197) Fintan moccu Echdach, of Cluain-ednech, 305-7, 385; Life of, 386 (177) Fintan (Munnu) moccu Moie, 221, 305-7, 432, 449-50, 456; Life of, 450 (231) Fir Muighe (Fermoy), 405-6, 457-8, 752 Flanders, 500 sqq Flann Mainistrech, 12-3, 401 Flannan, St., 305-7, 404; Life of, 405 (199) Fleming, Patrick (Christopher), 39-41, 201, 306 Fleming, Thomas, 41 Flightiness of thought, Poem on, 735 (608) Flodoard: History of the Church of Reims, 183-4 (39), 522 (326). See Annals; Columbanus

INDEX Florus of Lyons, 549; Book against Johannes Eriugena, 578 (383) Fobar (Fore), 458-9 Foillan, St., 231, 308, 501-4 (298), 507 Folcuin: History of the abbots of Lobbes, 522 (327) Foraman, St., 608; Life of, 610 (429) Foscil ar Bannscail, 744 (624) Fosses, 504, 528 Fothad na canóine, 468,480; Law of, 473. See Rules Franciscans, 18, 29, 38, 42, 54, 61, 86 Frediano, of Lucca, 391; Lives of, 184-5 (40) Iridolin, St., 496, 511; Life of, 497-8 (292) Fulda, 397, 442, 515, 520, 532, 549-50, 576, 595. 615, 621, 68r, 699, 722; Catalogue of the abbots of, 538 (3 4 4 Ü) Fursa, St., 231, 296, 305, 307-8, 472, 491, 496, 500-3 (296), 506-7; Vision of, 231. See Prayers Gaelic Journal, 72, 74 Gaelic League, 79-81 Gaelic Society of Dublin, 60 Gaelic Union, 79 Gaidoz, Henri, 71, 76 Gall, St., 204, 511, 594-5, 597; Genealogy of, 208 (50 vi); Lives of, 206-8 (50), 639 Galway, 28-9, 45, 50, 62; College of St. Nicholas, 45 Gamier of Rouen, 613 (438) Gaudentius, 287, 676 Gaul, Gauls, 117, 126-8, 130, 139-41, 144, 146, 160,163, 165, 183, 187, 247-8, 251, 257, 379 Gautbert: Succession of grammarians, 591-2 (404), 610 Gelasius, Gilasius: see Gilla-meic-Liag Genealogies, 42, 45, 304 Gennadius, 249, 648, 667 (520) Geography, Geographers, 129, 546-8 (354), 682-3 (546) George, St., 740 (617) Gerald, St., 307; Life of, 464 (252) Gérard, St., of Toul, Life of, 611 (431) Germanus, of Auxerre, 153-4,163-4 (27), 165,172, 184, 333, 687; Life of, by Constantius, 533; by Heine, 593 (4 0 7 ) Germany, 511, 605 sqq, 614-8 Gertrude, St., 501; Life of, 504-5 (299) Gesta regum Francorum, 498 (293) Ghent, 508; Fundatio monasterii Blandiniensis, 507-8 (307) Gibrian, St., Life of, 183-4 (39) Gildas, 148, 151-2, 154, 172, 190, 240, 249, 376, 389, 479; De excidio et conquestu Britanniae, 150-2 (23), 257; Lives of, 176-8 (34). See Loricae; Penitentials; Prayers Gilla-Coemáin, 13,154-5 Gilla-e(a)spuic, Gillebert, of Limerick, 747, 758, 766-8; De statu Ecclesiae, 763-4 (651); Letter from, 761 (645); Letter to, 761 (646) Gilla-meic-Liac (Gilasius) of Árd-Macha, 353, 483, 766 Giraldus Cambrensis, 355, 357-8 Glaber, Raoul: Five Books of Histories, 418 (206)


Glastonbury, 149, 178, 308, 446, 606-8 (424) Glenn-dá-locho (Glendaloch), 8, 403-4, 461, 769. 771 Gloria in excelsis, 670 (525), 717-9. 721 Glossary, Cormac’s, 149; Leyden, 142 (19); of Munich, 678 (537); O’Clery’s, 43 Glosses, 62, 70, 72, 85, 202, 258, 287, 635-7, 639, 646, 652, 660-1, 666-8, 670-8, 680 Goban, St., Life of, 505-6 (301) Goidels, 118, 148, 160, 162, 178 Gormgal of Ârd-oilén, 459, 482 Gospel Dice: see Alea Evangelii Gothric (Godred?) of Dublin, Letter to, 759 (636) Gottschalk, 558-60, 576, 578 Gougaud, Louis, 83, 172 Gozbcrt of St. Gall, 206-7, 599; the Younger, 207 Grammar, Irish, 54, 60, 66, 73, 76; Latin and Greek, 143-4, 53*, 545, 551- 3 , 574, 680 (540) Greek, Glossaries of, 589-91 (400-1); Translation of, 569; Vocabulary and grammar, 678 (535) Gregory I, the Great, Pope, 153,174, i 7 7 , 19°, 219, 249, 264-5, 278, 297, 451, 619, 636, 648, 658, 666, 702 (560), 715, 720, 776; Columbanus to, 191 (42 i); Dialogues, 185,433, 673-4 (532); Moralia, 278-9 (io6), 644; Life of, 789 Gregory II, 221, 223, 521 Gregory III, 521 Gregory V II, 768 Gregory of Dublin, 762 (649), 771 Gregory Nazianzene, St., 244, 249, 583, 673 Gregory, St., of Nyssa, 583, 585 Grellan, St., Life of, 465-6 (257) Grimald of St. Gall, 596, 599-600; Letter to, 595 (408) Gúaire Aidne, 386, 421, 438, 456-7, 467; Story of, 456 (241) Guénaël, St., 180 (37) Guénolé: see Winwaloe Guido, king and emperor, Verses referring to, 604 (4 2 3 v )

Gunthar, Gonthar, of Cologne, 559, 562; Eulogy of, 562 (367); Poem in honor of, 675 Gwynn, John, 83,169, 331, 334, 339~4°, 631, 643-4 Hegesippus, 136, 286, 433 Heiric of Auxerre, 154, 163-4, 568, 587, 592; Life of St. Germanus, 593 (407) Helias of Angoulême, 568, 5 7 1 , 5 9 2 - 3 (4 0 5 ) Hell, Harrowing of, 740 Hennessy, W. M., 65-6, 68, 72 Henry I of England, 227, 416, 761; Letter of, 762 (648) Hiberia, Hiberio, Hiberni, Hibernia, Hiemi, 121, 129, 133-5, 142 “ Hibemicus exul,” Poems by, 541 (348) Hii: see Iona Hilary of Poitiers, 158, 252, 311, 315. See Hymns, Hymnum dicat Himilco, Periplus of, 120-2 (1) Hincmar of Reims', 282, 560, 571, 576-8, ,580, 587, 590, 600



Hisperica Famina, 143, 151, 227, 251, 255-8 (84), 264, 271, 433 Hogan, Edmund I., 84; Onomasticon Goedelicum, 84 Holder, Alfred, 84, 86, 278, 701; Alt-Celtischer Sprachschatz, 84 Homilies, 298, 732 sqq; in LB r, 739-40 (617); Cambrai, 283 ( in ) ; on Doomsday, 738 (613); Old Irish, 734 (603). See Johannes Eriugena Honau, 528-9 (335), 784-5 Horace, 190, 553, 560; Porphyrio’s Commentary on, 568 Hours, Canonical, 218, 688; Orders for the celebra­ tion of, 687-8 (548); Poem naming, 688; Tract on, 688 (550). See Divine Office Hraban Maur, 264, 532, 538, 550-1, 576, 578; De Computo, 549-50 (356 i). See Martyrologies Hucbald of St-Amand, 505 (300 i), 592 Hugh of Flavigny, 612 (436) Hymns, 250-2, 258-70 (85-99), 303, 37i (162), 597, 669 (524), 672 (530), 678 (535), 707 sqq, 717-8, 720, 723-7; of the week, Cursus hymno­ rum, 265, 714-5 (572). See Manuscripts, Liber Hymnorum and Paris BN lat. 9488 — (incipits): Abbas probatus omnino, 388-9 (181), 718 (574); Ad dominum clamaveram, 724 (579 i); Adelphus adelpha meter, 257, 258 (86); Alma fulget in caelesti, 720 (576); Alta audite rà epya, 267-8 (95 ii), 713 (571); Alto et ineffa­ bile, 380, 718 (574); Altus prosator, 257, 263-5 (91 i), 717 (574), 743Î Ambulemusin prosperis, 724 (589 ii); Amici nobiles, 721 (578), 724 (579 Hi); Archangelum mirum magnum, 726 (581); Ateoch rig (Sanctán’s hymn), 718 (574), 727 (583); Atlochar duit, 735 (607); Audite bonum exemplum, 260- 1 (88), 708; Audite fratres, 371 (162 ii); Audite omnes amantes, 258-bo (87), 262, 324, 334, 708, 717 (574); Audite navres rà cpya, 265-6 (92 i), 708; Audite sancta studia, 371 (162 i); Benchuir bona regula, 265-6 (92 ii), 710; Benedictus in saecula, 265; Bennoch ocus tdrochia, 731 (601); Brigidae nomen habet, 363 (155 ii); Brigit bê, 267-8 (95 iii), 419, 718 (574); Can­ temus in omni die (Hymn of Cú-chuimne), 269-70 (98), 670 (524), 713 (571), 717 (574); Celebra Juda, 266 (93), 717 (574); Christe qui lux es, 718 (574); Christi patris in dextera, 718 (574), 728 (587); Christus in nostra insula, 267-8 (95 i), 713 (571), 717 (574); Christum peto, Christum preco, 724 (579 iv); Colum