The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games: Herausgegeben:Edler, Dennis; Kühne, Olaf; Jenal, Corinna 9783658354022, 9783658354039, 365835402X

Table of contents :
Contents
Editors and Contributors
About the Editors
Contributors
1 Landscape and Games—An Introduction
1 On the Relevance of a Synthetic View of Landscape and Game
2 To the Contributions
2.1 Part 1—Theoretical Approaches
2.2 Part 2—Analog Worlds
2.3 Part 3—Digital Worlds
2.4 Part 4—Hybrid Worlds
2.5 Part 5—Further Development and Perspective
Theoretical Approaches
2 Philosophical and Cultural-Theoretical Approaches to Play(s)
1 Introduction: Game(s) in the Context of Philosophical as well as Cultural and Social Scientific Thematizations
2 Thematizations of the Game(s) on the Guideline of the 3-World Theory
2.1 World 1: Ontological Thematizations of Play(s)
2.2 World 2: Aesthetic, Action-Theoretical, Anthropological, Psychological and Social-Behavioristic Thematizations of Play(s)
2.3 World 3: Social Thematizations of Play(s)
3 Play(s) and Seriousness—Contradiction or Activity Aspects?
4 Conclusion
3 The Social Psychological Function of Play
1 Overview of Theories of Play and Social Psychology
2 Definitions of Play: Characteristics, Functions, Forms
2.1 Cultural Theoretical Definitions of Play
2.2 Biological Theory of Play
2.3 Developmental Psychological Definition of Play
2.4 Cross-Disciplinary Definitions of Play
3 Reflections on Social Psychological Functions of Play
3.1 Intrapsychic Level: Self-Concept, Identity, Impression Management
3.2 Social Interaction and Communication
3.3 Play and Innovation
4 Summary and Outlook
4 Theoretical Approaches to Landscapes
1 Introduction
2 Landscape as Three-Level Model
3 Landscape Theories—the Manifold Understandings of ‘Landscape’
3.1 The Essentialist Understanding of Landscape—in Search of the ‘Essence’ of ‘the Landscape’
3.2 Positivist Understanding of Landscape—Making the ‘Object’ Landscape Empirically Available
3.3 Constructivist Understanding of Landscape—‘Landscape’ Becomes a Social Construct
3.4 Multi-than-Representational Theories—Breaking Down the Division Between Subject and Object
3.5 Critical Landscape Research—Landscape as Object and Medium of Unequal Power Relations
4 Conclusion and Outlook: Landscape Theories and Games
5 Landscapes in Games: Insights and Overviews of Contingencies between Worlds 1, 2 and 3
1 Introduction
2 The Landscapes in the Worlds
3 Games and Their Functions
4 Landscape in Games
5 Conclusion and Outlook
Analog Worlds
6 The Controversity About Colonialism in Board Games—Illustrated by the Example of Santa Maria
1 Introduction
2 The Basics of Postcolonial Studies
3 About the Effects of Parlor Games
4 Wargames, Eurogames and Ameritrash—a Short Introduction to the World of Board Games
5 Santa Maria—“Always Wanted to Lead Your Own Colony?”
6 Conclusion
7 Urban Landscapes in Boardgames
1 Games in Society
2 Theoretical Framework—Landscape Construction and Critical Cartography
2.1 (Urban) Landscapes in Games
2.2 Critical Cartography
3 Exemplary Board Game—Scotland Yard
4 Critical Approach to Scotland Yard
4.1 Representational Hierarchy
4.2 Cartographic Silence
4.3 Symbolism and Embellishment
4.4 Geometry
4.5 Discussion of the Board Game Visualization
5 Conclusion—Possibilities and Limits of Board Game Analysis
8 The Cartographic Representation of Model Railroad Landscapes—Theoretical Considerations and Empirical Results from Model Railroad-Related Literature
1 Introduction
2 A compact theoretical framework: the social construction of landscape
3 Landscape and its cartographic representation in model railroad literature
3.1 The importance of landscape for model railroads
3.2 Cartographic abstractions in model railroad literature
4 Conclusion
Evaluated model railroad landscape related literature
9 Taunting Landscapes in Pinball Games
1 Introduction
2 Pinball in a nutshell
3 Examples of Taunting Animations in Pinball Games
3.1 The Taunting Head
3.2 Animations in Dot-Matrix Displays
3.3 Closing Theme ‘Celebrating’ the loss
4 Taunting as an Intensifying Layer in Pinball Landscapes
10 The Beach in the Box―Aspects of the Construction and Experience of a Hybrid Landscape
1 Introduction
2 Theoretical considerations―the differentiation of the socialization of landscape and beach
3 The method of the beach box
4 Results of the beach box survey
4.1 “Beach constructions”―a first insight
4.2 Beach atmospheres
4.3 (Idealized) collective value and interpretation patterns symbolically mediated
5 Conclusion and outlook (need for further research)
11 Leisure Parks and Landscape on the Example of Disneyland
1 Introduction
2 Landscape as a Geographical Matter
2.1 How to Define ‘landscape’ in a Social Constructivist Way
2.2 The ‘creation’ of Landscape in Theme Parks: An Aesthetical Issue
3 Leisure Parks – A Symbol of Escapism?
3.1 The Motives Behind Escapism: Why do We Have to ‘escape’ – and from What?
3.2 How to Satisfy Escapist Needs: The Example of Disneyland
4 Synthesis: How to Escape from Everyday Life by Visiting Leisure Parks
4.1 The Effect of Simulated ‘realities’ and Landscape in Theme Parks
4.2 The Psychological Background of Worldwide Successful Parks such as Disneyland: A Case Study
5 Conclusion
Online sources
12 Golfing and Landscape
1 Introduction
2 The Construction of Landscape
3 The Sport of Golf
3.1 The Golf Variation “Cross Golf”
3.2 (Cross) Golf vs. Landscape
4 Method
5 Interpretation
6 Conclusion and Outlook
13 An Empirical Case Study Addressing an Appropriation of Space for Football by Arab Immigrants in Different German Cities
1 Introduction
2 Social Constructivism Landscape Approach in Appropriating Physical Space
3 Arab Immigrants and Their Appropriation of Space for Football
3.1 General Outdoor Sport Activities by Arabs in the Host Country
3.2 Football in Open Public Parks and Playgrounds
3.3 Football in Sport Fields
3.4 Arab Communities and Sub-communities Sport Events
3.5 NGO’s and Local Municipalities’ Competitions
3.6 Social, Cultural, and Psychological Means of Sport and Football for Arab Immigrants’ Daily Life
4 Conclusion
14 Landscape and Equestrian Games—A Social Constructivist Approach
1 Introduction
2 Introductory Remarks on Social Constructivist Landscape Research
3 The Origins of Eventing and Its Cross-Country Courses
4 Cross-Country and Landscape—Basic Considerations and Empirical Observations
5 Conclusion
15 From the Mountains to the City to the Ocean. How Interaction with Landscape Creates Meaningful Experiences in Alpinism, Skateboarding and Surfing
1 Introduction: A Spectacle in Surf
2 Game, Adventure, Sport or What?
2.1 The Mountain in Alpinism
2.2 The City in Skateboarding
2.3 The Ocean in Surfing
3 Discussion: Mastering Adventures and the Pleasurable Art of Applying Expert Knowlegde and Skills to Landscape
Digital Worlds
16 Representations of Landscape in the Strategy Game Civilization
1 Introduction
2 On the Social Construction of Landscape and its Function in the Game—A Brief Theoretical Classification
3 The Game Civilization
4 Function and Development of the Representation of Landscape in the Game Civilization
5 Conclusions
17 Landscape as Frontier—Experiencing the Wild West in Red Dead Redemption 2 (2018)
1 Introduction
2 Frontier and the History of the U.S.A.
3 The Digital Representation of the Wild West in Red Dead Redemption 2
4 Experiencing the Frontier in Red Dead Redemption 2—Landscapes of Sublimity and Danger
5 Conclusion
Hybrid Worlds
18 Pokémon GO and Landscape
1 Introduction
2 Preliminary Remarks
2.1 Construction of Landscape
2.2 The World of Pokémon
2.3 Pokémon GO (Field Report)
2.4 Intersections of the Landscape and Pokémon GO
3 Methodology
4 Empirical Results
5 Conclusion and Outlook
19 An Evaluation System for Games Related to Geography and Landscapes in Education
1 Introduction
2 Methods and Data
3 Results
4 Discussion
5 Conclusions
20 Landscape in Action. The Teaching of ‘Landscape’ in Innovative Excursion Formats Using the Example of the Digital Urban Geography Excursion in Stuttgart Developed Within the Project ‘InExkurs’
1 Introduction
2 Comprehension of Landscape and Space
3 (Urban)Field Trips as Challenges
3.1 Modern Approaches in Excursion Didactics
3.2 Playful Knowledge Transfer in Educational Contexts
4 Selected Examples of the Digital Excursion “InExkurs”
4.1 Killesberghöhe (Killesberg Heights)
4.2 Weissenhofsiedlung (White Yard Settlement)
4.3 Schlossplatz Stuttgart (Castle Square Stuttgart)
5 Outlook
21 Spaces, Landscapes and Games: The Case of (Geography) Education Using the Example of Spatial Citizenship and Education for Innovativeness
1 Introduction
2 Landscapes and geography education—a complicated but adaptable relationship
3 Game in Education—an Ambivalent and Welcome Approach at the Same Time
4 Spatial Citizenship and Education for Innovativeness—a Combination of Approaches for Game-Based and Landscape-Related Education
4.1 Spatial Citizenship
4.2 Education for Innovativeness and Simulation
4.3 A Combination of Game-Based Learning Environments—Concluding Words About a Landscape-Changing Potential
22 Landscape in Teaching. Experiencing and Learning from and in Landscapes at School with the Support of an eBook
1 Introduction
2 Theories of Learning
3 Media in Geography Lessons
4 Gamification
5 Landscape in Education
6 The Mediation of Landscape through Digital Media using the Example of an eBook
7 Conclusion
23 The Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes
1 Play and Games in Participatory Urban Planning and Design Processes
1.1 The Influence of Game and Play Practices on Public Participation
1.2 Play and Games in the Practice of Participatory Urban Planning and Design
1.3 Benefits of Using Games and Play in Participatory Urban Planning and Design
2 Play and Games in Participatory Landscape Processes
2.1 Participatory Landscape Processes
2.2 Linking Games to Participatory Landscape Processes
2.3 Towards a Comprehensive Play and Game Framework
3 The Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes
3.1 The Conceptual Map of Applied Game and Play Practice
3.2 Adapting the Model: One Compass, Two Strategies, Four Options
3.3 Serious Games Quarter
3.4 Serious Toys Quarter
3.5 Gameful Design Quarter
3.6 Playful Design Quarter
4 Discussion to the Play/Game Compass
5 Conclusion
Further Development and Perspective
24 Play Between the Modes, the Categories and the Media of Landscape – on the Model Train Journey from Wanne-Eickel Hbf to Wattenscheid Hbf
1 Introduction
2 The Extension of the Approach of the Three Landscapes
3 Conception and Materialization of a Model Railway Landscape between Modes, Categories and Media of Landscape
4 Model Train Ride from Wanne-Eickel Central Station to Wattenscheid Central Station
5 Conclusion

Citation preview

RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft

Dennis Edler · Olaf Kühne Corinna Jenal Editors

The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games

RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft Series Editors Olaf Kühne, Forschungsbereich Geographie, Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany Sebastian Kinder, Forschungsbereich Geographie, Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany Olaf Schnur, Stadt- und Quartiersforschung, Berlin, Germany

RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft | SpaceAffairs: City – Region – Landscape Im Zuge des „spatial turns“ der Sozial- und Geisteswissenschaften hat sich die Zahl der wissenschaftlichen Forschungen in diesem Bereich deutlich erhöht. Mit der Reihe „RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft“ wird Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftlern ein Forum angeboten, innovative Ansätze der Anthropogeographie und sozialwissenschaftlichen Raumforschung zu präsentieren. Die Reihe orientiert sich an grundsätzlichen Fragen des gesellschaftlichen Raumverständnisses. Dabei ist es das Ziel, unterschiedliche Theorieansätze der anthropogeographischen und sozialwissenschaftlichen Stadt- und Regionalforschung zu integrieren. Räumliche Bezüge sollen dabei insbesondere auf mikro- und mesoskaliger Ebene liegen. Die Reihe umfasst theoretische sowie theoriegeleitete empirische Arbeiten. Dazu gehören Monographien und Sammelbände, aber auch Einführungen in Teilaspekte der stadt- und regionalbezogenen geographischen und sozialwissenschaftlichen Forschung. Ergänzend werden auch Tagungsbände und Qualifikationsarbeiten (Dissertationen, Habilitationsschriften) publiziert. Herausgegeben von Prof. Dr. Dr. Olaf Kühne, Universität Tübingen Prof. Dr. Sebastian Kinder, Universität Tübingen PD Dr. Olaf Schnur, Berlin In the course of the “spatial turn” of the social sciences and humanities, the number of scientific researches in this field has increased significantly. With the series “RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft” scientists are offered a forum to present innovative approaches in anthropogeography and social space research. The series focuses on fundamental questions of the social understanding of space. The aim is to integrate different theoretical approaches of anthropogeographical and social-scientific urban and regional research. Spatial references should be on a micro- and mesoscale level in particular. The series comprises theoretical and theory-based empirical work. These include monographs and anthologies, but also introductions to some aspects of urban and regional geographical and social science research. In addition, conference proceedings and qualification papers (dissertations, postdoctoral theses) are also published. Edited by Prof. Dr. Dr. Olaf Kühne, Universität Tübingen Prof. Dr. Sebastian Kinder, Universität Tübingen PD Dr. Olaf Schnur, Berlin

More information about this series at https://link.springer.com/bookseries/10584

Dennis Edler · Olaf Kühne · Corinna Jenal Editors

The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games

Editors Dennis Edler Ruhr-Universität Bochum Bochum, Germany

Olaf Kühne Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen Tübingen, Germany

Corinna Jenal Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen Tübingen, Germany

ISSN 2625-6991 ISSN 2625-7009 (electronic) RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft ISBN 978-3-658-35402-2 ISBN 978-3-658-35403-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Responsible Editor: Cori Antonia Mackrodt This Springer VS imprint is published by the registered company Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH part of Springer Nature. The registered company address is: Abraham-Lincoln-Str. 46, 65189 Wiesbaden, Germany

Contents

Landscape and Games—An Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Corinna Jenal, Olaf Kühne, and Dennis Edler

1

Theoretical Appraoches Philosophical and Cultural-Theoretical Approaches to Play(s) . . . . . . . . Karsten Berr

13

The Social Psychological Function of Play . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kai Schuster

39

Theoretical Approaches to Landscapes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Olaf Kühne

59

Landscapes in Games: Insights and Overviews of Contingencies between Worlds 1, 2 and 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Olaf Kühne, Corinna Jenal, and Dennis Edler

77

Analog Worlds The Controversity About Colonialism in Board Games—Illustrated by the Example of Santa Maria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Timo Sedelmeier and Linda Baum Urban Landscapes in Boardgames . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Anna Katharina Eberhardt

91 109

v

vi

Contents

The Cartographic Representation of Model Railroad Landscapes—Theoretical Considerations and Empirical Results from Model Railroad-Related Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Olaf Kühne, Dennis Edler, and Corinna Jenal Taunting Landscapes in Pinball Games . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dennis Edler The Beach in the Box—Aspects of the Construction and Experience of a Hybrid Landscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Olaf Kühne, Vera Denzer, and Christel Eißner

127 149

163

Leisure Parks and Landscape on the Example of Disneyland . . . . . . . . . Dominique Fontaine

181

Golfing and Landscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Philipp Jutz

195

An Empirical Case Study Addressing an Appropriation of Space for Football by Arab Immigrants in Different German Cities . . . . . . . . . Mohammed Al-Khanbashi

209

Landscape and Equestrian Games—A Social Constructivist Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lara Koegst

229

From the Mountains to the City to the Ocean. How Interaction with Landscape Creates Meaningful Experiences in Alpinism, Skateboarding and Surfing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Erik Aschenbrand

245

Digital Worlds Representations of Landscape in the Strategy Game Civilization . . . . . . Olaf Kühne Landscape as Frontier—Experiencing the Wild West in Red Dead Redemption 2 (2018) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stephan Maximilian Pietsch

261

273

Hybrid Worlds Pokémon GO and Landscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sven Endreß and Philipp Jutz

291

Contents

An Evaluation System for Games Related to Geography and Landscapes in Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fivos Papadimitriou Landscape in Action. The Teaching of ‘Landscape’ in Innovative Excursion Formats Using the Example of the Digital Urban Geography Excursion in Stuttgart Developed Within the Project ‘InExkurs’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lara Koegst, Linda Baum, and Maximilian Stintzing Spaces, Landscapes and Games: The Case of (Geography) Education Using the Example of Spatial Citizenship and Education for Innovativeness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Inga Gryl Landscape in Teaching. Experiencing and Learning from and in Landscapes at School with the Support of an eBook . . . . . . Marie-Luise Zimmer The Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes . . . . . . . Anna Szilágyi-Nagy

vii

315

337

359

377 395

Further Development and Perspective Play Between the Modes, the Categories and the Media of Landscape – on the Model Train Journey from Wanne-Eickel Hbf to Wattenscheid Hbf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Olaf Kühne

433

Editors and Contributors

About the Editors PD Dr. Dennis Edler Ruhr Universität Bochum, Bochum, Germany Prof. Dr. Dr. Olaf Kühne Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany Dr. Corinna Jenal Geography, Urban and Regional Development, Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany

Contributors Dr. Mohammed Al-Khanbashi Berlin, Germany Dr. Erik Aschenbrand Hochschule Für Nachhaltige Entwicklung Eberswald, Eberswalde, Germany Linda Baum Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Deutschland Dr. Karsten Berr Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany Prof. Dr. Dr. Vera Denzer Universität Leipzig, Leipzig, Germany Anna Katharina Eberhardt Munich, Germany Christel Eißner Universität Leipzig, Leipzig, Germany Sven Endreß Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany Dr. Dominique Fontaine Warndt-Gymnasium Völklingen, Völklingen, Germany

ix

x

Editors and Contributors

Prof. Dr. Inga Gryl Institut Für Geographie, Universität Duisburg-Essen, Essen, Germany Philipp Jutz Dürmentingen, Germany Lara Koegst Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Deutschland Dr. Dr. Fivos Papadimitriou Department of Geography, University of Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany Stephan Maximilian Pietsch Leibniz-Institut Germany

für

Länderkunde,

Leipzig,

Prof. Dr. Dr. Kai Schuster Hochschule Darmstadt, Darmstadt, Germany Dr. Timo Sedelmeier Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany Maximilian Stintzing Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, München, Deutschland Anna Szilágyi-Nagy Forschungsbereich Geographie, Stadt- und Regionalentwicklung, Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Deutschland Marie-Luise Zimmer Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany

Landscape and Games—An Introduction Corinna Jenal, Olaf Kühne, and Dennis Edler

Abstract

Within the spectrum of current research disciplines, landscape and play can be understood as two thematic areas whose synthetic consideration has so far remained rather marginal in the research landscape. The present anthology is an attempt to address this research gap and to show possible potentials of a synthetic consideration of landscape and play by means of first approximations. Accordingly, the present introductory contribution explains the relevance of the addressed topics also against the background of the digitalization of the world and gives a brief overview of the collected contributions. Keywords

Landscape • Game • Play • Virtuality • Augmented Reality • Board Games Video Games • Digitalization • Contingency • Complexity

•

C. Jenal (B) · O. Kühne Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] O. Kühne e-mail: [email protected] D. Edler Ruhr Universität Bochum, Bochum, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_1

1

2

1

C. Jenal et al.

On the Relevance of a Synthetic View of Landscape and Game

In current debates of research disciplines, landscape and game can be understood as two thematic areas whose synthetic consideration has so far remained rather marginal (see under few e.g. Fontaine, 2017; Kühne et al., 2020; Kühne & Schmitt, 2012; Longan, 2008). At the same time, the connection between landscape and game is becoming increasingly important, especially against the background of new technical standards, such as virtual as well as augmented reality (for e.g. Edler et al. 2019, Dickmann et al. 2021, Kühne et al. 2021)., In the video and computer game industry, both the analog board game industry and the video and computer game sector have increased sales for years, with an expected new record value of 12 billion US$ in 2023 in the board game sector and 138 billion US$ in 2021 in the videogame market (statista, 2019, 2021). In addition, the number of video gamers alone is estimated to grow from around 2.8 billion currently to over 3 billion players in 2023 (Nestor, 2021). On the other hand, ‘landscapes’ in both analog and digital formats serve various functions. This includes a backdrop-like and thus rather aesthetic function to a constitutive inclusion of landscape-related elements and arrangements that are necessary for playing and traversing the game (Kühne et al., 2020; Longan, 2008). In these functions, the various game formats make central use of landscape-related elements, which in many cases are also provided with a series of (dramaturgically or aesthetically conditioned) heightened or even exaggerated symbolic meanings and inscriptions, implicitly serving, dissolving, modifying, or discarding landscape stereotypes in digital, analog, as well as hybrid game formats. In turn, this has the potential to form changed or even new relevant individual and social conventions of seeing landscape, with corresponding consequences for physical space as well (Kühne & Jenal, 2020). The understanding underlying the concept of landscape here is constitutively a constructivist one, which understands landscape as the result of a synopsis of certain physical objects and arrangements based on socially mediated visual conventions. In derivation of Karl Popper’s Three Worlds Theory, it can be divided into three levels (Kühne, 2018, 2020). As part of the material world, physical space with its containing elements forms the initial substrate for the ordering and synthesizing consideration of certain physical objects into landscape (landscape 1). The individual construction of landscape (landscape 2) usually takes place based on socially mediated patterns of interpretation, evaluation, and categorization of landscape (landscape 3), and through this it has an effect back on landscape 1. Game (the organized and regulated group game in which several

Landscape and Games—An Introduction

3

roles must be taken on) but also the play that precedes the game (the imitation of important representatives of society; cf. Mead, 1975 [1968]) also assumes, among other things, the mediating function of landscape 3 to landscape 2, with game in particular offering the potential for contingent landscape experiences that can be shared with other players and, thus, communicated to landscapes 2 and 3. The contributions gathered in this volume deal with these mediations between social conventions of landscape 3 in relation to landscape 2, but also with the possibilities of individual interaction with these conventions. Nevertheless, they also deal with the materializations of individually mediated social conventions of landscapes and their playful ‘knock-on effects’ of landscape 2 on landscape 3. In the following, the manifold interconnections between landscape and play that are the subject of the anthology will be briefly discussed and the central contents of the respective articles will be briefly outlined.

2

To the Contributions

The anthology is composed of contributions that first address the topic of landscape and play from a theoretical perspective (Part 1). This is followed by case studies from the analog (Part 2), digital (Part 3), and hybrid (Part 4) worlds, in which the connection between landscape and play is examined in an exemplary manner. Finally, an outlook on further development and perspectives is provided (Part 5).

2.1

Part 1—Theoretical Approaches

The round of theoretical approaches is opened by Karsten Berr (2022). His theoretical approach is based on philosophical and cultural theoretical reflections on play/playing. Along Popper’s distinction of three world relations and three worlds, the author presents and explains ontological (world 1), aesthetic, actiontheoretical, anthropological, psychological and social-behavioristic (world 2) as well as social and cultural (world 3) thematizations of play. Kai Schuster (2022) tackles the topic of social psychological functions on games. In addition to approaches from different scientific contexts, the paper aims at reflecting on the connections between social psychology and the subject area of games. It also illustrates the complexity of the social psychological functions of games in human life. Furthermore, suggestions for extensions of the social psychological research perspective are developed, which plead for the ‘opening

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of the borders’ towards sociology as well as spatial science in order to soften the ‘social and spatial oblivion’ of social psychology. In his contribution on theoretical approaches to landscape, Olaf Kühne (2022c) takes a look at the approaches to landscape that have been developed in recent decades and relates them to each other on the basis of Popper’s three-world theory. In doing so, he points out the complexity of the phenomenon ‘landscape’ and points to the potential of multi-perspective considerations within the framework of a neopragmatic research approach. In a synthesis contribution to the theoretical framings, these considerations are reflected, and the relations between landscape and play are built on four polarities: The meaning of landscape (from non-existent to constitutive), of materiality and virtuality, of the degree of expert influence (at the level of landscape representation, rule setting, and rule implementation), and in terms of concreteness and abstraction (regarding landscape representations and rules; Kühne et al., 2022a).

2.2

Part 2—Analog Worlds

Against the theoretical background of postcolonial studies, Timo Sedelmeier and Linda Baum examine the social discussion of colonialism in board games using the popular game ‘Santa Maria’ as an example. In addition, they examine user comments on the treatment of colonialism in games in relevant board game forums (Sedelmeier & Baum, 2022). Anna Eberhardt deals with the visualization of (in this case urban landscapes) in games. Eberhardt (2022) uses the example of the board game classic ‘Scotland Yard’ in the context of a theoretical approach of critical cartography. She shows how landscape representations in games can reflect cultural norms and ideas and reinforce them through cartographic representations. In the subsequent paper on the design of model railroads, model railroad-related literature is explored as an essential medium for conveying the conventions of terrain design and framed in terms of landscape theory (Kühne et al., 2022c). A certain interrelation between stereotypical landscape preferences on the one hand and budgetary restrictions on the other hand becomes clear. With reference to (from today’s point of view: animated retro-games, especially of the 1990s), Dennis Edler deals with examples of (electromechanical) pinball games, in which players are confronted with (fictitious) landscapes in a taunting way (Edler, 2022). The game situation of the endless game, which, in any case, ends up with the defeat of the player (even if he may temporarily find himself in the first position of the high-score list), is intensified by corresponding animations which are built into various game situations. Due to the special game

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situation and likewise the high immersion into fictitious landscapes within game of skill and high concentration, “taunting” creates an additional level that can be considered characteristic and complements the game landscape audio-visually. The paper extends previous publications that address landscape representation in pinball games (Edler, 2020; Kühne et al., 2020). In their contribution, Kühne et al. (2022b) deal with the beach as a hybrid space between land and sea and, by means of a playful approach in the context of the design of a beach box by respondents at the German Geography Congress 2019 in Kiel. They get to the bottom of common beach ideas and ask for differences between an ideal and the last visited beach. Only minor differences can be noted, as well as a longing for solitude and sharing the beach experience with significant others. The design of landscape also stands in the foreground for Dominique Fontaine (2022). She analyzes landscape design in amusement parks against the background of a social constructivist research perspective. Different understandings of landscape are discussed in the contribution of Philipp Jutz (2022) takes a look at different understandings of landscape in the context of different forms of golf, in this case ‘classic’ golf and its variant crossgolf. Based on a media content analysis of google images, the question is pursued in which landscape-related contexts the two golf game variants are placed in medially. Another sport, soccer, is the subject of the subsequent contribution by Mohammed Al-Khanbashi (2022). Based on a social constructivist approach, he examines the appropriation of spaces for playing soccer by migrants in Germany. Lara Koegst (2022) analyzes courses and obstacles in equestrian games and shows the integration of stereotypical rural aspects in the design of obstacles and courses. In this context, physical space, interpreted as landscape, is not just a backdrop, but strongly influences both the level of difficulty and safety through the design of the terrain with slopes, ponds and ditches. One of the greatest challenges is the balance between aesthetic design requirements on the one hand, and the safety requirements for horse and rider on the other. Sports are also in the focus of the contribution of Erik Aschenbrand (2022). He uses specific activities such as alpinism, skateboarding, and surfing to address the potential of direct landscape confrontation for the further development of specific skills and knowledge.

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Part 3—Digital Worlds

Olaf Kühne (2022b) analyzes landscape stereotypes in the computer strategy game ‘Civilization’ from a historical perspective and shows corresponding changes over time. It becomes clear that the representation of culture-specific settlements as well as basic landscape types are characterized by dichotomous constructions of uniqueness of modernity up to the present, while postmodern elements rather show up in processing forms of implementation such as graphics and color saturation. Stephan Pietsch (2022) shows the fictional-artistic treatment of the USAmerican frontier myth in the digitally designed game world of Rockstar’s Red Dead Redemption Series. Landscape serves not only as a backdrop and anchor of authenticity, but also reproduces, manifests, and collocates the myth of the ‘Wild West’ known worldwide in popular culture, as a harsh but free land that allows only the strongest men to survive.

2.4

Part 4—Hybrid Worlds

Endreß and Jutz (2022) deal with the app-based game Pokémon GO. Based on an online survey and a social constructivist approach, the interaction and interpretation of landscape during the game is analyzed. They point out the different landscape-related demands of the players and ask whether, based on the way of usage, Pokémon GO is rather to be grasped as a location-based game instead of an augmented reality game. Fivos Papadimitriou (2022) opens a round of contributions that look more closely at the question of landscape and game in educational contexts. He addresses the formation of criteria for evaluating educational games on landscape in geography. Based on an empirical study, he develops a set of criteria that identifies the fundamental advantages of each type of game. For example, he demonstrates that, while augmented reality game formats enhance the user experience, there are trade-offs in the problem-solving or knowledge-building functions. The contribution of Koegst et al. (2022) describes an innovative field trip format that combines concepts of field trip didactics and augmented reality in the medium of a digital, location-based field trip game. It aims to engage students with different spatial concepts and multi-perspective approaches on different levels through its playful approach.

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Inga Gryl (2022) deals in her contribution with the didactic approaches of spatial citizenship and education for innovativeness. She addresses how these approaches can be used in the relationship between landscape, play and education in geography classes, and how they can be connected to approaches of landscape theory. In her contribution on sustainable development in the neighborhood, MarieLuise Zimmer (2022) uses the example of an iBook on sustainable urban development to describe how elements of gamification can be applied to incorporate the learners’ lifeworld references in order to improve learning qualities and to develop geographic competences. Finally, in the contribution concluding the part on hybrid worlds, Anna Szilágyi-Nagy (2022) presents a practical guideline for the design of participatory processes based on the gameful world approach.

2.5

Part 5—Further Development and Perspective

Numerous contributions in this volume show the potentials of the three landscapes approach in the context of game research. However, they also show that a specification became necessary regarding the version of the external world, material and virtual, as well as the different degrees of hybridization through augmentation. However the study of game with landscape also shows the necessity of a more differentiated theoretical approach to the media of landscape representations, such as photographs, paintings, the confrontation with material space 1, models, etc., or even combinations and mixtures of these. In view of these considerations on the differentiation and deepening of the approach of the three landscapes, Olaf Kühne (2022a), based on the contributions of the volume, extends the approach of the three landscapes. In addition to the modes of landscape construction (native, common sense and expert), he suggests the aspects of categories (material, virtual, hybrid-augmented) and media (text, paintings, photographs…). This theoretical extension is tested by considering the design of a model railway landscape and exemplified (a little bit ironically) by retracing a model railway journey from Wanne-Eickel Hbf to Wattenscheid Hbf via Bochum Hbf.

References Al-Khanbashi, M. (2022). The appropriation of space for football by arab immigrants in Germany. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in Games (in this volume). Springer.

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Aschenbrand, E. (2022). From the mountains to the city to the ocean. How interaction with landscape creates meaningful experiences in alpinism, skateboarding and surfing. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in Games (in this volume). Springer. Berr, K. (2022). Philosophical and cultural-theoretical approaches to play/playing. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Dickmann, F., Keil, J., Dickmann, P.L., & Edler, D. (2021). The Impact of Augmented Reality Techniques on Cartographic Visualization. In: KN – Journal of Cartography and Geographic Information, 71 (4), online first. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42489-021-00091-2 Eberhardt, A. K. (2022). Urban landscapes in boardgames. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Edler, D., Keil, J., Wiedenlübbert, T., Sossna, M., Kühne, O., & Dickmann, F. (2019). Immersive VR Experience of Redeveloped Post-Industrial Sites: The Example of „Zeche Holland“ in Bochum-Wattenscheid. KN - Journal of Cartography and Geographic Information, 69 (4), 267-284. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42489-019-00030-2 Edler, D. (2020). Where spatial visualization meets landscape research and “Pinballology”: Examples of landscape construction in pinball games. KN – Journal of Cartography and Geographic Information, 70(2), 55-69.https://doi.org/10.1007/s42489-020-00044-1. Edler, D. (2022). Taunting landscapes in pinball games. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Endreß, S., & Jutz, P. (2022). Pokémon GO and landscape. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Fontaine, D. (2017). Simulierte Landschaften in der Postmoderne. Reflexionen und Befunde zu Disneyland, Wolfersheim und GTA V. Springer VS. Fontaine, D. (2022). Leisure parks and landscape. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Gryl, I. (2022). Spaces, landscapes and games: The case of (geography) education using the example of spatial citizenship and education for innovativeness. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Jutz, P. (2022). Golfing and landscape. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Koegst, L. (2022). Landscape and equestrian games. A social constructivist approach. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Koegst, L., Baum, L., & Stintzing, M. (2022). Landscape in action. The teaching of ‘landscape’ in innovative excursion formats using the example of the digital urban geography excursion in Stuttgart developed within the project ‘InExkurs’. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O. (2018). Die Landschaften 1, 2 und 3 und ihr Wandel. Perspektiven für die Landschaftsforschung in der Geographie – 50 Jahre nach Kiel. Berichte. Geographie und Landeskunde, 92(3–4), 217–231. Kühne, O. (2020). Landscape conflicts. A theoretical approach based on the three worlds theory of Karl Popper and the conflict theory of Ralf Dahrendorf, illustrated by the example of the energy system transformation in Germany. Sustainability: Science, Practice and Policy, 12(17), 1–20. https://doi.org/10.3390/su12176772.

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Kühne, O. (2022a). Play between the modes, the categories and the media of landscape – On the model train journey from Wanne-Eickel Hbf to Wattenscheid Hbf. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O. (2022b). Representations of landscape in the strategy game civilization. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O. (2022c). Theoretical approaches to landscapes. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., & Jenal, C. (2020). threefold landscape dynamics – Basic considerations, conflicts and potentials of virtual landscape research. In D. Edler, C. Jenal, & O. Kühne (Eds.), Modern approaches to the visualization of landscapes (pp. 389–402). Springer VS. Kühne, O., & Schmitt, J. (2012). Spiel mit Landschaft – Logiken der Konstruktion von Landschaft in der Diskursgemeinschaft der Modelleisenbahner. Berichte zur deutschen Landeskunde, 86(2), 175–194. Kühne, O., Edler, D., & Jenal, C. (2021). A Multi-Perspective View on Immersive Virtual Environments (IVEs). In: ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information, 10 (8), 518. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10080518 Kühne, O., Jenal, C., & Edler, D. (2020). Functions of landscape in games – A theoretical approach with case examples. Arts, 9(4). https://doi.org/10.3390/arts9040123. Kühne, O., Jenal, C., & Edler, D. (2022a). Landscapes in games. Insights and overviews on contingencies between worlds 1, 2 and 3. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., Denzer, V., & Eissner, C. (2022b). The beach in the box – Aspects of the construction and experience of a hybrid landscape. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., Edler, D., & Jenal, C. (2022c). The cartographic representation of model railroad landscapes – Theoretical considerations and empirical results from model railroad-related literature. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Longan, M. W. (2008). Playing with landscape. Social process and spatial form in video games. aether – the journal of media geography, 2, 23–40. Mead, G. H. (1975). Geist, Identität und Gesellschaft aus der Sicht des Sozialbehaviorismus (Suhrkamp-Taschenbuch Wissenschaft, 2nd ed., Vol. 28). Suhrkamp (First publication 1968). Nestor, G. (2021). Number of gamers worldwide 2021/2022: Demographics, statistics, and predictions. https://financesonline.com/number-of-gamers-worldwide/. Accessed 28 June 2021. Papadimitriou, F. (2022). An evaluation system for games related to geography and landscapes in education. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Pietsch, S. M. (2022). Landscape as frontier – Experiencing the wild west in red dead redemption 2 (2018). In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer.

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Schuster, K. (2022). The social psychological function of games. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Sedelmeier, T., & Baum, L. (2022). The controversity about colonialism in board games – Illustrated by the example of Santa Maria. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. statista. (2019). Global board games market value from 2017 to 2023. (in billion U.S. dollars). https://www.statista.com/statistics/829285/global-board-games-market-value/. Accessed 28 June 2021. statista. (2021). Value of the global video games market from 2012 to 2021. (in billion U.S. dollars). https://www.statista.com/statistics/246888/value-of-the-global-video-game-mar ket/. Accessed 28 June 2021. Szilágyi-Nagy, A. (2022). Play/game compass for participatory landscape processes. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Zimmer, M.-L. (2022). Landscape in teaching. Experiencing and learning from and in landscapes at school with the support of an iBook. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer.

Dr. Corinna Jenal, Eberhard Karls University Tübingen, Geography, Urban and Regional Development Prof. Dr. Dr. Olaf Kühne, Eberhard Karls University Tübingen, Geography, Urban and Regional Development PD Dr. Dennis Edler, Ruhr-University Bochum (RUB), Institute of Geography, Geomatics Group

Theoretical Approaches

Philosophical and Cultural-Theoretical Approaches to Play(s) Karsten Berr

Abstract

On the basis of the distinction between three world relations and three worlds, ontological (world 1), aesthetic, action-theoretical, anthropological, psychological and social-behavioristic (world 2) as well as social and cultural (world 3) thematizations of play are presented and explained. The ontological conception conceives life and world events as play. The aesthetic thematization connects the concept of beauty with that of freedom in Kant and Schiller and evokes action-theoretical differentiations between goal- and accomplishmentoriented action as well as anthropological reflections on self-purposeful action such as play. Psychology and social behaviorism lead on to World 3 of social and cultural mediations. Here, examples of culture as play, Wittgenstein’s language game theory as an example of symbolic organization of reality, and Lyotard’s postmodern language game theory and incommensurability thesis are explained, leading to the supposed contradiction between seriousness and play. Finally, reasons are given why play is beyond moral indifference and why seriousness and play can be understood as non-disjunctive aspects of human activity. In each of the individual sections, indications of playful potentials are given with regard to worlds and landscapes 1 to 3.

K. Berr (B) Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_2

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Keywords

Play • Philosophy • Cultural theory • Concept of culture • 3-world theory • World relations • Theory of action • Anthropology • Aesthetics • Ontology

1

Introduction: Game(s) in the Context of Philosophical as well as Cultural and Social Scientific Thematizations

In the philosophical tradition, three basic world-relations can be distinguished: a subjective-aesthetic one, an objective-objective one, and an intersubjective-social one. These world-relations were fundamentally thematized in connection with the well-known triad of the ‘true-good-beautiful’ (cf. Kurz, 2015) and reformulated in the twentieth century (cf. on this Berr, 2018, 2020b). According to Jürgen Habermas, Immanuel Kant in his three ‘Critiques’ (Critique of Pure Reason, Critique of Practical Reason, Critique of Judgment) unconsciously reflected “the essential features of the age as in a mirror“ (Habermas, 1996 [1985], p. 30). In particular, the modern process of differentiation of a formerly “objective” or “substantial” reason is addressed (Horkheimer, 1992, p. 16) or “substantial reason” (Habermas, 1994, p. 183) into different cultural spheres or ‘spheres of value’: the sciences, the sphere of morality (and law) and the sphere of art. With the expression ‘spheres of value’ Habermas takes up a term from Max Weber’s ‘Zwischenbetrachtung’ in his main work on the sociology of religion ‘Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen’ (Weber 1988a, pp. 536 ff.). A further distinction can be assigned to this differentiation, namely the “distinction, common in modern philosophy, of three forms of judgment: the aesthetic, the moral-practical, and the theoretical judgment” (Kirchhoff & Trepl, 2009, p. 18; cf. also Trepl et al., 2005). And following this tradition, three world relations can be distinguished with Donald Davidson: an objective, an intersubjective, and a subjective (Davidson, 2004), which are concerned with a “factual reference, social reference and self-reference” (Prange, 2010, p. 28). In practical life terms, this means that people basically want to know ‘what’s going on out there’ (objective world reference); ‘what others think’ (intersubjective world reference); ‘what I/we ourselves think’ (subjective world reference) (Prange, 2010). These world-relations are neither simple ontological distinctions nor extensional (Thies, 2004, p. 50) nor extensional, but as basic questions they are neither to be brought into a hierarchy nor to be assigned to disjunctive realms of reality. Instead, these distinctions are to be understood as intensional aspectual distinctions, which, like Max Weber’s ‘ideal types’, can

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occur in mixed forms. ‘Ideal types’ are “obtained by one-sided heightening of one or some aspects” (Weber 1988b, p. 191; emphasis in original), they function like ‘models’, so to speak, in order to heuristically bring points of order to the phenomena and to be able to order, understand and explain them. Such aspects are in principle of equal importance, they can only be weighed pragmatically with regard to designated purposes or goals. Also, the 3-world theory of Karl Popper (Niemann, 2019; Popper, 1973, 1979, 2019 [1987]), which has been used by Olaf Kühne and participating scientists for landscape theory (Kühne, 2018a [2020 erschienen], 2020; Kühne et al., 2020; in this volume e.g. Gryl, 2022; Jutz & Endreß, 2022; Koegst, 2022; Kühne et al., 2022; Kühne 2022a, b) and spatial theories (Kühne & Berr, 2021) can be located within this distinction matrix. Under ‘world 1’ Popper includes living and non-living bodies, to ‘world 2’ he counts contents of consciousness such as individual thoughts and feelings, and as ‘world 3’ he designates “all planned or intended products of human mental activity” (Popper, 2019 [1987], p. 17; Hervorhebung im Original) such as concepts, theories, reasoning, numbers, but also socially shared understandings of space and landscape, respectively “the world that anthropologists call ‘culture’.” (Popper, 2019 [1987], p. 18). ‘Phenomena’ or ‘objects’ can also be intensionally assigned to multiple worlds within the framework of 3-world theory. That is, this approach “does not assert a strict separation of the three worlds; rather, it exhibits an openness to hybridities and interactions” (Kühne et al., 2021, p. 7). For example, a low mountain landscape is part of both ‘World 1’ (as a material object) and ‘World 3’ (as a symbol of cultural and social meanings) as well as ‘World 2’ (as an individual conception of a ‘beautiful’ landscape or ‘home’). To ‘World 1’ then corresponds idealtypically an objective world reference as a factual reference, to ‘World 2’ a subjective world reference as a self-reference, to ‘World 3’ can be assigned analogously an intersubjective world reference as a social reference. Even if Popper does not establish a hierarchy or reductions between the 3 worlds, world 2 is necessarily assigned a specific function: “In the center of the connections of the Worlds 1 and 3 is always World 2, because human consciousness possesses a body itself (as part of World 1), which enables it to be active in World 1. The development of the contents of World 3 also depends on World 2. After all, the contents of World 3 require being updated by World 2 before they can be fed back into World 3” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 2).

Even if the concept of play “is difficult to systematize within the framework of philosophical questions” (Corbineau-Hoffmann, 2019, Spalte 1388), the

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distinction of three world-relations and three worlds is also formed in philosophical and cultural-theoretical thematizations of ‘game(s)’. Therefore, ontological (Sect. 2.1), aesthetic, action-theoretical and anthropological (Sect. 2.2), as well as social and cultural (Sect. 2.3) thematizations of play are presented and explained along the lines of the distinction of three worlds or world references. This is followed by a discussion of the relationship between play and seriousness (Sect. 3) and a summary in the conclusion (Sect. 4). All explanations serve the purpose of giving hints on the potential of the 3-world theory for game and landscape research in the light of the philosophical reconstruction of the aforementioned thematizations. These hints are to be understood as suggestions in which direction game research could establish a theoretical connection between variants of game(s) and landscapes 1 to 3, that is, to elaborate and unfold the meanings of these playful ways of dealing within the three worlds and world 2 with worlds 1 and 3 for landscape perception, landscape practice, landscape evaluation, and landscape theory.

2

Thematizations of the Game(s) on the Guideline of the 3-World Theory

Three typical thematizations of play in philosophy can be identified (vgl. hierzu Corbineau-Hoffmann, 2019), which can be reformulated in analogy to world references, 3-world theory, and forms of judgment as ontological (Sect. 2.1), aesthetic (Sect. 2.2), and socio-cultural (Sect. 2.3) thematizations. The aesthetic reference is partly connected with anthropological references, action-theoretical differentiations, and psychological and socialbehaviorist theories.

2.1

World 1: Ontological Thematizations of Play(s)

Although the objective world reference does not necessarily have to be understood ontologically (Thies, 2004) it is often identified with it in the philosophical tradition. The philosophical original topos of this ontological thematization of the game is fragment 52 by Heraclitus—here in the translation by Hermann Diels: “Time is a boy playing, back and forth setting the board pieces: boy’s regiment!” (Diels, 2004–2005).

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Time (gr. aión)—understood as life-time or as world-time—is metaphorically determined as a playing child (gr. pais paízon) who sets the board stones and holds the kingship as a boy’s reign. Nietzsche interprets in the posthumous writing ‘Die Philosophie im tragischen Zeitalter der Griechen’ (Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks) this rule as ‘logos’, that is, the world, although it “is the beautiful innocent play of Aeon”, is subject to the “law of the all-pervading reason” (Nietzsche, 1988, p. 831). Until Heraclitus, play was viewed philosophically or theologically in antiquity and the Middle Ages, if at all, as merely noncommittal to claims of knowledge and morality, or as useful leisure and recreation in the context of work. German Romantics such as Friedrich Schlegel or Novalis took up the ontological reading of Heraclitus again. Schlegel speaks of the “infinite play of the world, the eternally self-forming work of art” (Corbineau-Hoffmann, 2019, zit. nachSpalte 1386) and thus considers the ‘play of the world’ as a work of art. Novalis transfers this aesthetic concept of the world to individual artistic production and refers to God and nature respectively as ‘players’. Like nature, art or ‘poetry’ for Novalis is based on “active association of ideas - on self-active, intentional, ideal chance production - … (play.)” (zit. nach Corbineau-Hoffmann, 2019, Spalte 1386).

2.1.1

Nietzsche and Heidegger

Nietzsche follows up on this aesthetic-cosmological reading by taking all becoming metaphorically as the play of ‘living fire’ in analogy to that of the artist or child, thus he foregrounds a creative act: “Thus the eternally living fire plays, builds up and destroys, in innocence - and this game the Aeon plays with itself” (Nietzsche, 1988, p. 830). A “moment of saturation” is followed immediately and necessarily by the “newly awakening play instinct” (Nietzsche, 1988, p. 830) and the destruction of the old is followed by the creation of a new world, which is done according to measure and order, according to an “inner law” (Nietzsche, 1988, p. 831) i.e. the logos. Nietzsche thus formulates a paradigm of the creative, because “the always newly awakening play instinct calls other worlds into being” (Nietzsche, 1988, p. 831). Ultimately, according to Nietzsche, Heraclitus formulates “the doctrine of law in becoming and of play in necessity.” (Nietzsche, 1988, p. 835, Hervorhebung im Original). At the most abstract conceptual level of philosophy, the concept of being, Heidegger turns this active-creative potential formulated by Nietzsche into the passive-accepting when he identifies ‘aión’ as the play of a ‘history of being’ with the ‘fate of being’ that humans can merely ‘hear’ (Heidegger, 1957). Being’ as ‘abyss’ plays a game “which as fate plays being and reason to us” (Heidegger, 1957, p. 188). In the theological tradition this would mean that in ‘nature’ as

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‘natura naturata’ divine will manifests itself in the creation that came into being through God’s action, nature as natura naturans is understood as a divine active principle (Berr, 2005). The ‘natural beauty’, for instance that in a landscape, is in this tradition nothing else than the “handwriting of God” (Kulenkampff, 2002, p. 78). In Heidegger, the place that was occupied by ‘God’ in the theological tradition is replaced by ‘Being’.

2.1.2

Fate or a Playful Approach to Change in ‘Landscape 1’?

The ontological conception and reading of play is also currently effective subliminally. In many colloquial expressions, this understanding can be found, for example, when it is said that life is a game. In the sciences, there is occasionally talk of the ‘blind game’ of chance. If a part of the material-physical space is considered as ‘landscape 1’ in the sense of ‘world 1’, then this is an ontological conception of space as ‘physical substrate’ (Kühne et al., 2021). This ‘substrate’ is partly subject to natural, but predominantly to culturally or socially caused changes (Kühne, 2018b; Küster, 2018) in complicated mediation procedures through ‘world 2’ and ‘world 3’ (Kühne et al., 2021). These changes can be regretted, rejected, welcomed or accepted in the sense of the ontological reading of the game. In the sense of Heidegger, an accepting submission to supposedly unchangeable changes of a natural and/or socio-cultural historical process could be conceived, which would meet a conservative attitude towards the world, which overlooks these mediations and invokes the status quo—for instance in the sense of an essentialistically interpreted ‘cultural landscape’ to be protected (Kühne et al., 2021). In the sense of Nietzsche, on the other hand, one could think of a playful attitude that sees the natural changes as the dynamics of a ‘natura naturans’ and a ‘cultural landscape’ (Küster, 2005, 2012, 2018) of a ‘natura naturans’ and the socio-culturally caused changes as a creative act of human landscape interventions, which can be evaluated differently depending on the subjective view. This leads over to ‘world 2’ and the central importance of persons, who stand mediating between ‘world 1’ and ‘world 3’. In modern philosophy, this mediating function is taken over in particular by an aesthetic approach to the world (Berr, 2020b).

Philosophical and Cultural-Theoretical Approaches to Play(s)

2.2

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World 2: Aesthetic, Action-Theoretical, Anthropological, Psychological and Social-Behavioristic Thematizations of Play(s)

In the following, two historically significant aesthetic conceptions (Sect. 2.2.1) are presented, followed by a systematically significant action-theoretical differentiation (Sect. 2.2.2) as well as anthropological distinctions (Sect. 2.2.3) and finally psychological and social-behavioristic thematizations of play (Sect. 2.2.4). Finally, some hints on playful options in ‘World 2’ are given (Sect. 2.2.5).

2.2.1

Aesthetic Thematizations of the Game(s)

The classical topos for the aesthetic thematization is Kant’s ‘Critique of Judgment’ (Kant, 1959 [1790]). In its first part, the ‘Critique of Aesthetic Judgment’, Kant determines the aesthetic judgment of taste (‘this object X is beautiful’) as simultaneously subjective and yet generally valid. It is a subjectively general thing that is not based on objective concepts and therefore cannot be proven, but it can be ‘suggested’ to everyone (Kant, 1959 [1790], § 8) and has in this respect “exemplary validity” (Kant, 1959 [1790], § 22, Hervorhebung im Original). As a reason for such a ‘suggestion’ Kant names the “presupposition that there is a common sense”, which consists in the “effect of the free play of our powers of cognition” (Kant, 1959 [1790], § 20) in a judgment of taste: namely imagination (fantasy) and understanding (as faculty of concepts or rules). This ‘free play’ of the powers of cognition is based on a preconceptual “purposiveness […] without purpose” and evokes aesthetic pleasure (Kant, 1959 [1790], § 10), in that the understanding does not relate its concepts to the ideas produced by the imagination as objects, but rather relates these ideas to the subject of the judgments of taste. Kant thus describes a playful form of contemplative approaches to the world that frees itself from the conceptual constraint of subsuming objects as ‘cases’ under logical rules and can leave the objects regarded as ‘beautiful’ in their phenomenal proper state without practical or theoretical interests (cf. Kant, 1959 [1790], § 5; Strube, 1979). Schiller takes up Kant and his concept of beauty and uses it as a basis for reflections on the philosophy of art and anthropology. The historical background is, in view of the failed French Revolution and its transformation into a ‘virtue terror’, the question of how, in view of socio-politically torn conditions, freedom and reason can be realized without violence in social and political reality (cf. Gethmann-Siefert, 1995, 2005). In some letters to Gottfried Körner he discusses the concept of ‘beauty’ in the context of art production: “The beautiful product may and must even be regular, but it must appear free of rules” (Schiller, 2004a,

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p. 402). On the one hand, he opposes the idea that art does not need rules (vgl. Majetschak, 2006). On the other hand, he emphasizes with the appearance of the beautiful its ‘similarity to freedom’ (Gethmann-Siefert, 1995). In the letter to Körner of February 23, 1793, he therefore emphasizes in the sense of Kant: “Beauty, or rather taste, regards all things as ends in themselves” (Schiller, 2004a, p. 421, Hervorhebung im Original). Schiller transfers this concept of ‘free play’ borrowed from Kant in the ‘Letters on the Aesthetic Education of Man’ to the “connection between beauty and freedom” (Schiller, 2004b) to the “connection of beauty and freedom, of aesthetics and anthropology” (Corbineau-Hoffmann, 2019, Spalte 1385). At the center of these considerations is the “dualism of the physical and spiritual nature of man,” which tends to produce either “a tyranny of reason or of the senses” (Strube, 1995, p. 40). The question that Kant already asked himself in the Critique of Judgment, how the rift between reason (freedom and morality) and nature (sensuousness and nature-determination) can be bridged, presents itself to him as the reformulated question of the possibility of a harmony of the antagonism of ‘form drive’ (reason)—which is “morally compelled” by the “law of reason” (Schiller, 2004b, p. 613)—and ‘substance drive’ (sensuality)—which “physically” compels by “laws of nature” (Schiller, 2004b, p. 613). This harmony is granted by the ‘play instinct’ (Schiller, 2004b, pp. 611 ff.) which makes the “double experience” possible, that man “would become aware of his freedom and feel his existence at the same time, where he felt himself as matter and got to know himself as spirit at the same time, so he would have in these cases, and only in these, a complete view of his humanity” (Schiller, 2004b, p. 612). Thus the play instinct connects “the aesthetic with the ethical” (Corbineau-Hoffmann, 2019, Spalte 1385). In the words of Schiller: “Man plays only where he is man in the full meaning of the word, and he is only fully man where he plays” (Schiller, 2004b, p. 618, Hervorhebung im Original).

Ultimately, Schiller’s concept of play, in conjunction with his concept of beauty, is “at the center of a philosophy of freedom.” (Corbineau-Hoffmann, 2019, Spalte 1385): “In the midst of the terrible realm of forces and in the midst of the sacred realm of laws, the aesthetic instinct of education builds unnoticed on a third, joyful realm of play and appearance, in which it takes from man the fetters of all conditions and frees him from everything that is called compulsion, both in the physical and in the moral.” (Schiller, 2004b, p. 667).

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Schiller calls the state of mind in which “the mind is neither physically nor morally compelled, and yet is active in both ways” a “free mood” in an “aesthetic state” (Schiller, 2004b, p. 633). This ‘free mood’ leads to a freedom of the ‘mind’ in which people can playfully abandon themselves to their imagination between the world of reason and the world of the senses. And in “such a play the physical, the aesthetic and the intelligible man would have recognized each other, as it were, and would no longer have to hinder each other.” (Strube, 1995, p. 45). If in this way world 1 (physical human being), world 2 (aesthetic human being) and world 3 (intelligible human being) are mediated via play(s), then, as with Popper, also with Schiller the individual person, thus world 2, moves into “the center of the connections of the Worlds 1 and 3” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 2)—with regard to world 1, of course, the physicality of the human being. The goal of the play, however, is not primarily a self-knowledge in the medium of imagination, but the establishment of an “aesthetic culture” in the medium of “beautiful forms” (Schiller, 2004b, p. 635) in the medium “of ‘beautiful’ forms of human intercourse, and only in them did he illustrate his ideas of an ‘aesthetic education’: as a model he used the tea circles and literary salons of his time - a half-public, half-private place where new freer forms of intercourse between aristocrats and commoners as well as between the sexes were established in the late eighteenth century” (Strube, 1995, p. 44). Schiller thus ties his aesthetic conception of playful freedom to ‘practical reason’ and to social manners, for ‘freedom’ cannot be “a concept of theoretical” reason (Schiller, 2004a, p. 403 f.). Practical reason is oriented toward human action, not, like theoretical reason, toward knowledge. Therefore, with a view to action-theoretical differentiations, play(en) can be further defined in its role for the three worlds and three world-relations.

2.2.2

Differentiations in Action Theory

Human actions can be characterized, following Aristotle (2001) by two different aspects, namely by those of ‘poíêsis’ (making, producing, gr. ‘poieîn’, lat. ‘facere’) and ‘prâxis’ (acting, executing, gr. ‘prâttein’, lat. ‘agere’) (Aristoteles, 1991 [348–345 v.u.Z.], 2001): It is a distinction “between goal-oriented and accomplishment-oriented actions.” (Thies, 2004, p. 79). Manufacturing action (poíêsis) is characterized by the fact that the purpose of the action is external to this action, since its goal is manufacturable works external to this manufacturing activity. The manufactured products of poíêsis do not have to be of a representational-material nature (buildings, furniture, books), they can also be of an immaterial nature (such as a piece of theater or music, or a learning process, at the end of which is a changed worldview). Poietic acts require technical expertise. An action as prâxis, on the other hand, contains its purpose in itself

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and can therefore be conceived as a self-purposeful action. Since it is about the execution aspect of an action of people in a community of action oriented to values and goods and their manners, it is not technical expertise that is required, but ‘prudence’ or ‘moral insight’ (phrónêsis) (2013) [ca. 410/411 v.u.Z.–348/347 v.u.Z.] and Aristotle (2009) (Greek: zoon, living being; politikós, concerning the citizen), “man is by nature a political living being” (Aristoteles, 2009, 1253a24). Moreover, the distinction between poíêsis and prâxis is not to be understood as an extensional distinction, but as an “intensional[-] distinction […] to which no extensional disjointness corresponds” (Ebert, 1976, p. 21), is to be understood. Thus, prâxis and poíêsis do not refer to “disjunctive classes of activities”, but they distinguish “different aspects of activities” (Ebert, 1976, p. 29). They are thus “different criteria that we use in classifying an activity as ‘poiesis’ or ‘praxis’” (Ebert, 1976, p. 20). Ideally, these two types of action can be assigned to further activities: the use of tools and work to the purpose-oriented manufacturing action, and moral action and play to the self-interested execution-oriented action. With these distinctions the narrower area of anthropology is entered. Anthropology starts from the basic question “What is man?” (Hartung, 2018, p. 12). Within the framework of this basic question, many proposed answers have been made so far. Among such determinations, for example, on the guideline of human ‘dual nature’, is the talk of animal rationale (man as a thinking rational being) and of homo passionis (man as a feeling natural being) (cf. Thies, 2004). But thinking and feeling, although activities, are not actions in the sense of poíêsis and prâxis (Thies, 2004, p. 75).

2.2.3

Anthropology

In anthropology, on the one hand, with the use of tools and work, two modes of action or activity are described, which can be assigned to the poietic action (poíêsis) as a rather technical purpose-means-action (gr. téchne) and determine humans as homo faber (lat. faber, the craftsman), i.e. as craftsmen, who shape their environment into a world by means of work and technology (Scheler, 2005 [1928]). With Hannah Arendt, work can be further differentiated into productive (producing) and reproductive (restoring) work and man can also be described as animal laborans (lat. labor, work) (Arendt, 1998 [1958]). On the other hand, moral action in community with other people (‘zoon politicon’) and play(s) can be assigned to the practical-action-oriented action (prâxis). For moral action, ‘prudence’ as ‘moral insight’ (phrónêsis) is necessary for an action that contains the purpose—virtue (gr. areté)—in itself. But the “prime example of a self-purposeful activity is play. Man is a homo ludens.” (Thies, 2004, p. 80).

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The concept of play, however, is not easy to define. A closer look reveals only a “complicated network of similarities that overlap and intersect”, i.e. “similarities on the whole” (Wittgenstein, 1995 [1953], p. 278) can be observed. Nevertheless, with Thies (2004, p. 80f.) three anthropologically relevant characteristics can be named. First, the aforementioned self-purposefulness, which can, however, be embedded in social functions such as the socialization of adolescents or selfexpression of adults as well as, as ‘self-enhancement’, also one of the roots of art. Second, as a lifeworld form of activity, play is usually not itself part of everyday life, but takes place in special play spaces and times. Third, most games have clear rules. In this context, reference can be made to the central function of world 2 in the sense of an achievement of consciousness (in Kant and Schiller: imagination), which can also be found in the psychology of (Freud, 1988) and in the social behaviorism of Mead (1975 [1968]).

2.2.4

Psychology and Social Behaviorism

Freud’s structural model of the psyche (1988, pp. 9 ff.) distinguishes three ‘psychic instances’: the ‘id’, the ‘ego’ and the ‘superego’. The ‘id’ comprises “the drives originating in the bodily organization” (Freud, 1988, p. 9). The ‘superego’ psychically represents the social norms and rules of the game of the society into which people are born and in which they grow up and are shaped. These rules, morals, customs and law must be adhered to if one does not want to lose social recognition. Between ‘id’ and ‘superego’ the ‘ego’ functions as a psychic mediating instance, which strives for a balance between the inner impulses of the drive system (‘id’ or ‘sensuality’) and the outer demands of society (‘superego’ or morality), in order to keep the individual in a constantly endangered equilibrium. In Mead, the Freudian ‘id’ corresponds to the ‘I’ in its corporeality, personhood, and emotional and physical neediness, the ‘superego’ corresponds to the ‘me’ of social roles, demands, and expectations, and the ‘ego’ corresponds to the ‘self’ as a mediating instance between ‘I’ and ‘me’ (Mead, 1975 [1968]). As with Schiller the imagination enables a play with social and physical ‘coercions’ and thereby a playful awareness and liberation from such coercions, so with Mead the ‘play’ (imitation of significant representatives of society) and the ‘game’ (assumption of roles in group games) as two forms of play enable the stabilization of the ‘self’ in the assertion against destructive influences of the ‘me’ and the ‘I’. While in ‘play’ children play according to their own rules, which must not be influenced from the outside, ‘game’ is about the joint play of several children according to recognized rules, so that children can learn the meaning of social rules (Mead, 1975 [1968], pp. 194 ff.; see on the social psychological function of games also Schuster, 2022 in this volume) (Fig. 1).

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poíêsis

prâxis

Moral acon and phrónêsis

Tool making and use

Work

homo faber

animal laborans

Producve work

Reproducve work

Karl Marx

Hannah Arendt

Play(ing)

zoon polikon

homo ludens

Self-purpose and funcon in the context of socializaon

Not part of everyday life Special play spaces and play mes

Clear rules Mead: play and game

Fig. 1 Action-theoretical and anthropological contextualization of the game. Source Own representation based on Thies (2004, p. 80 f.), supplemented and modified

2.2.5

Playful Ways of Dealing in World 2 with Landscape 1 and Landscape 3

Just as world 2 is constitutive of world 1 and world 3, landscape 2 is constitutive of landscape 1 and landscape 3 (Kühne et al., 2021). This also results in different options for individuals to playfully use this bridging function of world 2 and landscape 2. This playful moment was exemplified in the discussion of the aesthetic state and its free mood, as Kant and Schiller described it. The aesthetic, especially ‘beauty’, is characterized by self-purposefulness as well as an action in the sense of prâxis and the ‘game’ and ‘play’ in the sense of explicitly playful action. For a person’s relation to landscape 1 or 3, this means that both the material of landscape 1 and the immaterial, i.e., the social, ‘spiritual’ or cultural of landscape 3 do not have to—as Schiller says—‘coerce’ in playful ways of dealing. This means that people can experience and learn in such playful ways of dealing with the landscape that they do not have to be hindered or determined in their perception, treatment, use and evaluation of the landscape either by the laws of nature or by supposedly irrefutable socio-cultural constraints, customs or traditions. In play and in the reality of their everyday lives, people can distance themselves (within certain limits) from the constraints of nature, but also from social, cultural or political constraints and coercions, and thereby also free themselves. Neither a fixed physical configuration of space (landscape 1) nor irrefutably valid symbolic attributions of this space (landscape 3) can be assumed.

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World 3: Social Thematizations of Play(s)

With Mead the realm of the social, i.e. world 3, is reached. At the same time, world 3 includes the realm of the cultural (Popper, 2019 [1987]). To consider ‘culture’ or ‘cultures’ as a component of the social is suggested, for example, impact-historically influential by Talcott Parsons. According to Parsons, the ‘cultural system’ based on values and value concepts, as a subsystem of social systems, fulfills the function of conveying symbols, values, and norms that can orient people’s actions (Parsons, 1986 [1966]). The connection between the spheres of the social and the cultural is explained in Sect. 2.3.1, after which some well-known concepts of an understanding of culture as a game are introduced (Sect. 2.3.2), Wittgenstein’s language game theory is presented as an example of a “symbolic organization of reality” (Reckwitz, 2011, p. 7) (Sect. 2.3.4), and then Lyotard’s incommensurability thesis of postmodern language games is presented as an example (Sect. 2.3.4) of how the language game approach can lead to a theory of struggle and existential seriousness.

2.3.1

Culture, Cultural Theory and Society

The concept of culture is characterized by ambiguity and notorious vagueness, leading to a “cacophony of contemporary discourse about culture.” (Sewell, 1999, p. 35) leads. Alois Dempf complains already in 1932: “There is nowhere a clarified concept of culture, and one only has to look at any philosophical dictionary to notice the hopeless confusion in the concepts of culture or civilization.” (Dempf, 1932, p. 9). A. L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn in 1952 refer to nearly three hundred definitions of the term culture (Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1952) and Raymond Williams has called the term ‘culture’ one of the most complex terms in the English language (Williams, 1983). Another difficulty of the concept of culture is its connection with a “series of fundamental oppositions” (Tschopp & Weber, 2007, p. 32) the oppositions of ‘nature and culture,’ ‘culture and civilization,’ and ‘culture and life’ (Schnädelbach, 1991) as well as the opposition of ‘culture and society’ (Nünning & Nünning, 2008; Reckwitz, 2011). Inherent antagonisms can also be observed in the concept of culture, such as ‘dynamic and static’, ‘individual and collective’, and ‘material and immaterial culture’ (Tschopp & Weber, 2007, p. 33 f.). ‘Culture’ thus appears “as a contingent phenomenon that encompasses both material and immaterial phenomena, that is encountered as a collective singular and as a plural noun, that is peculiar to both individuals and collectives, and that is at the same time characterized by processuality and staticness” (Tschopp & Weber, 2007, p. 35).

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This characteristic of ‘culture’ or cultural phenomena of being contingently constituted is also emphasized by Andreas Reckwitz when he undertakes a further “historical-systematic clarification” of the “chronically ambiguous concept of culture” (Reckwitz, 2011, p. 3) of the “chronically ambiguous concept of culture” (Reckwitz, 2011, p. 3). In general, “one can state that the emergence and spread of the modern concept of ‘culture,’ which can be traced since the second half of the eighteenth century, is linked to the awareness of the contingency of human forms of life” (Reckwitz, 2011, p. 3). By ‘contingency’ is meant the “non-necessity and historicity” of the ‘cultural’ (Reckwitz, 2011, p. 2). Reckwitz favors a ‘meaning-oriented’ concept of culture, which, as the ‘actionconstitutive background’ of social practices, determines specific world-including and world-interpreting “systems of meaning and distinction” as specific forms of a “symbolic organization of reality” (Reckwitz, 2011, p. 7) determines. ‘World’ can only be experienced through the attribution of such meanings; it is necessarily “world of meaning” and “human world” (Reckwitz, 2011, p. 7). Since this ‘human’-as ‘meaning’-world is socio-culturally constituted or ‘constructed’ by meaning-attributing people, this fact at the same time constitutes the “social constructivist argument of the meaning-oriented understanding of culture” (Reckwitz, 2011, p. 7) represents. With this concept of a ‘meaning-oriented’ concept of culture, specific forms of play(s) can also be reconstructed as “systems of meaning and distinction” and thus as specific forms of a “symbolic organization of reality” (Reckwitz, 2011, p. 7) in the sense of a social constructivist approach can be reconstructed.

2.3.2

Culture as a Game

Playing proved to be a prime example of a self-purposeful activity within the social sphere of prâxis (see Sect. 2.2.3). In this sense, man can also be defined as homo ludens (lat. ludus, play), as Johan Huizinga undertook in the context of a cultural-theoretical justification of the game (Huizinga, 2019 [1938]) Huizinga’s central thesis is that play(s) is not one of the forms of culture, but culture arises in and through play: “Culture in its original phases is played. It does not spring from play as a living fruit springs from its mother’s womb; it unfolds in play and as play” (Huizinga, 2019 [1938], p. 189, Hervorhebung im Original).

Play(s) do not form an antithesis to seriousness, even though they can themselves be serious. For “seriousness seeks to exclude play, but play can very well include seriousness in itself” (Huizinga, 2019 [1938], p. 56, Hervorhebung im Original).

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It is also decisive that the game(s) represents in its ‘form’ a “free action”, which, moreover, “does not want to be meant” in this way (Huizinga, 2019 [1938], p. 22, Hervorhebung im Original). Thus, in the game there are spaces of action and thus freedom in the sense of possibilities, alternatives or options—and this under the direction of rules of the game, which on the one hand regulate the free action in the game, on the other hand make it possible at all. In contrast to Huizinga, who brings the game into close connection with competition or contest, Roger Caillois distinguishes (zum Folgenden: Caillois, 2017) four categories of play: competition proper (‘agon’), gambling subject to chance and luck (‘alea’), intoxication associated with ecstatic experience (‘ilinx’), and masquerade associated with playful imitation (‘mimicry’). Caillois specifies the interplay between rule-boundedness and free action by assigning two opposing modes of play to the forms of play. One of them he calls ‘paidia’, which is a rule-less and freely improvised game that is characterized by exuberance and spontaneous joy in playing. The second way of playing he calls ‘ludus’, meaning a game guided by explicit rules, in which players look for obstacles, face them and try to overcome them through practice. Pierre Bourdieu, too, in his cultural theory of ‘symbolic fields’, following Max Weber and Ernst Cassirer, thematizes the playful character of the ‘basic norm’ called ‘nomos’, which as a setting is arbitrary and can only attain the appearance of objectivity, but similar to a partial social ‘code’ with Luhmann (Luhmann, 1984) largely determines the rules of understanding, acting and speaking (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1996). The term ‘illusio’ (lat. ludus, game; to be caught in the game) denotes the self-understanding of those acting in a field, who adhere to these ‘rules of the game’ of the symbolic field, similarly to the rules of a social role (Dahrendorf, 1958) or as participants in the market (Homann & Suchanek, 2005). Thus, the game “combines voluntariness and coercion in a peculiar way. In the game, we freely submit to a constraint to which we would possibly never submit outside the game.” (Müller-Funk, 2006, p. 224).

2.3.3

Wittgenstein’s Language Games

Wittgenstein’s language-game theory can be taken as an example of a ‘symbolic organization’ of linguistically constituted ‘reality’. Wittgenstein developed the concept of the ‘language-game’ in the ‘Philosophical Investigations’ Philosophische Untersuchungen (Wittgenstein, 1995 [1953]), in which he takes back the ideal-linguistic program of the ‘Tractatus logico-philosophicus’ and replaces it by a normal-linguistic research program, which integrates the pragmatics missing in the ‘Tractatus’ by now considering the “use of language” (Wittgenstein, 1995 [1953], p. 238) in communication and interaction contexts is taken into account

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(cf. Kühne & Berr, 2021). Accordingly, semantics is dependent on language-usepractices that are embedded in concrete contexts of communicating and acting with each other, who have to pursue intentions with the use of language and have to understand each other. Wittgenstein calls these language-use-practices ‘language games’ (Wittgenstein, 1995 [1953], p. 241) which receive their meaning only relative to concrete ‘forms of life’, so that Wittgenstein (1995 [1953], p. 146) so that Wittgenstein can formulate the well-known thesis of the ‘theory of use of meaning’ (cf. Leerhoff et al., 2010, pp. 50 ff.): “The meaning of a word is its use in language” (Wittgenstein, 1995 [1953], p. 262). With the concept of ‘family resemblance’ (Wittgenstein, 1995 [1953], pp. 277 ff.) he furthermore emphasizes that the meanings of a linguistic expression can only have similarities like the members of a family, i.e. language games “cannot (sic!) have one thing in common at all”—for example, no common meta-relationship (Wittgenstein, 1995 [1953], p. 277) for example, no common meta-rule. The meaning of a word arises in different language games, in which words can be moved or used like chess pieces (Wittgenstein, 1995 [1953], p. 298).

2.3.4

Lyotard’s Incommensurability Thesis of Postmodern Language Games

Lyotard rejects any anthropomorphistic and instrumentalist conception of language: man is by no means the master of language (Lyotard, 1989, p. 103). Language is structurally antecedent, man merely enters the game opened up by language itself (Lyotard, 1989, p. 128). With this view, Lyotard criticizes Wittgenstein for having defined language through its human use: “Language is an instrument. Its terms are instruments” (Wittgenstein, 1995 [1953], p. 452). Lyotard counters this with a radical primacy and autonomy of language. However, this can be countered with Welsch: “Wittgenstein by no means understood language as an instrument that man had in his hands. Rather, he saw it the other way around: Every speech is based on prior language-game presuppositions that have to be ‘obeyed’. Man is not the master of language, but an actor within it.” (Welsch, 1996, p. 419). Like Wittgenstein, however, Lyotard also assumes that all language games, that is, heterogeneous forms of life, worldviews, modes of action, cultural patterns, and approaches to thought, lack an overarching ‘meta-rule’ (Welsch, 1996, p. 317). Both sentence-rule systems (such as arguing, recognizing, describing, narrating, questioning, showing, etc.) and types of discourse (such as conducting a dialogue, teaching, speaking law, advertising, etc.) are radically heterogeneous and incommensurable, therefore neither reducible to each other nor translatable into each other (Lyotard, 1989). The contradiction—a case of conflict between

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modes of discourse—is insoluble. In this way, Lyotard emphasizes the radically ineluctable and unresolvable plurality of all language games, which is considered the hallmark of so-called ‘postmodernism’. Lyotard vehemently opposes all options of wholeness, longings for unity, absolutizations of particular points of view and totalizations of individual opinions and ideas. This, by the way, blatantly contradicts a current diagnosis of ‘postmodernism’, according to which it is the cause for cultural struggles, for an escalating neoliberalism, for identity politics and hyperindividualism (Stegemann, 2021). Lyotard even claims that at “the seams between sentences” nothing less than “thought, cognition, ethics, politics, history, being […] are at stake.” (Lyotard, 1989, p. 11). Lyotard also has reservations about the model of a consensus, since it is a principle of only specific language games and procedures, not at all of all. When consensus is set as a formal principle, it suppresses other language games, and it makes a preliminary decision that must inevitably lead to injustice. Thus Lyotard says, “Consensus has become an obsolete and suspect value, but justice has not. One must therefore arrive at an idea and a practice of justice that is not tied to that of consensus” (Lyotard, 1986, p. 190). This brings an ethical question to the fore, namely the question of justice (on questions of justice in play, see also Sedelmeier & Baum, 2022 in this volume). It also brings the game close to an existential seriousness that will concern us in Sect. 3.

2.3.5

World 3 and Landscape 3 as Symbolic Modes of Organization of Reality

Just as World 1 can be understood ontologically as a play of natural forces (Sect. 2.1) and playful ways of dealing with Landscape 1 and 3 are possible in World 2 (Sect. 2.2.5), so social and cultural things in general (World 3) and the symbolic ways of organizing landscape reality (Landscape 3) in particular can be understood as playful forms, such as language games. In all spheres of life, social subsystems and (sub)cultures, such playful forms can be identified, which are rule-bound, but nevertheless contain moments of freedom (Cassirer, 2001, 2011) with Bourdieu as ‘symbolic fields’ or with Luhmann as (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1996) or with Luhmann as subsystemic ‘codes’ (Luhmann, 1984) can be called. As with world 1, the question arises whether these symbolic forms are simply to be accepted as a structure of (here) socio-cultural reality or whether a playful attitude can be thought towards them, which themselves can be interpreted as language games. If this question is answered positively, world 2 again comes into focus as a central mediating instance (Sect. 2.2.5). If in this way the playful interaction in and through world 2 is emphasized, the already mentioned

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question about the connection between play and existential seriousness comes into view.

3

Play(s) and Seriousness—Contradiction or Activity Aspects?

Huizinga himself addressed the question of the relationship of play to seriousness. He addresses this in many examples and shows, for example, that even ‘sacred seriousness’ contains playful moments. Nevertheless, the question remains virulent whether play and seriousness should not be more strictly separated. Freedom in play can also be understood as the opening of possibilities or options. In play, spaces of possibility open up in reality. In almost all areas of life or reality, the reflected playing through of possibilities and drafts is increasingly gaining in importance (Berr, 2013). In view of this general development, Gerhard Gamm has made the observation in science, philosophy, and art or aesthetics that in these partial social systems the “sense of possibility ranks before the sense of reality” (Gamm, 2011, p. 30). Following Kierkegaard, he puts forward the thesis that the “vanishing point” of the aesthete as well as of the scientist is the “medium of ‘indifference’” (Gamm, 2011, p. 30) that is, indifference to existentially serious life situations and needs. An aesthete tries to keep any serious commitment of his own “at a distance”— “existentially weighty choices as well as their life-historical consequences are relatively indifferent and suspect to him,” the world appears “as an ‘immense reserve fund of possibility’” (Gamm, 2011, p. 30). For aesthetes “everything is a game” (Gamm, 2011, p. 30). Even philosophers, intellectuals, or scientists “are per se constantly on the verge of a déformation professionelle in their thought games; from their way of thinking and living, they cannot take the ethical seriously, like everything else that concerns people directly and authentically or in earnest, not even themselves.” (Gamm, 2011, p. 31, Hervorhebung im Original). Thus, the “aesthetician and the intellectual belong together. They are united by life in the horizon of the sense of possibility.” (Gamm, 2011, p. 31). This diagnosis would be devastating, if it were true in its entirety. But first of all, “the hour has long since struck” for ‘aesthetes’ and ‘intellectuals’, because they “are openly competitive in the context” (Bogner, 2021, p. 91) because they are “forced in the context of openly competing values” to argue for their “position, and that usually means: to appeal to good reasons and to special knowledge for the defense of their own position” (Bogner, 2021, p. 90 f.). Second, the crucial question is whether, in the sciences, for example, a supposedly unavoidable

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seriousness must be played off against a playfully free attitude. For example, the geographer Peter Weichhart pleads against any kind of scientific “messianic zeal” to understand one’s own scientific activity against forms of exaggerated “animalistic seriousness” also as “intellectual game” (Weichhart, 2006, p. 197). The science theorist Holm Tetens argues that philosophers are sometimes also “thought players, they keep the pluralistic spectrum of possible metaphysical world views open without forcing an ultimate decision on truth” (Tetens, 1994, p. 28). For it can be a great opportunity “to try out even quite novel convictions and to think them through in terms of their sometimes startling consequences” (Tetens, 1994, p. 28). This is not a non-binding relativism of truth (cf. Kühne & Berr, 2021; Popper, 1984, pp. 213 ff., 1997, pp. 164 ff.), but rather the playful moment in the genesis of knowledge and the examination of the validity of this knowledge. Huizinga took a clear stand on the question of ‘play versus seriousness’ at the end of his classic ‘Homo Ludens’: “Whoever, in the eternal upheaval of the play-serious concept, feels his spirit seized by a vertigo, finds again in the ethical the base which had escaped him in the logical. Play in itself, we said at the beginning, lies outside the sphere of moral norms. It is in itself neither evil nor good. But when man has to make a decision whether an act to which his will drives him is prescribed to him as seriousness or permitted as play, then his moral conscience offers him a touchstone. As soon as feelings of truth and justice, of pity and waste, are involved in the decision to act, the question no longer has any significance. A drop of compassion is enough to raise our action above the distinctions of the thinking mind. In every moral consciousness founded in the recognition of justice and mercy, the question whether play or seriousness, which remained insoluble to the last, is forever silenced.” (Huizinga, 2019 [1938], p. 230 f.).

That is, the so-called ‘moral seriousness’ does not necessarily have to be played off against a supposedly non-committal game. Often enough play turns into seriousness or vice versa (Huizinga, 2019 [1938], p. 17) or the game itself is pursued with sacred seriousness (Huizinga, 2019 [1938], pp. 27 ff.). The average ‘moral consciousness’ Huizinga speaks of is, as it were, the stop-rule that prevents questions of truth or justice from being played out in morally or ethically relevant contexts. In the face of, for example, a person in need, it is not a matter of the ‘logical’ question of seriousness or play, but what is required is simply a moral act. And this act can be performed playfully or with ‘holy seriousness’. Seriousness and play should therefore not be seen as a contradiction, but as two aspects of human activity. This means at the same time, as with Popper, human persons,

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who are capable of such attributable and responsible action, stand as ‘world 2’ in the center of the 3-world theory reformulated for the concept of play.

4

Conclusion

It could be exemplified by the guideline of the 3-world theory and the three typical world references that and how play(en) has been and is thematized philosophically and in cultural theory. It also became clear that play is closely related to the concept of freedom, that is, it opens up possibilities for orientation, action, and decision-making. Looking at the three worlds and three landscapes, indications of the potential of the 3-world theory for game and landscape research could be given. Looking at world 1 or landscape 1, in particular, in the question of the physical substrate or materiality of ‘landscape’ it can be (Berr, 2020a, b; Kühne 2019a, b) it can be shown that and how in this question a playful understanding of landscape 1 seems plausible and how persons can deal with it in a playful way. With regard to world 2 or landscape 2, different options emerged for individuals to playfully use its bridging function and to experience and learn in such playful ways of dealing with it that they do not have to be hindered or determined in their landscape perception, treatment, use, and evaluation either by natural laws or by supposedly irrefutable sociocultural constraints, customs, or traditions. With regard to the question of the connection between individual liberty and landscape (see in overview Kühne et al., 2021), options open up in the perspective of these playful ways of dealing with the landscape (Dahrendorf, 1979, 2007; Kühne, 2017, 2021). In the perspective of these playful ways of dealing, options open up to distance oneself in and through play and in the everyday reality of life from the constraints of nature, but also from social, cultural, or political constraints and coercions, and thereby also to liberate oneself. This potentially also opens up further life opportunities for individuals in their dealings with landscape 1 and 3, which could be further investigated in game and landscape research. It could also be shown that and how the social and cultural in general (world 3) and the symbolic modes of organization of landscape reality (landscape 3) in particular can be understood as playful forms. Moreover, it became apparent that these symbolic forms of world and landscape 3, like world 1 and landscape 1, are likewise not to be accepted as a predetermined and constructed structure of socio-cultural reality, and that a playful attitude can in turn be conceived towards them as well, which themselves can already be interpreted as language games. With regard to the discussion about the construction of social reality in general (Berger & Luckmann, 2016 [engl. Original 1966]) and that of the ‘landscape’ in

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particular (Kühne, 2018b) the connection between game and landscape research opens up a further field of options and life chances in dealing with landscapes, which are to be further explored. Starting from the question whether seriousness and play are to be understood as an insurmountable opposition (contradiction), it could be shown that it is persons who, in the sense of Popper’s ‘World 2’, can deal with this supposed opposition in a free, playful and at the same time morally attributable way, without necessarily falling into indifference towards existentially serious life situations and needs. From these results, the connection between play and landscape can be reconstructed in such a way that it can be understood both as a playful wealth of forms of a nature acting in landscape (World 1), as a playful goaland execution-oriented appropriation of landscape environments in the medium of contemplation, reflection, and attributable action (World 2), and as a symbolically organized realm of reality with offers of interpretation (World 3).

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Karsten Berr studied landscape management at the Osnabrück University of Applied Sciences and philosophy and sociology at the FernUniversität in Hagen. In 2008, he received his doctorate in philosophy from the FernUniversität in Hagen. After working in Oldenburg, Hagen and Vechta, he conducted research on the theory of landscape and landscape architecture as well as on architectural and planning ethics at TU Dresden, BTU Cottbus and University of Vechta in a DFG project he led from 2012–2017. Since May 2018, he has been working at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. His research interests include theory of landscape, landscape architecture theory, architectural theory; architecture and planning ethics as well as landscape conflicts; inter- and transdisciplinary architecture and landscape research; philosophy of art and aesthetics, nature and landscape aesthetics; cultural theory and anthropology.

The Social Psychological Function of Play Kai Schuster

Abstract

The analysis of the social-psychological functions of play encounters two peculiarities. First, it is not possible to find a unified definition of play as well as to easily distinguish play from non-playful actions. For this reason, definitions from different scientific contexts are presented first. The other peculiarity refers to social psychology. There is no significant research on the functions of play there, although there would be significant overlaps in content. This article draws connections between social psychology and the subject area of play and illustrates the complexity of the social psychological functions of play in human life: From identity development to self-location in a group to innovation processes, play possesses a prominent role. Finally, selected extensions of the social psychological research perspective are proposed, namely the ‘opening of the borders’ towards sociology as well as towards spatial science, in order to soften the ‘social and spatial oblivion’ of social psychology. Keywords

Play • Culture • Evolution • Social psychology • Impression management Identity • Innovation • Spoilsport • Cheater

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K. Schuster (B) Hochschule Darmstadt, Darmstadt, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_3

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Overview of Theories of Play and Social Psychology

Playfulness can be observed in all people, regardless of their origin, historical and social background, age group, life situation, etc. Oerter (2007, p. 7) therefore calls play a “basic phenomenon of human activity” and the question of why, when, how and where humans play is a question that transcends epochs (cf. Weiß, 2020; see also Berr, 2022 in this anthology). Thus, there are different definitions of play depending on the zeitgeist, discipline, and personal image of human. Historical examples are (taken from Scheuerl, 1991) the power surplus theory of Spencer [1865]; the work recovery theory of Lazarus [1883]; the rehearsal theory of Groos, according to which innate abilities are (pleasurably) practiced into survivable skills in play [1899]; the biological environmental acquisition theory of Eibl-Eibesfeld [1969]; the drive theory according to Buytendijk [1933]; and the theory of cultural development according to Huizinga [1938]. In a narrower sense, the theory of anxiety defense [Freud 1901]; Charlotte Bühler’s [1928] perspective of the functional pleasure of children’s play and the consequent classification of play into the five categories of functional play, fiction play, receptive play, construction play, and parlor play (from Piaget, 1969, p. 145); and Piaget’s research on the interplay of play and mental development in the child (Piaget, 1969) can be considered as psychological conceptions of play. Particular closeness to the social psychological view of play is shown by George H. Mead (e.g., 1973), who focuses on the development of the ability to adopt the attitude or perspective of all those involved in the game, as well as the recognition that the roles stand in a certain relationship to each other (cf. Mead, 1973, p. 416). More recent theories of play come from Burghardt (2005, 2011), Caillois (1982), Oerter (1997, 2007, 2014), and Sutton-Smith (2001), referred to in the following chapter. The interconnectedness of playful action with everyday action makes it highly likely that play can be found wherever people meet. Erving Goffman even goes so far as to infer, based on the role- and institution-bound nature of human beings, that we all play ‘our’ respective roles in everyday life: “When an individual appears before others, he consciously or unconsciously represents a situation, and a conception of himself is an important part of this representation” (Goffman, 2005, p. 221). The focus is on the question of identity, identity representation, and related role behavior, which touches on the core themes of social psychology. Accordingly, it is obvious to look for functions of play from a social psychological perspective. A look at the psychological discipline of social psychology shows that it is life-world oriented, i.e., pragmatic and empirical-statistical in its focus on the study of psychological processes of the individual in relation to his or her social

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environment. The starting point of contemporary social psychology is Gordon Allport’s definition (Allport, 1954, p. 5, cited in Stroebe & Hewstone, 2020, p. 5): “Social psychology is the attempt to understand and explain how the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of individuals are influenced by the actual, imagined, or implied presence of other human beings.” Social psychology textbooks (e.g., Deaux & Snyder, 2019; Hewstone & Stroebe, 2020; Werth et al., 2020; Steg et al., 2017; Kassin et al., 2014) define the content of social psychology foci very similarly, and typical topics include social perception and attributions, stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination, aggression, prejudice and intergroup relations, group performance and leadership, group dynamics, attraction and close relationships, prosocial behavior (helping others), social influence, attitudes, and the self. Detailed analyses show, however, that despite the multitude of possible points of contact, play is not mentioned in any significant way in contemporary social psychology. Within psychology, an examination of play takes place predominantly in developmental psychology. In the present article, selected topics of social psychology are related to central features of play in order to derive social psychological functions of play.

2

Definitions of Play: Characteristics, Functions, Forms

The theoretical examination of the topic of play quickly reveals two difficulties: First, there is no single definition of play (e.g., Miller, 2017; Warwitz & Rudolf, 2021). Rather, a multitude of definitions exists that are shaped by zeitgeist, scientific discipline, and personal conception of man. In addition, the range of playful forms of action can hardly be captured in one definition. For example, Lillard (2015, p. 482) writes: “In sum, defining play is challenging because the term encompasses a wide variety of behaviors with no single shared criterion.” The second difficulty is that play cannot always be clearly distinguished from non-play behaviors. Piaget (1969) highlights this, for example, in the case of children’s construction play, which he describes as a “boundary category linking games with non-play behaviors” (Piaget, 1969, p. 146). Thus, in the demarcation from play to non-playful action, there are smooth transitions and “meeting the criteria merely indicates and makes it more likely that it is a play situation” (Mehringer & Waburg, 2020, p. 18). In order to be able to identify overarching characteristics of play, the following section presents definitions of play that come from different scientific positions:

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cultural theory (Huizinga, Caillois), evolutionary biology (Burghardt), psychology (Oerter), and from a cross-disciplinary perspective (Sutton-Smith, Miller).

2.1

Cultural Theoretical Definitions of Play

Johan Huizinga (2001 [1938]) focuses on the culture-creating value of play and thus simultaneously marginalizes behavioral-biological argumentation. In particular, citing Frobenius (1933, p. 21, quoted in Huizinga, 2001, p. 25), he rejects the reductionist justification of play as a drive as “the worst tyranny of causality.” His definition focuses on the phenomena of play: “Considered in terms of form, then, play may be summarily called a free action, perceived as ‘not meant to be’ and standing outside ordinary life, and yet capable of completely engrossing the player, attached to no material interest, and with which no benefit is acquired, which takes place within a specially designated time and space, which proceeds according to certain rules in an orderly fashion, and which brings into being community associations which, in turn, like to surround themselves with mystery or stand out as different from the ordinary world by disguising themselves” (Huzinga, 2001, p. 22). In more depth, he formulates his assumption, based on exemplary culture-descriptive analyses, that play has a culture-creating effect in all social spheres and shows that play and social cultural forms and rites are inseparably interwoven. Similarly, Roger Caillois (1982) defines play as a free and voluntary activity, an activity separated from everyday life with its own temporal and spatial limits, an uncertain activity with an unpredictable, sometimes surprising outcome, a (socially) unproductive activity, a (mostly) regulated activity, and a fictional activity lying outside the reality of everyday life. At the same time, he formulates criticism of Huizinga’s definition “…in which all words have their value and their meaning, […] is on the one hand too general and on the other hand too limited” (Caillois, 1982, p. 10). In Huizinga, he misses a stringent classification of the game. He himself names four classes of games, agon (competition, competitive play), alea (chance, gambling), mimicry (masking, role-playing), and ilinx (intoxication, thrill, and disturbance of one’s own perception, e.g., through borderline experiences in roller coasters), which can occur in combination and can proceed in the boundaries between rule-less, improvised free play (paida) and regimented, structured play (ludus). Comparable to Huizinga, he projects playful action into the socio-cultural context and draws a connection between the development of societies and the change of play forms.

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Biological Theory of Play

Gordon M. Burghardt takes an evolutionary perspective on play. Although the core of the definition does not read completely different from those of Huizinga and Caillois, as an evolutionary biologist he aims at a fundamentally different justification of play. Already his formulation “human and nonhuman animals” (Burghardt, 2011, p. 15) shows that he is looking for a general evolutionary principle of play in humans and animals. Specifically, Burghardt lists five criteria of play that must be met in order to speak of play (Burghardt, 2011, pp. 13–16; emphasis by the author): “The first criterion for recognizing play is that the performance of the behavior is not fully functional in the form or context in which it is expressed; that is, it includes elements, or is directed toward stimuli, that do not contribute to current survival […]. The second criterion […] is that the behavior is spontaneous, voluntary, intentional, pleasurable, rewarding, reinforcing, or autotelic (‘done for it owns sake’). Only ONE [sic.] of these overlapping concepts need to apply. […] The third criterion […] is that it differs from strictly functional expressions of behavior structurally or temporally in at least one respect: incomplete (generally through inhibited or dropped final elements), exaggerated, awkward, precocious, or involves behavior patterns with modified form, sequencing, or targeting. […] The fourth criterion […] is that the behavior is performed repeatedly in a similar, but not rigidly stereotyped, form during at least a portion of the animal’s ontogeny. … It is clear from the literature that repetition of patterns of movement is found in all play and games in human and nonhuman animals. […] The fifth criterion […] is that the behavior is initiated when an animal is adequately fed, doted on, healthy, and not under stress (e.g., from physical danger, harsh weather, illness, social instability, family dysfunction), or intense competing systems (e.g., feeding, mating, competition, fear): In other words, the animal is in a ‘relaxed field’.” This last point is related to the Surplus Resource Theory developed by Burghardt (2005), according to which play only occurs when an animal does not have to care for or fight for survival and thus has “surplus” energy. However, this very point is doubted by developmental psychology for human play. Thus, it is observable in children that they can lose themselves strongly in (role) play under stressful situations (Lillard, 2015) and it can even contribute to coping with social pressure and psychological stress (Oerter, 2014, p. 236). In summary, Lillard concludes that “Although criteria #5 is often true for animals […], human children also play when stressed” (Lillard, 2015, p. 428). In addition to describing characteristics of play, Burghardt (2011) divides the function of play into three process classifications: from (1) pure behavior with no other function, such as from curiosity behavior, boredom, or excess metabolic

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energy (primary process play), to (2) an effect of the displayed playful behavior on the maintenance of physiological or cognitive state, such as physiological, cognitive, and social activation in senior dance (secondary process play), to (3) play behavior used to achieve specific emotional, social, and cognitive skills (tertiary process play). These three process levels can interact. At the same time, the functional interlocking of the process steps is considered to explain why play behavior is discarded at older ages in some animals. “The loss of play strongly suggests that there is a high cost associated with maintaining play, especially in its most complex forms. That is, if the benefit from investing in play is diminished, the cost of maintaining play can no longer be supported” (Smaldino et al., 2019, p. 1389).

2.3

Developmental Psychological Definition of Play

The developmental psychologist Rolf Oerter (1997, 2007, 2014) sees play as a basic phenomenon of human action and focuses on the following characteristics of play: the end in itself (action for the sake of action), ritualization and repetition, the special form of reality construction of an “as-if” action, and, as a fourth characteristic, the object reference, which he defines very broadly in terms of content: “Objects in the sense meant here can be divided into physical-material, into states or processes of consciousness and experience, and into objects of knowledge and art. Thus we follow the three-world division of Popper (1973).” (Oerter, 1997, p. 21). In this context, objects can have three types of valence: subjective valence (an object completely occupies the subject), objective valence (an object acquires a valence on the basis of the options for action contained in it, independent of subjective interpretations), and abstract valence, through which all options for action are unified in one object (e.g., money, with which all other objects can be exchanged). He further distinguishes typical forms of play that are related to the cognitive stages of human development (Oerter, 2007): sensorimotor play, in which the child brings about self-directed effects through repetition of actions (mastery play); symbolic play (as-if play), in which the child from about. Role play, which requires the ability to recognize the value of objects, including about oneself, and to reach agreements through communication about who has which role; rule play, which is preceded by the ability to internalize rules. Oerter (2007) also refers to the variety of mixed forms of play. In a later publication (Oerter, 2014), he adds exploration and construction games, in which the joyful trying out of possibilities turns into purposeful manipulation.

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Despite the developmental psychological focus, Oerter (1997, 2007, 2014) sees the importance of human play primarily in culture development, in addition to functions for individual development (ontogenesis). “The most important achievement of play is its culture-creating effect. Thus, we extend the perspective of ontogenesis by the perspective of society and culture” (Oerter, 2014, p. 238). Thus, he bridges developmental psychology and cultural theoretical perspectives on play (for cultural theoretical approaches to play, see also Berr, 2022 in this volume).

2.4

Cross-Disciplinary Definitions of Play

To counter the disciplinary focus in defining play, Lance Miller (2017) chose a cross-disciplinary empirical approach. He worked with 16 experts from different disciplines to identify different characteristics and functions of play. The disciplines were broad: “African ethnology, animal behavior, animal science, animal welfare, cognitive psychology, cognitive zoology, cultural anthropolgy, developmental psychology, educational psychology, ethology, neuroscience, primatology, and zoology. Approximately half of the participants studied human play and the other half studied non-human play” (Miller, 2017, p. 331). The results of the work revealed twelve structural characteristics and five functional characteristics of play: “Structural characteristics: 1. Intrinsic - Play happens for intrinsic reasons, there is no external reward, and it is internally motivated. 2. Young Individuals - Play is more likely to occur in young individuals than older individuals and the function may vary depending on age. 3. Voluntary - Play is voluntary and an individual must intentionally and knowingly choose to participate in the behavior. 4. Repetitive - Play is repetitive in nature, lacking inhibition, but the behavior is not stereotyped. 5. Spontaneous - Play is spontaneous and comes with some flexibility that can be in the form of process, objects utilized, or the actor. 6. Positive Welfare - Play occurs when an individual is in a positive state of health and welfare. 7. Fragmented - Play is fragmented or incomplete and is modified from typical behavioral patterns with immediate function. 8. Exaggerated - Play is exaggerated or awkward compared to typical behavior with immediate function.

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9. Play Signals - Play is accompanied by species-dependent play signals either before or during the behavior. 10. Turn Taking - Play involves turn-taking where individuals take turns in different roles. 11. Non-literal - Play is non-literal or imaginative requiring mental representations that are mapped onto some reality. 12. Process Orientated - Play is process oriented based on a set of rules. Functional characteristics: 1. Rewarding - Play is rewarding or pleasurable for the individual engaged in the behavior and leads to positive emotions such as joy or enjoyment. 2. No Immediate Benefit - From an evolutionary perspective, play behavior has no obvious immediate benefits leading to an individual’s current survival. 3. Contextual - Play may have different functions depending on the context under which they occur. 4. Social Facilitation - Play facilitates social interaction and is contagious among peers or conspecifics. 5. Evolutionary Benefit - There are evolutionary benefits to play” (Miller, 2017, p. 332). Brian Sutton-Smith (2001) took a different approach to developing a crossdisciplinary definition of play. Simply put, he assumes that every discipline tries to present its own views and results as convincingly as possible by means of rhetoric. In his approach, he now looks for typical rhetoric in the context of the definition of play. “The word rhetoric is used here in a modern sense, as being a persuasive discourse, or implicit narrative, wittingly or unwittingly adopted by members of a particular affiliation to persuade others of the veracity and worthwhileness of their beliefs” (Sutton-Smith, 2001, p. 8). Ultimately, he elaborates seven such rhetoric of play: rhetoric of progress (developmental aspects of play are foregrounded); rhetoric of fate (play stands as a metaphor for how human life is controlled by a kind of fate and symbolizes the indeterminable and unpredictable in life); rhetoric of power (play represents power and competition on physical and mental levels); rhetoric of identity (play is a means of creating and affirming social identities); rhetoric of imaginary (play is seen as a means of creativity and imagination); rhetoric of self (the focus is on personal activities, such as hobbies or individual play experiences, that are based on trial and error and the development or stabilization of self-image in an individualized society); rhetoric

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of frivolity (play is the opposite of work, i.e., voluntary, entertaining, non-serious, and purposeless). Sutton-Smith (2001) emphasizes that rhetoric can combine in different ways. Overall, his approach illustrates that each discipline uses powerful rhetoric to try to illustrate the coherence of its own approach—a procedurethat seems playful and humorous in itself.

3

Reflections on Social Psychological Functions of Play

The reflections on the social-psychological functions of play begin with a warning: Research in developmental psychology has shown that it is hardly possible to empirically prove positive effects of children’s play on further human development (e.g., Lillard, 2015). Only positive functions of play related to coping with concrete life situations are observable. Oerter (2014, p. 236) therefore describes the function of play as follows: “In ontogenesis, play serves to cope with life and thus to maintain psychological and physical hygiene. Children do not play to learn something or to practice skills. This is a side effect that can be beneficial. Children play because it enables them to cope better with life. Play as a way of coping with life includes the opportunity to satisfy one’s needs immediately, even if only imaginatively, to become creatively active in the environment and thus gain experience of self-realization, and finally to work through one’s personal hardships and issues, allowing the child to free himself from social pressure and psychological stress.” In this sense, those social psychological effects of play will be discussed in the following that relate to direct action, that is, to lifeworld practice. Since it is not possible at this point to deal adequately with all subfields of the discipline of social psychology, three interlocking approaches will be focused on: First, the intrapsychic level is considered. This may seem surprising at first glance, since the term social psychology suggests an analysis with multiple participants. However, Kessler and Fritsche (2018) show that social psychology includes the intrapsychic level in its field of research in addition to social interaction and the intra- and intergroup level. Typical intrapsychic social psychological topics deal with identity and identity development. The second level of consideration of social psychological functions of play focuses on social interactions, and the third topic area focuses on objects that follow from social interactions. Following Oerter (1997, see Sect. 2.1), objects here subsume physical-material artifacts, but also objects of knowledge and art. Exemplary social psychological research in this context aims at creativity and innovation processes.

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In order to distinguish playful from non-playful action, the characteristics of play are included in the consideration, which show extensive overlap across the theories discussed in Sect. 2: • Play as free action, • Play as an “as-if” plot, • Play as intrinsic action up to complete absorption in the action (cf. Flow, Csikszentmihalyi, 2014). • Game as an action outside the ordinary life as well as • Play as a non-productive action in the sense of a direct exploitation benefit.

3.1

Intrapsychic Level: Self-Concept, Identity, Impression Management

A subfield of social psychology explores human identity and self-concept as well as the factors influencing self-perception and self-awareness. The most important sources of knowledge in this regard are introspection and observation of one’s own behavior as well as the perceived reactions of other people to one’s own person (e.g., Kessler & Fritsche, 2018). Thus, self-attribution of one’s own competencies and abilities or limitations and weaknesses depends on how I judge myself when I look at myself and how I perceive how others look at me and react. The prerequisite for this is that the person can ‘know’ himself. William James (1890) distinguishes in this regard between a “pure I” (“I”), which cannot be easily inferred, and an “empirical I” (“Me”), i.e., an ‘I’ with potential for cognition through observation. This makes observation of the self possible and generates a form of self-knowledge, as Bem (1972; from Morf, 2020) demonstrates in his self-perception theory formulated almost a hundred years after James. In the development of the self-concept, the fundamental need to feel oneself as independent and unique (e.g., Habermas, 1999) plays a central role. Thus, the attribution of self-efficacy, i.e., feeling oneself to be the author of actions and their results, acquires a special function in the evaluation of the self (Bandura 1997). This refers to the fact that the demonstrated action (from a motivationtheoretical perspective, intention formation, planning, and after-action evaluation are equally included here (cf. Achtziger & Gollwitzer, 2018)) must have emerged freely and not under coercion, such as (subliminal) pressure to conform. There must be a (perceived) scope of action of freedom and voluntariness, so that the attribution of the action to the own person becomes possible.

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For the development of identity, in addition to the scope of action and the observation of what he or she can create from it, the individual also needs social feedback from interaction partners in order to become clearer about his or her own self. “The individual is not an autonomous entity, but a social product. Only in society does a subject emerge from the amalgam of physical and therein also psychological basic human characteristics” (Reckwitz, 2020, p. 207). The playful trying out and observing how the social effects turn out are thus possibilities to (joyfully) recognize one’s own self. Playing on one’s own or in the community forms a protected framework to be able to take on roles for a certain time and thereby consciously or unconsciously try out and develop in self-awareness. For example, role-playing can be used to explore identity-relevant issues, experience their limits, and identify desires (cf. Günther, 2019). In educational (e.g., Nestel & Tierney, 2007) or therapeutic settings (e.g., Wagner, 2003), role-playing is a frequently used method to expand (or regain) action skills. Thereby, in the context of playful action, there can be a difference between the self-perception and the perception of the other actors. The difference is generated by the definition of the ‘playground’: If all participants know that they are in a playground and know the rules, there is transparency about the character of the game. However, especially in role-playing games it can happen that one actor (player) defines a space and time as a playing field, which the other social actors in the same space and at the same time do not recognize as a playing field and thus do not recognize the role-player’s rules. Abstractly speaking, this means that in self-perception the game must be recognized by the actor as playful action, since it is subject to conscious intention formation; for the involved observers it can be identifiable as playful action in the context of social perception, but it does not have to be. It may even be intentional on the part of the sender that the playful “as-if” aspect is not recognized by the counterpart, as in impression management, in which a desired impression of one’s own person is to be deliberately achieved in the counterpart by means of specific behaviors. Bolino and Turnley (1999, p. 190) describe the main directions of impression management thus: “self-promotion, whereby individuals point out their abilities or accomplishments in order to be seen as competent by observers; ingratiation, whereby individuals do favors or use flattery to elicit an attribution of likability from observers; exemplification, whereby people self-sacrifice or go above and beyond the call of duty in order to gain the attribution of dedication from observers; intimidation, where people signal their power or potential to punish in order to be seen as dangerous by observers; and supplication, where individuals advertise their weaknesses or shortcomings in order to elicit an attribution of being needy from observers”.

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Impression management thus focuses on the deliberate purpose of creating an impression on the other person, which at the same time brings it to a definitional limit of play. The truly free play with one’s own identity corresponds more to a joyful and humorous trying out by putting oneself into new roles and feeling the inner and social reactions to the new behaviors. Failure is also included and the player can choose which repertoire will ultimately be incorporated into the non-playful everyday action or not. In this sense, Vygotsky (1980, from Oerter, 2014) refers to (child) play as a cause of development, in which it creates the conditions for reaching the so-called ‘zone of next development’. Following the approach of lifelong learning (e.g. Baltes, 1998), it can be assumed that there are ‘zones of next development’ in every phase of life and that processes of change and development initiated by play can occur over the entire lifespan. In this context, play becomes ‘serious’ whenever an ongoing ‘normal’ behavioral repertoire emerges from the playful testing of the “as-if.”

3.2

Social Interaction and Communication

The “as-if” condition is also important for play in the social context, since it takes place outside the everyday setting with the generally known rules of behavior (cf. the concept of behavior setting, Barker, 1968). Social play thus requires an understanding of what rules should apply to whom in what space and time frame. Consequently, the creation of a game world requires communication and negotiation processes. This social constructionist moment of play is all-encompassing and relates to roles, the definition of objects and spaces, and the goals and forms of play. Embedded in the basic human motive of belonging (affiliation, cf. Hofer & Hagemeyer, 2018), this communicative group process leads to strong group bonding (e.g. Karremans & Finkenauer, 2020; Nijstad, 2020) and thus, at the same time, to boundary setting with people outside the play group. The cultural theoretical analyses of play (e.g., Huizinga, 2001) show that these feelings of belonging work through the concrete play event into the community and lead to group cohesion and ingroup/outgroup formation in everyday life as well. In addition to individual identity development, play thus also supports the formation of social identities. Now, not everyone always plays the ‘same game’ and sometimes it is not readily possible to distinguish between play and non-play, as can be seen, for example, in impression management (see Sect. 3.1). Here, the boundaries are fluid and it may be, for example, that someone imitates a certain behavior in a playful way out of a desire to expand their own self and/or to be associated with

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a certain group (e.g., Genschow & Schindler, 2016). The occasion in this case has a (non-playful) purpose orientation, and the variation in the action can in turn take on playful features. The limits of play in the proper sense (cf. Sect. 2) are reached by definition when the playful mimicry is related to a purpose orientation. The boundary is crossed when impression management results in (a) a disguise of one’s own person or (b) secrecy about aspects of the person or when (c) a deliberate false statement is made which is nevertheless to be perceived as reality by the counterpart. If such manipulation by impression management takes place outside a jointly defined setting of trial and error and play, the rules of social interaction with integrity are violated and it is ultimately purposeful unfair behavior (for the concept of linguistic unfairness, see Mischo, 2000). Nevertheless, even in the context of impression management, the boundaries between highlighting personal strengths, showing off, and deception are fluid. For example, applicants in an appointment process naturally adjust their impression management to the (interpreted) needs of the members of the appointment committee. However, it becomes a false game at the latest when missing knowledge is concealed or knowledge is faked, thus breaking the rule of mutual honesty in the exchange of information. From a social-psychological point of view, these forms of playing with one’s own identity, which are associated with transgressing or breaking common rules of the game, are quite interesting. Huizinga (2001) differentiates here between the cheater and the spoilsport. Within the world of the game, the cheater tries to achieve certain goals by transgressing the rules. But, “the game community forgives him more easily than the spoilsport, because the latter shatters its world itself” (Huizinga, 2001, p. 20). The spoilsport transgresses the rules, but in his actions he refers precisely to these rules and thus continues to move within the framework of the game. The spoilsport is different, as he directly opposes the rules and suspends them for himself. This means that he breaks away from conformity with the community and has to reckon with exclusion from the majority. At the same time it can be “…however, that these spoilers for their part now immediately form again a new community with new rules of the game. Especially the outlaw, the revolutionary, the man of the secret club, the heretic is extraordinarily strong in forming groups” (Huizinga, 2001, p. 21). Moscovici’s research on minority influence (e.g., 1976) confirms that ‘game spoiling’ minorities can become attractive to others and thus gain influence over the majority. This is true, however, only if the minority is stably consistent, that is, it stably maintains its positions and behaviors over time and across different situations. Moscovici summarizes the results of his research as follows: “All our

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results agree in attributing to consistent behavioral style the function of a genuine source of influence in the process of innovation” (Moscovici & Lage, 1976, p. 172).

3.3

Play and Innovation

When we speak abstractly of breaking the rules of the play, this is not intended to imply an automatic valuation in terms of ‘right’ or ‘wrong’. In general, rulebreaking even receives a positive attribution when it is associated with the concept of innovation. As a method, the play can help to create the step beyond the previous boundaries. However, the prerequisite is that the play is embedded in a fear-free and protected framework of legitimacy. Most often, the term ‘innovation’ is positively associated with agility, the joy of learning and curiosity; the ‘opponents’ are thus satiety, arrogance, rigidity and authoritarian conducting through a command and obedience structure (cf. Hofert, 2020). In the context of organizational psychological research on leadership styles, the democratic-cooperative style (Lewin et al., 1939; after Lück, 2001) proved to be particularly suitable “[…] when it comes to leading people to more selfresponsibility. It tends to promote exchange and interaction. Thus, in a world that needs diversity of perspectives, experiences, and knowledge for innovation, it is superior.” (Hofert, 2021, p. 45). Accordingly, the democratic principle of freedom from fear is a prerequisite for playful innovation, i.e. it must be ensured that dissenting opinions are possible as a matter of course and are further processed in a fair discourse. If one projects the democratic-cooperative style of leadership beyond the boundaries of the socio-psychological horizon of groups or institutions to entire societies, one almost automatically ends up with the basic characteristic of democracies according to Popper: “The decisive thing [of a democracy; KS] is solely the removability of the government, without bloodshed” (Popper, 1996, p. 208). In summary, the necessity of the freedom principle for innovation and creativity processes can be formulated as follows: “One can express ideas or show other behaviors that can ultimately be revised again. So one shows playful behavior without much danger to oneself in this situation, i.e., the pressure of uniformity must be reduced.” (Witte, 2009, p. 156). Uniformity pressure, however, can also arise when there is mutual sympathy. In this respect, “a very positive group atmosphere seems to be unsuitable for creative solutions, because in such cases one avoids conflicts. If one wants at the same time a positive group atmosphere and creative solutions that are just different from those of the other group members,

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one has to create a game situation, as it is tried in brainstorming and related procedures. The avoidance of criticism and the invitation to express even ‘crazy’ ideas represent such a strategy” (Witte, 2009, p. 157). Further (playful) techniques for innovation processes in groups are described, for example, by Backerra et al. (2020) and Nöllke (2020). Particularly in the advice literature on increasing corporate innovation potential, it is pointed out that certain situational conditions must not prevail in creativity processes, such as safety thinking, pressure to meet expectations, competitive pressure, and (and this may seem surprising at first glance) reward (e.g., Nöllke, 2020). Exactly these characteristics also hinder free play. For example, Lepper et al. (1973) showed that children’s enjoyment of play through rewards can lead to an effect of ‘overjustification’ (for a detailed discussion of overjustification, see Morgan, 1982), resulting in less frequent and less enthusiastic play in the future. In the sense of the self-perception theory already mentioned above, the intrinsically motivated actor is thus in danger of seeing, through reward, the formerly intrinsically motivated action exclusively as a consequence of extrinsic reward. Or expressed in the words of the originators of the concept (Lepper et al., 1973, p. 130), overjustification means “the proposition that a person’s intrinsic interest in an activity may be undermined by inducing him to engage in that activity as an explicit means to some extrinsic goal.” However, when forms of play are considered that are tied to some extrinsic purpose (extrinsically motivated), rewards are again desirable and motivating. For free play, however, extrinsic rewards represent a corrupting action.

4

Summary and Outlook

A summarizing look illustrates the complexity of the socio-psychological functions of play in human life: From identity development to self-location in a group to innovation processes, play has a prominent role. In this context, social psychology looks at the effects in people’s everyday lives and only marginally takes a broader view. In this respect, for example, two extensions of social psychological perspectives would be of interest in the context of the present book: On the one hand, the boundaries to sociology and social science are narrowly defined. However, the individual is always also a ‘product’ of society (cf. Reckwitz, 2017, 2020). Thus, societal frameworks continuously pose challenges, provide new incentive systems, and formulate new ‘beliefs’ about what is right or wrong, etc. However, these framework conditions are hardly taken note of in social psychology, although theses that can be explored in social psychology are

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indeed formulated from sociology. For example, the sociologist Reckwitz writes about the psychosocial condition of today’s individual: “The late-modern subject derives enormous satisfaction from not being fixed once and for all, but being able to discover ever anew completely different activities and possibilities for himself in boundless actionism—new travel destinations, a new sport, a different partner, a different place to live, etc.” (Reckwitz, 2017, p. 343). Experiencing and optimizing are thus the individual goals; trying out, imitating, comparing, etc. are the associated correlates of action. The reason for this is a basic social orientation of competitive ‘anything-goes’, in which the striving for the special is directed towards the purpose of social displacement mechanisms. Furthermore, social psychology focuses on subjects and research is largely ‘oblivious to space’. However, the examination of the subject area of play makes clear how closely social interactions are connected with objects and space. In playful interaction, negotiation processes about rules, roles as well as meanings of objects and (play) spaces have to be conducted. Such communications also take place outside the everyday “as-if” action of play, for example, when people or groups with different definitions of space and the associated claims to use it meet in a space (e.g., a forest). Indeed, landscapes are also subject to social construction processes (Kühne, 2018; in this volume: Kühne, 2022; Kühne et al., 2022) and users must ultimately negotiate what they are and what they can (should or must) be used for. The different landscape constructions of users become apparent at the latest when use claims overlap in a conflictual way and disturbances occur between the actors. The multifaceted research on conflicts of use (in overview e.g. Kühne et al., 2021) mostly originates from other disciplines and it seems quite promising if social psychology would systematically contribute its manifold theoretical and research findings. Whether and to what extent a possible trend towards the ludification of society (e.g. Arlt & Arlt, 2020; Weiß, 2020; Wittig, 2018) affects landscape construction, usage desires, and possible usage conflicts in this context would be an exemplary research question.

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Oerter, R. (2007). Zur Psychologie des Spiels. Psychologie Und Gesellschaftskritik, 31(4), 7–32. Oerter, R. (2014). Der Mensch, das wundersame Wesen. Was Evolution, Kultur und Ontogenese aus uns machen. Springer Spektrum. Piaget, J. (1969). Nachahmung Spiel und Traum. Klett. Popper, K. R. (1996). Alles Leben ist Problemlösen. Über Erkenntnis, Geschichte und Politik. Piper. Reckwitz, A. (2017). Die Gesellschaft der Singularitäten. Zum Strukturwandel der Moderne. Suhrkamp. Reckwitz, A. (2020). Das Ende der Illusionen. Politik, Ökonomie und Kultur in der Spätmoderne (6th ed.). Suhrkamp. Scheuerl, H. (1991). Das Spiel. Beltz. Smaldino, P. E., Palagi, E., Burghardt, G. M., Pellis, S. M., & Quinn, J. (2019). The evolution of two types of play. Behavioral Ecology, 30(5), 1388–1397. Steg, L., Keizer, K., Buunk, A. P., & Rothengatter, T. (2017). Applied social psychology. Understanding and managing social problems. Cambridge University Press. Stroebe, K., & Hewstone, M. (2020). Introducing social psychology. In M. Hewstone & K. Stroebe (Eds.), An introduction to social psychology (7th ed., pp. 1–34). Wiley. Sutton-Smith, B. (2001). The ambiguity of play. Harvard University Press. Wagner, R. F. (2003). Rollenspiel und Rollentausch in der kognitiven Verhaltenstherapie. Zeitschrift Für Psychodrama Und Soziometrie, 2, 69–77. Warwitz, S., & Rudolf, A. (2021). Vom Sinn des Spielens. Reflexionen und Spielideen (4th ed.). Schneider Verlag Hohengehren. Weiß, G. (2020). Spiel. In G. Weiß & J. Zirfas (Eds.), Handbuch Bildungs- und Erziehungsphilosophie (pp. 77–88). Springer VS. Werth, L., Denzler, M., & Mayer, J. (2020). Sozialpsychologie. Das Individuum im sozialen Kontext. Wahrnehmen – Denken – Fühlen (2nd ed.). Springer Nature. Witte, E. H. (2009). Konformität und Kreativität: Theoretische Grundlagen und praktische Hinweise. In E. H. Witte & C. H. Kahl (Eds.), Sozialpsychologie der Kreativität und Innovation (pp. 151–164). Pabst. Wittig, S. (2018). Die Ludifizierung des Sozialen. Differenztheoretische Bruchstücke des AlsOb. Schönigh. Wygotski, L. S. (1980). Das Spiel und seine Bedeutung in der psychischen Entwicklung des Kindes. In D. B. El’konin (Ed.), Psychologie des Spiels (pp. 430–465). Pahl-Rugenstein (First publication: 1933).

Kai Schuster, Dr.-Ing. Dr. phil., Professor of Social Psychology and Sociology at the Department of Social Sciences at Darmstadt University of Applied Sciences.

Theoretical Approaches to Landscapes Olaf Kühne

Abstract

Over the last decades, numerous theoretical approaches to ‘landscape’ have been developed. In order to be able to compare them with each other, this essay will refer to a landscape-related concretization of Karl Popper’s Three Worlds Theory. Landscape 3 is understood as socially shared patterns of interpretation and evaluation, landscape 2 as individual notions of landscape and landscape 1 as those material objects that are synthesized from the perspective of landscape 2 as landscape. Against this background, essential elements of essentialist, positivist and different constructivist approaches are presented as well as phenomenological and critical approaches to landscape and the potentials of assemblage theory and actor-network theory are also touched upon. Finally, a plea is made not to approach the complex ‘object’ landscape with the de-complexing attempt to examine it from a theoretical perspective alone, but to combine ‘neopragmatic’ theoretical approaches in a balanced and well-founded way. Keywords

Landscape theory • Three-world theory • Three-landscape theory • Karl Popper • Landscapes

O. Kühne (B) Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_4

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Introduction

What is meant when the word ‘landscape’ is mentioned is no longer self-evident. In the last decades different understandings of landscape have developed or different understandings of landscape became conscious (in particular in their cultural binding). The theoretical study of landscape can be seen as an expression of this dis-self-understanding. Since the turn of the millennium, the theoretical perspectives on landscape have become more differentiated and decidedly diversified. Since there are now several overviews of landscape theory that provide a more decisive insight into the different strands of tradition (Bourassa, 1991; Gailing & Leibenath, 2012; Howard et al., 2019; Kühne, 2018d, 2019b, c; Kühne et al., 2019a; Tress & Tress, 2001; Winchester et al., 2003; Wylie, 2007), this contribution will be limited to the presentation of essential features of landscape theories that facilitate the integration of the texts of this volume into the theoretical discussion. To facilitate the classification of the theories, the analytical scheme of the three landscapes, which is based on Karl Popper’s Three-Worlds-Theory, is used. This access is first presented before currently discussed accesses to landscape are discussed. This contribution concludes with a summary of the landscapetheoretical framing of games.

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Landscape as Three-Level Model

The theory of the three landscapes goes back conceptually to Karl Popper’s threeworld theory (Popper, 1973; Popper, 2018 [1984], 2019 [1987]; Popper & Eccles, 1977). Here Popper assumes that not only the world of material objects (he calls it World 1), but also that of individual consciousness (World 2) and also that of cultural contents would have a reality of their own (World 3). He does not strictly separate the three worlds from each other, because the worlds are connected on the one hand by the fact that world 2 is influenced by world 1 and world 3, while world 2 in turn can influence worlds 1 and 3. On the other hand, hybrids of different worlds are created (Fig. 1). A building can be understood constitutively as part of world 1 and world 3. It cannot exist without the materiality of World 1, just as it cannot exist without the culturally bound knowledge about the construction of buildings (World 3). This also means: The connections of worlds 1 and 3 always take place via the transmission of world 2. Only human consciousness has a body (as part of world 1). So it can become active in world 1. Likewise,

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Fig. 1 (after: Kühne, 2020)

the development of the contents of world 3 is dependent on world 2: The contents of world 3 through world 2 have to be updated before they can again act in world 3. The central importance of World 2 expressed here underlines Popper’s commitment to an open society: Individual freedoms become impulses for the development of World 3 (Dahrendorf, 1979, 2002; Popper, 2011[1947]). Analogous to the worlds 1 to 3, landscapes 1 to 3 can also be created, which has already been discussed in more detail elsewhere (Kühne, 2018b, 2019a, 2020; Kühne & Jenal 2020a, b). Landscape 2 comprises the individual consciousness contents of landscape. Landscape 3 comprises the social patterns of interpretation and evaluation of landscape. Landscape 1 comprises those material objects that are synthesized by landscape 2. Landscape 2 in turn is based on the social conventions of landscape 3. Accordingly, landscapes 1 and 3 represent subsets of the worlds 1, 2 and 3. The inscription of social conceptions (landscape 3) in landscape 1 is done by transformation through landscape 2 (Fig. 2). However, the human landscape references are so differentiated that a limitation of the representation to these three levels would hide essential aspects: The different references of humans to landscape can be summarized with the suffix letters a, b and c (Kühne, 2020; Fig. 3): Fig. 2 The Landscapes 1, 2 and 3 as parts of the worlds 1, 2 and 3 (after: Kühne, 2020)

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Fig. 3 The different modes of landscape construction on the different levels of landscape within worlds 1, 2 and 3 (after: Kühne, 2020)

• The suffix letter a denotes the ‘native normal landscape’. This is created through the child’s individual reference to the surrounding world 1 and is strongly emotionally charged. The normative content of the mode-a landscape is stability. From the perspective of landscape 2a, the objects of world 1 synthesized into landscape 1a are expected to undergo only minor changes (Jenal, 2020; Kühne, 2006a, 2011; Nissen, 1998; Stotten, 2013, 2019). • The suffix letter b is used to denote common-sense understandings of landscape. Here we find the social conventions of interpretation and evaluation of landscape 3b, which are conveyed to the individual as landscape 2b in the course of today’s mostly life-long socialization process. The b-mode expectations of landscape 1 are oriented towards social stereotypes of landscape, especially aesthetic stereotypes, but there are also ecological stereotypes. These stereotypes are the result of systematic (school) and unsystematic (parents, movies, pier groups, internet etc.) socialization (Aschenbrand, 2017; Fontaine, 2020; Hokema, 2015; Jenal, 2019; Kühne, 2008a; Stotten, 2015). • The suffix letter c denotes the ‘expert special knowledge’ of landscape. These are usually acquired in a landscape-related course of study (such as landscape architecture, geography, agricultural sciences, biology, etc.). The patterns of landscape interpretation and evaluation acquired through these studies are strongly influenced by the subject matter and therefore sometimes differ significantly from one another (for example, between an agricultural economist and a landscape ecologist; Burckhardt, 2004; Kühne, 2008b, 2018c; Wojtkiewicz, 2015). The normative conceptions under mode c consideration of landscape 1 originate from the own professional conceptions. In general, the mode-c

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approach is deficit-oriented, which in turn leads to a mandate for action for each discipline (Gailing, 2014; Stemmer et al., 2019). The modes of landscape construction are again subject to interference: The influence of the c-mode on the b-mode is greater than vice versa (Aschenbrand, 2016; Burckhardt, 2004, 2006; Fontaine, 2019; Kühne, 2006b, 2008b). The knowledge of experts diffuses and is taken up selectively, systematically, for example by integration in textbooks, or unsystematically from the Internet, reading non-fiction books, television documentaries, etc., without, however, being systematically contextualized scientifically. This diffused knowledge is usually acquired in relation to interests (from the design of one’s own garden to resistance to wind power plants), not in relation to knowledge (Bussemer, 2011; Eichenauer et al., 2018; Kühne et al., 2021a; Kühne et al., 2019b; Reusswig et al., 2016; Walter et al., 2013). The extension of this approach of the three landscapes based on the results of the volume in general to model railway landscapes in particular can be found in the contribution: Kühne (2022a).

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Landscape Theories—the Manifold Understandings of ‘Landscape’

Based on the preliminary considerations of the last section, the following section classifies currently discussed theoretical approaches to landscape. Although landscape-theoretical research has intensified in recent years and decades, the landscape-theoretical basis remains implicit in numerous studies (especially in work from a positivist and/or essentialist perspective). In this respect, the following explanations can also be used to determine implicit understandings of landscape based on the patterns of argumentation, interpretation and evaluation of works.

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The Essentialist Understanding of Landscape—in Search of the ‘Essence’ of ‘the Landscape’

The essentialist understanding of landscape (from the Latin ‘essentia’ = ‘essence’) is based on the idea that “things have necessary properties that constitute their essence” (Chilla et al., 2015, p. 15). A central ‘point of orientation’ for essentialist landscape research can be seen in the objective of landscape

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research ascribed to Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), namely to determine the ‘total character of an area of the earth’ (for example in Schmithüsen, 1973). The expression is attributed to Humboldt, since it is not found in his writings; so Hard, 1970). According to the essentialist understanding of ‘landscape’, it is conceived as a ‘holistic entity’ in which there are ‘essential’ and ‘accidental’ components. Since the essential of a landscape is thereby understood as the result of a centuries-old reciprocal shaping of culture and nature (see for example Eisel, 1982; Körner, 2004; Trepl, 2012), what has ‘historically grown’ (historical field forms, farmhouses, etc.) is considered ‘essential’. ‘Accidental’ is that which is found only by chance and not specifically (such as neophytes, bungalows, gravel front gardens, shopping malls, etc.). From an essentialist position, norms of preservation are often formulated for certain (essential) materialities, since these had “an unalterable intrinsic value and an identity of their own” (Gailing & Leibenath, 2012, p. 97). In accordance with the approach of the three landscapes formulated above, essentialist landscape research is dominated by landscapes 1 and 3, to the exclusion of landscape 2. The individual as the carrier of landscape 2 ultimately only receives the function of being a mediator between landscape 1 and 3, without being expected to introduce individual innovations (which would ultimately be accidental; Kühne et al., 2021b). The ‘historically grown cultural landscape’ thus becomes a ‘super-organism’, to whose perfection the individual has to contribute according to local traditions (Eisel, 2004; Rodewald, 2001; Vicenzotti, 2011; on the criticism of essentialism in detail: Popper, 2010).

3.2

Positivist Understanding of Landscape—Making the ‘Object’ Landscape Empirically Available

Positivist landscape research rejects—according to its modern understanding of science—an ‘essence’ of landscape underlying the phenomena of the material and immaterial (e.g. dialects) world. It conceives landscape as an objectively existing object that can be empirically measured, weighed and counted. As “true reality” (Schultze, 1973, p. 203) ‘landscape’ is understood as a spatial container, which is ‘filled’ with different elements. In the process of positivistic landscape research, the object ‘landscape’ is divided into different layers (e.g. in GIS layers). Thus, climate, geological basics, geomorphological forms, vegetation, settlements etc. are recorded and effects are assigned. In a mathematically determinable way, distributions, effects and feedbacks can be fed into computer-aided modelling (see Tilley, 1997). Accordingly, positivist landscape research is less focused

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on the formulation of norms than on the analysis of spatial distributions and relationships. Landscape 1 is constitutive for positivistic landscape research; landscapes 2 and 3 become relevant when traces of action are recognizable in landscape 1. In addition, landscape 3 is also dealt with, for example, when preferences for landscape 1 are determined using methods of quantitative social research. However, here, too, landscape 1 remains the determining reference value.

3.3

Constructivist Understanding of Landscape—‘Landscape’ Becomes a Social Construct

In recent decades, constructivist landscape research has become quite differentiated. Common to the approaches is that the constitutive level is landscape 3. Landscape 1 arises from world 1 only if it is perceived there according to social conventions. The different approaches, the social constructivist, the radical constructivist, and the discourse theory approaches also differ with respect to the meaning of landscape 2. • The social constructivist approach primarily concerned with the questions of how material spaces are symbolically charged and become landscape (1), but also how knowledge, interpretations and evaluations of landscape are socially created (landscape 3) and conveyed to the individual (landscape 2) and what possibilities the individual has to influence landscape 3 (Cosgrove, 1984; Greider & Garkovich, 1994; Kühne 2008a). Modes a, b and c of the social and individual construction of landscape are of considerable importance. How do native normal landscape and common-sense components of landscape understanding relate to each other, which conflicts arise and how can they be regulated? (Berr & Jenal, 2019; Berr et al., 2019a; Berr & Kühne, 2019; Kühne, 2018a; Linke, 2019; Michler et al., 2019). • The radical constructivist landscape research is concerned, following Niklas Luhmann (Kneer & Nassehi, 1997; Luhmann, 1984, 1986), with the question of how social subsystems (such as politics, economy, science, etc.) construct landscape in different ways and with what social consequences. Landscape only becomes relevant for systemic communication if it can be used to earn money (economic access, for example in tourism) or if power can be generated (in the political system, for example in the context of the implementation of energy system transformation); Kühne, 2014; Redepenning, 2009). This

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approach is related to landscape 3, landscapes 1 and 2 are only present as objects of communication in and between the social subsystems. • The discourse-theoretical landscape research, following the work of Laclau and Mouffe (Laclau & Mouffe, 1985; Mouffe, 2000; Torfing, 1999), which different discourses about landscape (e.g. as ‘historically grown’ vs. ‘modern’) are to be found, how they differ and delimit from each other. Central is the question of how discourses strive for hegemony (see for example Leibenath & Otto, 2013; Weber, 2019). Here, too, there is a strong focus on landscape 3.

3.4

Multi-than-Representational Theories—Breaking Down the Division Between Subject and Object

In positivist and constructivist landscape research, there is a clear separation between world 1 on the one hand and world 2 and 3 on the other. The separation in social-constructivist research is much less pronounced than in the other approaches; due to its phenomenological roots, it also deals with the connection of people with objects. ‘More than Representational Theories (Lorimer, 2005; Waterton, 2013) are trying to remove this subject-object separation: • Phenomenological landscape research is especially dedicated to the connections of landscape 2 with landscape 3. The focus is on phenomena, i.e. units, understood as things and events that present themselves to the world (MerleauPonty, 1945; Tilley, 1997). This is not only done in terms of description and understanding, but especially in terms of experiencing, in this case landscape (Tilley, 1997). This experience is individual and the phenomenological landscape researcher becomes the narrator of the experience of landscapes (Kusenbach, 2003; Tuan, 1989; Wylie, 2019). • The assemblage theory is based on a constructivist attitude. Materialities (landscape 1) are given meaning according to the criterion of social relevance (Färber, 2014; Landa, 2006; Mattissek & Wiertz, 2014). Landscape 1 emerges from world 1 when material objects and their constellations are unloaded with an individual or social meaning, whereby these charges and interpretations are subject to constant change. In this respect, the assemblage theory focuses in particular on the relations between landscapes 1, 2 and 3. • The Actor Network Theory (Gertenbach, 2015; Latour, 1998; Latour & Roßler, 2007 [2005]) places social, technical and natural units and factors on an equal footing. In actor-network theory, they are “treated not as explants, but as

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esplanade” (Schulz-Schaeffer, 2000, p. 188). The research that follows this theory refers to the networks that result from the relations of the elements of landscape that have become ‘actants’ and uses its own terminology. A classification into the schema of the three landscapes is ultimately impossible, since the levels are ultimately triggered in equal networks of updating relations. While the phenomenological approach to landscape can already look back on an extensive tradition, only the first approaches to the utilization of assemblage theory and actor-network theory in landscape research are being found.

3.5

Critical Landscape Research—Landscape as Object and Medium of Unequal Power Relations

Critical landscape research is less concerned with the questions of whether landscape is an object, has a ‘being’, is a social construction, whether it can or should be understood as a space for individual experience, or to what extent materialities are discursively negotiated or form a network of relationships. At the center of critical landscape, research is the power-bound nature of landscape. In the Marxist tradition, especially economic inequalities and their social mechanisms of preservation are examined—and criticized. These are historical in a double sense: “The facts that the senses bring us are socially preformed in two ways: through the historical character of the perceived object and the historical character of the perceiving organ” (Horkheimer, 1977 [1937], p. 17). In the understanding of the ‘duplicity of the landscape’ (Daniels, 1989) a constructivist and positivist understanding is used. On the one hand, constructivist views in the form of landscape 3 as a power-determined notion of space, especially spatial aesthetics, are examined, while on the other hand positivist notions, landscape 1 as power-determined physical space, are also updated. The focus of the critique is the ‘capitalist logic of space utilization’(Schein, 1997). This dominates over alternative spatial demands, such as those arising from politics, a local community or ecological needs. Landscape-aesthetic ideas (landscape 3) in turn have the function of legitimizing the physical manifestations of unequal distribution of power (landscape 1). Thus not only a domination of the external nature (landscape 1) is created, but also the “defamation of nature in man” (Horkheimer & Adorno, 1969, p. 61) in relation to landscape 2, as it has moved away from its original needs. In this understanding of landscape 2 is ultimately understood as the result of power-mediated inscription by the interests of ‘capital’ bound in landscape 3.

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As landscape 1 must subordinate itself to the ideas of landscape 3, its action is also structured by the power mediation in landscape 1. In addition to or as an alternative to an approach going back to Karl Marx, Pierre Bourdieu (1987 [1979]) will examine the question of how landscapeaesthetic interpretations and evaluations of a ‘ruling class’ of entrepreneurs and, in particular, of intellectual entities become, what distinguishing advantages they gain through this, and how these aesthetic ideas are socially disseminated. This perspective also includes landscape 1: Here, we will investigate how aesthetic standards materialize and how the objects of landscape 1 are in turn subjected to aesthetization (Kühne, 2008c). These processes are highly dynamic, since the ‘middle taste’ in particular strives to assimilate the aesthetic standards of the ‘ruling class’, which in turn strives to distinguish itself through new aesthetizations. Landscape 1 thus becomes the expression (through materializations, such as Land Art) or the object (such as the aesthetization of old industrial objects) of the ‘ruling class’s’ efforts to distinguish itself and thus to dominate (Bourdieu, 1989; Fuchs-Heinritz & König, 2014; Kühne, 2008b). From this perspective, the mechanisms of securing the dominance of the suffix-c landscapes over the suffix-b and -a landscapes thus also become the focus of interest.

4

Conclusion and Outlook: Landscape Theories and Games

The variety of current perspectives becomes clear from the brief explanations. The theories also focus on different aspects of landscape, i.e. different levels, and with them, the different relations between the levels can be focused. In this respect, the question must be asked whether landscape can do justice to the complex ‘object’ if it is assumed that there is ‘the’ only legitimate theoretical perspective on landscape. However, especially in an inter- and transdisciplinary approach to landscape, a ‘theory-only’ claim seems unlikely to be successful due to the high degree of complexity of the object and the non-scientific needs. Because of dealing with certain levels of landscape, there are certain disciplinary preferences for a theory. For example, scientific landscape research relating to landscape 1 will hardly be able to be radically constructivist. In practical dealings with landscape (whether in planning, politics or garden design), certain approaches (which have been presented exclusively for this purpose) are not very well suited for connection (Berr et al., 2019). In this respect, a ‘neo-pragmatic’ approach to the theoretical handling of landscape seems to be an alternative. This approach seems to be appropriate if

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landscape-related studies do not explicitly and exclusively deal with one level or a relation between two levels. This approach seems appropriate when questions that are more complex are dealt with, i.e. the ‘object’ landscape is approached in its differentiation. It aims to apply theories that are suitable for individual sub-questions. This requires, however, dedicated knowledge, a comparison and a weighing up of different theoretical approaches (Eckardt, 2014; Kühne, 2018e, 2021; Kühne & Jenal, 2020a). In this respect, the relationships between landscape and game are also to be framed differently in theory. In the game, landscape is only partially presented as material landscape 1 (see for example Al-Khanbashi, 2022; Edler, 2022; Fontaine, 2022; Jutz, 2022; Koegst, 2022 in this anthology), but is rather formed virtually on the basis of landscape 3 ideas (for example in the form of computer games; see on this Jutz & Endreß, 2022; Kühne, 2022b; Pietsch, 2022 in this anthology), materialized as a two-dimensional cartographic representation (as in board games; cf. Eberhardt, 2022; Sedelmeier & Baum, 2022 in this anthology) or three-dimensionally, adapted to technical and thematic specifications and more or less scaled down (as in model railroads; cf. Braun & Friess, 2019; Edler et al., 2018; Edler et al., 2019, 2020; Edler & Kühne, 2019; Huang et al., 2020; Keil et al., 2020; Kersten et al., 2018; Kühne et al., 2021a as well as Kühne, 2022a; Kühne et al., 2022 in this anthology). This creates new hybrid landscapes. It is possible that the playful handling of landscape is particularly suitable for testing new (hybrid) combinations of landscape, time and embedding, since games do not claim to represent or even simulate ‘realities’, but to experience contingency in an immersive way.

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Stotten, R. (2019). Kulturlandschaft als Ausdruck von Heimat der bäuerlichen Gesellschaft. In M. Hülz, O. Kühne, & F. Weber (Eds.), Heimat. Ein vielfältiges Konstrukt (pp. 149– 162). Springer VS. Tilley, C. (1997). A phenomenology of landscape. Places, paths and monuments (Explorations in anthropology). Oxford: Berg. Torfing, J. (1999). New theories of discourse: Laclau, Mouffe and Žižek. Wiley. Trepl, L. (2012). Die Idee der Landschaft. Eine Kulturgeschichte von der Aufklärung bis zur Ökologiebewegung. transcript. Tress, B., & Tress, G. (2001). Begriff, Theorie und System der Landschaft. Ein transdisziplinärer Ansatz zur Landschaftsforschung. Naturschutz und Landschaftsplanung, 33, (2/3), 52–58. Tuan, Y.-F. (1989). Surface phenomena and aesthetic experience. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 79, (2), 233–241. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8306.1989. tb00260.x Vicenzotti, V. (2011). Der »Zwischenstadt«-Diskurs. Eine Analyse zwischen Wildnis, Kulturlandschaft und Stadt. transcript. Walter, F., Marg, S., Geiges, L., & Butzlaff, F. (Eds.). (2013). Die neue Macht der Bürger. Was motiviert die Protestbewegungen? (BP-Gesellschaftsstudie). Rowohlt. Waterton, E. (2013). Landscape and non-representational theories. In P. Howard, I. Thompson, & E. Waterton (Eds.), The Routledge companion to landscape studies (pp. 66–75). Routledge. Weber, F. (2019). Landschaftskonflikte‘ aus poststrukturalistisch-diskurstheoretischer Perspektive. In K. Berr & C. Jenal (Eds.), Landschaftskonflikte (pp. 51–64). Springer VS. Winchester, H. P. M., Kong, L., & Dunn, K. (2003). Landscapes. Ways of imagining the world. Routledge. Wojtkiewicz, W. (2015). Sinn – Bild – Landschaft. Landschaftsverständnisse in der Landschaftsplanung: eine Untersuchung von Idealvorstellungen und Bedeutungszuweisungen. Technische Universität Berlin. Wylie, J. (2007). Landscape. Routledge. Wylie, J. (2019). Landscape and phenomenology. In P. Howard, I. Thompson, E. Waterton, & M. Atha (Eds.), The Routledge companion to landscape studies (2nd ed., pp. 127–138). Routledge.

Dr. Dr. Olaf Kühne is Professor of Urban and Regional Development at the Eberhard Karls University in Tübingen. For more than 25 years he has been working on landscape theory, especially on the social construction and meaning of landscape.

Landscapes in Games: Insights and Overviews of Contingencies between Worlds 1, 2 and 3 Olaf Kühne, Corinna Jenal, and Dennis Edler

Abstract

Based on Karl Popper’s reflections on the division of three worlds, landscape 3 can be understood as the social pattern of interpretation, valuation and categorization, which is partly socialized to the individual landscape 2. Landscape 1, in turn, is formed from the synopsis of objects (the material, increasingly the virtual world 1) according to social conventions and individual engagement with them. Play, in turn, in so far as a landscape reference is present, enables the testing of contingent landscape constructions. The relations between landscape and play can be traced by four polarities: The meaning of landscape (from non-existent to constitutive), of materiality and virtuality, of the degree of expert influence (on the level of landscape representation, rule setting and rule implementation), and in terms of concreteness and abstraction (regarding landscape representations and rules).

O. Kühne (B) · C. Jenal Geography, Urban and Regional Development, Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] C. Jenal e-mail: [email protected] D. Edler Ruhr Universität Bochum, Bochum, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_5

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Keywords

Three landscapes theory • Three worlds theory • Social constructivism Landscape theory • Game • Play

1

•

Introduction

Addressing the meaning and function of landscapes in games involves addressing two concepts, both of which have a large ‘semantic field’ (Hard, 1969). Neither landscape (Gailing & Leibenath, 2012) nor game (Schuster, 2022) can be defined unambiguously and independent of context. In this respect, a conceptual definition and operationalization of ‘landscape’ and ‘game’ seems necessary at first (Berr, 2022), considering that the functions of landscapes in games have to be profitably brought to a scientific consideration. In terms of the history of science, the preoccupation with the topic of ‘landscape’ dates back to the eighteenth century (Berr & Kühne, 2020; Schmithüsen, 1968) and has undergone numerous scientific theoretical framings, from essentialism to positivism and various constructivist approaches to currently discussed approaches that go beyond the representational (discussed in more detail in: Kühne, 2019a, b; Kühne & Berr, 2021; Wylie, 2007). The topic of ‘play’ has been established as an object of research, starting from evolutionary research, in different scientific disciplines, in psychology, pedagogy and sociology, most recently also didactics (Coccoli et al., 2015; Gordon, 2008; Koegst et al., 2022; Oerter, 2007; Stintzing et al., 2020; Sutton-Smith, 1997). The connection of both topics, however, took place only in the recent past, especially first under the impression of virtualization and later of augmentation (Dickmann et al., 2021; Edler, 2020; Edler & Dickmann, 2017; Fontaine, 2017, 2020a; Kühne et al., 2020; Kühne et al., 2021b; Kühne & Schmitt, 2012a, b; Lahl, 2019; Liboriussen, 2008; Longan, 2008). Thereby landscape—according to Fontaine (2020b, p. 275)—in (here especially virtual) games has the function as a kind of ‘stage’ on which social desires and actions become visible. Design patterns are associated with the attempt to create particular atmospheres that take aesthetic issues into account with the aim of promoting escapism. This paper has a dual function: on the one hand, it provides a concise overview of the state of the art in research (especially following on from: Kühne et al., 2020), on the other hand, it leads from the theoretically framing contributions in this volume (Berr, 2022; Kühne, 2022c; Schuster, 2022) to the more empirical and case study oriented contributions of the volume. To this end, we first

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briefly reintroduce the considerations on the theory of the three landscapes following Karl Popper’s three-world theory. We then consider the function of games, before we deal with the connection between games and landscape. Besides a brief conclusion, we give an outlook on questions concerning the connection between landscapes and games.

2

The Landscapes in the Worlds

Since the derivation of the theory of three landscapes based on Karl Popper’s theory of three worlds (Popper, 1979, 1984; Popper & Eccles, 1977) has already been presented in detail elsewhere and weighed against criticisms of Popper’s basic theory base (e.g. Kühne, 2018a, 2020a; Kühne et al., 2021a), only essential basic features of the theory of the three landscapes are presented below. Accordingly, landscapes 1, 2, and 3 form subsets of Popper’s three worlds (world 1: material world, world 2: world of individual consciousness, world 3: world of cultural and social content). Landscape 3 comprises socially shared patterns of interpreting, valuing, and categorizing landscape. These are communicated in the process of socialization to the individual (landscape 2), who in turn is able to influence landscape 3 through innovations. Landscape 1, in turn, emerges through the synthesizing synopsis of selected material objects according to socially preformed individual conceptions of landscape. Human beings, in turn, hybridize the three worlds because they have a body (World 1), individual consciousness (World 2), and are the bearer of socially shared knowledge (World 3). Through their corporeality they are able to intervene in world 1—for instance on the basis of normative ideas from landscape 3. This materiality of man, in turn, is the basis of the repercussion of landscape 1 on landscape 2: it structures (and limits) the possibilities of human action. But landscape 3 also has a limiting effect on landscape 2: the hurdles for moving mountains are not only physically high, but also legal (the difficulties of such an undertaking are made clear in the feature film ‘The Englishman Who Went Up a Hill But Came Down a Mountain’).

3

Games and Their Functions

Play can be understood as a “fundamental phenomenon of human activity” (Oerter, 2007, p. 7) and is deeply anchored in the lifeworld; accordingly, it can be assumed that play was and is widespread across cultures and epochs (discussed in more detail in this volume: Schuster, 2022). The theoretical approach

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to games can be divided into two basic theoretical positions: Those concerned with the influence of world 3 on world 2 and the resistance of world 2 to this influence (cf. Freud, 2013 [1920]; Piaget, 1969) and those that are dedicated to the innovative potential of games as an influence of world 2 on world 3. Here, a culture-forming function is attributed to play: play is an origin of practices that have become institutionalized through ritualizations and have resulted in the formation of social functional systems, such as economy, science, politics, religion, etc. (see in detail Huizinga, 1938). A central distinction can also be made with regard to the kind of playful engagement with the world (Mead, 1975 [1968]): In childlike ‘play’ the roles, especially of significant others, often parents, are imitated. In contrast, the ‘game’ forms an organized and regulated group game, which makes it possible to take on and try out several roles. On the basis of five characteristics, Burghardt thematizes the complex relations of ‘play’ in relation to the relation of world 2 and world 3 (Burghardt, 1999, 2005, 2011): 1. Play forms positive activation: play is spontaneous, voluntary, intentional, enjoyable, rewarding, reinforcing, or autotelic. 2. Play takes place in the ‘relaxed field’: Play removes an immediate rationality of purpose (such as in work or education). Connected with this: 3. Play indicates an incomplete functionality of the individual in relation to society (such as gainful employment). 4. Play exhibits an ‘eccentric’ position to ‘normality’. Play is incomplete, exaggerated, awkward, precocious “or involves behaviors with altered form, sequencing, or purpose” (Burghardt, 2011, p. 14). 5. Play enables repetition and variation. Games with the same set of rules lead to different results when repeated. Thus, play enables the experience of contingency, which is made possible in particular by temporal compression (games are generally limited in time), which is made possible by reduction of complexity (not all social structures gain entrance into the game) and complexity (the rules of the game select social functions). In a nutshell: Play exhibits a prominent function for the ‘self-programming’ of the socializing human (influence of world 3 on world 2), but also the possibility of world 2 influencing world 3 (more on the function of play: Hauser, 2014, 2016; Kluge, 1981). In the following, we will outline the significance of world 1, especially under the interpretation, valuation and categorization scheme ‘landscape’.

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Landscape in Games

Based on the scientific investigation of landscape references in movies and internet videos (Escher & Zimmermann, 2001; Kühne, 2020b; Kühne & Schönwald, 2015; Kühne & Weber, 2015; Lukinbeal, 2005, 2012; Zimmermann, 2019) Kühne et al. (2021b) derive a four-level classification of the intensity of meaning of landscape in games: 1. Landscape has no meaning (for example, when playing with abstract cards, such as skat or rummy). 2. Landscape functions as a backdrop. It provides a framework for the game, although this remains without a major (symbolic) charge (the level of landscape 1 dominates, as in the game of hide-and-seek, also in quartet games, when the constituent elements, such as cars or locomotives, are depicted in a scenic backdrop). 3. Landscape conveys ‘authenticity’. It situates the game plot (thus modeled orography legitimizes desirable tunnels and curves in model railroading; in this volume: Kühne et al., 2022). 4. Landscape has a constitutive meaning for the game. The game plot is directly related to the creation or design of ‘landscape’ (for instance in the computer game Civilization, where the design of the simulated landscape is a consequence of spatial mastery claims, in this volume: Kühne, 2022b). With the development of augmented reality (AR) and the technical control possibilities of virtual reality that promote immersion, the polarity of material landscape 1 and virtual landscape 1 joined the aforementioned polarity of the meaning of landscape in play. How this hybridization can be incorporated input of landscape-related educational processes (of imparting knowledge from the stock of landscape 3 to landscape 2) becomes clear in virtually guided excursions provided with playful elements (in this volume: Koegst et al., 2022). This leads on to a third polarity that shapes the relationship between games and landscapes. It is the intensity of the influence of ‘expert special knowledge stocks’ (Kühne, 2018b). This in turn can be divided into three dimensions (Kühne et al., 2020): 1. the technical dimension (such as programming the basis of a VR landscape), 2. the dimension of designing the rules of a game (for example, in terms of attributing legitimacy to deviant game practices), 3. the dimension of the degree of professionalization of the game implementation (such as the implementation of the design specifications of a model railway

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landscape defined in the relevant social context, in the context of golf courses or equestrian games, in this volume: Jutz, 2022; Koegst, 2022). A fourth polarity results from the degree of concreteness on the one hand, and that of abstraction on the other. This applies to the rules of the game, for instance from concrete roles to be filled, especially in ‘play’, to general rules that can be individually shaped, in the sense of ‘game’. But this also refers to the landscape representations: these can be abstractly indicated or roughly designed or finely detailed. Transitions and combinations are possible, as in this volume on the basis of landscape 1 manifestations in amusement parks, augmented worlds, model trains, board games or computer games (in this volume, for instance: Eberhardt, 2022; Endreß & Jutz, 2022; Fontaine, 2022; Sedelmeier & Baum, 2022).

5

Conclusion and Outlook

Karsten Berr (2022 in this volume) reflected the life chances approach by Ralf Dahrendorf (1979), with regard to the generation of world 2 or landscape 2. It appears that options arise for individuals to playfully use the bridging function between worlds 1 and 3 in general, and between landscape 1 and 3. In addition, several contributions of this volume are dedicated to the topics of experiencing and learning in such playful ways of dealing with landscapes (on this in this volume also: Edler, 2022; Gryl, 2022; Koegst et al., 2022; Papadimitriou, 2022). Games offer the possibility of experiencing contingency, which consists precisely in the fact that individual possibilities for changing landscapes 1 and 3 exist. A creative dealing with social power relations as well as with supposed laws of nature is possible, but also different perspectives on dealing with and representing the world, even in the sense of a non-violent coexistence, is offered (Kühne, 2021; in this anthology: Szilágyi-Nagy, 2022). Based on the possibilities arising from the above-mentioned polarity of material and virtual landscape 1, game research and landscape research have received new impetus. The potentials of this complex of topics are far from being fully investigated (Kühne et al., 2021c; Edler et al., 2018), and the contributions in this book have a rather explorative character. Nevertheless, more generally, research on the relationship between landscapes and games is still at an early stage, also in terms of theoretical framing, beyond the social constructivist approach that is emphasized this book. However, the function that landscapes in games have for individual landscape constructions (Landscapes 2) has only hardly been explored. A further development of the three landscapes approach is provided by Kühne

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(2022a) in this volume on the basis of the results of this volume and in particular the examination of model railway landscapes.

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Prof. Dr. Dr. Olaf Kühne, Eberhard Karls University Tübingen, Geography, Urban and Regional Development. Dr. Corinna Jenal, Eberhard Karls University Tübingen, Geography, Urban and Regional Development. PD Dr. Dennis Edler Ruhr University Bochum, Geography, Geomatics.

Analog Worlds

The Controversity About Colonialism in Board Games—Illustrated by the Example of Santa Maria Timo Sedelmeier and Linda Baum Abstract

Starting from the Anglo-Saxon literary studies of the late 1980s, the research field of Postcolonial Studies emerged. Until today it has spread strongly and received an increasing interdisciplinary character. The main focus of Postcolonial Studies lies on critique of identity and difference that comes from the Colonial era. Also, everyday practices are of interest in this field, such as parlor games. Colonialism is a popular theme for games, especially in digital games but also in board games. At the same time, there is increasing criticism of the constant new releases of games with a colonization storyline and the handling of this topic in the games, which is reflected in numerous forum posts on relevant board game platforms. Using the example of the board game ‘Santa Maria’, which occupies a leading position in the ranking of the most popular board games on the platform Boardgamegeek, the question of how the topic of colonialism is discussed in the relevant board game forums will be explored in this article. Keywords

Postcolonial Studies • Colonialism • Game Studies • Parlor Games • Board Games • Online Group Discussions T. Sedelmeier (B) · L. Baum Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] L. Baum e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_6

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Introduction

On April 7, 2019, the renowned board game publisher ‘GMT Games’ announced that it would pull the game ‘Scramble for Africa’ from its pre-order list since the publisher faced heavy criticism on social media for the game’s trivializing treatment of the topic of colonialism (Bolding, 2019). The purpose of this paper is to analyze the discussion on board games whose dramaturgical framework and game plot consists of a colonization process. Colonialism is a popular theme for games, especially in digital games but also in board games. For the setting of a board game which is based on a fragment of social reality that potentially shapes perceptions of the game’s theme, the representation of landscape elements plays an important role. Many gamers appreciate these games because of the entertainment value attributed to them due to ingenious game mechanics. At the same time, there is increasing criticism of the constant new releases of games with a colonization storyline and the handling of this topic in the games, which is reflected in numerous forum posts on relevant board game platforms. In the meantime, this has led to the replacement of individual playing cards in some games by new cards with different motifs and designations, such as the slave card in the board game ‘Five Tribes’, and game rules have been provided with references to the history of colonialism. The selection of criminal and violent sections of history as a plot framework for games at least raises the question whether attention to a sensitive preparation and presentation of the topic was put. Using the example of the board game ‘Santa Maria’, which occupies a leading position in the ranking of the most popular board games on the platform ‘Boardgamegeek’, the question of how the topic of colonialism is discussed in the relevant board game forums will be explored in this article. Before the results of the qualitative analysis are presented and discussed, the basics of Postcolonial Studies and what role landscape can play in this context will be outlined and a classification of board games and their influence will be given, as these are essential for understanding the results of the content analysis.

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The Basics of Postcolonial Studies

During the era of colonialism, large parts of the world were placed under European colonial rule: 84.6 percent of the earth’s surface was colonized by 1930 (Gutiérrez Rodríguez, 2010, p. 275). In this period not only the exploitation and appropriation of labor, resources, and land took place but also a political and cultural subjugation of colonized people. The “great imperial project of the modern

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era” (Kravagna, 2016, p. 66) took place through the establishment of trading posts and settlements on the African and Indian coasts and was won through the conquest of the Americas with the widespread extermination of indigenous people. The organization of the transatlantic slave trade to obtain and maintain colonial power can be seen as “the clearest expression of the instrumental relationship that the West assumed with the rest of the world” (Kravagna, 2016, p. 66). It is impossible to grasp colonialism in its historical and geographical scope as a unified phenomenon. What is certain, however, is that beyond the material dimension, it was above all a cultural, scientific and ideological project, through which the exercise of exploitation and oppression could be enforced. An example for violent measures for this were religious missions that saw it as their task to ‘civilize’ the people in the colonies, which involved a categorization of territories, people, cultures, and so-called ‘races’. This included a systematic devaluation of other cultures and other knowledge (Kravagna, 2016, p. 66). A radical transformation of the landscape in the colonized territories played an important role in the implication of colonial domination, which ostensibly involved regulating and structuring the territories for the purpose of control and economic exploitation (Sharp, 2009, p. 56). The way in which landscape was viewed, represented, and ultimately reshaped with a sense of superiority from a Eurocentric perspective also served as a central element to legitimize the violent interventions in the colonies (cf. Barnett, 2014, p. 163; Kühne, 2019, p. 67). Tropical wetlands, for example, where productive agro-cultural systems existed prior to the colonial period, were considered nasty tropical swamps that were ‘tamed’ and claimed by drainage projects (Sluyter, 2002, p. 4). Characteristic landscape depictions from this period show empty, unattended spaces inhabited by ghostly subjects (Barnett, 2014, p. 171). Until the late 1980s, research interest in colonial history was rather muted, as in the wake of the foreboding decolonization of former colonies which almost all became formally independent in the 1960s, many scholars considered the subject of colonialism obsolete (Lindner, 2011, p. 9). In the course of the study of literature of the former colonies of Great Britain, the term “postcolonialism” appeared for the first time in cultural and literary studies in the English-speaking world (Gutiérrez Rodríguez, 2010, p. 274). This lays the groundwork for arguments about postcolonial conditions, from which Postcolonial Studies develop. Because postcolonial research interest is particularly grounded in the “persistence and aftermath of a variety of relational patterns and effects of colonial domination” (Conrad & Randeria Shalini, 2002, p. 24), it has been noted many times that the prefix “post” in Postcolonial should not be understood as an “after” in the historical sequence of colonization and independence. Rather, the term postcolonial

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implies the “disparity between the politically factually achieved liberation and the ongoing cultural, psychological, and social colonization” (Gutiérrez Rodríguez, 2010, p. 274). As a result, today’s global situation continues to be shaped by colonialism, decolonization, and neocolonialist tendencies in a lasting way (Reuter & Villa, 2010, p. 17). The work of the Palestinian literary scholar Edward Said has contributed significantly to the theorization of the young postcolonial research field. His analysis of Orientalism is considered the founding document of Postcolonial Studies (Castro Varela & Dhawan, 2020, p. 101; Said, 1978). In this work, Said identifies Europe’s construction and representation of the Orient as an inferior counterpart. According to him this is the essential foundation on which European identity is built. Interventions in the colonized landscapes particularly took place because of this reason. A rational ordering of the previously ‘uncivilized’ landscapes should be a central component to characterize the Western way of thinking (Sharp, 2009, p. 60). Furthermore, he reveals the establishment of the clearly delineated image of the Orient from European culture as a central instrument of colonial domination and the legitimization of violence. As a consequence, Said urgently warns against an uncritical handling of representations of “others” (Castro Varela & Dhawan, 2020, p. 111). In the Anglo-American research landscape, postcolonial approaches are soon being received in various fields, whereby Postcolonial Studies are increasingly spreading and taking on an interdisciplinary character (Lindner, 2011, p. 5). If a socio-historical approach is taken to “critically work through the complex fabric of colonialism” (Lindner, 2011, p. 4), the exploration of economic, political, and social imprints and experiences of the cultures in former colonial territories as well as the ways in which colonial legacies are negotiated come into focus (Gutiérrez Rodríguez, 2010, p. 275). Another postcolonial research line is represented by the socio-critical-poststructuralist-feminist approach, in which sexuality and gender constructions in colonial contexts play a central role. In addition, the critical examination of racism, power, culture and imperialism plays an important role. Thus, the core of Postcolonial Studies, which deals with an immense range of topics using different theoretical and analytical approaches, is often cited as its function as a critical intervention that claims to address the manifold global oppression and marginalization effects of (imperial) domination (Castro Varela & Dhawan, 2020, p. 20; Reuter & Villa, 2010, p. 22). For example, postcolonial theory intends to deconstruct the construction of national, ethnic, religious, cultural, and gender identity and difference. Furthermore, assumed universal meanings, e.g. of ‘knowledge’, are questioned and notions of ‘own’ and ‘familiar’ as a distinction from ‘other’ and ‘foreign’ are critically examined (Reuter & Villa, 2010,

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p. 12). It is about a radical revision of self-images and images of the Other, about breaking down notions of cultural superiority and inferiority which were developed over centuries, as well as of essentialist concepts of identity and difference (Kravagna, 2016, p. 68). Postcolonial theory aims to critique, subvert, and disempower Eurocentric knowledge and identities that were created and are continuously confirmed by colonialism and Western dominance (Lindner, 2011, p. 4). This can also include common notions of what is meant by landscape. Which physical objects belong to it, which do not, or whether a section of a physical space interpreted as landscape is considered functional, beautiful, ugly or otherwise, is usually not questioned in everyday life. Since the social construction of reality takes place unconsciously, individuals unquestioningly perceive the image of landscape that exists in their minds as normal, yet there is a great cultural diversity of landscape constructs (Kühne, 2019). These differ, for instance, in the degree to which the term for ‘landscape’ used in different languages (if there is a term for it) includes material dimensions or aesthetic components (Kühne, 2019, p. 67). The Western concept of ‘landscape’ is characterized by an association of aesthetic attributions to object constellations. In China and Japan, where conceptual distinctions between different components of the landscape construct are stronger, this was only introduced when contact with Western science occurred (Kühne, 2019, p. 67). In the meantime, everyday practices have taken on a central role in the deconstruction of Eurocentric perspectives, especially the impact of language and systems of representation of difference, in which the persistence of coloniality can be found in world views and orders of knowledge. Here, empirical analyses of discursive practices or consciousness-raising elements in various media and cultural practices such as games can become a postcolonial research interests in everyday contexts.

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About the Effects of Parlor Games

The term ‘game’ or ‘play’ is a broad concept, which we would like to discuss more in detail. In particular, we would like to deal with the social-cultural as well as the individual-psychological meaning of games (see on cultural-theoretical and social psychological function of games also Berr, 2022; Schuster, 2022 in this anthology) and thus highlight the effect of games and, in particular, of the category of board games from the group of parlor games. Ludology or Games Studies deal with these and other topics related to the complex phenomenon of games. It is a transdisciplinary research area in which media, cultural and social

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science perspectives are represented in order to investigate technical, aesthetic, cultural as well as social and psychological aspects and effects of games (Junge et al., 2016; Thimm, 2010). Currently, the focus of Game Studies is on the field of digital games (see for landscape and digital games Jutz & Endreß, 2022; Kühne, 2022; Pietsch, 2022 in this anthology). Many of the numerous modern digital games have a high degree of complexity. Most of the elements of the game phenomenon are combined in them (Junge et al., 2016, p. 147), which has made them a significant object of interest in Games Studies. Despite clear differences, there are some similarities between digital games and their considered predecessor board games. Jürgen Fritz (2004) defines the concept of game in terms of three “spectral elements” (Fritz, 2004, p. 37): playful behavior, game world, and game construct. The construct dimension gives rise to the game world. Within it a game process detached from the real world is enabled. It happens within the framework created by the players which consists of an agreement, game rules and, if necessary, agreed modifications as well as material components. Virtual and traditional game constructs such as board games do not show fundamental differences in terms of the basic patterns found in them (Fritz, 2004, p. 230). Game content and rules are linked together to a meaningful order to which players orient their playful behavior through game actions that correspond to basic patterns of behavior in the real world. This causes the players to find themselves with their social actions but also with their desires and impulses in the game process (Fritz, 2004, p. 231). A major difference between digital games and board games lies in the “static principle” of the latter. Players generally have no influence on the board game and the courses of action defined in it. In conjunction with clearly defined game rules, the framework for the game is unalterably fixed. Another difference is the usually much faster pace of play in digital games. Overall, although modern digital game constructs and virtual game worlds are mostly more extensive and complex than analog board games, this does not make board games any less interesting for game analysis. Many of the aspects of digital games that Games Studies deals with can be applied to board games, which is encouraged by the great variety of game content in this also very popular game category. Board games have a long tradition and from the 1970s increasingly elaborately designed board games are found on the market, which are gaining more and more popularity (Thole, 1992). As a form of modern board games, so-called author games are becoming established, which usually have an overarching story or a specific game theme which should stimulate the motivation of players. Game experiences based on strategy, tactics, logic, skill, or luck with elements that often have an abstract symbolic meaning (Thole, 1992) are thus extended by

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playful interactions in an imaginatively designed section of social reality (see on boardgames also Eberhardt, 2022 in this anthology). Depending on the design and implementation of the story in the board game, ideas of a theme and identification offers can be conveyed through the game. The “identity-creating content” (Schumacher & Korbel, 2010, p. 56) of games can be examined, for example, from a Cultural Studies perspective, as in Schumacher and Korbel (2010). They state that as with all popular media, the narrative of a game is subject to the Cultural Studies questions of how class, ethnicity, gender or age, sexual orientation, national or religious affiliation, etc. are constructed and whether these can be identified as stereotypes in the conception of games. Within the framework of the Cultural Studies approach, questions about the gender, social position, age, etc. of the figural identities in the game can be usefully linked to the analysis of the range of action granted to them (Schumacher & Korbel, 2010, p. 70). Specifically, the use of the theme of colonialism as a plot framework for games has been studied in few cases so far (cf. Borit et al., 2018; Harrer, 2020; Mukherjee, 2018). The considerable number of forum entries on the online platforms of the board game community and the intense debates that take place there indicate that there is an interest in critical questions about the action framework of games not only among Lugologists and Cultural Scientists, but also among the players themselves.

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Wargames, Eurogames and Ameritrash—a Short Introduction to the World of Board Games

Board games have been trendy for a few years now and the Covid19 pandemic has not changed that. Despite the temporary ban on meetings of several private households, and thus the suspension of many game nights in board game clubs, the vast majority of board game publishers were also able to increase their sales in 2020, some even in the clear double digits. In Germany the family and strategy board game segment particularly grew (37% increase in sales), whereas sales of children’s games only increased by 11%, according to Spieleverlage e. V. (2021). The distinction between family and expert games is based on the level of difficulty of the games and signals whether they are accessible to a broad audience, thus also to casual players, or whether they are aimed at experienced board gamers as a target group. Due to the background of the topic of the article, however, it seems to make sense to categorize board games differently. Therefore, in the following we will speak of American-style games, Eurogames and Wargames. American-style games, often also referred to as Ameritrash, are games

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in which the theme and the story told are in the foreground. The ability to plan and implement a game strategy is often low, whereas the interaction between the players and the share of luck, for example by means of the rolling of dice, are very high (Wandinger, 2019a). On the other hand, in Eurogames, originally also called German Games the focus is on the mechanisms (e.g. worker placement), whereas the theme is often put on and plays a rather subordinate role. The level of interaction between the players is comparatively low, whereas the planning ability is high and good advance planning is often the key to victory (Wandinger, 2019b). Wargames are board games in which—as the name suggests—military conflicts are fought on the board. Many of these board games are thematically based on actual battles or wars of the past and are set in time from antiquity to the present. Particularly numerous are games that deal with the Second World War or the American Civil War (Boardgamegeek n. d.). In the words of board game designer Jeremy Kalgreen (2007): “The Ameritrash ‘Core Priority’ is Drama. The Eurogame ‘Core Priority’ is Elegance. The Wargame ‘Core Priority’ is Realism.”

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Santa Maria—“Always Wanted to Lead Your Own Colony?”

With the above question the publisher Aporta Games welcomes potential buyers of the board game Santa Maria on its homepage (Aporta Games n. d.). The game by the authors Kristian Amundsen Østby and Eilif Svensson is a classic Eurogame in which 1–4 players establish and develop a colony. To do this, they produce resources, engage in maritime trade and send conquistadors and missionaries. At the end—after 3 years or game rounds—the player whose colony achieves the highest satisfaction wins. As it can be seen from this brief description, the game has a colonial theme and is thus suitable as a case study for the question raised at the beginning. However, since there are also many other board games that address colonialism or imperialism or use them as a framework for their plot – see Bruno Faidutti’s essay “Postcolonial Catan” (2017), in which he cites numerous examples—there are also other reasons for choosing the case study of Santa Maria: First, Santa Maria has a very good rating on the platform Boardgamegeek with a 7.5 and ranks 344th (as of 03/31/2021) in the list of the most popular board games. Since well over 100,000 games are listed on the platform, any game that is in the top 1000 must be considered very popular. Secondly, despite or perhaps because of its great popularity, there exists a pronounced discourse on the colonial theme of the game. No other board game has as many forum posts about colonialism as Santa Maria. Third, the discussion about the game on Boardgamegeek is

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particularly interesting because one of the authors, Kristian Amundsen Østby, has participated in it. In the following we will focus on this discussion with the heading “Why the colonial theme?” in the Boardgamegeek Forum (Boardgamegeek, 2018). Before that, however, some basic thoughts on the special nature of online group discussions will be expressed and the methodological procedure will be outlined. In the last two decades, Internet-based communication has experienced enormous growth, generating an unmanageable amount of qualitative data, for example, via forums, chats, and threads. This the question of an adequate data selection strategy (Sträter, 2018, p. 191). A rich source of information are online group discussions, which have specific characteristics compared to ‘classic’ group discussions, some of which are beneficial and some of which are detrimental to the research process. An important characteristic of online group discussions is alocality, which presumably affects group dynamics in the way that interaction density, spontaneity, and mutual reference are lower than in copresent discussions (Ullrich & Schiek, 2015, p. 134). In addition, it can be observed that discussions in publicly accessible Internet forums and threads etc. are usually not initiated or moderated by researchers themselves, and the composition of the discussion group cannot be controlled and is often characterized by a pronounced fluctuation (Sträter, 2018, p. 192). With the anonymity given in most forums by the use of pseudonyms instead of the plain name, also the inhibition threshold to polemical expressions as well as provocation and intimidation of other discussants sinks (Ullrich & Schiek, 2015, p. 135). At the same time, however, some authors express the hope that anonymity will have a positive effect on the degree of openness and the willingness to tell stories and that people will position themselves more clearly than they would in a ‘conventional’ group discussion (Kelle et al., 2009, p. 192; Mann & Stewart, 2000, p. 118 f.). The disadvantage, however, is that the nonverbal aspects of communication, which are important for qualitative analyses, are missing (Ullrich & Schiek, 2015, p. 135). Following Dresing and Kuckarzt (2007, pp. 146 ff.) and taking into account the above-mentioned peculiarities of online group discussions, in a first step we copied all 97 discussion contributions from the corresponding forum and transferred them into a text document. In a second step, we prepared these for the qualitative analysis, whereby references to previous discussion contributions were color-coded in each case. In the next step, we developed an inductive category system and conducted text retrieval, on the basis of which we again adapted the category system. In the analysis, we asked in particular which topics were addressed in the discussion, which arguments were put forward by the discussants, and how the communication developed in the course of the discussion.

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Before we get to the core of the content analysis, some key points of the forum discussion should be briefly outlined. 26 users participated in the discussion, the thread was initiated by the posting of the user ‘Board Game Minimalist’. With 34 comments, this user posts by far the most posts and also takes on a kind of moderating role in the course of the discussion by referring to other posts and asking other discussants for comments. For comparison: The second most posts are made by the users Kristian Amundsen Østby and YP with seven comments each. The analysis of the comments shows that two topics dominate the discussion in particular: first, the choice of colonialism as the setting of the game and second, the implementation of this topic in ‘Santa Maria’. The choice of theme is seen very critically by some discussants, as it is unnecessary. The majority justifies this with the fact that the game is basically abstract and the game mechanisms do not require a colonial theme: “The one thing I don’t get is the choice to go with a South American colonial theme. Especially considering the game mechanisms don’t seem to require such a theme.” [Board Game Minimalist 01]

There is a lack of understanding as to why a storyline was chosen that is set in an era in which many crimes were committed against the indigenous population. One user draws a comparison to National Socialism and points out that a game about the Holocaust is not conceivable: “I wouldn’t consider it unreasonable to compare colonization themes to those where players might play the Nazis working towards making the most efficient holocaust. Could you imagine sending your worker to the crematorium to find gold.” [Patrick D 01]

As a result, there is speculation as to why the topic was chosen anyway, and lack of research or thoughtlessness are cited as possible causes as the following commentary illustrates: “I guess this is what surprises me. I would assume game designers are pretty intelligent people, so how wouldn’t it cross their minds that these kinda themes could be a little problematic. Especially if they have to do any kind of research about the topic.” [Board Game Minimalist 07]

While six user asses the choice of topic critically, a roughly equal number supports it. One of the main lines of argument is that problematic topics should also

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be covered. The reason given is that otherwise it would no longer be possible to use historical topics and the assessment of whether a topic is problematic is also very subjective: “I also don’t expect that games only handle “nice” themes out of fear of causing offense: That would rule out most historic themes—and I happen to like historically themed games.” [Jens Hoppe 02] “Historically themed games are chock full of one group exploiting another group. My point is that the line of acceptability on how exploitation is handled is subjective and varies from person to person. Who as you say are not robots. So where do you draw the line of what is acceptable? When are you going to ask the designer to account for abstraction of historical exploitation and when are you not?” [Tony Farrand 03]

Moreover, it is argued that games are not reality, but precisely enable escape from reality, and especially in a Eurogame like ‘Santa Maria’ the subject is hardly present anyway. Here, the argument of the opposing side, which argued that the theme is interchangeable and should therefore be replaced, is reversed: Since the theme in a lot of Euros isn’t very deep it makes the theme much less relevant to the gameplay. If it really felt like exploiting people I think the theme might bother more people. [Ted Morris 03].

In addition to the mentioned arguments, one line of reasoning runs through the entire discussion: that other games would also have difficult topics. This supurious argument can be seen as a classic example of ‘whataboutism‘, since it distracts from the actual subject of the discussion and points to other board games that have equally or even more problematic topics and yet are not criticized: “As someone said above, this sort of thing is at the basis of pretty much every game if we care to look and I don’t know that the treatment Colonialism here is worse than, say, killing natives in Cry Havoc or animal cruelty in Snow Tails or labor exploitation in Snowdownia” [Kevin C 01]

One of the game’s authors, Kristian Amundsen Østby, also joins the discussion and explains that the choice of theme was inspired by computer games such as ‘Sid Meier’s Colonization’ and ‘Anno 1503: The New World’ and that the theme came before the main part of the game’s development—which is rather unusual for a Eurogame:

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“The colonialism theme has been set for most part of the development, and most of the mechanisms were derived from the current theme.” [Kristian Amundsen Østby 07]

A few users criticize not only the choice of topic, but also its implementation. In particular, the initiator of the forum discussion, ‘Board Game Minimalist’, gives some arguments in this regard. He summarizes his criticism in three points in a comment: 1. This game sanitises/abstracts the true nature of colonialism to the point where it trivialises the issue. 2. It removes any kind of representation of the indigenous people. Relegating them to a stereotypical and historically inaccurate ‘tepee’ icon. 3. There are no clear consequences for the player when conducting aggressive acts, the indigenous people don’t react, and there’s no historical context within the mechanisms to identify morally questionable actions. [Board Game Minimalist 23] He makes these three points in the same or similar way in 17 of his comments. Therefore, it can be summed up that in large parts no new content is discussed, but the communication is characterized by periodic repetitions of the same arguments. Precisely the point of the flawed and stereotypical representation of indigenous people that he raises is interesting from a postcolonial studies perspective. In fact, the colonized only appear in the game to the extent that the playing fields of the mission stations are illustrated with teepees, which is historically incorrect, since the indigenous people of South America did not inhabit such dwellings. This is a striking example of the stereotypes and identity ascriptions mentioned by Lindner (2011, p. 4) which have been created and are continuously reproduced from a Eurocentric perspective (see Chap. 2 Postcolonial Studies). The depictions of the landscapes on the game board are also riddled with numerous stereotypes of a Central European landscape that is very different from the natural landscapes of South America and colonial urban landscapes. Grasslands with occasional bushes and trees make up a large part of the game board, and the settlement depicted does not have the elements of a Latin American colonial city, such as a regular checkerboard topography, a plaza mayor, and patio houses (Bähr & Mertins, 1995; Wilhelmy & Borsdorf, 1984), but is instead more reminiscent of a high medieval square village in Central Europe in its layout and elevation. This brief example already illustrates that the game is not embedded in the landscape and has no causal relationship to it. Rather, as Schleich (2020, p. 301) states for

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the German television series Rosenheim Cops, the landscape merely serves as a “‘setting’ or, to put it drastically, staffage”. Kristian Amundsen Østby acknowledges that Board Game Minimalist’s criticism on this point may be well founded, but points out that the teepees are merely symbols that seem appropriate because of their high degree of popularity: “On this point you might be right, and I do understand your worries. But let me still try to give an explanation. These teepees are merely intended to work as symbols (there are limited space on the game board). Symbols are often most effective in the form of well-known simplifications (a.k.a. “stereotypes”), just like the symbols on toilet doors often either shows an abled-body woman in a dress or a man in trousers. It might not be ideal, but these are really effective symbols. No symbol can ever make justice to all aspects of the Native American cultures. As you suggest, we could have chosen other buildings, like Aztek constructions. Maybe it would have been better, but I’m not sure.” [Kristian Amundsen Østby 06]

The author counters the accusation of trivialization by pointing out that this was done deliberately, as it creates a sense of unease and thus stimulates reflection: “I think the contrast with the simplified “sanitized” track and what it represents makes the emotional effect bigger than if the cruelty had been more explicit in the mechanisms. I believe this might be exactly why you and some others find this track slightly discomforting. The cruelty is definitely there, but you need to reflect on it to see it—and the ruleset will help you understand if you are not familiar with the historic facts. In my games I try to evoke emotions, and the discomfort you feel is MEANT to be there. And I do believe that this slight discomfort is a good thing.” [Kristian Amundsen Østby 06]

This argument, however, contradicts his first comment in the discussion, in which he points out that in developing the game, the authors focused on building a colony and “not on the other aspects oft he European colonization” [Kristian Amundsen Østby 06]. However, these other aspects of colonialism, namely the atrocities committed against the indigenous people, are briefly explained at the beginning of the game instructions in a section on the historical background. The author explicitly points this out in a comment and at the same time names other popular parlor games that can not meet this: “In the game you send out conquistadors to gain gold. Where does the gold come from? This is made very explicit in the mentioned part of the rules. Similarly, games such as “Concordia” and “7 wonders” can still be enjoyed even though they do not explicitly address or tell the stories of the numerous slaves that were undeniably involved and exploited in those times.” [Kristian Amundsen Østby 03]

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This form of justification can once again be called ‘whataboutism’, since it points to other games and does not answer the core of the criticism voiced by ‘Board Game Minimalist’, for example, that the reappraisal of history is not reflected in the game design: “Furthermore I am just not convicted by the ‘disclaimer’ that references the crimes of colonialism when this isn’t reflected in any way in the game.” [Board Game Minimalist 12]

6

Conclusion

‘Where are the Natives?’, remembers Bruno Faidutti (2017), was one of the first questions a fellow player asked him while playing the board game ‘Settlers of Catan’. More than 20 years after its release, the game ‘Santa Maria’ was published and once again one could ask where the indigenous people are, since they are only represented by means of a symbol, which, moreover, was not culturally and geographically correctly assigned. This observation is also listed as one of the main criticisms of the game in the analyzed online group discussion on the Boardgamegeek platform. In addition to the question of the choice of theme, it was primarily the implementation of the theme that triggered the greatest need for discussion. In the analysis, it became clear that the critics of the game particularly consider the ethnocentric perspective. The apparent lack of research on historical events, and the trivialization or fading out of atrocities in colonialism are perceived as unacceptable. Other users, and one of the authors himself, on the other hand, argue that the game, through its informational text in the instructions and the simplification of the topic in the game itself, contributes to the players’ critical reflection on colonialism. These argumentation structures are repeated several times throughout the discussion, so that periodic repetition of arguments can be identified.

References Aporta Games. (n. d.). SANTA MARIA. Lead a colony and make it prosper. http://www.apo rtagames.com/lesson/santa-maria/. Accessed: 12 April 2021. Bähr, J., & Mertins, G. (1995). Die lateinamerikanische Gross-Stadt. Verstädterungsprozesse und Stadtstrukturen (Erträge der Forschung, vol. 288). Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.

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Timo Sedelmeier studied Geography and European Ethnology at the Albert-LudwigsUniversity in Freiburg i.Br., where he also received his PhD in Geography in 2011. After working as an academic assistant at the University of Education in Freiburg, he received a call to the junior lectureship in Human Geography at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen in 2012. Since 2018, he has served as an academic councilor in the AG Urban and Regional Development. His research focuses on Poverty Studies and Geography of Food. Linda Baum graduated from the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen with a Bachelor of Science in Geography and a Master of Arts in Human Geography—Global Studies. Since 2019, she is working as a student assistant the AG Urban and Regional Development.

Urban Landscapes in Boardgames Anna Katharina Eberhardt

Abstract

Based on the assumption that games are a form of cultural representation that influence cultural and societal ideas, this chapter investigates how landscapes are visualized in game environments and what kind of meaning they convey. The specific focus is on urban landscapes in board games. The chapter draws on Popper’s ‘Three World Theory’ to establish the interaction between the materialistic, cultural, and social sphere. Based on Popper’s theory, it is argued that board games can influence social perception because of their cultural representation of the landscape. Further, the concept of ‘critical theory’ and, more specifically, of ‘critical cartography’ is introduced. Brian Harleys and John Pickels’ approach are outlined to get a better understanding of the implications of the cartographic visualizations. The aim is to demonstrate that a critical approach is necessary because landscape representations in games are not a direct representation of the ‘real world’ but rather reflect cultural norms and ideas. The game Scotland Yard is analyzed due to its map-like board. It is shown that cartographic illustrations can reinforce images and perceptions. The utilization of games to influence awareness and perception has to be considered and critically questioned. In this context, the possible divergence between intention and perception of landscape visualizations has to be addressed.

A. K. Eberhardt (B) Munich, Germany © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_7

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Keywords

Urban landscape • Critical cartography • Board games • Public transport London • Scotland Yard • Social perception

1

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Games in Society

Games function as a testing ground for the challenging of socially imposed norms, values, and roles. They offer spaces that go beyond the socially created reality (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 1, see also Edler, 2020, Fontaine, 2017). Piaget (1969) even considered play as a “defense” against socialization and “reality constraints” (Piaget, 1969, p. 216). Games or playing, in general, can be considered as a necessary framework for learning. This involves the acquiring of social techniques, as well as motor skills and cognitive abilities (Hauser, 2014; see on the social psychological function of games Schuster, 2022 in this anthology). Further, Huizinga extended the idea that through play important cultural areas have developed. He argued that the ritualization processes in games caused cultural areas to become institutionalized. Therefore, it can be assessed that games can contribute to cultural formation processes (Huizinga, 1938; in general on cultural theoretical approaches to play, see also Berr, 2022 in this anthology). Hence, the analysis of games can support a deeper understanding of cultural and societal processes. Transferring this to the geographical realm, the assumption arises that games can play an essential role in the understanding of landscape concepts (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 1; see also Gryl, 2022; Koegst, Baum & Stintzing, 2022; Papadimitriou, 2022 in this anthology). Based on the introductory text of this collection, this chapter will also draw on the notion that engagement with the landscape in game settings takes place on two levels. First, norms, values, and role expectations that are associated with the game landscape are mediated. Hence, individual constructions and experiences of landscapes are influenced. Second, the testing of landscape contingencies within the context of a game is possible. The addressing of established norms and interpretations, as well as innovations, can affect the social understanding of landscape (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 1). If one departs from the common notion that landscape can only be investigated through a positivistic approach, as something that is materialistic and measurable. One might consider the social construction of landscape (Kühne, 2013; see also Kühne, 2022 in this anthology). In this context, it is particularly of interest to investigate how social interpretations of landscape arise and can be shaped. Since many games are embedded in landscape environments that require players to

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act within predefined spaces it is of special interest how these landscapes are visualized and what kind of meaning they convey. The uniqueness of game environments, promote active engagement, creative behaviour, experimentation, and the development of solutions that go beyond the “real life” approaches to solve problems. In contrast to real-life conditions, factors like the ability to stop, reset and restart the game at any time, play an important role in learning processes because they stand in stark contrast do non-game situations. Today, board games specifically constitute a very different gaming experience compared to the popular involvement in virtual game experiences in form of computer games. The materiality of the board game experience plays an important role in the perception of players, and the sensation of the game taking place in the “real” world. The ability to manipulate and change the conditions of a game through real-life engagement helps to facilitate the learning and comprehension of core mechanics as well as game strategies (Rogerson et al., 2016, p. 3963). When juxtaposed to computer games with their complex and closed systems, board games stand out due to their transparent properties (Zagal et al., 2006, p. 26). So far little research has been conducted on the general design and user experience of board games and there has been no particular emphasis on landscape visualizations within this experience. This article utilizes the accessibility of board games for analytical purposes. It is attempted to provide a better understanding of social landscape productions based on the popular board game, Scotland Yard. The approach taken in this article is based on a critical cartography discourse as well as general concepts of landscape construction and its implications for social perception. In the following, games are considered to be one form of cultural representation of urban landscapes. Particular emphasis will be on the urban landscape structures and how they are illustrated in the exemplary board game: Scotland Yard. This article aims to give insights on the cultural construction of games and their reflection of prevailing social values and ideas. Based on the general assumption that cultural productions can influence social perception, the investigation of cartographic illustrations of urban landscapes illustrate how cultural values and ideas are represented in games. First, the theoretical framework will be established. The concept of Popper’s Three World Theory is applied to get a better understanding of landscapes in games, particularly urban landscapes. Additionally, Harley’s and Pickles’ approach to critical cartography is considered. The method of deconstructing and reading maps is utilized for the analysis of an exemplary board game. Overall, the analysis is based on a social constructivist approach and focuses on cartographic features of the presented urban landscape in Scotland Yard. This critical

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approach is followed by a discussion highlighting possible social implications of board game visualizations while the theoretical framework illuminates how one understands landscape representations in board games.

2

Theoretical Framework—Landscape Construction and Critical Cartography

The following subsections outline the theoretical foundation that is later applied in the analysis of the exemplary game. First, the concept of landscape is introduced, and further specified concerning urban landscape. In this context, a strong emphasis is put on the socially constructed landscape. Subsequently, further information is given on the concept of critical cartography and its influence on social perception. Throughout, an attempt has been made to link the concepts to games and if possible, more specifically to board games.

2.1

(Urban) Landscapes in Games

A landscape is ultimately a phenomenon that concerns everyone; therefore, it is important to investigate how different landscapes are perceived by society (Berr, 2018, p. 9). The diverse possibilities of understanding landscape result in a large number of different landscape approaches. Landscape can be perceived as an object, a concept, and a term (Hokema, 2018, p. 25). What accounts as landscape depends on the applied perspective. The diversity of landscape approaches, which are coherent in themselves, but overall incompatible, assume that landscape is an inevitable social construction. “According to social constructivist landscape research, the construct ‘landscape’ is the result of socially formed patterns of interpretation and evaluation, on the basis of which an internal synthesis of observed material objects and their connection with symbolic meanings takes place” (Kühne, 2019, p. 17). Influential precursors of social constructivist landscape theory, namely Denis Cosgrove, Thomas Greider, and Lorraine Garkovich, date back to the middle of the twentieth century. Based on Karl Popper’s Three World Theory one can extend the dualistic view on a landscape that is based on a positivist and constructivist approach (Kühne, 2020, p. 1). The physical aspects and the individual construction of landscape can, according to Popper, be expanded by a third landscape, one that is characterized by social conventions (Kühne, 2020, p. 1). This third landscape originates from Popper’s idea of a third world that has its origin in culture. This abstract

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entity which includes among other things scientific theories, concepts, as well as socially shared ideas, has an impact on the other two worlds and is subjected to continuous change (Kühne, 2020, pp. 2–3). Popper’s theory has been criticized for various reasons. Nevertheless, it is particularly suited for the theoretical framing of landscapes in games since it includes the cultural dimension. His theory serves as a framework for the assumption, that there are interactions between the materialistic, cultural, and social spheres. Therefore, it is argued that materialistic things like board games can influence social perception because they represent one form of cultural representation. In this context, the “playful approach to landscape can become significant” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 5). Because new ways of landscape construction can be tested, innovation development is facilitated by ingame settings that lead to new understandings of landscape (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 5). Through games, an understanding of the social organization of the world can be established. In this article, a specific focus is placed on urban landscapes in games. Therefore, a clear distinction to natural landscapes has to be made. Urban landscapes are complex spaces, that are influenced by various actors and fundamental prerequisites. Large-scale changes require considerable resources, interested actors, appropriate political decision-making, and longer periods. ‘Urban landscape’ is one of several terms that refer to the phenomenon of the growing expansion of settlement areas (Dettmar, 2018, pp. 133–134). In the 1980s, environmental and ecological movements drew attention to the rapid expansion of urban landscape and the increasing suburbanization. Further, the effects on land usage, traffic problems, ecosystems, and the destruction of the cultural landscape were stressed (Dettmar, 2018, p. 135). Of importance is that urban landscape in this context is perceived as socially constructed environments that can be differentiated from natural landscapes. The objective of this article is to investigate the possible implications of the social constructions of urban landscapes in games. In this context, games are seen as a reflection of cultural conventions and influences as well as a medium that can cause a change in the perception of the landscape. The specific construction of a game can convey various ideas about the landscape, for example, stereotypes can be visualized as well as questioned. Since our knowledge about the landscape is underpinned by cultural productions like for example texts (books, newspapers), videos (movies and documentaries), as well as games, these mediums are informative sources for the investigation of individual construction of landscape (Kühne, 2019, p. 19). The aim of the following subsections is to combine Popper’s concept with the critical cartography approach to get new insights concerning the social construction of board games. Board games have been chosen in

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this context because they make it possible to approach landscape representation through cartographic visualizations. Therefore, the following section will introduce the concept of critical cartography to facilitate the analysis of the exemplary game.

2.2

Critical Cartography

Contemporary critical cartography became prominent in the 1990s; however it has been argued that it can only be understood in the broader historical context (Crampton & Krygier, 2014, p. 11). Throughout its history, mapping was consistently contested. Therefore, the rise of the explicit critique of cartography that emerged in the late 1980s must be comprehended in a much longer tradition (Crampton & Krygier, 2014, p. 12, see also Kühne, 2021 on post-critical cartography). Hence, a brief excursion on ‘critical theory’ is given. The methodological approach of ‘critical theory’ has diverse origins. Immanuel Kant provided the concept with its “definition of scientific rationality, and its goal of confronting reality with the prospect of freedom” (Bronner, 2011, p. 2). Later, the concept became identified with the “Frankfurt School”. Between 1930 and the present, this Institute for Social Research coined the core of critical theory (Friesen, 2008, p. 1). Closely associated with the Frankfurt School are among others Max Horkheimer, Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse, and later Jurgen Habermas (Crampton & Krygier, 2014, p. 13). Critical theory questions the hidden assumptions and intentions of existing theories and forms of practice (Bronner, 2011, p. 1). According to Crampton and Krygier (2014), ‘critique’ is a politics of knowledge. “First, it examines the grounds of our decision-making knowledges; second it examines the relationship between power and knowledge from a historical perspective; and third it resists, challenges and sometimes overthrows our categories of thought” (Crampton & Krygier, 2014, p. 14). Critical theory draws on the notion that thoughts must react to arising problems and new possibilities that emerge from continuing historical changes. It contributed to the establishment of new critical methods and a transformed societal understanding (Crampton & Krygier, 2014, p. 14). The central argument of critical theory is that knowledge is always influenced due to its cultural, political, and historical context. Critical theorists reason that “knowledge is shaped by human interests of different kinds, rather than standing “objectively” independent from these interests” (Friesen, 2008, p. 1). By placing ideas in a broader context, the complexity of social and cultural conditions becomes

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apparent. By using this critical approach ideas and methods do not remain confined to their original background, but rather initiate new ways of understanding. Therefore, a development of new approaches is facilitated, and current states are questioned (Friesen, 2008, p. 3). Critical theory is “fuelled by a transformative intent and a particular concern with the culture of modern life” (Bronner, 2011, p. 4). This framework of critical theory contributes to our understanding of the theoretical aspects of mapping. In critical cartography, it is assumed that “maps make reality as much as they represent it” (Crampton & Krygier, 2014, p. 15). In this context it is of interest how “mapping and the cartographic gaze have coded subjects and produced identities” (Pickles, 2004, p. 12). However, critical cartographers do not only aspire to interpret the world but also to “change it through the melding of theory and political action” (Blomley, 2008, p. 285). Maps can be perceived as a tool to construct knowledge. Hence, they can be a powerful instrument to affect change. Brian Harley’s idea of maps as a representation of power and ideology remains significant in today’s map analysis (see also Sedelmeier & Baum, 2022 in this anthology). He perceived maps as social documents that need to be comprehended in their historical context and contested the prevalent assumption that maps are neutral scientific representations. Further, Harley’s conception emphasized the role of maps in human experiences, rather than the visualization or form of maps (Crampton & Krygier, 2014, p. 17). Harley defines cartography as a “body of theoretical and practical knowledge that map-makers employ to construct maps as a distinct mode of visual representation” (Harley, 1989, p. 3). In critical cartography, the distinction between the technical and the cultural production of maps has to be made. Generally, cartography is perceived as a means by which “the surface of the earth is represented as faithfully as possible” (Kitchin & Dodge, 2007, p. 331). For a long time, maps have been recognized as objective, neutral products of science. However, the selection of relevant features, as well as the degree of concreteness and conversely abstraction, results in subjective visualizations in maps and plays an important role in the interpretation of maps (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 6). Because “cartography is the science and technology of analysing and interpreting geographic relationships, and communicating the results by means of maps” (Harley, 1989, p. 2). The process of ‘construction’, which is central to social constructivism, takes also place during map-making and does not have to be an intentional action, but can also be a “culturally mediated pre-conscious process” (Kühne, 2019, p. 17). The utilization of the concept of critical cartography contributes to the understanding of the social patterns that govern as well as influence the interpretation of board games in a cultural context.

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In the context of critical cartography, Brian Harley was an influential figure, he drew on the ideas of Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida to suggest that the process of mapping was guided by power structures and not by neutral and objective perspectives. Harley argued that maps are infused with values and judgments of the individuals who constructed them. Ultimately, they also reflect the culture of the producers. “Maps are thus the product of privileged and formalized knowledges and they also produce knowledge about the world” (Kitchin & Dodge, 2007, p. 332). In the scientific context, numerous scholars have demonstrated the existence of this kind of power and ideology inherent in the visualization of maps. The selective nature of stories that maps tell is consequently incorporated in individual constructions of reality. John Pickles extends Harley’s observations by focusing on ‘the work that maps do, how they act to shape our understanding of the world, and how they code that world ‘(Pickles, 2004, p. 12). Pickles’ approach provides the framework to examine the effects of mapping without reducing the analysis to mere theories of power. Instead he refers to maps as “practices that have diverse effects within multiple and shifting contexts” (Kitchin & Dodge, 2007, p. 337). There is a need to deconstruct the map to be able to understand its true meaning (Harley, 1989, p. 3). Based on Harley’s assumption that cartographic facts are only facts within a specific cultural perspective, cartographic visualizations in games can be analyzed from a new perspective. The contents of maps are related to values, religious, ethnic, and political backgrounds, and social class. Further, they are embedded in the map-producing society at large (Harley, 1989, p. 5). Hence, social structures are concealed within abstract, instrumental spaces. An important implication of critical cartography is that maps can be considered as rhetorical devices (Crampton, 2001, p. 240). However, compared to language and communication studies, the functioning of maps has been investigated to a lesser extent (Robinson & Patchenik, 1977, p. 7). Generally, it can be determined that the process of creating a map is strongly influenced by subjective decisions. The degree of abstractness, as well as the including and excluding of specific features, is based on the purpose of the map and what it seeks to communicate. The investigation of cartographic visualizations in games facilitates the understanding of social processes. In alliance with social constructivist research, the questions are how urban landscapes are constructed. And how this construction influences interpretations in a social context. With a deconstructionist approach, it is attempted to enhance the understanding of how the map “works as an instrument operating on social reality” (Harley, 1989, p. 8). In the following section, a brief introduction to the board game Scotland Yard is given before the game is analyzed.

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Exemplary Board Game—Scotland Yard

The game was invented in 1983 by Werner Schlegel, Dorothy Garrels, Fritz Ifland, Manfred Burggraf, Werner Scheerer, and Wolf Hörmannand. It was published by Ravensburger and it is based on the children’s game cops and robbers. It features a combination of Hide and Seek with Tag in the form of a detective game. The game received the Game of the Year award in 1983. It was chosen for this article due to its map-like foundation of an urban landscape (cf. Fig. 1). The fact that it refers to an existing physical urban landscape, namely Central London, makes it possible to examine it from a critical cartography point of view. This framework, as well as the continuing popularity of the game, provides the basis for the analysis of the key questions posed in this article. The critical examination of the urban landscape of the board game contributes to a better understanding of culturally produced images of landscapes. Further, one can investigate how such visualizations influence the social perception of urban

Fig. 1 Scotland yard board. Source: own photo

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spaces. The aim is to demonstrate that a critical approach of culturally produced landscape representations is necessary because they do not strive to be a direct representation of the ‘real world’ but rather intend to serve a particular purpose. In this regard, the divergence between intention and perception is problematic and has to be addressed.

4

Critical Approach to Scotland Yard

The gameboard is based on a physical-material section of the earth with specific properties. In contrast to other board games, there are no additions or changes possible to the initial conditions of the game. The players cannot alter the game environment but have to utilize pre-existing conditions. Founded on Harley’s assumption that “[m]aps are a cultural text” the board game Scotland Yard is analyzed as such (Harley, 1989, p. 7). If the textuality of maps is accepted, several different interpretations can be embraced (Harley, 1989, p. 7). Based on Harley’s discourse approach four aspects for map analysis can be determined: representational hierarchy, cartographic silence, symbolism and embellishments, and geometrics (Glasze, 2009, p. 186). In the following, these four aspects are further examined in Scotland Yard.

4.1

Representational Hierarchy

The physical features visualized in the urban landscape include houses, vegetation, streets, parks, walking paths, bridges, and rivers (cf. Fig. 1). Famous buildings and institutions are highlighted through specific naming and difference in coloring, among the otherwise grey and colorless streets. This deliberate color scheme emphasizes the power relations present in London at the time the gameboard was created. It can be assumed that the lack of street and station names is motivated by an attempt to ensure an easy game experience on a simplified board. Nevertheless, this selection of accentuated details is interesting since the bus, taxi, and underground stations are the main features of the game. Whereas the highlighted buildings and squares have no purpose in the context of the game. The 199 stations are labeled with numbers and the allocated colors inform about the possible transport modes. Through its presentation style, the board game can be associated with a tourist map (Blades & Spencer, 1987, p. 67, McCleary, 2009). The issue of such an assumption is further elaborated in the following section.

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Cartographic Silence

Conducting a closer comparison of the Scotland Yard visualization and a conventional tourist map of London showed that there are significant differences. One aspect is the lack of a map legend, this supports the assumption that the creation was guided by the aim to produce a map that can be used intuitively. Through superimposing the game with a real map, it became apparent that most of the underground stations are omitted (in cartographic terms: “generalized”) on the board game map (cf. Fig. 2). Without a complete presentation of possible transport modes, a tourist map would become obsolete. This omission of stations could cause a deviating impression in players concerning their perception of distances within the city and the ability to bridge them. It has to be considered that the map was produced in 1983 and that a few underground lines have changed. For example, the Piccadilly Line, which runs from the north to the west of London, was opened in 1906 and can hence not be found on the map. However, the other lines in the Central London network have been built before 1983 and only a few of the stops are displayed on the Scotland Yard map (cf. Fig. 2). The result of this finding is contradictory because on the one hand it simplifies the movability within the space by providing an easy and uncluttered map. This has the advantage of supporting spatial orientation. Also, a simplified board can contribute to a more accurate formation of a cognitive map of Central London (Bestgen et al., 2017, p. 81, see also Lokka et al., 2018, Edler et al., 2014). On the other hand, it implies restricted access in terms of efficient long-term travel through the city. Hence, a modified impression of the urban landscape is conveyed. Subsequently, it can be reflected that an urban landscape like London cannot be visualized with its characteristic complexity but needs to be generalized to make it accessible for cultural purposes like games. However, this simplification facilitates the object location memory (Bestgen et al., 2017, p. 81). Therefore, the boardgame can contribute to a learning experience of spatial information. In the context of Scotland Yard the focus lies on key monuments, natural properties (river Thames) and the orientation within the transport system.

4.3

Symbolism and Embellishment

By creating a simplified version of the Central London street network, the inventors refrained from including any “graphic noise” that might distract the gaming

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Fig. 2 Schematic illustration of the included (black) and missing (white) underground stations in the left corner of the Scotland Yard map. Source: own illustration based on the Scotland Yard boardgame

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process (Robinson & Patchenik, 1977, p. 11). Only important features of the map are exemplified. For example, the public transport network, as well as physical properties like the river and parks and popular buildings and squares. Noticeable is the inclusion of urban vegetation on the map, with trees strung together in courtyards and parks. This as well as the salient colour draws significant attention to the green spaces in the urban environment. Apart from that, the standardization of the countless houses to an anonymous mass of greyness conceals the multicultural character and cultural diversity of the urban landscape (Tilley, 2019, p. 5). The “aggregate[d] urban dynamics” are getting lost in the game through its simplification, especially due to the reduced presentation of public transport stations (Tilley, 2019, p. 5). Hence it can be established that even though the observation of a map results in an “imagination of reality”, the map-like visualization in Scotland Yard does not reflect the real conditions of Central London (Robinson & Patchenik, 1977, p. 10). This departure from reality aligns with Harley’s statement that “[w]e standardize our maps and therefore our images of the world” (Harley, 1989, p. 13). He further argues that we must consider that such abstraction, repeatability, uniformity, and visuality shape our mental structures as they mediate a specific sense of the world. “It is the disjunction between those senses of place, and many alternative visions of what the world is, or what it might be, that has raised questions about the effect of cartography in society” (Harley, 1989, pp. 13–14).

4.4

Geometry

Looking at the selection of the visualized space, it can be noted that Trafalgar Square is located approximately in the center of the map. This is suitable due to its characteristic as a historically important space where people come together. The selected section of London’s urban landscape is limited to the very core of the city. With its strong focus on public transport, it almost seems to be no coincidence that the displayed area belongs today almost exclusively to the “ultra-low emission zone” in London (Transport for London, 2018). Considering Harley’s statement that “maps have […] helped to codify, to legitimate, and to promote the world views which are prevalent in different periods and places” (Harley, 1989, p. 6). The presumption arises that a connection between the visualization in the game and the idea of congestion charges exists. It has to be acknowledged that the ultra-low emission zone, along with the congestion charges was introduced in 2003. However, Leape states that proposals for the introduction of congestion charges in London have been made since the early 1960s (Leape, 2006, p. 157).

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During that time “urban congestion pricing schemes were generally thought to be unworkable” (Leape, 2006, p. 158). The implementation took place later due to the complexity of the scheme. In 2003 London began to impose a daily charge for driving and parking a vehicle on public roads within central London between the hours of 7:00 a.m. and 6:30 p.m. on workdays (Leape, 2006, p. 158). The main aim was to reallocate road space from private cars to public transportation. In retrospect, the implementation of congestion charges has been a success. The traffic and congestion decreased substantially within the zone. This resulted in reduced travel times, increased journey time reliability, and widespread public support (Leape, 2006, p. 173). There is no scientific evidence that such social ideas were intentionally incorporated into the game. However, since it can be assumed that the game was influenced by social conventions, values, and ideas that prevailed during its production, it is likely that intentionally or unintentionally such cultural ideas were implemented into the game. In the following section, the main findings will be summarized and discussed. Before a few concluding marks are made.

4.5

Discussion of the Board Game Visualization

“Maps categorize, define, arrange, locate, designate and thereby (re-)produce certain conceptions of the world. They affect our thinking and acting and are in this sense powerful” (Glasze, 2009, p. 181). In the case of Scotland Yard, such a manipulation of the map-like visualization is present. The game presents a very selective image of Central London. The boardgame is oriented on a simple and intuitive gaming experience. Even though the focus of the game is on public transportation, the available infrastructure has been altered significantly. The prevailing power structures are visible in the game. By highlighting the famous buildings and monuments, London’s heritage is emphasized. From an interpretational standpoint it can be noted that the visualization of the urban landscape is in many aspects detached from the “real city” it represents. The displayed uniformity, abstractness, and simplification of the urban landscape mediates an inaccurate image. This kind of representation can affect the perception of cities in a wider social context (Harley, 1989, p. 14). Maps are a medium of communication and therefore they have to be created with consideration (Crampton, 2001, p. 237, Robinson & Petchenik, 1977, p. 6). At the same time, it can be argued that “maps have helped to codify, to legitimate, and to promote the world views which are prevalent in different periods and places” (Harley, 1989, p. 6).

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Conclusion—Possibilities and Limits of Board Game Analysis

As shown in the introduction of this article, it is valuable to investigate cultural productions like games to get a better understanding of socially constructed perceptions. Especially concerning landscape research, it can be crucial to understand how a landscape is socially perceived. Furthermore, such findings can be extended to other research areas. The goal of this article was to introduce a critical approach to landscape visualization in board games as well as a discussion on the possible implication of such a reproduction of urban landscapes for the perception of players. Through the example, Scotland Yard, it became clear that landscape can play an important role in games and that its cartographic visualization can be analyzed to get a better idea of its cultural implications. Aside from the entertainment factor of the game, it also functions as a cultural medium that conveys socially constructed ideas and values (cf. Popper’s Three World Theory). Urban landscapes in boardgames are influenced by materialistic and social spheres and reflect cultural circumstances. Further, it is assumed that the socio-spatial order of games can be viewed as a reproduction of a socio-spatial world order (Wintzer, 2020, p. 22). However, within the gaming context, one can challenge the perception of spatial norms while simultaneously testing innovations. The sustained popularity of Scotland Yard suggests that spatial utilization of public transport modes to catch Mr. X with its strategic and cooperative aspects is still fascinating to many players. Maps are a subjective way “of looking at the world” and are therefore riddled with cultural nuances (Harley, 1989, p. 3). Maps much like games are culturally constructed products that are never neutral but can reinforce images and perceptions. Therefore, the utilization of games to influence awareness and perception has to be considered and critically questioned to better understand the cultural undertones that influenced their creation. Games serve to reinforce cultural norms and ideals while simulating an environment of cooperation and competition, therefore they are a medium to communicate and reinforce existing social structures. The existence of “Green games”—games that draw attention to environmental problems—is already a phenomenon that is attempting to utilize this power to influence cultural norms surrounding sustainability. The phenomenon of using games to influence people’s behaviors and perceptions is nothing new, however, the problems facing society today are ever evolving. Therefore, societies need to look at how games, their creation, and special subtext can be used as a tool to confront tomorrow’s challenges.

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References Bestgen, A.-K., Edler, D., Müller, C., Schulze, P., Dickmann, F., Kuchinke, L. (2017). Where Is It (in the Map)? Recall and Recognition of Spatial Information. Cartographica, 52(1): 80–97. Berr, K. (2018). Einführung. In K. Berr (Ed.), Transdisziplinäre Landschaftsforschung: Grundlagen und Perspektiven (pp. 1–24). Springer VS. Berr, K. (2022). Philosophical and cultural-theoretical approaches to play/playing. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Blades, M., & Spencer, C. (1987). How do people use maps to navigate through the world? Cartographica, 24(3), 64–75. Bronner, S. E. (2011). Introduction: What is critical theory? In S. E. Bronner (Ed.), Critical theory: A very short introduction (pp. 1–8). Oxford University Press. Crampton, J. W. (2001). Maps as social constructions: Power, communication and visualization. Progress in Human Geography, 25(2), 235–252. Crampton, J., & Krygier, J. (2014). An introduction to critical cartography. An International Journal for Critical Geographies, 4(1), 11–33. Dettmar, J. (2018). Landschaftsarchitektonische Strategien für die Stadtlandschaft – zum Verhältnis von Theorie und Praxis. Mit Anmerkungen zur transdisziplinären Landschaftsforschung. In K. Berr (Hrsg.), Transdisziplinäre Landschaftsforschung: Grundlagen und Perspektiven (pp. 133–154). Springer VS. Edler, D., Bestgen, A.-K., Kuchinke, L., Dickmann, F. (2014). Grids in topographic maps reduce distortions in the recall of learned object locations. PLOS ONE, 9(5), e98148. Edler, D. (2020). Where Spatial Visualization Meets Landscape Research and “Pinballology”: Examples of Landscape Construction in Pinball Games. In: KN - Journal of Cartography and Geographic Information, 70(2), 55–69. Fontaine, D. (2017). Simulierte Landschaften in der Postmoderne. Reflexionen und Befunde zu Disneyland, Wolfersheim und GTA V. Springer VS. Friesen, N. (2008). Critical theory ideology critique and the Myths of e-learning. Ubiquity, 9(22), 1–13. Glasze, G. (2009). Kritische Kartographie. Geographische Zeitschrift. Bd. 97, H.4 (S. 181– 191). Steiner. Gryl, I. (2022). Spaces, landscapes and games: The case of (Geography) education using the example of spatial citizenship and education for innovativeness. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Harley, J. B. (1989). Deconstructing the Map. Cartographica, 26(2), 1–20. Hauser, B. (2014). Spiel als notwendige Bedingung gelingender früher Sprachentwicklung. SAL-Bulletin, 151, 5–11. Hokema, D. (2018). Was ist und was kann transdisziplinäre Landschaftsforschung? In K. Berr (Ed.), Transdisziplinäre Landschaftsforschung: Grundlagen und Perspektiven (pp. 25–40). Springer VS. Huizinga, J. (1938). Homo Ludens: Versuch einer Bestimmung des Spielelementes der Kultur (3rd ed.). Akademie Verlagsanstalt Pantheon.

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Kitchin, R., & Dodge, M. (2007). Rethinking maps. Progress in Human Geography, 31(3), 331–344. Koegst, L., Baum, L. & Stintzing, M. (2022). Landscape in action. The teaching of ‘landscape’ in innovative excursion formats using the example of the digital urban geography excursion in Stuttgart developed within the project ‘InExkurs’. In D. Edler, O. Kühne & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Wiesbaden: Springer. Kühne, O. (2013). Landschaftstheorie und Landschaftspraxis. Eine Einführung aus sozialkonstruktivistischer Perspektive. Springer. Kühne, O. (2019). Landscape theories – a brief introduction. Springer. Kühne, O. (2020). Landscape conflicts—A theoretical approach based on the three worlds theory of Karl Popper and the conflict theory of Ralf Dahrendorf, Illustrated by the example of the energy system transformation in Germany. Sustainability, 12, 6772. https://doi. org/10.3390/su12176772. Kühne, O. (2021). Contours of a ‘Post-Critical’ Cartography—A Contribution to the Dissemination of Sociological Cartographic Research. KN Journal of Cartography and Geographic Information. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42489-021-00080-5. Kühne, O. (2022). Theoretical approaches to landscapes. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., Jenal, C., & Edler, D. (2020). Functions of landscape in games—A theoretical approach with case examples. Arts, 9, 123. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts9040123. Leape, J. (2006). The London congestion charge. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 20(4), 157–176. Lokka, I. E., Çöltekin, A., Wiener, J., Fabrikant, S. I., & Röcke, C. (2018). Virtual environments as memory training devices in navigational tasks for older adults. Scientific Reports, 8, 10809. McCleary, G. F. (2009). Confronting the tourist map: Divergent purposes and disparate users. In Anais da International Cartographic Conference. Chile. Papadimitriou, F. (2022). An evaluation system for games related to geography and landscapes in education. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Pickles, J. (2004). A history of spaces: Cartographic reason, mapping and the geo-coded world. Routledge. Piaget, J. (1969). Das Erwachen der Intelligenz Beim Kinde. Klett-Cotta. Robinson, A. H., & Petchenik, B. (1977). The map as communication system. Cartographica, 19, 7–15. Rogerson, M. J., Gibbs, M., Smith, W. (2016). “I love all the bits”: The Materiality of Boardgames. Proceedings of the 2016 CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems. Association for Computing Machinery, New York, NY, USA, 3956–3969. https://doi.org/10.1145/2858036.2858433. Schuster, K. (2022). The social psychological function of games. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Sedelmeier, T., & Baum, L. (2022). The controversity about colonialism in board games – illustrated by the example of Santa Maria. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer.

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Tilley, C. (2019). Introduction: Materialising the urban landscape. In C. Tilley (Ed.), London’s urban landscape (pp. 1–66). UCL Press. Transport for London. (2018). Ultra low emission zone/Congestion charge area in central London. URL: Ultra Low Emission Zone map (tfl.gov.uk). Accessed: 22. Jan. 2021. Wintzer, J. (2020). Raumtheorien durch Spielpraktiken vermitteln. Anleitung für spielend leichte Ontologien von Raum. Zeitschrift für Geographiedidaktik, 48(1), 18–30. https:// doi.org/10.18452/21388. Zagal, J. P., Rick, J., & Hsi, I. (2006). Collaborative games: Lessons learned from board games. Simulation & gaming, 37(1), 24–40. https://doi.org/10.1177/1046878105282279

Anna Katharina Eberhardt completed her teaching degree in English and Geography at the Eberhard Karls University in Tübingen. Additionally, she acquired her Bachelor of Science in Geography. During her studies, she spent one semester abroad at the University of Nottingham (UK). In 2020, she enrolled in the master‘s program Human Geography at the Ludwig-Maximilians-University in Munich to further specialize in the field of sustainability.

The Cartographic Representation of Model Railroad Landscapes—Theoretical Considerations and Empirical Results from Model Railroad-Related Literature Olaf Kühne, Dennis Edler, and Corinna Jenal Abstract

The designed terrain of a model railroad has—if the builder wants to be considered a ‘serious model railroad operator’ and not a ‘toy train operator’—several functions: it legitimizes the railroad installation, it creates a temporal contextualization for the rolling stock and it conceals parts of the model railroad that are to be hidden from view. An essential medium for conveying the conventions of the design of this terrain, based on a common sense understanding of landscape, is model railroad-related literature. This literature

The present contribution is an extension of the following essay published in German language: Kühne, O., Edler, D., & Jenal, C. (2021). The Abstraction of an Idealization: Cartographic Representations of Model Railroads. Die Abstraktion der Idealisierung— über kartographische Repräsentationen von Modellbahnlandschaften. KN—Journal of Cartography and Geographic Information. doi: 10.1007/s42489-020–00,064-x O. Kühne (B) · C. Jenal Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] C. Jenal e-mail: [email protected] D. Edler Ruhr Universität Bochum, Bochum, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_8

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in turn often makes use of cartographic representations. These representations are arranged between the polarity of pure track plans (with recourse to abstract signatures) and topographic representations, which use a concrete signature language to create abstract line signatures for track representations. In addition, block images provide a three-dimensional impression of the railroad system to be depicted. All in all, a rather simple, intuitively accessible representation dominates which, within certain conventions, leaves room for individual design. The most frequently depicted motif landscape is with a low mountain range and semi-open while settlements are only hinted at. There is a congruence here between stereotypical landscape preferences and budgetary constraints. This paper places the results of an explorative study in the context of current landscape theory research. Keywords

Cartography • Model railroad • Model railway • Social constructivism • Landscape • Game • Conventions • Signatures • Model railroad landscape

1

Introduction

With regard to model railroads, there are only a few references in the cartographic literature that point to a far-reaching social interest in this specific kind of 3D visualization (see inter alia Monmonier, 1993, p. 21). For example, in an international volume on true-3D visualization, Fritsche emphasizes (Buchroithner, 2012) “the fascination for miniaturizing things” when creating model railroad landscapes (Fritsche, 2012, p. 86). The designed terrain is what makes a model railroad credible, according to common opinion in model railroad-related literature. What is often referred to as ‘terrain’, ‘nature’ and especially ‘landscape’ is not only subject to conventions of representation in the model but is also related to the example to be copied (see also Kühne et al., 2022 in this anthology). Finally, it must be learned what can be synthesized as ‘landscape’ and may be communicated without loss of social recognition. The following article deals, on the one hand, with such conventions and, on the other hand, with the communication of these conventions by means of model railroad-related literature, especially with regard to cartographic representations. Even though model railroads in general—and model railroad landscapes in particular—have become the subject of investigations not only in the technical sciences, but also in the social and cultural sciences (Hörz, 2016; Hörz and

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Klenke, 2016; Kühne 2018b; Kühne et al., 2020; Kühne et al., 2021; Kühne and Schmitt 2012a, 2012b; Meyhöfer, 1996), a theoretically framed empirical study of the cartographic forms of representation in the context of model railroads is still lacking. In the following, this will be carried out exploratively in a first approach. In order to make such a classification, a compact insight into the theoretical framework of the work, the social constructivist landscape theory, is given before the meaning of ’landscape’ in model railroads is discussed. The patterns of cartographic abstractions of model railroads are then dealt with by presenting evaluations of model railroad-related literature from slightly longer than the last six decades. The importance of cartographic representations for the design of model railroads and—related to this—the mediation of conventions will be considered afterwards.

2

A compact theoretical framework: the social construction of landscape

In this contribution, a social constructivist perspective on ‘landscape’ is adopted (see also Al-Khanbashi, 2022; Aschenbrand, 2022; Eberhardt, 2022; Fontaine, 2022; Gryl, 2022; Jutz, 2022; Jutz and Endreß, 2022; Koegst, 2022; Koegst et al., 2022; Kühne 2022a, 2022b in this anthology). Although the social constructivist approach fits into the context of constructivist approaches to landscape, it also takes materialities into account, which—in comparison to the radical constructivist approach—makes it highly suitable for investigating the symbolic contents of the material world (for different landscape theories see Bourassa, 1991; Howard et al., 2019; Kühne 2019a, 2019b; Winchester et al., 2003; Wylie, 2007). The central idea of the social constructivist approach in landscape research is based on the assumption that landscape is not a physical space but refers to social patterns of interpretation and evaluation that are constitutive for the creation of landscape. ‘Landscape’ is thus projected into physical space, it is not the physical space (among many: Aschenbrand, 2016; Cosgrove, 1984; Greider and Garkovich, 1994; Kühne 2018d; Stotten, 2019). In the process of (landscape-related) socialization, the individual is empowered to communicate about landscape without loss of social recognition. The socialization of landscape takes place in three modes (Kühne 2018a, 2020; Kühne and Jenal, 2020): 1. The mode of the ‘normal native landscape’ is formed by the fact that the child experiences its own living environment. The objects that are experienced as

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landscape—with the mediation of significant others (especially parents, siblings, etc.)—have positive emotional connotations and are connected to the norm of stability. The ideas of landscape which are formed are very individual. 2. The mode of the ‘common-sense landscape’ comprises concepts of landscape that are accepted in society. It contains, in particular, aesthetic but also ecological stereotypes and is systematically taught at school, unsystematically through the press, internet, films, illustrated books, novels and much more. These ideas are strongly normatively charged, ‘beauty’ and ‘naturalness’ are central. 3. The mode of ‘expert special knowledge repositories’ is based on education in various scientific landscape-related disciplines (geography, landscape architecture, agricultural sciences etc.) and is therefore not generally available. In the course of studies, certain—among themselves different—patterns of interpretation and evaluation of landscape are conveyed. This mode is strongly deficit-oriented, whereupon a subject-specific norm of change is formulated (e.g. to restore ‘historically grown cultural landscape’). The different modes are associated with competing interpretations: an old industrial area, for example, can have a positive local connotation, but it can be considered ‘ugly’ under the mode of aesthetic stereotypes (Jenal, 2019; Kühne, 2007; Schönwald, 2015). These competing interpretations are interpersonal but also intrapersonal (for example, when an expert does not recognize his or her own normal native landscape as corresponding to the professional ideals). Especially in the expert construction of landscape, there is a dominance of the visual over the other senses, while the ‘normal native landscape’ is also characterized by auditory and olfactory stimuli (Dodt et al., 2017; Hasse, 1993; Kühne and Edler, 2018). The process complementary to socialization is innovation, although it is much more selective and less extensive (Dahrendorf, 1959; Popper and Eccles, 1977). Socially shared ideas—in this case of landscape—can be changed by individuals through new interpretations and evaluations, while these innovations are conceded especially to experts (Edler, 2020; Edler and Dickmann, 2017; Kühne, 2013; Nowotny, 2005; Stemmer et al., 2019). The functionally differentiated society is also characterized by the need to develop experts for specific functions and structures within the society but also in dealing with the non-societal environment. The development of knowledge societies is based on “expert systems” that “have penetrated all areas of social life” (Knorr-Cetina, 2002, p. 11). Special knowledge cultures have been developed as “practices, mechanisms and principles which, bound by kinship, necessity

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and historical coincidence, determine how we know what we know in a field of knowledge”. (Knorr-Cetina, 2002, p. 11). This characteristic of ’knowledge cultures’ also manifests itself in the area of free-time activities, in this case the design of model railroads and their ‘landscape’.

3

Landscape and its cartographic representation in model railroad literature

The meaning of ‘landscape’ and its cartographic representation was methodologically evaluated using model railroad-related literature. The evaluation is based on 24 publications from 1959 to 2020 (the list of references can be found below the bibliography). The aim was to identify essential patterns of interpretation and evaluation with regard to landscape and its cartographic representation and to describe them with descriptive statistical analysis results.

3.1

The importance of landscape for model railroads

The presence of ‘landscape’ in model railroads ranges from a little-noticed backdrop (with the ‘operation’ in the foreground) to absolute dominance in barely operable dioramas where smaller sceneries are elaborately designed with a high degree of detail. Since model railroads are also associated with toys for children, there are numerous examples in abundant model railroad literature on how to design and operate a ‘serious’ model railroad. This is highlighted, for example, by Hill (2007, p. 5) in the first chapter of his book: “With this volume, dear readers, we want to help you to go from being a ‘toy train operator to a model train operator’”. (Similar examples can be found in Hill, 2000; Stein et al. 1994). Claims of this kind show, on the one hand, the difference of the ‘expert special knowledge bases’, whereby these were generally not acquired by scientific study but rather by practice and experience, from which—partly (as will be shown later) forcedly presented—norms and categorical evaluations are derived. On the other hand, the ‘helping’ mentioned above can be explained with Paris (2005, p. 25) as “power without self-interest, but with self-elevation”, by explaining model railroad-specific norms of distinction from the “toy train operator”. The physical objects designed and arranged as a ‘model railroad landscape’ beyond the railroad installations (landscape is generally referred to as something which is not a railroad installation) have the task of giving credibility to the

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layout of the track systems. This is done with regard to several aspects, following common-sense experiences from the ’model’: 1. Legitimation: Track systems must be legitimized by settlements, industrial plants, facilities for goods handling, etc. Thus, a large main station (which is essential for varied railroad operation—not for operating a toy) appears implausible against the backdrop of a village. 2. Temporal contextualization: The ‘landscaping’ must (to avoid the threat of disqualification as a ‘toy railroad operator’) fit the operational epoch of the rolling stock. For example, a wind turbine of the present (Epoch VI) otherwise appears out of place compared to a railroad system representing the period between the two world wars (Epoch II). 3. Concealment: For varied operation (in the prototype, the same train does not appear in a station every two minutes), trains have to be parked undercover (staging yards), so that ‘landscape’ has to be designed in a way that the layout allows such staging yards (often on a lower level) (Fig. 1). In this context Balcke (2003, p. 11) criticizes that in many model railroad systems, there is a “disturbing juxtaposition of too many railroad lines and stations in a too small system area”. Instead of this, Kiegeland (1981, p. 7) formulated the goal of designing a facility with a “landscape that looked as if it had been there first, and later the railroad”. The main challenge is the ‘scale problem’, i.e. in the popular scale H0 (1:87), one kilometer of track in the example to be copied corresponds to 11.5 m of track in the model (which of course also applies to the relief energy). Accordingly, the number of ‘scenic’ compartments is limited (wishing to represent the northern German coast and the Alps is considered an indicator for a ‘toy train operator’). Due to this regulation and the need for concealment, the theme ‘low mountain range landscape with (medium-sized) town and village’ is chosen very often and also because it corresponds to the aesthetic stereotypes of landscape that are widespread in Germany (Kühne 2018c)—except for the city which, however, is necessary due to the legitimation of the popular model railroad system theme ‘two-track main line with branch-off secondary line’. The choice of special themes, such as ‘industrial landscape’ or ‘coast with port’, is based either on special thematic preferences (often regarding model railroad operation) or on corresponding local, normal landscape references (Kühne 2018b; Kühne and Schmitt 2012a, 2012b). Even if a ‘realistic’ design of the system is considered the norm, the ‘rivet counter’ (who expects an extremely prototypical design of the rolling material), is used analogously to the ‘leaf counter’ (which strives

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Fig. 1 Section of a model railroad landscape, characterized by the builder’s preference for old industrial plants in his normal native landscape. At the same time, the industrial facilities legitimize extensive goods operations, the urban settlement in the background is used for passenger operations, the reproduction of the relief also serves to conceal tracks inside the hill, and the reproduction of buildings and motor vehicles links the system to the period of the early 1970s/late 1980s (own photo)

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to reproduce green plants to resemble the original as closely as possible); Rieche et al., 2002). It is defined as a deviant form.

3.2

Cartographic abstractions in model railroad literature

The operation of rolling stock requires the design of a model railroad layout. In this respect, model railroad-related literature is not only dedicated to the presentation of locomotives and wagons in the model and example to be copied, but also to the design of terrain, settlements, vegetation, etc. This design is not only conveyed in photographs and drawings but also in cartographic representations. These serve as abstract overviews of whole systems or larger parts of them. With the goal of identifying essential features of model railroad-related literature, the 525 cartographic representations available in the above-mentioned literature were examined by means of categorization based on an inductive approach with regard to essential contents and their cartographic forms of representation. Cartographic representations are always the result of a complex interpretation process of ‘world’. They always use explicit and implicit conventions (Harley, 2002). Since—as shown—an expert discourse did indeed emerge in the context of the design of model railroads, we will also address the question of whether implicit conventions underlie this design, and if so which ones. The investigated cartographic representations can be divided into three main categories (Fig. 2): 1) block images, 2) topographic representations and 3) track plans. The latter, in turn, can be subdivided into exclusive track plans, in which only track courses, at best with elevation data, can be found: (a), track plans,

block image

21.9

topographical representaon

20.0

track plan with several topographic elements

8.0

track plan with railroad operang facilies or individual topographical elements

30.1

exclusive track plan

20.1 0

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10

15

20

25

30

35

Fig. 2 Inductive categorization of the 525 cartographic representations examined, data in percent (own survey)

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which also contain representations of railroad operation buildings or few topographical indications, e.g. buildings in the vicinity of the railroad installations (b) and (c), track plans, which in addition contain topographical indications over the whole area of the system representation, but still put the track facilities in the foreground of the representation. This changes with the topographic representations where the importance of the track systems is also reduced in the representation. Landscape aspects dominate (Fig. 3). The block diagram represents a special case, in which entire systems or parts of systems are shown in three dimensions (Fig. 3). The symbology follows the categories shown above: While abstract symbols (simple line symbols for tracks) are used for the exclusive track plans and the variety of symbols is correspondingly small, the share of pictorial symbols increases up to the topographic representation. To represent the railroad tracks, with only few exceptions, simple line symbols are used and the variety of the signatures increases correspondingly (Fig. 3). In block images, abstract symbols have completely disappeared in favor of a pictorial representation. With the exception of tracks and sometimes buildings, abstract symbols are rarely used in the cartographic representations examined. Instead of using a legend (2.9 percent), explanations are written directly into the cartographic representations (28.8 percent). More than two thirds of the illustrations examined (68.4 percent) do not use any written explanations at all. Obviously, the users’ reading convention of always understanding simple line symbols as tracks and the ability to interpret pictorial symbols correctly are expected. This convention is complemented by another special feature of cartographic representations related to model railroads: With the exception of one (!), the representation of isohypses is omitted. Hatching, or more rarely terrain rendering, is used for relief representation. These are apparently easier to understand intuitively and are better suited to the pictorial sign language especially since, in model railroad cartography, it rarely depends on exact information on elevation of the terrain (except for the definition of gradient routes, which is then done by labeling the track signatures with elevation information) (Fig. 4 and 5). The symbology used correlates to a high degree with the variety of symbols (Fig. 6), the coefficient of determination is (after transformation to interval scale level) R2 = 0.81. This means: If only abstract symbols are used, their variety (i.e. different forms of the used signatures) is low. In topographic representations it is high, and in block representations, it is highest. Here the representations are usually individually created, few exceptions are the few block diagrams created using model railroad software.

136 Fig. 3 Idealized representation of the categories of model railroad cartography obtained using an inductive approach, here using the example of a small layout: From above (pure track plan) the number of displayed objects increases. Second illustration from above: in this track diagram you can also find illustrations of railroad operating buildings. Below this is an idealized representation of a track diagram, in which topographic elements can also be found throughout the entire layout. In the topographical representation, there is less track-relatedness. In addition to buildings that are not solely related to railroad operations, there are also other landscape-related representations such as vegetation or water bodies. Overall, the representation is also graphically less reduced than the plans. (Design and cartography: Olaf Kühne)

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Fig. 4 The model system presented in Fig. 3 as plans and topographical representation as a block diagram. The three-dimensional representation gives a plastic image of the system design. (Design and implementation: Dennis Edler)

only concrete symbols or purely individual representation

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concrete symbols dominate, abstract symbols complement

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abstract and concrete symbols are displayed in approximately the same scope

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abstract symbols dominate, concrete symbols complement

11.4

only abstract symbols

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Fig. 5 The signature language of the examined cartographic representations, data in percent (n = 525; own survey)

As a result of the great importance of the orography relevant information can be found in about two thirds of the investigated representations (Fig. 7), again with the dominance of low mountain ranges already discussed. This great importance of orography is also indirectly indicated by the lower degrees of representation of settlements or buildings, which are not found in 47.2 percent of the cartographic representations examined. The authors of the cartographic representations of model railroad layouts seem to consider references to vegetation even

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45

42.5

40 35 30 23.4

25 20

16.0

16.2

high

individual design

15 10 5

0 low

medium

Fig. 6 The variety of signatures of the examined cartographic representations, in percent (n = 525; own survey)

coast

0.6

flat land

3.6

hilly

18.1

low mountain range

41.0

high mountains

4.4

not shown

32.4 0

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Fig. 7 Orographic allocations of the examined cartographic representations, data in percent (n = 525; own survey)

more dispensable: This is missing in 57.7 percent of the cartographic representations (Fig. 8). It is remarkable in the depiction of vegetation that a dominance of semi-open structures, i.e. the change between low (pastures, meadows), medium (bushes) and higher vegetation (trees and forest) can be found. The accumulation of this representation coincides on the one hand with the preference for ’semi-open landscapes’, which is widely encountered and intensively discussed in landscape research (among many: Antrop, 2015; Dearden, 1984; Gehring, 2006;

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selement dominates

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semi-open landscape dominates

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open landscape dominates

8.6

forest dominates

1.9

not shown

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50

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70

Fig. 8 The representation of vegetation in the examined cartographic representations, data in percent (n = 525; own survey)

Howley, 2011; Kaplan and Kaplan, 1989; Kühne 2018b). On the other hand, it can also be explained by the budget restrictions of building a model railroad—model representations of trees and, even more, of buildings cost many times more per unit of model railroad area than representations of low vegetation. In this respect, the frequently found design corresponds to stereotypical landscape ideas and to a monetary compromise in terms of equipment. As mentioned in the previous section, authors of model railroad-related literature formulate the landscape norm to design the model railroad layout as if the railroad had been built into the ‘landscape’ and not the ‘landscape’ around the tracks. However, this claim is only partially fulfilled by the investigated representations (Fig. 9). Even if the category ‘Pure railroad facilities, no landscape

No railroad facilies

1.0

Railroad facilies have a subordinate importance compared to landscape

5.3

Landscape context dominates railroad facilies

19.4

Railroad facilies fit into the landscape context

19.6

Railroad facilies dominate

33.9

Pure railroad facilies, no landscape contextualizaon

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Fig. 9 The contextualization of the track systems in the ’landscape’, data in percent (n = 525; own survey)

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contextualization’ is excluded, which is based on the representation of pure track plans in which no landscape contextualization is provided, the examined cartographic representations show that a large dominance of railroad facilities can be found. Accordingly, landscape rather functions as a backdrop for the operation and presentation of the rolling stock. All in all, a rather simple cartographic representation dominates, which relies on a concrete symbology and which, through its pictorial style (cf. Dickmann, 2018, p. 147), is intuitively understandable. This dispenses with more complex representations and abstract symbols that are not immediately intuitive. In addition, the representation of scale is largely redundant. It is often created and mediated by a grid (whose lengths represent different distances for different model railroad scales). Accordingly, multi-layered representations are also missing. Even though the conventions of model railroad cartography seem to be based on the described conventions, there is still a wide range of variation: The publications do not show a uniform selection of characters even with comparable cartographic representations. Even in the case of pure track plans, which suggest a rather small range of variation in the representation of symbols, the line widths of the line symbols vary considerably. The same applies to the use of colors; usually without a compelling reason in terms of content, the cartographic representations are printed in color, black and white, or in grayscale—possibly also due to pragmatic printing considerations of the publishers involved.

4

Conclusion

If one’s own claim in the discourse community of model railroad enthusiasts is to be regarded as a ‘serious model railroad operator’, this means constantly moving between the Scylla of the ‘toy train operator’ and the Charybdis of the ‘leaf counter’. Model railroad-related literature, whether in book or magazine form, has the function of conveying expert knowledge about technical design. However, it also fulfills normative aesthetic requirements regarding model railroad layouts. Essential conventions are disseminated and the above-mentioned deviation patterns serve to safeguard them. Thus, in the design (and also the operation) of model railroads, features of different ‘knowledge cultures’ that are characteristic for modern times also manifest themselves as a result of functional differentiation within society. The construction of model railroads is ultimately a threefold construction process: Based on stereotypical common sense about landscape (first construction

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process), a translation into an expert discourse characterized by autodidacticism takes place, in which it is negotiated how the layout of a ‘serious model railroad operator’ is to be designed (second construction process). As a third construction step, the individual material manifestation of what has been learned takes place in a layout (here a stronger personal negotiation between the actors takes place; Kühne and Schmitt 2012b). An element of mediation between the second and third phases of the triple construction process is the representation of model railroads in the specific literature by means of cartographic representations. This is subject to implicit conventions. Thus, the cartographic representations are presented in a single-layered manner and, in addition to the representations of tracks, use pictorial symbols in particular; hatching or terrain rendering is used to depict differences in relief. In this respect, they are—pragmatically oriented towards the intended purpose—intuitively understandable even for people without any great knowledge of cartographic representation. The ‘graphicness’ is increased by the use of (also colored) 3D block images, purely pictorial representations. All in all, the cartographic representations of model railroad landscapes represent an abstract, reduced representation of model railroad layouts, which in turn are the result of stereotypical ideas (common sense expectations), individual preferences (often related to the ‘normal landscape of the home region’) of and on the landscape and technical/spatial restrictions (especially with regard to scale). However, the cartographic representations examined also clearly show that the goal of creating a synthesis of track systems and terrain that appears as if the tracks had been laid in the ‘landscape’ is only realized in pure form in a few systems. The others represent a compromise between the focus on railroad operations, the necessary track systems, budget restrictions (e.g. with regard to the acquisition of building models), and especially limitations of the available space. The result is that the ‘landscape’ not only serves the purpose of temporal contextualization and spatial legitimization but especially of concealing the limited space. The fact that the result is often a depiction of low mountainous areas coincides with widespread aesthetic preferences for this type of ‘landscape’ in Germany and beyond (Kühne 2018c). Themes that deviate from this, especially the ‘industrial landscape’, often find references to the ‘normal native landscape’. The present explorative study shows in different dimensions the potential for further scientific investigation. Basically, versatile approaches of 3D miniature modeling of “one’s own” landscapes illustrate the high interest of model railroad enthusiasts to realize their own ideas. This seems to be almost comparable to web communities that share and evaluate 3D models of textured buildings online (see 3D Warehouse by SketchUp or Unreal Engine 4 Marketplace). The ‘translation’ of landscapes into 2D cartographic representations represents traditional

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approaches that are followed in model railroad literature. Hints from modern cartography could professionalize the representation of model railroad layouts. Sometimes, it appears quite simple and lacking in detail. Progressive developments in 3D-cartography with methods of Virtual Reality (VR), for example by integrating official—and thus spatially highly accurate—terrain models, point to possibilities to offer model railroad cartography more digitally in the future (cf. Edler et al., 2019; Hruby et al., 2019; Lütjens et al., 2019). Studies of spatial cognition research would also be useful with regard to the question of what influence cartographic representations have on the spatial appropriation of users (see, for example, experimental approaches in Keil et al., 2020; Lokka and Çöltekin, 2019; Popelka and Brychtova, 2013). This also applies to the questions of whether and how these are perceived and evaluated in comparison to photos and drawings. The question is also open regarding the criteria used by the authors of the cartographic representations. In general, it seems worth dealing with the topic of model railroad cartography in particular and model railroad landscape in general, since social processes of interpretation and evaluation of landscape—and not least its miniaturized material production—can be observed exemplarily.

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Evaluated model railroad landscape related literature Balcke, G. (2003). Modellbahn Landschaft. Viele praktische Tipps für Planung und Gestaltung. Cordes, I. (2004). Tauern-Potpourri. Kaffeepause im Gasteinertal. In: MIBA Spezial 60: Landschaft im Modell, S. 14–25. Heel Verlag (2016). Modelleisenbahn. Gleispläne perfekt umgesetzt. Königswinter. Hill, M. (2000). Modellbahn Gleispläne. 100 Ideen für kleine und große Anlagen. Düsseldorf. Hill, M. (2007). Modellbahn Anlagenplanung. Der richtige Weg zur vorbildgetreuen Modellbahn. Hoße, M., Dahl, C., Schäller, H.-D., & Schnitzer, J. (2020). Lexikon der Modelleisenbahn. Horb. Hörth, B., & Hörth, B. (2004). Frühling ist Blütezeit. Statt Sommergrün frische farbige Blütenpracht. In: MIBA Spezial 60: Landschaft im Modell, (S. 30–35). Hübchen, O. (1959). Die Modelleisenbahn in der Landschaft. Baubeschreibung meiner Modell-Schau „Eisenbahn und Natur“. Bremen-Hemelingen. Kalvari, A., & Kalvari, J. (2004a). Hitze in der Kleinstadt. Sommer, Sonne, Freibadzeit. In: MIBA Spezial 60: Landschaft im Modell, (S. 46–49). Kalvari, A., & Kalvari, J. (2004b). Reif für die Insel. Eine kräftige Brise Seeluft. In: MIBA Spezial 60: Landschaft im Modell, (S. 82–85). Kiegeland, B. (1981). Modelleisenbahn. Von der Planung bis zum Spielbetrieb. Gütersloh. Knaden, M. (2004). Karierte Maiglöckchen. In: MIBA Spezial 60: Landschaft im Modell, (S. 3). Koch, S. (2007). Links und rechts der Gleise. Wie Modellbahn-Strecken richtig gestaltet werden. Fürstenfeldbruck. Kolbe, R. (1999). Dumjahn’s Bahn-Rezensionen online: Ästhetische Fragen. Stein, Bernhard: Meine schönsten Modellbahnanlagen. Highlights der 90er Jahre. http://www.dum jahn.de/rezensionen_035.html (zuletzt abgerufen am 20.9.2011) Mauer, T. (2019). Modellbahn-Landschaft. Die Anlage wird grün: Vegetation, Felsen, Gewässer, Details. Fürstenfeldbruck, Essen. Meier, H. (2004a). Mehr als nur Grasgrün. In: MIBA Spezial 60: Landschaft im Modell, (S. 6–13). Meier, H. (2004b). Vom Golfrasen zur Unkrautwiese. Grasfasern und matten. In: MIBA Spezial 60: Landschaft im Modell, S: 54–59. Miba-Redaktion (Hrsg.). (2002). Die schönsten Modellbahn Anlagen aus „MIBAMiniaturbahnen“. Augsburg.

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Reinthaler, P., & Spieth, H. J. (1995). Vorbildliche Modell-Bahnhöfe. Gleisplanung, Bau und Ausstattung. Rieche, A., & Rieche, B. (2003). Modellbahn Landschaft. Planung, Gestaltung, Methoden, Materialien. Fürstenfeldbruck. Riegler, T. (2009). Die schönsten Modellbahn-Anlagen. Selbst planen und gestalten. Poing. Stein, B. (1994). Bernhard Steins schönste Modellbahnanlagen und Dioramen. Augsburg. Stein, B. (2000). Meine schönsten Modellbahnanlagen. Highlights der 90er Jahre. Stuttgart. Wiss, L. (2004). Canyons, Sand und Eisenbahn. Die Eisenbahn in der Landschaft. In: MIBA Spezial 60: Landschaft im Modell, (S. 36–44).

Prof. Dr. Dr. Olaf Kühne, Eberhard Karls University Tübingen, Geography, Urban and Regional Development. Dr. Dennis Edler Ruhr University Bochum, Geography, Geomatics. Dr. Corinna Jenal, Eberhard Karls University Tübingen, Geography, Urban and Regional Development.

Taunting Landscapes in Pinball Games Dennis Edler

Abstract

Pinball is a popular (retro) game which has fascinated generations of players. Although the endless game always leads to a player’s moment of loss, the successful story of pinball continues. Accompanied by a game of speed and spontaneity, pinball machines present different themes which ‘tell’ a spatial story and immerse the players into landscapes which are not only composed of physical objects and object arrangements but (in line with Karl Popper’s three interacting worlds) also transport and communicate cultural aspects affecting an individual cognitive processing. These landscapes can be considered as individual social constructions, and the aspect of provoking, sometimes even celebrating the loss of the player within these landscapes by a programmed and animated electromechanical (retro game) machine seems to be an established game feature, at least from the 1990s onwards. The concept of taunting the player and, thus, making landscape elements taunt the player through (multisensory) animations are addressed in this paper. Examples of taunting animations in 1990s pinball machines are presented and discussed in this short article. It appears that, for example, the idea of a ‘taunting head’, an object representing a ventriloquist dummy ‘brought to life’ through electromechanical and audiovisual animations, was a pioneering development in pinball history, leading to a strengthening of the (from the player’s perspective: hopeless) player-pinball-relationship (the player is losing anyway), but without counteracting the pleasure of playing the game. D. Edler (B) Ruhr-Universität Bochum, Bochum, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_9

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Keywords

Landscape Research • Landscape • Social Constructivism • Pinball Pinballology • Animation • Taunting

1

•

Introduction

Games have fascinated societies for thousands of years. They invite people to escape from their everyday routine and they animate their players to create and to pretend imaginary spatial settings (see also Adams, 2014; Calleja, 2010; Fontaine, 2017; Therrien, 2014). The immersion into these imaginary ‘worlds’ are based on map-like visualizations provided by the creators of the (analog or digital) games (for further reading on the design of immersive spatial visualizations, see for e.g. Huang et al., 2021; Keil et al., 2021a; Medy´nska-Gulij and Zagata, 2020). These game-based spatial visualizations and the spatiotemporal events taking place on or in them trigger the cognitive creation of individual landscapes. These landscapes comprise physical arrangements as well as social and cultural meanings and evaluations (Kühne et al., 2020, 2021). In games, the landscape concept cannot be reduced to material components which form a physical arrangement suggesting ‘objectivity’. As the game creator has to fulfill the tasks to design media (components), to ‘guide’ the course of play, and to make winning and losing possible, games and their spatial stories are bound to a certain degree of a game creator’s ‘subjectivity’. Taking the game creator’s impact for granted, the physical appearance of the spatial game setting forms the basis for an individual processing of the game-based spatial story. Processing the game implies influences that originate in individual and social aspects. In other words, the game, including its spatiotemporal changes, can be addressed as a social construct that mediates social and cultural knowledge. This involves the social construction of game landscapes (Edler, 2020). Landscape theory, in the context of game landscapes, often refers to Karl Popper’s three interacting worlds (Popper, 1973; Popper and Eccles, 1977; Popper [1984] 2018, 1987, 2019): a world of physical objects (world 1) is connected with a world of individual mental processes (world 2) and a (culturally influenced) world of abstractions (world 3) emerging from and, at the same time, influencing world 2 through their representations in the physical world 1 (see also Kühne et al., 2020, in this volume: Kühne et al., 2022; Kühne, 2022a, 2022b; for further reading on “worlds” in game studies, see Wolf, 2014). In line with this theoretical access, it has repeatedly been stressed that the construction of social

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knowledge in modern and postmodern societies is driven by the production and, especially, consumption of mass media (Burgess & Gold, 1985; Kühne & Schönwald, 2015; Zimmermann, 2019). The impact imposed by mass media is not only limited to the level of social consciousness. Mass media also transfer knowledge of the ‘material shape’ of landscapes, which causes the formation of cognitive representations of landscapes according to physical qualities (Dear, 2000; Kühne & Schönwald, 2015), often including an auditory dimension (Edler and Kühne, 2019; Hruby, 2019; Lammert-Siepmann et al., 2017). This includes common (positivistic) spatial parameters, such as coordinates (object locations) as well as distances and directional changes (angles) between ‘catchy’ physical landscape objects (e.g. Dickmann et al., 2021, 2017; Keil et al., 2021b, 2020; Stevens and Coupe, 1978; Tversky, 1981). Hence, consuming or rather playing a game involves a ‘material’ landscape layer (mainly designed by the game creator) as well as an individual and social and cultural evaluation of spatial events taking place in game landscapes. Additionally, game landscapes are suggested to have a strong attracting component, as they satisfy a desire for escapism (Fontaine, 2017). The reality of everyday life can be mentally ‘left’ for a certain time, and a different imaginary ‘world of enjoyment’ can be ‘entered’. There are games that, a first glance, represent a certain level of oddity, as this ‘imaginary world of enjoyment’ is bound to an (endless) struggle against defeat. Moreover (and this aspect is highlighted in this article), this pressure is even intensified by animations within the game which mock players in situations of struggle and loss. Nevertheless, players like to be part of an (apparently entertaining) spatial game setting which they could never win (as there is no real limit for a victory) and which is taunting them. Although taunting is psychologically associated with something negative and strengthening the idea of win and loss (see Yee, 2006), it seems to be a socially constructed and accepted additional element supporting amusement in the experience of a game landscape, even if it requires additional emotional investment in the game itself. A striking example of a such an animated game is pinball. It has fascinated generations of players, which also leads to its present status of a cherished (animated) “retro” game. Based on a selection of examples of pinball games, this article intends to indicate how players (which are immersed into a game landscape) can be taunted through animations.

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Pinball in a nutshell

For about a whole century, generations of players have been fascinated by pinball games, whose ‘ancestors’, such as the (billiards-related and non-electrical) French game “Bagatelle”, already amused people in the eighteenth century. Pinball is famous for its sophisticated individual designs (see Ciuffo, 2014), leading to a fast game ‘telling’ a ‘spatial story’. The development and progress of a serious pinball industry has its origins in the United States of the late 1920s and early 1930s. In the 1950s, many pinball machines were equipped with electromechanical features. These machines addressed various themes. Although video and computer gaming took over the leading role in the modern game industry in the 1990s, new pinball machines are still manufactured and released today (Burgun, 2013; Joosten, 2021). Pinball machines are known as established (coin-operated) games found in venues, such as bars and amusement arcades. Today, they are also referred to as retro games and, as such, they are cherished by a world-wide community (Fowlks, 2019). They are famous for their elaborate design, and since the 1940s (often associated with the first electro-mechanical pinball game “Humpty Dumpty”, see Rossignoli, 2011), the game includes high components of velocity, changes and spontaneity—directed by the permanently changing path of a metallic ball (often referred to as “silver ball”). It requires a high degree of concentration. An integral part of the gameplay is the rapidly changing amount of (multisensory) stimuli that apparently provoke cognitive overloads in the brains of the individual players (Edler et al., 2018). In pinball games, the simple but challenging aim is to score as many points as possible, following the idea of “score equals skill” (Lanzinger, 2019, p. 105). This game of skill is dependent on several metallic balls (also referred to as “silver ball”, see Flower & Kurtz, 1988). These balls must be kept in a playfield which can be regarded as a map-like spatial representation. The playfield is placed in a glass-covered cabinet and arranged in an inclined position. The glass panel keeps the player from touching objects in the playfield, which prevents manipulating the dynamic flow of the ball and the subsequent game score. Player interaction is limited to the possibilities of two small (electro-)mechanical levers which are usually located at the bottom of the playfield. These levers are known as “flippers” (see also Rossignoli, 2011, p. 37). These flippers can be used to influence the path of the metallic ball by shooting it back into the playfield. If several interactive objects on the field are hit, such as bumbers, spinners and ramps or other (more thematic and animated) targets, the score goes up. Some targets or combinations of target hits can be related to playfield or display animations. In the

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1990s, screens have become established components of pinball machines. They are usually mounted below a backglass image. Between the two levers is a drain. The game is over when the (last) ball has fallen into this drain. Pinball games can differ in difficulty depending on specific design parameter, such as the inclination of the playfield, the length and shape of the levers or the number and arrangement of items which can accelerate the metallic ball and change its direction. Figure 1 gives an impression of a pinball machine in use.

3

Examples of Taunting Animations in Pinball Games

This brief (rather technical) introduction of a pinball machine in the previous section should have indicated that a pinball machine is a compilation of different electronical and/or electromechanical components which can be combined in various ways to represent multisensory pinball landscapes and to ‘tell’ the animated stories within them. Taunting the player(s) can also be conducted in various ways and with different combinations of the potential components of the pinball machines. The following selection might present three catchy and illustrative examples. It should however be stressed that this selection is without any claim of completeness. Let us begin with a 1990 pinball concept of a game that is ‘watching’ (and at the same time: taunting) the player (3.1), before we focus on examples of dot matrix displays (3.2) and ways of stressing the event of loss (3.3).

3.1

The Taunting Head

The idea of taunting a player in pinball history is often associated with “Rudy”. This name refers to an electromechanical ventriloquist dummy located in the playfield of the pinball machine FunHouse (Fig. 2). Mechanically, the animated head is following the ball with its eyes (spatial component) within a fantasy playfield theatre (the game landscape refers to a fictional and mystical house), which led to the advertising slogan: “The game is watching you!”. Depending on the player’s success within the game (technically speaking, depending on the combination of hits), Rudy provokes the player with “trash-talk” which often points to the weaknesses in the individual way of playing. Examples of such taunting comments are: “You missed again!” “Now who’s the dummy?”, “That was no accident!” (after missing a hit). Moreover, Rudy’s remarks, such as “I’m not happy with you now”, “You’re making me very unhappy” and “I thought we were pals” are expressions of disappointment and try to

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Fig. 1 A running pinball machine (The Addam’s Family, released by Bally in 1992) (picture: Dennis Edler)

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Fig. 2 ‘Sleeping Rudy’ (FunHouse, released by Williams in 1990) (picture: Pinmationbuddy, published under public domain license: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FunHouse_(pin ball)#/media/File:Funhouse_Rudy.jpg (access: 21/07/2021, 9:58 am)

touch a ‘personal level’ within the game. The comments are also accompanied by different facial expressions (see Rossignoli, 2011, p. 164). The idea of the ‘talking head’, a component of the pinball game with obscure situations (close friend of the player or distant and mysterious enemy, between fantasy and horror?), was adopted in several other pinball machines after FunHouse led to a pioneering success. The concept of taunting, accompanied by ‘playing with’ the player’s trust in a suggested human-like character within the game, is a characteristic development within the history of the pinball game. Later pinball machines (from the mid-1990s onwards) took over related mechanics and animations, such the pinball machines Circus Voltaire (1997), Champion’s Pub (1998), Junk Yard (1996), and Red & Ted’s Road Show (1994).

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Animations in Dot-Matrix Displays

Animations played during a pinball game are not limited to the pinball playfield. The pinball machine Checkpoint (released by DataEast in 1991) was a pioneering machine in terms of technical innovation at that time (Shalhoub, 2012, p. 132). Checkpoint was equipped with a dot matrix display, a rectangular electronical display device used to represent animated graphics using lights or similar mechanical indicators. The graphical animations on the display, often accompanied by sound animations, increased the potentials of immersion into the game story and the pinball landscapes (and specific locations within these landscapes) where these games take place. It also offered pinball creators with new forms of communication with the player. This also implied that situations within the game could be intensified, such as reactions of the fictional antagonists of the player (struggling within the endless game). Figure 3 is a compilation of examples from different pinball machines where the player is confronted with additional stimuli emphasizing the permanent danger of losing the game. The obstacles in the game (represented by fictional animated enemies) are made vivid through the display. And if these enemies score a success, the subsequent display animations can be considered as a game element mocking and taunting the player in this specific moment, such as a dancing monkey in a fictional situation in Egypt in Indiana Jones (1993), evil eyes of vampires in Dracula (1993), a greedy and hunting hand in Pinball Magic (1995), a threatening and provoking fortress in Medieval Madness (1997), and an exclamation (“Bam!”) of the fictional boxer O’Brien after beating back the ball in Champion’s Pub (1998). Such example animations on the display are not only accompanying situations within the running game, but also in situations of defeat.

3.3

Closing Theme ‘Celebrating’ the loss

Taunting the player is not only limited to actions and animations during the game phase. Examples exist where the pinball machine continues even after the game is lost. A prominent example can be experienced after losing against the pinball machine The Addam’s Family (Fig. 1). The pinball theme, as the name already reveals, is related to the fictional story and characters of the Addamses, a satirical interpretation of an ideal–typical American family of the twentieth century which became famous in various examples in popular culture (television series, cartoons, movies). The (catchy)

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Fig. 3 Impressions of dot-matrix animations in 1990 pinball machines (source: own photographs)

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theme song of the television series (da da da, *clap-clap*; da da da *clap-clap; da da da, da da da, da da da *clap-clap*) was also used as a sound animation in the above mentioned pinball machine. It happens that the song is played directly after the loss of the game, while the catchy clapping in the song is accompanied and strengthened by a rhythmical ‘clapping’ of the flipper buttons. It appears that the main components which gave support to the player within the game (holding the silver ball within the playfield and shooting the ball to increase the score) turns out to be part of the ‘animated multisensory theatre’ trying to defeat you. In addition, the sound of the animated flipper buttons appears like a taunting applause for the player’s weak performance. A similar ‘provoking end’ is part of the pinball machine Haunted House (1982). After losing the final ball (game over), the machine plays a sad organ song reminding of a song played at a funeral.

4

Taunting as an Intensifying Layer in Pinball Landscapes

Taunting the player within risky situations in fictional game landscapes appears to be a successful and established concept of pinball (and other related video and computer games focused on missions against defeat). Animations which taunt the player add another culturally transported layer to the game and to its spatial story which leaves the layer of physical objects and their spatial (and spatiotemporal) arrangements. With regard to Karl Popper’s three worlds, the layer of taunting intensifies the meaning of the worlds of individual mental processes (world 2) and, especially, the culturally affected world of abstractions (world 3), without losing interaction with the world of physical objects, as the abstractions influence individual processing based on representations of the physical world. It appears that taunting animations, represented through, for instance, humanoid playfield-objects, additional display animations or closing themes, intensifies the situation of the player in the game. The endless game can never be entirely won, as the machine has always the defeating moment. Even if a successful player might temporarily hold the first place in the scoring list, there is always the moment of loss within the game (the ball will definitely fall into the drain), and there is always the danger that somebody else (invited by the game) could eliminate the high score. In other words, the pinball player accepts the role of the loser (sooner or later), and taunting the player intensifies this ‘hopeless’ relationship between the (human) player and the machine. Pinball landscapes are

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therefore charged with this inevitable human–machine-relationship, and the concept of taunting is a ‘playful’ and culturally charged additional layer in pinball game landscapes.

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Dennis Edler studied English philology and Geography (B.A., 2006–2009) at the RuhrUniversity Bochum (RUB) and University College Cork (UCC). He also spent several study periods at other European universities and research institutes: Regent’s Park College (Univ. of Oxford), Riga Technical University (RTU), Mediterranean Agronomic Institute of Chania (MAICh) and German Aerospace Center (DLR). As a master student (M.Sc., 2009–2011), he specialized in Cartography, GIS and Remote Sensing. In his doctoral thesis (2012–2015), he conducted experimental studies on the effects of artificial map elements, such as grids, on the accuracy of spatial memory. Since 2015, he holds a permanent staff position as a senior lecturer at the Ruhr-University Bochum (Institute of Geography). In June 2020, he achieved the academic qualification of habilitation in the subject Geography. His current research and teaching activities involve modern analytical and visualization methods based on open source software, open geodata, multimedia technologies and (immersive) 3D representations of geographic space. Dennis has been an enthusiastic gamer since his childhood in 1990s, and he considers pinball as a fascinating game bringing together game studies, cultural studies, cartography, arts and engineering techniques. Therefore, he likes the idea of supporting a “pinball-ology”, a term and concept coined by Marco Rossignoli (2011, p. 20). Email: [email protected]

The Beach in the Box—Aspects of the Construction and Experience of a Hybrid Landscape Olaf Kühne, Vera Denzer, and Christel Eißner Abstract

Beach can be understood as a hybrid space, an ‘anomalous category’ (Fiske, J. (2003). Lesarten des Populären (Cultural studies, vol. 1). Wien: Löcker.) between land and sea. Due to its low determinacy, it offers space for activities beyond everyday obligations and has been symbolically charged in the course of cultural history. Accordingly, there are numerous stereotypes about the beach and beach life. With the help of the beach box, in which respondents could re-enact their ideas of the last beach they experienced and their ideal beach, we gained access to commonly-held understandings of beach specifically (also, interestingly, because respondents at the German Congress of Geography in September 2019 designed their ideal arrangements not under professional but recreational modes). Essential here are the relatively small deviations between the ideal and the most recently visited beach, as well, also the longing for solitude and sharing the experience with ‘significant others’.

O. Kühne (B) Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] V. Denzer · C. Eißner Universität Leipzig, Leipzig, Germany e-mail: [email protected] C. Eißner e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_10

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Keywords

Beach • Constructivism • Experience • Coast • Landscape • Phenomenology Landscape socialization

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Introduction

The ‘coast’ in general and the ‘beach’ in particular receive special attention in the cultural and social sciences (e.g. Döring et al., 2005; Lenˇcek and Bosker, 1998; Osbaldiston, 2018; Preston-Whyte, 2004; Urbain, 2003), since they represent landscape components that are ‘abnormal’ or ‘hybrid’ both in terms of their material foundations and in terms of the patterns of action and symbolic connotations imbued there (Fiske, 2003; Kühne and Weber, 2019). Starting from a social constructivist, phenomenologically broadened basic understanding of material arrangements understood or experienced as ‘landscape’, we specifically pursue the parallel questions of whether and which collective attributions of purpose underlie the patterns of meaning and values associated with beach, and to what extent a scholarly contemplation of any kind involving beach as a spatial category has a modifying effect. We begin with the presentation of our theoretical framework, which, however, we summarize quite concisely—since in the meantime numerous landscape-theoretical survey works are available—so that we can reduce the explanations in this regard to the necessary minimum in the context of the present contribution thereby focusing instead on the topic of beach (see, e.g. Howard et al., 2019; Kühne et al., 2019; Kühne 2019c; Winchester et al., 2003; Wylie, 2007; in this volume: Kühne et al., 2022). Following this, we present our empirical approach: the beach box. Thereupon, we outline the results of our beach box survey at the German Congress of Geography (Deutscher Kongress für Geographie; DKG) in September 2019 and relate these to our 2008 survey of laypersons using an identical methodology (Denzer et al., 2010). Finally, we synthesize the results, place them in our theoretical framework, and formulate further research possibilities.

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Theoretical considerations—the differentiation of the socialization of landscape and beach

That ‘landscape’ is not simply a physical, objectively ascertainable object is one of the widely shared views in social and cultural landscape research. Landscape is a configuration of tangible and abstract qualities, the perception of which is

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based upon socially shared conventions, including patterns of interpretation and evaluation (see also Kühne 2022b in this anthology). Thereby, both the physical foundations, the individual understandings as well as the social conventions are subject to processes of change, which can be described as a ‘threefold landscape change’ (Kühne, 2018a, 2019a, 2020a; in this volume also: Al-Khanbashi, 2022; Berr, 2022; Gryl, 2022; Jutz and Endreß, 2022; Koegst, 2022; Kühne, 2022a). The different levels and processes can be framed in different theoretical ways: (i) if phenomenological approaches focus on the relationship between the person and the physical world (Hasse, 2012; Kazig, 2007) (ii) the relationship between person and society is of particular interest from the perspective of constructivism, whereby different approaches have developed here, such as social constructivist landscape research, which is particularly concerned with the relationships between individual and social conceptions of landscape (Kühne 2018b) and (iii) the methodological approach of analyzing landscape in its textuality, in order to be able to address the polyphonic symbolic content as well as social and cultural everyday practices of the constructed landscape (Denzer, 2019). In addition to these perspectives used in this paper—the power relationships of landscape, its system-specific construction, and its discursive negotiated qualities can also be addressed from a critical perspective (iv). If landscape is understood as a social construct, the question of socialization of landscape takes on central importance, i.e., how individuals learn what can be interpreted and evaluated as landscape and in which ways. The process of landscape socialization occurs in phases. In these phases (most of which are not strictly separated from each other) specific appropriations and internalizations are carried out. In the first phase, the ‘native homeland landscape’ emerges, incorporating specific physical arrangements in and around the home place. The second phase is characterized by the emergence of the ‘stereotypical landscape’, in which the socializing is introduced to the (socially and culturally quite differentiated) commonly-held understanding of landscape. The third (optional) phase takes place in the context of a landscape-related (professional) education. Here, certain landscape-related, professionally specified expertise knowledge is internalized (cf. Kost, 2017; Kühne, 2008a, 2019b; Stotten, 2013). In the following, we will use the example of the topic ‘beach’ to present the theoretical perspectives outlined in the introduction in more detail. Beach can be defined—to quote John Fiske (2003, p. 51)—as “an anomalous category between land and sea that is neither, but contains features of both”. It represents a hybrid space of land and sea, as well as air, a place-time entanglement “outside mundane normality” (Fiske, 2003, p. 51), beyond work and

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everyday life. In contrast to the beach, the sea is counted as nature, which is characterized as “untamed, uncivilized, raw” (Fiske, 2003, p. 52). A social transformation of the ‘anomalous category’ beach is associated with activities that in other physical-social contexts can lead to a loss of social recognition (such as bathing at the city fountain or sunbathing at the train station; cf. also Löfgren, 2002). Beaches exhibit great symbolic significance in the socialization of landscape (see also Aschenbrand, 2022 in this anthology). They are, e.g., a central element for the youth culture that grows out of it—as in Fiske (2003, p. 68)—“because youth itself is an anomalous category, that between child and adult”; a meaning that is in turn recursively solidified by the media (in song lyrics, television, and films) and contributes to assigning an idealized meaning to the beach as a place of ‘escape from everyday life’ (cf. also Kiefl, 2001; Kühne and Weber, 2019). The appropriations, symbolic attributions, and valuations of the transitional space of water (usually sea) and land that are widespread today (at least in the Western world) is the result of a process that lasted several centuries. Firstly, the social construction of coast and beach as places of contemplation is laid out through literature and painting. Secondly, it is also a result of the construction of physical space in the context of the development of seaside resorts with corresponding infrastructure (such as Brighton in southern England or Binz on the island of Rügen). Thirdly, it is also a result of the modernization of society, which manifests itself here in the form of the separation of work and leisure, an increase in income granted to large parts of the population, but also the appropriation of aesthetic formerly ‘refined’ patterns of value and interpretation by bearers of middling tastes (in the sense of Bourdieu, 1987 [1979]; among many Aschenbrand, 2017; Brilli, 2001; Büttner, 2006; Kühne, 2007; Osbaldiston, 2018; Urbain, 2003). Fourth, in order to be able to understand coasts (in general) and especially beaches of an aestheticizing view, as places of idleness or sporting activity, this requires an inner and potentially outer distance that is not given to those who pursue arduous work here (e.g., as fishermen or sailors) or who see their lives threatened by storm tides (for this interpretation, for instance Burckhardt, 2006; Ritter, 1996). Fifth, beaches enable the experience of dynamic sublimity from an involved distance (Kühne, 2012, 2020b): the dangers of the sea are (normally, except for tsunamis) relativized by the shore, which makes a distanced aesthetic engagement possible. From the perspective of the Tourist Gaze, “domesticated beaches (…) enabled the visual consumption of the otherwise wild, untamed and ‘natural’ sea” (Urry and Larsen, 2011, p. 160 unter Bezug auf Corbin, 1994). Activities at the beach, however, also require a situationally appropriate use of linguistic expressions (such as, depending on the time of day, being able to express aesthetic judgments), physical activity and self-expression

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(such as surfing) as well as knowledge of certain social conventions of going to the beach, which are also subject to spatiotemporal differentiation (not everywhere in the world is it legal and acceptable to drive across the beach in a private pickup truck; cf. Kühne and Weber, 2019). In the aestheticizing confrontation with the physical structure that is beach, landscape stereotypes as generalizations of everyday life that facilitate decisionmaking (Lippmann, 1922), are actualized, reproduced, and can in turn become a norm of experience for others, provided that they are communicated (Aschenbrand, 2019; Urry, 2002 [1990]). Nevertheless, social conventions about the use and interpretation of beaches are not stable, but subject to developments in the context of modernization: thus, the aestheticization, of rather ‘natural’ combinations of objects, becomes expanded to objects of technical origin (such as lighthouses, harbor facilities, bridges, coastal roads). Through mass motorization and infrastructural development, even remote stretches of coastline became increasingly accessible. With the car, ‘impressions’ can be consumed serially in rapid succession. Lingering for days and even weeks at a single place with a view for aesthetic edification, on the other hand, has fallen out of fashion. The experience of a beach at different times of the day, in different weather conditions, has been replaced on the one hand by a distanced sequence of visits oriented to the stereotypical landscape mode of viewing (and today often depicted in social media), and on the other hand—in the case of an extended sojourn—by a relapse into the charm of the scenic backdrop: the beach becomes the physical starting substrate for activities such as sunbathing, beach sports, the consumption of drinks in community, the reading of books, the preoccupation with the smartphone, etc. The beach has also become the starting point for a variety of activities (Burckhardt, 2006; Löfgren, 2002; Sutter, 2005; Vöckler, 1998). The inescapable physicality of the confrontation with the phenomenon of the beach has a thoroughly paradoxical effect: tourists seek (socially normalized) solitude, which they then destroy for others through their own presence (Enzensberger, 1962; siehe auch Osbaldiston, 2018). In short: the contemplative access of the individual to the place of beach, which is laid out in literature, music, and painting, has diminished in its binding force, but is still a part of idealized collective patterns of values and interpretations.

3

The method of the beach box

At the German Congress of Geography (Deutscher Kongress für Geographie, DKG) 2019 in Kiel, conference participants were asked to recreate their

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most recently visited beach and their ideal beach in a beach box (wooden box) with the help of photos depicting natural beach materials (such as shells, sand, gravel, etc.) and models of beach props (e.g., sunshade, deck chair, bath towel, etc.). Non-existing props as well as aspects of synaesthetic and sensory dimensions (e.g., wind, warmth, calmness) were supplemented with text cards: these beach boxes designed by the participants were photographed for the subsequent quantitative and qualitative evaluation (Fig. 1). Finally, a short questionnaire was used to record the explanations of the “beach box builders” about their beach boxes (including the perspective from which the ideal beach was constructed and where the last visited beach was located) as well as socio-demographic information about the participant and the reason for the conference visit. At this point, we would like to thank all participants in the study for their support. The survey, which ran from September 26–29, 2019, involved 64 participants, 44 of whom stated that they were participants at DKG—30 speakers, 9 exhibitors, and 7 who had been at DKG in some other capacity (multiple answers were possible). Overall, it can be deduced (as is to be expected at a professional conference) that the vast majority of respondents had an expert’s special knowledge about spatial phenomena. Using this method, which was largely analogous to an earlier survey (cf. Denzer et al., 2010), an attempt is made to use quantifiable indicators to exploratively capture underlying commonly-held understandings of beaches. Compared to the previous study, in which passers-by in Leipzig were interviewed, we also hoped to gain insights into whether, and to what extent, the assessment of persons with

Fig. 1 Last visited (VB) and ideal beach (IB) of a 26-year-old conference participant from Hungary (own photographs)

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‘expert-like special knowledge’ (participants of a professional congress) differed from those without this prior knowledge.

4

Results of the beach box survey

4.1

“Beach constructions”—a first insight

A first look at the beach box photos and the survey results shows that 61% of the most recently visited beaches were visited in connection with vacations and excursions thereby being perceived and experienced as a place beyond the everyday world. This is also true for 51% of the ideal beaches, which were designed purely from the perspective of recreation. For another 22% of the participants, ecological aspects play a role in the ideal beach in addition to recreation. Already at this point it becomes clear that there are no significant differences between participants with expert knowledge and “laypeople” (as in Denzer et al., 2010) in the design of the ideal beach which can be established. Beyond the finding that laypersons and experts construct beach in similar ways, being based on a commonly-held understanding of beach, essential patterns of the social construction of beach can be identified. To characterize the two types of beach, all the elements mentioned (cf. Fig. 2) were grouped into the following five categories: natural elements, human artifacts, social contacts, activities, and synaesthetic elements/quasi-elements (cf. Fig. 3). The word cloud (Fig. 2) illustrates the ‘component diversity’ of beach on the part of the respondents: building on the presupposed beach-specific ‘basic component’ of water as one aspect and gently sloping coastline as another with shells dominating the respondents’ imagination. In 30% of the cases, the beach boxes of ‘real beach’, in the sense of the last visited beach, and ‘ideal beach’ deviated between strongly to very strongly from each other and just under half of all constructions showed only slight deviations. While the ideal beach is more often associated with elements of nature, such as shells, dune, bushes, waves, palm trees, birds, sun, turtles, etc., the last visited beach is depicted as being furnished with many cultural objects. With reference to Fiske (2003), the human artifacts on the beach refer to an interior aspect, to social structures and culture, which are consequently taken outside (vgl. Fiske, 2003, p. 52). With more extensive “furnishing,” the most recently visited beach is thus closer to cultural than to natural/seaside. Ultimately, both beach types in their constructed state refer to a hybrid, anomalous place, albeit with different percentages of named elements from the five categories listed above (Fig. 3). The

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Fig. 2 The elements of the ‘real beach’ represented by the subjects in the beach box (Illustration: Dirschauer 2021)

Fig. 3 Association of element groups, differentiated by last visited (VB) or ideal beach (IB) (arithmetic mean of proportions in %, n = 64) (Compiled by the authors)

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overall comparatively small differences between ‘real’ and ‘ideal’ beaches can be interpreted against the background of the dominant commonly-held interpretation pattern of beach: beaches are visited for recreation and beaches are chosen for recreational aspects most representative of the widespread commonly-held understanding of beach.

4.2

Beach atmospheres

As explained in Sect. 2, the approach to beach—based on cultural history—is dominated less by a cognitive, purpose-rational access than by an atmospheric experience. The term atmosphere is used to connote spatially extended feelings “rooted in lived situations” that are “not ‘understood’ cognitively, but experienced corporeally” (Hasse, 2012, p. 12; Böhme, 2020). Such environments are ephemeral and communication about atmospheres takes place through qualities of synaesthetic impression—through feeling and meaning (cf. Hasse, 2012, p. 12). Recreation (in the broader sense, vacation in the narrower sense) in the context of beach is tied to a dimension of perception that can be corporeally felt and experienced (vgl. Hasse, 2002, p. 24; Denzer et al., 2010, 193; 197; 24f Fig. 4). Thus, the entry ‘recreation’ dominates the definition of the ideal beach. Beach is thereby also symbolically charged and represents a counterbalance to (stressful) everyday life. The sought-after recreation is not limited to a passive persistence in a reclining position or even a contemplative immersion but is often connected with voluntary, and seldomly purposeful, movement. The flâneur, who

Fig. 4 Proportion of element groups (%) depending on the perspective from which the ideal beach was displayed (Compiled by the authors)

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relates to himself in the experience of his environment, withdraws—for a limited time—from the social hierarchy (vgl. Urry and Larsen, 2011, p. 22). The beach, a popular boundary for a strolling walk between land and sea, regarded as a moment “in a sacred no man’s land outside the profane normality” (vgl. Fiske, 2003, p. 52). But beachside booths also provide a backdrop for sporting activities: “Bodies perform themselves in-between direct sensation of the ‘other’ and various sensescapes” (Urry and Larsen, 2011, p. 196 citing Rodaway 1994). “Bodies navigate backwards and forwards between directly sensing the external world as they move bodily in and through it” (Urry and Larsen, 2011, p. 196). Here, the low determinacy of the anomalous category beach also becomes clear: the material equipment of this hybrid space allows determinations only in the case of massive interventions in the physical space, whereby the indeterminacy opens up space for activities that would not be possible in more determinate places or would be possible at the cost of negative sanctions—e.g., playing Frisbee in Tübingen’s main railroad station is physically possible, but socially risky. Other categories of corporeal sensation that can be related to a beach atmosphere, such as wind, warmth, as well as expansiveness, are primarily associated with an ideal state. It is interesting to note that the feeling of spaciousness, which is “expressed corporeally in feelings of relaxation, dozing off or falling asleep” (Hasse, 2002, p. 92) is mentioned more frequently in the last beach visited (Fig. 5). ‘Experiencing expansiveness’ seems to be a welcome side effect of visiting the beach but does not seem to be integrated as a primary element of the idealization of beach. Recreation is often linked to loneliness. Loneliness, which as an ambivalent experience “between burden and pleasure, between despair and longing” can also take on an undesirable dimension (Schellhamer, 2018, p. 1). But it is also made more difficult by the presence of ‘significant others’ (Mead, 1934) in terms of the dimension of undesirability: in the choice of ‘significant others’ assigned to the ‘ideal beach’, a high degree of selectivity regarding the desired physical copresence shows a particular importance, especially spouses (but also friends) are more desired than the whole family (Fig. 6).

4.3

(Idealized) collective value and interpretation patterns symbolically mediated

Possible attributions of meaning to frequently mentioned natural and cultural elements associated with beaches allow for inferences about collective human-nature relationships, in general, and subject-object relationships, specifically. Metaphors

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Wind

Loneliness

Spaciousness

Food & Drink

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Sky

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Fig. 5 Synaesthetic impression qualities (Compiled by the authors)

are particularly suitable for communicating the intensities of such atmospheres (Hasse, 2012, p. 12). Beach, which is primarily associated not with sand but with dunes, is said to have a recreational effect. A dispensing of the focused attention associated with recreation (vgl. Hartig et al., 2007) is underlined by the practice of ‘going for a walk’ (Burckhardt, 2006). The aesthetic dimension of the

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Fig. 6 Significant others at the last visited and ideal beach (absolute numbers; compiled by the authors)

landscape, which resonates with the idea of dunes, can be attributed a therapeutic meaning (Gebhard and Kistemann, 2016; Münderlein, 2020). Stones, pebble beaches, rocks, and empty/deserted locations are, however, more often associated with the ideal beach and thus located somewhat more in proximity to nature. Almost two-thirds of all participants associate shells with beach, by far the most frequent association, which metaphorically refers to a residential element and evokes dreams of refuge (vgl. Bachelard, 2003, p. 118 f). In contrast to this, boat as a metaphor can be interpreted as symbolizing travel, departure, changes in life, longing, but also arrival (cf. impressario, wordpress.com; Becker, 1998). At this point, we will not go into further, religiously influenced attributions of meaning. The boat plays a role in 15 ideal beaches and in 20 last visited beaches. The “deck chair” is mentioned equally often in both beach types. In its construction, this comfortable seating promises relaxation and slowing down outdoors, in the open air, and in its functionality refers to culture, to indoors. Specific beach facilities such as “shower” and “beach bar/kiosk” refer physically as well as symbolically to the possible return from nature to culture (vgl. Fiske, 2003, p. 58). With the first, showering off both sand and salt water is made possible, and with the second, food intake becomes an option. While the “sunshade” for protection against dangers of nature such as a sunburn is mentioned quite often in both beach types, other beach amenities such as “shower/toilet” appear much more often in the last visited beach. At this point, it should be noted that cultural objects are also quite often of importance at the ideal beach; depending on the perspective, the proportion of human artifacts varies. For a good 18% of the respondents, even the last beach visited corresponded to the

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ideal beach, as the comparison of the visual representations of the pairs of beach boxes revealed.

5

Conclusion and outlook (need for further research)

In the case of the ideal beach, natural features (see above) come to the fore, which correlate with stereotypical ideas of a dream beach (cf. Denzer et al., 2010); family, spouse, children, and friends as well as sporting activities along with going for a walk are very important. Synaesthetic dimensions such as slowing down, contemplation, noise, and sensory perceptible elements (such as sun, wind, warmth,…) play a rather subordinate role compared to the dream beach (vgl. Denzer et al., 2010). Beach is framed as a place of recreation, which is primarily characterized by combinations of natural elements. The contemplative to active solitude is thereby ideally shared with significant others with whom there is a much desired relationship. Here we can also make reference to Fiske’s “anomalous” category. Beach as the place beyond the professional and everyday life, also seemingly beyond routine and reality (Habermas, 1995a, 1995b), something like a spatially constructed temporal escape for experiencing the phenomena of utopia. This also seems remarkable against the professional background of the interviewees, who turn to the questions of ‘spaces’ in an analytical way, but ‘beach’ seems to be largely withdrawn from this view, because the overwhelming number of interviewees associate recreation with the ideal beach, other allowances, such as ecological ones, on the other hand, recede in their importance. Individual allowances and stereotypical expectations dominate the construction of ideals from the perspective of expert special knowledge. Beach seems to have such a strong anchoring as an idealized place of ‘escape from everyday life’ that even among an expert audience at a professional convention commonly-held understandings dominate over expert interpretive patterns, whereas their usually expert interpretations dominate native or commonly-held interpretations (Burckhardt, 2004; Kühne, 2008b; Schneider, 1989). As a result of the dominance of human geographers at the Congress of Geography and the small sample size, it was not possible to ascertain whether there was a difference in beach construction between physical and human geographers; this could only be clarified by further empirical research. However, this is only one question that can be explored with the topic of beach in connection with the beach box method. The beach box has proven itself as a method, not only in terms of capturing individual socially shaped understandings and idealizations of the beach, but also as a low-threshold and stimulating method

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that can be used to quickly create an open-mindedness among subjects in order to conduct qualitative interviews afterwards or in parallel. It can also be used as a hook for quantitative surveys. In this respect, it is suitable for researching social and individually updated landscape constructions.

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Kühne, O. (2008b). Distinktion – Macht – Landschaft. Zur sozialen Definition von Landschaft. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Kühne, O. (2012). Stadt – Landschaft – Hybridität. Ästhetische Bezüge im postmodernen Los Angeles mit seinen modernen Persistenzen. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2018a). Die Landschaften 1, 2 und 3 und ihr Wandel. Perspektiven für die Landschaftsforschung in der Geographie – 50 Jahre nach Kiel. Berichte. Geographie und Landeskunde, 92 (3–4), 217–231. Kühne, O. (2018). Landschaftstheorie und Landschaftspraxis. Eine Einführung aus sozialkonstruktivistischer Perspektive (2., aktualisierte und überarbeitete). Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2019a). Der dreifache Landschaftswandel. Forum Raumentwicklung, 1, 18–19. Kühne, O. (2019). Die Sozialisation von Landschaft. In O. Kühne, F. Weber, K. Berr, & C. Jenal (Eds.), Handbuch Landschaft (pp. 301–312). Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2019). Landscape Theories. A Brief Introduction. Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2020a). Landscape Conflicts. A Theoretical Approach Based on the Three Worlds Theory of Karl Popper and the Conflict Theory of Ralf Dahrendorf, Illustrated by the Example of the Energy System Transformation in Germany. Sustainability: Science, Practice and Policy, 12(17), 1–20.https://doi.org/10.3390/su12176772 Kühne, O. (2020). Salton Sea, Kalifornien: Hybride Landschaftsprozesse zwischen Euphorie und Endzeit. In R. Duttmann, O. Kühne, & F. Weber (Eds.), Landschaft als Prozess (pp. 311–326). Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2022). Play between the modes, the categories and the media of landscape – on the model train journey from Wanne-Eickel Hbf to Wattenscheid Hbf. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The Social Construction of Landscape in Games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O. (2022). Theoretical approaches to landscapes. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The Social Construction of Landscape in Games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., & Weber, F. (2019). Hybrid California. Annäherungen an den Golden State, seine Entwicklungen, Ästhetisierungen und Inszenierungen. Wiesbaden: Springer VS. Kühne, O., Weber, F., Berr, K., & Jenal, C. (Eds.). (2019). Handbuch Landschaft. Springer VS. Kühne, O., Jenal, C., & Edler, D. (2022). Landscapes in Games. Insights and Overviews on Contingencies between Worlds 1, 2 and 3. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The Social Construction of Landscape in Games (in this volume). Wiesbaden: Springer. Lenˇcek, L., & Bosker, G. (1998). The beach. The history of paradise on earth. London u. a.: Secker & Warburg. Lippmann, W. (1922). Public Opinion. Harcourt Brace & Company. Löfgren, O. (2002). On Holiday. A History of Vacationing. University of California Press. Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, Self, and Society: From the Standpoint of a Social Behaviorist. University of Chicago Press. Münderlein, D. (2020). Gesundheits- und Erholungsprozesse. In R. Duttmann, O. Kühne, & F. Weber (Eds.), Landschaft als Prozess (pp. 155–176). Springer VS. Osbaldiston, N. (2018). Towards a sociology of the coast. Our past, present and future relationship to the shore. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Preston-Whyte, R. (2004). The beach as a liminal space. In A. A. Lew, A. M. Williams, & C. M. Hall (Eds.), A companion to tourism (Blackwell companions to geography) (pp. 349– 359). Blackwell Publishers.

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Dr. Dr. Olaf Kühne is Professor of Urban and Regional Development at the Eberhard Karls University in Tübingen. For more than 25 years he has been working on landscape theory, especially on the social construction and meaning of landscape. Prof. Dr. Vera Denzer is Professor of Human Geography at the University of Leipzig. The focus of her academic work is on critical social and cultural questions concerning practices of spatial appropriation and displacement, as well as lived urbanity and participatory processes in everyday life. Dipl.-Agr.-Ing. (FH) Christel Eißner is employed at the Institute of Geography at the University of Leipzig. She has been working for many years with quantitative survey and evaluation methods in the social sciences.

Leisure Parks and Landscape on the Example of Disneyland Dominique Fontaine

Abstract

In regard to the postmodern turn in the 1970s, landscape and its human influence has been focused in anthropogeography and sociology. The dynamic process of creating and shaping landscape also follows cultural values, especially according to the social constructivist approach. The reading and understanding of living space are subject to an individual decoding of landscape. The present article analyzes, how landscape in leisure parks is created as well as perceived with an eye on the current state of research. Keywords

Landscape • Simulation • Social constructivism • Aesthetics • Atmospheres Postmodernity • Escapism

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Introduction

Nowadays, leisure parks such as Disneyland rejoice internationally in popularity. Visitors of all ages swarm there in order to spend some good time and maybe to forget about omnipresent struggles or duties. As a consequence, the question comes up in what way leisure parks can provide an acceptable enclave within everyday life and by what means. Disneyland with its worldwide locations will D. Fontaine (B) Warndt-Gymnasium Völklingen, Völklingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_11

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serve as the underlying case study in this article that takes up the recent scientific discourse about the link between landscape and simulation reflected against the postmodern background. Following my own scientific persuasion, space is highly influenced by human actions: this is why the present article focuses on the landscape of leisure parks in view of a social constructivist approach, referring to the ongoing scientific debate. Leading questions, that will be answered during the following reflections, are: At what point and to what extend do human beings manipulate their physical surroundings? What does the terminus of ‘landscape’ mean in this (geographical but also sociological) context? Why are leisure parks designed in the way they are and with which consequences? What role play aesthetical interests and how are special atmospheres created? Is landscape in leisure parks the same to all visitors or are there many different perspectives and ways to read space?

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Landscape as a Geographical Matter

As soon as space (in its naturally given and anthropologically evolved way) is seen as an object of examination, the geographical background has to be involved. There exist different views and approaches towards space in a geographical angle (for example space as a container, space as a humanly shaped object etc.; see on different theoretical approaches to landscape also Kühne, 2022; Kühne et al., 2022 in this anthology, besides see Fontaine, 2016, 2020; Kühne, 2017a, b, 2019). Especially in the last decades, going hand in hand to the paradigm shift to postmodernity, a social constructivist perspective has occurred – and with it, the notion of ‘landscape’ which stands in close contact to human action and influences.

2.1

How to Define ‘landscape’ in a Social Constructivist Way

First of all, it has to be found an answer to the question how to make the difference between space and landscape. Al-Khanbashi (2020, p. 4) puts the focus on “landscape socialization” where various aspects are synthesized against the background of existing social standards. It can be stated thus that the process of ‘landscaping’ seems to be dynamic one that strongly interferes with cultural, social and individual values and principles. Kühne (2018, p. 64) emphasizes that “whenever a segment of physical space is called ‘landscape’, this enacts and at

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the same time confirms a socially defined system of classification.” This point of view reveals that social values state kind of a frame that allows one to understand space by categorizing and ranging it. Soja (2010, p. 79 f.) claims that “space in itself may be primordially given, but the organization, and meaning of space is a product of social translation, transformation, and experience.” It becomes obvious that space – in its naturally given way – can be attributed to physical geography whereas ‘landscape’ with all its codes has to be read against any sociocultural background and belongs in this sense rather to anthropogeography. Camstra (1997, p. 171) puts forward that “space reflects the possibility of social interaction and the way a society sees itself.” Following this logic, space can be seen as a mirror of social identity. The creation and design of space respects sociocultural codes and makes ‘landscapes’ individual and complex. The formation process of landscape strongly depends on the motivation behind the scenes: the following chapter raises a focus on landscaping in theme parks.

2.2

The ‘creation’ of Landscape in Theme Parks: An Aesthetical Issue

As preliminary considerations have shown, landscape can be anthropologically modeled. This process of shaping and creating landscape has to be seen as a dynamic one which follows designated structures and patterns. And that is where aesthetical values kick in: as soon as men are to be designing landscape, they will be affected by sensations: does a place look cozy where it should? Does a place smell deliciously well where it is supposed to? Especially in the context of leisure and theme parks, design plays a major role. All human senses have to be touched and involved in order to guarantee a special, unforgettable journey. So, the mandatory question seems to be: what are the design principles of leisure parks and whose needs do they reflect and satisfy? Taken into account the example of Disneyland, an internationally known and represented theme and leisure park, the motives behind the design of landscape consist in evoking feelings of ‘good old times’ and childhood memories. In this context, nostalgic codes come into play. Miodrag Mitrasinovic states so far (2006, p. 154): “As discussed earlier, nostalgia is a powerful vehicle, employed to naturalize the credibility of iconic referentiality of total landscape and caricaturization as its aesthetic convention, and is capable of reassembling everything into a ‘spectacle of availability’ in order to present itself as a natural format for the representation of the present.”

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Upper considerations show that landscape has to be credible in order to be read and accepted by society. Consequently, aesthetic matters play an imminent role. Creating certain atmospheres by implementing smart aesthetical patterns seems to be the approach to the successfulness oft leisure parks. According to Griffero and Tedeschini (2019), atmospheres and their effect on human sensitivity is rather an ongoing and present phenomenon becoming more and more important in contemporary discourses. They claim (2019, p. 1 f.): “In many fields of the humanities affectivity is now considered crucial, and the concept of atmosphere has been adopted exactly because of its peculiar understanding of this side of our lives. In this sense, one may speak of an ‘atmospheric turn’.” So what is this so called “atmospheric turn” all about? Griffero (2016) sees atmospheres as the “aesthetics of emotional spaces” which proves that there has to be a link between human senses, the perception of space and landscape and the creation of it. He assumes that human perception is not only based on what can be seen – so the optical registration of things – but it is also influenced by an “affectively and synaesthetically engaging perception” (2016, p. 11–12). At this point, the holistic approach of Disneyland becomes aware: by using methods to stimulate all human senses (e.g. not only the visual aspects, but the olfactory ones too), visitors perceive the park in all its facets. The process of identifying oneself with the park and its characters and structures is accompanied and mainly influenced by the aesthetic perception. Reading – and judging – landscape is the main part of it. Let’s state that there are many possibilities of reading landscape: although the decoding of landscape might take place against a sociocultural background, individual judgements are frequent. One might consider Disneyland the most beautiful park in the world, while one another might see it as trashy kitsch. Due to Hassenpflug (2013, p. 163), signals are emitted and have to be decoded into messages. By enriching landscape with sensual factors, several atmospheres are created. Schmitz (2016, p. 30) compares the atmosphere of space as kind of an experienced presence while Seel (2005, p. 1 f.) puts forward the philosophical facets of aesthetics and created atmospheres. It can thus be concluded that leisure parks such as Disneyland use aesthetical patterns and means in order to create pleasant enclaves far from everyday life. This thought leads us to the next chapter which pursues the question in what way leisure parks function as symbols of escapism.

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Leisure Parks – A Symbol of Escapism?

Leisure parks invite people all around the world to spend some untroubled, happy time with their loved ones. They all have in common that they offer several attractions (e.g. fun rides), as well as catering and shopping possibilities (often, there are even own labels that boost identification with the park and park characters). The following chapter focusses on the question in what way leisure parks act as a symbol of escapism.

3.1

The Motives Behind Escapism: Why do We Have to ‘escape’ – and from What?

First, the term ‘escapism’ needs a clearer definition in order to understand its meaning in the context of this article. Literally spoken, ‘to escape’ from something or someone indicates a certain need of getting rid of an unpleasant situation or person. In a wider range, human requirements can consist in leaving restricting frames of everyday life – which might of course include stressing, inculpatory structures as well as the exposure to conflicts with surrounding people in a private, but in a professional context, too. A stay at a leisure park might let one forget those daily struggles – even if it is only for a limited while. Leisure parks offer by concept kind of an enclave compared to the ‘outside world’: within the walls of Disneyland for example, you can spend the day walking, hanging around, visiting simulations of nature formations, even museums and simulated cultural sites, you can visit several restaurants with international (fast) food, you may let thrill yourself by fun rides etc. (e.g. Sehlinger and Kubersky, 2021; Waltman, 2000, p. 32). To conclude: you have the choice to organize your own day perfectly according to your personal gusto and there is no need to follow someone else’s predetermined structures which leads consequently to a feeling of selfdetermination and freedom. “Human liberty”, as Locke and Campbell Fraser (2009, p. 370) call it, seems to be a fundamental human need that may find satisfaction in self-organized day as described earlier. Ferchaud (2020, p. 31 f.) puts an accent on the link between the need to escape and the spatial factor when stating: “In some ways, the idea of immersion is highly related to escapism. It seems obvious that escaping the troubles and stresses of everyday life by necessity implies an escape to somewhere.” The following remarks focus on the spatial frame by highlighting the example of Disneyland.

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How to Satisfy Escapist Needs: The Example of Disneyland

As already earlier discussed, leisure parks may constitute a temporary escape from daily life that might be negatively connoted in some ways. In order to leave everyday routine and free oneself from predicted boundaries, a visit at Disneyland (as an example of a leisure and theme park) might be contemplable. But how does Disneyland attract its visitors through all ages? By what means does Disneyland succeed in creating an escapist, apparently perfect scenery? According to Rainer Kazig (2007), atmospheres can be seen as a medium where all human senses are involved. Next to amounts of optical stimuli, acoustic and olfactory facets carry weight and make a contribution to the holistic concept of Disneyland. Also the shopping process is influenced by certain atmospheres: by creating a cozy surrounding that provides possibilities to touch, to experience the products with as many senses as possible (e.g. Kazig, 2007, p. 176), the clientele is more about to buy (maybe even the price seems high). Shopping becomes an event for all senses where financial deliberations are often repressed. Let’s draw a detailed picture of Disneyland’s landscape: following several aesthetical codes (that have to be read by the visitors and interpreted individually according to postmodern trains of thought; e.g. Kühne and Weber, 2019, p. 4), the park exudes an inviting atmosphere where everyone is feeling welcome, safe and free by the use of positively connotated and socially wished aspects. Exhilarated music is followed by cozy and cute looking architecture where one finds himself thrown back to his own childhood of Mickey Mouse adventures. Funny Disney characters stroll within the park, always ready to make a funny joke or to show the visitors their shortest way to an attraction. Omnipresent seductive smells of sweets make the sensitive experience complete and create kind of a ‘picture perfect world’ far from home where homework has to be done, where family has to be managed or where deadlines at work are to be taken to account. The childish character within the park (music, characters, small architecture, etc.) makes the visitor think of carefree days without any sorrow in the past, where fun and distraction were the most important things to take care of – at this point, the logic of escapism at Disneyland is revealed.

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Synthesis: How to Escape from Everyday Life by Visiting Leisure Parks

First of all, there seems to be the question about the background against which visiting leisure parks are to be reflected. What does people motivate to spend time in leisure parks? How do they act in such parks and why do they behave as they do? Answers to those questions might be given in the context of escapism. But what is escapism about? According to the Cambridge dictionary, it is “a way of avoiding an unpleasant or boring life, especially by thinking, reading, etc. about more exciting but impossible activities1 ”. The upper chapter has shown in what way escapism is related to daily routine and the design of leisure parks such as Disneyland. Now, in this third chapter the central condensation point lies on the synthesis between theoretical postmodern approaches and the practical example of Disneyland.

4.1

The Effect of Simulated ‘realities’ and Landscape in Theme Parks

The designing of theme parks follows several patterns that aim to evoke certain feelings satisfying escapist motives. A feeling of security and freedom, of lightheartedness and fun seems crucial to the target group of leisure parks, independently from their age. In order to create a (nearly) perfect surrounding for the visitors, simulation becomes an important factor. In contrast to everyday life, an artificially constructed and shaped space such as Disneyland is able to avoid the socially unwished. Within the walls of Disneyland, no one has to clean, to cook, to work (except the crew members) or to have any sorrow about anything. Let’s make clear that the creation of this perfectly shaped enclave needs a strenuous effort. Cleaning and stocking during nighttime being only one of many examples of a meticulous planned venture. Detailed planning and scale calculation of the architecture, the accurate simulation of the Disney characters’ clothes and the omnipresent smell of sugar and sweets make a stay at Disneyland absolutely unique and special. This high degree of simulation, of nostalgic and historical borrowings goes back to the principle of postmodern times where the human influence on space and its message becomes more and more important (e.g. Fontaine, 2016; Welsch, 2008). The message in disguise of codes has to

1

Source: https://dictionary.cambridge.org/de/worterbuch/englisch/escapism (27.01.2021).

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be read and understood individually which gives proof of another postmodern characteristic: the plurality of thoughts (e.g. Schwaabe, 2018, p. 289).

4.2

The Psychological Background of Worldwide Successful Parks such as Disneyland: A Case Study

With regard to the number of visitors per year (e.g. Disneyland Paris had 15 million visitors in 2019 compared to the Europapark (which states a pertinent example at the European level) with 5,8 million visitors in the same year as shows data from statista2,3 ), it becomes obvious that Disneyland seems to be the first theme park in the world. But on which concept is based this huge success? Let’s have a closer look at the design and idea of Disneyland and its unique features that may justif the success of this park. This picture (Fig. 11.1) announces that in Fantasyland, a thematic part of Disneyland, “dreams come true”. The visitor is taken to a dreamful place where he obviously can escape from everyday life and enjoy a journey without any sorrow. The slogan implies in this sense that Disneyland is kind of an enclave within the ‘real’ world, such as daily life with all its struggle, where one can relax and just have a good time. Even one’s pet does not hinder someone to spend a whole day there – pets are shepherded at a specially built animals care center (cf. Fig. 11.2). Of course, this is where the question appears why pets aren’t allowed in the park itself. As Disneyland aims at drawing the picture of a perfect world without any discomfort or problems, dog excrement or even vicious dogs attacking other people would be at least embarrassing, if not disastrous. This is why the park offers to look after the beloved pets while having a good time inside the walls of Disneyland – naturally in return for payment. The question of identity plays a prominent role in theming. If it is said that “dreams” might “come true” at Disneyland, this also means that childhood ambitions, being a princess for one day for example, can become kind of a masqueraded ‘reality’ during this special day. Uniformization goes hand in hand to this principle of identification (cf. Fig. 11.4). Shops providing all kind of Disney

2

Source: https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/234539/umfrage/besucherzahlen-fue hrender-freizeitparks-weltweit/ (27.01.21). 3 Source: https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/206914/umfrage/besucher-der-themen parks-von-disneyland-paris-seit-2007/ (27.01.21).

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Fig. 11.1 Disguised building lot in Disneyland Paris. Source Dominique Fontaine 2012

merchandise (cf. Fig. 11.3), of course clothes too, contribute to a largely uniformized clientele even though the thought of uniting all people in the park and making them to one society is only partly true: considering the costs of Disney merchandising products and even the park entry, those might not be accessible and affordable to all, especially not when one enters the park with many family members. This leads to the conclusion that kind of a social differencing takes place. As the photographs above show, spending a day in Disneyland follows its own rules and structures: Disguising and consuming unit people and leads to a strong feeling of belonging together – through all ages.

5

Conclusion

This article illuminated the question about landscape in the context of leisure parks such as Disneyland. It could be shown that space is – not least due to

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Fig. 11.2 Animal accommodation outside the doors of Disneyland Paris. Source Dominique Fontaine 2012

the technical progress of our times – strongly anthropologically influenced. The active shaping and designing of physical surroundings lead us to the both geographical and sociological terminus of ‘landscape’ and gives proof of the social constructivist angle, under which the present deliberations have been taken to account. Social constructivism has to be discussed in the frame of postmodernity where plural perspectives and an ironic angle have find a way into scientific discourse. Leisure parks – consciously constructed enclaves – act as an example of designed ‘landscape’. This process of creating enclosed areas of fun and distraction can be called ‘landscaping’ and obeys several sociocultural patterns. The created landscape has to be read and to be understood in an individual way, so that one single clear-cut interpretation of space is no longer possible in postmodern times. Against the background of communicating the maximum of freedom and lightheartedness to the clientele, leisure parks such as Disneyland focus on the creation of certain atmospheres. Aesthetical values and codes contribute to a feeling of “perfect happiness” and relate to all optical, acoustic and olfactory

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Fig. 11.3 Disney merchandising – becoming “princess for a day”. Source Dominique Fontaine 2012

stimuli that are offered in the park. Additional merchandising – as for example in Disneyland – raise the level of identification and make the visitors forget their daily routine while being in the park. By doing so, escapist motives are satisfied – which mirrors in a way existing deficits in society or, in little scale, personal ones. It can thus be stated that the active process of shaping landscape in the context of leisure parks serves the purpose of uniting people from all ages and sociocultural backgrounds and making them feel at ease during their stay. The higher the level of identification, the more intense is the experience. That is why Disneyland adapts for example its merchandising depending on the position of the park: Asian parks offer other food and merchandise as European ones do.

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Fig. 11.4 The “Uniformization” of visitors. Source Dominique Fontaine 2012

Future research might explore the link between leisure parks in situ and virtual ones where (physical or mental) boundaries might even be overcome.

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Hassenpflug, D. (2013). Der urbane Code Chinas. Birkhäuser. Kazig, R. (2007). Atmosphären – Konzept für einen nicht-repräsentationellen Zugang zum Raum. In C. Berndt, R. Pütz (Eds.), Kulturelle Geographien. Zur Beschäftigung mit Raum und Ort nach dem Cultural Turn. Transcript. Kühne, O. (2017a). Landschaft und Wandel. Zur Veränderlichkeit von Wahrnehmungen. Springer. Kühne, O. (2017b). Landschaftstheorie und Landschaftspraxis. Eine Einführung aus sozialkonstruktivistischer Perspektive. Springer. Kühne, O. (2018). Landscape and power in geographical space as a social-aesthetic construct. Springer. Kühne, O. (2019). Landscape theories. A brief introduction. Springer. Kühne, O. (2022). Theoretical approaches to landscapes. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., Jenal, C., & Edler, D. (2022). Landscapes in games. Insights and overviews on contingencies between worlds 1, 2 and 3. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., & Weber, F. (2019). Hybrid California. Annäherungen an den Golden State, seine Entwicklungen, Ästhetisierungen und Inszenierungen. Springer. Locke, J., & Campbell Fraser, A. (2009). An essay concerning human understanding. Tome 1. Clarendon Press. Mitrasinovic, M. (2006). Total landscape, theme parks, public space. Ashgate. Schmitz, H. (2016). Atmosphären. Karl Alber. Schwaabe, C. (2018). Politische Theorie: Von Platon bis zur Postmoderne. Fink. Seel, M. (2005). Aesthetics of appearing. Stanford University Press. Sehlinger, B., & Kubersky, S. (2021). The unofficial guide to Disneyland 2021. N.N.: Unofficial Guides. Soja, E. (2010). Postmodern geographies: The reassertion of space in critical social theory. Verso. Waltman, G. L. (2000). Black magic and gremlins. Analog flight simulations at NASA’s flight research center. NASA History Publications. Welsch, W. (2008). Unsere postmoderne Moderne. Akademie Verlag.

Online sources Definition escapism. https://dictionary.cambridge.org/de/worterbuch/englisch/escapism. Accessed: 27. Jan. 2021. Number of vistors of the Europapark in Germany from 2009 to 2019. https://de.statista. com/statistik/daten/studie/234539/umfrage/besucherzahlen-fuehrender-freizeitparks-wel tweit/. Accessed: 27. Jan. 2021. Number of visitors of the Disneyland Theme Parks Paris from 2007 to 2019. https://de.sta tista.com/statistik/daten/studie/206914/umfrage/besucher-der-themenparks-von-disney land-paris-seit-2007/. Accessed: 27. Jan. 2021.

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Dominique Fontaine studied French and Geography at the University of Lorraine and the University of the Saarland. In 2016, she did a doctor’s degree searching and writing about simulated postmodern landscapes. From 2016 to 2019, she worked as a teacher (French, bilingual geography) at the Robert-Schuman-Gymnasium Saarlouis. Since 2019, she has been working at the Warndt-Gymnasium Völklingen.

Golfing and Landscape Philipp Jutz

Abstract

The way landscape is constructed can affect, in different ways, how the sport of golf is played. In this article, two different variations of golf are compared with each other by using a media analysis. The selected variations are, on the one hand, classic golf and, on the other hand, cross golf. For classic golf, the landscape is transformed into a golf course, whereas cross golf adapts to the found landscape condition. This media analysis is based on the first 100 usable images, which were displayed by means of a search query with an Internet search engine. Through these methods the definitional difference of the two golf variations could be worked out and confirmed. Furthermore, the different landscape ideas and concepts, which form the basis of the two golf variations, were revealed. Likewise, the question will be answered, in which different connections the two golf variations stand with the landscape surrounding them. Golf also “lives” from the landscape, because it is mostly played outdoors and interacts with the surrounding landscape. Keywords

Golf • CrossGolf • MediaAnalysis • Landscape • Sports • Outdoor

P. Jutz (B) Dürmentingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_12

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Introduction

The sport of golf depends on the landscape and the people who shape both (Bairner, 2009; Perkins, 2010). The golf game is therefore strong connected with the surrounding landscape. Although the Corona crisis is making a wide range of leisure activities impossible, golf is currently experiencing significant growth in membership. For example, the German TV show “Sportschau” quotes the president of the German Golf Association, Claus M. Kobold, as saying: “As an individual outdoor sport, golf offers the perfect conditions for a largely Coronaproof sporting activity. Therefore, golf has not only been little affected by the Corona crisis, but on the contrary, in many places our sport has even gained members considerably”1 (Schulte, 2021, w.p.). This fact is also mentioned by Henning (2021). Decisive for the special position of golf therefore seems to be, among other things, playing outdoors. By playing outdoors, usually on a golf course, it also seems conceivable that golf interacts in a special way with the surrounding landscape. This idea will be explored further below. Furthermore, different variations are distinguished within golf. With these different variations, it is also conceivable that each golf variation interacts with the landscape differently. So, this article would like to explore the question: How is landscape represented in relation to two variations of golfing and how do golf and landscape interact? First, the construction of the landscape is described. Then, the two types of golf studied are presented. Based on this, the connection to the concept of landscape is explained. The second chapter explains why the methodology of media analysis was chosen. In the third chapter the interpretation of the collected data takes place. The fourth chapter rounds off the article with a conclusion and an outlook.

2

The Construction of Landscape

In the spatial sciences, the view has become increasingly widespread in recent decades that landscape is no longer to be understood as a physical, objectively given object, or as a being, but as a social or individual construction (Kühne, 2018, 2019; see on landscape in general Kühne, 2022 in this anthology). 1

Original German quote: „Der Golfsport bietet als Individualsport im Freien die perfekten Voraussetzungen für eine weitgehend Corona-sichere Sportausübung. Daher wurde der Golfsport von der Corona-Krise nicht nur wenig getroffen, sondern im Gegenteil, vielerorts hat unser Sport sogar erheblich gewonnen“

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According to the constructivist approach to the interpretation of “landscape,” it is the result of syntheses within the consciousness based on social conventions. These conventions are in turn based on discursive processes of negotiation. This line of thought is based on different scientific disciplines (Claßen, 2016; Cosgrove, 1984; Duncan, 1995; Gailing, 2012; Gailing & Leibenath, 2012; Greider & Garkovich, 1994; Hook, 2008; Kilper et al., 2012; Kühne, 2006, 2008, 2013, 2018). For constructivist landscape research it is not only relevant how these levels are constituted, but rather how they are related to each other and which mutual influences exist (Kühne, 2018). From this aspect the social constructivist landscape theory is excellently suited to theoretically underpin the connection between golf and landscape. According to this modern and social constructivist understanding of landscape, Kühne (2006, 2008, 2013, 2018, 2020a) distinguishes three interlocking levels of landscape. The first level of landscape comprises the physical nature of the landscape. Kühne (2020a) refers to it as Landscape 1 and later it is shown that cross golf takes place in on this level. The second level of landscape consists of individual constructions and emotions. These constructions and emotions are drawn from and attributed to the landscape. Later it is shown that classic golf on a golf court takes place on this level. Kühne (2020a) named it Landscape 2. With Landscape 3 the social conventions concerning the landscape are taken into account. In this case for example the course rules of the golf course. For a better understanding I will mention that Landscape 2 takes a bridging function here and connects the landscape understandings of Landscape 1 with Landscape 3. But more about this later.

3

The Sport of Golf

If one follows the description of the Internet professional website “Golf.de”, then golf is in itself a quite simple game. The players use a collection of 14 different golf clubs to hit a ball into 18 different holes. These holes were previously dug in the middle of a large lawn (Golf.de, n.d.a; United States Golf Association, 2021). The motivation for the game and sport of golf is that it can contribute to recreation and the players enjoy nature and the great landscape (Correia & Pintassilgo, 2006). These are the reasons why so many people love to play golf. This quotation impressively proves the extremely close connection between golf and the construction of the landscape serving as playing field. To these mentioned aspects the sporty ambition is added, as well as the improvement of the own play way and the own playful ability (Golf.de, n.d.a; United States Golf Association,

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2021). This would be determined by adding up the number of strokes needed to hit the ball in all of the 18 holes. The lower the number of strokes needed, the better the game would be. This simple explanation describes golf. The appeal of the game starts with the fact that it takes a lot of time. In addition, strategic decisions have to be made. In turn, the landscape plays a major role in these decisions. For example, it might be questionable whether to take a shot across the water or choose the much longer but safer route across a green (Bairner, 2009; Correia & Pintassilgo, 2006; Golf.de, n.d.a; United States Golf Association, 2021).

3.1

The Golf Variation “Cross Golf”

According to the online golf magazine goGolf, cross golf (also known as “Xgolf”, “crossover golf” or “urban golf”) is a type of game that differs from classic golf. The only similarities are that it is played with a golf club in the hand and with a golf ball. Cross golfing is characterized by a higher degree of freedom, which is expressed in the fact that the players are not bound to a certain predetermined course. Furthermore, they hardly let themselves be dictated to rules. In theory, it could be played on any conceivable course. Experienced players would therefore be very creative in choosing their potential cross golf courses. However, the advice is given that in practice it is advisable to play this sport only in designated areas. The reasons for this are the risk of injury and destruction, which is otherwise too high. The force of a hit golf ball should not be underestimated (goGolf Magazin, n.d.). For cross golfing, as already mentioned, only the club and the ball are important. Every kind of club is allowed. As a ball in most cases a usual golf ball is used. The golf hole is not predetermined, but may be determined by the players themselves. Often it is not a classic “hole” at all, but a bucket, an open garbage can, or it is necessary to play through a pipe, etc. Regarding the choice of the target, the limit depends on the creativity of the players (goGolf Magazin, n.d.). With regard to the scenic environment, it can be said that cross golf is mostly played outdoors. The exact location does not play a role and everything is possible. Be it abandoned industrial plants, disused airfields, or even spacious grassy areas. The important thing with cross golf is that the fun is in the foreground. The number of strokes needed to get the ball into the target is not important. However ambitious players like to compete with each other (Bauer, 2010; goGolf Magazin, n.d.).

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(Cross) Golf vs. Landscape

The two different definitions of golf variations nicely illustrate their specific relationship to the landscape. Classic golf is played on a golf course with 18 different holes (Golf.de, n.d.a). As Fig. 12.1 shows, in classic golf the landscape is not left to natural process. Instead, the landscape appearance of the golf course is affected by the interventions of people. The so-called greenkeepers are responsible for this intervention. They take care of the maintenance of the course (Golf.de, n.d.b). So golf take part of Landscape 2 (Kühne, 2020a). A golf course does not only serve the pure sport pleasure, but it is also home to a multiplicity of different animal and plant species. By their size and situation the golf courses would offer important retreat areas (Biber, 2006). This fact would be given great attention by golfers, golf clubs and also greenkeepers. In this context, golf clubs can also be certified for their environmental management (Golf.de, n.d.b). In contrast for the game variation of cross golf, people do not additionally intervene in the landscape serving as the playing field. Depending on which landscape the player chooses, he or she will play accordingly. A commissioned person, in the role of a greenkeeper, is not necessary. The conditions of the landscape environment determine the way of playing. So cross golf take part in Landscape 1 (Kühne, 2020a). The two golf variations studied therefore refer differently to the landscape environment in which they are played. But can this conclusion be verified by a media analysis? Does this theoretical distinction also apply in practice?

Golf The landscape is changed to be suitable for the game

Cross Golf The way of playing the game adapts to the landscape condions

Fig.12.1 Intertwining game and landscape. Own illustration

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Method

In a first step, the search query “Cross Golf Sport” was entered into the Google search engine on March 22, 2021. Google was chosen as the search engine because of its high global market share of approximately 87% (statista, 2021). The addition of “Sport” had become necessary because otherwise the search result would have consisted of to a considerable extent of cars of a specific German automobile brand. Such a search result would have been unsuitable for further investigation. The addition of the word “Sport” ensured that the vast majority of the results were focused on the Golf variation of the cross golf. On March 23, 2021, this process was repeated for the classic golf variation. Again, the addition of “sport” had to be used for the same reason. Despite this procedure, for both “Golf Sport” and “Cross Golf Sport”, six images were unusable for this analysis. The six unusable images were each replaced with the following six usable images. The first 100 images displayed for each term were each recorded by means of a screenshot and chronologically assigned numbers. The images were then systematically viewed and entered into an evaluation table based on the number of people, objects, weather conditions, etc. depicted (Kühne, 2020b; Linke, 2019, 2020). Afterwards, the results of “Golf Sport” and “Cross Golf Sport” were compared and contrasted. From this, interesting conclusions could be interpreted.

5

Interpretation

Fig. 12.2 shows the number of people pictured. Both golf and cross golf seem to be sports that are preferably played with few players. This is in line with the description of the President of the German Golf Association mentioned at the beginning. Thus, on 31% of the golf pictures, no person was depicted. In cross golf, 39% of the pictures did not show a person. These pictures showed either typical objects, which are necessary for the golf play, or also scenic representations, which “invite” to play golf. But for golf to be played at all, logically at least one person—the player himself—must be present. With the number of persons one shows up with the classical golf play kind the largest characteristic. Thus, only one person was depicted on 54% of the images examined. In the case of cross golf, the number of people depicted as one is the second highest at 37%. The two groups of persons mentioned clearly experience the highest expression. Thus, already in the comparison to the person number two a clear decrease is to

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Number of persons (n=100) 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% No person

One Two Three Four Five Six Seven Eight Nine Ten More person persons persons persons persons persons persons persons persons persons than ten persons Golf Sport

Cross Golf Sport

Fig. 12.2 Number of persons. Own illustration

be observed. On 10% of the golf pictures two persons are shown. In the case of the cross golf images, two persons are shown on 8% of the examined images. On none of the images of the examined term “Golf” were three persons. In the case of the cross golf, three people were shown on 3% of the images. The number of persons four could be seen on 4% of the golf images. For cross golf, four people could be counted on 3% of the images. The number of people five was not seen on any of the regular golf images. For cross golf, five people were seen on 1% of the images. The number of persons six was also not to be found on any picture for golf. For cross golf, six people were observed on 3% of the images. The number of persons seven was not reached on any golf image. However, seven people were seen on 1% of the cross golf images. The number of persons eight was shown on 1% of the golf images as well as on 1% of the cross golf images. The number of persons nine was also reached only by the cross golf. Nine people were detected on 2% of the images. The number of persons ten could not be found for either golf or cross golf. More than ten persons were to be found in each case with 1% of the examined terms. Altogether this evaluation confirms that golf is an individual sport and is played rather alone and/or in small groups (United States Golf Association, 2021). This attribution can also be transferred to cross golf on the basis of this evaluation. Although cross golf is represented to a lesser extent, it is more frequently played with several people. In addition, it is important to keep in mind that the respective pictures were taken by at least one other person.

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Displayed objects (n=100) 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

Golf Sport

Cross Golf Sport

Fig. 12.3 Displayed Objects. Own illustration

Based on the evaluation table, the following results could be graphically recorded: Various objects were depicted on the examined images, which are graphically represented by Fig. 12.3. The golf club was the most frequently depicted object in both variations of golf. In the golf images, it could be seen on 78% of the images. In the cross golf images it was even seen on 85%. The second most common object was the golf ball. In regular golf, a golf ball was visible on 55% of the images. In cross golf, a golf ball was shown on 69%. Flags were the third most frequently depicted object, whereby no distinction was made between classic golf flags or national flags and the like. Thus, flags were to be seen on 16% of the golf pictures and on 6% of the cross golf pictures. The well-known golf hole was only shown on 16% of the golf pictures. In the case of cross golf it was not to be seen on any picture. It can be assumed that the golf hole does not play any role in cross golf. A special base for the golf ball seems to play a subordinate role in both golf (13%) and cross golf (14%). A golf trolley was visible on 12% of the golf pictures and on 7% of the cross golf pictures. On 2% of the golf images and on 3% of the cross golf images, there were also objects that could not be clearly identified due to the poor image quality. A pylon was visible on 1% of the golf images, but on none of the cross golf images. Interestingly, the typical golf cart was only visible on 1% of the golf images. The remaining identified objects as being: Car (7%), Tunnel (2%), Net (1%), Bathtub (1%), Washing Machine (1%),

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Weather condions (n=100) 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Sunny / Bright

Cloudy

No weather recognizable

Golf Sport

Snow

Rain

Fog

Cross Golf Sport

Fig. 12.4 Weather Conditions. Own illustration

Carousel (1%), Shoes (1%), a Rope (1%), a Tram (1%), and a Doormat (1%) are found exclusively in the cross golf. The regular golf seems to be more related to very concrete objects like Golf club, Golf ball, Flag and the hole, whereas the cross golf can be combined with all kinds of objects. This finding confirms the previously mentioned definition of cross golf. Both types of golf seem to be played more in nice weather, as illustrated in Fig. 12.4. Sunny or bright weather conditions are visible in 75% of the golf images and in 68% of the cross golf images. Clouds are visible in the sky in 25% of the golf images and in 30% of the cross golf images. On 17% of the golf images and on 14% of the cross golf images no weather conditions are visible. Other weather conditions like snow, rain, or fog were not shown on the golf images. However, 2% of the cross golf images showed snow and 1% of the cross golf images showed rain. Fog was not visible in any of the images. A possible explanation could be the fact that for both types of golf one must be able to see the golf ball. This ability to see the golf ball is much easier in bright weather conditions than in snow, rain, or fog. The persons shown wore different types of clothing, the type of which is categorized in Fig. 12.5. For example, 45% of the golf players and 48% of the cross golf players wore leisure clothing. The persons in the images wore fashionable clothes, like polo shirt and colorful pants. Another 17% of the golf players and 10% of the cross golf players wore sportswear. In this case athletic clothing, such as sports jerseys and shorts. 1% of golf players and 20% of cross golf players

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Clothes (n=100) 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Leisure clothing

Sportswear Golf Sport

Summer clothes

Winter clothes

Cross Golf Sport

Fig. 12.5 Clothes. Own illustration

wore summer clothing and 1% of golf players and 4% of cross golf players wore winter clothing. The persons with summer clothes wore common T-shirts with jeans and the persons with winter clothes wore coats or anoraks. From this, it could be surmised that golf is practiced more in leisure time as a sport, whereas cross golf is also played in leisure time, but more as a pastime. In addition to the objects already studied, the surrounding landscape was also depicted in the images examined. The observed elements of this landscape are shown in Fig. 12.6. Here, partly large differences between the examined golf game types became apparent. For example, a mowed lawn is visible on 84% of the golf sport images, but only on 36% of the cross golf images. In the case of cross golf, the representation of meadows predominates instead with 25%— in the case of golf sport, meadows are only recognizable on 4% of the images. The representation of open nature was recognizable on 73% of the golf images and on 52% of the cross golf images. Regarding the representation of forest and trees, it was found that a forest was recognizable on 63% of the golf images, but only on 32% of the cross golf images. In addition, bushes were visible in 28% of the golf images and in 35% of the cross golf images. Due to closeup or studio photography, the surrounding landscape was not visible or present on every image. This affected 26% of the golf images and 19% of the cross golf images. The landscape element of hills was represented on 14% of the golf images and on 1% of the cross golf images. Waters played a minor role in both golf variations. Waters were visible on 11% of the golf images and on 6% of the cross golf images. Mountains were visible on 9% of the golf images and on 13%

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Landscape (n=100) 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

Golf Sport

Cross Golf Sport

Fig. 12.6 Landscape. Own illustration

of the cross golf images. Sand was equally frequent in both golf variations with 8% each. An interesting characteristic was that on 4% of the golf images and on 24% of the cross golf images settlements were depicted. This could be a possible indication that golf tends to be played on specially maintained golf courses and that cross golf does not require any special locations. This is also supported by the fact that tar and asphalt were only visible on 2% of the golf images, but on 12% of the cross golf images. Rocks were only on 1% of the golf images and on 7% of the cross golf images. In each case 1% of the images showed a shot inside a building. The following landscape elements were not on any golf images, but only on the cross golf images: Gravel (10%), special places (9% for example gravel pits, playgrounds), paving stones (8%), industry (2%) and wood (1%). The landscape depicted therefore gives the impression that golf tends to be played on well-kept and clean golf courses, whereas cross golf seems to allow for significantly more variations of the playing field.

6

Conclusion and Outlook

This paper could show that different variations of golf interact with the landscape in different ways. Thus, classic golf takes place in Landscape 2 (Kühne, 2020a), as the design of the golf course is subject to social constructions. Cross golf,

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on the other hand, takes place in Landscape 1 (Kühne, 2020a) and adapts to the found landscape. In order to play golf, the surrounding landscape is an essential criterion. The sport of golf therefore impressively demonstrates how games and landscapes are intertwined. In conclusion, it can be stated that the media analysis was suitable to confirm the definitional differences between the two types of golf. While classic golf is preferably played on manicured green areas, cross golf adapts to the found landscape. This also showed that both golf variations interact differently with the surrounding landscape. However, both types of golf have in common that they are dependent on the surrounding landscape, since both require a landscape. According to the previously mentioned aspect of the German Golf Association, golf courses can contribute to counteracting global species extinction (Golf.de, n.d.b). However, this hypothesis requires further empirical verification. Nevertheless, the idea that the golf sport can give something back to nature and the landscape from which it lives is inspiring.

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Linke, S. I. (2019). Die Ästhetik medialer Landschaftskonstrukte. Theoretische Reflexionen und empirische Befunde. RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft. Springer Fachmedien; Imprint: Springer VS. Perkins, C. (2010). The performance of golf: Landscape, place, and practice in North West England. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 34(3), 312–338. https://doi.org/10.1177/019 3723510377316. Schulte, V. (2021). Boom durch Corona? Tennis, Radsport und Co. profitieren bedingt. Kontaktlose Sportarten während der Corona-Krise. https://www.sportschau.de/mehr-sport/ corona-tennis-leichtathletik-golf-radsport-100.html. Accessed: 19 Apr. 2021. statista. (2021). Marktanteile der meistgenutzten Suchmaschinen auf dem Desktop nach Page Views weltweit von Januar 2016 bis April 2021. https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/ studie/225953/umfrage/die-weltweit-meistgenutzten-suchmaschinen/. Accessed: 19 June 2021. United States Golf Association. (2021). Rules and Interpretations. https://www.usga.org/ content/usga/home-page/rules/rules-2019/rules-of-golf/rules-and-interpretations.html! ruletype=pe§ion=rule&rulenum=1. Accessed: 14 July 2021.

Philipp Jutz studied Sociology (Bachelor of Arts) and Global Studies (Master of Arts) at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. Between 2017 and 2021 he worked at the Tübingen Institute for Applied Economic Research, where he focused on the dynamics of the regional labor market, among other topics. Since 2020 he has been part of the Urban and Regional Development working group at the Tübingen Institute of Geography, where he is working on the topics of multimodal mobility and conflict management in the mining of mineral resources.

An Empirical Case Study Addressing an Appropriation of Space for Football by Arab Immigrants in Different German Cities Mohammed Al-Khanbashi Abstract

Football is one of the most popular outdoor sports activities among young people globally, becoming part of the sociocultural fabric. In our globalized world, migration has significantly increased in the last years, with obviously a mass influx into Germany among Arabs, mostly from Syria, Iraq, and other fleeing conflict areas. Migration has led to increasing diversity, which has significantly been dealt with in many scientific fields. The game football in its relation to immigrants within the host country has also been studied intensively in areas, such as integration, social capital, religion, and gender, focusing on organized football more than on unorganized, with rare research output considering the cross-cultural aspects, especially related to immigrants’ construction and use of landscape and physical space within the host country. To make a contribution to fill this gap, this article aims, based on the social constructivism approach, to investigating how Arab immigrants in Germany appropriate spaces for playing unorganized football. The approach in this article is based on empirical data acquired in the author’s doctoral research and it emphasizes the influence of their past experiences and cultural background on their present tactics to appropriate spaces in the host country. It highlights a part of the related results of empirical research conducted between 2017 and 2020 that investigated the social construction and use of landscape and public spaces by Arab immigrants in Berlin, using qualitative methods that include M. Al-Khanbashi (B) Berlin, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_13

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mainly semi-structured interviews and participant observation in Berlin and different German cities. Keywords

Outdoor sport • Football • Space appropriation • Arab immigrants Germany • Host country

1

•

Introduction

Sport is considered as the most recreational activity among young people (AlKhanbashi, 2020a; Zacheus, 2010; Zwahlen et al., 2018), where football has become part of the sociocultural fabric of the global life. People practice it regardless of their language, religion, ethnicity, class, and gender (Bergh & Ohlander, 2018), although culturally differences can affect players’ behaviors (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a, b; De Luca et al., 2015). In our today globalized world, migration has increased greatly in the last decades, and intensively in the last years to 272 million immigrants by mid of 2019 (IOM, 2019). Germany is characterized by mass influx of asylum seekers and refugees in the last years, largely from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, and other conflict areas (SBB, 2020). The country has hosted about 20.6 million persons with migration background, representing 25.2% of the country’s entire population, almost half of them are foreigners including newcomers (SB, 2020). Therefore, Germany can be considered as one of the top host countries globally and the leading host country in Europe (IOM, 2019). This has caused exchange of populations and gave impetus to a more diverse society, which also resulted in studies on processes of diversity in different fields. In the relation between immigrants and sport, especially football is the most common one. The majority of studies have investigated football as a tool for integrating immigrants, including asylum seekers and refugees, socially and culturally, mostly related to organized football in sport clubs in European countries (Cahill, 2020; Flensner et al., 2020; Nikita, 2019; Zwahlen et al., 2018), such as in Germany (Dirk, 2006; Özgüzel & Hasirci, 2019; Stura, 2019), and in comparison to other related to community sports and physical activity programs (Middleton et al., 2020). Other studies have focused on football and its effect in supporting social capital, enhancing social cohesion and solidarity. In some examples, its ability to connect immigrants with locals and reduce social isolation is emphasized (Ekholm & Dahlstedt, 2017; McDonald et al., 2019), in addition to

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teaching language and culture (Zacheus, 2010). Other studies highlight weakness in this direction leading to conflicts and strengthening segregation and isolation effects (Carmi & Kidron, 2018; Krouwel et al., 2006; Mauro, 2016; Nikita, 2019; Spaaij, 2012). In some cases, this may also enhance social networks, cohesion and solidarity among immigrants themselves (Cahill, 2020; Cheng, 2019; Krouwel et al., 2006; Zacheus, 2010). Other studies have concentrated on the relations between football and religion, especially in Islam (Amara, 2013; Van den Bogert, 2020; Martelli, 2015; Walseth, 2016), and gender (Van den Bogert, 2020, 2021; Cheng, 2019; Kay, 2006). Rare research investigated unorganized football as a recreational activity (Krouwel et al., 2006), either in neighborhoods and public playgrounds (Van den Bogert, 2020, 2021), open sport fields (Spaaij, 2012). Some studies are more related to a sense of belonging (Mauro, 2016; Spaaij, 2015; Stone, 2018), or life stories of forced migrants connecting with their home (Middleton et al., 2020). According to the previous mentioned studies, football, as one of the most popular sport, in its relation to immigrants within host country has been studied intensively in many fields, such as integration, social capital, religion and gender. These studies mainly focused on organized football, such as football clubs, rather than on unorganized football, such street football or in open sport fields and parks. Hardly any research exists so far that investigates how these immigrants appropriate spaces for playing football. Following this respect, this article aims to make a contribution to fill this gap, based on a social constructivist perspective. Based on an empirical data acquired from 2017 to 2020 during doctoral research (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a), this article investigates how Arab immigrants in some German cities appropriate spaces for playing football, in an unorganized setting of the game. The possible influences of the biographical past experiences and cultural backgrounds, related to the sample of study participants, are indicated. The study is focused on the patterns of construction and mainly uses of landscape and public space in Berlin by Arab immigrants. Berlin is one of Germany’s primary spots for immigrant concentrations (SB, 2020). The research (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a) was conducted using a qualitative approach and a triangulation of methods that involved mainly 72 Arab immigrants living in Berlin in 2018 through biographical semi-structured interviews, in addition to participant observation and ero-epic (free dialogue) conversations. Parts of the questions were focusing on activities including sports, particularly football. More recently in 2020, many interviews were expanded to enrich the details of this article. Additionally, since 2017, the author actively has participated -also observed- in many sport and football activities with Arab communities in different German cities such as Berlin, Clausthal-Zellerfeld, Bonn, Stuttgart, Tübingen, and their

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surroundings. This method was helpful to understanding the influence of their past experiences and cultural background on their present tactics to appropriate spaces for playing football in the host country in a way that suits them best and meets their needs. This article will begin by introducing a theoretical basis based on social constructivism landscape research to understand the individual and social level in constructing landscape and appropriating physical space. Based on the empirical study, it is followed by describing how Arab immigrants’ appropriate spaces to practice football, from unorganized ones in open public parks and playgrounds and open sports fields to a more organized one through Arab and sub-Arab communities’ activities and events, in addition to NGO’s and municipalities’ competitions. Then, an attempt is made discussing the means of sport and football for Arab immigrants’ daily life.

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Social Constructivism Landscape Approach in Appropriating Physical Space

In contrast to the understanding of landscape as a physical object by positivists, and as an essence beyond this object by essentialists, the landscape is founded from the individual and social levels by the social constructivist perspective (Kühne, 2018, 2019; see also Kühne, 2022a in this anthology). The landscape is, as defined by Kühne (2018, p. 16), “not an objective, univocally definable entity existing within a physical, material world: it is the sociocultural product of a process of mediation”. It is a construction and a way of seeing the world, not only visually (Cosgrove, 1984), where its meaning, evaluation, and assessment is the result of a very complex interpretation process, of “sedimented experiences” (Schütz & Luckmann, 2003 [1975]), where present and past perceptions and experiences are incorporated, not separated (Schütz, 1971 [1962]; Schütz & Luckmann, 2003 [1975]; Kühne, 2018). In this sense, the construction of landscape is culturally differentiated, where symbols and signs are developed differently among individuals and groups (Blumer, 1973; Greider & Garkovich, 1994; Kühne, 2018; Mead & Morris, 1967), resulting in differences in social and cultural backgrounds through a set of different norms, values, ideas, thoughts, interpretations, preferences, experiences, feelings, emotions, bonds, and sense of belongings (Addas, 2015; Al-Khanbashi, 2020a, b; Antrop, 2015; Baskaya, 2015; Gnädinger et al., 2015; Höglhammer et al., 2015; Kühne, 2015; Rishbeth, 2004; Xiu, 2015; Wari, 2017; and see also related to landscape theory Kühne, 2019; Winchester et al., 2003; Wylie, 2007). Subsequently, all of these contribute to

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affecting individuals’ and groups’ construction and use of landscape and physical space in a cumulative process of continuous influence and mixing (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a, b; Kühne & Schönwald, 2015; Schönwald, 2015). The levels of landscape by Kühne (2018, 2019, 2020; in this volume: Kühne, 2022a, b and Kühne et al., 2022) are based on categorizations developed by Bourdieu’s spatial theory (1991) and Popper’s three-world theory (1973). They classify the final, fourth level as “Appropriated Physical Space”, where physical places are defined by individual and social meanings that influence the social space and personal uses. Individual and social meanings, values, mentality, and background, in addition to ways of life and certain everyday practices, are brought by immigrants and newcomers into the host country (Baskaya, 2015; Lanfer & Taylor, 2004). These are mostly shaped in the origin country, primarily in the early childhood and youth experiences, playing a role in influencing their present and future responses in the host country (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a; Höglhammer et al., 2015; Mallman, 2019). Upon arrival to the host country, meanings and responses tend to vary from the ones of locals and other immigrants, adding unusual activities (Addas & Rishbeth, 2018), and can gradually be modified and/or added by exchanging social interactions and everyday practices, in a more flexible and changeable way (Baskaya, 2015; Wari, 2017). Based on their cultural backgrounds and prejudices, immigrants tend to apply strategies previously developed in the early experiences to deal with the new environment and appropriate space that suits them best (Fokdal, 2008; Jenal et al., 2019; Lefebvre, 1991; Wari, 2017; Yücesoy, 2006), which reflects their definitions of themselves (Greider & Garkovich, 1994), and contributes to consolidating their identities and place-making (Neal, 2010; Wari, 2017; Zukin, 1995). As this chapter provides a theoretical basis, the next chapter will describe how Arab immigrants appropriate spaces for playing football based on the empirical study. It will begin with unorganized ones in open public parks and playgrounds and open sports fields to a more organized one through activities and competitions of Arab and sub-Arab communities, NGOs, and municipalities.

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3

Arab Immigrants and Their Appropriation of Space for Football

3.1

General Outdoor Sport Activities by Arabs in the Host Country

According to empirical observations by the author (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a), the active outdoor sports activities are important for Arab immigrants, especially young males, where football is considered as the most preferred activity, besides swimming, running, and body exercises—fitness –, with fewer tendencies to volleyball and bike riding, while a very few tend to play basketball especially among Sudanese, badminton, or table tennis. Additionally, this empirical study shows that football is one of the most activities that has continued to be practiced from the country of origin to the host country, Germany, especially among young male Arab immigrants. They have brought with them the ways they used to interact and play. However, a shift is increasing from an unorganized football at home to a more organized one in the host country. In Germany, as mentioned by many interviewees, contacting other known people is needed to be able to play football easily, unlike the atmosphere of the Arab world where playing with others on the streets is possible even with unknown persons, which also pointed out by Addas (2015) and Al-Fahad (2008).

3.2

Football in Open Public Parks and Playgrounds

Arab immigrants tend to visit parks in large groups mainly for social gathering or consumption of food, in addition for families to prefer places where kids can meet and play (Addas, 2015; Al-Khanbashi, 2020a, b; Höglhammer et al., 2015; Wari, 2017). The interviewees and sites’ observation shows that while picnicking or barbequing, fathers, young males, and kids from the same family can play football together freely on a park’s grass. Also, children of Arab families tend to play with other kids from another family sitting close to them, especially Arab family, resulting in establishing and enhancing social links between those families (Addas, 2015; Cahill, 2020; Cattell et al., 2008; Cheng, 2019; Krouwel et al., 2006; Zacheus, 2010) (See Fig. 1). Additionally, in some neighborhood parks with a few appearances of people, small groups of young Arab immigrants can play football by defining goals and edges of their playing field with stones, clothes, shoes, trees, or other existing

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Fig. 1 Arab kids play a role in establishing/enhancing social networks among their families, who tend to sit together or close to each other while their kids are playing football or in playgrounds (upper photo), or during barbequing (bottom-right photo) or picnicking (bottom-left photo) in parks. Source Taken by Author in Berlin 2018

physical objects, which reflects their previous experience in their country of origin as a common behavior during childhood periods (Addas, 2015; Al-Fahad, 2008). (See Fig. 2). On the other hand, the empirical study shows that women’s participation still appears rather limited in outdoor sports activities, including playing football. As argued by Kay (2006) and Van den Bogert (2020, 2021), this may mainly be related to an extensive influence by parents and family based on Islamic and cultural values, which can sometimes cause conflicts between westernized experiences and their family identities. Additionally, it was observed that women tend to prefer recreational spaces like parks in their outdoor activities.

3.3

Football in Sport Fields

The empirical study (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a) shows that young male Arab immigrants have some tendencies to play football in open football fields, such as open football fields related to natural areas, public parks, schools, universities, stadiums, or sports clubs (See Fig. 3). Young male immigrants are active in playing football more than women and old people, as confirmed also by Zacheus (2010).

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Fig. 2 Young male Arab immigrants can play football in free green areas in neighborhood parks with a few appearances of people, defining their playing field with their personal items and/or existing physical landscape objects, as a common behavior from their country of origin. Source Taken by Author in Berlin 2018

Fig. 3 Young male Arab immigrants tend to play football in large groups more in open football fields, such as in areas of public accessibility related to stadiums or sports clubs (upper photo), or related to public and neighborhoods parks where kids can also play (bottom photo). Source Taken by Author in Berlin 2018

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This can be related to friendship-activities rather than to just individual interest, in weekends more than within the weekdays. Through friends’ contacts, they tend to prefer a specific football field more than other activities, regardless of the place’s location, which enhances the importance of social life and interactions and goes beyond the physical space itself, which is also argued by Wari (2017) and Addas (2015). This could also be related to observations that many Arab immigrants tend to prefer football fields where people from the country of origin tend to play. However, it can also be mixed with other internationals and Germans. It seems rather sporadic for Arabs to play only with German groups, except very close friends, study or work colleagues. This agrees with the four levels of interactions mentioned by Addas (2015), where the interactions start highly with friends and family, then with people from the same country of origin, followed by other international immigrants, and finally with locals. Also, these results confirm that immigrants tend to use the same open space of other immigrants (Addas, 2015; Seeland, 1999), and specifically in playing football (Krouwel et al., 2006; Spaaij, 2012; Zacheus, 2010). In the empirically accompanied sample of study participants in Berlin (AlKhanbashi, 2020a), young male Arab immigrants tend to come in a large group of friends and friends of friends to establish many teams spontaneously to compete with each other. While they specify the starting time, they do not determine the ending time, and leaving mostly depends on the personal interest, tiredness, or forcing to leave due to the sunset while most of these fields do not provide night-illumination, unlike evening activities at the country of origin (Addas, 2015; Al-Khanbashi, 2020a). Before, in between, and after playing, they tend to use the public space as a place for gathering (Martin et al., 2004), where they chat and talk about their daily life stories, news from home or their home countries, and help each other to solve problems related to studying, staying, and general life (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a). One of the most frequented open sports fields by Arab immigrants in Berlin is Poststadion (Al-khanbashi, 2020a, b), due to its large size with different open sports fields, central location close to the main train station, and close to areas where many Arab immigrants live, especially Moabit and Wedding in Mitte. It is a place, where Arabs from different countries play football weekly together. Also, people from the same country of origin play together, like Yemenis, where around 30 Yemenis from various regions in Yemen regularly meet and play with Arabs from other countries. The relation between the preferred sports fields and accommodation can also be observed in smaller cities. For example in Tübingen, in the State of Baden-Württemberg, where Arab immigrants play football frequently in the open sports field of the school Geschwister-Scholl-Schule located

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in Waldhäuser-Ost district. This sports field is located within 10 min walking distance to many refugee accommodations –Flüchtlingsheim– and student accommodation village –Studentenwohnheim–. In this sense, the location of the football-field encourages asylum seekers, refugees, and students, such as students from Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Yemen, Somalia, and Libya, to play football together in large groups weekly and sometimes several times a week, especially in summer. Sometimes, they play together with other international and German students. These sports fields support the establishment of new or enhancing previous friendships so that they are more than just (physical) football-place (Cahill, 2020; Cattell et al., 2008; Cheng, 2019; Krouwel et al., 2006; Zacheus, 2010). After playing, mostly among close friends, social activities can be continued through eating together in a restaurant or their houses, in addition to gathering, for example, for tea, coffee, shisha, playing cards or video and computer gaming, and/or watching movies. Also, beyond playing football, groups of friends, especially fans of such a team in European leagues or teams from the country of origin, also tend to gather to watch football matches in their houses, sports cafes, or shisha cafes (See Fig. 4), creating as Maffesoli (1996) called ‘urban tribes’ and

Fig. 4 Beyond playing football, urban tribes and sub-tribes can be created based on immigrants’ interests to extend friends’ social and recreational activities. For example, watching football in sport shisha cafes (middle and right photos) or playing football games on PlayStation in their houses or certain places (left photo). Source Taken by Author in Berlin 2018; Right photo: Al-Khanbashi, 2020a. p. 177

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‘sub-tribes’ where people can belong to more than one group based on their personal interests, tastes, and lifestyles.

3.4

Arab Communities and Sub-communities Sport Events

Social and cultural activities are important for Arab immigrants to enhance and strengthen their identity, social cohesion, and solidarity (Addas, 2015; AlKhanbashi, 2020a, b; Wari, 2017). In this context, football is considered as a tool that goes beyond practicing sports to support social and cultural aspects among Arab communities and sub-communities representing a country of origin or a specific area within a country. Mosques, Arab schools, Muslim organizations, and cultural centers tend to organize sports activities, especially football, to getting young Muslims and Arabs together in an atmosphere that strengthens Islamic values and cultural traditions, or at least to encourage enhancing social links and solidarity (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a). These sport activities are considered as a common phenomenon that can be organized by minorities, which is, according to Walseth (2016), referred to as “ethnic segregated activities”. This direction is more obvious among each Arab sub-community, urban subtribe, that allows, through football, to enhance their national identity, values, and traditions (Krouwel et al., 2006), as well as strengthen their social bonds, cohesion and solidarity (Cheng, 2019; Spaaij, 2012), in addition to experiencing the atmosphere of their homeland (Middleton et al., 2020). For example, among the Yemeni community, the Union of Yemeni Students in Germany organizes several cultural and recreational activities and events, where Yemeni students from different German federal states are encouraged to participate, in a sense of improving their quality of life, enhancing national identity, and strengthen social relationships. One of the annual events is the Olympic Games for the Yemeni community. For example, the author participated in the versions of 2018 in Clausthal-Zellerfeld, and 2019 in Bonn, where Yemenis from every German State represented a team competing with each other during one-day games, where football is the main activity. Some of the participants were hosted in the Islamic cultural center of the city, while the majority in the private houses of other Yemeni students, although most of them still not yet know each other, in a way that enhances social cohesion and solidarity. Selecting the cities hosting such events is mainly based on the areas where many Yemeni students the Yemeni communities live and can thus benefit from an easier spatial accessibility. Exact sports fields’ locations are selected through getting a permission or renting to use sport

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facilities of a university of that city or other sports clubs and modify it in a preferred way. Most of these events are organized, in addition to sports activities, by serving free traditional food that is mostly cooked by members of the hosting city to express hospitality that is common among Arab and Yemeni culture. Additionally, these sports events open doors for establishing new social contacts among the Yemeni community from different states in Germany. Additionally, the Union of Yemeni Students has mostly a section in each German state or sometimes combines more than one state. Each section organizes internal trips and activities for their local members of the Yemeni community. These sports activities vary from the Arab community and from sub-Arab communities representing specific countries or areas of origin, to Islamic organizations, cultural clubs, social groups, as well as individual interests—which all play a significant role in consolidating Arab immigrants’ identities and placemaking (Neal, 2010; Wari, 2017; Zukin, 1995), and in the same time forming overlapping and complex hybrid identities (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a, b; Maffesoli, 1996; Schönwald, 2015; Wari, 2017).

3.5

NGO’s and Local Municipalities’ Competitions

Many European and German organizations and governmental authorities tend to encourage using sport, especially football, as a tool for social and cultural integration (Stura, 2019), to support teaching language and culture of the host country (Zacheus, 2010). Other goals are bringing newcomers together with locals, reducing isolation, and deepening a sense of belonging, inclusion, and solidarity (Ekholm & Dahlstedt, 2017; McDonald et al., 2019). In Germany, the Deutsche Associations of Olympic Sports with the initiative of the Federal Government started, in 1989, the so called ‘Concretion and Integration through Sport’ programme, which has encouraged participation of people with migration background in sport clubs’ activities (Özgüzel & Hasirci, 2019). In this sense, according to Stura (2019), refugees have joined over 3000 German clubs, with the majority of young male players as 63.6% in 2017, with average of 22.9 years old when they arrive Germany. Additionally, many NGO’s and local municipalities organize one-day indoor or outdoor football competitions among immigrants and local teams, where different Arab teams tend to participate. These Arab teams represent either a country of origin, a specific area of an Arab country, or mixed between Arab nationalities, depends on the type of competition and member’s contacts. As a tool of enhancing social cohesion and solidarity (Cahill, 2020; Cattell et al., 2008; Cheng, 2019; Krouwel et al., 2006; Zacheus, 2010), the empirical

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study of this research shows that members and fans of each Arab team tend to support each other’s to reach as far as possible in the competition, although the appearance of another Arab team can also be a motivation to win. Additionally, as observed and many interviewees pointed out that if this competition is organized with a food gathering, they prefer gathering with people they know more than establishing new contacts with locals, confirming the levels of immigrants’ interactions mentioned by Addas (2015). In this sense, football competitions that organized by NGOs or local authorities can support solidarity among Arabs more than as a tool for connecting to locals, although it can be possible to achieve both in some cases. These findings agree with the results of other studies, which confirm to a certain degree that sport and football activities can promote segregating and isolating immigrants from locals (Carmi & Kidron, 2018; Krouwel et al., 2006; Mauro, 2016; Nikita, 2019; Spaaij, 2012), and instead enhance social networks, cohesion, and solidarity among immigrants themselves more than with locals (Cahill, 2020; Cheng, 2019; Krouwel et al., 2006; Spaaij, 2012; Zacheus, 2010). On the other hand, sports activities with locals can provide opportunities, although in few cases, by easing some difficulties during immigrants’ integration experiences (Mauro, 2016; Zacheus, 2010). For example, many cultural and sports clubs have been established by immigrants and locals to facilitate integration, such as Salam Cultural and Sports Club -Salam Kultur- und Sportclub e. V.- in Berlin which was established as a charitable organization by Syrians and Germans. It aims to help Syrians in Berlin, in addition to sport and leisure activities and events, by supporting them in their daily life, such as searching for jobs, training, doctors, kindergartens, or schools, finding language tandems between Syrians and Germans, dealing with the authorities, and obtaining legal advice.

3.6

Social, Cultural, and Psychological Means of Sport and Football for Arab Immigrants’ Daily Life

This research founds that sport, especially football, for Arab immigrants is not only for just playing, exercising, having fun, or spending time, but goes beyond that for improving their quality of life, well-being, and health, as well as reflecting social, cultural, and psychological means. It supports social and cultural life, social capital, and inter-Arab contacts through establishing new social links, strengthening friendship relations, and enhancing social cohesion and solidarity (Cahill, 2020; Cattell et al., 2008; Cheng, 2019; Krouwel et al., 2006; Zacheus,

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2010). Psychologically, though also social bonds and meeting friends, it absorbs the pressure of life and stress from daily routine (Addas, 2015; Ghahari et al., 2020; Ndengeyingoma et al., 2014) related to migration experience, working, studying, or general everyday life, in addition to absorbing alienation and homesickness and helping to escape from boredom and psychological problems. It provides a sense of feeling of home (Middleton et al., 2020) and community belonging (Mauro, 2016; Spaaij, 2015; Stone, 2018), as well as sharing common interests and feelings (Maffesoli, 1996; Wari, 2017).

4

Conclusion

Returning to the focus of the social constructivism perspective, where the landscape is understood subjectively, which has resulted cumulatively from the very complex interpretation process of previous and current perceptions and experiences (Schütz, 1971 [1962]; Schütz & Luckmann, 2003 [1975]; Kühne, 2018): In this approach, constructing landscape and appropriating physical space are culturally differentiated, where symbols and signs are developed differentially (Blumer, 1973; Greider & Garkovich, 1994; Kühne, 2018; Mead & Morris, 1967), forming different cultural backgrounds, norms, values, meanings, which mostly shaped during childhood and youth periods (Höglhammer et al., 2015; Mallman, 2019). Consequently, this affects present individuals’ and groups’ experiences, preferences, and behaviors, which are in the process of constant influence and mixing (Al-Khanbashi, 2020a, Kühne and Schönwald, 2015; Schönwald, 2015). Based on the empirical study, the findings of this article foster the theoretical basis of social constructivism, where past experiences of Arab immigrants strongly influence their present responses within the host country, Germany. Their cultural backgrounds, norms, values, and meanings, which they have brought with them, affect their responses by applying strategies of the appropriation of physical spaces for playing football to suit them best and meet their needs in the new environment. Regarding the case examples of this study, this appropriation seems different from locals and other immigrants. However, gradually, some individual and social meanings could be modified and/or inserted as new, through cross social interactions and everyday practices. The findings suggest that since the social exchange is central in the Arab immigrants’ life, football is considered beyond playing for fun or health as a tool of enhancing social and cultural values, establishing social networks, enhancing social cohesion, and consolidating solidarity, intensively between Arab communities, especially people from the same country of origin. Football shapes urban tribes and sub-tribes that contribute

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to formulating other daily life practices based on their personal interests. Their cultural background and values influence them to appropriate physical space by playing in large groups, especially in open sports fields. Past experiences in playing street football in the country of origin also affect young immigrants’ present experiences to define goals and edges to play in neighborhood parks. On the other hand, parents and family can influence the still limited participation of Arab women in playing football as a response to cultural values. Instead, while males are playing, it opens doors to strengthen social relations among Arab women and families by exchanging visits in other private or public spaces. Moreover, kids playing football contribute to connecting Arab families. Finally, considering the approach of social constructivism using biographical interviews and participant observation, this article confirms the importance of linking the past and present in understanding the cultural differentiation of appropriating physical spaces for activities, football in this case. It is a contribution to filling the gap of empirical studies in this field and paves the way for more investigations and comparative studies to ease understanding the interpretations’ complexity and clarify the influencing factors for better sustainable development considering cultural differentiation and needs.

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Mohammed Al-Khanbashi works currently at Gerber Architekten International Gmbh in Berlin. He obtained his doctoral degree (Dr. phil) from Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen with a focus on social constructivist landscape research in relation to migration, specifically Arab immigrants in Germany. His background is landscape architecture with a Bachelor’s degree from Saudi Arabia and an International Master’s degree from Germany. He is interested in migration and landscape, sustainable development, and green infrastructure.

Landscape and Equestrian Games—A Social Constructivist Approach Lara Koegst

Abstract

This paper focuses on the examination of eventing cross-country fences in equestrian sports under aspects of social constructivist landscape theory. The historical development of the sport from fox hunts and military utility tests for horses and riders indicates the integration of stereotypically rural aspects in the design of both the obstacles and the course. The physical space, interpreted as landscape, is not only a backdrop, but also an important part of the sport due to the design of the terrain with slopes, ponds, and ditches, which strongly influences the level of difficulty and safety. Among the analyzed obstacles of three major international competitions, four forms of obstacle design could be identified regarding their integration of landscape aspects: Besides traditional, plain designs of the obstacles, especially natural and near-natural fences were identified, which are complemented with object-representing fences such as houses and animals. Furthermore, the integration of regional aspects can be observed at many of the obstacles, which creates the opportunity to convey regional stereotypes. Overall, a delicate balance between aesthetics and safety for horse and rider becomes apparent. Keywords

Social constructivist landscape research • Social constructivism • Landscape stereotypes • Equestrian sport • Cross-country L. Koegst (B) Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_14

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Introduction

As the combination of cross country, dressage, and jumping, eventing is often referred to as the triathlon of the equestrian world (cf. among others: FEI, 2018). In German, eventing is also known as ‘Military’, referring directly to the history of the sport’s origins: a performance and endurance test for horses and their riders who served in the military. Since then, the sport has changed, expanded beyond the military and, above all, became much safer for horses as well as their riders. In 1912, the discipline of equestrian eventing has become an Olympic sport (FEI, 2018). The most significant feature is that tournaments consist of three different tests, which are held over several days: in addition to a dressage test and a show jumping competition (which are also separate disciplines in the equestrian sport), cross-country jumping is an important part of the event. In this event, permanently installed fences must be mastered on a given course, with gallop sections in between fences. Since the sports’ military days, the fences have evolved, safety standards have been adapted and the design and decoration have become more diverse. The design of the fence’s ranges from simple wooden gates, walls, terrain steps and ponds to house and animal imitations, as well as other elaborately designed jumps. The focus of this article lies on the design of the obstacles and whether parallels to stereotypical ideas of landscape can be found here. The aim of this article is therefore to examine the fences through the theoretical perspective of social constructivist landscape research. In doing so, the question of how landscape stereotypes can be found in the obstacles of the cross-country courses is pursued. This is examined based on an exploratory study of three cross-country courses and their fences. In total, 145 obstacles from three international competitions in the USA (World Equestrian Games), Great Britain and Brazil (Olympics) were examined. Furthermore, it is assumed that sport (which can also be regarded as a game in a broad sense) has a similar engagement with ‘landscape’ as has already been examined in some publications on game and ‘landscape’ (e.g. exemplified by model railroads: Kühne & Schmitt, 2012a, b; model railroads and pin ball machines: Kühne et al., 2020; virtual games: Fontaine, 2017, 2020). Kühne et al. (2020, p. 6) for example, refer to different degrees of importance that landscape can hold for games, ranging from no importance to a fundamental importance of landscape for the game or, respectively, equivalently for sports. Therefore, in the following chapters, after an introduction to social constructivist landscape research and landscape stereotypes, an insight into the sport of eventing and the

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design of its fences will be given to subsequently take a closer look at the obstacles of the three examined cross-country courses with regard to their design and in relation to landscape stereotypes.

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Introductory Remarks on Social Constructivist Landscape Research

In addition to essentialism’s intrinsic being independent of the observer and the empirically observable objects studied by researchers from a positivist point of view, ‘landscape’ is understood as a social construct by many researchers adopting a social constructivist perspective, namely as “the result of socially formed patterns of interpretation and evaluation” (Kühne, 2019b, p. 17; among many: Aschenbrand, 2017; Cosgrove, 1998; Greider & Garkovich, 1994; Jenal et al., 2021; Kühne, 2019a; 2020; Kühne et al., 2013; Weber, 2019). Accordingly, from constructivist worldviews, reality is also understood as socially generated and is closely related to the “combination of sensory impressions to form an overall picture” (Kühne, 2018, p. 9). However, since the social construction of ‘landscape’ is an unconscious process, what is perceived appears as reality to the observer (Ipsen, 2006, p. 31; Kühne & Weber, 2017, p. 18). Thus, ‘landscape’ does not refer to a clearly definable physical space, but rather to a multitude of possibilities of interpreting a part of the physical space as a ‘landscape’ depending on the perceived object constellations (Wojtkiewicz & Heiland, 2012, p. 135; Kühne, 2018; see also Kühne, 2022a, b; Kühne et al., 2022 in this anthology). This “intraconscious synthesis of observed material objects” (Kühne, 2019c, p. 69) as ‘landscape’ as well as the attribution of aesthetic assessments takes place on the basis of individual experiences and social patterns of interpretation and attribution (Kühne, 2017, p. 54; 2019c). However, the latter must first be learned by the individual in the process of socialization (Kühne, 2019b, p. 61, 2018). According to Kühne (e.g. 2006, 2008a, b; 2017), the development of two different understandings of landscape can be identified—namely the concept of the ‘native-normal landscape’ as well as the ‘stereotypical landscape’. The former is based in particular on familiarity and the “immediate reference to and symbolic occupation of physical objects in the environment of one’s home” (Kühne, 2017, p. 56). While this understanding of landscape is developed through direct contact, stereotypical understandings of landscape in children and adolescents are developed especially on the basis of secondary information, such as books or movies (Kühne, 2017, p. 56; Kühne, 2008b, 2019b, p. 63). Thereby, general standards of aesthetic conceptions of ‘landscape’ (what counts as a ‘beautiful’ landscape or

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which constellation of physical objects can be interpreted as an ‘ugly’ landscape) are conveyed, accordingly “the conformity of objects viewed together takes place against the background of socially accepted aesthetic standards” (Kühne, 2017, p. 56; 2006). Furthermore, the individual’s engagement with ‘landscape’ in terms of individual usability takes place simultaneously, Kühne (2019b, p. 63) particularly refers to the use “for walks or as a backdrop for sporting activities” on a functional level, consequently also horseback riding. In addition to books, films, the Internet, and other sources, games are also of particular importance in conveying general standards of aesthetic ideas of landscape. Kühne et al. (2020, p. 5) are distinguishing between ‘play’ and ‘game’: “While in “play”, landscape—if at all constructed as such—takes on a more scenic function; in “game”, there are clearer references to landscape”. Here it can be assumed that similarities exist for sport and its references to landscape, because in a broad sense sport can also be seen as a form of playing. This is expressed for example in equestrian terms such as the ‘World Equestrian Games’. While in some sports there is no or very little reference to ‘landscape’—for example, it only serves as a backdrop—physical spaces interpreted as landscape can provide an indispensable factor for other sports. For example, if the physical nature of the space perceived as landscape has a significant influence on the performance of a sport. Furthermore, according to Ipsen (2006, p. 67), physical spaces interpreted as landscape “always have an outstanding reference to nature” so that in this perspective ‘landscapes’ “are places of recreation for modern people. Here one hikes, skis, swims or rides”. A playful as well as sportive engagement with landscape can thus contribute to a mediation of landscape norms and values and the associated individual interpretation of landscape and enable the testing of typical landscape interpretations and evaluations (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 11). This relation between physical spaces interpreted as landscape and the equestrian sport, more specifically eventing, will be analyzed in more detail after a brief introduction to eventing by examining three international eventing cross-country courses in terms of the use of landscape stereotypes.

3

The Origins of Eventing and Its Cross-Country Courses

In addition to the terms eventing or Military in German, the sport also bears the name ‘Three Day Event’, indicating the combination of three sub-disciplines on three consecutive days comprising the score. Following the dressage test and the show jumping, the cross-country trial is the highlight of the event: “the objective

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of [it] is to test the ability of the athletes and horses to adapt to different and variable conditions (weather, terrain, obstacles, footing etc. …) and jumping ability of the horse, while at the same time demonstrating the rider’s knowledge of pace and the use of the horse” (FEI, 2021, n.p.; Murray et al., 2005, p. 319). The goal is to overcome 25 to 45 specially constructed fences of varying difficulty as quickly and faultlessly as possible. Connected through canter tracks, these firmly anchored, massive constructions on often uneven terrain with occasional water crossings form the Cross-Country course (FEI, 2021, n.p.). Following the foxhunts of the nineteenth century, the origin of the eventing discipline in the equestrian sport was particularly influenced by the military in the twentieth century and eventually developed from a “large[er] utility test for the soldier’s horse” (Klimke, 1967, p. 11; FEI, 2018) with serious military significance, to ‘Military’. At the time, the goal of this exercise was to test the horse and rider to overcome challenges they might face during deployment (FEI, 2021). Until today’s form of eventing was created, this utility test for horses went through various developments: from road marathons of mounted officers over 580 km at the end of the nineteenth century, through trotting marathon races and endurance rides to condition tests, which for the first time included obstacles that had to be overcome on a gallop course across the field (Klimke, 1967, pp. 14–15). The reason for this development arose “from the military necessity for patrols and dispatch riders to ride through pathless terrain and overcome obstacles” (Klimke, 1967, p. 15). At the Olympic Games in Stockholm in 1912, equestrian sports - dressage (then known as prize riding), show jumping and eventing—were included in the sporting competition for the first time, but due to the connection with the military, only active officers (accordingly only men) were allowed to represent their country (Klimke, 1967, p. 16; FEI, 2018). The first Olympic obstacles of the cross-country courses consisted of ditches, as well as gates made of loose wooden poles (Klimke, 1967, p. 16). It should also be noted that at that time eventing still consisted of four tests: an endurance ride followed by an obstacle course (a cross-country ride in a hunting gallop with obstacles), overcoming a show jumping course and taking part in a dressage test (Klimke, 1967, p. 16). In 1920, in Antwerp, the competition for soldier’s horses finally developed into a sporting competition, as for the first time, gentlemen riders took part in the equestrian games alongside officers (women were not allowed to take part in the tournaments until the Olympic Games in Tokyo in 1964; cf. Klimke, 1967, p. 66). The 1924 Equestrian Games in Paris finally consisted for the first time of the still valid form of the three sub-disciplines of dressage, jumping and the cross-country course with obstacles (Klimke, 1967, p. 20). In the following years the obstacles of the eventing course developed further, besides

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simple paddock rigs and ditches that had to be overcome, a pond was introduced into the Olympic cross-country course in 1936, although in international eventing there already were jumps into water prior to this (Klimke, 1967, p. 29). From 1936 onwards, but especially in the post-war years, a tendency towards a steady increase in the difficulty of the obstacles became apparent. However, this also entailed a higher risk for rider and horse, which was recognized and addressed at the 1964 Olympic Games (cf. Klimke, 1967, pp. 69–70). Today, the safety of the cross-country courses is one of the most important aspects to be considered when planning competitions and designing the obstacles and courses. The Fédération Equestre Nationale (2018, p. 3), for example, states the construction of an “educational, easy-to-ride, safe cross-country course appropriate to the respective class/requirement” as the ultimate goal of every cross-country course, with the course designer being responsible for the design of the fences as well as the layout of the course (FEI, 2020, p. 32). The distribution of obstacles on the cross-country course should be mostly even, with canter sections in between (FN, 2018, p. 13). Based on the design of the cross-country course and the construction of the obstacles, despite the different physical conditions of the site (ground, environment, terrain), an attempt is made to create levels of difficulty that are somewhat comparable and can be assigned to the international difficulty classes (FN, 2018, p. 4). “Whether an obstacle is single or is an element of a combination, whether it is straight or height-spread, broad or narrow, has a solid top or a brush, has an alternative or not and whether it is a water crossing or not” (Stachurska et al., 2010, p. 106) affects the difficulty of the obstacles for horse and rider. Where to jump over is marked by two flags for each obstacle, regardless of whether it is a specially installed obstacle, a terrain step, ditches, or water jumps. The right side of the area to be jumped over is marked with a red flag, the left side with a white flag. Additionally, numbers indicate the order of the obstacles, which is especially important in combinations with tight turns between the individual jumps providing guidance to the rider. When designing obstacles, “the principle of “respectable for the rider - fair to the horses” applies. A misjudgment or underestimation of the obstacle by horse and rider should be avoided at all times” (FN, 2018, p. 14). To prevent misjudgment especially by the horses, the design and material of the obstacles must create a respectable obstacle. Contrast and visual separation of the obstacle from its surroundings, e.g., floral decorations that increase the contrast to the ground and clear top lines make the dimensions of the obstacle more visible to horses and thus lead to more safety (FN, 2018, p. 14; p. 31). Moreover, especially thin materials, such as thin bars or branches are easy to miss, so mostly solid materials should be used (FN 2018, p. 31). Using hedges as (parts of) an obstacle

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also leads to increased safety because they are visually perceived as an obstacle, but are not massive and, unlike solid materials, can easily be brushed through by the horses’ hooves. Accordingly, the design and layout of the obstacles is significantly influenced by the perception of the horses and a resulting construction that is as safe as possible for both horse and rider. Since horses are particularly sensitive to (suddenly) moving things, attention is also paid to the fact that all components of the obstacles are well fastened and do not move in the wind (FN 2018, p. 32). In relation to the surroundings, the Fédération Équestre Nationale (2018, p. 71) refers to the fact that fences should integrate into the surrounding area and be “well integrated into the landscape”, but only in the sense that they should not stand out as artificial: at the same time, they should differ from the surroundings so that the horses can easily distinguish the fences from the surroundings by contrast. The same applies to the decoration of the obstacles: They are considered as a “significant factor of the test quality (safety, acceptance, ambience)” and should “underline the character of the obstacle and match its surroundings” (FN, 2018, p. 16). Accordingly, the physical space perceived as landscape plays an important role in the cross-country course of eventing and its design. On the one hand, the difficulty of the course is influenced by physical conditions such as slope, ground and light-shadow conditions; furthermore, artificial additions such as the obstacles, ponds, ditches or walls should be integrated into the ‘landscape’ as discreetly as possible. In the following chapter, this very design of the obstacles is empirically analyzed in more detail based on the fences of three international competitions.

4

Cross-Country and Landscape—Basic Considerations and Empirical Observations

The relation between cross-country courses with its obstacles of the eventing equestrian sport and landscape, which is the focus of this article, is based on an exploratory study to obtain preliminary results, due to a lack of previous research. The empirical investigation is based on an analysis of the fences of three international competitions. This provides a total of 145 jumps for closer examination. In this context, it should be taken into account that the competitions of the analyzed fences were major international competitions that took place during the Olympic Games in Great Britain in 2012, as well as in Brazil in 2016 and the World Equestrian Games in the United States (Tryon, North Carolina) in 2018. In the following paragraphs, after some basic considerations on the relation between

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cross-country obstacles and landscape, a closer look is taken at the empirically studied jumps. Methodically, the individual obstacles were categorized according to their design in order to identify patterns of typical designs and landscape relations. The relation between ‘landscape’ and the cross-country courses of eventing is evident at first glance: the cross-country courses take place outdoors ‘within the landscape’, or rather in a physical space that can be interpreted as landscape. ‘Landscape’ is accordingly the foundation, the area in which the competition takes place and represents an indispensable component to the sport: The physical basis of what is interpreted as landscape plays a significant functional role in the difficulty of the cross-country course. At the same time, however, obstacles, decoration, ground steps and ponds are built specifically for the construction of the terrain tracks, accordingly, they are often not already existing (natural) objects. However, the use of logs, wood piles, fences, ponds, or walls to some extent suggests obstacles that are considered natural in the physical environment, especially in rural areas. Accordingly, a reference to historical aspects is apparent, in particular to the development of the sport from its origins in hunting and military riding, with obstacles consisting of or representing objects that had to be jumped by horses and their riders on hunting or military missions (e.g., fallen trees, roots, ditches, fences and gates). The analysis of the design of the examined fences can be summarized in four patterns, in which the relation to landscape can be illustrated as well: In addition to traditional/plain and natural/near natural design patterns, it was possible to identify object-representing patterns, as well as an encompassing pattern of design that picks up on regional characteristics. Each of these patterns will be discussed in more detail in the following paragraphs: Traditional/plain design of the obstacles: The traditional, plain design of the obstacles could be seen in 31% of the 145 jumps examined from London, Rio de Janeiro, and Tryon (see Fig. 14.1). The design of these obstacles corresponds to those of historical competitions at the beginning of international competitions in eventing (see e.g. Fig. 14.2 picture 1). Most of them are obstacles made of plain wooden constructions, often in connection with hedges, as well as jumps in or out of ponds or over ditches (see e.g. Fig. 14.2 picture 10). Natural/near natural design of obstacles: This pattern of design can be identified in 19% of the examined obstacles where the natural or near-natural design of the obstacles predominates. These are mostly tree trunks (18 obstacles) and woodpiles (6 obstacles), which have to be overcome either as natural objects or objects that have been recreated in a natural way (sehr e.g. Fig. 14.2 picture 6). In addition to a historical referral to objects that had to be overcome by horse and

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Designs of the 145 analysed fences tradional 4% 9%

replicated items 31%

10%

"natural" (incl. logs, wood piles) houses

19%

other 27%

animals

Fig. 14.1 Design of the 145 analyzed fences of competitions in London (2012), Rio de Janeiro (2016), and Tryon (2018). Source own design based on own survey

rider while hunting or on military assignments, the proximity to stereotypically rural aspects can also be identified since tree trunks and wood piles are mostly interpreted as physical objects of rural areas. Object-representing design of the obstacles: The design of some of the obstacles is based on the non-scale replication of various objects: 10% of the obstacles are designed to resemble houses (see e.g. Fig. 14.2 picture 7), for example in London there was a jump over two houses titled ‘Saxony Village’, and in Tryon one over ‘Wellington Stables’ (see e.g. Fig. 14.2 picture 11), the representation of a horse stable. In addition, about 4% of the obstacles are designed as animals, such as a toad sitting in a pond, squirrels, and a bee fixed over a ditch creating the illusion of flying (see e.g. Fig. 14.2 picture 12). Furthermore, other replications can be seen in 27% of the obstacles, including jumping over the rings of Saturn, a boat dock, hay wagons, bridges, or horseshoes (see e.g. Fig. 14.2 pictures 4, 8 and 9). What is noticeable here is that the design of fences located in or near a pond often have a thematic connection to water: Fish or toads, as well as boats, jetties, and a jump over a replication of a marina (see e.g. Fig. 14.2 picture 3) can be identified in this context. Furthermore, the special pattern of the design of obstacles integrating regional features: This can be understood as an interconnected pattern, because obstacles can also be assigned to other patterns. References to regional features were identified in 21 of the obstacles analyzed. This use of regional stereotypes in the

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Fig. 14.2 Examples of cross-country fences in eventing: 1: historic obstacle jumped by Reiner Klimke at the Rome Olympics (1960); images 2–5, 11 & 12 obstacles from Tryon 2018; images 6 & 9 Rio de Janeiro 2016; images 7, 8 & 10 London 2012. Sources 1: https:// www.horsemagazine.com/thm/2020/09/from-the-archives-reiner-klimke-the-way-forwardfor-dressage-judging/; 2–5: https://www.horseandhound.co.uk/features/world-equestriangames-cross-country-course-302324; 6: https://eventingnation.com/your-colorful-guideto-the-2016-olympic-cross-country-course/; 7 & 8: https://www.theguardian.com/sport/ gallery/2012/jul/29/olympics-2012-olympics-2012-equestrian; 9: https://assets.eventingn ation.com/eventingnation.com/images/2016/08/bridgeOfKnowledgeOly16brinkman8-4xS6592.jpg; 10: https://www.theguardian.com/sport/gallery/2012/jul/29/olympics-2012-oly mpics-2012-equestrian#img-6; 11: https://useventing.com/images/_largeHorizontal/DSC_ 2346_181110_230017.jpg; 12: https://eventingnation.com/a-test-of-concentration-fitnessweg-2018-cross-country-course-preview/)

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design of obstacles leads to a reinforcement of these stereotypes: spectators on site, and in the case of the examined competitions especially spectators of the worldwide transmission on television and the Internet, are provided with confirmation of already existing stereotypes, or new regional stereotypes are conveyed and reinforced. In addition, the inclusion of regional aspects can be interpreted as an advertising function for the surrounding areas due to the broadcasting on television and the Internet. In London in 2012, for example, references to the Tower of London, cricket and Queen Elizabeth conveyed the image of a city characterized by historic buildings and landmarks and, of course, the monarchy. The conveyance of this impression is supported by the venue in Greenwich Park, from where spectators and riders have a view over the city, Canary Wharf and the Queen’s House (see e.g. Fig. 14.2 picture 8). In Rio de Janeiro in 2016, on the other hand, tropical flora and fauna in particular, such as parrots, predators, monkeys, or palm trees and bananas, were picked up alongside references to the Copa Cabana and the Knowledge Bridge (also included in the pattern of object-representing design) and thus presented as a country with a variety of tropical animals and plants as well as tourist destinations. In Tryon, North Carolina in 2018, however, the image of a rural area is portrayed through the use of cultural features of North Carolina: a hay farm, a distillery for moonshine whiskey (illegally distilled, traditionally typical for North Carolina, Sauer, 2020; see e.g. Fig. 14.2 picture 5), whose boilers and pipes are to be jumped over, the Henderson Apple Festival (see Fig. 14.2 picture 2), and an obstacle designed to represent a part of the Overmountain Victory National Historic Trail in North Carolina. Accordingly, contact with regional stereotypes can be observed in two forms: on the one hand, the incorporation of these in the design of obstacles, and on the other hand, the possibility of influencing local stereotypes, through their adoption in the course and the consequent reinforcement and transmission of these to the spectators of the competition. In this context, a tense relationship can be recognized in the construction and design of the obstacles, because these must meet the safety requirements and pose the lowest possible risk of injury to horse and rider, while at the same time satisfying aesthetic demands, which are expected in particular by spectators of the competitions, since they have enough time for extensive observation of the obstacles between the individual jumps of the participants. The use of regional stereotypes in the design of the obstacles can therefore lead to them being adopted or reinforced by spectators as typical for the region. This is further reinforced by the international broadcasting of major competitions on the Internet and television, so that individual knowledge stocks of the regions often consist only of the stereotypes transmitted here. For example, the design of an obstacle as a “moonshine distillery” can contribute to the fact

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that the illegal distilling of alcohol may be adopted as a stereotype of Tryon and North Carolina to the spectators. Moreover, in the 145 examined jumps, especially the already mentioned aspects for an increased safety of the jumps can be recognized. Flowers, as well as flower decorations, which could be recognized at 72 of the analyzed fences, contribute to higher contrasts and a better recognizability of the obstacles for the horses. Furthermore, 38 of the obstacles consisted at least in parts of shrubs or hedges, which, as the upper edge of the jumps, prevent injuries to the horses’ legs if they do not jump high enough and brush through the hedge (see e.g. Fig. 14.2 picture 10). Overall, it is notable that in the three analyzed cross-country courses, only objects that are interpreted in a stereotypically (aesthetically) positive way are included in the design of the courses. Accordingly, no wind power, biogas, or industrial facilities, for example, can be found in any of the studied courses, as well as only a few modern devices and objects that can be found in today’s rural or urban areas. Only in Tryon exceptions to this are recognizable: Since the competition was among others sponsored by a car manufacturer, there were Pick Up’s and other vehicles on the course which are suitable for farm work, stables and other industries of the rural area as well as the towing of horse trailers. Nevertheless, the sponsors’ advertising is thematically adapted, which is not at least due to the fact that the advertised products correspond to the interests of spectators and participants. However, the sponsoring could only be clearly recognized in the design of four obstacles (for example, a horse feed brand, the cars already mentioned, or a well-known beverage brand), although the names of the obstacles clearly indicate their sponsors more often. Overall, a positive, historically influenced understanding of the surrounding landscape is conveyed, which, in addition to regional references, is particularly saturated with natural and rural aspects. However, the inclusion of objects that are not interpreted as stereotypically beautiful or rural—which “contradict stereotypical landscape expectations” (Kühne, 2018, p. 206)—could, over a period of time, lead to their presence becoming normality among spectators and participants of eventing and the equestrian sport. For children in particular, this offers the opportunity to include objects that do not yet correspond to the current perception of landscape in their socialization of what they see as landscape in connection with horseback riding, horses, and to a large extent rural areas, which can thus contribute to a generational change in the interpretations of landscape (see Kühne, 2017).

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Conclusion

According to Kühne et al. (2020, p. 5) “games in the process of socialization have a great importance in introducing the socializing person into the interpretation, valuations, and practices of the social world”, accordingly, a high importance for the socialization of landscape can be presumed to a similar extent for sports. Through the design of the obstacles and the environment of the cross-country courses, ‘landscape’ and landscape aspects are made experienceable through sport for both participants and spectators thus contributing to the socialization of landscape and can furthermore convey landscape stereotypes. The design of the cross-country courses’ obstacles particularly contribute to the conveyance of idyllic rural stereotypes, corresponding to the historical development of the sport. In addition, regional aspects of the competition venue’s location are often incorporated into the design of the obstacles, thus conveying regional stereotypes to the spectators via stereotypically rural arrangements and designs. Especially the broadcasting of large international events on the Internet and television is supporting this mediation of regional stereotypes. Overall, a high significance of landscape, or rather of the physical space that is perceived as such, can be determined for the cross-country course of eventing. The physical space perceived as landscape influences the level of difficulty of the cross-country course (both through naturally and specially created slopes, hills, ponds, etc.), ‘landscape’ can thus be seen both as a backdrop into which the course and obstacles are integrated, and as part of the sport. Obstacles created especially for the competitions are for the most part designed as close to nature as possible and should integrate into the surroundings, into the ‘landscape’. The safety of horse and rider must be guaranteed at all times so that, for example, light and shadow conditions and contrasts between obstacles and surroundings play an important role. Likewise, the construction of a large part of the obstacles made of wood is only partly due to aesthetic reasons, rather safety aspects prevail here, because the risk of injury to the horses is significantly lower than, for example, using metal, due to the softer material. The design of the obstacles consequently stands in a balance between safety and aesthetics. This can also be seen in the 145 jumps examined from three major international competitions in London, Rio de Janeiro and Tryon, North Carolina: In addition to traditional, simple designs of the obstacles, they are presented in a natural or near-natural way or representing objects such as animals or houses. In those forms of design, especially aspects that are stereotypically interpreted as rural are incorporated; furthermore, regional aspects are also included in the design. This last form of design can thereby influence the formation of regional stereotypes, especially through the digital

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transmission of large competitions. Altogether, these four forms of design have the possibility to integrate new elements that do not correspond to the current stereotypical rural or beautiful interpretations of landscape, but whose integration can support a change of interpretation towards more positive perceptions, especially among younger generations.

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Lara Koegst graduated from Eberhard Karls University Tübingen with a Bachelor of Science in Geography and a Master of Art in “Human Geography/Global Studies”. She was working as a student assistant on different projects at the research area of urban and regional development at the department of geography. Since 2021 she is working as a PhD student in the DFG funded project ‘Geographies of Unsustainability—A Neopragmatic Regional Geography of Louisiana’.

From the Mountains to the City to the Ocean. How Interaction with Landscape Creates Meaningful Experiences in Alpinism, Skateboarding and Surfing Erik Aschenbrand Abstract

Alpinism, skateboarding and surfing are activities related to specific landscapes—I will explore how in these three activities, engagement with landscapes is experienced as meaningful. This essay is guided by the assumption that analyzing playful engagement with landscapes can contribute to our understanding of socially widespread landscape preferences, as play and recreation are important factors in socialization. Thinking about play generally promises to bring us closer to the question of the good life. How do we want to live and what role does landscape play in this? Mountaineers and surfers certainly have answers to such questions. I argue that specific skills and knowledge are developed in the confrontation with landscape. Based on these expert skills and knowledge, interpretations of landscape become possible that do not occur in an everyday perspective on landscape. Alpinism corresponds most directly to the mythical structure of the hero’s journey—in other words, the archetype of adventure. In surfing and skateboarding, playfulness is cultivated more, but all three enable self-efficacy. Learning and improving through these experiences further develops landscape interpretations and landscape-related skills.

E. Aschenbrand (B) Hochschule Für Nachhaltige Entwicklung Eberswald, Eberswalde, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_15

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Keywords

Landscape • Game • Sport • Art • Adventure • Alpinism • Skateboarding Surfing

1

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Introduction: A Spectacle in Surf

In 1777, an expedition led by Captain James Cook reached Hawaii. One particular observation was documented by several crew members: not only could the inhabitants of the islands swim exceptionally well, they also let themselves be carried by the waves to the beach with canoes and simple boards and seemed to be in the surf just for fun (Warshaw, 2011). Today’s readers are familiar with descriptions and images of surfers. Even if you have never surfed a wave yourself, chances are you know how to swim and may have done so in the salty waters of an ocean. Not so Captain James Cook. He sailed around the world several times and achieved incredible feats of seafaring, so we can safely think of him as a man of the sea. However, like most of his contemporaries, he could not swim (Warshaw, 2011). In eighteenth century Hawaii, surfing was firmly anchored in the culture. It was part of ceremonies, annual festivals and competitions (Laderman, 2016). Craftsmen surfed, as did kings. Although surfing had egalitarian aspects, there was still a clear distinction between classes. There were simple, utilitarian surfboards and those whose elaborate production, subject to ritual rule, made them status symbols. There were even surf breaks reserved exclusively for kings (Warshaw, 2011). So, what does surfing have in common with skateboarding and alpinism? All three sports have inspired modern subcultures. All three sports are more than sports for some people, and possibly more than hobbies or games. The three activities mentioned often represent a lifestyle, each tied to distinct landscapes— they are forms of engagement with landscape (see in detail on landscape also Kühne, 2022 in this anthology). With this essay, I will explore how engagement with landscape is experienced as meaningful in the three activities mentioned. This essay is guided by the assumption that playful engagement with landscape contributes to understanding socially widespread landscape preferences (see also Jutz, 2022; Jutz & Endreß, 2022; Koegst, 2022 in this anthology). To what extent is our relationship to landscapes shaped by playful engagement? This question can also be asked about landscape-related activities other than those considered here. Fishing, hunting, and birdwatching are also closely tied to the landscape

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they take place in. However, unlike surfing, mountaineering and skateboarding, the playful dimension in these activities lies hidden underneath conservation, forestry, agricultural, and other aspects. Likely the debate over whether activities like fishing could be understood as play would be more acrimonious than the same debate about surfing, mountaineering and skateboarding. Nevertheless, all these activities in modern society are mostly hobbies and usually cost more than they contribute to a person’s livelihood. Something about these activities, therefore, must provide a certain pleasure for those who do them. Thinking about the playful aspect in surfing, alpinism and skateboarding can teach us about what it means to live a good life and the role landscape can play in achieving this. How do we want to live and what role does landscape play in this? Mountaineers and surfers certainly have answers to such questions. Skateboarding is more associated with urban contexts and cities are often not referred to as landscape in everyday language. I use a broad definition of landscape and define it from a social constructivist perspective (Kühne, 2019) as a consciously or subconsciously created impression of an environment. The impression of landscape is a subjective experience that nonetheless is shaped by one’s socialization.

2

Game, Adventure, Sport or What?

All three activities—alpinism, skateboarding and surfing—are difficult to learn, potentially dangerous and have produced a class of highly ambitious athletes who have elevated their skills to breathtaking levels and received widespread coverage in the media. These activities are often referred to as sport, sometimes with prefixes like outdoor, adventure or extreme. Sport is sometimes associated with either competition or health—aspects which recede into the background in the activities under consideration here. While competitions exist in alpinism as well as in surfing and skateboarding, there are also voices against largescale competitions and commercialization, arguing they are detrimental to the lifestyle associated with these activities. On the basis of adventure and the experience of existential situations, the famous alpinist Reinhold Messner explicitly distinguishes alpinism from sport (Wittershagen, 2020). Since the year 2019 alpinism is inscribed in UNESCO’s intangible cultural heritage list. There, alpinism is defined as follows: “Alpinism is the art of climbing up summits and walls in high mountains, in all seasons, in rocky or icy terrain” (UNESCO, 2019). It may also be appropriate to refer to skateboarding and surfing as an art, however, whether or not that is the case is beyond the scope of this paper. Instead, I want to compare

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the specific interactions with landscape that I consider to be at the heart of these three activities.

2.1

The Mountain in Alpinism

When the history of mountaineering is discussed, Francesco Petrarch’s “Ascent of Mont Ventoux” is frequently mentioned. This text inspired countless readers and served as a source for many things; because of Petrarch’s descriptions of nature and landscape, it was read as a testimony to an epochal threshold between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Burckhardt, 1860). Addtionally, the question of how much of Petrarch’s work is fictional, versus how much is metaphorical and autobiographical, has been intensively discussed (Stierle, 2005). While I will not discuss the classification of Petrarch’s work, I would like to take up the interpretation of Petrarch’s motifs as a starting point for my own interpretation of interaction with landscape. Petrarch writes that he undertook the tour of the mountain out of pure curiosity. Since his childhood, he has observed the mountain, and as he matured, so did the desire within him to climb it. He sees the realization of this desire as an important challenge and consequently, Petrarch puts much thought into selecting a partner with whom the adventure will be attempted (Petrarca, 2014). Since the time of Petrarch, comradeship has remained a central theme throughout the history alpinism. New Zealand mountaineer Edmund Hillary once remarked that he “hated the danger part of climbing, and it’s great to come down again because it’s safe.” But at the same time, he felt that “there is something about building up a comradeship—that [he] still believe[s] is the greatest of all feats—and sharing in the dangers with your company of peers. It’s the intense effort, the giving of everything you’ve got. It’s really a very pleasant sensation” (McFadden, 2008). Linked to comradeship but even more prominent is the motif of adventure. Mountaineering is an adventure free of purpose. Confrontation with the mountains does not primarily serve science, the reputation of a country, or physical health (as with many other sporting endevours). The competitive aspect is also subordinate. In Petrarch’s literary mountain tour, the lack of purpose is clearly pronounced. He decides to climb the mountain to see this “high place” (Petrarca, 2014). In contrast, when the scientist Horace Bénédict de Sausure famously climbed Mont Blanc in 1787, measuring instruments were carried and scientific experiments were conducted. Just as famous and meticulously documented is Alexander von Humboldt’s attempt to climb Chimborazo in 1802;

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he carried out experiments every few hundred metres. He did not reach the summit, but brought back with him a new view of nature which was based on the observation of vertical vegetation zones, along with the first known description of the symptoms of altitude sickness (Humboldt, 2004; Wulf, 2015). Humboldt inspired scientists and adventurers alike. Alpinism, however, became as independent from science as it was when Petrarch climbed Mont Ventoux; in the golden age of alpinism during the mid-nineteenth century, mountaineering shed its scientific cloak again and Edmund Hillary said long after successfully making the first ascent of Mount Everest: “Nobody does it [climbing mountains] for scientific reasons. […] Science is used to raise money for the expeditions, but you really climb for the hell of it” (Carmody, 1975). Reinhold Messner emphasises this aspect when he says in an interview that extreme mountaineering is “completely useless” for the general public. According to Messner however, it is important to distinguish between meaningfulness and usefulness. “I can make something meaningful for myself without any benefit behind it. And meaningfulness does not fall from the sky. We give meaning to our lives” (Messner quoted in Wittershagen, 2020, Translation EA). For the experience of meaningfulness, Messner says, it is important to be able to fade out the question of “why”. “Because if we really do something intensively and without pretension, then the question of why is suspended” (Messner quoted in Wittershagen, 2020, Translation EA). Accordingly, it would be unproductive to dwell for a long time on the question of why a person wants to climb a mountain. It is good not to have to give reasons. The mountain stands for the challenge that allows alpine skills to grow. Like any adventure, the mountaineering endeavour enables even more profound transformative effects that come from experiences of danger and selfefficacy. Messner emphasises that near-death experiences have given him “the greatest wealth of knowledge and at the same time, in the respective moments, the greatest terror” (Messner quoted in Wittershagen, 2020, Translation EA). These situations would have shown him his own transience as well as the possibility to give meaning to his existence with ideas, enthusiasm and his own abilities. Messner describes the intense experience of having returned to civilization from an expedition and from dangerous situations as a feeling of self-empowerment. Messner emphasises self-empowerment, Hillary, teamwork in overcoming danger. However, overcoming danger is at the core of the alpine experience for both. This raises the question, is the mountain merely the backdrop, a setting for the experiences that are the actual goal of alpinism? No, this would be an inaccurate description of the confrontation between alpinists and the mountain. Because the rationale in alpinism is usually not directed inwards, but outwards. Alpinism is characterized by an intensive engagement with landscape, which could

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be described as an immersive experience. This engagement does not only happen during mountaineering but is a rather continuous process that also includes preparation. Questions like the following guide this process, and answering them results in an intense engagement with the mountains: • Which mountain and which route suit my ability? • In the case of a glacier crossing: What will the conditions be like? • Will a certain spot in the high mountains already be ice-free at the beginning of June? • Where and when is the danger of avalanches or rockfall lowest? These aspects and more sharpen a specific view of landscape and the environment as a whole. For example, sooner or later most hikers and mountaineers start to study meteorology, as they are directly exposed to the weather on a mountain tour and therefore experience it, in contrast to (European) everyday life, as a relevant force of nature.

2.2

The City in Skateboarding

Skateboarding developed from surfing in California with the first commercial skateboards produced around the year 1960. Surfing was at that time “being enthusiastically practised in hot spots across California, Florida, Hawaii and Australia, meaning that thousands of real and want-to-be surfers were ready for the similar experience of skateboarding” (Borden, 2019, p. 7). Soon skateparks were developed with all kinds of ramps, creating exclusive spaces for skaters. Yet since the 1980s, the form of street skateboarding became ever more popular, bringing skateboarders directly into the city centers of most major cities (Borden, 2019). While skateboarders discovered the urban centers they developed new interpretations of urban landscapes. Skaters see the objects that constitute a city differently than non-skaters—only those who are experienced skateboarders recognize the possibility of trying out new tricks or applying already perfected ones to different railings, steps and flat concrete surfaces. Like the early alpinists, skateboarders see new possibilities in objects that have existed before. Unlike alpinism, it is the play with landscapes and objects designed and intentionally positioned by architects and city planners. Therefore skateboarding, when it does not take place in purpose-built skate parks, is a reinterpretation of urban space. For example, an object like a handrail conveys a clear message: “use me and be safer” (Borden, 2019, p. 203). When a skateboarder “ollies onto the rail and adroitly boardslides

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its length, something concerned with reassurance and safety is quickly transposed into a site of uncertainty and risk. The whole logic of the handrail is turned on its head” (Borden, 2019, p. 203). A quote from artist and photojournalist Craig Stecyk emphasises the role of youthful creativity in this process of reinterpreting objects of the urban landscape: “Two hundred years of American technology has unwittingly created a massive cement playground of unlimited potential. But it was the minds of 11-year-olds that could see that potential” (Izan, 1975). The specific interaction with landscape in skateboarding thus revolves around, among other things, the question of how objects in urban spaces are incorporated into skateboarding, specifically into tricks. Like in alpinism and surfing, the interaction with landscape in skateboarding is not only visual because “unlike the passive overdependence on the eye that Michel Foucault, Richard Sennett, John Urry and others have castigated as typical conditions of our modern urban experience, it engenders the skater’s body as a full-sensory construct and mobile interaction with architecture” (Borden, 2019, p. 206). Through their movements, skateboarders experience the spatial context of objects as well as the texture of individual surfaces. Wheels roll and slide more easily on smooth ground, which affects both the execution of tricks and the overall riding experience. Therefore, a part of the specific knowlegde of skateboarders concerns urban textures and surfaces.

2.3

The Ocean in Surfing

In his “History of Surfing” Warshaw speculates that wave-riding and bodysurfing probably have developed parallel “on antediluvian beaches from Brazil to Senegal, Lebanon to Borneo. For any society living on a temparate coastline, riding waves would likely be a natural, if not intuitive act” (Warshaw, 2011, p. 21). In eighteenth and nineteenth century Europe, the relationship to the sea, coasts and surf was less playful. The development of seaside resorts in the eighteenth century by the British aristocracy heralded a slow but lasting change in trend that spread across Europe. At first, tourists bathed in long robes and with the help of bathing machines, which were small carts with large wheels that were pushed over the beach into the shallow water and hid the brief contact with the water from view (Löfgren, 2002). They were still in use at the end of the nineteenth century. Additionally, a dipper, that is, a person who briefly submerged bathers and lifted them safely back out of the water, assisted with bathing. Meanwhile, diseases introduced by settlers decimated the Hawaiian population while Calvinist missionaries enforced prohibitions against Hula-dancing and flower necklaces. While surfing was not formally forbidden, its playfulness and

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nudity were in conflict with Calvinist values. This combination of population loss and missionary activity made the nineteenth century in Hawaii a dark age for surfing (Warshaw, 2011). While the numbers of surfers and the skill level dropped, surfing never completely vanished from Hawaii. At the very beginning of the twentieth century surfing made a remarkable revival with rapidly increasing and sustained popularity until the present. The public perception of the ocean and sublime nature in general had shifted. Writers celebrated surfing—among them Jack London who famously named it the “sport of Kings.” In the first two decades of the twentieth century surf clubs were founded around the world. So how can the specific interaction with landscape be described? Surfers deal with the dynamic processes of the surf. Similar to the mountain, the first question is: Which spot corresponds to my ability and under which conditions? Connected to this is the question of where surfable waves are created and how? In documentaries about spectacular surf spots, underwater terrain models are sometimes used to explain the formation of waves. On location, it is a matter of being able to read the surf and recognize from the waves where sandbanks are and where rip currents are. This can help one understand where to paddle out as well as which time between high and low tide the best waves can be expected. The wave knowledge, the ability to read the surf, is what surfers strive to gain through experience. In comparison to alpinism, surfing cultivates playfulness in the interaction with landscape. This sentiment is best expressed through one of surfings most popular quotes: “The best surfer out there is the one having the most fun”. This quote exists in many variations and is attributed to Phil Edwards, a famous American surfer of the 1960s (Warshaw, 2011). This quote expressed and solidified a certain uneasiness about competitions in surfing and points towards the larger dimension of surfing as a lifestyle.

3

Discussion: Mastering Adventures and the Pleasurable Art of Applying Expert Knowlegde and Skills to Landscape

Alpinism, surfing and skateboarding are three activities that are linked by an intensive engagement with landscape. In this confrontation, specific skills and a specialized knowledge about landscape are developed, shaping an expert perspective. Based on this expert perspective, interpretations of landscape become possible that are not accessible to a laymen. The socially differentiated construction of landscape is a phenomenon that is theoretically well-founded (Kühne, 2008, 2019) and documented in a variety of contexts, like the perception of

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forests (Jenal, 2019), protected areas (Aschenbrand & Michler, 2020), resource extraction sites (Weber et al., 2018) or intergenerational differences (Kühne, 2014, 2017). We interpret spatial constellations as landscape based on our socialization which occurs not only while growing up or in a professional context, but also in our leisure time and in landscape related hobbies. A reinterpretation of everyday landscape is very obvious in street skating. Here, the skater’s perspective enables a reinterpretation of everyday objects and cityscapes as urban playgrounds. Which objects and sections of the urban landscape have the potential to become an urban playground is irrelevant, and not obvious to those without experience on a skateboard. Alpinism and surfing also bring expert perspectives which are concerned with the suitability of certain landscapes as well as the judgement of specific conditions present. Waves, as well as snow and ice in the mountains, are weather phenomena—it is their interaction with landscapes that creates the conditions for surfing or alpnism. Exitedly awaiting the right weather and conditions to transform the landscape into a playground is an important part of the experience. Both in the surf and in the mountains (especially in snow and ice), the conditions are never the same. The wave never returns exactly the same and neither do the conditions on a snowy mountain slope. However, part of the expert knowledge of experienced ski mountaineers is to be able to estimate from their experience, even for unexplored mountain slopes, how long the snow cover may be frozen in the morning and when the slope will firn up. The view also remains an important motif in the alpinist experience—the same summit might be covered in clouds one minute and then offering breathtaking views just shortly after. Judging and dealing with changing conditions is a major part of the adventure in alpinism. By constantly reviewing one’s own assessments, the wealth of experience continues to grow over the years. Based on this experience, some alpinists as well as surfers go to places and into situations that would be life-threatening for the inexperienced. This search for adventure—the conquest of places where no human stay is possible without special skills—is in the tradition of the explorers who have existed throughout time. This search, its lack of productive purpose, and landscape-relatedness are all within the tradition of the romantic devotion to the sublime. In his essay “The Trouble with Wilderness”, William Cronon traces back how romantic writers were fascinated and at the same time horrified by the sublime in nature—the concept was not a simple idealization of everything natural. However, according to Cronon, the concept of the sublime lost this ambiguity relatively fast and increasingly became perceived as just pleasent (Cronon, 1996). In the more extreme forms of alpinism and also surfing, this perspective

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of acknowledging, respecting and yet confronting the terrifying forces of nature remains. All three activities became part of landscape stereotypes that have been picked up by the tourism industry and Enzensberger’s (2007) observation that tourists always follow the pioneers remains valid. From Enzensberger’s perspective, Reinhold Messner’s sharp separation between sport and tourism on the one hand, and genuine alpinism and adventure on the other, could be read as an attempt at social distinction. Kühne (2008) has shown how landscape is used in social distinction processes and I myself found in a previous study that hiking tourists interpret their experiences often as a hero’s journey, emphasizing danger and challenge in their travel storys (Aschenbrand, 2017). In my opinion Duits has aptly described mountaineering as myth-making: “and the mountaineer casts themselves as the hero” (Duits, 2020). The mythical structure of the hero’s journey consists of three phases: 1. parting and leaving the familiar environment, 2. challenge in a foreign land and 3. return with gain. This gain can be symbolized by a treasure or simply consist of experiences gained (detailed treatises can be found at: Campbell, 2008; Vogler, 2020). Any adventure puts everyday worries in their place; in existential situations they become small and, moreover, completely forgotten for the moment. While a clear separation between alpinism and tourism may not be possible nor necessary, I think it is important to point out the motif of self-efficacy. This motif enables learning and growth of knowledge and skills. This is where Reinhold Messer locates the value of adventure and also what he denies in tourism and sport. While alpinism may correspond closest to the mythical structure of the hero’s journey, surfing and skateboarding illustrate better that this meaningful experience is not entirely dependent on objective dangers and absolute levels of difficulty. Experiencing life-threatening danger, as described above by Reinhold Messner and also by many surfers after long wipeouts, will leave an extremely strong impression on anyone—which is uncomparable to the typical experiences in sport and tourism. But I would like to emphasize that what is experienced as adventure naturally has a subjective component. In relation to the activities discussed here it depends largely on individual abilities. Certainly, there are important differences in the way surfing, skateboarding and alpinism are experienced as meaningful and the notion of the adventure may not always be appropriate. In all three cases, however, a further development of specific landscape-related knowledge and skills takes place. In this respect, alpinism, skateboarding and surfing open spaces to new possibilities. This is perhaps especially true of the artificial landscapes not covered in this essay, which all three activities have generated: in the

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form of skate parks, climbing and bouldering gyms and, more recently, artificially generated waves. But outside these artificial worlds, the emergence, and above all, the popularity and thus the social significance of all three activities must be explained by social circumstances and the function they have within a society. George Mallory’s famous answer to the question of why he wanted to climb Mount Everest was: “Because it is there” (Green, 2005). This is as ingenious as it is simple, but since Everest has always been there, it unfortunately does not help with the question of why alpinism (or surfing and skateboarding) became popular at a certain time period (and what that tells us about that time period). This text ends with Mallory’s quotation, but is nevertheless intended primarily as a call to take landscape-related games, hobbies, sports and art seriously as social phenomena. We can certainly learn a lot from researching, for example, the social significance of surfing in pre-Christian Hawaii, the landscape experience of alpinists or the interpretation of urban space by skateboarders, not least for the design of cities and the space that we live in.

References Aschenbrand, E. (2017). Die Landschaft des Tourismus: Wie Landschaft von Reiseveranstaltern inszeniert und von Touristen konsumiert wird (1. Aufl. 2017). RaumFragen: Stadt—Region—Landschaft. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH; Springer VS. Aschenbrand, E., & Michler, T. (2020). Linking socio-scientific landscape research with the ecosystem services approach to analyze conflicts about protected area management—The case of the Bavarian Forest National Park. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), RaumFragen: Stadt—region—landschaft. Modern approaches to the visualization of landscapes (pp. 403–425). Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden. Borden, I. (2019). Skateboarding and the city: A complete history (New). Bloomsbury Visual Arts. Burckhardt, J. (1860). Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien. Campbell, J. (2008). The hero with a thousand faces (3rd ed.). Bollingen series: Vol. 17. New World Library. Carmody, D. (1975, July 03). Hillary finds writing a tough mountain to climb. New York Times. Retrieved March 22, 2021, from https://www.nytimes.com/1975/06/03/archives/ hillary-finds-writing-a-tough-mountain-to-climb.html. Cronon, W. (1996). The trouble with wilderness: Or, getting back to the wrong nature. Environmental History, 1(1), 7–28. Duits, R. (2020). Mountaineering, myth and the meaning of life: Psychoanalysing alpinism. Journal of the Philosophy of Sport, 47(1), 33–48. Enzensberger, H. M. (2007). Einzelheiten I & II: Bewusstseins-Industrie und Poesie und Politik (Ungekürzte Lizenzausg). Spiegel-Edition: Vol. 24. Spiegel-Verl. Green, D. (2005). Because it’s there: The life of George Mallory. Revealing history. Tempus.

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von Humboldt, A. (Ed.). (2004). Reise in die Äquinoktial-Gegenden des Neuen Kontinents (1. Aufl., [Nachdr.]). Insel Verlag. Izan, C. (1975). Aspects of the downhill slide. Retrieved February 24, 2021, from https:// www.angelfire.com/ca2/dtown/aspects.html. Jenal, C. (2019). Das ist kein Wald, Ihr Pappnasen!”—Zur sozialen Konstruktion von Wald: Perspektiven von Landschaftstheorie und Landschaftspraxis. Springer VS. Jutz, P. (2022). Golfing and landscape. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Jutz, P., & Endreß, S. (2022). Pokémon GO and Landscape. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Koegst, L. (2022). Landscape and Equestrian games. A social constructivist approach. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O. (2008). Distinktion—Macht—Landschaft: Zur sozialen Definition von Landschaft (1st ed.). VS Verlag/GWV Fachverlage GmbH, Wiesbaden. Kühne, O. (2014). Die intergenerationell differenzierte Konstruktion von Landschaft: Ergebnisse einer empirischen Studie zum Thema Wald. Naturschutz Und Landschaftsplanung., 10, 297–302. Kühne, O. (2017). Der intergenerationelle Wandel landschaftsästhetischer Vorstellungen. In O. Kühne, H. Megerle, & F. Weber (Eds.), RaumFragen. Landschaftsästhetik und Landschaftswandel (pp. 53–67). Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2019). Landscape theories: A brief introduction. RaumFragen : Stadt—Region— Landschaft. Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2022). Theoretical approaches to landscapes. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Laderman, S. (2016). Empire in waves: A political history of surfing. Sport in world history: Vol. 1. University of California Press. Löfgren, O. (2002). On holiday: A history of vacationing (1. paperback print). California studies in critical human geography: Vol. 6. University of California Press. McFadden, R. (2008, January 01). Edmund Hillary, first on everest, dies at 88. New York Times. Retrieved March 03, 2020, from https://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/10/world/ asia/11cnd-hillary.html?_r=1&hp=&oref=slogin&pagewanted=all. Petrarca, F. (2014). Die Besteigung des Mont Ventoux. Was bedeutet das alles?: Nr. 19099. Reclam. Stierle, K. (2005). Francesco Petrarca: Ein Intellektueller im Europa des 14. Jahrhunderts (3rd ed.). Hanser. UNESCO (2019). Intangible cultural heritage.: Decision of the Intergovernmental Committee: 14.COM 10.B.12. Retrieved February 09, 2021, from Decision of the Intergovernmental Committee: 14.COM 10.B.12. Vogler, C. (2020). The writer’s journey: Mythic structure for writers (25th anniversary (4th) edition). Michael Wiese Productions. Warshaw, M. (2011). The history of surfing. Chronicle Books LLC. Weber, F., Kühne, O., Jenal, C., Aschenbrand, E., & Artukovi´c, A. (2018). Sand Im Getriebe: Aushandlungsprozesse Um Die Gewinnung Mineralischer Rohstoffe Aus Konflikttheoretischer Perspektive Nach Ralf Dahrendorf. RaumFragen: Stadt—Region—Landschaft Ser. Vieweg.

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Wittershagen, M. (2020, November 09). “Populismus fährt die Welt an die Wand”: Reinhold Messner im Interview. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Retrieved March 03, 2021, from https://www.faz.net/aktuell/sport/mehr-sport/reinhold-messner-im-interviewpopulismus-faehrt-die-welt-an-die-wand-17041285.html. Wulf, A. (2015). The invention of nature: The adventures of Alexander von Humboldt—The lost hero of science. John Murray.

Erik Aschenbrand is Professor for international Nature Conservation and UNESCO Biosphere Reserves at Eberswalde University for Sustainable Development. Until 2020 he served as head of the northern regional department of UNESCO Biosphere Reserve Middle Elbe. Erik is a geographer by training and holds a Ph. D. in Geography from Tübingen University.

Digital Worlds

Representations of Landscape in the Strategy Game Civilization Olaf Kühne

Abstract

The round-based computer strategy game Civilization was first released in 1991, and since 2016 the sixth and thus most current generation has been marketed. The goal of the game is to achieve world domination, in later versions not only through military, but also through diplomacy or cultural domination. The game illustrates interdependencies between economic, cultural, scientific, technological and political development, and in particular follows a ‘Western path’ of development. In the game, besides cultural stereotypes, there are also stereotypes related to landscape. Both culminate especially in the sixth generation, for example in the depiction of culturally specific settlements. But also the ‘scenic’ basic types recur to a few ‘landscape zones’ (high mountains, desert, plains, etc.), which are strongly disjunctive from each other. This modernist dichotomous construction of unambiguities contrasts with a rather postmodern (from a modern perspective ‘kitschy’) graphic and especially processing, for example in terms of a strong color saturation. Keywords

Civilization • Game • Landscape • Cartographic representation • Stereotypes Strategy game

•

O. Kühne (B) Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Deutschland e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_16

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Introduction

The round based strategy game series Civilization has been released in its sixth generation since its first release in 1991 in 2016 and is one of the most successful strategy games on the market. It has already been the subject of scientific and also science journalistic research from various perspectives. These range from questions of representation, possibilities and limits of understanding historical contexts (Burns, 2004; Chapman, 2013; Chen, 2003; Koebel, 2017; Lee & Probert, 2010; Mol et al., 2017; Owens, 2011; Pagnotti & Russell, 2012; Vrtaˇciˇc, 2014; Wender & Watson, 2008) on questions of imperialism and (post)colonialism (Ford, 2016; Pobłocki, 2002; Reichert, 2008; see on (post)colonialism and games also Sedelmeier & Baum, 2022 in this anthology) and the history of the game and its effects (Edwards, 2020; Kaltman, 2014) as well as the development of player typologies (Spronck & Teuling, 2010) to the generation and logic of cartographic representations (Barros & Togelius, 2015; Salter, 2011). A consideration of the landscape representations, their evolution and function in the game is still pending. Social and cultural science research in recent decades has shown that ‘landscape’ today should no longer be understood as an objectively given part of the earth’s surface (for an overview on theoretical approaches to landscape see Kühne, 2022b in this anthology). In order to provide an appropriate theoretical framework for the inscription of stereotypical concepts of landscape, the present essay follows a social constructivist perspective. This perspective is first outlined briefly in this essay before essential aspects of the game Civilization and its development are presented. Subsequently, the development and function of landscape representations in Civilization will be discussed. The conclusion summarizes essential results of the investigation against the background of the landscape theory framework.

2

On the Social Construction of Landscape and its Function in the Game—A Brief Theoretical Classification

Based on the works of Alfred Schütz, Thomas Luckmann and Peter Berger (Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Schütz, 1960 [1932], 1971 [1962], 1971; Schütz & Luckmann, 2003 [1975] the social constructivist approach to landscape assumes that the constitutive level of landscape is that of the social construction of patterns of interpretation and evaluation, which are made available in the process of the person’s socialization and through which he or she ‘looks’ into physical

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spaces (among many others: Bruns & Kühne, 2015; Cosgrove, 1984; Greider & Garkovich, 1994; Kühne, 2018). This perspective is particularly suitable for the investigation of the representation of landscape in games, because here a generation of virtual landscape is carried out on the basis of social commonsense-understandings of landscape using an expert technical access as a basis for the generation of this very representation of landscape (Kühne et al., 2020). These common-sense-understandings of landscape emerge in the process of socialization by means of textbooks, films, videos, picture books etc. and contain especially aesthetic and ontological norms (What does a beautiful and ecologically desirable landscape look like?). Although this construction of landscape is influenced by expert special knowledge (e.g. textbooks), the contexts acquired there during studies are subject to incomplete and stereotypical generalization. The process that runs counter to this generalization is that of specialization as it is carried out in early childhood in the construction of the individual ‘homely normal landscape’, in which physical objects are individually charged with meaning and emotionally occupied (see more: Baumgart, 2008; Geulen, 2005; Kühne, 2008a, 2020a). Computer game landscapes can be understood as the creation of individual landscape structures based on social conventions (for digital games and landscape see also Jutz & Endreß, 2022; Koegst et al., 2022; Papadimitriou, 2022; Pietsch, 2022 in this anthology). These ‘objectified’ virtual arrangements of representations are in turn individually constructed by players based on social conventions. References to the material space are accordingly only found in an indirect form, which makes them attractive for the investigation of social stereotypical landscape constructions, but also of deviant ways of dealing with landscape (for more information see Edler et al., 2018; Edler, 2020; Fontaine, 2017, 2020a, 2020b; Kühne & Jenal, 2020). The meaning of landscape in games can be examined by means of four polarities (Kühne et al., 2020): 1) Significance of landscape in and for games from non-existent to constitutive. 2) Degree of expert influence on the design of the relationship between game and landscape, from non-existent to high. 3) Polarity of materiality and virtuality. 4) The degree of concreteness of landscape on the one hand and abstraction on the other. These polarities are also used in this article to deal with the landscape representations in the computer game Civilization.

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The Game Civilization

Civilization is a turn-based historical strategy game that has developed a large and intensively communicatively networked fan community (Kaltman, 2014; Koebel, 2017). Under the direction of software developer Sid Meier, Civilization was developed against internal resistances of MicroProse, a company specialized in flight simulations (Edwards, 2020; Meier, 2020). It was the second strategy game developed by Meier after Railroad Tycoon, which was published in 1990 and anticipated essential aspects of the complex interaction processes between humans (especially economy) and space that are characteristic of civilization (Meier, 2020). Global strategy games were developed from board games such as ‘Risk’, ‘The Settlers of Catan’ or ‘Civilization’ (whose naming rights were bought by the developers after the success of the computer game discussed here). They are based on complex strategic considerations and rather long planning phases (e.g., making resources available for warlike conflicts). In the game, the player develops a civilization over thousands of years, from the Stone Age to the Space Age. Essential bases and events are randomized: The underlying cartographic representation is random (although the player is given the opportunity to influence the distribution of land and sea, in later generations of the game there is also the possibility to design his own maps), the actions of the computer opponents are strongly contingent, as are the development paths of the civilizations (Barros & Togelius, 2015). There are also several ways to achieve a victory. Starting from a world map main screen, the player controls the development of ‘his’ civilization, from this main screen he also has access to thematically focused menus, with which he controls scientific progress, diplomatic relations to other civilizations, urban development and other things, with the goal of creating more settlement space for his own civilization, to strengthen it militarily, to increase its prosperity and population—so ultimately to dominate other civilizations. The game focuses on the interdependencies of economic, political, scientific, cultural and technological developments with varying degrees of spatial integration (see Burns, 2004; Owens, 2011). Like other global strategy games, Civilization updates hegemonic concepts of the order of political power and—despite all alternative development paths—a linear-teleological understanding reminiscent of an essentialist world view (Chen, 2003) historical development, politically shaped by concrete leaders. A universal understanding of knowledge is complemented by colonial fantasies of expansion and subjugation based on the construct of underdevelopment (Ford, 2016; Herz, 1997; Reichert, 2008). According to the common basic logic the genre is also called 4X strategy games: Explore, Expand, Exploit, Exterminate (Ford, 2016).

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Similarly mechanistically to the subjugation of foreign civilizations, the increase in the population of settlements is also carried out: By clearing land (depending on the level of technology) the population grows, which in turn extends the range of influence of the settlement (which is reminiscent of the central-location model of Christaller). If the player is not sure in which direction to steer his civilization, advisors are available to assist him in military, scientific or scientific development, for example, whose advice can be quite contradictory. The different civilizations (represented by their ‘leader’) are then assumed to have certain essentialistically determined characteristics (Mongolians are expansive, Indians are peaceful, Germans are technically minded etc.); Salter (2011), these are not only presented when choosing your own ‘people’ at the beginning of the game, but also updated in encounters with other peoples during the game (see Vrtaˇciˇc, 2014). The understanding of the state underlying the game of Civilization is strongly top-down, the ruler, equipped with all the necessary (mostly quantitative) information, makes the fundamental decisions, which are implemented by a strictly organized administration (Reichert, 2008; Salter, 2011). Even in the democracy preferred in the game in terms of popular satisfaction, economic productivity, or the highest scientific achievement in the game compared to alternative social systems, an evaluation of the ‘leader’ through elections is missing.

4

Function and Development of the Representation of Landscape in the Game Civilization

The scenic representation of space in the game Civilization has changed significantly over the six generations. The cartographic representation on the main screen of the first generation is characterized by a square grid in ground plan view. The individual grid fields are assigned certain features and uses; the representation takes the form of speaking signatures; a square representing a mountain range is characterized, for example, by the representation of a mountain reminiscent of a stratified volcano, whose relief is also emphasized by the use of shading, which is the case in the representation of a hilly field. The resulting graphical dissonance between squares in ground plan representation and signatures for objects with greater relief energy in oblique representation is resolved from Civilization II on. From this generation on, an oblique representation of the terrain is used. The representation of the objects becomes more detailed and less schematic from each generation to the next—made possible by increasingly higher computing power and higher resolution of screens. Starting with the fifth generation, the

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basic structure is changed from squares to hexagons, which firstly approximate the idealized circular range of goods and services offered in central locations, secondly the equally (equally idealized) circular catchment area of agricultural production (Thünen Rings), and thirdly are better suited to depict the spherical shape of the planet to be colonized, which in turn facilitates zoom capability up to a small-scale global representation. The depiction of the individual objects—this applies more to the late versions of the game than to the early ones, which tend towards abstraction—especially on a large scale, tends very much towards a strong idealization, their depiction is done with great color saturation, dominance of the ‘typical’ (here a tendency towards an essentialist view is also evident) and—particularly clearly in the case of partially simulated wonders of the world that have lasted for thousands of years, the absence of wear and tear, erosion, decay, etc. Here a certain tendency to ‘kitsch aesthetics’ becomes apparent (Chen, 2003; Gelfert, 2000; Kühne, 2008c; Linke, 2019; see on aesthetics also Berr, 2022 in this anthology). This ‘idealization’ tending towards ‘kitsch’ is manifested—especially in the case of the civilization of the sixth generation—in the reproduction of culture-specific settlement design, which can be described as an element of an essentializing unity of culture and space—in contrast to other culture-space units (Eisel, 1982; Kühne, 2008b; Pobłocki, 2002). In contrast to concrete cartography with its dominance of speaking versus abstract symbols, the large-scale display found in the younger generations of the game is transformed into a three-dimensional block image-like highly individualized representation. While the cartographic representation (in this context see also Kühne, Edler, et al., 2022 In this volume) thus suggests an immersive experience of space and action, the presentation of the thematic menus is designed for cognitive reference. Here a positivist world view widespread in Western culture becomes clear (Chapman, 2013; Pobłocki, 2002): The world could be opened up by measuring, weighing and counting. Here, a historical projection of a present dominant Western understanding of the world becomes clear: the statistical recording of the differentiated states of one’s own state, precisely defined by territorial borders, is just as much a project of modernization as the exact territorial borders. Both are historically projected onto the Stone Age itself in the game. Not only is the form of representation of the table used, but also graphic forms of representation (especially line diagrams), but also, when the reference to the virtually created space becomes clearer, methods of image statistics are used, for example to represent the economic capacity of a city (Dickmann, 2018; Reichert, 2008).

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The strict demarcation between an inside and an outside is not only evident in the construction of political, but also landscape units. Here, a strict landscape categorization of city, high mountains, hill country, desert, woodland, grassland, tundra, ice, swamp, river, and ocean dominates. Although these basic categories have been further differentiated, such as the combination of basic units of mountains, hills, grasslands, plains, desert, tundra, nival areas, coast and ocean with additional units such as forest, jungle, swamp, oasis, etc. in Civilization V, a strongly stereotypical pattern of idealized landscape types, such as those found in films or textbooks, remains (Fontaine, 2019; Kühne, 2008b) and so is updated in feedback with them. This strict categorization is made even more effective by the strict delimitation of the landscape fields to each other. Transitional seams between different landscape categories are at best only found in rudimentary form in the more recent versions.

5

Conclusions

Similar to the representation of landscape in other computer games, Internet videos and photos, feature films and schoolbooks (Fontaine, 2019, 2020a; Kühne, 2006, 2020b; Linke, 2020; Loda et al., 2020) the representation of landscape in the game Civilization is strongly stereotyped. It thus contributes to the actualization and consolidation of not only social but also spatial stereotypes. The seemingly utopian content of being able to freely shape society as well as space is counteracted on the one hand by a teleological step logic of scientific, technological, military, economic and political progress that is fed back to each other, and on the other hand by a strong focus on known spatial conditions and traditional space-social syntheses with clear and thus binary-coded borderlines of own and foreign. The classification of the game into the categories modern and postmodern is still not clear (Bauman, 1995; Harvey, 1989; Koebel, 2017; Kühne, 2012; Vester, 1993; Vrtaˇciˇc, 2014). As indicators of a modernist perspective can be considered: Spaces are binary coded: the own versus the foreign, challenges can be mastered by scientific and especially technological progress, civilizations as self-contained and unambiguous units compete with each other, states can be centrally controlled top-down and the world, in this case virtually created, can be objectively recorded by measuring, weighing and counting. Even though indicators of modernist thinking dominate, elements of postmodern perspectives can also be found: The possibility of a “Diplomatic Victory” added in later versions of the game, although the principle of “victory” still dominates here. Also the

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more detailed, detailed and individualized presentation of landscape syntheses, especially in urban contexts, which dominates in the later versions, with the presentation of often historical wonders of the world (although these never seem to age), which refer to an appreciation of the historical, whose presentation— if a modern approach to aesthetics is adopted—can certainly be described as ‘kitschy’. The importance of the advisors in the game can be categorized quite differently: On the one hand, they represent trust in experts, on the other hand they illustrate the contingency of expertise (in this context see also in this volume: Gryl, 2022; Kühne, 2022a; Kühne, Jenal et al., 2022). With regard to the classification of the meaning of landscape in games introduced above, Civilization can be classified as follows: 1) The meaning of landscape in terms of a synthetic synopsis of spatially arranged objects and symbols is constitutive for Civilization. Without the creation of such a context, the game plot would hardly be realizable. 2) Expert knowledge is present in Civilization in the form of the advisors in the game, otherwise the game (also in terms of marketability; Meier, 2020) is designed in such a way that after a certain phase of getting used to game logics, it can also be played by people who do not have expert qualifications in spatial development, politics or economics. 3) Civilization is a computer game and thus belongs tothe pole of virtuality, even though the objects and constellations of objects depicted refer to material spaces, even though their knowledge often falls back on stereotypical representations of other media (even if it is only the geography textbook). 4) The possibility to change the scale of the later Civilization versions allows representations of a high degree of concreteness as well as abstraction, while the early versions were more abstract (especially due to the restrictions of the available hardware). Ultimately, civilization (all generations), like other (computer) games, can be understood as a decomplexed simulation of the world. This does not only apply to the representation of historical contexts and the interdependencies of different sub-societal logics (such as science or politics); Chapman, 2013), but also with regard to the cartographic representation of the virtual world. Decomplexations, in turn, also result in specific explicit or implicit understandings of the world. The implicit understanding of the world of civilization is—as will be worked out in this contribution—dominant that of modernization (according to the Western model, which in turn requires critical reflection when used as a teaching tool; in this context: Lee & Probert, 2010; Pagnotti & Russell, 2012).

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Kühne, O. (2012). Urban nature between modern and postmodern aesthetics: Reflections based on the social constructivist approach. Quaestiones Geographicae, 31(2), 61–70. https://doi.org/10.2478/v10117-012-0019-3 Kühne, O. (2018). Landschaftstheorie und Landschaftspraxis. Eine Einführung aus sozialkonstruktivistischer Perspektive (2., aktualisierte und überarbeitete Aufl.). Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2020a). Landscape conflicts. A theoretical approach based on the three worlds theory of Karl Popper and the conflict theory of Ralf Dahrendorf, Illustrated by the example of the energy system transformation in Germany. Sustainability: Science, Practice and Policy, 12(17), 1–20. https://doi.org/10.3390/su12176772. Kühne, O. (2020b). The social construction of space and landscape in internet videos. In D. Edler, C. Jenal, & O. Kühne (Eds.), Modern approaches to the visualization of landscapes (pp. 121–137). Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2022a). Play between the modes, the categories and the media of landscape – On the model train journey from Wanne-Eickel Hbf to Wattenscheid Hbf. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O. (2022b). Theoretical approaches to landscapes. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., & Jenal, C. (2020). The threefold landscape dynamics – Basic considerations, conflicts and potentials of virtual landscape research. In D. Edler, C. Jenal, & O. Kühne (Eds.), Modern approaches to the visualization of landscapes (pp. 389–402). Springer VS. Kühne, O., Jenal, C., & Edler, D. (2020). Functions of landscape in games – A theoretical approach with case examples. Arts, 9(4). https://doi.org/10.3390/arts9040123. Kühne, O., Jenal, C., & Edler, D. (2022). Landscapes in games. Insights and overviews on contingencies between worlds 1, 2 and 3. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., Edler, D., & Jenal, C. (2022). The cartographic representation of model railroad landscapes – Theoretical considerations and empirical results from model railroad-related literature. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Lee, J. K., & Probert, J. (2010). Civilization III and whole-class play in high school social studies. Journal of Social Studies Research, 34(1), 1–28. Linke, S. (2020). Landscape in internet pictures. In D. Edler, C. Jenal, & O. Kühne (Eds.), Modern approaches to the visualization of landscapes (pp. 139–156). Springer VS. Linke, S. I. (2019). Die Ästhetik medialer Landschaftskonstrukte. Theoretische Reflexionen und empirische Befunde. Springer VS. Loda, M., Kühne, O., & Puttilli, M. (2020). The social construction of Tuscany in the German and English speaking world – Presented by the analysis of internet images. In D. Edler, C. Jenal, & O. Kühne (Eds.), Modern approaches to the visualization of landscapes (pp. 157– 171). Springer VS. Meier, S. (2020). Sid Meier’s memoir! A life in computer games. W.W. Norton & Company. Mol, A. A., Politopoulos, A., & Ariese-Vandemeulebroucke, C. E. (2017). “From the stone age to the information age”: History and heritage in Sid Meier’s Civilization VI. Advances in Archaeological Practice, 5(2), 214–219. https://doi.org/10.1017/aap.2017.9.

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Owens, T. (2011). Modding the history of science: Values at play in modder discussions of Sid Meier’s CIVILIZATION. Simulation & Gaming, 42(4), 481–495. Pagnotti, J., & Russell, W. B. (2012). Using civilization IV to engage students in world history content. The Social Studies, 103(1), 39–48. https://doi.org/10.1080/00377996.2011. 558940 Papadimitriou, F. (2022). An evaluation system for games related to geography and landscapes in education. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Pietsch, S. M. (2022). Landscape as frontier – Experiencing the wild west in red dead redemption 2 (2018). In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Pobłocki, K. (2002). Becoming-state. The bio-cultural imperialism of Sid Meier’s civilization. Focaal – European Journal of Anthropology, 39, 163–177. Reichert, R. (2008). Government-Games und Gouverntainment. Das Globalstrategiespiel CIVILIZATION von Sid Meier. In R. F. Nohr, & S. Wiemer (Eds.), Strategie Spielen. Medialität, Geschichte und Politik des Strategiespiels (pp. 189–212). LIT Verlag. Salter, M. B. (2011). The geographical iImaginations of video games: Diplomacy, civilization, America’s army and grand theft auto IV. Geopolitics, 16(2), 359–388. Schütz, A. (1960 [1932]). Der sinnhafte Aufbau der sozialen Welt. Eine Einleitung in die Verstehende Soziologie (2nd ed.). Julius Springer (Original work published 1932). Schütz, A. (1971 [1962]). Gesammelte Aufsätze 1. Das Problem der Wirklichkeit. Martinus Nijhoff. Schütz, A. (1971). Gesammelte Aufsätze 3. Studien zur phänomenologischen Philosophie. Martinus Nijhoff. Schütz, A., & Luckmann, T. (2003 [1975]). Strukturen der Lebenswelt. UTB. Sedelmeier, T., & Baum, L. (2022). The controversy about colonialism in board games – Illustrated by the example of Santa Maria. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Spronck, P., & Teuling, F. den. (2010). Player modeling in Civilization IV. In M. Youngblood, & Bulitko Vadim (Eds.), AIIDE’10: Proceedings of the Sixth AAAI conference on artificial intelligence and interactive digital entertainment (pp. 180–185). AAAI Press. Vester, H.-G. (1993). Soziologie der Postmoderne. Quintessenz. Vrtaˇciˇc, E. (2014). The grand narratives of video games: Sid Meier’s civilization. Teorija in praksa, 51(1), 91–105. Wender, S., & Watson, I. (2008). Using reinforcement learning for city site selection in the turn-based strategy game civilization IV. In P. Hingston & L. Barone (Eds.), 2008 IEEE symposium on computational intelligence and games (pp. 372–377). Self-published.

Dr. Dr. Olaf Kühne is Professor of Urban and Regional Development at the University of Tübingen and has been working on the social construction of landscape for more than two decades.

Landscape as Frontier—Experiencing the Wild West in Red Dead Redemption 2 (2018) Stephan Maximilian Pietsch

Abstract

Landscapes are an elemental part of digital game worlds and have a lasting impact on the gaming experience. In the western game Red Dead Redemption 2, released in 2018, landscape can be read as a fictional-artistic treatment of the Frontier myth. Not only does it serve as a backdrop and anchor for the authenticity of the story, but it has also become permanently inscribed in storytelling, visuality, and gameplay, manifesting, reproducing, and globally disseminating the prevailing popular cultural image of the Wild West as a harsh, free land where only the strongest men can survive. Keywords

Frontier • Wild West • Landscape • Geographical Imagination • Digital Geography • Media Geography • History of the USA

1

Introduction

Landscapes have a lasting influence on the experience of virtual (game) worlds and thus are an important element of video games (see also Jutz & Endreß, 2022; Kühne, 2022 in this anthology). Moreover, many of these media would not function without a concept of a digital landscape, which is carefully constructed with S. M. Pietsch (B) Leibniz-Institut für Länderkunde, Leipzig, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_17

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regard to the respective narrative context (Pietsch, 2014, p. 26). Since landscape can be interpreted as the classical object of geography (Escher & Zimmerman, 2001, p. 228), it seems reasonable from the perspective of media geography to deal with landscape-related representations in games, to analyze the success and effectiveness of video games. The approach developed by Olaf Kühne, Corinna Jenal, and Dennis Edler (Kühne et al., 2020) is particularly promising for finding out which functions landscapes take for the experience of digital worlds in video games. With regard to current research in human geography, landscape here is understood as a social construction in the sense of a human perception of physical-material spaces (Micheel, 2012, pp. 108–109). This construction of a landscape from an individual as well as through subjective primary and secondary experiences changeable point of view (Kühne, 2019, pp. 17–18) is, however, never neutral and fixed. Moreover, both the physical-material conditions as well as the social conditions as modes of evaluation of the initial situation are in constant change (Kühne, 2018, p. 6). Since, in particular, desires, imaginations, and fears are always inscribed in social conditions: “Landscape is thus always also symbolically charged” (Fontaine, 2020, p. 295). The open-world Western game Red Dead Redemption 2 (RDR 2), which was after a development period of eight years released in 2018 by Rockstar Games, represents a promising medium of analysis as one of the best-selling video games of all time (Donald & Reid, 2020, p. 15). Furthermore, Westerside and Holopainen also refer to the explicit role of landscape for the game: “Rockstar Games’ Red Dead Redemption 2 (2018) creates […] dynamic gameplace in which site and landscape are crucial components” (Westerside and Holopainen, 2019, p. 4). Based on these assumptions, it is the goal of this paper to examine, how the digital landscape design in Red Dead Redemption 2 supports the playful experience of the Wild West. Due to the explicit label Western, the medium, if it wants to be commercially successful, is bound to certain narrative as well as visual traditions. On the one hand, these are dictated by the film genre, in which the frontier myth takes a prominent role (Kiefer & Grob, 2003, p. 15). Furthermore, regarding film, landscapes are used to stereotype the Wild West as a masculine space (Escher, 2006, p. 310). Thus, the land depicted as rough and free, can be seen as a metaphoric icon for the harsh and independent westerner. On the other hand—and this can be related in particular to the expectations of the consumers of RDR 2—the predecessor Red Dead Redemption, which was released in 2010 and also established itself as a bestseller, already set standards for the interactive

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experience of the Wild West “[…] set at the closing of the frontier” (Humphreys, 2012, p. 203). In this respect, it seems logical to focus how frontier as a spatial discourse on the one hand and popular cultural imagination about the Wild West on the other hand has been woven into the conception of the digital of the game. It is the thesis of this paper that the virtual landscape – designed as a beautiful as well as desirable wilderness – functions as a frontier in Turner’s sense: In order to be successful in the game, the players must master it! With regard to this question, it is first necessary to take a brief look at the theoretical discussion surrounding the term frontier and how it has been able to establish itself as a metanarrative for popular cultural narratives about the Wild West. Second, for the understanding of the game it is crucial to characterize the world construction of Red Dead Redemption 2, before the main results of the analysis regarding the construction of the digital landscape as frontier are presented in the last part of the paper.

2

Frontier and the History of the U.S.A.

In the Dictionary of Human Geography as a standard compendium of key concepts in cultural geography, two basic meanings of frontier can be found: On the one hand, the term in the sense of a political interpretation refers to the border between two states (Kearns, 2009a, p. 264). The second—and for this essay significant—attribution implies the demarcating aspect. Accordingly, frontier can be interpreted as a more or less sharp dividing line between settled and unsettled land, which in turn often finds its expression in dichotomous attributions such as cultivated-uncultivated or civilized-uncivilized (Kearns, 2009a, p. 264). For the topic discussed here, the frontier theory proves relevant from two points of view: a.) as a pattern to explain history and b.) as an almost hegemonic popular cultural narrative about the Wild West. First, the theoretical approach developed by U.S. historian Frederik Jackson Turner in his 1983 essay The Significance of the Frontier in American History (Kearns, 2009b, p. 265) can be seen as the dominant – but also criticized—historiography of nineteenth-century U.S. development. In its dissemination, the immanent ideas shaped America’s national identity like no other motive (Mausbach, 2017, p. 5). According to Turner, the completion of the settlement of the West marked a turning point in American history: “Up to our own day American history has been in a large degree the history of the colonization of the Great West. The existence of an area of free land, its continuous recession, and the advance of American settlement westward, explain American development” (Turner, 1920, p. 1).

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Even if the settlement frontier was officially declared as closed (Gamerith & Gerhard, 2017, p. 3), these very experiences “have been fundamental in the economic, political and social characteristics of the American people and in their conceptions of their destiny” (Humphreys, 2012, p. 200), because the frontier experience in the wilderness throws the settlers back on themselves and therefore produces a pronounced individualism (Mausbach, 2017, p. 8). Ultimately, this resulted in the formation of an American way of life (Kearns, 2009b, p. 265). This stereotype for the epitome of masculinity formed by the frontier, known as the Rugged Individual, was able to establish itself as iconic in the figure of the cowboy for the image of the Wild West (Humphreys, 2012, p. 200). The frontier approach as a glorious history of conquest has been criticized, especially with regard to its focus on white men with European roots (Kearns, 2009b, p. 265). Thus, problematically, Turner’s approach not only fails to address the downsides of westward expansion for Native Americans (Mausbach, 2017, p.12), but even naturalizes the indigenous population as part of the wilderness (Krüger & Titz, 2017, p.52). This particularly provided the legitimation for the expulsion of Native Americans, since from a European-white perspective; land that was not cultivated in a sedentary way was seen as empty (Kearns, 2009a, p. 265). Furthermore, the drastic ecological interventions in the environment and their impact on local ecosystems, such as the cultivation of monocultures in the context of the establishment of large-scale farms in Oregon, California, and the Great Plains (Dobson, 2013, p. 53), do not receive any attention. In this respects, it seems reasonable to interpret frontier as a theoretical construction in terms of a Geographical Imagination (Gregory, 1994, Gregory, 2009, Möhring et al., 2019) rather than an authentic reflection of historical conditions. After all, certain images of the Wild West were already prevalent at the time of the creation of this theoretical construct, which Turner then assembled into a scientificization of the myth (Mausbach, 2017, p. 8), which in turn had a lasting impact on contemporary narratives of the Western. Secondly, the narrative of the shift of the frontier from east to west in the sense of an expansion, not only understood as a mere taking of land, but as a divine mission, a Manifest Destiny (Dobson, 2013, p. 43), received formative power for centuries and thus inscribed itself lastingly in the cultural practices of the USA (Gamerith & Gerhardt, 2017, p. 3). In this context, narratives about life on the frontier are highly symbolically charged and produce romanticizing, stereotypical imaginary worlds of harsh living conditions characterized by freedom, self-assertion, the taming of the wilderness, and the endless expanse of the prairie (Krüger & Titz, 2017, p. 51). Even if the territories in the West were anything but uninhabited, the logical conclusion of the imagination of a land only to

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be conquered seemed to lie in the Go West movement: “North America’s western section was considered to be a vast and empty land mass, into which expansion seemed the likely provider for agrarian growth and the promise of freedom” (Dobson, 2013, p. 44). In the process of the constructing of these spatial imaginaries, visual media play a particularly important role, since it is above all images that convey meanings of the natural and thus contribute to the establishment of spatial patterns of representation and the formation of individual world concepts (Felgenhauer, 2015, p. 71; Zimmermann, 2009, p. 295). In this regard, it can be stated that: “the wilderness’ beauty and bounty became a vital ingredient for Manifest Destiny […], the enthusiasm to transform and tame the Wild West, gave purpose and meaning to the pioneers’ lives” (Dobson, 2013, pp. 52–53). This lifestyle can be found especially in the character construction of Western narratives: the confrontation with the landscape of the frontier reveals, who and what the Westerner is at his heart (Kiefer & Grob, 2003, p. 13). People are therefore assigned with explicit creative power. If they bring the necessary pioneering spirit, it is more than possible to transform the rough nature into a tamed cultural landscape and therewith proceed their own way to wealth and glory. Narratives of this kind have seen a resurgence in popularity—especially since the global economic crisis of 2008 (Humphreys, 2012, p. 201), which in turn is reflected in the high sales figures of Red Dead Redemption 2 and its predecessor Red Dead Redemption (2010), with regard to videogames. In summary, both the Wild West and the inscripted frontier as spatial patterns of action can be interpreted as (theoretical) constructions. Further, they were kept alive first by Turner, then by the Western genre. Red Dead Redemption 2 has had a clear reference to the Western ever since it was announced and, as a visual massmedia analogous to film, is thus subject to certain genre constraints that it must fulfill in order to be commercially successful, since it must correspond to the world of imagination and thus to the expectations of consumers (Zimmermann, 2009, p. 300). In this regard, it is less about the accurate depiction of historical facts than a clever weaving of facts and fictions that feel authentic in the sense of the collective imaginations of the Wild West (Donald & Reid, 2020, p. 17).

3

The Digital Representation of the Wild West in Red Dead Redemption 2

The narrative, set in 1899, belongs to the genre of open world or sandbox games, which are characterized in particular by great freedom of play (Donald & Reid, 2020, p. 15), which in turn has a great influence on the gaming experience: “The

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narrative systems of open world games enable players to engage with the game on many levels, rather than simply following a linear narrative path. Similar to a novel, there are multiple storylines […] which create a highly immersive experience” (Humphreys, 2012, p. 201). With the main character, which can be interpreted as an icon of the Western hero (Kiefer & Grob, 2003, p. 12), the outlaw Arthur Morgan, we follow the escape of one of the last big gangs from the law through a game world that has been largely tamed (Rockstar Games, 2018). This mainly linear main story is surrounded by countless side missions and challenges against a backdrop of historical artifacts and circumstances such as “[…] organizations, events, buildings, outfits and objects” (Donald & Reid, 2020, p. 16), which give meaning to the plot. The game world of Red Dead Redemption 2 (see Fig. 1), which includes about 75 km2 , can be interpreted as a fictional spatiotemporal fixation of the USA “[…] during the decline of the frontier and the emergence of progressive reformation” (Donald & Reid, 2020, p. 19) and is composed of stereotypical representations of several large regions. This thereby encompasses representations of all the stages of development that settlers in Turner’s theory pass through on their way to becoming American individuals (Turner, 1920, p. 1): from the primitive ways of life of the frontier in the west and north of the game world to the complex

Fig. 1 The gamespace of Red Dead Redemption 2. (Source: Screenshots Red Dead Redemption 2 on Playstation 4. Design: Stephan Pietsch, Realization: Vincent Schober)

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challenges of modern urban life in the east of the map. “The different regions in the game evoke archetypal environments of the southern states from Louisiana swamps to Texan oilfields […] and these environmental features form a kind of background reference point, attuning the players to expect action, activities, locales and architectures to the Western genre” (Westerside & Holopainen, 2019, p. 4). In addition to the Wild West, whose representation is inspired by the American states of Texas and Arizona, the South of the USA in particular—here with reference to Louisiana and North Carolina (Donald & Reid, 2020, p. 20)—plays an important role. Thus, references to feudal production structures, plantation economy, and slavery—topics that are closely connected to the Old South as a historical imagination of the Southern states (Gamerith, 2017, p. 116)—can be found in the game world as well as in the main plot. The largest settlement in the game, St. Denis, proves particularly interesting: “Chimneys, factories and a public transportation system reveal an emerging civilized, and emboldened industrial America” (Westerside and Holopainen, 2019, p. 8). This persiflage of New Orleans was implemented into the game as an almost dichotomous counterdesign to the frontier (Donald & Reid, 2020, p. 20). In this respect, traversing the game world of Red Dead Redepmtion 2 enables a multi-layered experience of the fictional view of the USA at the end of the nineteenth century: “[…] the journey across RDR2s terrain is an epochal one, a cultural one, a technological and industrial one” (Westerside and Holopainen, 2019, p. 8). The digital representation of the Wild West in the game world of Red Dead Redemption 2 can in turn be divided into three further regions. The Grizzlies, located in the north, are the in-game version of the Rocky Mountains, high mountain areas full of ice and snow, almost without any signs of civilization—telegraph lines and even the railroad as the engine of westward expansion (Dobson, 2013, p. 62) are rarely to be found—the epitome of wilderness and hostile frontier. To the south and east of the mountains, follow larger expanses of forest inhabited by wild animals such as wolves and bears, like the Cumberland Forest and Big Valley. In these areas, several towns and railroad stations as well as remote farms can already be discovered, which points to the transformation of wilderness to civilization in Turner’s sense. In the Heartlands, the land finally expands to an open prairie. Here, farms in particular as a symbol of the agricultural domestication of the environment (Dobson, 2013, p. 59) were implemented into the design of the game world. For the experience of these three different—certainly stereotypical—conceptions in the video game, visuality is crucial: Thus, the spatial representations are composed of consistently composed and stylized landscape images, as consumers

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are familiar with from Western films (Escher & Zimmermann, 2001, p. 229). In this case, the digital design of the game environment is particularly influenced by the landscape paintings of the Hudson River School (Westerside & Holopainen, 2018, p. 6). Here, Albert Bierstadt and N.C. Weith “whose paintings provide inspirations for landscapes, stories and events, and dramatic elements such as lightning and composition to elicit an emotional response from the player” (Donald & Reid, 2020, p. 19), are particularly noteworthy. Such romanticized representations often have a vague longing for an encounter with the unknown (Felgenhauer, 2015, p. 73), which can certainly provide a motivation in terms of the gameplay—for instance, seeking out certain places, or roaming through a wilderness, which connoted as beautiful, without any aim. Further popular cultural cross-references can be seen in the including of the visual language of iconic Western movies such as The Good, the Bad and the Ugly (1966), Once upon a time in the West (1968), The Searchers (1956), or even the HBO series Westworld (2016), which makes it possible to interpret “RDR2 as a melting pot of cultural, cinematic and literary memory” (Westerside and Holopainen, 2019, p. 6). This chosen reference to cinema is additionally evident on a level of setting: the Cinematic Mode, which can be activated independently by the players when needed, enables the cinematic experience of the game world in the widescreen format, which is common to Western movies. When activated, preset cuts and camera settings (angle/perspective) following one another. In order for the players to feel like they are playing their own Western movie, interaction in this display mode has additionally been greatly simplified: the controls are simply taken over by the game when the specific button is pressed. Based on these explanations, the following interim conclusion, which should be considered as a context for interpreting the results of the game analysis, can be drawn: the fictional Wild West of Red Dead Redemption 2 serves the imagination of a spatiotemporal state of the USA at the end of the nineteenth century. In doing so, the representation primarily recurs to the almost hegemonic notion of the Wild West in terms of the frontier, in the sense of a land full of freedom and danger that can only be conquered through the self-sacrifice of the toughest men. However, this view of a triumphant march of technization and civilization of the formerly wild and regarded as unsettled land is repeatedly broken up by small moments of irritation in the storytelling and design of some missions. For example, the negative consequences of the massive hunting of the bison population, including the effects on the indigenous population, are made visible in a side mission in which the players track down paid mercenaries by following a trail of buffalo carcasses through the prairie. In addition, the protagonist compares and rejects racist theories as preached by a scientist in St. Denis. Based

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on his experiences as a member of a gang composed of a wide variety of ethnic groups, he tells, that he would judge people not by their origin and skin color, but pragmatically by their actions. Through the interactive characteristic of video games, this interpretation of the Wild West—created, however, from the perspective of the twenty-first century (Donald & Reid, 2020, p. 16)—cannot simply be consumed, but experientially co-created by the players within the boundaries set by the gameplay and digital world. The representation of the game world (landscape, characters, narration, activities, etc.) is composed of a potpourri of popular culture and mass media references, especially the cinematic Western genre, and thus creates a unique place marked by stereotypes (Escher & Zimmermann, 2001, p. 228) that has never existed in this form. With regard to the research question, the landscape constructions, which is inscribed in the narration of the first two chapters, prove to be promising. In addition to the stereotypical depictions of the wild, partially snow-covered mountains, the sprawling forest areas, and the prairie, which is increasingly tamed from west to east, the small town of Valentine (see Fig. 2) in particular serves as an anchor of authenticity for the Western genre (Westerside and Holopainen, 2019, p. 6). In terms of gameplay, this analysis mainly refers to the 21 main missions that

Fig. 2 Impressions of the Frontier in Red Dead Redemption 2. (Source: Screenshots Red Dead Redemption 2 on Playstation 4. Design: Stephan Pietsch, Realization: Vincent Schober)

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have to be played in order to progress in the story and, in particular, to the tutorial—first to sixth mission—in which the basic game mechanics for survival on the digital frontier are learned.

4

Experiencing the Frontier in Red Dead Redemption 2—Landscapes of Sublimity and Danger

From a theoretical point of view, the landscape in Red Dead Redemption 2 can be understood as the incarnation of a social construction, since landscapes in video games are the result of the interplay of computing power created by humans and machines (Pietsch, 2014, p. 24). Furthermore, they are created as spaces that combine technical possibilities and specifications with the expectations of the players (Krebs, 2006, p. 18) and fulfill important functions for the game experience: “The landscape does not only provide framework, it also implicitly animates possible action in the game” (Fontaine, 2020, p. 303). In particular, the fourth of the functions for landscapes in video games—based on the fundamental considerations on the role of landscapes in film (Escher & Zimmermann, 2001, p. 231–232)—elaborated by Olaf Kühne, Corinna Jenal and Dennis Edler can be seen as fundamental for the research question of this contribution (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 6). While category one—“Landscape has no meaning for the game” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 6)—can definitely be ruled out for Red Dead Redemption 2, category two—“Landscape has the function of scenery and provides a setting for the game” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 6)—and three—“Landscape has the function of conveying the authenticity for the game plot” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 6)—contribute sustainably to the experience of the multiple storylines in the digital Wild West. This “landscaping” (Fontaine, 2020, p. 294) of the digital game environment as a frontier that needs to be mastered in order to progress in the main story, category four can be applied with reference to Red Dead Redemption 2: “Landscape is constitutive for the Game” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 6). However, this does not happen purely with regard to the reshaping of virtual nature, but runs—as an underlying narrative—through the layers of storyline, visuality, and gameplay, which will be explained in the following. The game starts in a blizzard in the middle of the night somewhere in the Western Grizzlies area at the northwestern edge of the map (see Fig. 2). The game world is at its most hostile here; it’s dark, the wind is howling, and the Outlaws are visibly desperate. Thus, after a failed raid, the Van-Der-Linde-Gang has deliberately retreated into the inhospitable wilderness to escape pursuit by law enforcement. Immediately, the brutality of the frontier becomes apparent: in

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search of support, the protagonist encounters hostile bandits at a remote farm, who murdered the resident settler and set fire to the buildings. From the very beginning of the game, the American wilderness is thus constructed as a lawless, masculine space where only the strongest can survive with the use of brutal force. It is therefore no coincidence that the first activities to be learned on the frontier are shooting and eliminating enemy Non-Player-Characters, which portrayed as human. The next day, the high mountains are shown in a very different, thus picturesque and beautiful, way: in search of a missing gang member, the players climb a huge glacier in the bright sunshine. The almost photo-realistic graphics provide a view of the vast countryside; the view extends over mountain landscapes and forests as the manifestation of a majestic wilderness to the horizon and invites exploration. The avatar seems almost tiny against this mighty backdrop. However, the life-threatening and almost physical effort of the mastering of the wilderness, even for those playing on the gamepad, is evident here as well. It is not only the wolves that suddenly attack. In addition, the topography demands physical performance from Arthur. Steep slopes force him to get off his horse as well as conquer the mountain on foot, which leads to the fact that the character moves much slower in deep snow and every careless step on the steep slopes can be his last. Since the gang is snowed in and has to wait for a thaw, against the backdrop of the Grizzlies, the players learn other important activities for surviving in the Wild West of Red Dead Redemption 2, such as hunting animals and infiltrating enemy gang camps, in the following. With the start of the sixth mission, spring has sprung. The convoy of several covered wagons makes its way from the mountains through the woods to the new gang camp in Horseshoe Overlook in the east, near the small town of Valentine and in the immediate vicinity of the Heartlands, which are staged as a stereotype of the prairie between wilderness and civilization. The transition between the mountain world and the forest areas proves to be particularly exciting here: representative of the advance into a new game section, the players cross a gate in a mighty wooden wall (see Fig. 2). Thereupon, the land opens up and reveals itself to be less rough. The widening of the landscape can almost be seen as metaphorical with respect to the gameplay of Red Dead Redemption 2. Reaching the new gang camp in Horseshoe Overlook multiplies the possibilities in the open world, which are mostly introduced in the context of main or side missions. Thus, from now on, a whole range of activities—constitutive for the Western genre—can be started, such as poker games, bounty hunts, carriage and train robberies, treasure hunts, etc., which in their entirety reflect the imaginings of the lifestyle of Western heroes on the frontier. It is primarily random world events in the game world that—against the background of the three stereotypical Wild West regions

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described above—bring the permanence of danger to the attention of the players. For example, the protagonist is repeatedly attacked by other bandits, and in a cabin in a clearing in the Big Valley which can be considered as beautiful, a grizzly bear attacks immediately after the door is opened. It quickly becomes apparent that even in the more domesticated landscape of the Heartlands, the law of the strongest still prevails, and away from the small settlements, the law is enforced with the colt as it always has been. In this regard, sheep are not laboriously raised to eventually be sold in Valentine, instead a cattle transport is simply raided, the cowboys killed, and the stolen herd driven to market. After fifteen main missions that take Arthur to many different locations of the frontier, the Van-Der-Linde-Gang is tracked down by two Pinkerton Agency detectives. The resulting shoot-out in Valentine causes the gang to abandon their hideout and move to another state. From this point on, the main plot turns away from Wild West romance to a narrative associated with the imaginations of the Old South (Gamerith, 2017, p. 116), while the landscape construction embedded in the game is also changing from the frontier to sprawling plantations and swamplands. Based on the results of the game analysis, the digital landscape in Red Dead Redemption 2 can be seen as “constitutive for the game” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 6). In a constant tension between sublimity and danger, an almost mystical experience of the Wild West is created (see Fig. 5). The frontier, in the narration often depicted as a place of longing for the outlaws, is thereby underlined by the idyllic staging of picturesque landscapes at sunset. On the sound level, this is underlined by soft music and enriched with nature sounds—e.g. the croaking of frogs or the chirping of crickets. Imaginative place names, such as Moonstone Pond, ultimately contribute to the manifestation of the Wild West as a counterdesign to the industrialized cities on the East Coast of the game world. However, even the most experienced Westerner must always be on his guard: the further the avatar moves from the settlements, especially towards the northern edge of the map, the rougher the landscapes become and the greater the danger of losing one’s digital life, be it through falls from increasingly steep slopes or the increasingly frequent attacks by wild animals or bandits. Already in the game’s tutorial, the context (which sets the stage of what can be expected in the further course of the game) is given: in order to master the game, above all the landscape or landscape elements must be used—if not conquered—at least sensibly. Mountains have to be climbed to provide orientation in the unknown wilderness, rocks have to be used as protection against the gunfire of the enemies and the dense forest has to be used for sneaking up on the game to ensure the survival of the avatar and the own gang. In doing so, the game’s landscape concept—certainly not surprisingly,

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but in a new interactive way—again contributes to the romanticized, visually powerful manifestation of the frontier myth.

5

Conclusion

If we look at the history of the USA from the perspective of cultural and media geography, the Wild West can be seen as one of the most powerful narratives, which also occupies a central place in the self-image of the American way of life (Mausbach, 2017, p. 6). These grand narratives are thereby nowadays globally disseminated primarily through visual media and determine the way we engage with the world through the implicit and explicit, stereotypically depicted patterns of action, orientations, and norms (Escher & Zimmermann, 2001, p. 228). In this regard, with reference to the iconographic Western genre of the 1940s to 1970s (Mausbach, 2017, p. 10), it was in particular the myths about life on the frontier, which, as the manifestation of the Wild West, have become permanently inscribed in the cultural practices of the USA (Gamerith & Gerhard, 2017, p. 3). The depiction of the landscape always follows a certain visual tradition, which is constitutive for Western narratives, since for instance camera angles are implicitly associated with the genre and are therefore expected by consumers. The game Red Dead Redemption 2, released in 2018 and labeled as a Western, contributes to the further dissemination of this historical image as a visual-interactive medium. For this purpose, the developers constructed a mosaic composed of various popular cultural cross-references, which was enriched with the mix of facts and their ironic-fictional processing typical for Rockstar Games products. Following the logic of modern game design, this representation of the Wild West is admittedly not a historically accurate portrayal of conditions in the USA at the end of the nineteenth century. However, the game transfers “our cultural understandings and interpretations of the Wild West into one expansive sandbox” (Donald & Reid, 2020, pp. 22–23). Through the immersive design of the game world, the gaming experience can have a lasting impact on how we think about the history of the USA in categories of the frontier (including the patterns of action inscribed in it) and draw our conclusions for our behavior in the present, which is why it seems important to examine such powerful media constructions with regard to their design. The design of the digital landscapes takes a constitutive role in the construction of a romantic, wild, but always dangerous place of longing. Against the backdrop of mighty mountains rugged by deep valleys, the players, guided by the protagonist Arthur Morgan and the main plot, learn to master the game mechanics in

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order to survive in the digital Wild West. At this point, an analogy can be drawn to Frederick Jackson Turner’s Frontier theory: while here, in the frontier experience, the European settler transforms into an American individual (Turner, 1920, p. 2), in playing through the tutorial, the players transform into digital outlaws, to whom the Wild West is open after leaving the mountain area. A problematic aspect of the underlying narrative is the melancholic view of the loss of the frontier, which is sensibly based in the logic of the Western (Kiefer & Grob, 2003, p. 26). Thus, the protagonist always feels part of a dying species (Westerside and Holopainen, 2019, p. 6), who longingly misses the loneliness and freedom of the wide and open spaces (including the claim to enforce the right of the strongest with gun in hand if necessary). For the cowboy, staged as the Rugged Individual (Humphreys, 2012, p. 200) as the digital materialization of masculinity, civilization, as depicted in the cities on the East Coast, ultimately remains the impregnable frontier on which he perishes.

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Stephan Maximilian Pietsch is a human geographer who is currently working at the Leibniz Institute for Regional Geography (IfL) in Leipzig. After receiving his BSc. in Geography at the Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena in 2010, he attended the Master of Arts Human Geography: Globalization, Media and Culture at the Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz. Since 2014, Stephan Pietsch is employed at the IfL in the Research Group Historische Geographien. In his work, he is—among others—focusing on Game Based Learning, the History of Science (especially in the 19 th Century), medial constructed Time–Space

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Related Imaginations, and the social construction of landscapes and spaces. Since 2021 he is a PhD Candidate at the Eberhardt Karls Universität Tübingen, working on the topic SpielRaum Geographie. Ein spielerischer Ansatz zur multiperspektivisch-digitalen Vermittlung raumbezogenen Wissens.

Hybrid Worlds

Pokémon GO and Landscape Sven Endreß and Philipp Jutz

Abstract

The Pokémon franchise has enjoyed great popularity since 1996. Since 2016, there has also been a special game version for smartphones, Pokémon GO, which uses augmented reality elements. This is intended to merge the world of the Pokémon even more strongly with the real environment, and thus possibly also the landscape. But how do Pokémon GO and the social constructivist concept of landscape intertwine? What demands and perspectives do players place on the landscape on which they want to play Pokémon GO? What effects does the game have on the players’ behaviour as well as on their interaction with their environment? To answer these and other questions, 89 players were interviewed. Furthermore, a separate field report was prepared regarding the players’ experiences. It was shown that players of Pokémon GO have completely different demands on the landscape than other players. The frequency of AR technology use was also queried. The answers raise doubts about the self-designation as an augmented reality game and rather point to a classification as a location-based game.

S. Endreß (B) Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] P. Jutz Dürmentingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_18

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Keywords

Pokémon GO • Games • Augmented Reality • Landscape • Social Constructivism • Location Based Games

1

Introduction

The market for video games can be considered one of the fastest-growing industries at the moment. In 2020 alone, sales of video games and the associated hardware rose to 8.5 billion euros, and that was in the German market alone. This is an increase of 32% compared to the previous year (game, 2021). Sales of virtual reality hardware and augmented reality hardware also seem set to rise sharply in the future (International Data Corporation, 2020). As a result, these products will also be available to a broader mass in the future. It is therefore not surprising that research is now being conducted in various disciplines on the potential of these technologies to solve various problems. In the context of spatial sciences, also especially in relation to landscape research, there is currently an increased interest in investigating the effects and potentials of the virtual extension of physical-material space and thus of the physical-material landscape. For example, one possible application is the training of spatial orientation skills. For instance, Carbonell Carrera and Bermejo Asensio demonstrate that by extending the 2-dimensional map space with a 3-dimensional relief virtually superimposed on it, the participants’ spatial orientation skills improved significantly. Augmented reality represents a “powerfull tool” (Carbonell Carrera & Bermejo Asensio, 2017, p. 129) in this field. Other studies focus on the impact on the perception of distance with the aid of a virtual grid overlay over real physical space (Keil et al., 2020) or the impact of VR headsets on perceived immersion and the accompanying sense of spatial presence (Hruby et al., 2020). It can be seen that these new technical possibilities can have a not insignificant impact on our perception of space. The use of augmented reality, in particular mobile use, raises the question of the extent to which a new hybrid reality is created in which real physical objects and virtual constructions merge (Souza e Silva 2006). A particularly popular example of the possible emergence of a hybrid reality through the merging of virtual and real physical objects is the smartphone game Pokémon GO (Hjorth & Richardson, 2017). In July 2016, the US American developer studio Niantic, Inc. released the smartphone app game Pokémon GO. Within the next three months, this game was

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downloaded more than 550,000,000 times by players around the globe (WagnerGreene et al., 2017). The game has also been analyzed in different scientific disciplines, depending on the field of study, and has met with great interest (among many Althoff et al., 2016; Colley et al., 2017; Rauschnabel et al. 2017; Wagner-Greene et al., 2017). In this context, reference was always made to the game’s strong connection to geography, which can be seen in various forms (Wagner-Greene et al., 2017). This paper will focus on various aspects of Pokémon GO. On the one hand, it will examine the extent to which Pokémon GO represents a useful example of hybrid reality through the use of augmented reality. The central question here is how the augmented reality functions are used. On the other hand, more fundamental questions concerning the evaluation and perception of landscape during gameplay will be focused on. In addition, we will discuss possible changes in spatial movement patterns in connection with gaming. Furthermore, basic information on the evaluation of the game and its use will be collected.

2

Preliminary Remarks

2.1

Construction of Landscape

In order to answer these questions, it is first necessary to clarify what exactly is meant by ‘landscape’. In the past decades, the view of the landscape has changed visibly. At first, the landscape was seen as a being and later as a physical, objectively given object. In the meantime, the landscape is regarded as a social or individual construction (among many Claßen, 2016; Cosgrove, 1984; Duncan, 1995; Gailing, 2012; Gailing & Leibenath, 2012; Greider & Garkovich, 1994; Hook, 2008; Kilper et al., 2012; Kühne, 2006, 2008, 2013, 2018; see on different approaches to landscape also Kühne 2022c in this anthology). This point of view is based on a broad foundation of knowledge and perspectives from the history of ideas (Kühne, 2018). Building on this modern and social constructivist understanding of landscape, Kühne (2006, 2008, 2013, 2018, 2020) distinguishes three levels of landscape. The first level of landscape comprises the physical nature of the landscape. Kühne (2020) refers to it as Landscape 1. The second form of landscape consists of individual constructions and emotions. These constructions and emotions are drawn from and attributed to the landscape. Kühne (2020) calls it Landscape 2. With Landscape 3 the social conventions concerning the landscape are taken into account. Landscape 2 takes a bridging function here and connects the landscape

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understandings of Landscape 1 with Landscape 3. At the end of this subchapter, it will be explained that the game Pokémon GO is mainly played on the level of Landscape 2 (see also Kühne 2022a; Kühne, Edler et al., 2022; Kühne, Jenal et al., 2022 in this anthology). As already mentioned, Pokémon GO is mainly used in Landscape 2. For the players, the locations of the PokéStops (see Fig. 1 the blue cubes) and gyms have an individual meaning. For the non-players, the significantly larger part of the population, this individualized access to the place is not present. Even the Pokémon that appear are only perceptible to the players. Only those who have the game open are able to interact with these elements. The feedback relationship to Landscape 1 is based on the shared perception of roads, paths, buildings, rivers, and lakes. These are part of both Landscape 1 and Landscape 2. Also, not every place can be made into a PokéStop or a gym. They can only be places that already have a special meaning attributed to them in Landscape 3 (Niantic, 2020). Only places created by humans can become PokéStops. Natural elements

Fig. 1 Example views from the game, on the left the usual game view when navigating on the map. On the right, the augmented reality mode while interacting with the buddy

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of the landscape (mountains, waterfalls, etc.) cannot become PokéStops (PokemonGoHub, 2019). This characteristic of Pokéstops and gyms is taken up again in Chap. 3 for the analysis carried out here, where it is brought into the context of typical landscape images.

2.2

The World of Pokémon

In 1996, the Japanese games and software company GAME FREAK released its first Pokémon (Pocket Monsters) video game, which was soon followed by an animated series, a collectible card game, other merchandise products and numerous feature films (Nintendo, 2016). Meanwhile, there are almost 900 different species of Pokémon (Pokemon.com, 2021a). Pokémon live in different places and landscapes and have different distribution there. Some live only in deserts, others only in mountains, others only in the ocean. The distribution areas and habitats are highly diverse. Many Pokémon are able to evolve into another Pokémon. The requirements for this varies. Some need only an item, others need to visit a certain place, others need to reach a certain level by fighting with other Pokémon (Pokewiki.de, 2020). The aim of the game is to collect all Pokémon (Pokemon.com, 2021b). Over the past two decades, the world of Pokémon has become firmly anchored in the real world. Teenagers and young adults who own a smartphone today have all grown up with Pikachu and the other Pokémon. In one form or another, Pokémon shaped their childhood (Buchheim, 2016). Even science is not untouched by this nostalgia. Scientists at the University of Cologne, for example, named a new species of bacteria “Pokemonas” (Solbach et al., 2021).

2.3

Pokémon GO (Field Report)

In order to present and explain the detailed gameplay of Pokémon GO, our field report as a player of this game is included at this point. However, due to the high complexity of the game, it is not possible to go into every single feature. Instead, the focus of this field report is on the interaction with the landscape. The game is closely based on the video game series (for further reading to video games and landscape see also Kühne 2022b; Pietsch, 2022 in this anthology). As a player, I am supposed to help a Pokémon professor named Professor Willow explore the world of Pokémon. This is done by catching and collecting various Pokémon and completing field research tasks. As with the video games,

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the big aim is to complete the PokéDex, a kind of digital Pokémon encyclopedia. This contains all the information about all the Pokémon. As in the video games, I get to choose a Pokémon from the first generation to start my journey. The choices are: Bulbasaur, Charmander and Squirtle. After each successful task, I receive experience points. With the number of experience points I then ascend game level. When I reach level 5, I have the choice of joining a Pokémon team. There are three teams to choose from, which are led by Professor Willow’s three assistants. These teams are the yellow ‘Team Instinct’, the blue ‘Team Mystic’ and the red ‘Team Valor’. The choice of the team is especially important for the gyms. These are occupied by the individual teams and then displayed in the respective color. For example, a player from the blue Team Mystic must try to conquer the red and yellow gyms using his or her Pokémon. There is room for up to six Pokémon per gym. However, a player can only place one of his or her Pokémon per gym to defend that gym from attacks by other teams. In addition to the relationship to the gyms, the choice of team also determines the background color for some menu items. During the game, the surrounding environment is shown to me on the display (see Fig. 1). I can orientate myself by means of the indicated buildings (ground plan) and streets, but also by means of the compass. If necessary, rivers, lakes, or parks (Landscape 1) (Kühne, 2020) can also be used for orientation. All of these scenic attributions are represented graphically in the app. This orientation is important so that I can find the PokéStops and gyms. By ‘turning’ the two places mentioned, I obtain important items for successful gameplay. These places therefore take on an essential role in the game. When I travel a route within the city, I often don’t take the fastest way from A to B, but a route with the most PokéStops along the way. So the game not only shapes my perception of the landscape 2, but also controls my movements in the landscape itself. By consciously noticing the PokéStops, it is also noticeable that there is a big difference between urban and rural areas. For example, there are often many times more PokéStops on a street within a city than in entire villages (Colley et al., 2017). Successful and joyful gameplay is therefore closely linked to the player’s environment. The surrounding landscape also decisively shapes the course of the game. The weather also plays a big role. Depending on the weather conditions, other Pokémon appear. For example, when it rains, Pokémon of the Water, Bug and Electric types appear more often. In fog, Pokémon of the Ghost and Dark types appear more often. In addition, if a Pokémon is associated with the weather, it is also slightly stronger, and catching it gives the player more ‘stardust’ than usual. Stardust is an important item for the gameplay.

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From a geographical point of view, it is worth mentioning that Pokémon are also spatially bound in Pokémon GO. For example, some only live on certain geographical continents and others only near the equator. This fact is based on a consensual decision by the programmers. It is quite possible that they want to encourage Pokémon GO players to actually go out into the world, travel to different places, and actually discover, catch, and collect all the Pokémon that are hiding there.

2.4

Intersections of the Landscape and Pokémon GO

This subsection serves as a brief summary of the already mentioned interplay between Pokémon GO and landscape. For example, Pokémon GO takes place mostly in Landscape 2, although the other levels of landscape also intervene in the game (Kühne, 2006, 2008, 2013, 2018, 2020). The game is based on the real network of roads and paths. Rivers, lakes, parks, but also buildings can also be recognized graphically. The weather has an influence on Pokémon. Depending on the weather, some types appear more often. If a player catches such a Pokémon in the corresponding weather, he or she can receive more of the ‘Stardust’ item, among other things. But not only the weather favors the appearance of certain Pokémon. For example, some Pokémon only appear on a certain geographical continent. Others only in a single national country. Still others can only be found in the southern hemisphere. Completing the PokéDex forces the player to explore and travel the world with all its different landscapes. From a settlement geography perspective, it can also be seen that the number of PokéStops diverges between urban and rural areas. Within a city, there are often more PokéStops on a single street than in entire villages.

3

Methodology

The combination of a virtual smartphone game and the physical environment as the ‘basis’ for the game world marks a new hybrid reality (Hjorth & Richardson, 2017) according to some authors. This raises not only questions about the interaction or relationship between the player and the real physical space, but also questions about the relationship to the landscape. In the course of this work, various theses will be tested. In general, the focus is first on questions about the general motivation for Pokémon GO. Then, following the findings of Colley

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et al. (2017), we will test whether, and if so how, the movement patterns of players have changed as a result of Pokémon GO. Subsequently, we will focus more on the perception of landscape. For this purpose, a study by Kühne (2018) was used, in which people were asked to state their associations with landscape. The aim is to examine how spaces with objects, that are typically seen as landscape 1 and are likely to be combined by the player to landscape 2, are evaluated for playing Pokémon GO. Finally, the question of whether Pokémon GO should be understood more as an augmented reality game (AR game) or as a location-based game will be clarified. In order to answer the questions raised, a quantitative online questionnaire was designed. This type of data collection has several advantages: On the one hand, it allows for contactless data collection, which is particularly advantageous due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Secondly, nowadays players of different games network on social media platforms to exchange information about the game. There are also various platforms for Pokémon GO on which players can network with each other. In the Tübingen area, various Telegram groups related to Pokémon GO are particularly popular. The largest group, ‘Raid Tübingen’, for example, has over 500 subscribers. With a digital questionnaire, it was possible to target players in Tübingen. A disadvantage of this type of survey is, of course, the exclusion of players who are not organized in a raid group. This must therefore be kept in mind during the evaluation.

4

Empirical Results

The data was collected between 31 March 2021 and 18 April 2021 using the online questionnaire tool SosciSurvey. The link to the survey was posted in three Telegram groups on 31 March and again on 17 April. A total of 89 completed questionnaires were collected. Looking at the demographic data (Fig. 2), a slightly higher proportion of people defining themselves as male (57%) is noticeable. About 39% of the respondents define themselves as female, whereas 4% of the respondents classify themselves as diverse. Whether this actually represents the ratio in the Tübingen player base, or whether this is merely due to unequal participation in the survey, cannot be assessed here. Looking at the age distribution (see Fig. 3), a clear trend emerges: almost half of all respondents are between 20 and 34 years old (43%). Furthermore, it is clear that the number of players seems to decrease with increasing age. Thus, none of the respondents stated that they were older than 65. This result was to

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Which gender do you classify yourself as? (n=84) 4%

39%

57%

Male

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Divers

Fig. 2 Which gender do you classify yourself as? Own illustration

Fig. 3 Age of interviewed. Own illustration

be expected, even though it must be pointed out that these results mainly reflect the players organized in the Telegram groups. It could also be that people of higher age groups organize themselves less frequently via such groups and that

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Current level of parcipants (n=86) 18%

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Fig. 4 Current level of participants. Own illustration

these age groups are therefore underrepresented. No more precise statement can be made here from the available data. Another important, albeit unusual, demographic is the level of the players (see Fig. 4). In Pokémon GO, players can currently level up to 50. The increase in experience points required for each level up is not linear, but rather exponential. From level 40 onwards, additional requirements become necessary in order to advance to other levels. It is evident that mainly players with higher levels took part in the survey, only 4% of the respondents stated a level below level 38. From the authors’ playing experience, this seems like a highly distorted representation of the actual distribution of levels. The very high proportion of players in the high 40’s is particularly striking. It may be assumed that this distortion is mainly due to the survey method. It seems quite plausible that it is mainly very active players who network via a Telegram group. Another reason could be that very active players in particular were interested in taking part in a survey on this topic. In conclusion, the reason for this distribution cannot be determined beyond doubt. Therefore, it should be kept in mind for the further part of the analysis that these results are mainly based on the experiences of very active players and therefore cover less the attitude of so-called casual players. The next step is to focus on the players’ associations with Pokémon GO (see Fig. 5). For this purpose, the respondents were asked to write down up to three associations with Pokémon GO in an open entry. It is clear that associations in the topic areas of ‘friendship’ and ‘community’ were named in particular (16%).

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Associaon with Pokémon GO (Mulple answer possible; n=220) Friendship/community

16%

Fun

16%

Exercice

14%

Pokémon Go specific

9%

Time outdoors

8%

No assignment possible

7%

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7%

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6%

Collect

5%

Leisure

4%

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4%

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3% 0%

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Fig. 5 Associations with Pokémon GO. Own illustration

Here, too, an influence of the type of survey could be suspected: It seems understandable that players who network online with other players, for example, to do raids together, associate Pokémon GO more with friendship or community. Associations with the themes of ‘fun’ and ‘movement’ were also frequently mentioned. Specific spatial references could not be found. It could only be assumed that there is an overlap with the theme complex ‘spending time outdoors’, although it must be noted here that the people mainly emphasized movement in the fresh air and did not explicitly refer to the perception of landscape. It can therefore already be assumed here that the experience of landscape is not a topic that players are confronted with when playing Pokémon GO. It can thus already be said that the players do not actively associate the topic ‘landscape’ with Pokémon GO. In order not to run the risk of the respondents not associating the topic of landscape with Pokémon GO only in their first association, the subsequent closed question asked about the motivation for playing Pokémon GO (Fig. 6). The respondents could select several answers. A similar picture emerges as before: while topics such as ‘a nice pastime’ (70%), ‘sports and exercise’ (69%), ‘interest in Pokémon’ (66%), and a shared hobby with friends (64%) were named by a large proportion of respondents as important motivations for playing, only 26% of people said they also play Pokémon GO because of the ‘experience of landscape’. This shows that only about 26%

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Movaon for Pokémon GO (Mulple answer possible; n=89) A nice pasme

70%

Sports and exercise

69%

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66%

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64%

Experience of landscape

26% 0%

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Fig. 6 Motivation for Pokémon GO. Own illustration

of respondents consider the experience of landscape an important point when playing Pokémon GO. One possible reason for this could be that players are less aware of their physical surroundings (landscape 1) while playing. This idea of Pokémon GO players only staring at their mobile phones probably goes back to the flood of newspaper articles in 2016 warning about the dangers of playing Pokémon GO. The New York Post, for example, wrote of the dangers lurking for players “as they wander the real world—eyes glued to their smartphone screens—in search of digital monsters” (Associated Press, 2016). In order not to simply fall prey to this prejudice, this point was also addressed in the survey (see Fig. 7). It shows that only a small proportion of respondents believe that they only look at their smartphone when playing while walking (22%). In comparison, 43% of respondents said they mainly looked at their smartphone when playing at PokéStops and gyms (43%). It can be seen that especially when playing in a standing position, the physical space, or landscape 1, moves into the background for some players. This becomes even clearer with the question of whether people have the feeling that they are more aware of their surroundings while playing. Here, 52% of the respondents answered this statement in the negative, while only 22% answered in the affirmative. It could therefore be assumed that one possible reason for the low relevance of landscape for Pokémon GO players is that they perceive significantly fewer visual impressions of landscape 1 while playing, and therefore perceive landscape 2 less overall.

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How much do the following statements apply to you and your gaming behavior? (n=87) 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

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On the way to the next PokéStop/gym, I only look at my mobile phone.

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Fig. 7 How much do the following statements apply to you and your gaming behavior? Own illustration

At the same time, however, it can also be assumed that the environment in which Pokémon GO is played contains significantly fewer stereotypical landscape elements and therefore it happens less often that the players can combine elements from landscape 1 to a landscape 2 for themselves, which is why it could be assumed that they therefore perceive landscape 2 less often while playing. To test this hypothesis, respondents were asked to rate the suitability of different spaces for playing Pokémon GO. For this purpose, an earlier survey by Kühne was used, in which people named their associations with the topic of landscape (see Kühne, 2018). From this, the spaces ‘forest and forest paths’, ‘fieldpaths’, ‘villages and smaller communities’, ‘old town’, ‘parks’ and ‘cemeteries’ were formed (see Fig. 8). Here we deliberately choose the term space and not landscape. Accordingly, we speak here of spaces in which certain physical objects, which can be understood as landscape 1, occur. Through the synopsis of these objects by the individual to the landscape 2 such spaces can become landscapes. According to Kühne’s survey, people associate the term landscape mainly with physical objects such as forests (96%), meadows (95%), streams (91%), villages (83%) and farms (74%). These objects are mainly found in the spaces ‘forest and forest paths’, ‘fieldpaths’, ‘villages and smaller communities’. If these spaces are now assessed as rather unsuitable for playing Pokémon GO, this would mean that spaces that contain more landscape-forming objects (and therefore form a

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How suitable do you think the following places/environments in the Tübingen area are for playing Pokémon GO? 100%

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Fig. 8 How suitable do you think the following places/environments in the Tübingen area for playing Pokémon GO? Own illustration

more concise landscape 1) are less suitable for playing and thus Pokémon GO encourages playing in spaces with less strongly landscape-associated objects and therefore with a lesser chance of experiencing landscape 2. Objects such as small towns (32%) and groups of people (21%) can be assigned to the spaces ‘old town’ and ‘parks’, all of which are less frequently associated with landscape. The fact that the space ‘cemeteries’ was also formed is not so much due to the associations from Kühne’s study, but rather to the gaming experience of the authors, who noticed that a high number of PokéStops and gyms can be found especially in the cemeteries in Tübingen. Figure 8 shows the results of this survey. As already mentioned, the spaces ‘forest and forest paths’, ‘fieldpaths’, ‘villages and smaller communities’ represent those spaces in which, theoretically, the most landscape-shaping physical objects should occur. It is noticeable that these spaces in particular are increasingly rated as ‘not at all suitable’ or ‘rather not suitable’. It can therefore be seen that the spaces that theoretically contain the most landscape attributes are rated the worst.

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What were the decisive criteria in the evaluaon of the spaces menoned (forests, field paths, villages, (old) town, parks, cemeteries)? (Mulple answer possible; n=89) Number of PokéStops and arenas

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Fig. 9 What were the decisive criteria in the evaluation of the spaces mentioned (forests, field paths, villages, (old) town, parks, cemeteries)? Own illustration

The next question is why these assessments were made in the way they were. In a subsequent question, respondents were explicitly asked about the reasons for their evaluation (Fig. 9). The respondents could give several reasons. It shows that for 70% of the respondents, the number of PokéStops and gyms was an important criterion. This could be an indication that the number of PokéStops or gyms in the ‘typically more landscape-relevant’ areas is not high enough to play Pokémon GO there. This is also consistent with the experience that a high density of PokéStops and gyms can be found especially in the old town of Tübingen and in the Tübingen parks. The Cramer-V test also makes this clear: there is a very significant (p = 0.002) medium correlation (0.488) between the items ‘number of Pokéstops and gyms’ and the assessment of suitability of the (Old)City. The aesthetics of the environment seems to be a relevant point for only 28%, although it should be emphasized that the old town of Tübingen as well as the Tübingen parks also offer an aesthetic gaming environment, so it cannot be said here that these players therefore mainly prefer the more conventional landscapes as a gaming environment. It may also be interesting that the space ‘cemeteries’ was rated particularly negatively. When asked about the evaluation criteria, an open answer was also possible. It is striking here that five people specifically stated that they consider playing in the cemetery to be wrong or inappropriate. It can therefore be assumed that this space was also understood as inappropriate by other players and that is why such a large proportion chose ‘not at all suitable’, although the number of Pokéstops and gyms at many of Tübingen’s cemeteries is very high.

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I would like to see more PokéStops in the following places: (n=89) In the immediate vicinity of my apartment/house

70%

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8%

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Fig. 10 I would like to see more PokéStops in the following places. Own illustration

Another interesting piece of information from the open response is the reference to the necessary mobile phone reception. 4 people noted that reception plays a big role for them. Since mobile phone reception tends to be better in urban areas than in forested areas, for example, this could also be an indication of why certain areas were rated so poorly. If playing Pokémon GO in spaces with less objects that are likely to be considered as part of landscape 1, is due to the lack of a sufficient number of PokéStops in these spaces, the question arises as to whether players would still like to be able to play more effectively in these environments. The participants were asked in which spaces they would like to see more PokéStops (Fig. 10). The respondents could tick up to three possible answers. It is not surprising that 70% of the respondents would like to see more PokéStops in their immediate neighborhood. At the same time, however, it is also clear that players would like to see more PokéStops in the ‘forest’ (47%), ‘filed paths’ (42%) and ‘parks’ (34%) areas, as well as in ‘(housing) settlements’ (30%). It could therefore be assumed that players have an interest in playing in environments with more objects that constitute landscape 1 and are therefore suitable to the synopsis to landscape 2 through the player. In addition to examining the relationship between playing Pokémon GO and the landscape, we also wanted to address Colley et al. (2017) finding that Pokémon GO has a significant impact on players’ movement patterns. The survey found that almost 69% of players agreed with the statement that their movement patterns had changed as a result of Pokémon GO. Only 5% of the respondents

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How much do the following statements apply to you and your gaming behavior? (n=87) 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

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To make my daily routes, I take inspiraon from the locaons of PokéStops and gyms.

I have changed my movement paern since I started playing the game.

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Fig. 11 How much do the following statements apply to you and your gaming behavior? Own illustration

denied this statement completely, which indicates that these players did not actually notice any change in their movement patterns (Fig. 11). The changes in movement patterns in everyday life of the players seem to be somewhat smaller: here, only 46% of the respondents agree that they change their daily routes because of Pokémon GO, while 13% deny this statement completely and another 15% deny this statement at least to a large extent. The changed movement patterns can be reflected in different ways. On the one hand, it seems understandable that players discover a PokéStop or a gym in a place that they had not noticed before. If they then head for it, the person deviates from their usual movement pattern, which was previously unfamiliar with this location. On the other hand, it also seems possible that players develop a socalled regular route, which contains as many PokéStops and arenas as possible. In order to find out how the movement patterns change, these questions were also included in the questionnaire. The first thing that emerges is that turning a new PokéStop leads a large proportion of players (87%) to take new routes (Fig. 12). This seems understandable, as certain tasks in the game require turning PokéStops that have never been visited before. At the same time, discovering new PokésStops and arenas on the virtual map also seems to encourage people to visit new places (63%). Longer walks seem to have the least effect. The kilometers covered each week are recorded in

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To what extent would you agree with the following statements? 100% 87%

90% 80% 70%

63%

60% 49% 50% 40%

32%

29% 30%

18%

20% 10%

12%

8%

1%

0% A displayed PokéStop/gym drew my To walk a sufficient number of aenon to a new locaon. (n=86) kilometres, I discovered a new and interesng place. (n=87) Yes

Partly

In order to spin a new PokéStop, I have already taken "new paths" once. (n=86)

No

Fig. 12 To what extent would you agree with the following statements? Own illustration

the game. Those who travel further distances thus increase the number of Pokémon hatched and receive additional items at the end of the observed period. For almost half of the players (49%), reaching a higher number of kilometers seems to have been the decisive factor in discovering new places. This already shows that Pokémon GO changes at least certain movement patterns. A significantly greater interference with the movement patterns of the people would be present if the people surveyed actually set new routes on which they regularly play Pokémon GO. This was to be found out by asking about the existence of a regular route (Fig. 13). It turns out that 46% of the respondents have a fixed regular route for Pokémon Go. Only 17% of respondents denied having a fixed home route. This impressively shows how strongly Pokémon GO can change the movement patterns of its players. Of course, it must be mentioned here that the mere existence of a regular route does not automatically mean that it is a new route. At the same time, however, it can be assumed that the trunk routes are at least partly oriented towards the PokeStops and gyms, which is why it can be assumed that at least partly new movement patterns occur. Subsequently, it seems to make sense to classify Pokémon GO primarily as a location-based game. At the same time, in the context of Pokémon GO, the augmented reality (AR) function in particular is seen as a groundbreaking feature

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Do you have a fixed "regular route" for playing Pokémon GO? (n=87) 50%

46%

45% 37%

40% 35%

30% 25% 17%

20%

15% 10% 5%

0% Yes

Partly

No

Fig. 13 Do you have a fixed “regular route” for playing Pokémon GO? Own illustration

of Pokémon GO. And it may also seem attractive from a landscape perspective to foreground AR. For example, one could argue that through the AR mode, players perceive the real physical elements of the landscape 1 together with the virtual appearances from Pokémon GO, and thus a new, hybrid landscape can be perceived. This thesis seems interesting and should therefore also be taken up in this study. To do this, we should first take a closer look at whether the players actually use the AR mode as much as is often suggested (see Fig. 14). It turns

Do you use Augmented Reality mode when playing? (Acons that can only be completed in AR mode are excluded) (n=86) 80%

76%

70% 60% 50% 40% 30%

21%

20% 10%

2%

1%

0%

Partly

Oen

Always

0% Never

Rarely

Fig. 14 Do you use Augmented Reality mode when playing? Own illustration

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out that none of the respondents use the AR mode all the time. Only one percent stated that they often use AR mode, while 76% of the respondents stated that they never use AR mode, except for actions that can only be performed in AR mode. Although the thesis of a hybrid landscape cannot be rejected, it seems that Pokémon GO is not the right object of study for this, as a large proportion of players do not use AR mode at all or only rarely.

5

Conclusion and Outlook

We were able to show argumentatively that Pokémon GO takes place predominantly in Landscape 2 (Kühne, 2006, 2008, 2013, 2018, 2020). In addition, this study was able to identify some important points regarding the relationship between Pokémon GO and landscape: On the one hand, it shows that the topic of landscape plays a rather subordinate role for the players when playing. Only for a few players the experience of landscape 2 while playing is important The main focus is on the game itself, the outdoor exercise and the feeling of playing in a community. However, it also turns out that this is not necessarily due to the players themselves. The results indicate that the guidelines set by Niantic regarding the placement of PokéStops and gyms systematically disadvantage certain spaces. Especially spaces which are known to hold a bigger number of physical objects, that can be qualified as landscape 1 and are therefore prone to be understood as landscape 2 by the player. Thus, players are more motivated to play in environments with few landscape-relevant physical objects, as the density of PokéStops and gyms seems to be significantly higher there. Which leads to the fact that less often the landscape 2 can be actively perceived by the player in these spaces. It also shows that there may be a need for players to find more PokéStops and gyms in spaces that contain a higher number of typical landscape 1 objects respectively in spaces where the players can assemble the landscape 2. The fact that Pokémon GO contributes to players getting to know their surroundings better should have become clear in this survey. A very large proportion of players take new paths through the app and thus explore their immediate surroundings a little more. It should also have become clear that highlighting the augmented reality feature as a groundbreaking characteristic of Pokémon GO clearly deviates from the game reality, in which players only very rarely activate the AR mode of their own free will. Claims that there will be a fusion between physical (landscape) space and the digital objects should therefore only be made with great caution. Future apps with augmented reality functions may perhaps make this fusion possible, but Pokémon GO should rather be understood as a location-based game.

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Future research would be particularly interesting with regard to the interaction between augmented reality features and the perception of landscape. It does not seem unlikely that new applications will come onto the market in the near future that actually take the user into a hybrid reality of in-game content and real physical space.

References Althoff, T., White, R. W., & Horvitz, E. (2016). Influence of Pokémon go on physical activity: Study and implications. Journal of Medical Internet Research, 17(12), 1–14. Associated Press. (2016). Playing Pokemon go is becoming dangerous. New York Post. https://nypost.com/2016/07/09/pokemon-go-is-afflicting-players-with-real-world-inj uries/. Accessed 12 May 2021. Buchheim, C. (2016). Warum der Hype um “Pokémon Go” so groß ist, Badische Zeitung. https://www.badische-zeitung.de/warum-der-hype-um-pok-mon-go-so-gross-ist--124 912301.html. Accessed 4 May 2021. Carbonell Carrera, C., & Bermejo Asensio, L. A. (2017). Landscape interpretation with augmented reality and maps to improve spatial orientation skill. Journal of Geography in Higher Education, 41(1), 119–133. https://doi.org/10.1080/03098265.2016.1260530. Claßen, T. (2016). Empirische Befunde zum Zusammenhang von Landschaft und physischer Gesundheit. In U. Gebhard, & T. Kistemann (Eds.), Landschaft, Identität und Gesundheit. Zum Konzept der Therapeutischen Landschaften (pp. 71–91). Springer VS. Colley, A., Thebault-Spieker, J., Lin, A. Y., Degraen, D., Fischman, B., Häkkilä, J., et al. (2017). The geography of Pokémon GO: Beneficial and problematic effects on places and movement. In Association for Computing Machinery New York NY United States (Ed.), Uniqueness of geographical information (pp. 1179–1192). Association for Computing Machinery Inc. (ACM). Cosgrove, D. (1984). Social formation and symbolic landscape. University of Wisconsin Press. Duncan, J. (1995). Landscape geography, 1993–94. Progress in Human Geography, 19(3), 414–422. https://doi.org/10.1177/030913259501900308. Gailing, L. (2012). Sektorale Institutionensysteme und die Governance kulturlandschaftlicher Handlungsräume. Eine institutionen- und steuerungstheoretische Perspektive auf die Konstruktion von Kulturlandschaft. Raumforschung und Raumordnung – Spatial Research and Planning, 70(2), 147–160. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13147-011-0135-x. Gailing, L., & Leibenath, M. (2012). Von der Schwierigkeit, „Landschaft“ oder „Kulturlandschaft“ allgemeingültig zu definieren. Raumforschung und Raumordnung – Spatial Research and Planning, 70(2), 95–106. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13147-011-0129-8. game. (2021). Deutliches Plus im Corona-Jahr. Deutscher Games-Markt wächst um 32 Prozent, Verband der deutschen Games-Branche. https://www.game.de/deutliches-plusim-corona-jahr-deutscher-games-markt-waechst-um-32-prozent/. Accessed 4 July 2021. Greider, T., & Garkovich, L. (1994). Landscapes: The social construction of nature and the environment. Rural Sociology, 59(1), 1–24. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1549-0831.1994.tb0 0519.x.

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Hjorth, L., & Richardson, I. (2017). Pokémon GO: Mobile media play, place-making, and the digital wayfarer. Mobile Media & Communication, 5(1), 3–14. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 2050157916680015. Hook, S. (2008). Landschaftsveränderungen im südlichen Oberrheingebiet und Schwarzwald. Wahrnehmung kulturtechnischer Maßnahmen seit Beginn der 19. Jahrhunderts. VDM Verlag. Hruby, F., Álvarez Sánchez, L. F., Ressl, R., & Escobar-Briones, E. G. (2020). An empirical study on spatial presence in immersive geo-environments. PFG – Journal of Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Geoinformation Science, 88(2), 155–163. https://doi.org/10. 1007/s41064-020-00107-y. International Data Corporation. (2020). AR and VR headsets will see shipments decline in the near term due to COVID-19, but long-term outlook is positive, according to IDC. https://www.idc.com/getdoc.jsp?containerId=prUS46143720. Accessed 4 July 2021. Keil, J., Korte, A., Ratmer, A., Edler, D., & Dickmann, F. (2020). Augmented reality (AR) and spatial cognition: Effects of holographic grids on distance estimation and location memory in a 3D indoor scenario. PFG – Journal of Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Geoinformation Science, 88(2), 165–172. https://doi.org/10.1007/s41064-020-00104-1. Kilper, H., Heiland, S., Leibenath, M., & Tzschaschel, S. (2012). Die gesellschaftliche Konstituierung von Kulturlandschaft. Raumforschung und Raumordnung – Spatial Research and Planning, 70(2), 91–94. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13147-011-0139-6. Kühne, O. (2006). Landschaft in der Postmoderne. Das Beispiel des Saarlandes. DUV. Kühne, O. (2008). Distinktion – Macht – Landschaft. Zur sozialen Definition von Landschaft. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Kühne, O. (2013). Landschaftstheorie und Landschaftspraxis. Eine Einführung aus sozialkonstruktivistischer Perspektive. Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2018). Landschaft und Wandel. Zur Veränderlichkeit von Wahrnehmungen. Springer VS. Kühne, O. (2020). Landscape conflicts. A theoretical approach based on the three worlds theory of Karl Popper and the conflict theory of Ralf Dahrendorf, illustrated by the example of the energy system transformation in Germany. Sustainability: Science, Practice and Policy, 12(17), 1–20. https://doi.org/10.3390/su12176772. Kühne, O. (2022a). Play between the modes, the categories and the media of landscape – On the model train journey from Wanne-Eickel Hbf to Wattenscheid Hbf. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social Construction of Landscape in Games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O. (2022b). Representations of landscape in the strategy game Civilization. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The Social Construction of Landscape in Games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O. (2022c). Theoretical approaches to landscapes. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., Jenal, C., & Edler, D. (2022). Landscapes in games. Insights and overviews on contingencies between worlds 1, 2 and 3. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Kühne, O., Edler, D., & Jenal, C. (2022). The cartographic representation of model railroad landscapes – Theoretical considerations and empirical results from model railroad-related

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literature. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Niantic. (2020). Einen PokéStop-Vorschlag einreichen. https://niantic.helpshift.com/a/pok emon-go/?l=de&p=web&s=in-game-locations&f=submitting-a-pokestop-nomination. Accessed 22 April 2021. Nintendo. (2016). Was sind Pokémon? Erfahre mehr über das weltweite Phänomen in unseren News! https://www.nintendo.de/News/2016/August/Was-sind-Pokemon-Erf ahre-mehr-uber-das-weltweite-Phanomen-in-unseren-News--1128960.html. Accessed 20 April 2021. Pietsch, S. M. (2022). Landscape as frontier – Experiencing the wild west in red dead redemption 2 (2018). In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Pokemon.com. (2021a). Pokédex. https://www.pokemon.com/de/pokedex/. Accessed 20 April 2021. Pokemon.com. (2021b). Pokémon Ratgeber für Eltern. https://www.pokemon.com/de/rat geber-fur-eltern/. Accessed 20 April 2021. PokemonGoHub. (2019). PokéStop submission guide. https://pokemongohub.net/post/guide/ pokestop-submission-guide/. Accessed 4 May 2021. Pokewiki.de. (2020). Entwicklung. https://www.pokewiki.de/Entwicklung. Accessed 20 April 2021. Rauschnabel, P. A., Rossmann, A., & tom Dieck, M. C. (2017). An adoption framework for mobile augmented reality games: The case of Pokemon Go. Computers in Human Behavior, 76, 276–286. Accessed 21 April 2021. Solbach, M. D., Bonkowski, M., & Dumack, K. (2021). Novel endosymbionts in Rhizarian amoebae imply universal infection of unrelated free-living amoebae by Legionellales. Frontiers in Cellular and Infection Microbiology, 11(642216). https://doi.org/10.3389/ fcimb.2021.642216. Souza e Silva, A. de. (2006). From cyber to hybrid. Mobile technologies as interfaces of hybrid spaces. Space and Culture, 9(3), 261–278. https://doi.org/10.1177/120633120628 9022. Wagner-Greene, V., Wotring, A., Castor, T., Kruger, J., Mortemore, S., & Dake, J. (2017). Pokémon GO: Healthy or harmful? American Journal of Public Health, 107(1), 35–36. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2016.303548.

Sven Endreß studied Geography (Bachelor of Science) and Global Studies (Master of Arts) at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. Between 2018 and 2021, he worked at the Chair of Geoinformatics with a focus on the analysis of changes in large cities using remote sensing data. Since 2020, he has been working at the Chair of Urban and Regional Development at the Institute of Geography in Tübingen. His focus here was on multimodal transport concepts, applied cartography, multisensual landscapes and conspiracy theories in digital space. Philipp Jutz studied Sociology (Bachelor of Arts) and Global Studies (Master of Arts) at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. Between 2017 and 2021 he worked at the Tübingen Institute for Applied Economic Research, where he focused on the dynamics of the regional

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labor market, among other topics. Since 2020 he has been part of the Urban and Regional Development working group at the Tübingen Institute of Geography, where he is working on the topics of multimodal mobility and conflict management in the mining of mineral resources.

An Evaluation System for Games Related to Geography and Landscapes in Education Fivos Papadimitriou

Abstract

There is a wide range of games that can be used for educational purposes, and some of them can be used for geographical and/or environmental education. Despite the wealth in papers relating to applications of games in geographical education, we still lack a set of criteria which might be used to evaluate them. In this paper, after an initial screening of 150 papers, 17 papers referring to games that are useful for geographical/landscape/environmental education were examined further. These games range from table/board games to augmented reality, cartographic, puzzles and virtual reality games. Consequently, a set of 34 criteria was formulated that can be useful to evaluate them. The criteria are articulated in four subsets: those referring to the user’s knowledge (6 criteria), skills (10 criteria), experience (9 criteria), attitudes and values (9 criteria). As it turns out, it is very difficult for some game to satisfy all criteria. For instance, while augmented reality games focus on enhancing the users’ experience, they lack problem-solving or knowledge-increasing capabilities. Subsequently, the basic advantages of each game type per set of criteria are identified. Keywords

Games • Table Games • Computer Games • Geographical Education • Landscape Education • Augmented Reality and Games • Games and Evaluation • Games and Education F. Papadimitriou (B) Department of Geography, University of Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_19

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1

F. Papadimitriou

Introduction

Humans have always enjoyed playing games and they even entertain themselves observing some animals playing also (i.e. cats, dogs, dolphins). This is because gaming is rooted in some of our deepest instincts that relate to searching and hunting, as well as to the intellectual stimulation that results from problemsolving that many games enhance. Depending on the game, scoring a win against an opponent offers, most often, a dual satisfaction: intellectual and emotional, resulting from the self-ascertainment of one’s superiority in coping with objectively difficult situations, as the game prescribes. The more capable the opponent and the more difficult the game, the higher the satisfaction. Yet, losing a game, even several times in a row, does not necessarily dissuade a player from trying it out again: if the game is played within a friendly environment (by members of the same family, schoolmates etc.), then playing it more times can be beneficial to the player by helping to sharpen skills and/or enriching knowledge. Hence, depending on the game genre, playing games may also lead to self-improvement (i.e. this does not necessarily apply to games of chance). Generally speaking, there are three main categories of board games: games of strategy, games of knowledge and mixed games. In fact, how chance is dealt with is a crucial issue in many games and this is a fact that seems to be underestimated by many game researchers. A game that a player wins purely by being luckier than other ones can hardly be considered as beneficial (let alone educative) to its players. Most often, such games tend to be popular to very young players and they are soon abandoned for other, more intellectually stimulating ones when players have grown up. So what makes a game challenging to a youngster in late puberty and early adulthood is probably not a game of pure chance, but may be, a game combining luck and thinking/strategy, or even a game that is purely a game of strategy. And, as a general rule, the more a person’s intellectual capacities develop with age, the higher the complexity of the games one needs to play to entertain oneself. Games of knowledge however, seem to appeal to a wider range of ages, and the variety and diversity of so many tv-games of knowledge across the world bears testimony to this. But games that combine both knowledge and strategy are more rare and difficult to set up. In such games, most often, the breadth of knowledge they require from their players typically exhausts after a round of games have been played out and after which all players have acquired the necessary knowledge to play the game on equal terms.

An Evaluation System for Games Related to Geography …

317

The use of games in education has long been a source of inspiration and fun for students and for exploring new avenues of education for tutors. Their usefulness has been explored in teaching various subjects, and, most often, subjects relating to the natural, environmental and life sciences (on landscape and games in educational contexts see Gryl, 2022; Koegst et al., 2022 in this anthology). Games can be useful for landscape simulation and landscape planning (Fontaine, 2020; Kühne, 2020; Li, 2011) and a typical way of doing this is by using cellular automata (Batty & Xie, 1994; Torrens & Benenson, 2005). While games can easily be designed for landscape education outdoors (Pergams & Zaradic, 2008), they can as well be designed by using computers (Cartwright, 2006; Swetnam & Korenko, 2019), while a recent trend is the adoption of gamerelated approaches to landscape conservation (Büscher, 2013; Sandbrook & Montferri, 2015; Fletcher, 2017). Besides, board-games have been devised for land use management (Garcia-Barrios et al., 2015). Aside of these, several aspects of evaluation of game evaluation have been examined (Baauw et al., 2005; Looi & See, 2011; Wu & Liang, 2012; Bogacheva, 2016; Yáñez-Gómez et al., 2017; Schmidt & De Marchi, 2017; Bas et al., 2020). Meanwhile, although diverse criteria have been identified for game evaluation by various authors, a unified system of criteria for game evaluation is still missing in the literature. Some of the earliest board games such as chess, go and checkers are “spatial games” and therefore spatial problems have been identified as potential originators of games since the early antiquity. But, a fact that geographers and landscape scientists seem to have bypassed nowadays is that the “spatial” context of these known games is the very basic constituent of what we nowadays understand as “geographic” and “cartographic” and, as a matter of fact, the number of table/board games nowadays that are suitable for geography/landscape is very low. The advent of augmented reality (AR) however, has stimulated interest in games, by offering new types of experiences and new ideas. Some years ago for instance, the AR game “Pokemon Go” was favourable among youngsters (on Pokémon Go see also Jutz & Endreß, 2022 in this anthology) and the term “geocaching” appeared in the literature. Similarly, games using virtual reality have become fashionable, as are desktop games, online games, as well as those requiring many online users. Many papers have been published in the international peer-reviewed literature relating to videogames and their multiple impacts (kinaesthetic, emotional, etc.) on their users. In this new reality of games and gaming, and considering the very high potential of games for education (be they “serious games” or not), it can be questioned whether we know enough about them so as to be able to evaluate their potential for education, and whether geographical education, environmental education

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and/or landscape education can benefit from the explosive growth of the games industry. However, despite the progresses made and the increasing numbers of new games released annually, the scientific literature is short of a consistent set of evaluation criteria of games for educational aims and, as concerns geography, it is also short of an assessment of landscape-related or geographical games that are now available. It is precisely these two fields that the present paper aims to address.

2

Methods and Data

The methods are articulated in successive steps. First, an extensive literature review was carried out in the peer-reviewed literature, on games in education and evaluation of games, from which a set of 150 relevant papers was identified. From that initial set, a subset of 30 papers were selected, with those referring to games related only to geography and landscapes. The large set of papers was used to derive evaluation criteria for educational games, synthesizing what the authors have identified as key features of games in promoting education. Next stage was to identify 17 landscape/geography-relevant games which were examined and evaluated vis-à-vis with these criteria. Consequently, the 17 games were identified and evaluated, comprising representative games from all categories (table games, AR games, online games etc.). All these games are documented by peerreviewed papers, which are cited along with the basic characteristics of each one of these games (Table 1).

3

Results

After examining the 150 papers found in Scopus and Google Scholar, a synthesis of evaluation criteria for games in education was derived. A set of 34 criteria is proposed here, articulated in four subsets: whether the criteria refer to the user’s knowledge (6 criteria), or to the user’s skills (10 criteria), to the user’s experience (9 criteria), or even to the user’s attitudes and values (9 criteria): 1. Game features enhancing User’s Knowledge: • Promoting geographical knowledge • Promoting knowledge related to landscape management • Enlightening aspects of sustainability

Country

UK

Indonesia

Australia

France

USA (Firaxis Games2001)

India

Name

GMEP

LANDSCAPE GAME

BUSHFIRE RESCUE Game

SECOLOZ

CIVILIZATION III

AURORA RETRIEVE

GPS

iPaq pocket computer

Hardware

Marker-based AR

Pinterest

Mscale game editor

SimCity

Cry Engine 3.2

Software used (mainly)

Google maps, Map-box, Open-street

GPS Bluetooth

Genetic algorithms

Flora3D Photoshop World Machine 3dLandscape GIS

Software used (secondarily)

Multi-player Role Playing Game

Strategy game

Board game

Mobile location-based game

Board game

VR

Type

Explore competition in geographical areas

To build concept maps for global geography

Land abandonment; Drainage; maintenance of open landscapes; ecosystem services

Simulation of emergency and disasters

Sustainability; Ecotourism logging; Biofuel; Policy-making

Landscape visualization for public consultation

Aims

Table 1 Main characteristics of the 17 selected landscape/geography-related games

Urban landscapes mainly

Global

Rural landscapes

Rural landscapes

Forest landscape

Rural landscapes

Landscape/Geography type

Anupama et al., 2019

6

5

4

3

2

1

N

(continued)

Charsky & Ressler, 2011

Moreau et al., 2019

Quinn & Cartwright, 2008

Purnomo et al., 2017

Swetnam & Korenko, 2019

Refs.

An Evaluation System for Games Related to Geography … 319

Country

France

USA

Internat

USA

Name

FRENCH CADASTRE MAP PUZZLE GAME

INFLUENCE MAP

PLANET WARS

MINI-MAP

Table 1 (continued)

Computer

Computer

Computer

500,000 map sheets of France

Hardware

Galcon (simulating fights between bots)

Software used (mainly)

ESRI CityEngine (urban environments from user-defined aesthetics)

DEAP (distributed evolutionay algorithms in Python)

Genetic algorithms

GIS

Software used (secondarily)

GIS-type

RTs spatial game

RTs (Real Time Strategy Game) with coevolution

Board Game/Puzzle

Type

To support spatial thinking and reasoning about navigation

To acquaint with spatial distributions of planets and growth rates in space

To explore adaptive tactics in map generation, agent-decision making and to develop spatial strategies/tactics

To complete geographic jigsaw puzzle by integrating all map pieces (cadastre maps) at a national level

Aims

Urban landscapes

Planetary (global)

Any (based on the contrast between land mass and sea)

The entire territory of the country

Landscape/Geography type

Rahman, 2017

10

9

8

7

N

(continued)

Lara-Cabrera et al., 2014

Avery & Louis, 2010

Viglino & Guigues, 2002

Refs.

320 F. Papadimitriou

Country

USA

Japan

Portugal

Portugal

Name

POKEMON with OPENSTREETMAP

POKEMON GO

EDUPARK

PLANETARY SYSTEM GO

Table 1 (continued)

Mobile phone with GPS accelerometer and gyroscope

Mobile phones

Mobile phones

Mobile phones

Hardware

AR

AR

AR

Pokemon Go,

Software used (mainly)

QR

Open Street Map, GoogleMaps

Software used (secondarily)

Mobile- AR, marker-based and location-based applications

AR (marker-based and marker-less); Game-like application; Geocaching

AR free play with location-based information

UGCC (user-generated cartographic content) and VGI volunteered geographic informatio

Type

To compare planetary surfaces

To promote environmental education and nature protection through game-based learning

Uses gratification theory

To foster collaboration in urban open air environments and to promote geographic crowd-source involvement

Aims

All (planetary)

Urban green areas

Any (with some exceptions, ie. churches)

Urban landscapes

Landscape/Geography type

14

13

12

11

N

(continued)

Costa et al., 2020

Pombo & Marques, 2019

Bueno et al., 2020; Ruiz-Ariza et al., 2018; An & Nigg, 2017; Rauschnabel et al., 2017; Rodríguez-Serrano et al., 2017

Juhász et al., 2020

Refs.

An Evaluation System for Games Related to Geography … 321

Country

Portugal

Korea

Korea

Name

BIRDS OF PREY

KKONGALMON

LEOMETRY

Table 1 (continued)

Tablet

RFID Accelerator, gyroscope, eye-tracking device, AR-glasses, Laptop

Mobile AR

Hardware

AR Vuforia

Wikitude

Unity3D game engine, Wikitude for AR

Software used (mainly)

The game engine of the game “Calory Battle”

GPS Mobile GIS

Android 4.4., GPS

Software used (secondarily)

EMARG (Educational Mobile Augmen-ted Reality Game

Location-based AR

Mobile AR

Type

To enhance collaboration in elementary school and to promote environmental education and sympathy for wildlife

As an aid in tourism (guide) and to maximize interaction between real and virtual worlds

To correctly guess names of birds’ species based on their silhouette in a park; to understand and appreciate biodiversity

Aims

Wildlife

Theme parks

Parks

Landscape/Geography type

Laine, 2018

Youm et al., 2019

Santos et al., 2020

Refs.

17

16

15

N

322 F. Papadimitriou

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323

• Promoting knowledge related to nature protection • Providing information about spatial processes • Allowing the discovery of new knowledge from within information of already known spatial data. 2. Game features enhancing User’s Skills: • Fostering problem –solving skills • Enhancing decision-making skills • Improving skills in strategy/tactics formation • Sharpening skills in spatial combinatorics (i.e. calculating different spatial combinations and outcomes) • Exercising capabilities in spatial optimization • Fostering navigation skills • Thinking about complex spatial settings or systems • Exercising the user’s manual controls • Synchronizing skills (with other players or game tactics) • Solving puzzles 3. Game features enhancing User’s Experience: • Increasing enjoyment (pleasure of playing) • Giving the feeling of immersion • Offering stress-relieving experience • Offering aesthetic satisfaction • Helping kill time • Creating imaginary worlds (escape from reality) • Allowing the user to change identity (role-playing) • Allowing to experience things that do not belong to the physical world • Combining physical and mental activity 4. Game features enhancing User’s Attitudes and Values: • Fostering social interaction and collaboration • Enhancing the user’s fantasy • Adopting a hero’s ethical qualities • Encouraging nature protection • Promoting altruism • Highlighting fairness • Highlighting the value of friendship • Fostering a sense of achievement • Fostering empathy and/or emotional intelligence The results of the comparison of the previously examined 17 games against these four sets of criteria is given in Table 2.

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Table 2 Evaluation of the 17 games of table 1 with respect to the 4 subsets of criteria, from least relevant (a single X) to most relevant (XXXX) Name

Knowledge Skills

Experience Values & Type Attitudes

N

GMEP

XXX

X

XXXX

LANDSCAPE GAME

XXX

BUSHFIRE RESCUE

XX

XX

VR

1

XXXX X

XX

Board game

2

X

XXX

Mobile location-based game

3

XXXX

SECOLOZ

X

XXXX XXX

XX

Board game

4

CIVILIZATION III

XX

XXX

XXXX

X

Strategy game

5

AURORA RETRIEVE

X

XXX

XXXX

XX

Multiplayer Role Playing Game

6

FRENCH CADASTRE MAP PUZZLE GAME

XXX

XXXX XX

X

Board Game/Puzzle

7

INFLUENCE MAP

XX

XXX

XXXX

X

RTs (Real Time Strategy Game) with co-evolution

8

PLANET WARS

XX

XXX

XXXX

X

RTs spatial game

9

MINI-MAP

XXX

10

XXXX XX

X

GIS-type

POKEMON with X OPENSTREETMAP

XXX

XXXX

XX

UGGC 11 (user-generated cartographic content) and VGI (volunteered geographic information)

POKEMON GO

XXX

XXXX

XX

AR free play with location-based information

X

12

(continued)

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325

Table 2 (continued) Name

Knowledge Skills

Experience Values & Type Attitudes

N

EDUPARK

X

XX

XXXX

XXX

AR (marker-based and markerless) Game-like application Geocaching

13

PLANETARY SYSTEM GO

XXX

XX

XXXX

X

Mobile- AR, marker-based and location-based applications

14

BIRDS OF PREY

XXX

XX

XXXX

X

Mobile AR

15

KKONGALMON

XX

XXX

XXXX

X

Location-based 16 AR

LEOMETRY

X

XX

XXXX

XXX ara>

EMARG 17 (Educational Mobile Augmented Reality Games)

The cumulative degree of significance per category of characteristics is given in Fig. 1, from which it follows that the highest values are concentrated by the groups of characteristics corresponding to “user experience”, followed by “skills”. Specifically, the degree of significance per category of game characteristics is given in Fig. 2. It follows (Table 3) that the majority of games (7 out of 17) have their highest emphasis on skills and experiences rather than knowledge and values. Following these, and also considering the initial set of the literature on games in education and game evaluation, it is now possible to propose a comprehensive table summarizing the main advantages of each one set of criteria per game genre (Table 4). From this evaluation, it follows that: a) Games using advanced technologies (AR/VR/MR) enhance user’s experience more than others,

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Fig. 1 The cumulative degree of significance per category of criteria: games focusing on user experience by far outnumber the other three categories of game characteristics. (Source: own illustration)

Fig. 2 The degree of significance (horizontal axes, from 1 to 4) per category of criteria. (Source: own illustration)

An Evaluation System for Games Related to Geography … Table 3 In the “pattern of characteristics” per game, the first number is the significance of knowledge, the second is the significance of skills, the third of experiences and the fourth of values

327

Pattern of characteristics

Games

2,3,4,1

Civilization III, Influence Map, Planet wars, Kkongalmon

1,3,4,2

Pokemon OSM, Pokemon Go, Aurora Retrieve

3,2,4,1

Planetary System Go, Birds of Prey

1,2,4,3

Leometry, Edupark

3,4,2,1

Mini-map, French Cadastre

Other

GMEP, Landscape Game, Bushfire Rescue, Secoloz

b) Games involving outdoor activities are more useful for fostering values about the environment, c) Games using boards or outdoor activities are more suitable for enhancing knowledge about geography and environment and d) Games that are available online, or for desktop or board forms are more suitable for fostering users’ skills.

4

Discussion

The process of landscape planning itself may, in some ways (i.e. eliciting environmental preferences, exploring decision-making processes), be perceived as a game-like activity (Bishop, 2011), whereas using games in landscape education can be useful not only for nature conservation, but also for landscape architecture (Marlow, 2012). Meanwhile, landscape aesthetics (see Kühne, 2018; Kühne, 2019; also Berr, 2022 in this anthology) should also be examined from within landscape-related education and it may as well constitute part of the educational objectives of a landscape-related educational game. Indeed, the way we manage and change our landscapes and geographical spaces at large can be taught by

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Table 4 Evaluating game genre (rows) of characteristic landscape/geography-related games by means of 11 criteria (columns) that are taken from all four categories of criteria (experience, knowledge, values, skills)* EXP EXP EXP EXP KN KN V

SK

Desktop games

X

-

X

-

XX X

X

XX XX XX XX

Online games

X

-

XX

-

X

X

XX XX XX XX

Board games

~

-

X

-

XX XX XX XX XX XX XX

VR/AR/MR games X

XX

XX

X

X

Outdoor games * Legend

-

-

X

XX XX XX

-

X -

-

SK

SK

SK

-

-

-

-

~

X

XX XX

EXP = game features related to user experience KN = game features related to knowledge acquision V = game features related to fostering values and atudes SK = game features related to fostering user skills 1 = Offering exquisite aesthec appeal 2 = Giving the feeling of immersion 3 = Giving the impression of being in a fantasy world 4 = Combining physical acvity with mental processes 5 = Informing about issues related to landscape structure 6 = Informing about issues related to landscape funcon 7 = Fostering values and atudes related to sustainability and environmental ethics 8 = Enhancing spaal opmisaon skills 9 = Sharpening the thinking in complexity 10 = Helping to develop problem-solving skills 11 = Exercising used in geographical and landscape-related decision making - = irrelevant ~ = average / depends on each parcular game X = significant XX = highly significant

employing game-related approaches to education, even at the level of tertiary education. Games may also reveal underlying social perceptions or they can even enhance them (Edler, 2020). Whether they are intended for children, or youngsters or adults, games can be fun, can be trivially easy or very difficult to play. Some require simply knowledge, other ones require skillful players, or even patience to learn how to play. Whatever the skills or knowledge they may be requiring, the distance from table/board

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games to VR/AR games is not only technological: it is experienced mentally if i.e. a new game configuration is known to have been produced by means of genetic algorithms and existentially by the feeling of “immersion” in artificially created environments (Edler et al., 2018; Edler et al., 2019; Edler et al., 2020; Kühne, 2020; Keil et al., 2021; Huang et al., 2020). Meanwhile, the wide range of approaches to gaming seen in the case of geographic/landscape-related games offers many choices for learners and tutors alike, although not all games are intended for education or training. Some of the games examined here are designed for educational purposes, other ones are made simply for entertainment. In fact, even if a game is intended for education, it is usually difficult to be classified as intended “for entertainment only”, and for this reason it was decided to examine all these games identified from within the scientific literature by using a unified evaluation framework. As a result, the 34 criteria that were identified apply to all games, whether they are “serious games”, intended for education, or simply “for fun”. As a further consequence, the applicability of all these proposed criteria is not restricted to geographical and landscape-related games only. It may be interesting to notice that all the games examined here have apparently been created in the twenty-first century. But considering the high potential of advanced technologies nowadays to produce complex games, it is noticeable that there is almost no game at all that has been known to offer any significant impact on users’ knowledge or formulation of values and/or attitudes towards landscapes or towards the environment. One further issue to consider is the role of spatial complexity (Papadimitriou, 2009, 2012, 2020, 2020a, 2020b, 2020c) of a games’ setting, as a more spatially complex game may be more appealing to some users (this depends on their personal characteristics) and also more appealing to elder persons. The spatial complexity of most of the landscape-and/or geography-related games is usually easy to handle, but some spatial games (not necessarily educational) that are, by their rules and/or settings, created with high spatial complexity (such as chess), can be more demanding (i.e. playing the “Landscape Game” that was described previously). Also, functions connecting different geographical units (i.e. landscape functions) can be more complex regardless of the underlying spatial complexity of the game. Thus high functional landscape complexity (Papadimitriou, 2002, 2010, 2013) of a game (i.e. the game “Secoloz”) may be an important factor determining the pleasure a player experiences from playing a game. Using elaborate techniques and advanced technologies apparently aims at enriching the users’ senses with new experiences. Hence, it might be suggested

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that future game technologies should be used in order to devise games that would also satisfy different sets of criteria, and thus appealing more to the users’ axiological and cognitive functionalities rather than to their senses only. Evidently, this is particularly important for games that aspire to have a positive and constructive impact on geographical and/or environmental education.

5

Conclusions

Possibly, the primary reason why games should be used in landscape and geographical education is because they would help users to consider alternative spatial possibilities, and therefore they may constitute ideal educational tools for developing spatial skills. As it turns out however, this is rarely ever the case with the games that have hitherto been documented in the scientific literature. Instead, even if they are technologically-oriented (i.e. using augmented or virtual reality or GNSS or mobile phones), they primarily aim at offering new experiences instead of offering new knowledge or fostering values. In a society that cherishes new technologically-enhanced experiences more, spatial problem-solving comes as a second (if not secondary) priority. If, however, the aim of an educational project is to develop values, attitudes, knowledge of landscapes and/or geographical settings, then it can be claimed that more traditional game genres might be more preferable (table games, board games, games organized in the countryside using maps etc.). Considering that ever more games will be released and will be documented in the scientific literature, more evaluations should be welcome for particular games (see, i.e., an example about the game Civilization in this anthology: Kühne, 2022), so that our knowledge about the usefulness of games in geographical/landscape education might advance progressively faster. And as the games’ complexity increases, the more intellectually stimulating they will become to their users and to learners of concepts and methods of geography or landscape studies.

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Youm, D.-H., Seo, S.-H., & Kim, J.-Y. (2019). Design and development methodologies of Kkongalmon, a location-based augmented reality game using mobile geographic information. EURASIP Journal on Image and Video Processing, 1, 2–11. https://doi.org/10. 1186/s13640-018-0395-2

Dr. Dr. Fivos Papadimitriou studied geology (B.Sc.), physics (M.Sc.), environmental resources (M.Sc.) and education (M.Ed.), and gained a doctorate in Geography from the University of Budapest (Ph.D.) and another one from the University of Oxford (D.Phi.Oxon.). He has taught at Universities for several years and has accomplished cooperations or field researches in several countries. He is member of the Boards of the journals “Mathematics”, “Symmetry” and “International Research in Geographical and Environmental Education”, and has received several prizes, grants, awards, fellowships and distinctions. His main contributions to science consist in the creation of new algebraic, algorithmic and topological mathematical models and formulas for landscape complexity analysis. His papers have been cited by scientists from sixty-five countries. Aside of these, he also maintains vivid research interests in geographical education and cyber-geography. He is the author of “Spatial Complexity: Theory, Mathematical Methods and Applications” (Springer 2020).

Landscape in Action. The Teaching of ‘Landscape’ in Innovative Excursion Formats Using the Example of the Digital Urban Geography Excursion in Stuttgart Developed Within the Project ‘InExkurs’ Lara Koegst, Linda Baum, and Maximilian Stintzing Abstract

This article describes an innovative excursion format which was developed within the project ‘InExkurs’ at the University of Tübingen by employees and master students to create a compulsory urban excursion for students of the bachelor of science in geography. For this purpose, concepts of excursion didactics and Augmented Reality were combined with lecture contents using the medium of a digital location-based excursion game in order to introduce students to topics of urban geography in an interactive and practiceoriented way. This playful approach provides students with enhanced impulses to engage with various spatial concepts of geographic education on different levels and to understand “space” as a constantly changing, multi-perspectival phenomenon that is dependent on social factors and aesthetics, among other

L. Koegst (B) · L. Baum Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Deutschland e-mail: [email protected] L. Baum e-mail: [email protected] M. Stintzing Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, München, Deutschland e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_20

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things. In this way, an interactive spatial experience is generated for the students and, by blending real places with digital realities, the ‘urban space’ of the City of Stuttgart is made ‘experienceable’ from different perspectives. Keywords

Landscape • Digital excursion • Didactics of Higher Education • Innovations in teaching • Stuttgart • Gamification • Playful knowledge transfer

1

Introduction

Field trips are considered the heart of geography, as specialized knowledge is acquired through primary encounters in space at an accessible level, which can contribute significantly to a better understanding of complex spatial issues. Over time, various approaches to working in the field have been developed and refined. The successful imple mentation of an excursion is associated with a number of challenges, which are not only met by modern didactic approaches, but in some cases with entirely new formats, such as excursions in digital formats. At the University of Tübingen, first semester bachelor’s students of geography are now able to take part in a flexible urban geography excursion in Stuttgart with a digital field trip guide on their mobile devices. For this purpose, students of the Master of Arts ‘Human Geography/Global Studies’ have developed a digital excursion in the summer semester of 2020 using the software Actionbound as part of the project “InExkurs - innovative Exkursionsformate im blended-learning-Format” funded by the Baden-Württemberg Stiftung’s and the Stifterverband’s Fellowships for innovation in higher education (see on landscape and games in education also Gryl, 2022; Papadimitriou, 2022 in this anthology). The software is characterized by the possibility of using broad media approaches with elements of playful knowledge transfer during field trips, resulting in a motivation-increasing effect. Classical teaching units in formats of frontal lectures by the excursion leader take a back seat; instead, independent knowledge construction and reflection on one’s own perspectives are activated, which is a particularly suitable approach for imparting complex topics such as ‘landscape’ in a multi-perspective way. This is of great importance in order to make students aware of the fact that “landscape” is not understood as an empirically tangible object, but rather a construct that is socially as well as culturally created and can be interpreted very differently depending on the perspective. Especially because of the theoretical approach of the social constructivist understanding of landscape

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it is important for first semester students to discuss this understanding on site in an active and differentiated way. An important part of this learning process also consists of providing interesting information about the development of surrounding spaces and spatial processes, which can be learned and experienced during a field trip. With a special emphasis on ‘landscape’, this article will focus on how the goal of an integrated learning process in the field was implemented in the digital urban geography excursion in Stuttgart, which was developed in the project “InExkurs”.

2

Comprehension of Landscape and Space

Depending on the perspective, spaces can be perceived differently. From an essentialist perspective, it is assumed that spaces and objects have an intrinsic essence that is independent of the viewer and defines the perception of spaces and objects (Kühne 2019b; Lautensach, 1973; Quasten, 1997; see on different theoretical approaches to landscape also Kühne, 2022 in this anthology). Also independent of the viewer, from a positivist point of view, space and landscape are seen as empirically ascertainable objects (Bastian & Schreiber, 1999; Kühne, 2019b, 2019d; Leser, 1991). Today, many researchers understand space and especially landscape as a social construct (Aschenbrand, 2017; Cosgrove, 1998; Fontaine, 2017; Greider & Garkovich, 1994; Kühne et al., 2013; Kühne, 2019c; Weber, 2015): Which constellation of physical elements is viewed together as a ‘landscape’, interpreted as such, and accordingly evaluated aesthetically is determined by individual experiences as well as learned social patterns of interpretation and attribution (Kühne, 2017, p. 54, 2019c, p. 69). ‘Landscape’ is thus not understood as a definable object of the physical world but is rather seen as “real through its social production” due to the variety of possible interpretations (Kühne, 2018b, p. 24; Wojtkiewicz & Heiland, 2012, p. 135). According to Kühne (2006; Kühne, 2018a, 2019c) three modes of interpretation can be identified when interpreting a physical space as landscape: The mode of the ‘native regular landscape’, that of the ‘stereotypical landscape’, and additionally the one of ‘landscape related special knowledge’. The frist mode, the ‘native regular landscape’ is shaped by the environment of ones childhood home, thus habit and familiarity are of particular importance. In the ‘stereotypical landscape’ mode different aesthetic patterns of interpretation are relevant, depending on socialization, different constellations of the physical foundation of ‘landscape’ can be interpreted as stereotypically ‘beautiful’, or as ‘ugly’ (Kühne, 2018a, 2019a, p. 305; Weber et al., 2017, p. 248). The social-aesthetic norms on which these interpretations are based on are imparted

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by secondary information during adolescence, for example in school lessons, as well as in films, the Internet, etc. (Kühne, 2019a, p. 305). The consideration of ‘landscape’ through the mode of landscape related special knowledge is acquired as soon as there is an engagement with ‘landscape’ in education and profession. The knowledge stocks taught in this context are subject-specific and “not stable, but subject to competitive paradigmatic fundamental orientations” (Kühne, 2019a, p. 306). Dealing with landscape in education is especially present in the studies of geography, thus geography has the task of imparting landscape-related special knowledge stocks. The understanding of the different perspectives on landscape should therefore be passed on to the students and should be intensified on the base of the spatial understanding according to Wardenga (2002). Here, ‘space’ is not only understood as a container, but also as a system of location relations, as a category of individual sensory perception, and as a construction of society. Furthermore, a sensibilization for the different modes of interpretation of ‘landscape’ and especially its change takes place, which enables students to recognize potential conflicts of space and landscape. The understanding of landscape and its perspectives is therefore an important part of achieving the qualification goal of the bachelor’s program in geography at the University of Tübingen: “analyzing and evaluating spaces and spatially relevant processes in order to participate in their design” (Universität Tübingen, 2015, p. 3). This provides the basis for problem- and action-oriented analysis as well as professionally and theoretically sound decision-making. In addition to the teaching of theoretical foundations and their application in term papers and theses, these different perspectives can be conveyed particularly well on field trips through on-site examples and the respective social contextualization. Especially the change of the physical space, which is interpreted as landscape, and its attributions can be clarified by examples on site and vividly conveyed using historical images and maps (ct. Neeb, 2016).

3

(Urban)Field Trips as Challenges

Field trips are generally highly valued by geography students and occupy an important position in the curriculum of the subject in the area of compulsory courses, as “[t]he work in the field is the core of geographic work” (Meyer, 2006, p. 134). While professional knowledge in the lecture hall or seminar room is usually taught on an abstract and occasionally hard-to-access levels, field trips offer the possibility of hands-on encounters and thus contribute to the understanding

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of complex issues. Additionally, field trips also offer the possibility of “demystifying” (Lonergan & Andresen, 1988, p. 65) what has been stated abstractly, as the complexity and interdependence of spatial developments can be experienced here, which in turn can provide an introduction to an applied engagement with different spatial constructs (Scharvogel, 2006). Using subject-specific methods, the learning content is conveyed originally, and object related, thus in situ (cf. Stintzing & Pietsch, 2021), whereby it is necessary to distinguish between two major types of teaching (Böing & Sachs, 2007, p. 36). In the geographic education of the German educational system, the classical, teacher-centered overview excursion, in which certain phenomena and processes in space are chosen by the lecturer and commonly explained frontally, is often the first choice. Usually, the students adopt a passive role as listeners and are not actively involved in the exploration of the surrounding space (Neeb, 2016). The learning achievement of a teacher-centered overview excursion is often limited with an accumulation of different issues (Dickel & Glasze, 2009; Forster & Hoffmann, 2016; Klein, 2015; Lößner, 2011; Neeb, 2016). For example, surrounding noise (especially in urban excursions) can lead to only parts of the information becoming available to students, and unpredictable events can disrupt the course of the excursion, thus requiring a reduction of time for explanations or subject-specific discussions and altogether leading to moments of dullness and reduced motivation in a group. These challenges culminate in a reduced addressability of excursions, individual prior knowledge, individual learning (and walking) tempi, but also individual interests of students can only be considered to some extent. Due to the mentioned disadvantageous circumstances of traditional overview excursions, the reflection of different understandings of space, spatial interpretation and evaluation patterns becomes more difficult; instead, there is rather a reproduction of what has been presented. On the other hand, there is an independent organizational concept of participant-centered field work (working excursion), which focuses primarily on teaching geographic working methods, such as recognizing, observing and explaining phenomena in space using subject-specific methods (Böing & Sachs, 2007, p. 36). The original, cognitively structured overview excursion, which was often characterized by the monologic explanation of certain phenomena or facts in the field, is expanded and supplemented in working excursions by more cooperative types of teaching (Hemmer, 1996, p. 9). Online-based exploratory learning with a broad media and interactive approach including texts, especially produced videos, illustrations as well as game-based components can provide a solution for this.

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Modern Approaches in Excursion Didactics

Based on these assumptions, geographical excursions can be further subdivided: The cognitivist working excursion, which serves the purpose of self-actively applying and practicing subject-specific methods in the immediate and present engagement with the study object, describes a learning process with structured and predefined contents. This, in a certain sense guided excursion, can be supplemented by constructivist elements, by encouraging participants to discover and explore certain phenomena (e.g. relics as references to historical patterns of use) in the space on their own (cf. Hemmer, 1996, p. 9). Afterwards, this search for traces (German: Spurensuche) will be extended in group discussions by different perspectives and thus serves the active construction of knowledge by the students themselves (Neeb, 2016). In this constructivist approach, the subjective epistemological level is more strongly focused by taking supposedly closed container spaces (keyword home) not as physically given, but as social constructions that are questioned and deconstructed by the participants (Böing & Sachs, 2007, pp. 36–37). Regarding the above-mentioned aspects, it seems necessary to break up these receptive and monologic didactical approaches of an overview excursion and to orient oneself towards guidelines that strive for a stronger overall involvement of the participants in the excursion events. In addition to the above-mentioned self-activity, the advantages of the actual encounter with the (learning) place should be utilized by striving for a holistic learning with all senses (Hemmer, 1996, p. 10). In addition to visual phenomena, localities can also give olfactory and auditory impressions, which address different perceptual regions in the corresponding areas of the brain. This allows for more possibilities of association and thus a deeper understanding, especially of complex issues, which in turn increases the attention and motivation of the participants (cf. Vester, 2016). This also ensures the integration of the different target groups. By conveying information on the one hand and the active discovery and discussion using geographic research methods on the other hand, auditory, visual, communicative, and kinesthetic learning types are equally covered and addressed. In this way, an improved participant orientation is achieved, which can be further increased by integrating the students into the goals of the excursion (e.g. data collection for a research project) using cooperative forms of learning (Hemmer, 1996, pp. 10–11). Furthermore, field trips offer the opportunity to practically apply and learn about geographical techniques and methods in the field. In addition to the classic site work (orienting, observing, describing, storing), subject-specific working methods such as mapping in the field, conducting surveys (interviews), etc. are practiced.

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These methods can be extended by constructivist as well as participant-centered approaches, for example by creating maps of fictional spaces of action or multisensory perception sketches (Böing & Sachs, 2007, pp. 39–40) to allow students to independently discover the space in all its aspects. To combine these two didactic approaches of field trips, the format of blended learning is ideal, as it combines classroom teaching and the subsequent field trip with different methods and visual materials (a. o. Hrastinski, 2019). One approach is offered by app-supported gamification, respectively the digital playful knowledge transfer, which was chosen in the project “InExkurs” to impart geographic knowledge to the students in the field in a playful way. Based on the excursion guiding app Actionbound, information about the locations which can be found independently via the app (increasing the competence of spatial orientation) is provided by specially written or prepared short texts, illustrations, tables and supplemented by self-assessment elements and playful tasks (Coccoli & Vercelli, 2016; Coccoli et al., 2015).

3.2

Playful Knowledge Transfer in Educational Contexts

Important components of gamification are the use of (game) mechanics and (game) components in the physical world in such a way that they affect the dynamics of the game in order to maintain or improve the motivation of the user to complete the task (see on the social-psychological function of games also Schuster, 2022 in this anthology). The education sector has recognized the motivation-enhancing qualities of playful (learning) concepts, perceiving play as a cultural technique and an elemental form of thinking and learning (cf. Stiftung digitale Spielekultur, 2018, p. 8). According to this, games activate people, i.e. they voluntarily engage with the contents of the application (cf. Sailer, 2016, p. 20). This voluntary nature contrasts with activities that are more associated with having to do something—in particular, learning content that is perceived as monotonous and boring—can be transformed into exciting, immersive experiences using game design techniques, thus increasing the students’ willingness to learn even during obligatory excursions. Through immediate audiovisual feedback and the awarding of gratification points, the players are also constantly informed about their performance, which in turn can have a positive effect on motivation and thus on interest in the content. The goal of game-based knowledge transfer is to make teaching and learning contexts exciting and interesting in order to create

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experiences with the learning content through immediate and reactive feedback (cf. Pietsch et al., 2020, p. 38). In our project “InExkurs” the approach of the location-based excursion game was chosen. Participants use a digital device equipped with a GPS and map (e.g., smartphone) to move around in the physical space and actively search for specific coordinates. Once such a target point is reached, specific (game) situations are activated on the device, such as the appearance of a virtual character or the assignment of digital information and tasks. Thus, the urban excursion area is layered with context-sensitive, virtual objects and data, enabling the mediation and visualization of complex spatial relationships (cf. Wu et al., 2013, p. 41). This way, for example the historical development stages of a city can be made experienceable and charged with meaning, which in turn can contribute to a deeper understanding of the location (cf. Klopfer & Sheldon, 2010, p. 86).

4

Selected Examples of the Digital Excursion “InExkurs”

The project “InExkurs - Innovative Exkursionsformate im blended-learningFormat” was developed in 2020 at the University of Tübingen with funding from the Baden-Württemberg Stiftung’s and the Stifterverband’s Fellowships for innovation in higher education. The goal of the project was to develop a digital field trip in an innovative format suitable for the urban geography field trip that students in the first semester of the bachelor’s degree program in geography participate in. In the discussed project, the development of the “InExkurs” excursion was implemented in cooperation with students of the module ’GEO 82: Geographies of Urban Structures and processes’ in the master’s program Global Studies/Human Geography. For the development of the excursion, the app-based application ‘Actionbound’ was used. Designed for smartphones and tablets, this app was developed primarily for use in educational contexts and provides several educationally valuable features (Hiller et al., 2019, pp. 15–16). On the teacher/developer side, so-called bounds can be created without (in-depth) knowledge of programming or the software on a user-friendly, browser-based interface. Similar to geocaching, coordinates are used to determine locations where students have to work with different (learning) contents. The students are guided to the respective (learning) locations via GPS. The GPS coordinate therefore receives the relevant, virtually processed information about the respective environment. It allows the participants to interact with the physical as well as the virtual objects and thus has a cognitively

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activating effect on the students’ already existing knowledge and the knowledge taught while on-site (Stintzing et al., 2020, p. 345). By integrating different tasks, as well as the transfer of information, but also the possibility to upload photos, videos and audio recordings, high-quality digital excursion guides can be created, equally combining the above-mentioned didactic principles of excursions, such as e.g. the independent and cooperative exploration of the environment in a group with various subject-specific geographic methods of field work. Likewise, the cognitivist approach of the overview excursion is disrupted and supplemented by constructivist elements and work phases, since in addition to the transfer of information to the students, there is also a productive-cooperative determination of data and knowledge by the students on site (cf. Hemmer, 1996, p. 9). For example, an excursion group could create a perception sketch at a location—this is then saved via a photograph and sent to the lecturer using the result documentation of the app at the bounds end. In this way, certain spatial phenomena are identified, described and saved for a later follow-up (cf. Böing & Sachs, 2007, p. 36, 40). With reference to the contents of the lecture, relevant topics of urban geographic higher education were determined for Stuttgart and subsequently suitable locations for their subject-specific illustration in the city were identified. This elaboration of the excursion route, as well as the thematic priorities with possible questions formed the basis for the development of the individual study sites. With its intensive focus on project work, the master’s program offers a suitable framework for developing the content and technical implementation of the digital excursion, as students can combine the academic knowledge they have already acquired with didactic knowledge and then adapting it to the digitalized teaching and learning program that is to be developed. Results of previous teaching evaluations have shown that classes are particularly appreciated by students when they are embedded in an ‘actual’ project that is later implemented, and not just a purely university-based ‘exercise project’. Accordingly, the project has, in a sense, a dual learning effect. On the one hand, the master’s students gain individual expertise on the respective topic through the intensive processing during the preparation of the individual learning sites, which are then transferred into geographic learning content at the locations. On the other hand, the first semester students can deepen and apply the contents covered in the lecture by using an interactive and participant-centered approach. After the first drafts had been created by the master students, the bounds were revised for the first time in order to coordinate them, especially in terms of the thematic depth of the above-mentioned lecture contents. Using the designbased research approach, several test excursions were conducted in a subsequent

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test phase with volunteers of the bachelor’s program in Geography. This way, an evaluation could take place, the feedback generated was used in a further revision phase to optimize the content of the bounds specific to the target group (cf. Hiller et al., 2019, p. 10). This version was launched for the first time in the summer semester of 2021 for second semester students in geography as a mandatory urban excursion and was then evaluated again. The knowledge gained this way was then used to further optimize the application into an official alpha version, which is integrated in the following semesters as a mandatory urban excursion. In the following paragraphs we are taking a closer look at some exemplary sections of the digital urban geography excursion to Stuttgart. This will illustrate how different didactic concepts and methods as well as playful approaches to knowledge transfer were applied to the digital excursion on a plethora of geographic topics, such as historical urban development, green spaces, urban climates and many more. The focus is particularly on how the use of diverse media and different types of assignments in the app attempted to provide interesting content and activate independent knowledge construction. The main aim was to sharpen the students’ sensitivity for the contextual framework of spatial processes and structures as well as different approaches and perspectives on urban landscapes. Overall, care was taken to select a concrete topic/issue of urban development for each location, whereby this approach offers several advantages in our opinion: On the one hand, the contents of the lecture can be conveyed “in situ” and mediasupported (cf. Pietsch et al., 2020, p. 38). On the other hand, by concentrating on only a few contents, a more sustainable learning success is achieved among the students (cf. Hemmer, 1996, p. 15).

4.1

Killesberghöhe (Killesberg Heights)

The area around the old fair at Höhenpark Killesberg has changed a lot in the last 10 years. At the site where an extension of the park and the Killesberghöhe urban quarter are located today, the focus of the project lies on urban climate and green structures. The relatively new urban landscape structure at this excursion site serves a number of urban purposes that students will be made aware of. From an excursion didactical point of view, a location that provides a good overview of the park and the adjoining neighborhood is ideal, whereby digital introductory information is provided via the app (cf. Böing & Sachs, 2007, p. 40). Therefore, in the first part of the bound, the students are informed about the former use and the redevelopment process of the area with a combination of written and visual materials. First, however, they are asked to describe their impressions of

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their surroundings without any background information, which is then noted in keywords or short sentences using Actionbound. When asking for spontaneous associations with the surroundings, there is neither right nor wrong, rather the intention is to draw attention to the space and to create an awareness of the various manifestations that influence individual perceptions of the surrounding landscape for the respective members of the excursion group. The question is primarily aimed at the geographically relevant aspects of the environment, but at the same time breaks up monocausal concepts of (urban) landscape as a multilayered and multi-perspective development process through the various answers. An important aspect, which can be found in several stations of the excursion, consists of current development trends in urban areas and the guiding principles of development, which are pursued in Stuttgart. Students learn about the interaction of past and present social, economic, political, and urban planning factors that are reflected in spatial structures and processes across the different excursion sites, discovering that conflicts of use occur in many places, for example the current location, and that certain development goals are in conflict with each other. The thematic focus of the station is introduced by referring to other excursion sites dealing with the conversion of inner-city areas and a precise question which students have to answer in the mode of typing a free answer, for which (gratification) points can be earned, finally leads to the central subject of the excursion stop, the conversation of inner-city areas. In the combination of the educational units at previous excursion sites and the contrasting spatial structures at the site on Killesberghöhe, the contradictory nature of some sustainability goals become clear: While sustainable urban development is approached at other sites discussed during the excursion, for example, the dense development on an existing innercity lot to avoid out-of-town growth, the students at Killesberghöhe focus on the implementation of sustainability goals in urban areas through the expansion and creation of green open spaces (cf. Böhm et al., 2016). Likewise, the relevance of the site is considered on a broader scale. The importance of the site as a connection of previously separated green spaces for balancing the urban climate on a whole downtown level can be vividly illustrated by maps showing the interconnection of downtown green spaces. Regarding the climatic balancing effects of the area on site, the focus is again on capturing information directly from the environment and experiencing it while exploring the area. During a close examination of the green space structure, the students will be able to understand which climatic regulation effects emanate from the area. All in all, the microclimatic conditions and changes can be experienced when walking through the park (especially wind), thereby making it possible

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to experience the (urban) landscape in a playful way and thus turning it into a cooperative group experience (cf. Pánek et al., 2018, p. 290–291).

4.2

Weissenhofsiedlung (White Yard Settlement)

Another excursion site is located at the Weißenhofsiedlung in close proximity to Höhenpark Killesberg. Thematically, the focus is on the settlement concepts of functionalism of the 1920s. A spirit of optimism and reforming enthusiasm characterized society at the time of development of the settlement, which was and still is a prominent feature of Stuttgart’s urban landscape (cf. Hammerbacher & Keuerleber, 2002). Of course, the exploration of completely new housing concepts did not go without conflict. Thus, the Weissenhofsiedlung proves to be an exemplary site for the social construction of spaces under the social conditions of a past time, in which different groups had radically different interpretations of the new housing concepts developed by the German Werkbund (Ulmer & Kurz, 2009). Especially the treatment of the development of housing under social conditions of a past time seems to be a good possibility to contribute to the understanding of the dimension of the social construction of spaces, since students are thereby made aware of the changing socially constructed realities over time. The basis of the mediation lies in the approach to the area via time sections, which are manifested through the use of media. This way, the (urban) landscape can be linked through different perspectives of the past and the present, assigned with new meaning, and ultimately conveyed as a constantly changing interrelationship of different human-nature relations (cf. Stintzing et al., 2020, p. 345). Following the principle of playful knowledge transfer, students are introduced to the station with a question for which reward points can be earned. The juxtaposition of the historical and the present situation through given media creates moments of irritation for the students, which triggers various emotions, such as curiosity or surprise. This feedback, immanent to the game approach, thus creates experiences that are linked to the game content, which is intended to stimulate an increased interest in the subsequent information on the Weissenhofsiedlung (cf. Pietsch et al., 2020, p. 38). After a first impression of the neighborhood and with the help of a historic photograph of the house designed by Le Corbusier, the most famous architect of the Weissenhofsiedlung, the students are asked to estimate when they think the neighborhood was built. To estimate years or other dates, Actionbound has a quiz format called “Zahl schätzen” (guess a number), in which a bar is moved between two points to answer it. Observation tasks can also be set within the digital excursion in combination with a quiz, here for example

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implemented by a multiple-choice question on structural features of the houses in the Weissenhofsiedlung. To illustrate the vision that guided the development of the Weissenhofsiedlung, the architect of the German Werkbund, Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, appears virtually at the station in front of the house he built and fictionally explains the idea behind the Werkbund exhibition from his point of view (Fig. 1). Further explanations of the principle of functionalism and architectural features follow, for variety and entertainment, also given from his perspective. At this point, the possibility of integrating imagery into the app that guides the excursion once again

Fig. 1 Example from the project “InExkurs” of the playful knowledge transfer through a character appearing on screen, in this case Mies van der Rohe (left), and an assignment where participants have to explore their surroundings in order to find the correct answer, here they have to determine which of the named architectural elements can be found in the Weissenhofsiedlung (“InExkurs”, own design and drawing using the App Actionbound)

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proves to be a great advantage. In addition to a visualization of the character, historical advertising posters, postcards and caricatures are also integrated. This visual and contextual Information supports the explanations of the central construction concepts of the time and their competing patterns of interpretation. The use of these “augmented reality concepts” thus creates situations in the field in which a context from the real world is overlaid with coherent locations or contextsensitive, virtual objects (Wu et al., 2013, p. 42). By experiencing the learning site from the perspectives created this way, the respective stages of development of the settlement can be made tangible and the environment itself can be charged with different meanings, thus conveying different points of view to the students, and thereby intensifying their experience of the space (cf. Stintzing et al., 2020, pp. 339–340).

4.3

Schlossplatz Stuttgart (Castle Square Stuttgart)

Another important part of the digital excursion is the discussion of Stuttgart’s historical urban development around the Schlossplatz (castle square), as the development of the city can be illustrated particularly well here, and students can thus be sensitized to recognize and question these developments. Since some of the historical structures no longer exist today for various reasons (redevelopment, destruction during the Second World War, etc.), they are illustrated by historic images, thus digitally expanding the currently perceivable physical section of the city with a historical view. Due to the direct juxtaposition of two views of the same location, this use of augmented reality was particularly well suited to make students aware of the historical structures and their traces in the city as well as highlighting developments. Likewise, historical maps can be used to illustrate the city’s expansions, as well as photos from other perspectives, such as aerial photographs. During the introduction to the site, students are encouraged to examine their surroundings in more detail with reference to a drawn, historical map segment, to finally locate themselves at one of five points available for selection on the historical map. Along the way, the students get an overview of the historical buildings of Stuttgart, recognizing, as they orient themselves on the map, that some buildings are still there while others have been replaced by new ones. During the exploration of the site, additional maps are used to illustrate the development of Stuttgart from a stud farm to today’s state capital. The content of the urban geography lecture can be integrated particularly well at this site and brought back to mind through quiz questions. For example, regarding the earlier development of Stuttgart, the importance of the city wall is addressed,

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and students are asked to name the key elements of medieval town privileges. Furthermore, the Schlossplatz will be examined more closely: based on historical photos, the students will receive impressions of its historical design. The current view of the Schlossplatz is characterized by the redesign in the course of the Bundesgartenschau (Federal Garden Show) in 1922 (cf. Peschel, 2018; see Fig. 2). The students are asked to determine which design changes were made at that time by a comparison of the current view with historical photographs. At this point, it becomes apparent how augmented reality concepts and game mechanisms affect the task structures of a game-based knowledge transfer. In an educational game, tasks can be created that can only be solved by combining digital information and analog information available in the physical environment, either cooperatively or alone. The solution unlocks new places and new virtual data, i.e., the students receive new information through interaction with the digital and the physical world. In this way, it is also possible to counteract excessive demands on the excursion participants, since a successive flow of information allows them to slowly approach the subject matter (cf. Joan, 2018, pp. 11–12). Towards the end of this site, the effects of the First World War on urban structures in Germany are addressed, and impressions of that time are shared with the students through photographs. The entrance to the bunker beneath the market

Fig. 2 Connecting the given materials and their current view the students have to identify the differences made during the redesign on the Schlossplatz in the course of the Bundesgartenschau 1922. (Source: own design, left: using the app Actionbound, source of the photography: Stadtarchiv Stuttgart (2018); right: own picture 2021)

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square, which is easy to overlook without prior knowledge, and its repurposing as a hotel in the time after the war are addressed, as is the destruction of a large number of buildings (cf. Esefeld & Lorke, 2006). Upon closer inspection, traces of these changes in the city are still visible, which will be conveyed to the students with the help of examples on site. This is also illustrated to students with images using the example of the Kronprinzenpalais building, which was demolished after it was damaged in the Second World War and in its place the Museum of Art is now located (Bidlingmaier, 2018). By providing digital and medial information on the history of Stuttgarts urban development, the aim is to enable a “deeper immersion” into the physical environment. Thus, on the one hand, practically invisible facts are visualized and made accessible to students, and on the other hand, the history and present of the site are brought closer together through the media intersection, intended to generate a more immediate experience (Wu et al., 2013, p. 45).

5

Outlook

The development of the digital urban geography excursion within a master’s course using a design-based research approach proved to be successful in the project “InExkurs”. The creative task of developing “bounds” required students to apply previously attained professional knowledge in a practical and site-specific manner, interlaced with didactic approaches. The knowledge of urban structures and processes was deepened by the well-founded consideration of issues relevant to urban geography in Stuttgart. This ultimately resulted in vivid digital excursion modules created by students for students. At the current time the bounds, which were subsequently optimized and finalized by the project team, were tested (and further optimized). So far, this has resulted in positive feedback about the broad media components of the digital excursion and the independent and interactive exploration of space. Conceptually, a major advantage of field trips based on an excursion guiding app is the ability to design a variety of teaching units in the field by combining digital with analog information available in the physical environment. Aspects of this are varied assignments with playful components, such as different quiz formats, but also short texts and especially visual materials such as maps and illustrations, which can significantly support the communication of information on spatial phenomena. The use of the software Actionbound has therefore proven to be very effective. In addition, it became evident that predefined teaching units for an excursion site by using broad media approaches can

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turn out longer than originally planned. This should therefore be considered when designing and developing parts of digital excursions. Despite the didactic value, the initial idea of having the students create a video as an examination performance was rejected due to the length and scope of the excursion. Therefore, care must be taken to convey all the important information without overwhelming the students with the amount of different tasks and complex information, and adapting it to the duration of the field trip. Through interactive field work, however, there is room for independent exploration and active knowledge construction as well as the reflection on different understandings of space or “landscape“ and different patterns of interpretation. Particular attention was paid to this in order to pursue the goal of implementing a modern, constructivist approach of excursion didactics, which represents a shift away from frontal teaching on classic teacher-centered overview excursions (cf. Böing & Sachs, 2007, pp. 36–37). Furthermore, gamification elements can increase students’ motivation by creating exciting and immersive learning experiences, thus enhancing their willingness to learn (Pietsch et al., 2020, p. 38). More comprehensive insights into the students’ impressions of the digital urban geography excursion with “Actionbound” and experiences about the learning achievement with the innovative excursion format will be available soon. Furthermore, it might be interesting to take a closer look into the use of Actionbound as a digital tool to teach students different methods of data collection in the field, such as short interviews or the mapping of objects and phenomena. Note: The digital excursion on which this article is based on was created in the project “InExkurs - Innovative Exkursionsformate im blended-learningFormat”. The project was developed in 2020 by the research area of urban and regional development at the University of Tübingen, funded by the BadenWürttemberg Stiftung’s and Stifterverband’s Fellowships for Innovation in Higher Education. Insights into sutudents impressions and experiences during the digital excursion are published otherwise, due to this articles time of writing.

References Aschenbrand, E. (2017). Die Landschaft des Tourismus. Wie Landschaft von Reiseveranstaltern inszeniert und von Touristen konsumiert wird. Springer VS. Bastian, O., & Schreiber, K.-F. (Eds.). (1999). Analyse und ökologische Bewertung der Landschaft. Mit 164 Tabellen (2 (revised). Spektrum Akademischer Verlag. Bidlingmaier, R. (Stadtarchiv Stuttgart, Ed.). (2018). Kronprinzenpalais. https://www.sta dtlexikon-stuttgart.de/article/bdf8ad25-f752-4996-9a5c-db880282d9d0/1/Kronprinzenp alais.html. Accessed 14 April 2021.

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Lara Koegst graduated from Eberhard Karls University Tübingen with a Bachelor of Science in Geography and a Master of Art in “Human Geography/Global Studies”. She was working as a student assistant on different projects at the research area of urban and regional development at the department of geography. Since 2021 she is writing her PhD. Linda Baum graduated from Eberhard Karls University Tübingen with a Bachelor of Science in Geography and a Master of Art in “Human Geography/Global Studies”. Since 2019 she is working as a student assistant on different projects at the research area of urban and regional development at the department of geography. Maximilian Stintzing was a research assistant at the Leibniz-Institute for Regional Geography, Leipzig (IfL) from 2017 to 2020. Since then, he works at the Bavarian State Library, Munich. He studied geography (Bachelor) and historical geography (Master) at Bamberg University. His research focuses are on colonialism and spatial development, Geoanalysis and agricultural geography.

Spaces, Landscapes and Games: The Case of (Geography) Education Using the Example of Spatial Citizenship and Education for Innovativeness Inga Gryl Abstract

This paper analyzes the relation between landscapes, game, and education for the case of geography education. To explore this relationship, two appropriate and interlinked didactical approaches from geography education, Spatial Citizenship and Education for Innovativeness, are introduced, analyzed concerning their linkages to game and brought into relation with landscape theory. Spatial Citizenship is an approach to enable to digitally-fostered participation in spatial decision-making processes, and Education for Innovativeness enables to participate in spatial and non-spatial innovation processes, among others through game-based simulations. With this paper’s method, both approaches are developed further concerning their theoretical linkages to landscapes and games and the practical implications of these ideas. Additionally, despite their explicit reference to spaces, these didactical approaches, and geography education in general, hold interdisciplinary connections, and thus can function as useful examples to think through the potential of landscape theory for further educational approaches. Keywords

Landscape theory • Spatial Citizenship • Innovativeness • Education for Innovativeness • Concepts of spaces • Construction of spaces • Game-based learning • Simulation • Geography education I. Gryl (B) Institut Für Geographie, Universität Duisburg-Essen, Essen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_21

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Introduction

This paper seeks to analyze the connection between landscapes, game, and education, and does so based on the case of geography education (see for landscape and games in education also Koegst, Baum & Stintzing, 2022; Papadimitriou, 2022 in this anthology). To illustrate this triangular relationship, the combination of two exemplary didactical approaches from geography education, Spatial Citizenship (Gryl & Jekel, 2012) and Education for Innovativeness (Weis et al., 2017), is introduced. Both approaches have their origin in geography education, but are also linked in an interdisciplinary way, and thus may function as an interesting case for landscapes and games in education beyond a subject-specific perspective only. Furthermore, both approaches have promising, but still not fully analyzed linkages to landscapes and/or games. This paper will fill this gap with a theoretical analysis, and thus create added value for the theoretical development of these approaches and the relation of game, landscape and education in general. The triangle of landscapes, game, and geography education cannot be taken for granted with the latter named discipline: Several conceptual specifications are needed for both game and landscape to fit in with geography education and its aims. On the one hand, game (and also play) is very popular in supporting learning in educational settings (see also Schuster, 2022 in this anthology) but must be adapted to match the powerful and various sets of rules, interests, and objectives that education is based on (Czejkowska, 2010). On the other hand, landscape is a term that is, at least in German geography education, relatively unpopular for historical reasons (see on different theoretical approaches Kühne, 2022; Kühne et al., 2022 in this anthology). Consequently, it is hardly mentioned within the German Standards for Geography Education (DGfG, 2014). However, solutions exist for both challenges and this paper will highlight them, based on relevant literature on playful educational approaches as well as current landscape theories. The latter will be based mainly on Kühne et al. (2020), whereas these authors’ combination of landscape theory, landscapes in games, and socialization will provide a solid basis for this paper. By analyzing the role of the landscape term in geography education and the relevance of game in education in general and particularly in geography education, this paper sets a basis that facilitates the application of these terms on the named combination of two specific geography education concepts. Finally, it will be shown that games in geography education can support innovation/innovativeness, and that the landscape approach can help to understand the ongoing processes of innovation and spatial construction.

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Landscapes and geography education—a complicated but adaptable relationship

Bringing the landscape term into geography education is somehow difficult within the German debate. Although curricula and the German standards for Geography Education (DGfG, 2014) mention terms such as “landscape zones” (DGfG, 2014, p. 16) and “natural and cultural landscapes” (DGfG, 2014, p. 22) they mostly rarely do so. However, in contrast to the widely discussed and differentiated term space the meta- and theoretical discussion largely lacks terms that include landscape. This has historical reasons: The dominant landscape term as a core of geography has been questioned critically within the German context of the discipline and this relates back to the events around the Geography Conference at Kiel in 1969 (Deutscher Geographentag). Scholars such as Hard (1970) criticized the term landscape as either essentialist or positivistic (c.f. Kühne, 2020), meaning that either a container-like/lexical concept of geography was practiced, or a—very dominant in the following decades with the emergence of GIS technologies—solely quantitative approach was used with a primacy of measurability of geographic phenomena (Schuurman, 2004). The latter perspective was, however, widely accepted and welcomed within parts of physical geography as it gave the subject an elaborated position within the natural sciences that sought, among other things, to provide an adequate answer to the Sputnik crisis and its aftershock. However, Hard and Bartels (1977/2003) showed early on that the term space could be defined much more adequately and elaborated on its use for the social realm of geography/human geography. They illustrated how different concepts of spaces help to apply different analytical perspectives on geographical phenomena and problems. Within this approach, container spaces and quantified/geometrical spaces have the same relevance as spaces of perception and social construction, while one spatial perspective alone is not sufficient. With this, they foresaw the nowadays dominant (but less complex) categorization of concepts of space that has been established in geography education since the 2000s (DGfG, 2002; Wardenga, 2002). Obviously, there are also other theories and concepts of space that work adequately, for instance Lefebvres (1991) approach with naming, among others, concepts such as lived space, representational spaces, and representations of space. Parts of Swiss geography education (Keller et al., o. J.) have shown that analogue to the term space, the term landscape can be modernized as well, reflecting

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the theoretical development of the past decades. The “4-pole model of the perception of landscapes” (Backhaus et al., 2016, transl. by author) has a subjective and an intersubjective pole as well as a physical and a cultural one. All poles are defined on the basis of adequate theories, for instance, the cultural pole is based on a social constructivist theory. Geographical phenomena can be treated in a complex way with the help of different perspectives of the model. This ongoing Swiss implementation opens the question, whether an updated concept of landscape can provide added value for geography education while already relative complex concepts of space are applied. A closer look at landscape theory could help: Kühne (2020; in this volume see also e.g. Koegst, 2022; Kuehne, 2022a, b; Kühne et al., 2022) suggests a term of landscape based upon Popper’s theory of Three Worlds, defining Landscape 1 for material objects, Landscape 2 for the individual perception/consciousness and Landscape 3 for social/cultural construction. The important aspect is that they do not only provide different perspectives, but are also closely linked to each other in different ways: For instance, Landscape 2, individual perception, is influenced by Landscape 3, socialization, and has an effect on action exercised by the individual body in Landscape 1. To differentiate forms of representation, Kühne et al. (2020) formulate three suffixes that can be freely added to the landscapes: a stands for individual everyday representations, b for “common-sense understandings of landscape” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 3), and c for expert knowledge. All three forms also influence each other. This suffix strategy stands in contrast to Lefebvre’s theory (1991), in which representations are their own concept of space beside two others. Kühne et al.’s approach promises a certain amount of flexibility when describing landscapes and their presentations and in terms of illustrating their relations. However, many spatial approaches in geography education take theses linkages into consideration as well, although some problems still remain on the level of theory, for instance, the relation of the social constructions of spaces (often based on Werlen, 1993), with material spaces, which are often just implicitly involved. Therefore, it might help that Kühne et al. (2020) regard landscape as a special case of space. The application of Popper’s theory also functions with spaces as subsets of worlds, whereas landscapes are subsets of spaces: “Space 1 is thus the material substrate that represents the starting point for the construction of Landscape 1. Thus, Landscape 1 is not only a part of Space 1, but becomes a ‘special case’ (Kühne, 2018) of Space 1, due to its symbolic and/or emotional occupation” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 3). This means that in contrast to concepts such as geometric space (according to DGfG, 2002), Landscape 1 is already thought of as a result of complex processes, involving social and individual influences.

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Thus, a landscape is a far more developed and complex concept than spaces are, according to this theory, and as this theory shows even the material Landscape 1 as a result of complex processes, it clearly goes beyond container spaces (DGfG, 2002), equipping matter with relevance. “In the construction of Landscape 1 by individual bearers of Landscape 2, material objects are synthesized and symbolically or emotionally occupied according to certain internalized, especially aesthetic, but also functional and ecological social ideas from Landscape 3” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 3). The advantages of this approach are higher complexity and awareness of interlinkages recognizable within each single Landscape from 1 to 3. Besides, Poerting and Marquardt (2019, p. 146) identify the “more than human world-making” (based on Tsing, 2017, p. 3) potential of approaches such as this, as they provide matter with a role that goes beyond container spaces and allows actor-network-perspectives. Using the concept of hybridization, the theory also allows a reference to virtual reality and augmented reality environments, suggesting that such spaces may, for instance, be a reproduction of Landscape 1. With this, hybrid forms of landscapes emerge between the poles of “materiality and virtuality” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 6). Spatialities for virtual and hybrid spaces are still a requirement within current geography education, as the classical model of socially constructed spaces is mainly about the attachment of meaning to physical matter. However, current geography education already regards virtual spaces as highly important “providers of worlds” (Kanwischer & Schlottmann, 2017, p. 63, translated by author). Thus, Kühne et al.’s model might fill this not yet fully developed gap.

3

Game in Education—an Ambivalent and Welcome Approach at the Same Time

Other chapters of this book have already addressed the various definitions of play and game, so that this chapter can mainly focus on their application in educational settings. There is no doubt that play is widely regarded as an important source of learning (Lotherington & Sinitskaya Ronda, 2009; Lux & Budke, 2020), but when it comes to institutionalized education, game seems to be the more appropriate term because it is usually regarded as a much more structured approach (Walther, 2003). Furthermore, in contrast to characteristics set by some publications’ definitions (a.o. Hofmann, 2018), game cannot be regarded as purposeless action in educational contexts, as education is—and has been since at least the last two decades—explicitly outcome oriented (within the competence debate, a.o. DGfG,

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2014) and has always been directed at socialization within the rules and ideals of a certain society. However, as game is, in contrast, also clearly associated with rules (Hofmann, 2018), it fits into educational settings that are characterized by a number of regulations set by hierarchies.1 Still, the “ambiguity of play” (SuttonSmith, 1997, cited by Kühne et al., 2020, p. 4) between “intentional or an act as-if behavior, sincere or nonsense, an object or a toy” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 4) may be in conflict with a strictly organized system. This is also reflected by the contrary positions of Piaget who regarded play as a defense against the requirements of socialization and education (1969/1973), and Huizinga (1938/2017) who emphasized the socializing function of play, for instance by its ritualization. When regarding game in education, one has to distinguish between different forms (Schmoelz, 2015): 1) Gamification as the usage of game-oriented elements within a learning environment without placing the learners within a game, so that it is not regarded as a full application of game within education. High score lists in self learning platforms are typical examples. 2) Game-based learning, in other words, analogue and digital learning games, developed and utilized to reach educational goals. An example might be a geography treasure hunt while the learners gain competences in spatial orientation and learn about historical places in the city where the game takes place. Here, learning emerges from the learner’s interaction with the game. 3) Game-based dialogue, when the learners’ interaction, triggered by the game, leads to learning. The dialogue may occur within the game’s borders or be set on a metalevel. 2) und 3) seem particularly interesting for learning geography explicitly, while 1) mainly addresses the pedagogical design of a learning environment, and can support geographical learning. The added value of games for learning is agreed on by many authors. For instance, Koenig (2003) underlines how gaming is motivating through its linkages to lifeworld, which is explainable since gaming is part of the everyday leisure time routine. However, this linkage is highly dependent on the quality of the educational games (Uhlenwinkel, 2013). Placing learning and problem solving into a game context might, according to Koenig (2003), also reduce the fear of failing because in contrast to a normal class with a fixed evaluation culture, this setting is clearly a game context. This might be extremely helpful to students for taking on risks in order to learn within a school system that is not yet error-friendly. Thoma (2014) emphasizes the benefit of immersion in games 1

Paternalism research (Giesinger, 2006) as well as mature-oriented education (Dorsch & Kanwischer, 2019) based on Adorno (1971) show that due to imbalances for instance between knowledge and non-knowledge hierarchies are inevitable in educational settings. The latter concept therefore asks for a reflected approach to hierarchies in education and for rendering authorities unnecessary with the learner’s growing maturity.

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that, however, can be hindered if the purpose-orientation becomes too obvious and covers the rest of the game. Schmoelz (2015) adds the importance of serious games, loosely defined as games that address lifeworld problems, to ensure educationally important content and subject orientation in gaming. Apart from that, according to Koenig, gaming is mostly linked to the learners’ interests and a basic need for many of them (Koenig, 2003). Nevertheless, Uhlenwinkel (2013) illustrates that different players have different interests concerning the type of game (strategy, social communication, motor skills etc.). In general, many game-related competences such as digital literacy and communication competences (Lotherington & Sinitskaya Ronda, 2009), respectively “social techniques, such as language, social rules, conducting human relationships, (fine) motor skills, cognitive abilities” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 4, based on Hauser, 2014, 2016), are addressed with games. Beyond that, gamebased-learning and dialogue are directed at content knowledge and competence development for a certain subject. Thus, games are used, to name just a few subjects, in foreign language learning (Koenig, 2003), philology (Beißwenger & Meyer, 2018), history education (Bernhardt, 2004), and geography education. Concerning geography education, Lux and Budke (2020) analyze the potential of a selection of commercial digital games to foster (social) geography education; Feulner and Kremer (2016) present geogames as digitally-supported excursions; Hofmann (2018) trains ethical reasoning on geographical problems with games. These examples illustrate a certain complexity that can be highlighted with landscape theory (whereas linkages to all Landscapes 1–3 are possible, although only a selection can be outlined here): Two examples clearly address hybrid landscapes, Lux and Budke (2020) with virtual reality as complete simulations, and Feulner and Kremer (2016) with a form of augmented reality. While in Lux and Budke Landscape 1 is created for the game, in Feulner and Kremer Landscape 1 is partly a scenery for a competitive game for groups that plan their way through the city strategically in order to be first, but also something to discover as Landscape 2, which is influenced by shared cultural understandings from past and present. Hofmann’s approach particularly highlights the importance of Landscape 3, and the following appropriation of Landscape 2.

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Spatial Citizenship and Education for Innovativeness—a Combination of Approaches for Game-Based and Landscape-Related Education

Within the subsequent section, a combination of two approaches from geography education is introduced: Spatial Citizenship is based on a social constructivist perspective of spaces, while Education for Innovativeness is implemented with the method of simulation, which is already a game-based approach. Both together and combined enable learners to gain abilities to participate in spatial innovation processes. Based upon this introduction, their relation to landscape theory is analyzed and the potential of this relation is illustrated.

4.1

Spatial Citizenship

Spatial Citizenship is, firstly, a non-playful approach to participation in the construction of spaces. It was developed with the aim of setting a counter-point against technologically overloaded GIS (Geoinformation Systems) education that overwhelmed many students and teachers alike, and reduced the options to think geographically in favor of solving technical problems that the complex GIS software demanded. Spatial Citizenship was intended to bring in the social realm and concepts of space that clearly go beyond geometry-based spatial thinking (NRC, 2006). Although the approach fully takes into account the relevance of all spatialities, it mainly sets its focus on the social construction of spaces (based on Paasi, 1986; Werlen, 1993), including the traditions of Critical Cartography (Harley, 1989) and Counter Mapping (Turnbull, 1998). The main idea is to create alternative spatial representations and to set alternative discourses against dominating ones. For instance, in contrast to the family friendly image of a city, young people can communicate spatially, with the help of mapping, that their city has indeed very few places for them. As Critical Cartography illustrates, spatial representations such as maps can display only one or a few discourses and are powerful tools to attach certain limited meanings to physical matter. Spatial Citizenship owes its existence to the emergence of Neogeography (Sui & Goodchild, 2003; Turner, 2006) in the 2000s, when it became more and more possible for cartographic lay persons to digitally create simple spatial representations, but thanks to Web2.0 with such a potentially big range, reaching a broader audience became a reality. Thus, these products cannot only be called maps, but rather geomedia, as web cartography involves the inclusion of various media (maps, pictures, video, audio) and powerful spatial representations are not necessarily

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basic technical competences

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reflecve and reflexive competences regarding geomedia

to handle and create geomedia

cizenship competences (communicaon, parcipaon, negoaon) with geomedia

ability to parcipate successfully in spaal construcon/planning processes

= Spaal Cizenship

Fig. 1 Abilities and capabilities for Spatial Citizenship and its interlinkages to an Education for Innovativeness (own figure, based on Schulze et al., 2015)

bound to maps (geoferences, hashtags etc.). The approach goes beyond school and is adequate for all age groups from primary to tertiary education. A set of competences is taught and needed (Fig. 1): a) basic technical competences to handle the digital tools for the creation of geomedia, b) reflexive competences (Schulze et al., 2015) to question dominant spatial discourses, and c) communicative competences to, firstly, create convincing geomedia, and, secondly, to go into negotiation processes with others to democratically develop new spatial visions and hopefully influence the public construction of spaces through non-institutionalized and institutionalized participation paths alike. While a) is based on Web2.0 technology, b) links to Critical Cartography and its heir, Critical GIScience, c) is based on activist citizenship (Elwood & Mitchell, 2013) with strong links to maturity-oriented education (Dorsch & Kanwischer, 2019, based on Adorno, 1971) and is based on democracy, human rights, and an awareness of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1989). Recently, Spatial Citizenship has gained greater importance through the omnipresence of geomedia in the current geospatial society that includes geodata in mobile technologies and smart environments. This requires an even greater reflexivity towards implicitly communicated but powerful geospatial discourses. As mentioned, the complexity of the “viral constructions of spaces” (Kanwischer & Schlottmann, 2017, translated by author) might profit from the option of hybridization in landscape theory (Kühne et al., 2020). For a more sophisticated and transparent view on reflexivity, and for greater chances for application in school, Harley’s “Deconstruction of maps” (1989) as a basis of the Spatial Citizenship approach has been enriched and revised with the help of serval other theories: reflexivity (Gryl, 2012, based on Schneider, 2010), re-reading of deconstruction (Lehner et al., 2019, based on Derrida, 1987), and immanent critique (Lehner & Gryl, 2020, based on Jaeggi, 2014) whereas all approaches have been empirically tested (Gryl, 2012, Lehner et al., 2019). This

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plays an important role when this concept is implemented and thus forms a basis for the formulation of appropriate methods, or even rules of a game based on this. As empirical studies have shown (Plötz et al., 2014; Vogler et al., 2010), students tend to reproduce spatial constructions that support existing hierarchies, meaning that there is a gap concerning creativity and potentially mature-oriented approaches. Therefore, the development of the approach of an Education for Innovativeness was closely linked to this deficit (Gryl, 2013). Apart from that, although Spatial Citizenship is directed at lifeworld scenarios, many of its implementations in education have primarily a simulative character, and may therefore profit from the game-oriented method of simulation that emerged from the Innovativeness approach without losing the relation to lifeworld problems and potential transfer of outcomes into it.

4.2

Education for Innovativeness and Simulation

Schools as institutions tend to not readily adopt innovations and are often slow in adapting to a changing lifeworld (Mäsgen, 2020). In contrast, the term of innovation is omnipresent in society, often understood as call for innovations that help to control a world full of changes and side-effects of other innovations (“buzz word”, Moldaschl, 2010, p. 10). As schools are often not able to teach what is worthwhile to know tomorrow, a future-oriented education must not only prepare students to adapt to new situations and acquire lifelong learning skills, but also to be an actor instead of an object of innovation processes. Innovativeness is thus the ability to participate in innovation processes (Jekel et al., 2015; Weis et al., 2017). Although the approach of an Education for Innovativeness is based on interdisciplinary innovation theories, it was firstly developed in order to prepare students for geographically-related innovation processes, particularly the processes of setting alternative spatial discourses within the framework of Spatial Citizenship. However, the potential is wider (Fig. 2). Innovation processes are understood as dynamic, collaborative and polyvalent processes. They consist of different parts that are not strictly limited to a certain order, which means that they can be conducted over and over again: the identification of problems, the development of ideas for problem solving, and the implementation of solutions. Although innovation is often first and foremost associated with creativity, implementation is equally important: Without implementing a problem solution, it would remain a creative idea without societal impact, and thus, resulting in no societal change.

reflexivity

innovang acvely implemenng soluons

developing ideas

idenfying issues

parcipaon in innovaon processes

innovang reacvely

implemented and/or rejected innovaon(s)

possible outcome

Fig. 2 Innovation processes and related competences for an Education for Innovativeness (based on Scharf & Gryl, 2019; Weis et al., 2017)

to convince others of the need to overcome idenfied problems and/or to implement proposed soluons

implemenvity

to generate ideas in order to find soluons to idenfied problems

creavity

to queson circumstances, reflect on (one’s own) acons and recognize societal problems

ethical metalevel

competences of innovaveness

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According to Hartmann and Meyer-Wölfing (2003), participation in innovation processes can be the active setting of own ideas, or the reactive taking up of positions for or against a suggested solution. An Education for Innovativeness enables learners to be part of such circular and complex processes, to step in and out of them at any time. This requires a certain set of competences that are all useful for all parts of the innovation process: a) reflexivity, the ability to question existing societal conditions and to identify problems, b) creativity, the ability to bring up ideas for the solution of problems, and c) implementivity, the ability to convince others of problem identifications and/or creative solutions. At this, learners must always be aware of side effects of innovations and generally of the buzzword usage of this term. An Education for Innovativeness does, however, not only prepare for current and future lifeworld participation, it also helps to solve problems within a subject and enrich content learning. In the meanwhile, this approach has been elaborated a good deal more with references to different creativity theories (Scharf et al., 2019), an ethical meta level of innovations (Scharf & Gryl, 2019) and action theory (Scharf & Gryl, forthcoming). For this paper, the—so far main—practical applications of an Education for Innovativeness is central, the method of simulation (Weis et al., 2017), which clearly links to game-based learning. Basing on ongoing explorative studies (Borukhovich-Weis, forthcoming) the approach is, with adequate adjustment, suitable for many age groups. A lifeworld problem is transferred into a fictional setting, provided by the teacher as keeper of the game. For instance, in a city named Innocity or on a planet named Innovasia a lifeworld problem of relevance to the learners must be solved. This landscape is constitutive/eminent for the simulation/game (c.f. Kühne et al., 2020), and is a reproduction of a reality that involves material aspects and societal rules (and their absence). Participants are provided with a powerful role as expert and/or politician within the fictional context, creating new Landscapes 2 for them. This element is key as lifeworld limitations and everyday powerlessness can be put aside within the game context. Working on problem solutions takes place within small groups and, in relation to Landscape 1, with the help of haptic material to build solutions (there is the opportunity for differentiation within the groups and concerning the media and material provided). The choice of material that addresses many senses has been made because the factor of accident triggers potentially creative ideas, the low level of abstraction functions as a basis for mutual understanding, and the haptic orientation has been proven successful in maker spaces and innovation garages (Schön et al., 2019). In contrast to computer-based simulations this socially driven simulation is not limited by a certain ontology (elements and their relations, Schuurman, 2004) of a narrow data basis. In accordance with Schmoelz (2015) these

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ideas are ideal for co-creativity (a process of negotiation and mutual inspiration, in contrast to creative ideas of the individual), which is a valuable basis for a successful implementation process. Explorative simulations conducted along with the theoretical research on this approach have covered mobility and sustainability issues, the development of everyday learning spaces, and innovations for educational systems (Borukhovich-Weis, forthcoming). Kühne et al. (2020, p. 5) have already characterized the innovative potential of game in relation to landscape theory: “Rules for the construction of landscape (socialization) can be conveyed and tested here; […] innovative understandings of landscape can be developed.” This supports the application of simulation for an Education for Innovativeness. The game context is moreover useful for a meta perspective after the simulation process: “Since the rules of games are more explicit than those of other communication processes, (…) the investigation of games is particularly suitable for understanding social processes of socialization, internalization, and innovation” (Kühne et al., 2020, p. 4), which goes in the same direction, regarding games adequate to foster innovativeness.

4.3

A Combination of Game-Based Learning Environments—Concluding Words About a Landscape-Changing Potential

The combination of Spatial Citizenship and Education for Innovativeness is fruitful to support spatially-related innovation due to the theoretical background of Spatial Citizenship. Firstly, by adding a game-based approach that allows new rules, freedom of everyday limitations and developing options without the fear of failure, innovative spatial visions can be produced and communicated more successfully, as this paper has explained. Secondly, with a clear citizenship component (including democratic and ethical principles) in Spatial Citizenship, the transfer from simulation to lifeworld-related communication and action is realizable. Therefore, this combination of the two approaches, that has already flanked the development of an Education for Innovation, makes sense for a meaningful relation of game and lifeworld. Along with that, a co-existence of different landscapes is to be noted and can be made visible through the application of landscape theory in order to understand ongoing processes better: Simulation creates a simulated Landscape 1, expressed in haptic material and communication, based upon creative individual and shared interpretations in Landscape 2, alongside with changes of social ideas of Landscape 3. Transfer allows outcomes for a lifeworld Landscape 1, its

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routines socially fixed with Landscape 3, and its problems being perceived in Landscape 2 with the help of reflexivity. Hence, with simulations, there is a representation of existing landscapes, which the hybridization approach of landscape theory can fulfill. When utilizing digital mapping for the development of alternative spatial visions, the concept of representation of landscapes can be used to analyze the nature of these counter maps. But when it comes to more complex, digitally triggered communication processes according to the viral construction of spaces, possibly after, or also within the game, the concept of hybrid landscapes can be applied again to increase understanding of such complex processes.

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Inga Gryl is professor at the Institute of Geography at University Duisburg-Essen, Germany, and head of the institute for Social and Science Education. Her research focuses on geography/sustainability education, participation, digitalization and space, and innovativeness. Beside other projects, she currently co-runs the major project DiGeo on the empirical analysis of the production of Open Educational Resources for geography education. During her time as chairperson of the ‘Association for Geography Education in Germany she initiated the association’s position paper on geography education and digitalization’, and co-edits a thematically corresponding Springer book now. Furthermore, she coordinates a two-book Springer publication on geography education in its disciplinary width, which is upcoming. One of her most-cited papers is “Re-centering geoinformation in secondary education: Toward a spatial citizenship approach” in Cartographica (2012, with Thomas Jekel).

Landscape in Teaching. Experiencing and Learning from and in Landscapes at School with the Support of an eBook Marie-Luise Zimmer Abstract

Elements of gamification can have a strong impact on the quality of students’ learning processes. They also make it possible to link real-life encounters with virtual elements. In this way, individual experiences can be collected and structured into a knowledge network. Some elements of gamification, such as multiple-choice and self-assessment tasks, were used in the creation of an eBook about sustainable urban development in Tübingen. The aim was to create a life-world connection to the students, to improve the learning quality and finally to convey geographical competences and an understanding of landscape as well as their individual perception. An important part of the eBook, besides the gamification elements, is the student-led excursion through different neighborhoods of Tübingen. Using the excursion concept of learning by doing, the students get to know different spaces and structures. In this way, they learn with a strong connection to the real world that spaces are shaped by individual perception, constant change, multi-perspectivity, cultural background and many other factors. By linking various (digital) media and face-to-face interactions between teacher and learner, different experiences can be generated and landscapes can be made tangible.

M.-L. Zimmer (B) Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_22

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Keywords

Landscape • Education • eBook • Sustainability • Urban development Tübingen • Learning theory • Constructivism • Connectivism

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Introduction

Digital media have become an indispensable part of our daily lives and they present us with new challenges. Communication patterns have changed, following new possibilities and creating new risks as well as opportunities (Hattie & Zierer, 2020, p. 27). Not only is this change taking place on several levels in the economy, society and politics, but it is also becoming increasingly evident in education (Meeh & Mai, 2019, p. 3). This also means that both, people’s professional and private environments are being shaped by advancing digitalization (Middendorf, 2017). Tablets, smartphones and computers have entered the lives of families. Smartboards and document cameras have been in schools for a long time. The potential for using digital media in education is perceived positively by a clear majority (Eickelmann et al., 2019, p. 18). In the International Computer and Information Literacy Study of 2018, 80.7% of the teachers surveyed said that the use of digital media in the classroom could promote learning interest and motivation (Eickelmann et al., 2019, p. 18). Thus, digital media can play an essential role in improving the quality of learning processes (Eickelmann et al., 2019, p. 178; Gryl, 2022; Koegst, 2022; Papadimitriou, 2022 in this anthology). The professionalization, orientation and motivation as well as the possibilities of the future digital world are directly and fundamentally related to the current education of young people (Kultusminister Konferenz, 2017, p. 3). Therefore, it is clear that the requirements of today’s and tomorrow’s society, economy, politics and, to some extent, culture include the need to master computer, information and communication technologies. As a result dealing with these technologies appears to be decisive for the success of school education. (Bergner, 2017; Hanekamp, 2014; Kultusminister Konferenz, 2017, p. 11; Niederastroth, 2018; Pfisterer, 2014). While today a majority of parents are still digital immigrants, children and young people are growing up as digital natives in a world in which digitization and the associated technology are part of the everyday life (Hattie & Zierer, 2020, p. 17). This is also reflected in numerous surveys. Almost 100% of 12- to 19-year-olds in Germany have a smartphone with which they go online almost daily (Feierabend et al., 2018, p. 67; Hattie & Zierer, 2020, p. 18). Both opportunities and risks

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arise from this: Particularly in the context of schools, the quality of learning processes can be decisively improved by means of adapted teaching structures and, for example, optimized classroom management, constructive support and cognitive activation (Trautwein et al., 2018). Thanks to their mobility, online media can bring the whole world into a classroom, provide up-to-date information, and improve the presentation of problem-oriented situations. In doing so, students can be introduced to current social challenges in a way that is close to everyday life. Interactive learning software can also be used to individualize learning. Learning videos can provide a better understanding of complex content by pausing, rewinding or fast-forwarding. Feedback functions within learning platforms can improve independent learning. Thereby it is obvious that also the school subject geography has to adapt to the changed (educational) demands. This includes the fact that scientific methods, such as the use of geographic information systems (GIS), which were previously more at home at universities, are now also finding their way into school-curricula and classrooms. This often leads to an increase in the complexity of data and methods. Therefore, specific hardware and software is increasingly required to evaluate data or to apply new methods. In particular, field trips, which continue to be an important part of geography lessons, can be adapted to current challenges through the use of digital media. Field trips enable the creation of a life-world reference as well as the mediation and partial application of complex learning contents. Above all, the teaching of various competencies allows the student to become an autonomous, responsible and reflective part of society. Especially when experiencing landscape according to the social constructivist understanding, these competences are promoted. This mediation of landscape understanding as well as effect structures, the encouragement of multi-perspective approaches and subjective perception can be simplified by the use of digital media. In the large cosmos of digital methods, it is above all elements of gamification through which spaces and landscapes can be perceived, experienced, discussed and reflected upon by students in a more individual way. An important way to experience landscape in a playful way in a school context is therefore the use of digital media, e.g. eBooks, in the classroom. This article looks at learning theories, the use of media in geography education, the principle of gamification, and landscape theories. After the theoretical framing, an implementation example for the topic of landscape and gaming in school is presented. This will be done through an eBook which will show a possible didactic mediation of sustainable development and landscape through digital media.

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Theories of Learning

The structuring of teaching and learning scenarios in everyday school life follows certain learning theories. The way in which these scenarios are sensibly structured depends on which learning objectives are to be taught and how they can be pursued. Among the classical theories are: Behaviorism, Cognitivism, Constructivism. Learning theories are allowing “[…] to identify basic learning principles, which result from the learning theoretical positions and […] to open (up) practice-oriented approaches to learning.” (Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 5). Behavioral learning theory considers the learning process as a reaction to external influences and thus as a change in behavior (Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 6). Thus, students learn the correct verbal behavior rather than practical skills (Siemens, 2004). Especially operant conditioning according to the stimulus–response model is relevant for this learning theory and is the basis of the scientific reappraisal of teaching/learning processes of the behavioristic approach. An individual perception of spaces cannot take place under these conditions. The mind in cognitivism resembles that of a computer: The primary goal is to convey and process content in such a way that knowledge is later easily retrievable (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 125). According to these cognitivist learning approaches, for learning to be successful, content must be processed according to five factors: Arouse attention, activate prior knowledge, support perceptual processes, improve storage in memory and verify/improve knowledge (Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 7). Learning theories of the cognitivist approach include several theories such as the Cognitive Load Theory. “Learners acquire the objective, causal structures of the world through processes of information intake, information processing, and information storage” (Kergel & HeidkampKergel, 2020, p. 7). Once again, a subjective, multi-perspective experience of spaces is not the focus of learning and teaching. The third classical learning theory according to constructivist-oriented approaches assumes that causalities and knowledge cannot be easily transferred from persons to others (Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 8). Constructivism is formed on the basis of the process of perception, cognition and thinking (Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 8). Here, the mind is seen as a kind of network: Meaning structures have to be created specifically in the course of an individual learning process (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 125f.). Therefore, the exact form a constructivist learning method can take depends heavily on prior knowledge and learning environments. In contrast to behaviorist and cognitivist theory,

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learners react to learning content in this model with a subjective reality and generate their own knowledge construct (Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 9). In this way, it is no longer about the objectification of knowledge, but “[…] about a process of ordering the world, which, according to socio-constructivist approaches, can be seen as an independent achievement of the learners” (Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 10). The learner reviews his/her learning performance by testing the response of his environment with actions. This is called autopoesis (Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 8). The reactions can lead to a promotion or inhibition of the learning performance. As a result, the teacher is approximately on the same level as the student and in constant exchange with him or her. Learning then takes place through problem solving, feedback, knowledge sharing and reflection. Constructivist learning theory allows for the experience of spaces in all their meanings. This includes different social structures, geographical features, and more. This understanding of learning and teaching, as well as the individual experience of spaces and effective structures, forms the basis in the creation of the eBook. The classical learning theories now described are supplemented by a connectivist learning theory with the beginning of the digitalization of school and everyday life (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 125; Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 10). Constructivism is the origin of this approach, but it sees the learner not as an isolated individual but as a networked one (Siemens, 2004). With changes in everyday life, such as the increased use of smartphones, computers and tablets, teaching/learning behavior is also changing (Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 10). The development of digital media in the field of education is moving towards the implementation of autonomous e-learning. Through the Internet and the rapid knowledge renewal and expansion, this theory views it as the most important ability that one can retrieve knowledge and learn independent of time and place, according to individual needs (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 129f.). Consequently, each individual is a knowledge carrier in an overall network (Siemens, 2004). Thus, learning is always a process that starts with the learner and is controlled by him or her. This method of acquiring knowledge is made possible via digital media and the Internet as a decentralized structure (Kergel & HeidkampKergel, 2020, p. 11). Massive Open Online is an example of this: Learners are free to choose their learning pace and their activity level along with their learning goals that are usually just as flexible and individually adapted. Networking mostly takes place via discussion forums, apps, wikis, quizzes or similar digital learning platforms and can be used for individual learning support, documentation, diagnosis of learning progress/success and feedback (Rolff & Thünken,

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2020, p. 66). The use of e-learning in its different variants should lead to personalized learning (Fischer, 2013, p. 32). The digital preparation of knowledge, teaching aids, information, spaces and links through new media and techniques leads to collaborative and individual competence development. In science, the most effective variant of e-learning is considered to be so-called blended learning (Rolff & Thünken, 2020, p. 65). Representing a hybrid form of present-based learning and digitally supported distance learning, where presence can also be established virtually (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 23; Rolff & Thünken, 2020, p. 65). Also, this variant indicates that e-learning cannot (yet) replace traditional teaching/learning arrangements and that learning with digital media is most effective when a combination of both is used (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 23). This was taken into account when creating an eBook for geography lessons.

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Media in Geography Lessons

Despite the many possibilities offered by digital media in the classroom, the question arises as to how their use can be established in everyday teaching. The aim of using media should not be to digitize existing teaching content and concepts. Rather, digital media can be an enrichment and improvement of the teaching, learning process. Moreover, the use of digital media can introduce an additional, motivational component for the learners, so that cognitive learning processes are promoted. Schulz-Zander describes the goal for the use of digital media as following: “An important goal [of the use of information and communication technologies in schools] is learning to learn. Accordingly, new guidelines for learning are self-direction, self-control and self-responsibility. At its core, the introduction of new media aims at a fundamental improvement in the quality of teaching and schooling and the development of a new learning culture” (SchulzZander, 2001, p. 266). When learning to use digital media, also known as ICT (information and computer technology), there are two basic approaches: Learning to use ICT refers to the handling of hardware and software to be learned. Using ICT to learn, on the other hand, corresponds to an approach in which the digital medium itself is not in the focus, but is merely the tool for learning (Schmid et al., 2017, p. 12). Both concepts rely on each other and correlate, with the learning-to-use concept forming the basis. As previously explained, the educational standards focus on the acquisition of competencies in the subjects taught. This raises the question of which of these specified competencies can be promoted more strongly through the use of digital media. Tab. 1 shows the clas-

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Personal media Original items Human artifacts Spatial representations Non-spatial representations Symbolic representations

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Educational media

Origin al

Tab. 1 Classifications of educational media Source: own representation according to (Kestler, 2015, p. 274)

Text Media & Composite Media Numerical media

Examples Language, facial expressions, gestures rocks, plants Historical objects, sample objects Globe, Tellurium, Planetarium Photos, movies, satellite images, aerial photos maps, block/profile drawings, diagrams, cartoons Non-fiction texts, adventure texts, newspapers, textbooks, worksheets Numbers, tables

sification of teaching media in geography lessons according to Kestler. Many of these media can be converted to digital form. ICT can improve the presentation of spatial and symbolic representations for orientation skills and make them more accessible to the student. Content competencies can be improved through authentic, online materials and texts that have not been explicitly designed for the school context. An example of this would be a multimedia newspaper article. Through these materials, the desired lifeworld reference can be established. Another competence that can be fostered through their use is methodological competence. Within methodological competence, students learn skills that enable them “[…] to independently develop spatial structures and processes directly and indirectly, to develop solution strategies and to make these the basis of their own responsible actions.” (Kultusminister Konferenz, 2017, p. 4). Also, students learn working methods for information retrieval, processing, and presentation (Kultusminister Konferenz, 2017, p. 4). In addition, students should “[…] make connections between statements from different materials such as maps, graphs, statistics, pictures, texts, or [presort exploration].” (Kultusminister Konferenz, 2017, p. 4). Digital media can support and promote these various challenges. The use of audiovisual media in particular promotes connections and communicative skills in students. The aim is to learn these skills in a crosscurricular manner. Due to the challenge of enabling students to become mature and discursive participants in society, communicative competencies represent a core aspect of the competency system across disciplines. Using digital media, different spaces, cultures, processes and societies can not only be described, but also experienced audiovisually. Compared to classical media, digital media often

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offer a large motivational component and the possibility to work out geographical issues independently (Rolff & Thünken, 2020, p. 64). For example, different texts, images, photos, videos, sound recordings, graphics, drawings, links and other multimedia content can be linked, combined and retrieved. The possible simultaneous use of the auditory and visual channels allows an eBook to take advantage of the dual coding theory. The eBook also offers the possibility of integrating applications such as widgets. Consequently, it is an ideal platform for various digital media, as these can be bundled in one medium. Through numerous individualization and differentiation options, learners can meet their individual learning needs, implement their personal learning style, adjust their learning pace, and thus increase performance, motivation, competencies and engagement (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 473; Rolff & Thünken, 2020, p. 64). In this way, students also learn to perceive landscapes individually and not according to guidelines. In addition, an eBook offers the opportunity to integrate media more easily into the geography lessons. Scaffolding offers of the eBook like glossary, representation assistance for the solution way, individual notes up to the Internet search, encourage the pupil to use own learning and working techniques. In this way, methodological competence in particular can be promoted. Each student can use the built-in scaffolding offers at his or her own discretion. The increasing heterogeneity in the classes can thus be countered and the learning requirements met (Rolff & Thünken, 2020, p. 61). Students with disabilities, such as visual or hearing impairments, can use special support functions on the tablet or smartphone. For example, texts can be enlarged or read aloud. The explained constructivist learning theory can be implemented with the help of the eBook. The teacher is a stimulus and companion during processing, not a mediator or instructor (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 479). It supports students in the acquisition of knowledge and self-organized learning (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 478). With the help of the eBook, learners can work on complex competency tasks that have a high level of relevance to the lifeworld (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 477). Particularly effective is the use of the eBook by linking it with classic learning content.

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Gamification

Gamification approaches are often part of the e-learning concept that allows to abstract reality (Coccoli et al., 2015; Stintzing et al., 2020, p. 338). The implementation of such concepts is increasingly facilitated by digital media in the classroom. Especially the quality of learning processes can be influenced

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by e-learning (Klieme, 2019; Trautwein et al., 2018). These processes include classroom management, constructive learning support, and the cognitive activation of learners. All three processes can be strongly supported, modified and, in the best case, facilitated by digital media. In addition, however, the motivational component of cognitive activation plays an essential role (Coccoli et al., 2015). Gamification methods can increase motivation, integrate learners into the learning process as well as let them participate more and specifically promote their competencies. In gamification, elements of the real world are linked and processed with playful elements. The content can be repeated as often as desired. Through mobile digital devices such as smartphones and tablets, gamification is easily applicable in education. The advanced technology of smartphones and tablets makes it almost effortless to capture, visualize and analyze geospatial data (Stintzing et al., 2020, p. 338). Therefore, these data are easily accessible and easy to use for geography lessons. A good way to integrate such data and its visualizations and presentation forms is through eBooks. They can be linked to a number of different gamification elements, including quizzes, contests, mini-games, and more. In addition to using the devices as a lens on virtual content, they can also be used to supplement reality in the classroom. For example, real-world encounters can be supported and supplemented with digitally prepared texts, graphics or audio-visual files. This can be particularly useful in education (Stintzing et al., 2020, p. 339). In addition, the integration of digital achievements further increases the motivation and performance of the learners (Groening & Binnewies, 2019). In other words, gamification enables learners to have additional and more in-depth individual experiences, which the teacher can support and promote in a targeted manner. In this way, phenomena from a wide range of areas and disciplines can be better understood and areas of interest can be deepened more individually. In addition to improved relevance to the real world and increased learning performance, gamification can also strengthen learners’ ability to reflect and enable more individualized learning and teaching through targeted feedback behavior and achievements.

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Landscape in Education

Besides different learning theories, there are also different approaches to the scientific view of spaces. In this article, spaces are viewed from a social constructivist perspective. This means that the focus is on human influences and the resulting structure of effects. The space is thus seen as a framing with an internal social construct called landscape (Berr et al., 2019; Berr & Kühne,

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2019; Bourassa, 1991; Fontaine, 2020, 268; Howard et al., 2019; Kühne et al., 2018; Kühne 2019a, b; Winchester et al., 2003; Wylie, 2007; see on theoretical approaches to landscape also Kühne et al., 2022; Kühne 2022a, b in this anthology). Landscapes are constantly changing, socially constructed, multi-perspectival phenomena (Fontaine, 2020, 268). They arise from an individual perception and interpretation of physical elements, which are also subject to a subjective aesthetic evaluation (Fontaine, 2020, 270; Kühne 2019b, p. 69). Accordingly, landscape should satisfy the individual needs of humans and meet an aesthetic demand. In order to fulfill these demands and needs, the individual must become aware of his or her influence on the landscape. Students should learn this ability in geography classes in various ways. In order to understand this human–environment interaction, the learning and teaching of different subsystems such as climate, economy, society, topography is anchored in the education plan. Understanding important spatial processes makes it possible to grasp and understand changes in a landscape and to influence courses of action. Examples of spatial processes may include climate change, sustainable urban development, earthquakes, or societal conflicts. Students should use learned content- and process-related competencies to analyze and reflect on possible courses of action (Kultusminister Konferenz, 2017, p. 6). This should enable them - regardless of social background, origin and gender—to participate independently in politics, society and culture (Klieme et al. 2007, p. 59). This must be the educational goal of a modern, democratic and digital society. Particularly in a digital world in which the exchange of opinions, communication and consumption are becoming increasingly virtualized, it is important to strengthen competencies such as maturity, the ability to reflect and autonomy (Dorsch & Kanwischer, 2020). Above all, the ability to reflect and analytically research leads to future- and action-oriented processes in the students. In the eBook created on the topic of sustainable urban development, students should be given the opportunity for individual experience, analysis, presentation, reflection, discussion of landscapes. This is done on a highly topical and futurerelevant subject. Through the connection between school learning content and the lifeworld discourse, landscapes are experienced and made tangible in the everyday life of the students (Chreiska-Höbinger et al., 2019, p. 76; Hallet, 2006, p. 62; Kultusminister Konferenz, 2017, p. 3). Digital support can make this more individualized.

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The Mediation of Landscape through Digital Media using the Example of an eBook

Sustainability is a dominant topic in our society and has a great relevance to the present and the future. Subjects such as geography in particular play a major role in education around this topic. This includes, for example, sustainable urban development. In order to prepare the topic of sustainable urban development in Tübingen in an appealing way for the learner, eBook was created. It is a digital and interactive book, that can be used in class with Tablets or Smartphones. The eBook was created with software from Apple and is therefore optimized for use on the iPad and iPhone. Compared to a regular e-book, it has an extended functionality, for example through the possible linking of different media. An eBook offers significantly more possibilities than a bound textbook, and is ubiquitous and mobile (Arnold et al., 2018, p. 69). The goal of an eBook is to effectively link various multimedia learning contents so that the advantages of learning with digital media can be achieved. eBooks can be designed both for classroom teaching and for homeschooling. The creation follows the ADDIE model (Kergel & Heidkamp-Kergel, 2020, p. 16). The abbreviation ADDIE stands for Analysis, Design, Development, Implementation and Evaluation. The use of the eBook is intended as a blended learning format. The first introductory pages of the eBook explain the basic operation and important elements of the eBook. On pages 4 and 5, the students are introduced to important symbols for the task and the operators are formulated. The operators are essential across disciplines to complete assignments. Two important functions of an eBook are also explained here: glossary and hyperlinks. The glossary displays important terms in bold. If you click on this word, a definition is displayed. This definition can be inserted by the teacher or worked out together with the learners. The second function presented is the hyperlink. It can make further information available and thus serve as a scaffolding offer. In addition, important symbols of the book such as special task types or hints are presented in the introduction. This can be seen in Fig. 1. The following pages will introduce various online services that will be used throughout the book. These include online platforms for saving results, websites for creating digital mind maps or flashcards, and online options for creating infographics, diagrams, and impact diagrams. Some of these sites require the creation of a free user account. For this purpose, care should be taken to practice and monitor user account creation in advance of use in class. To ensure learner privacy, a school-established mail address should be used. The establishment of such an address and the compliance with data protection guidelines is

Fig. 1 Introduction of the eBook Sustainable Urban Development in Tübingen. Source: own presentation

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an important issue in educational institutions as digitalization advances. After the introduction, the eBook is divided into two comprehensive chapters. One on the general topic of sustainability the second on sustainable urban development. The first chapter starts with elements of gamification. Learners are asked to answer various questions about an integrated video. These multiple-choice quizzes are found in several places throughout the book. They allow learners to review and test content. The quizzes can be repeated as often as desired. In addition to these tasks, there are numerous interactive elements, such as the sustainability triangle. At first glance, only the three corner points are named. If you click on one of the points, it is explained in more detail. In addition, each illustration can be provided with a hyperlink. In this way, more in-depth content can be accessed quickly. Another playful element is working with online platforms. One example is AnswerGarden. This platform enables real time audience participation—i.e. live participation and can thus be used specifically for online brainstorming, feedback and much more. For example, learners are asked to mention what they associate with the topic of sustainability. Depending on the number of mentions, answers appear larger or smaller. With the help of the various multimedia contents, different competencies of the students can be strengthened. These include, for example, methodological and analytical skills. The eBook alternates between analog and digital media. The classic textbook is integrated into the development of the tasks. However, the topic is dealt with in a clearly regional context. Textbooks only address selected locations. It is not always possible to ensure that the students are familiar with these locations. By linking the eBook and the textbook, the content can be adapted to the teaching location, thus creating a reference to everyday life. This also promotes the individual willingness to act and to deal with a topic. The direct reference to Tübingen is established from the second half of the eBook. Following the dual coding theory, various multimedia contents are used here as well. In this section, more emphasis is placed on self-reflection and feedback mechanisms. This is done through questionnaires. The subject area is concluded by the real encounter, which is essential in geography (Rinschede & Siegmund, 2020, pp. 162ff.). The advantages of real excursions are numerous: • confrontation with reality and getting to know the home area • primary experiences that are more valuable than second or third hand information, possibility of independence, • practical exercises, learning, improving and applying geographic methods • creating a context for the problem-defining question, possibility of improving the teacher-student relationship, class structure (Rinschede & Siegmund, 2020, p. 235f.).

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Possible difficulties of an excursion should be assessed in advance: for example, lack of time due to the abundance of material in the educational plan or dependence on certain weather conditions. In the sense of learning by teaching, the students design an excursion on the topic of sustainable urban development in Tübingen within a given framework. The teacher specifies the excursion district, time and guiding questions. The content is worked out in class. A group of experts is formed for each district. In this way, the students are more actively involved in the excursion (Glasze & Weber, 2012, p. 5). The teacher accompanies as a moderator, providing assistance both in terms of content and in terms of didactics. They practice skills such as presenting, moderating, explaining and structuring (Glasze & Weber, 2012, p. 3). They can apply these competencies in everyday life and later in the professional world. In the eBook, students receive a detailed checklist with requirements, hints and an exemplary process. This includes questions such as: • • • • • • • • •

What dimensions of sustainability were implemented in this neighborhood? What do we notice about the building design? How do we rate the neighborhood on its aesthetics? What is the neighborhood’s social relevance? What is the neighborhood’s history? What is planned for the future? How do you evaluate the measures taken? How do you feel about the neighborhood? What things are not particularly sustainable in the neighborhood?

All these questions are intended to encourage the students to perceive the landscape individually, as a structure of effects and as a space shaped by humans. It should show them how differently landscapes can be perceived and how diverse the demands, aesthetic perceptions and requirements of a landscape are. It is important to emphasize that the students enter into discussion with each other on site. This promotes the awareness of individual perceptions and also ideas for action. At the end of the field trip, this should be recorded by creating a learning video about sustainable urban development. The creation of learning videos is a particularly effective learning strategy (Hoogerheide et al., 2019). For this purpose, new groups are formed, each with a quarter expert. These then pursue the question: What does sustainable urban development mean in Tübingen? Here too, there is a hint box with important questions that need to be considered and tips for creating the video. Finally, the videos show the different perceptions of the same landscape. This is then discussed and reflected upon. The eBook

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concludes with an extensive unit on reflection and feedback. Students are asked to reflect on their knowledge of sustainability and sustainable urban development in the form of self-assessment and provide feedback on the lesson unit. Both feedback and self-reflection can be used to improve individual learning strategies and adjust learning objectives. This can be done in consultation with the teacher or autonomously.

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Conclusion

The use of digital media in geography classes offers many advantages for improving the quality of learning processes. These include cognitive activation, constructive learner support, and classroom management (Klieme, 2019; Trautwein et al., 2018). With the help of an eBook, various multimedia learning contents can be linked together. They can contain elements of motivationpromoting gamification. In order to learn how to experience landscapes from a constructivist point of view, real-life encounters are particularly suitable. It is optimal to implement excursions in geography lessons and to design them according to the concept of teaching learning (Glasze & Weber, 2012). The connection with the connectivist learning theory shows that especially current topics with permanent knowledge renewal and expansion are suitable to learn with the help of digital media. By linking the constructivist theory of landscape and the connectivist theory of learning, the eBook has succeeded in introducing students to an individual perception of landscapes. This also includes reflective and discursive processes. Especially the topic of sustainability as a current and forward-looking topic should definitely be educated with relevance to current events and reality. If this is ensured, students can acquire specific competencies such as action, methodological and judgmental skills that enable them to become a responsible part of society. However, this individualization can be brought about by creating a supplementary medium to the textbook, such as an eBook. The blended learning concept makes sense for the use of digital media. There is a great need for research on the use of digital media in education. Currently, there are comparatively many studies on the media equipment of adolescents and schools. The state of research in areas such as the effectiveness of digital media on learning and teaching processes, sustainable use, diverse uses and possible transdisciplinary links is significantly lower. This is primarily due to the rapid and constant further development of media and the resulting changed or expanded modes of use. The individualized experience of landscapes in their multiperspectivity, the recognition of causal structures, the subjective perception

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of aesthetics, desires and spatial processes has an influence on various competencies such as autonomy and maturity. The extent to which digital media have a biographical effect and thus a socialization relevance should also be part of future research.

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2018/Strategie_Bildung_in_der_digitalen_Welt_idF._vom_07.12.2017.pdf. Accessed 4 June 2021. Meeh, H., & Mai, M. (2019). Digital ist besser? Die Leitperspektive Medienbildung in Schule und Unterricht. Zeitschrift für die Praxis der politischen Bildung, (2/3). Middendorf, W. (2017). Pädagogischer Mehrwert? Digitale Medien in Schule und Unterricht – eine Einführung. In C. Fischer (Ed.), Pädagogischer Mehrwert? Digitale Medien in Schule und Unterricht (pp. 11–21). Waxmann. Niederastroth, M. (2018). Strategie der Kultusministerkonferenz “Bildung in der digitalen Welt”. Herausforderung für Educational Governance, Schulentwicklung und schulisches Qualitätsmanagement. Tectum Verlag. Papadimitriou, F. (2022). An evaluation system for games related to geography and landscapes in education. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Pfisterer, S. (2014). Eine digitale Agenda für die Schule. In J. Maxton-Küchenmeister & J. Meßinger-Koppelt (Eds.), Digitale Medien im naturwissenschaftlichen Unterricht (pp. 15–20). Joachim Herz Stiftung Verlag. Rinschede, G., & Siegmund, A. (2020). Geographiedidaktik (UTB, vol. 2324, 4., völlig neu bearbeitete und erweiterte Auflage). Ferdinand Schöningh. Rolff, H.-G., & Thünken, U. (2020). Digital gestütztes Lernen. Praxisbeispiele für eine zeitgemäße Schulentwicklung. Beltz. Schmid, U., Goertz, L., & Behrens, J. (2017). Monitor Digitale Bildung. Die Schulen im digitalen Zeitalter. Bertelsmann. Schulz-Zander, R. (2001). Neue Medien als Bestandteil von Schulentwicklung. In S. Aufenanger, R. Schulz-Zander, & D. Spanhel (Eds.), Jahrbuch Medienpädagogik 1 (pp. 263– 281). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Siemens, G. (2004). Connectivsm: A learning theory of the digital age. https://jotamac.typ epad.com/jotamacs_weblog/files/Connectivism.pdf. Accessed 7 June 2021. Stintzing, M., Pietsch, S., & Wardenga, U. (2020). How to teach “landscape” through games? In D. Edler, C. Jenal, & O. Kühne (Eds.), Modern approaches to the visualization of landscapes (pp. 333–349). Springer VS. Trautwein, U., Sliwka, A., & Dehmel, A. (2018). Grundlagen für einen wirksamen Unterricht (Wirksamer Unterricht, vol. 1, 3 vols.). Landesinstitut für Schulentwicklung (LS). Winchester, H. P. M., Kong, L., & Dunn, K. (2003). Landscapes. Ways of imagining the world. Routledge. Wylie, J. (2007). Landscape. Routledge.

Marie-Luise Zimmer graduated from Eberhard Karls University Tübingen with a Bachelor and Master of Education in Geography and Biology. Since 2020, she has been working as a research assistant in the Urban and Regional Development Group within the Department of Geography at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. Her research focuses on urban and regional development, didactics and sustainable neighborhood development. Since 2021, she has been writing her doctorate.

The Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes Anna Szilágyi-Nagy

Abstract

Play and games, playfulness and gamefulness pervaded every aspect of our lives, transforming the way we want to participate and get engaged. The trend has also affected participatory planning and design, leading to a thriving practice of game design that aims to bring people—citizens and non-citizens, stakeholders and decision-makers—together to work out urban issues. What is missing, however, is a comprehensive picture of how play and games can blend with and enrich participatory processes. A further limitation is that current practice focuses almost exclusively on the urban environment and participation in planning and design. By establishing the concept of Participatory Landscape Processes my goal is to see what is beyond the participatory urban planning game practice. The new term reinterprets participation: on the one hand, it relates participation to the more inclusive concept of the landscape; and on the other hand, it adds policy-making, management and protection to the list of participation opportunities. Observing the play and game practice from this meta-perspective, our last challenge is to break out from the game practice. For this, I adopt the conceptual map of the applied games and play practice of Deterding (2016), that treats the phenomena of play and games equally important. By employing the terminology defined by Deterding et al. (2011) and Walz and Deterding (2014) to the context of Participatory Landscape Processes, the result is the Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes that shows how A. Szilágyi-Nagy (B) Forschungsbereich Geographie, Stadt- und Regionalentwicklung, Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Deutschland © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_23

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‘serious games’, ‘serious toys’ could be used in participatory processes or how ‘playful design’, and ‘gameful design’ can turn participation into a playlike and game-like experience. Thus, the Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes is a comprehensive framework for designers of participatory processes who are looking for opportunities to combine participation and the play and game practice, and want to learn inspiring examples of this. Keywords

Participatory Landscape Processes • Play/Game Compass • Playful design Gameful design • Serious games • Serious toys • Deterding

1

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Play and Games in Participatory Urban Planning and Design Processes

Games and play, gameful and playful practices gradually gained ground in participatory planning processes (Glas et al., 2019; Gordon & Mugar, 2018; Poplin, 2012; Prilenska, 2020a; Sicart, 2014). Case studies, design manuals, guidelines tell how to design games and turn platforms into immersive and fun experiences that can aid communication and decision making process among the many actors involved in planning and design processes (Duke & Geurts, 2003; Gordon & Walter, 2018; Lerner, 2014; Szilágyi-Nagy & Tóth, 2017; Tan, 2014; Tóth & Szilágyi-Nagy, 2021). Urban planning games and gamified platforms flourish and predominate the terrain of participation (Ampatzidou et al., 2018; Dodig & Groat, 2021; Thiel, 2016; Walz & Deterding, 2014), thereby diverting attention from other play and playified practices and the involvement of people in processes that are not urban planning and design oriented in their nature. What seems to be missing is a comprehensive framework that (1) frames participation outside of the urban planning and design arena, (2) and reflects the richness of play and game practice in the expanded sense of participation. This chapter starts with the introduction of the current play and game practices in participatory urban planning and design processes. In order to counterbalance the dominance of game practice in the urban planning and design arena, I introduce the new term Participatory Landscape Processes in Sect. 2 to be able to open the scope of investigation of the play and game practice that comprehends landscapes of many kind, and covers the full range of participation including policy making, landscape protection, landscape management in addition to planning. Taking inspiration from the current participatory urban planning game practice,

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the section establishes the first links between the Participatory Landscape Processes and the game practice, and it becomes clear that there is a need for a comprehensive framework that is able to showcase the richness of participatory play and game practice. It is with this attitude that I adopt Deterding’s conceptual map of applied games and play practices (Deterding, 2016; Deterding et al., 2011; Walz & Deterding, 2014) to the serious context of Participatory Landscape Processes in Sect. 3. The result is the Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes, a comprehensive orientation framework for those who want utilize the power of play and games in Participatory Landscape Processes. After introducing the compass main parts, I redefine its quarters, and bring illustrative examples for ‘serious games’, ‘serious toys’, ‘gameful design’ and ‘playful design’ in this new context. In Sect. 4, I discuss the challenges and decisions I made during the adaptation process of the model, and point out potential areas for further research in Sect. 5.

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The Influence of Game and Play Practices on Public Participation

Parallel to the increased importance of engaging the public into the development of sustainable cities and the landscape (Europe, 2000; Nations, 2017), we witness that play and game practices slowly penetrate all aspects of our life including the practice of public participation (Glas et al., 2019; Walz & Deterding, 2014). Play, from a casual and entertaining practice, became a serious activity that increase efficiency (Sicart, 2014), and now we believe that games can ‘fix reality’ (McGonigal, 2012) and maximize our potentials to participate in solving collective challenges of humanity such as environmental problems, sustainability questions and landscape issues on local and global level. In the search of innovative procedures that can renew the traditional—dialogue, debate or vote based—practices of public participation in urban governance and urban planning (see traditional methods of participation at Gramberger, 2001 and more about the challenges of participation at Jones & Stenseke, 2011), and with the intention to provide engaging and fun experiences (Lerner, 2014) that are transformative on physical, social and individual level (Allen et al., 2017), more and more practitioner and researcher turned towards games and play to utilize their positive capacities in public engagement (Berr et al., 2019).

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Play and Games in the Practice of Participatory Urban Planning and Design

Since the 1970’s, there is a continuous growing practice of using games in professional education to help architects, landscape architects and urban planners to understand complex development questions, such as land use changes over time or the influence of climate change on regions (see for the historical development of simulation games in Feldt, 2014 and recent practices at Kaprielian, 2018). Over decades of practice, these games, originally designed for educational purposes, have been transformed to provide a common communication platform through which members of the community, stakeholders and experts can discuss planning and design questions (Duke, 1974; Lankford et al., 2004; Sanoff, 1979; Tan, 2014). It was not just the games that conquered space in participation, play and playful methods—such as urban strolling, photovoice, mind mapping, modelling, role-play, gamestorming—and other expressive and creativity boosting techniques became popular practices both in youth engagement (Bishop and Corkery, 2017; Danenberg, 2019; Derr et al., 2018; Reicher et al., 2013) and in adult participation (Horelli, 2002). Poplin suggest to call this phenomena ‘Playful Public Participation’ that incorporates “playful elements such as storytelling, walking and moving, sketching, drawing, and games” (Poplin, 2012, pp. 195) into citizenexpert interactions of face-to-face and ICT mediated participatory urban planning processes in order to evoke satisfaction and pleasure. Furthermore, the participatory practice became diversified with the development of web 2.0 technology which give a rise not only for participating in new and online ways, but also for developing playful and gameful e-participation and m-participation that are more enjoyable and fun for citizens (Glas et al., 2019; Gordon & Koo, 2008; Thiel, 2016) in which play an game appear as a powerful engagement factor (Ruggeri & Szilágyi-Nagy, 2019).

1.3

Benefits of Using Games and Play in Participatory Urban Planning and Design

Supporters of play and games in public participation in urban planning recommend games for multiple reasons which could be grouped into two main fields: benefits related to (1) urban issues and (2) player experience. First, games can be beneficial in relation to urban issues, as they are able to involve non-typical participants and bring together different urban actors to explore the problem together.

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Another benefit in this area is that games provide a safe laboratory environment and communication platform for people to understand complex issues and develop and test alternatives. In addition, games develop the ability of communities to work together and help them make directly implementable decisions during the gameplay (Duke & Geurts, 2003; Gordon & Schirra, 2012; Tan, 2014; Tóth, 2015). Second, player experience related benefits refer to the capacities of games and play to evoke intrinsic and extrinsic motivation of people to participate in urban planning processes. When triggering intrinsic motivation, the goal is to give participants the feeling of autonomy, competence, and the sense of relatedness to the members of the community (Deci et al., 1999) and make them feel that they are part of a bigger mission (McGonigal, 2012). But even if participation in urban planning is not an intrinsically motivating activity that people do for the sake of joy, play and game qualities can be helpful to turn the participatory situation into immersive and explorative experiences, or motivate people extrinsically to participate through for example reward systems and introducing friendly competition (Gordon & Walter, 2018; Gordon et al., 2011; Lerner, 2014; Thiel, 2016).

2

Play and Games in Participatory Landscape Processes

There is an enormous and increasing interest to blend game and play with the practice of participatory urban planning. Projects and case studies provide tips and step-by-step design instructions for developing participatory games and playful and gameful participation processes in urban planning (Ampatzidou & Gugerell, 2019; Duke & Geurts, 2003; Gordon & Schirra, 2012; Prilenska, 2020a; Tan, 2014; Tóth & Szilágyi-Nagy, 2021). Thus we know a lot about how to design games and gamified platforms to solve urban issues and create playful, extrinsically or intrinsically motivating and immersive player experiences (Arrasvuori et al., 2011; Deci et al., 1999; Gordon et al., 2011; Ryan & Deci, 2000; Thiel & Lehner, 2015). But we know less about how games and play can support participation outside the urban arena and what they can do for us in those participatory processes that are not planning and design oriented in their nature. In order to arrive to this meta-perspective and to be able to see games outside the urban planning and design arena, we need to broaden our perspective in two areas: (1) we need redefine participation in the way that it includes a diversity of processes other then urban planning and design; and (2) we need to link game

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and play practices to this new understanding of participation that conceptualizes the engagement of people outside the urban planning and design arena. Thus in this section, first I introduce the concept Participatory Landscape Processes in order conceptualize participation in a context outside the urban planning and design. Second, I summarize what we know about the current play and game practices in terms of the landscape and the broader perspective on participation, and point out the need for an overarching framework that shows how play and games can be blended with Participatory Landscape Processes.

2.1

Participatory Landscape Processes

Participatory Landscape Processes are processes that involve the general public, either as separated individuals or groups, into making, implementing or managing decisions related to the landscape within the area of policy making, landscape protection, landscape planning and landscape management. Participatory Landscape Processes are typically complex processes that consist of a series of related tasks or methods that together turn participants’ inputs into outputs. The practice of participation is diverse. People can engage digitally such as through project websites, mobile apps, online surveys, GIS mapping, or non-digitally, through charrettes, interviews, offline surveys, and preparation of brochures and policy documents (Gramberger, 2001). People can engage in one-way communication where the goal can be to provide or request information; or in two-way, possibly deliberative modes of communication, where the goal may be consultation, involving points of view in decision-making, collaborating in decision-making, or decision-making itself (Nabatchi, 2012). In addition, methods and tools might engage people as individuals or groups. The concept of landscape in this definition is inspired by the European Landscape Convention (Europe, 2000), which includes all outstanding and mundane landscape types: urban, rural, coastal, marine, hybrid, and so on. And in this sense, it follows the post-modern understanding of landscape described by Kühne (2019), acknowledging that changes in the physical foundations of the landscape and the diverse social interpretations associated with the landscape, i.e., what we consider normal, aesthetic, etc., can often lead to conflict (see on theoretical approaches to landscape also Kühne, 2022 in this anthology). Participatory Landscape Processes aim to regulate these landscape issues by exploring, acknowledging, and addressing the diversity of interpretations, needs, and values present in the spatial development of pluralistic societies.

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Linking Games to Participatory Landscape Processes

The connection between landscape and game concepts has only recently begun to be developed by the research community, although landscape, even if only indirectly, was already present in early participatory practice (see for example the most recent research on the role of games in landscape education by Gryl, 2022; Zimmer, 2022; Koegst et al., 2022; Papadimitriou, 2022; how games represent landscape at Kühne, 2022; or establishing the relation between play and the landscape at Berr, 2022). One of the best examples of this is that early simulation/game and serious game exercises have already addressed large-scale infrastructure investments—such as land use development in the Grand Traverse Bay area, Michigan, USA in the game WALRUS: Water and Land Resource Utilization Simulation (Feldt, 2014) or regional transportation policy game Corridor (Abt, 1987) about the North East Corridor, running from Boston to Washington DC, USA—, engaging local, regional and (federal) state stakeholders to negotiate about these landscape issues through a gameplay. More recent simulation games focus on specific landscape units, such as the River Basin Game (Lankford et al., 2004), a participatory policy making framework for distributing and managing water resources in smaller catchment areas between 50–500 km2 . Also, these practices seem to tackle not only planning but also natural resources and environment management issues or policy questions—see for example the role-playing game version of the multi-agent systems SHADOC described by Barreteau et al. (2001)—even in landscapes that cross administrative borders and require transboundary collaboration. Medema et al. (2016), for example, talk about the role of serious games in transboundary water resource management in the St. Lawrence River Basin, while the Ecosystem Philosophy Game brings together various philosophical perspectives for the protection of the ecosystem in the transnational area of the Great Lakes/St. Lawrence basin (Duke & Geurts, 2003). These examples indicate that games have the capacity to cross national, political or administrative borders and bring together the ‘world community’ to cope with global challenges beyond national borders–the dream of Buckminster Fuller, who created the World Game (Fuller, 1971) to support the sharing of the world’s resources. Games can be serious social and political challenges of our society—such as climate change, refugees and migration, energy supply issues—as well as large-scale infrastructural projects—such as energy transition or nature conservation measures—that lead to physical changes in the landscape. These challenges require the participation of local, regional as well as non-state actors in landscape governance as their impact or territorial border frequently

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cross national borders (Berr et al., 2019) in which games can play an important role.

2.3

Towards a Comprehensive Play and Game Framework

The above mentioned examples prove that games have been used for decades to cope with issues that lead to physical changes of the landscape, and are used in participatory situations in which it is important to bring together local, regional, national and cross-national actors to discuss or make decisions in not only landscape planning but also landscape policy, management and protection questions. Thus we can say that games have their capacities to facilitate Participatory Landscape Processes. What is missing is how other play and game practices—such as gamification, playful design, toyification, playification, etc. introduced earlier in Sect. 1.1—can blend with Participatory Landscape Processes; and we are puzzled on how to start incorporating play and game practices into Participatory Landscape Processes. In this case, too, we can get insight from the participatory urban planning game practice. Architects, landscape architects and public administration workers whose agenda is to understand how the diverse game practice—such as simulation games, game-like approaches, game scenarios, and gamification processes—can support teaching, design and research in the field of architecture and urban planning (Dodig & Groat, 2021), seem to be more focused on understanding the role and position of games in participatory processes. Some point out how to use games in participatory processes (Tan, 2017), others emphasize turning participatory process into game-like processes (Lerner, 2014), and just some of them focuses on understanding how games relate to the broader context of participation. Prilenska (2020b) states that participatory games should be used in the initial stages of the participatory process (initiation and planning and design phases) due to their expressive way to facilitate communication. Szilágyi-Nagy and Tóth (2017) give games a greater role in participation and say that games can be used not only at a given moment in the participation process, but also as a kind of leitmotif that accompanies the participation process from beginning to end. If games are used as one-time engagement tool, their purpose must match the purpose of that particular engagement moment. So far only Szilágyi-Nagy and Dodig (2020) have linked different typologies of the landscape to the timeline of participatory planning. On the landscape typological side of their matrix we can see various landscapes: urban spaces of different types (such as residential, work,

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educational, health, prison spaces) and scale (from street level to regional scale); infrastructural and suprasrtuctural developments (water, sewage, transportation); and natural and rural areas. These landscape typologies have been linked to games used in different stages of design, including the stages of discovery, definition, design, implementation and post occupancy. To sum up, we know a lot about how and why to use games in multistakeholder urban planning and design issues. Current practice has also shown at what point in participatory planning and how games might be used. What we still miss is a comprehensive framework that is able to showcase the richness of play and game practice beyond the universe of games and interpret this rich practice beyond the urban landscape and its planning. My intention is to provide a much broader framework, a compass so to say, for professionals who would like to utilize the capacities of the play and game practice in participatory policy-making, management, planning and protection processes for any types of landscape (i.e., Participatory Landscape Processes for short). For this, I create the Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes by adopting the conceptual map about the game and play practices applied for non-entertainment purposes of Deterding (2016).

3

The Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes

In order to orient ourselves in the playful and gameful practice of Participatory Landscape Processes, there is a need for a comprehensive framework that describes how Participatory Landscape Processes can intertwine with games and play practices. My framework is based on the newest version of the conceptual model presented by Deterding et al. (2011) who analyzed how play and game practices intersect with serious processes, projects and aspects of the world. After introducing the evolution of the model, I introduce my Play/Game Compass which is a comprehensive framework that show how game and play practices can be blended with Participatory Landscape Processes. After introducing the Play/Game Compass and its two halves, I present its quarters through illustrative examples.

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The Conceptual Map of Applied Game and Play Practice

With the intention to define gamification, Deterding et al. (2011) mapped the play and game practice beyond entertainment purpose and defined a conceptual model that quarters the play and game practice along two axes. X-axis stretches between the poles of ‘elements’ and ‘whole’, and indicates what depth the game and play practice permeates the social life. The Y-axis spreads between ‘ludus’ and ‘paidia’, and shows how structured and binding the activity is. The poles of the Y-axis refer to Roger Caillois’s theory who pictures play and games as a continuum between the poles of ‘paidia’, i.e. an open and free from of play frequently found in children’s play, and ‘ludus’, i.e. a more formalized, rulebased, and goal-oriented form of play mostly associated with games (Caillois, 1961). The second, refined version of the model appeared in the book ‘The Gameful World: Approaches, Issues, Applications’ by Walz and Deterding (2014) and called as a ‘compass to The Gameful World’. This model distinguishes the world of games and toys and points out the dominance of games over the quarters of ‘Serious games’ and ‘Gameful Design / Gamification’, and the reign of toys over the quarters of ‘Serious toys’ and ‘Playful Design’. The third version of the model incorporates the phenomena of toyification into the model as an analogy to gamification (see the last version of the model in Deterding, 2016 and its extended version by the author in Fig. 1). The third version of the model is the basis of my adaptation experiment in which I link play and game practice to Participatory Landscape Processes. What is not visualized in Deterding’s model, is that Caillois (1961) distinguishes among four different types of play in the play continuum that may be useful when exploring the richness of play and game practice in Participatory Landscape Processes. ‘Agon’ is the competitive play of sports; ‘alea’ refers to the chance-based play of heads-and-tails, betting and lottery, etc.; ‘mimicry’ is the make-believe play of masks, drama, and theater; and finally ‘ilinx’ is the vertigo play of movement and balance. I visualized the four play types in Fig. 2.

3.2

Adapting the Model: One Compass, Two Strategies, Four Options

Adapting Deterding’s (2016) conceptual map to the non-entertainment context of Participatory Landscape Processes, my goal is to understand how the game

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Fig. 1 The conceptual map of applied games and play practices of Deterding (Deterding, 2016) based on (Deterding et al., 2011; Walz & Deterding, 2014). Graphic is extended by the Author with the explanation of ‘paidia’ and ‘ludus’

Fig. 2 Caillois’ play continuum. Author’s own illustration based on Caillois (1961)

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and play practice blends with Participatory Landscape Processes, and provide an orientation framework for those who are keen on using games and play in Participatory Landscape Processes. See the model in details on Fig. 3. The compass is divided into two halves that point out two different strategies to blend Participatory Landscape Processes with the game and play practice. (1) One can decide to incorporate play and games as wholes into the Participatory Landscape Process. In this case, the focus of the play and game activity is on the landscape issue, and it is worth using the solutions in the Landscape Issue Half of the compass. (2) One might decide to use only elements of play and game and toyify or gamify the Participatory Landscape Process using playful and gameful design strategies. In this case, the goal is to give participants a playful or gameful experience aided by the solutions in the Participatory Experience Half of the compass.

Fig. 3 Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes. Adapted model based on ‘The conceptual map of applied games and play practices’ described by Deterding (2016). Graphic by Author

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The two halves correspond to the benefits of using games and play in participatory urban planning processes (see Sect. 1.3) and are characterized as follows: 1. Landscape Issue Half: When play or games appear as fully fledged wholes in the Participatory Landscape Processes, they become the frameworks and holders of participatory processes. Participants of Participatory Landscape Processes become players who through playing with toys and games explore the landscape issues and the opportunities to regulate them. The play, in case of toys, or the game play, in case of games, is the participatory process itself that helps people to explore various aspects of the landscape issues; and guides them in testing or defining regulation strategies for a specific landscape issues. Within this half of the compass, we find two options or quarters to choose from: ‘Serious Games’ and ‘Serious Toys’. 2. Participatory Experience Half: When play or game elements appear in the Participatory Landscape Processes, the Participatory Landscape Processes become playful and gameful. The participants of Participatory Landscape Processes do not become players, instead they participate in processes that feels like a play or a game activity. The playful and gameful design strategies make the process of investigation, problem regulation and the use of the participatory tool more engaging and fun. The ‘Playful Design’ and ‘Gameful Design’ options or quarters belong to this half of the compass. The two main axis ‘play-game’, and the ‘whole-parts’ divide the Play/Game Compass into four distinguishable areas (quarters) within which participants of Participatory Landscape Processes experience play and game differently. These represent four different options so to say to blend play and games with Participatory Landscape Processes. Adopting the terminology proposed by (Deterding et al., 2011; Walz & Deterding, 2014), I propose the following definitions of ‘Serious Games Quarter’, ‘Serious Toys Quarter’, ‘Gameful Design Quarter’, ‘Playful Design Quarter’ in the arena of Participatory Landscape Processes: • Serious Games Quarter: fully-fledged games developed or deployed for the purpose of Participatory Landscape Processes (see Sect. 3.3); • Serious Toys Quarter: fully-fledged toys that are developed specifically or deployed for Participatory Landscape Processes (see Sect. 3.4); • Gameful Design Quarter: designing the Participatory Landscape Processes to afford the experiential and behavioral qualities characteristic for gaming (see Sect. 3.5);

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• Playful Design Quarter: designing the Participatory Landscape Processes to afford the experiential and behavioral qualities characteristic for playing (see Sect. 3.6). In the following, I am going to look at the participatory game and play practices and give illustrative examples of the quarters of the Play/Game Compass.

3.3

Serious Games Quarter

In the Serious Games Quarter belong fully-fledged games developed or deployed for the purpose of Participatory Landscape Processes. Here, I present the ‘Analogue and Digital Games’ (see Sect. 3.3.1) and the ‘Theater and Drama’ games (see Sect. 3.3.2).

3.3.1

Analogue and Digital Games

Looking at the participatory game practice, games have been used since the 70’s for stakeholder engagement (Abt, 1987; Feldt, 2014; Mayer, 2009; Sanoff, 1979). Analogue or computer-aided ‘simulation games’, which looked like board games, brought together a variety of stakeholders to analyze complex landscape issues and discuss or test solutions. See for example the ‘simulation game’ CLUG about land use change or the ‘role-playing game’ Corridor about regional transportation policy. This type of gaming has now evolved into a rich practice (Barreteau et al., 2001; Kaprielian, 2018; Lankford et al., 2004), and has led to the birth of ‘frame games’ that can be customized so that the same theme can be discussed in different landscape contexts. See for example Tan’s Play the City games, Ampatzidou’s Safari games (Ampatzidou & Gugerell, 2019; Gugerell et al., 2018). But there is more than using analogue games in face-to-face setting. Participatory digital games—such as the Participatory Chinatown in Boston, Massachusetts, USA—or entertainment games deployed for participatory purposes—like Minecraft or Second Life (Devisch, 2008; Gordon & Koo, 2008; Jekel et al., 2017; Westerberg & Heland, 2015)—can also advance community conversations and decisions. Several attempts have been made to develop digital games explicitly for the purpose of remote participation (Poplin, 2012, 2014; Thiel, 2016), however, the design of these games is much more like a gamified platform than a games, thus I present these examples in the Gameful Design Quarter (see Sect. 3.5.1).

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Theater and Drama

Although ‘theater’ and ‘drama’ is typically not labeled as ‘serious game’, see for example the serious game definition of Abt (1987) or Duke and Geurts (2003), the play-game continuum described by Caillois (1961) states that ‘theater’ and ‘drama’ are structured and rule-based versions of make-believe type of play (or as he calls ‘mimicry’). For the visualization of his model see Fig. 2. Thus ‘theater’ and ‘drama’ became part of the Serious Games Quarter. Indeed, the Theatre of the Oppressed methodology, invented by Augusto Boal (1979), uses ‘image theatre’ (body sculpture to represent feelings, ideas, and relationships) and ‘forum theatre’ (improvisation theater with actors) to play out moments of oppression and involve the audience of the theater into to construction of the solutions of that oppressive situation. The method is based on Paulo Freire’s (1968) idea that when making people aware of their oppression they can become active agents of social change. While the use of Theatre of the Oppressed appears in participatory processes with young people and related to projects that combine built environment education with participatory planning (Reith et al., 2019), it can be a tool of adult engagement as well. Lerner (2014), for example, describes the use of Theatre of the Oppressed among youth workers from Rosario, Argentina, in 2008. They used the Theatre of the Oppressed method to understand the difference between old children law (treating children as objects of protection) and new international convention on the rights of the child (children as subjects with rights). While Lerner’s example is not directly linked to the landscape, it indicates that the methodology can be useful in situations where it is important to understand power relations in the community, unfair distribution of landscape assets, as well as right or access to the landscape or landscape services. Déa (2012), too, compares participatory budgeting with Theatre of the Oppressed, and concludes that while both encourage participation in city politics and empower communities, the Theatre of the Oppressed methodology fails to bring real social change due to the illusory catharses of resolution that is presented at the end of the act. This suggest that Theatre of the Oppressed, similarly to games, might be an effective tool to reflect about sociopolitical problems or explore solutions, but need to be accompanied with other processes.

3.4

Serious Toys Quarter

In Serious Toys Quarter, we find fully-fledged toys that are developed specifically or deployed for Participatory Landscape Processes. The adapted definition does not seem to be clear enough to include examples in this quarter. In order to

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understand what ‘serious toys’ mean in Participatory Landscape Processes, we need to delve into the toy literature. The cultural interpretation of toys seems to have changed from a miniature that allows for focused activity to an object that fosters play (see Sutton-Smith, 1986; see on cultural-theoretical approaches to play also Berr, 2022 in this anthology). According to Sicart (2014), the toy objects of nowadays might be static (like a puppet), mechanical (like a mechanical car toy) or even procedural, such as the game The Sims or other ‘game toys’ that seem to operate on their own, but people can manipulate them to see how they react or behave. As Sicart states, “Toys are the materialization of play, the things that make play and are made for play. Toys are the matter of play.” (Sicart, 2014, p. 43), and when see them, we feel encouraged to play. Toys can be designed, and some toys—such as pebbles or tree branches—are used in unexpected ways. The meaning of not-designed toys and toys used for purposes other than their original design are subject to appropriation. Players appropriate the meaning of these objects through their behavior or their verbal interpretation (Herron & Sutton-Smith, 1971; Lillard, 1993). Thus, in this quarter, we look for objects that encourage participants in Participatory Landscape Processes to explore landscape issues by playing with them. It is also clear that if we follow Deterding’s definition, we are focusing on fully fledged toys and not on those objects, e.g. pebbles, the meaning of which must be appropriated. Based on the characteristics mentioned above, I introduce the following five types of toys in the Serious Toys Quarter: ‘Software Toys’ (see Sect. 3.4.1); ‘Model and Simulation Toys’ (see Sect. 3.4.2); ‘Prototype Toys’ (see Sect. 3.4.3); ‘Objects as Invitation for Play’ (see Sect. 3.4.4); ‘Appropriated Toys’ (see Sect. 3.4.5).

3.4.1

Software Toys

Among the ‘procedural’ and ‘software toys’, as Sicart (2014) calls them, we might find landscape issue themed ‘sandbox games’ or open-ended video games which are characterized by the use of simulations, multiple solution paths (Squire, 2008), and discovery. In these ‘procedural toys’ players are free to roam around without a specific pre-designed end status or goal, and they are invited to discover the game environment and how the game responds to their actions (Sicart, 2014). These toys might encourage players to build, maintain or manage objects using core mechanics such as resource management, strategic decision-making, and build on emergent behavior (Fullerton, 2008). These ‘procedural toys’, for example The Sims, Minecraft or SimCity, are frequently utilized in Participatory Landscape Processes (Gordon & Koo, 2008; Jekel et al., 2017; Stokes et al., 2018; Westerberg & Heland, 2015), and current research focuses on adjusting

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these toys in a way that they better reflect the characteristics and reactions of people involved into the landscape issue (Bereitschaft, 2016; Devisch, 2008).

3.4.2

Model and Simulation Toys

The ‘miniatures’ of Participatory Landscape Processes are those models and mock ups that visualize spatial order of the landscape. ‘Static models’ are referred here as ‘model toys’ which are used to communicate design ideas are frequently serve as a bases for discussions in Participatory Landscape Processes. These models can include movable and replaceable parts in order to show design alternatives. When these models are used to refine final design with the future users of the space they function as ‘prototype toys’ which are introduced in Sect. 3.4.3. When the models show processes and operate as ‘procedural models’, here I refer to them as ‘simulation toys’, they show various dynamics of the landscape over time. Physical and digital models can show the changes of the landscape such as different use of space based on various rainfall scenarios (Boer et al., 2010) or the impact of human behavior on the management of natural resource systems (Becu et al., 2001), etc. It should be noted here that the children-play observed in dollhouses and in other miniatures is missing in the case of ‘model toys’ and ‘simulation toys’. Once the miniature, i.e. the ‘simulation toy’ or ‘model toy’, is constructed, it might be exhibited, presented, tested, manipulated, discussed, but people do not play with it in the traditional sense of the word. The chances of interacting with ‘model toys’ and ‘simulation toys’ increase if the model is movable, transformable, or procedural in nature, similarly to ‘software toys’, because they work as an invitation to take action, to push or modify something on the toy.

3.4.3

Prototype Toys

Models designed specifically for engagement, in contrast to above mentioned ‘model toys’ and ‘simulation toys’, actively invite future users to interact with them and test them. These models are called prototypes, and are referred to here as ‘prototype toys’. In game design, prototypes refer to the first workable version of the games that are playtested with the target group of the game. The game goes through several cycle of testing, refining, testing which is called iteration (Fullerton, 2008). Similarly, the ‘prototype toys’ of Participatory Landscape Processes are there to show some aspects of the design and by engaging the users and collecting feedback from them inform the final design. Low fidelity ‘prototype toys’, might be process charts and small scale models that use simple and cheap materials to represent ideas. High fidelity ‘landscape prototypes’ could be those that work as temporary life-scale installations prior to a permanent project

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that allow testing community-based ideas before investing into the permanent design. Methods such as guerilla wayfinding, DIY bike lanes, pop-up parks could be included here (Saffron, 2015). Although people interact, try and test these small scale or life-scale ‘prototype toys’, they do not really play with them. This happens only when the testing experience itself is turned into a gamified experience as we see at Bed˝o’s rapid street game design experiences (Bed˝o, 2019). Such approach, however, belongs to the Gameful Design Quarter and is discussed in ‘Game-Like Processes’ in Sect. 3.5.2.

3.4.4

Objects as Invitation for Play

‘Odd objects’ that stand out in the venue of face-to-face Participatory Landscape Processes might work as an invitation for play. These objects focus participants’ attention on a specific aspect of the landscape. For example, a 5 × 5 cm paper frame can serve as a toy for exploration, with instructions for participants to frame the details in their environment that they consider important in some way, thus drawing attention to different aspects of the environment. By exploring the site through the paper frame, participants mark the hidden gems of the environment, draw attention to environmental problems or point out social issues, etc. By using the slice of paper as a frame, they explore the playful capacities of the frame shaped paper: they play with the proportions, scales, parts, and the whole of the landscape, and so on.

3.4.5

Appropriated Toys

I call ‘appropriated toys’ those fully fledged toys whose meaning is appropriated in Participatory Landscape Processes. Think of a ball in a traditional face-to-face charrette. You can use this toy as an ‘appropriated toy’ or as an object in a ‘facilitation game’. In the ‘facilitation game’ scenario you might ask participants to form a circle. The one who has the ball makes eye contact with the person to whom one wants to pass the ball. If one has eye contact, one throws the ball over to one’s pair, who must catch it, then make eye contact with a new person and pass the ball. The game gets more complicated every minute by giving more and more balls to the participants. In this example you do not appropriate the meaning of the ball, but use the toy in a way to make the introduction round feel like a game, so this version belongs to the Gameful Design Quarter and is considered a ‘Facilitation Game’ presented in Sect. 3.5.3. But there are several ways to appropriate the meaning of the ball to make it work as an ‘appropriated toy’. For example, it is possible to use it as a ‘talking piece’ to indicate who is next among the speakers. In another case, the ball might be used to simulate the waterflow, thus illustrating the flow of water in a natural, meandering or in an

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artificial straight riverbed (see this exercise in Szilágyi-Nagy, 2014). The appropriation of the meaning of the ball is endless: the ball can symbolize football fans in role-playing games and the stadium in model-building. Or we can use other physical characteristics of the ball, and use it as a measuring tool based on its diameter or weight; we can also play with its shape, surface, and gravity, for example, when we roll it on the ground to mark a meeting place or the deepest point in the room.

3.5

Gameful Design Quarter

‘Gameful design’ refers to the design of the Participatory Landscape Processes in a way that it affords ‘ludic qualities’, the experiential and behavioral qualities characteristic for gaming. This definition also needs further elaboration in the context of Participatory Landscape Processes. What do we mean by ‘ludic qualities’? The MDA model of Hunicke et al. (2004) may be a good starting point for exploring these qualities. MDA is an acronym that stands for Mechanics (data representation and algorithms); Dynamics (players’ input and game output over time); and Aesthetics (the desired emotional responses elicited by the game in the players). The aesthetic qualities of the MDA model, i.e., ‘sensation’, ‘fantasy’, ‘narrative’, ‘challenge’, ‘fellowship’, ‘discovery’, ‘expression’, ‘submission’, evoked by game mechanics and game elements, correspond to ‘ludic qualities’. Thus, we can conclude that gameful design in the context of Participatory Landscape Processes is fundamentally a gamified participation. The Participatory Landscape Processes itself or the participatory tool includes game elements such as leaderboards, scores and point systems, various feedback forms, missions, etc. that encourage and boost participation. Thus, we can associate this quarter with external rewards and motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). ‘Gameful design’ can be help achieve the goals of Participatory Landscape Processes by focusing on the purpose of participation, structuring the process, and encouraging better performance. It can manifest in both digital and non-digital participation and can be used for one-way or two-way communication. ‘Gamified Tools and Platforms’ (see Sect. 3.5.1), ‘Game-Like Processes’ (see Sect. 3.5.2) and ‘Facilitation Games’ (see Sect. 3.5.3) are detailed in this quarter.

3.5.1

Gamified Tools and Platforms

Thiel and Lehner (2015) developed the gamified participatory urban planning tool Community Circles using the MDA model (see explanation of the model

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in Hunicke et al., 2004 and in Sect. 3.5). The main function of the gamified mobile app is to encourage citizens and city officials to post discussion topics for public debate. Participants compete and collaborate to share georeferenced ideas, opinions, issues or polls. The aesthetic aspects of the MDA model, and thus the ‘ludic qualities’, are evoked by different game mechanics: ‘challenge’ by expiring missions and quantifying and publishing users’ achievements and contributions; ‘fellowship’ by commenting on and voting on contributions from others; ‘discovery’ by adding georeferenced information to the platform that encourages walking in the city; and user profiles encourage self-expression and thus support ‘expression’. Gamified e-participation and m-participation platforms typically facilitate participation through leader boards, various feedback forms, cores and point systems. Other examples might be B3 Design your Market Place! (Poplin, 2014), NextCampus (Poplin, 2012); Community Plan IT (Gordon & Schirra, 2012); or the gamified platform Chromaroma that encourages users of the London’s transportation system to develop more sustainable commuting behaviors by prioritizing walking and cycling over public transport and favoring public transport over car driving.

3.5.2

Game-Like Processes

Not only participatory digital tools but also face-to-face participation processes can be gamified. Lerner (2014) says that designers of democracy can make democracy fun “by drawing on game mechanics that engage the senses, establish legitimate rules, generate collaborative competition, link participation to measurable outcomes, and create experiences designed for participants” (Lerner, 2014, p. 5). He proposes 26 game mechanics to gamify democratic processes in four areas: in balancing between conflict and collaboration; playing with rules; highlighting outcomes; and encouraging engagement. In the following, I illustrate how to make traditional Participatory Landscape Processes—such as citizen workshops, participatory budgeting charrettes—more game-like, fun and productive by the use of Lerner’s mechanics. The mechanic ‘magic circle’ can be created by introducing special rules in workshops; ‘group vs group conflict’ mechanic can be achieved by encouraging team competition for example when funding projects in participatory budgeting; ‘player generated rules’ mean for example that participants of workshops decide on priorities of allocating resources; ‘levels’ can be created by organizing events first on neighborhood level and later on district levels; ‘chance’ can be incorporated into a workshop by picking out names from a hat to determine who is going to work with whom in a group; ‘vibrant visuals’ are best achieved by the use of colorful cards, displays, visuals, presentation and

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models; ‘choice’ can mean that participants can select from discussion topics; ‘characters’ can appear when participants role-play different stakeholders.

3.5.3

Facilitation Games

Lerner (2014) not only argues that participatory processes must be made more game-like, but generally supports the idea that more games should be used in democratic processes. He identifies five different types of games that can be directly incorporated into face-to-face Participatory Landscape Processes with the goal of facilitating teamwork: (1) ‘animation games’ transform passive observers into active participants at the beginning of the meetings; (2) ‘team building games’ integrate individual participants into collaborative teams; (3) ‘capacity building games’ equip people with the skills and knowledge necessary for democratic work; (4) ‘analysis games’ break down complex problems into manageable pieces; (5) ‘decision-making games’ allow players to agree on priorities, synthetize knowledge, and make decisions. These ‘facilitation games’ are there to support groups in decision making processes during face-to-face Participatory Landscape Processes. Their purpose is to make the serious decision-making and the tiresome get-to-know-each-other parts of the workshop fun and engaging, similar to the exercises mentioned in the book ‘Gamestorming’ (Gray et al., 2010).

3.6

Playful Design Quarter

‘Playful design’ refers to the design of the Participatory Landscape Processes in a way that it affords ‘paidic qualities’, the experiential and behavioral qualities characteristic for playing. In order to be able to illustrate this practice, first we need to understand the experiential and behavioral qualities of play. Eberle (2014) describes five different feelings that characterize the experiential qualities of play. Play starts with the feeling of (1) ‘anticipation’, which means the readiness and openness to play and refers to the excitement of waiting for play. ‘Anticipation’ leads to the feeling of (2) ‘surprise’ that breaks the habitual train of thoughts and fulfills us with pleasure. (3) ‘Pleasure’ is the third feeling which is a reward in itself that can be experienced as satisfaction, joy, happiness, delight or fun. ‘Pleasure’ can be a kind of understanding, empathy and knowledge that grows from the mutual exchange when we play with others. (4) Feeling of ‘strength’ is evoked when we master and control something. We appear to be confident and attractive in our social circles while we also learn to deflect and

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defuse conflict. Finally, (5) ‘poise’ is the benefit of play that makes us resilient in the uncertainty of human history. Contrary to the positive experiences described by Eberle (2014), Sicart (2014) points out that play does not always bring pleasure, joy, fun and happiness, sometimes on the contrary, play can be dangerous, hurting, damaging, antisocial or even corrupting, but yet we still engage into it voluntarily and deeply. This engagement is due to the autotelic nature of play. When we do what we do because the activity feels satisfying, pleasurable or meaningful, we are talking about autotelic activity, a term used for a self-rewarding and self-motivated activity. Play is one of these activities. Self-reward and self-motivation are closely related to intrinsic rewards that give us a continuously renewing energy through positive emotions, personal strength and social connections, says McGonigal (2012) when describing the relationship between play and intrinsic motivation. Proponents of the self-determination theory have indeed identified three key values that strengthen self-motivation and psychological wellbeing: (1) ‘autonomy’ is the feeling of agency and willingness to act in accordance with someone’s goal and values; (2) ‘competence’ is the sense of ability and efficiency in a situation; (3) and ‘relatedness’ is the sense of connection and belonging to others (Peters et al., 2018). When one achieves autonomy, competence and relatedness, the “Intrinsic motivation energizes and sustains activities through the spontaneous satisfactions inherent in effective volitional action. It is manifest in behaviors such as play, exploration, and challenge seeking that people often do for no external rewards. It is thus a prototypic instance of human freedom or autonomy in that people engage in such activity with a full sense of willingness and volition.” (Deci et al., 1999, p. 658). Thus, playful design here is associated with the incorporation of play qualities that strengthen the feeling of ‘autonomy’, ‘competence’ and ‘social bonds’ during Participatory Landscape Processes, and brings excitement, surprise, etc. into the process. This quarter of the Play/Game Compass might be associated with intrinsic rewards and motivation. ‘Playful design’ is best used when the purpose is to evoke creativity, encourage expression and exploration and the creation of social relationships. In this quarter, I introduce ‘Playified Tools and Platforms’ (see Sect. 3.6.1), ‘Toyified Processes’ (see Sect. 3.6.2), and ‘Make-Believe’ (see Sect. 3.6.3).

3.6.1

Playified Tools and Platforms

The PLEX framework, i.e. the Playful Experiences framework described by Arrasvuori et al. (2011), explains how to evoke playful experiences, i.e. the “spontaneous enjoyment arising from an action” that would mean on behavioral level

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“designing for the potential of minor actions that people can perform impulsively and with little effort, and that provide enjoyment.” (Arrasvuori et al., 2011, p. 3). PLEX framework provides 22 experience categories—such ‘challenge’, ‘exploration’, ‘fantasy’, ‘humor’, ‘nurture’, ‘suffering’—that helps designers to design playful experiences into their products. Coming from the field of user experience design, PLEX focuses on playful user experience, which is aided by two design strategies: (1) functional design that improves the usability of the interface, or (2) emotional or pleasurable design that causes physical, social, psychological and ideological pleasures. We might discover these experience categories in tools and platforms designed for engagement. HelloLampPost,1 for example, is a playified SMS-based consultation app that encourages people to initiate conversations with street furniture via their mobile phones. When you contact a piece of furniture, the conversation begins. Each piece of furniture has its own personality and likes to talk about different urban themes. Some like to chat about you holiday habits, others like to talk about transportation, etc. The furniture is smart because it collects live data from the internet and therefore greets you according to the time of day and the weather. The furniture will then ask you a question and in exchange for your answer will share with you the answers of others to the same question. HelloLampPost uses important experience categories of the PLEX framework (Arrasvuori et al., 2011). The joy of ‘exploration’ is there when people discover the technology, the personality of the furniture, or the answers of the others. ‘Fellowship’ is encouraged by receiving and leaving answers to other users; ‘humor’ appears in the responses of the furniture and in the situation itself that people can talk to the furniture, etc. Other apps may rely on different experiencecategories.The tinder-like CitySwipe2 app, for example, uses ‘expression’ when people can use a playful swiping gesture to answer yes-no questions about developing downtown Santa Monica, California, USA.

3.6.2

Toyified Processes

Deterding (2016) defines ‘toyification’ as a road towards ‘playful design’ and suggests the use of toy design elements such as the shape, color, material, and behavior of toys to achieve playful design. In the search of toyified examples of Participatory Landscape Processes, I found two examples. Voxbox (Gallacher et al., 2015; Golsteijn et al., 2015) is a toyified ‘tangible questionnaire’, i.e. a life-size colorful and interactive machine used at festivals and fairs to gather 1 2

https://www.hellolamppost.co.uk. Accessed 13 Apr 2021. https://www.dtsmcityswipe.com. Accessed 13 Apr 2021.

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information and opinion about the experiences of visitor crowds at the recreational event. To complete the questionnaire, players must press the machine’s start button, then press buttons, pull sliders, and dial to answer yes-no questions. By the end of the questionnaire, answers get recorded and the machine spits out a colorful ball as a reward for the respondent. Although Voxbox has not been used in Participatory Landscape Processes, a very similar approach has been developed to attract voters in the annual participatory budgeting process in Rosario, Argentina, in 2010. Bolivoto (Lerner, 2014) is a voting machine set up in the public space consists of orange pipes and marble balls. Pipes are labeled with the name and description of the projects proposed for funding. Near the installation, the city administration distributes voting cards and gives marble balls to registered voters. When voting, people drop a marble into the pipe that arrives at the bottom with a loud clunk. The colorful design of the pipes, the core mechanics of dropping marbles and hearing the arrival of the vote, attracted 33.000 people to vote in 2010. Thus, ‘toyification’ earned its place in the Play/Game Compass.

3.6.3

Make-Believe

‘Make-believe’ here is associated with Caillois’ (1961) concept of ‘mimicry’ (see the visualization on Fig. 2): “In one way or another, one escapes the real world and creates another. One can also escape himself and become another. This is mimicry.” (Caillois, 1961, p. 19). In contrast to rule-based games, ‘make-believe’ has no precise rules. The play is a constant and active negotiation process of the rules as the players interact spontaneously to each others actions. ‘Make-believe’ is also accompanied by a special awareness of the second reality in contrast to real life. ‘Make-believe’ can be of several types, says Deterding (2016), who classifies the following in this category: ‘pretend play’ (re-enacting or inventing events from life as a group); ‘role-play’ (enacting people and their role); ‘rule play’ (pretend play with more structured rules); ‘fiction’ (as if in a fictional world in literature); and ‘narrative’ (narrator tells a story of a story world in a sequence that is retellable). When analyzing ‘playful design’ in Participatory Landscape Processes ‘roleplay’ can appear in two different forms. The first form is when the participatory platform itself interacts with the user through a make-believe avatar. Example here might be the B3 (Poplin, 2014) platform where participants can choose from several characters who playfully teach people how to use the interface of the platform. The second form is when participants of the workshops take make-believe roles. Innes and Booher (1999) promote the use of ‘role-play’ in face-to-face stakeholder workshops because they help players to freely develop ideas, work

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with competing and opposing opinions, and make sense of complexity. Compared to ‘simulation games’, Innes and Booher (1999) highlight that ‘role-play’ can provide much more flexibility and allow for openness and the emergence of solutions. Devos et al. (2018) also conclude that ‘storytelling’ and co-construction of stories can provide a pluralist communicative space that confronts participants with real experiences, living conditions and existing power relations. Thus, the role of ‘make-believe’ in Participatory Landscape Processes may be to explore and create new and alternative ideas and solutions, and to encourage creative imagination through a shared and co-created experience, which bonds the community. ‘Make-Believe’ examples might or might not use toys to create imaginary experiences and have no or less rule than ‘Theater and Drama’ (see Sect. 3.3.2) introduced in the Serious Game Quarter.

4

Discussion to the Play/Game Compass

The attempt to adapt Deterding’s model (Deterding, 2016; Deterding et al., 2011; Walz & Deterding, 2014) to the serious context of Participatory Landscape Processes has made it possible to systematize today’s play and game practice in this area. The result is the Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes (shortly Play/Game Compass). During the adaptation process, I faced a number of challenges and made a number of decisions that form the basis of the discussion here. First, instead of dividing the world of toys and games, as the original model does (see Fig. 1), the Play/Game Compass divides the practice into two based on the strategic decision of the designers of the Participatory Landscape Processes: do they want to use games and play in the participatory process, or would they rather turn the process itself into a game-like or play-like experience? This decision is reflected in the two halves of the Play/Game Compass (see Fig. 3). If we choose the former, the emphasis is on solving the landscape issue, and we can look for inspiring examples in the Landscape Issue Half. If we choose the latter, the emphasis is on the participatory experience, for which we find exciting solutions in the Participatory Experience Half. The Landscape Issue Half consists of two quarters in which ‘serious games’ and ‘serious toys’ are designed or deployed to directly investigate landscape issues. Two quarters of the Participatory Experience Half focus on ‘playful design’ and ‘gameful design’ strategies to turn participatory tools and processes into a joyful and motivating experience for people.

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The second challenge was to interpret the play and game practice in the four quarters of the Play/Game Compass in light of Participatory Landscape Processes. The quarters that seemed unambiguous at first quickly became elusive as I began looking for examples based on the original definitions. Thus, I extended the definitions of the quarters given by Walz and Deterding (2014) with some related theories, and thus managed to formulate definitions that can also be interpreted in terms of Participatory Landscape Processes. The third challenge was to gather examples to illustrate the play and game practice of the quarters. What kind of practice belongs to which quarter? Is this a separate type within the quarter? And while the Serious Games Quarter and Gameful Design Quarter were easy to fill with inspiring examples, it was a challenge for me to find examples for the Serious Toys and Playful Design quarters, proving that the play practice is underdeveloped in Participatory Landscape Processes. I illustrated the quarters with several subtypes to showcase the richness of the play and game practice. Summarizing the challenges and potentials of the quarters, I provide the following overview: Landscape Issue Half: 1. The Serious Games Quarter (see Sect. 3.3) includes those games traditionally developed from simulation/gaming traditions, policy management games and learning games (Abt, 1987; Duke, 1974; Duke & Geurts, 2003; Feldt, 2014). Due to the play and game definition of Caillois (1961), who includes competitive, chance-based, make-believe, and vertigo type of play in the play continuum (see: Fig. 2), the quarter got extended with ‘Theater and Drama’ practice, which would not traditionally be a ‘serious game’. ‘Drama’ and ‘theater’ methods such as Pedagogy of the Oppressed (Freire, 1968) or Theatre of the Oppressed (Boal, 1979) can help to address power dynamics, social aspects, emotions and hidden motivations related to landscape issues. While there is a well developed practice in ‘serious games’ to address local policy, planning and design questions, we see less examples that are regional, national or international importance, or are related to the protection or management of the landscape. In addition, the urban landscape seems to receive much more attention in ‘serious games’ than other rural, degraded, coastal, marine, mountainous, etc. type of landscapes. However, within the urban landscape we see a wide range of landscapes, communities and topics present e.g. industrial or school landscape, various nationalities and stakeholders, sustainable transport or energy supple and adaptation to climate change, etc.

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2. In case of the Serious Toys Quarter (see Sect. 3.4), I experienced the challenge of identifying fully fledged toys in Participatory Landscape Processes. Following the principles of miniatures and objects that call for play, I included ‘models’, ‘simulations’ and ‘prototypes’ in this category. While I saw a definite immersion in the case of ‘software toys’, I have not seen any example of playing with physical ‘models’ and ‘prototypes’ in the traditional sense of the word. Interestingly, I saw and experienced the emergence of play during the construction of ‘model toys’ and ‘prototype toys’ which is a popular exercise in engaging both adults and young participants of Participatory Landscape Processes. Interestingly, play seems to be present in the construction process. The play of constructing ‘models’, ‘simulations’ and ‘prototypes’ includes the exploration of the materials—for example playing with modalities, colors, shapes of LEGO® pieces, cutting, gluing and folding methods of cardboards— or the exploration of the digital world of Minecraft. Playing with shape, color, form, the material or solution of the design, could recall the feeling of free play with toys. Thus, I suggest further investigation of the use of toys in the serious context of Participatory Landscape Processes. Participatory Experience Half: 1. While at first glance it seems clear what differentiates ‘playful design’ and ‘gameful design’, I noticed an overlap in these concepts. Distinguishing playification, gamification, toyification in the field of design seem to be blurry (Thibault & Heljakka, 2018) and I found it difficult to connect with Participatory Landscape Processes. Thus in the Play/Game Compass, I associated Gameful Design Quarter (see Sect. 3.5) with the use of game elements to provide extrinsic rewards and rules-and-goals for Participatory Landscape Processes; and I associated the Playful Design Quarter (see Sect. 3.6) with evoking feelings that are facilitated through intrinsic rewards and pretenseand-roles in Participatory Landscape Processes. ‘Playful design’ thus triggers intrinsic motivation through evoking the sense of ‘authority’, ‘competence’, ‘relatedness’ and being part of a something big; while ‘gameful design’ focuses on giving extrinsic rewards through game elements and aim to structure and make the Participatory Landscape Processes more efficient. I suggest here a further investigation especially in the Playful Design Quarter.

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2. Examples from the Gameful Design Quarter (see Sect. 3.5) can be used in many administrative levels and areas of Participatory Landscape Processes. ‘Gamified Tools and Platforms’, for example, cover the whole spectrum of Participatory Landscape Processes, from design to management, and are present in a variety of disciplines affecting the landscape. Existing examples provide opportunities to participate in all kinds of processes, from idea generation, deliberation, and decision making, to maintaining and monitoring landscape decisions. And ‘Game-Like Processes’ provide a fun and efficient way to spice up face-to-face meetings. In the Playful Design Quarter (see Sect. 3.6), the most exciting challenge was to find examples of toyification in Participatory Landscape Processes. ‘Toyification’, that lends the properties of toys to participatory processes to make them toy-like, was present in the examples of the voting machin Bolivoto voting machine and the Voxbox questionnaire machine. These examples materialized the voting and feedback collecting process by creating machine-like objects in public space that invite people for play. 3. Finally, in the Participatory Experience Half of the Play/Game Compass, I evaluated participatory tools (apps, platforms, digital and analogue surveys, etc.), as well as participatory processes, which were mostly face-to-face. The challenge here was to understand the potential of ‘gameful design’ and ‘playful design’ in terms of both the design of the technology required for remote participation and the design of the processes required for face-to-face participation. Participation through a technology or in person is a completely different experience, and reflecting about these experiences is critical today when we need to rethink the traditional methods of participatory processes (digital, non-digital, online, face-to-face) during the COVID-19 pandemic. The participatory practice got challenged and diversified as a consequence of the pandemic, in which new, remote ways of engagement emerged. As Reith et al. (2021) mention when reporting about the remote participatory design process carried out during the pandemic, technologies can be used to replace non-digital ways of collaborations. Digital white-board platforms (e.g. Miro or MURAL) when combined with online meeting platforms (such as Zoom, Microsoft Teams, Skype, etc.), can replace non-digital collective design workshops and round table sessions, but raise new challenges in terms of human interactions. In such remote collaboration, when strangers have to work together as a team, there is a need for playfulness and gamefulness that fosters team spirit and trust, which can be an exciting topic for further research on the established model.

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423

Conclusion

To conclude, the ways we want to participate and the opportunities to get engaged are highly influenced by the current trends in the ludification of culture and cultivation of ludus (Walz & Deterding, 2014). Both the participants and the designers of participatory processes seek for playful and gameful solutions. The increasing trend to use games, gamified platforms and processes in participatory urban planning should inspire not only the planning but also the policy making, management and protection of the landscape and should not be exclusive to the urban landscape. With this in my mind, I introduced the term Participatory Landscape Processes, which is rooted in the European Landscape Convention (Europe 2000) and extends participation to all landscape types and all areas of participation. This new concept itself deserves further discussion among the researchers and practitioners. The introduction of the concept Participatory Landscape Processes allowed us to look at the current participatory play and game practices from a new metaperspective, and establish the link among play, games, landscape and more than just planning-type participatory processes. In order to understand the richness of the play and game practice and how it might be blended with Participatory Landscape Processes, I drew inspiration from the “conceptual map of applied games and game practice” of Deterding (2016), and I created the Play/Game Compass to Participatory Landscape Processes. My intention was to provide a framework that helps designers of Participatory Landscape Processes to identify strategies how to make Participatory Landscape Processes more gameful and playful. By creating the Play/Game Compass, I provide a comprehensive framework for using play and games when designing Participatory Landscape Processes. The current Play/Game Compass suggest using ‘serious games’ and ‘serious toys’ for the investigation of landscape issues (see Landscape Issue Half), and incorporating play and game elements through ‘playful design’ and ‘gameful design’ strategies into the serious process of participation, when the goal is to turn the process of participation into an engaging experience (see Participatory Experience Half). Play/Game Compass extends the definitions of ‘serious games’, ‘serious toys’, ‘playful design’, ‘gameful design’ given by Walz and Deterding (2014), therefore these definitions and practical examples illustrating the quarters require further elaboration and discussion. In addition, it is worth examining how the four types of play described by Caillois (1961) appear in the Play/Game Compass.

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Anna Szilágyi-Nagy is an MSc landscape architect and crime prevention through environmental design expert. As PhD candidate of the Eberhard Karls University Tübingen she researches the deliberation processes of co-located participatory games. After graduating at the International Master of Landscape Architecture Program of the HfWU NürtingenGeislingen, Germany, she worked for 5 years at the at the Town Hall of Törökbálint, Hungary and promoted practices that smoothen the dialogue between decision makers and citizens at the local level. As president of the kultúrAktív Egyesület, a Hungarian NGO that fosters built environment education for children, she is keen on initiating game-based youth engagement processes in urban development. She is the general secretary of the the LE:NOTRE Institute, an international foundation linking landscape education, research and practice; as well as member of the networks CitizensLab, Placemaking Europe KIDS, EDRA Children and Youth, Trust In Play.

Further Development and Perspective

Play Between the Modes, the Categories and the Media of Landscape – on the Model Train Journey from Wanne-Eickel Hbf to Wattenscheid Hbf Olaf Kühne Abstract

Based on the own design of a model railway landscape a further development of the approach of the three landscapes takes place. Further aspects were added to the modes of the native normal landscape, the common sense understanding of landscape and the landscape-related special knowledge. On the one hand, this concerns the categories material, virtual and augmented, as well as the media of landscape construction (such as photos, paintings or even exact models). Based on the extended categorization, considerations about the concrete design of a model railroad are presented and generalized against the background of the current state of research. The general considerations and the extended theoretical framework are exemplified by retracing a model train journey from Wanne-Eickel Central Station to Wattenscheid Central Station via Bochum Central Station and other intermediate stops. Keywords

Model railroad • Landscape • Three landscapes approach • Mode Categories • Media

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O. Kühne (B) Forschungsbereich Geographie, Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Tübingen, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden GmbH, part of Springer Nature 2022 D. Edler et al. (eds.), The Social Construction of Landscapes in Games, RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35403-9_24

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Introduction

The contributions to this volume have shown that the theory of three landscapes on which the numerous contributions are based is suitable in its basic features for providing a theoretical framework for the relationship between landscapes and games. However, it also became clear that virtual and imagined spaces on the one hand, but also the different media on and with which landscape is represented, are not adequately reflected in the theory. In this respect, it is necessary to integrate these categories and modes of construction into the theory of the three landscapes in order to expand the canon of landscape-theoretical approaches (for an overview of landscape-theoretical considerations: Bourassa, 1991; Howard et al., 2013; Kühne, 2018d, 2019a, b; Winchester et al., 2003; Wylie, 2007). The advanced theory of the three landscapes is exemplified by a model railway landscape. There are two main reasons for this: firstly, the topic has such a high degree of complexity reduction, which forms an increase of contingency in relation to design (in this context: Kühne & Weber, 2021; Papadimitriou, 2021; Rigolon, 2016); secondly, the work on the anthology co-evolved with the construction of the model railroad, so that here landscape-theoretical considerations are included in the construction. While engagement with model railroads is not a focus of landscape studies in general, or even its social and cultural studies subset, research over the past decade or so has demonstrated its particular potential to engage with landscape stereotypes, homeland references, professionalizations, and (related) processes of distinction (for example, in: Hörz & Klenke, 2016; Kühne, 2018b; Kühne et al., 2020, 2021; Kühne & Schmitt, 2012a, b; in this volume: Kühne et al., 2022c). Based on this state of research, an extension of the elaborated (Kühne, 2018a, 2020; Kühne & Jenal, 2020b) and frequently used approach of the three landscapes in this volume (for instance at: Al-Khanbashi, 2022; Berr, 2022; Edler, 2022; Endreß & Jutz, 2022; Gryl, 2022; Kühne, 2022a, b; Kühne et al., 2022a). In order not to leave these elaborations in the sphere of the theoretical, the presentation of the material design of a model railway landscape is done along the reflection on modes and the three landscapes. The experience of the result in turn is presented on the basis of a model railway journey from the model railway station Wanne-Eickel Hbf (Hauptbahnhof; English: Central Station) via various intermediate stops to the model railway station Wattenscheid Central Station. The conclusion concludes with considerations on the differentiated construction of the three landscapes, their modes and media, especially against the background of dealing with model railroads as laboratories for landscape research.

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The Extension of the Approach of the Three Landscapes

Briefly summarized, the theory of three landscapes, which goes back to Karl Popper’s three-world theory, differentiates (Popper, 1979, 1989; Popper & Eccles, 1977) based theory of three landscapes differentiates as follows: Landscape 3 as socially shared interpretations, valuations, and categorization on the subject of landscape, which are individually actualized (Landscape 2) and projected into material (nowadays also virtual) spaces (Landscape 1). The construction of these landscapes takes place according to different modes, which can be designated by the suffix letters a, b, and c. The suffix letter a denotes the lifeworldly turn from landscape 2 to landscape 1 as a ‘native normal landscape’. The suffix letter b again denotes common-sense understandings of landscape 3, which are conveyed in the course of socialization (medially mediated by textbooks, films, internet, etc.) in landscape 2. The suffix letter c, in turn, denotes ‘expert special knowledge’ (Kühne, 2018c) of landscape. In order to clarify which level is constitutive and on which levels the derivations are located, the derivations can be marked (if this is thematically meaningful) with single ‘ or double “ coatings. Since in the case of the ‘native normal landscape’ landscape 2 is constitutive, its projection into physical space (as part of Popper’s world 3) becomes a derivation, with the designation landscape 1a’, because both the expert view of landscape and the common sense understanding are constitutively rooted in landscape 3, whereby their actualizations in landscape 2 become landscape 2b’ and landscape 2c’, respectively. Consequently, the synthesis of material or virtual objects into landscape becomes landscape 1b and landscape 1c respectively. Already from these remarks, as well as from the contributions in this volume, which deal in particular with virtual and augmented landscape, but also with abstracted material landscape constructs (e.g. (Eberhardt, 2022; Endreß & Jutz, 2022; Gryl, 2022; Koegst et al., 2022; Kühne, 2022a; Kühne et al., 2022b; Papadimitriou, 2022; Pietsch, 2022; Sedelmeier & Baum, 2022; Stintzing et al., 2020; Zimmer, 2022)) it becomes clear that the categories (virtual, augmented, and material) and the media (model railroad, map, photograph, etc.) of landscape construction and experience are only verbally stated, but not integrated into the format of the landscape formula. In this respect, their extension is done by a prefixed and subscripted combination of letters, if necessary extended by special characters. In the first place, the capital letters M for material or V for virtual landscape, on the level of landscape 1 thus indicate those things (whether as material objects or as virtual representations) into which landscape is projected. If a mixture of both takes place, this is indicated by the prefix capital letter A (for

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‘augmented’). At the level of Landscape 2 and 3, the letters for are understood to refer to individual (Landscape 2) or social (Landscape 3) perceptions of material, virtual, or augmented worlds. Besides these categories, different media have a high importance for the construction of landscape, which is not systematized in the approach of the three landscapes. In the future, these will be added to the categorical prefix, also subscript. Thereby. • • • • • •

c for cartographic, f for photographic, a for painted or similar artistic design, m for model-building (here we are at model railroads), t for textual, p for physical-spatial (such as the ‘classical’ landscape 1 or its translation into virtual spaces).

representations are used. Here, combinations can be found as well as hybridizations, where the media are named in the order of dominance. Thus, in landscape representations of computer game, it is common to find the media p and c combined, which is created by the subscript prefix Vpc. Hybridizations are indicated by the use of the tilde ‘ ~ ’. If, for example, a material cartographic representation is subjected to an artistic treatment, this is marked with the prefix Mc~a . If this map is the result of derivation from expert special knowledge, this is represented as landscape Mc~a 1c . In the following, the design of a landscape Mmf 1 under the mode c-like balancing of mode a and b ideas of landscape 2 on the basis of landscape 3 is reported.

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Conception and Materialization of a Model Railway Landscape between Modes, Categories and Media of Landscape

The model railroad presented here (level landscape 1; scale H0) was built by the author in the period April 2020 to July 2021, which is characterized by Corona restrictions (although there is still a lot of remaining work to be done). It represents a landscape preference originating from the a-mode, a critical examination of the stereotypes of the b-mode, but also of the strongly normatively charged publications on ‘how to build a model railroad, not a toy railroad’, which are strongly influenced by this mode and represent a transition to the c-mode (detailed in this volume: Kühne et al., 2022c). The a-mode is evident - as a result of the

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region of origin of the builder - in the theme ‘heavy industrial landscape’, specifically the toponyms used as ‘Ruhr area’. An Mm1b  landscape would have more of a rural low mountain theme. In the design of the model railroad, the norm of a coherent design was deliberately abandoned, pursuing the goal of depicting an Mp1b  -landscape (modified according to standards) and formulated in the true-to-scale translation of a section of the physical space (1), often presented as an ‘ideal’. In order to represent the diversity of design possibilities in a limited space, a sequencing of landscape Mm1 , in c-mode, was adopted instead of spatial consistency. These sequences are separated by tunnels (a classic motif in model railroad design), bridges, equestrian interlockings, or levels. This sequencing allows the display of preferred landscapes Mm1a (framed in c-mode). The arrangement on multiple levels, in turn, multiplies the design of additional landscape sequences Mm1a (framed in c-mode) and also allows for long travel times (here we find a coincidence with traditional (c)-mode norms). Also owed to the amode is the temporal classification, which is found (without dogmatism) in epoch 4 (1970s and 1980s), from the soundscape preference for steam and especially diesel propulsion, the design of the digitized layout refrained from the construction of modeled overhead lines. To give the layout greater visual depth, various background photo panoramas were installed with heavy industrial motifs, among others, creating a landscape Mmf1a (framed in c-mode). An ironic distancing of the design is provided by breaks in relation to details (for example, the model signals are not ‘era-appropriate’, in Wattenscheid there is a vineyard, even next to a refinery, in general the traffic routing and design follows the aesthetic preferences of the builder rather than the principle of ‘accordingness to the historical model’), in the theme complex ‘Ruhr Area’ not only the use of (modified) building sets of North American models, but also an assignment of settlement names to model stations without topographical similarity of location and without consideration of whether these stations are in this relation to each other in track connection. For example, there is the station Sprockhövel, which was closed by the Deutsche Bundesbahn in the middle of epoch 3, but not on the line Hattingen-Wuppertal, but from Bochum Central Station to Wattenscheid Central Station (a terminus station, whereas Wattenscheid has a through station on the line Bochum Central Station-Essen Central Station, which again does not have the status of a main station). Because of the sequencing of the layout, this station connects a model city that also has the station ‘Hattingen Central Station’, this can also be described as multiple coding in terms of postmodern landscape research. All in all, the layout (seen from this perspective of the c-mode) also shows characteristics of a ‘spatial pastiche’ as a result of the sequencing, in which spatial elements of different degrees of hybridization (for example in relation to

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city and country) stand more or less unconnected next to each other (more on postmodern spatial developments: Kühne, 2017; Kühne and Jenal, 2020a). This also becomes clear by retracing a journey with the local train from Wanne-Eickel Central Station via Bochum Central Station to Wattenscheid Central Station.

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Model Train Ride from Wanne-Eickel Central Station to Wattenscheid Central Station

It is early evening on a late summer day in the landscape Mm1a (framed in cmode)-‘Ruhrgebiet’. A thunderstorm has passed over the scenery; fog is rising everywhere, mixing with the smoke of industrial chimneys, exhaust fumes of cars and locomotives. On track 2, at an island platform, the local train Wanne-Eickel Central Station via Bochum Central Station to Wattenscheid Central Station is ready for departure (Fig. 1). Slowly, the old-red class 211 diesel locomotive starts moving with its three n cars, which are also known as ‘silver pieces’ (German: ‘Silberling’) due to unpainted stainless steel car bodies with brushed-on polish in a peacock eye pattern. Soon the accelerating train reaches a tunnel. After a 180 degree bend in the tunnel, the train turns onto a straight double-track gradient track that takes it along the Herne-Essen canal in the direction of Bochum Central Station, before that the train crosses a tunnel camouflaged by riding signal boxes and bridges (180 degree bend again). The commuter train arrives at Bochum Central Station on the home platform 1, immediately adjacent to the modernist reception building (Fig. 2 and 3). Beyond the station building, the landscape Mmf1a (framed in c-mode) city panorama extends, dominated by an ironworks. After a few minutes stop, the train continues after a change of direction, now driving car (so-called Karlsruhe head) ahead, in the direction from which it had come, but this time on the single-track line, in the direction of Hattingen Central Station or the Wattenscheid stations. The line disappears again in a tunnel (below the Fiege brewery), from which it emerges again a while later (again after a semi-circular curve), leaving behind the industrial facilities of Bochum (including a late nineteenth century coal-fired power plant with its three smoking chimneys) and following another straight uphill section in front of a Mmf1a (framed in c-mode) landscape, which is rather dominated by representatives of the rural pole of urban land hybridity. After a short tunnel passage, the local train crosses the bridge over a rocky notch valley and a spur to the ‘Prinz Regent’ mine with its stop ‘Bochum Prinz Regent’. The view of the mine panorama on the left in the direction of travel is only of short duration; again, the train disappears in a tunnel and follows a 270-degree

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Fig. 1 Wanne-Eickel Central Station (Hbf: Hauptbahnhof, in German), the local train is ready for departure; the remains of the storm clouds still obscure the scenery. In terms of model railroading, this is the staging yard, which is used to park trains that should not currently be seen on the designed parts of the layout. To the landscape-oriented builder, however, a design seemed desirable, even though the vertical design options are severely limited. (Photo: Sibylle Berger)

curve. After leaving the tunnel, medieval city walls and far above the tracks of a picturesque (b-mode!) urban settlement become visible: Hattingen. Whereas this settlement - as shown above - also functions as Wattenscheid, but connected to a (in terms of b-mode) less picturesque workers’ settlement from the early twentieth century, but more about that later, because the local train does not follow the track to Hattingen Central Station, but follows the turnoff in the direction of Sprockhövel and Wattenscheid. After a 90 degree left turn, the local train reaches (after a short tunnel passage) the rural stop Sprockhövel (Fig. 4). After a short stop, the BR 211 slowly accelerates its train, a farm is visible on the right. After another short tunnel passage, the train crosses the Ruhr in its narrow valley. On one of its banks,

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Fig. 2 The commuter train arrives at Bochum main station, which is designed in the style of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Some passengers await the arrival of the train. (Photo: Sibylle Berger)

bathers have gathered (with dogs; Fig. 5). Another short tunnel separates the train from Wattenscheid West station, where rural idyll (mode b) with a winery (after all, the inhabitants of the ‘Ruhr’ don’t just want to drink beer and the perfect space container doesn’t allow exchange with other regions; Fig. 6), inn and market garden adjoin an ARAL refinery (a Bochum-based company, also in ‘reality’, interpretable as a break of the ironic refraction), under which the line continues towards Wattenscheid (another 180 degree turn). After the train has left the refinery area behind, it reaches - already in the process of braking again - a bridge, which gives a view over the industrial facilities, which were previously assigned to Bochum, but now can also be assigned to the context ‘Wattenscheid’. The local train reaches the station Wattenscheid-Höntrop. In Höntrop, a weekly market is held in the immediate vicinity of the station, visibly enlivening the otherwise rather tranquil stop. For the engineer, the destination station Wattenscheid Central Station is already in sight. Slowly, the train starts moving and after a few moments reaches Wattenscheid Central Station on track 2 with its platforms whose roofs are supported by wrought-iron columns. A downward glance of the

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Fig. 3 An ironic refraction of the Ruhr theme is represented by a Polish night train standing ready to depart in the direction of Wanne-Eickel Central Station on track 3 of Bochum’s main station. Even when idling, the engine noise of the mighty ST 44 freight locomotive drowns out the class 211 starting to move. Here, too, biographical reminiscences of the author and builder, whose research interests include system transformation in Poland and who has spent numerous research stays in Poland (Photo: Olaf Kühne)

passengers on track 1 could reveal the view of a funfair at Bochum West station (on the middle level of the layout), but that is another story… (Fig. 7 and 9).

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Conclusion

As this example of a concretely materialized model railroad made clear, hybridizations are found not only on the level of media, but also of the modes of landscape. Since the model railroad thematized here was designed in particular out of the modes a and c, the formula results: Landscape Mmf1a‘~c“ (again, the tilde symbolizes hybridization). The preoccupation with Mmf1a , b, and c, respectively,

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Fig. 4 The commuter train passes the Sprockhövel signal box; the industrial landscape of the Ruhr region can be glimpsed in the background. (Photo: Sibylle Berger)

shows not only the conventionalization of design in the b or (c) mode (expressed here in model railway-related literature), which has often been discussed up to now, but also possibilities to (ironically) distance oneself from conventions. This discussion does not have to be limited to the level of landscape Mmf1a , b, and c, respectively; also, as a result of its reduced complexity and intricacy, the spatially containerized world of model construction can give rise to innovations with respect to the differentiation of the theoretical framework pursued here, for example, if the developed three-level division of landscape and the modes of landscape construction expressed in suffix letters are given expression in a prefix to the

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Fig. 5 The train, cab car ahead, crosses the valley of the Ruhr, which is very narrow at this point. The water sports enthusiasts active during the day have been driven away by the thunderstorm, only a few bathers have returned. (Photo: Sibylle Berger)

categories material, virtual, and augmented, in conjunction with the media of landscape construction. Of the polarities presented in this volume, the Mmf1a‘~c“-landscape presented here can be (Kühne et al., 2020) in relation to landscape can be attributed to the constitutive pole. This extends not solely to an a-mode but especially to a c-mode interest. As a material medium, it is - without any virtual element whatsoever clearly to be assigned to the pole of the material. With regard to the degree of expertness (c-mode), the technical implementation is of comparatively low complexity (beyond the lighting with well over a thousand LEDs in five circuits, no automated computer control of the driving operation, not even electrical switch control). In the dimension of the design of the rules of a game, the conventions for the design of a model railway landscape are questioned and exceeded (in recourse to the c-mode of the landscape researcher). The dimension of the

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Fig. 6 The entrance to Wattenscheid West station, which can be characterized as idyllic in b-mode, with its wheat farm and the busy wine tavern seen here. Hard work in the refinery on the exit side of the station makes thirsty. The evening sun breaking through makes one wonder if the scenery could not be described with the aesthetic predicate ‘kitschy’, but the train starts moving and soon reveals the view of the industrial area of Wattenscheid/Bochum (Fig. 8), which impresses the viewer with its grandeur (or so). (Photo: Olaf Kühne)

degree of professionalization of the game implementation does not seem too pronounced in view of the limited technical implementation, the sometimes-lax finish of the design in details, and others. With regard to the polarity of concreteness and abstractness, a differentiated picture emerges: the models used appear very concrete, the composition of the sequences in the form of a ‘pastiche’ rather abstract.

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Fig. 7 Finally Wattenscheid (main station)! By now, it has almost become dark, just under the rising fogs. Speaking of rising: In the mode a world of the model railroad space container, SG Wattenscheid 09 was promoted to the German Soccer League three days earlier, VfL Bochum became German champion… (Photo: Sibylle Berger)

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Fig. 8 The industrial area of Bochum/Wattenscheid. It extends vertically over the four levels of the model railroad. As a result of a mining-related quake three days ago, there was some damage, still recognizable by crooked lamps (well, they resulted because when placing model cars, the arm was too short and the belly consequently in the way, but then was not corrected and now must fit into the story). (Photo: Olaf Kühne)

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Fig. 9 Night in Hattingen/Wattenscheid. Because of the autochthonous weather conditions and the resulting urban–rural wind system, emissions from the Prinz Regent colliery and its surrounding industrial facilities drift into the urban area. The smellscape is dominated by the smell of sulfur dioxide, sometimes a passing vehicle with a two-stroke engine mixes in a hint of burnt oil. Thanks to the abundantly emitted condensation nuclei of the industrial plants, the fog thrives magnificently, but has a limiting effect on the degree of whiteness of clothing. Nevertheless, who walks through an industrial city at night in a white shirt? Welcome home… Yes, gradually it is getting stuffy in the model railroad room, LEDs also exude heat and the products of the fog machine do not necessarily please bronchial tubes. (Photo: Olaf Kühne)

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Pietsch, S. M. (2022). Landscape as frontier – Experiencing the wild west in red dead redemption 2 (2018). In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Popper, K. R. (1979). Three worlds. Tanner lecture, Michigan, April 7, 1978. Michigan Quarterly Review, 1, (141–167). https://tannerlectures.utah.edu/_documents/a-to-z/p/pop per80.pdf. Accessed 12 May 2020. Popper, K. R. (1989). Logik der Forschung. Mohr Siebeck. Popper, K. R., & Eccles, J. C. (1977). Das Ich und sein Gehirn. Piper. Rigolon, A. (2016). A complex landscape of inequity in access to urban parks: A literature review. Landscape and Urban Planning, 153, (160–169). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landur bplan.2016.05.017 Sedelmeier, T., & Baum, L. (2022). The controversity about colonialism in board games – illustrated by the Example of Santa Maria. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer. Stintzing, M., Pietsch, S., & Wardenga, U. (2020). How to teach “landscape” through games? In D. Edler, C. Jenal, & O. Kühne (Eds.), Modern approaches to the visualization of landscapes (pp. 333–349). Springer VS. Winchester, H. P. M., Kong, L., & Dunn, K. (2003). Landscapes. Ways of imagining the world. Routledge. Wylie, J. (2007). Landscape. Routledge. Zimmer, M.-L. (2022). Landscape in teaching. Experiencing and learning from and in landscapes at school with the support of an iBook. In D. Edler, O. Kühne, & C. Jenal (Eds.), The social construction of landscape in games (in this volume). Springer.

Prof. Dr. Dr. Olaf Kühne, Eberhard Karls University Tübingen, Geography, Urban and Regional Development