The social and economic history of the Roman Empire, Vol. 2 9780198142317

Table of contents :
Frontmatter (page N/A)
List of Illustrations (page xxiii)
Abbreviations of Titles of Periodicals (page xxviii)
I Italy and the Civil War (page 1)
II Augustus and the Policy of Restoration and Reconstruction (page 37)
III The Julii and Claudii (page 77)
IV The Rule of the Flavians and the enlightened Monarchy of the Antoinines (page 106)
V The Roman Empire under the Flavians and the Antonines. The Cities. Commerce and Industry (page 130)
VI The Roman Empire nder the Flavians and the Antonines. The City and Country in Italy and in the European Provinces of Rome (page 192)
VII The Roman Empire under the Flavians and the Antonines. The City and the Country in the Asiatic and the African Provinces of Rome (page 255)
VIII The Economic and Social Policy of the Flavians and Antonines (page 353)
IX The Military Monarchy (page 393)
X The Military Anarchy (page 433)
XI The Roman Empire during the Period of Military Anarchy (page 469)
XII The Oriental Despotism and the Problem of the Decay of Ancient Civilization (page 502)

Citation preview

THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC HISTORY OF THE

ROMAN EMPIRE

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. THE LEADINNG IDEA “ OFE AUGU5i

U Ss

II The Policy of Augustus 45 best Roman spirit, of the Ara Pacis at Rome, the Altar of Peace built on the Field of Mars, especially in the idyllic scenes with the figure of Terra Mater surrounded by the elements and symbolizing the creative forces of nature as restored and protected by Augustus.3

What has been said of the mood of the population of the Roman Empire in general is not intended to imply that everybody was of the same opinion. There were, to be sure, exceptions, and the most striking was the majority of the senatorial class. Nobody would expect those Stoics and Epicureans to look upon Augustus as a divine being, son of the equally divine Julius. ‘They regarded him as one of their own class, one who was more successful than themselves. Some of them hated Augustus because he had prac-

tically put an end to the exclusive domination of the senate; some had personal reasons, some were actuated by jealousy and regarded themselves as having the same right as Augustus to be leaders of the state, principes. Hence the not infrequent plots and conspiracies against the life of Augustus. The attitude of the senatorial class, however, was of no importance. Besides, the majority of the senate and of the senatorial class, glad to have peace re-

stored again, indulged not so much in displays of republican spirit as in demonstrations of contemptible servility. From time to time agitations also broke out in the provinces, which showed how Augustus never felt completely secure and how

both he and the provincial governors considered 1t opportune to take adequate measures. One such agitation—certainly of slight importance—occurred in, or shortly before, 7/6 B.c.4 Nevertheless, the anxieties of Augustus and of the provincial governors were undoubtedly excessive. The quiet temper of the army, which reflected that of the people in general, made it possible for Augustus, despite the latent contradiction in the political system of the Roman state, to carry out the work of restoration

undisturbed by new outbursts of civil strife. The fulfilment of his promise to the Roman citizens meant not merely the maintenance of their political privileges, but, above all, the avoidance of encroachment on their social and economic position, and indeed the increase of their opportunities in comparison with the other classes of the population of the Empire. Here again what was demanded of Augustus was not a work of antiquarian restora-

tion but a consolidation of what he found firmly established in

46 The Policy of Augustus CHAP. the economic and social life of the Roman state and what, to a great extent, was a creation of the civil wars. During these wars the differences between the classes of Roman citizens had not been wiped out. The senatorial class remained as exclusive as it had been before. ‘The knights realized their great importance for the state and regarded those who had not the same standing and the same means as far inferior beings. The same classes existed in the Italian cities. ‘The senatorial aristocracy, members of the municipal councils, some of them Roman knights, formed the upper order. Alongside of them, but inferior to them, was the mass of the well-to-do bourgeoisie, in part not even freeborn men and women. The distinction between the different groups of these higher classes, alike in the city of Rome and in the Italian municipia, was very sharp. Among the senators only those who were members of the patrician order and those who numbered a consul among their ancestors counted as belonging to the nobilitas. In the eyes of these nobiles all the others were more or less parvenus. ‘The Roman knights who succeeded

in breaching the wall that surrounded the senatorial aristocracy were regarded as intruders, as new men. The senators and knights of the capital smiled at the boorishness of the municipal gransignori. ‘The latter in their turn despised the rich freedmen and others. And separated from them all stood the lower classes of the free-born population, the mass of free peasants, free artisans, half-free farmers, and manual workers. Among the lower classes, again, those resident in the city looked with a kind of contempt on the peasants, the pagant or rustic. In the background there was the enormous mass of slaves—servants, artisans, agriculturists, miners, sailors, and so forth. We are speaking here, not of the provinces, but of the social divisions among the Roman citizens in Italy. Augustus never dreamt of altering these conditions; he took

them for granted. What he did was to sharpen the edges, to deepen the gulf between the classes and to assign to each its part

in the life of the state. If the Roman citizens were to be the masters and rulers, each group of them must have its special task in the difficult business of ruling the world-empire. The work of

Augustus in this respect is well known and hardly requires detailed description. The senatorial class furnished the state with the members of the supreme council of the Empire—the senate—

ui The Policy of Augustus 47 with the magistrates of the city of Rome, with the governors of the provinces (whether appointed by the senate or representing the emperor in the provinces which were governed by him), with generals, and with a large part of the officers of the citizen army. The equestrian class supplied the jurors of the Roman courts, one part of the provincial governors, the commanders of the fleet and of the troops stationed in Rome, the officers of the auxiliary troops and, to some extent, those of the legions, and finally the ever-growing mass of civil officials in the personal service of the emperors. The cities of Italy, except for the higher aristocracy, which mostly belonged to the equestrian class, had to provide the state with good soldiers for the praetorian guard and the legions, and with non-commissioned officers for the guard, the legions, and the auxiliary troops. ‘The freedmen furnished sailors for the navy and firemen for the capital. Lastly, a higher class of slaves and freedmen—those of the emperor—served in the

bureaux and offices of the Imperial household, branches of which were spread all over the Empire. This discrimination between the various classes was not new. It was taken over from the established habits and customs of the later Republic. The distinguishing features were of a purely materialistic character. To a certain extent birth played a part

in drawing the lines of distinction. But the main point was material welfare, a larger or smaller fortune, a census of definite dimensions. Nobody, of course, asked for a particular standard

of education. That was taken for granted, as one of the distinguishing features of the higher classes in general. ‘The only educa-

tional training required by the state from the aristocratic and freeborn youth of the capital and of the Italian cities was some degree of physical and military training. As the promotion from one class to another depended practically on the emperor, loyalty towards the emperor was required as one of the most important conditions.5

Such was the situation in Italy. It was a stabilization and consecration of conditions which had prevailed during the period of the civil wars. The same policy was pursued by Augustus in regard to the provinces. Nothing of importance was done to give them a share in the management of the state. The provinces remained what they had been before, estates of the Roman people.

It was as difficult as before for the provincials to attain the

48 The Policy of Augustus CHAP. franchise. In this respect the policy of Augustus was a reaction as compared with that of Pompey, Caesar, and Antony. Very little, too, was done to promote the provincial cities to the higher stages

of municipal dignity, that is to say, to assimilate their rights to those of the Italian cities and of such provincial cities as had already received Italian rights. The only noticeable exception was the treatment of the oldest province of the Roman Empire— Sicily, which practically formed a part of Italy, like the valley of the river Po. Progress in this direction was rather slow in the time of Augustus after the end of the civil wars. What he did was done mostly during the turmoil of the civil wars and immediately after their close.® Nevertheless the provinces, and especially the provinces of the East, were the first to experience the blessings of the new régime.

Without making any change in the system of provincial administration, Augustus succeeded in improving enormously the prac-

tice of government. The provinces continued to be ruled by members of the senatorial class. They governed either in the name of the emperor or under his steady control. But the rule of the senatorial class as such came to an end, and simultaneously the methods of government became much fairer and much more humane. With the establishment of peace came the end of requisitions and contributions. With it, too, came the end of the domination of Roman usurers. Direct taxation became gradually stabilized and, being stabilized, ceased to offer an attractive field for the companies of Roman tax-collectors. ‘These companies began to die out and were gradually replaced (for instance, in the case of the new taxes paid by Roman citizens only, which were introduced by Augustus) by agents of the government who dealt directly with the taxpayers. The taxes were not reduced. For some sections of the population they were even increased. But a better system of collection meant a good deal for the provinces.7 Moreover, the provincials were now well aware that if they complained to the emperor or the senate, through the representatives of the cities who gathered every year to celebrate the festivals of the imperial cult, they would get a more sympathetic hearing and obtain greater satisfaction than they had received before.® In case of conflict with the governor the provincial councils could always approach the emperor himself. And, what was

not of least importance, provincials knew perfectly well that

i The Policy of Augustus 49 everything which went on in the provinces was known to the emperor through his personal agents, the procurators, who managed his private financial business in the senatorial provinces and collected the taxes in the others.9 In their internal affairs the cities of the Eastern provinces (with the exception of Egypt) remained as independent as before, and perhaps became more independent than they had ever been. No attempt was made by Augustus to effect any change in the social

conditions which prevailed in these provinces, most of which were aggregates of Greek and Hellenized cities. ‘The city admini-

stration with its magistrates and its council (BovAy) was such a good medium for reaching the masses of the population that a change in the system would have been a foolish attempt to divert the course of natural evolution. In the time of Augustus the cities of the Greek East never dreamed of the possibility of regaining the ancient liberty of the city-state. They acquiesced in the fact that their political liberty was gone for ever. They were glad to retain their local selfgovernment. The Roman government on its side desired quiet and order to prevail in the cities. ‘The age of social and political revolutions was past. The best guarantee for the stability of internal conditions in the cities was the rule of the wealthiest citizens. Lhe protection of this social class had been the traditional policy of the Romans ever since they had appeared in the East, and it was the policy of Augustus also. The only new feature, if new it was, discernible in Augustus’ policy towards the Eastern provinces was the fresh impetus given to the movement initiated by some of the Hellenistic rulers, which aimed at the rapid transformation of city-less territories into regular city-states. All over the East Augustus faithfully followed the policy of Pompey, Gaesar, and Antony as against that of the senate, creating new city-states out of villages, hamlets, and temple territories. ‘The Roman Empire was to become a commonwealth of self-governing cities.!° Exception was made only in the case of Egypt, with its immemorial organization, so different and so far removed from the system of a Greek citystate.?!

A splendid confirmation of my remarks on the work of Augustus in the East is to be found in two of the five edicts issued by

4735.1 E

him (namely, the first and the fourth; compare also the third),

50 The Policy of Augustus CHAP. found in Cyrene (cf. notes 6 and 8 to this chapter). These deal with various problems in the life of the city, particularly the diffi-

cult question of relations between the Roman citizens resident there and the Greeks who, asa whole, were not necessarily citizens either of the city of Cyrene or of the cities of the Pentapolis. ‘The

privileges of the few Roman citizens domiciled in Cyrene and who were in part of Greek blood—for the most part not very wealthy—remained what they had been before, but some slight reforms assured the Greeks of not insignificant improvements, par-

ticularly in regard to the organization of the tribunals, and to the liturgies and municipal taxes. The question of the privileges granted to the new Roman citizens of Greek origin was of impor-

tance: probably these were those who had received citizenship en masse from Pompey, Caesar, Antony, and Augustus himself. The emperor decided to consider them as a special class of Roman citizens possessing restricted rights. ‘They remained members of the Greek community in respect of taxes and liturgies, with the exception of those who had received a personal grant of immunitas; and even this last privilege was valid only for estate already in possession and not for subsequent acquisitions (see note 6). The same principle of policy was applied by Augustus to the West—to Gaul, Spain, and Africa. Not satisfied with creating new colonies of Roman citizens, he endeavoured to introduce city life into the tribal system of the Celtic peoples in Gaul and Spain, and to revive it in the former Carthaginian state of Africa. It would be out of place to deal fully with this topic here. The importance for the future of the Western provinces of the policy of urbanizing their social and economic life will be plain to every reader. In the new cities the leading class was, of course, the wealthy citizens, who were staunch supporters of the Roman régime. !2

Mainly as the result of this policy, the external aspect of many countries began to change almost completely. In Asia Minor and Syria the difference was less marked, for here (as we have said) the process of transforming tribes, villages, and temple-lands into city territories had begun with Alexander the Great and perhaps earlier. But in the Western provinces it was very striking. ‘The Celtic towns on the tops of hills and mountains, fortified refuges and market-places, died out. The ruling aristocracy of the Celtic

I The Policy of Augustus 51 tribes settled in the plains near the great rivers of France and of Spain. Here they built houses and erected the usual public buildings. [he new centres of life attracted merchants, artisans, and sailors. A real city was thus formed. In Africa the great city of Carthage was rebuilt and began to be prosperous again. The old

Phoenician communities on the coast started a new life. The

mixed Punic and Berber communes of the fertile plains of Africa and Numidia, some of which sheltered a community of Roman emigrants, recovered from the shattering effects of the civil wars

and resumed their economic activity. New agglomerations of houses were formed in the South, East, and West, under the protection of Roman soldiers, soon to assume the shape of regular cities. In Africa, as elsewhere—on the Rhine, on the Danube, and in Spain—large settlements consisting of shops and houses, called canabae, grew up around the forts of the legions and auxiliary troops and on the roads leading to them, to form the nucleus of future cities. Discharged soldiers increased the population of these settlements or received, as a group, land on which to settle

and build a city. Thus the Roman Empire was gradually transformed by the conscious efforts of its ruler into an aggregate of city-states. Augustus stood out as the leader not only of the Roman citizens in Rome, Italy, and the provinces, but also of all the urban, that is to say, the civilized elements of the Empire, as a leader who was assured of their support. This fact was emphatically expressed in the composition of the Roman imperial guard and of the Roman imperial legions. They were representative both of the Roman citizens and of the urban population of the Empire, though the former element was, of course, the more dominant. To the non-urban elements, the tribes and villages which were attached to the cities, was assigned a secondary role in the life of the Empire. They had to work and to obey, they were not free in the ancient sense of the word. We turn now to the economic policy of Augustus. His main endeavour was to fulfil his promise to restore peace and prosperity. In this task he succeeded admirably. But we must not forget that behind Augustus stood the traditions of the Roman past, the glorious records of brilliant conquests and the longing of the majority of the Roman citizens for peace. They wanted peace, but a peace with dignity. For Romans this meant a further

52 The Policy of Augustus CHAP. advance on the path of conquest and annexation. We must remember, too, that Augustus himself was a Roman aristocrat and that for him, as for all the leading men of Rome, military glory and military laurels, victories and triumphs were the most desirable achievements of human life. Moreover, the fabric of the Roman Empire was far from completed. Augustus was the adopted son of Caesar, and everybody knew that Caesar had had two main tasks in mind: the consolidation of the Roman power in the North and in the North-east, and the redeeming of Roman honour, so badly tarnished in the East and South-east by the defeat of Crassus and the half-successes of Antony. On the foreign policy of Augustus a few words must suffice. The rule of Augustus was not a time of rest. Peace for the Roman Empire was secured, not by a policy of passive resistance, but by

a policy of unflagging and strenuous military efforts. The chief problem was to find and to establish for the Empire such frontiers as would assure both stability and safety, and so make a lasting peace possible.!3 By the efforts of Augustus himself, of his friend and companion Agrippa, and of his stepsons Tiberius and Drusus, a complete pacification of the mountainous Alpine districts, of Gaul, and of Spain was achieved. ‘The conquest of Britain was for the moment postponed. The more serious was the effort made to solve the difficult problem of consolidating the Empire in the North and in the North-east, on the Rhine and on the Danube. One part only of this task was carried through, the pacification

of the lands south of the Danube, and that after a long and bloody fight against the Pannonians and the Dalmatians. The second part of the task, the advance of the Roman frontier to the Elbe, was not successfully accomplished. The defeat of Varus in Germany, a disastrous but not fatal reverse, drove Augustus to

abandon the idea of adding Germany to the Romanized provinces. We must bear in mind that the disaster happened in the second half of his reign, when he was already old. The decisive step in the relations between Rome and Germany was taken not by Augustus but by his stepson and successor Tiberius. In the East no important military effort was made to redeem the shame of Crassus’ defeat by the Parthians. To satisfy public opinion, the Parthians were threatened with the prospect of a serious war and agreed to restore to Rome the captured standards. The same aim was pursued in the expedition of Augustus’

i The Policy of Augustus 53 grandson, Gaius Caesar, against Armenia. The principal factors in the extension and consolidation of Roman influence in the East were diplomacy and trade. But they were supported by strong military forces and by a strenuous military activity. An identical policy was followed in Egypt and Arabia and in Northern Africa. The Arabian expedition of Aelius Gallus was not a complete success, but at any rate it secured good harbours for Roman traders on their way from Egypt to the ports of India.'4 By these means a lasting peace was secured for the Roman Empire. The splendid altar built to the ‘Augustan Peace’ (Pax Augusta) on the Field of Mars (Campus Martius) was a symbol of

the fact that peace had overcome war and was now the prominent feature of Augustus’ rule. The same idea was symbolized by the repeated closing of the doors of the Temple of Janus and

by the games celebrating the ‘new Golden Age’ which had dawned with Augustus for the civilized world. The goddess Roma might now rest on the arms that protected peace and prosperity, based on Piety. It is needless to insist upon the fact that the establishment of peaceful conditions on land and sea was of the utmost importance for the economic life of the Empire. For the first time after centuries of unceasing wars the civilized world enjoyed a real peace. The dream of the leading spirits of the ancient world for

century after century was at last realized. Small wonder that economic life showed a brilliant revival throughout the length and breadth of the Empire. The best times of the Hellenistic age returned, with the sole difference that instead of many rivals in the field, represented by many independent states, which used their economic resources for political purposes, the whole civilized world was now one huge state comprising all the kingdoms of the Hellenistic period. The competing states had disappeared, competition was now a purely economic rivalry between business men and went on unhampered by political considerations.

With this competition neither the Roman state nor the emperor interfered. They left economic life to its own development. The only handicap to trade within the Empire was the customs-

duties levied on the borders of each province, and these duties were not very high. We do not know how heavy was the burden

of taxation imposed by the state on industry and agriculture. But the amount of the taxes paid by Roman citizens on

54 The Policy of Augustus CHAP. inheritances, for instance, and on the manumission of slaves (both 5 per cent. )—the former introduced, the latter reorganized by Augustus—cannot be called exorbitant. We must, of course, take into account that besides state-taxation there was a municipal taxation of various kinds, of which we know very little. But the

growing prosperity of the cities, both in Italy and in the provinces, shows that this taxation was not heavy enough to be a real handicap to the development of private enterprise and of economic activity. Apart from taxation, we can hardly discover any measure of an economic character taken by the government. The period of Augustus and of his immediate successors was a time of almost complete freedom for trade and of splendid opportunities for private initiative. Neither as a republic nor under the guidance of Augustus and his successors did Rome adopt the policy pursued by some Hellenistic states, particularly Egypt, of nationalizing trade and industry, of making them more or less a monopoly of the state as represented by the king. Everything was left to private management. Even in Egypt, the classical land of étatisation, with its complicated system of interference by the state in all branches of economic life—a land retained by Augustus as a province under his personal management after his victory over Cleopatra and Antony—some changes were introduced with the primary purpose of reducing the pressure of state-control. Thus, for example, he protected the development of private landed property in Egypt, which was guaranteed by the state in the same way as in other provinces. Many flourishing estates, large and small, belonging to private owners, especially Roman veterans, made their appearance in Egypt.'5 In the economic life of the Empire the great capitalists of Republican times seem to have remained dominant; some of them were of senatorial rank, some of equestrian, but a large number were former slaves, freedmen. One of these capitalists, and the largest of all, was the emperor. Unlike the Hellenistic monarchs who identified their own fortune with that of the state, claiming for themselves the right of property over all its land and all its resources, Augustus, like other financial magnates of the time, managed his enormous private fortune by means of his slaves and freedmen. But, despite his own wish, he could not definitely separate his private fortune from those moneys which he possessed as the highest magistrate of the Roman Republic,

v1 The Policy of Augustus 55 as governor of many provinces, and as ruler of Egypt in direct succession to the Ptolemies. His family, or household, purse (arca) very soon became hopelessly mixed up with his magisterial

purse (fiscus), and it was attractive and easy to manage both of them in the same way and by the same men. Thus the slaves of the emperor’s household, his private secretaries and in particular his ‘chief accountant’ (a rationibus\, held in their hands the control of the finance alike of the imperial household and of Egypt and other provinces. For the senate the easiest way to get rid of the obligations involved in the financial management of the imperial provinces, where the main body of the Roman army was quartered, was to transfer the management to the emperor and leave him free to collect the taxes and to dispose of the proceeds as he pleased. If, as may be presumed, such provinces as Gaul with the Rhine frontier, the Danube provinces with the Danube frontier, and Syria with the Euphrates frontier, cost much more than they

paid, their financial management, including the pay of the troops, entailed a regular deficit which was met from the private purse of the emperor. Thus by the force of circumstances, by the weight of the enormous personal wealth accumulated in the hands of the emperor

during the civil wars, conditions were created in the Roman Empire which bore a strong resemblance to those of the Hellenistic monarchies. The more the emperor disbursed for public pur-

poses—for feeding and amusing the Roman proletariate, for transforming Rome into the capital of the world, for regulating the course of the Tiber, for building new military roads all over the empire—the more difficult it became to draw a line between

his private resources and the income of the state. Not that this implied the absorption of the emperor’s fortune by the state. It implied rather the right of the emperor to dispose of the resources of the state in the same manner as he disposed of his own private resources. [his condition of things was inherited by Tiberius and his successors, who gradually became accustomed to regard the

revenues of the state as their own personal income and to use them for any purpose they pleased.!6 The emperor was not the sole possessor of an enormous private

fortune. We do not know how many of the old aristocratic

families retained their wealth after the turmoil of the civil wars.

Description of Plate VII 1. ONE OF THE GOBLETS OF THE TREASURE OF BOSCOREALE. Found in the ruins of a villa near the village of Boscoreale (Pompeii). Louvre Museum (Paris). A. Héron de Villefosse, Mon. Piot, 5, 1899, pl. vit, 2. The goblet here reproduced is one of a pair, adorned with human skeletons, some of

which represent famous writers and philosophers of Greece. The scene shown in the photograph is the best expression of the spirit which inspired the decoration of these goblets. The left side is occupied by an altar, on which are placed two skulls; behind it a column supports a statuette of one of the Fates (with the inscription KAw#@w). Above

the left skull is a purse, with the legend Yodia (‘Wisdom’), to which corresponds a roll of papyrus placed above the other skull with the inscription 4é€a: (‘Opinions’). The field

is filled by three large skeletons. The one nearest the column holds in its right hand a large purse full of money, and in its left a butterfly (typifying the soul), which it presents to the second skeleton. Near the purse is engraved ®@dvoi (‘Envy’). The second skeleton is engaged in placing a wreath of flowers on its head. Between the two is a small skeleton playing the lyre, with the inscription Tépyus (‘Joy’). The third examines a skull held in its right hand, while its left grasps a flower, inscribed AvOos (‘Flower’). Between the

second and the third skeleton another small skeleton is represented clapping its hands. Above it runs an inscription which summarizes the artist’s main idea: Zdav peradaBe, To yap avpiov addyAdv €or. —‘Enjoy life while you are alive, for tomorrow is

uncertain’.

2. A CLAY GOBLET WITH A GREENISH VARNISH. Museum of Berlin. R. Zahn, Kra Xpe, 81st Winckelmann’s Programm, Berlin, 1921, pls. 1-1. A human skeleton surrounded by a wreath, a ham, a pipe, a flute, and an amphora of wine. On right and left two dancing pygmies, one of them holding a purse. To the left and right of the skeleton’s head is engraved: x7ra@, yp@ (‘Acquire and use’). Cf. JG xii. 9.

1240 (Aidepsos; Preuner, 7DAI 40, 1920, pp. 39 ff.): an old shipowner, in command of a ship at the moment of his death, gives to those who survive him the counsel contained in his funerary inscription: cr@ ypa. These two goblets are only two specimens of a large series of objects which express the ideas of life current in the late Hellenistic, and still more in the early Roman, period. Allusion need hardly be made to well-known examples which have often been collected and illustrated, such as the little silver skeleton which adorned the banquet table of the rich parvenu Trimalchio in the novel of Petronius (Cena, 34. 8). The two goblets are reproduced here because they admirably illustrate the prevailing mood of the people during the early Roman Empire, especially the well-to-do bourgeoisie of the cities. A superficial materialism and a sort of trivial epicureanism were the natural result of the age of peace and prosperity which followed the turmoil of the civil wars from the time of Augustus onwards. ‘Enjoy life so long as you are alive’ is the motto. ‘The best things

in the world are a full purse and what it can buy: meat and drink, music and dance’. These are the real facts, and the speculations of the philosophers and poets, mortal men yourself, are mere opinions (dd0£a1); or in the words of Trimalchio, ‘eheu nos miseros,

quam totus homuncio nil est. sic erimus cuncti, postquam nos auferet Orcus. ergo vivamus, dum licet esse bene’ (Cena, 34. 10). It is interesting to compare this philosophy

of life with the mildly epicurean metrical precepts, reminding us of Ovid, which are written on the walls of the recently discovered triclinium of the house of Epidius Hymenaceus, M. Della Corte in Riv. Indo-Greco-Italica, 8, 1924, p. 121.

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