The Selected Correspondence 1924-1949 (CW29) (Volume 29) (The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin) [1 ed.] 9780826218421, 0826218423

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Citation preview

T H E COLL EC T E D W O RKS OF

ERIC VOEGELIN VOL U M E 29

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE

1924-1949 TRANSLATIONS FROM THE GERMAN BY WILLI AM PE TROPULOS EDITED WI TH AN IN TRODUCTION BYJURGEN GEBHARDT This volume contains selected correspondence written by Eric Voegelin during the period 1924 to 1949. The Editorial Board of The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin agreed from the begin­

ning that a representative number of Voegelin's letters should complete the edition in an attempt to provide the reader with insights into Voegelin's intellectual life and into the fundamental experiences that went into shap­ ing the growth of his personality. It was the board's aim to select material in accordance with the guidelines that Voegelin himself laid down as fundamental to a hermeneutical under­ standing of spiritual reality. Voegelin wrote that, in studying a thinker, one must try to elucidate the biographical "radices of philosophizing." He said that one must penetrate to the "expe­ riences that impel [him] toward reflection, and do so because they have excited consciousness to the 'awe' of existence." Voegelin made these remarks on the occasion of conducting anam­ netic experiments, which reveal the motiva­ tional center of his own life. At the core of Voegelin's concept of political science is a noetic interpretation of man, society, and history that confronts the conception of order prevalent in the surrounding society with the criteria of the critical knowledge of order. From the 1930s onward, Voegelin labored to find a satisfactory self-reflexive explication of the

principles of a contemplative understanding of human reality, one grounded in the spirit­ ual experience of reason. Naturally, it is the published word that determines a thinker's scholarly stature. But Voegelin's letters also grant insight into the development of his thought; document the author's struggle with himself, the telos of his scholarship; and reveal an often involuntary conflict with his life-world. These letters shed light on an on­ going and open-ended thought process from which a multifaceted, sometimes apparently contradictory, work emerged. Because of the enormous number of letters that Voegelin wrote in his later years-now published in the second volume of the Selected Correspondence (volume 30 of the Collected Works)-the editors agreed that these books would contain only letters from Eric Voegelin. W hile such a selection of letters cannot provide the completeness that the publication of both dialogue partners would provide, nevertheless they reveal Voegelin's ongoing reflection on human affairs. They reveal patterns of thought and their develop­ ment in the atmosphere of intimate commu­ nication that personal and intellectual "elec­ tive affinities" produce, and they also disclose the silences that accompany such discourse. This volume is certain to interest all readers concerned with political theory and with bet­ ter understanding of Voegelin's intellectual pilgrimage from his earliest academic years to his emergence as one of the most significant philosophers of our time. JURGEN GEBHARDT is Professor of Polit­ ical Science at the University of Erlangen­ Nuremberg in Erlangen, Germany. He is coeditor of The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, Volume 1, On the Form of the American Mind and The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, Volume 25, History of Political Ideas, Volume VII, The New Order and Last Orientation, both available from the University of Missouri Press.

UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI PRESS

Columbia and L ondon http://press.umsystem.edu

THE COLLECTED WORKS OF

ERIC VOEGELIN VOLUME

29

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE 1924-1949

PROJECTED

VOLUMES

IN

I.

On the Form of the American Mind

2.

Race and State

THE COLLECTED

WORKS

3· The History of the Race Idea: From Ray to Carus 4· The Authoritarian State: An Essay on the Problem of the Austrian State 5. Modernity without Restraint: The Political Religions; The New Science of

Politics; and Science, Politics, and Gnosticism 6. Anamnesis: On the Theory of History and Politics 7. Published Essays, 1922-1928 8. Published Essays, 1928-1933 9. Published Essays, 1934-1939 IO.

Publis hed Essays, 194o-1952

II.

Publishe d Essays, 1953-1965

12. Published Essays, 1966-1985 13. Selected Book Reviews

Volume I, Israel and Revelation Volume II, The World of the Polis Order and History, Volume m, Plato and Aristotle Order and History, Volume rv, The Ecumenic Age Order and History, Volume V, In Search of Order History of Political Ideas, Volume I, Hellenism, Rome, and Early Christianity History of Political Ideas, Volume II, The Middle Ages to Aquinas History of Political Ideas, Volume ill, The Later Middle Ages Hi story of Political Ideas, Volume rv, Renaissance and Reformation History of Political Ideas, Volume V, Religion and the Rise of Modernity History of Political Ideas, Volume VI, Revolution and the New Science History of Political Ideas, Volume VII, The New Order and the Last Orientation History of Political Ideas, Volume vm, Crisis and the Apocalypse of Man

14· Order and History, 15. Order and History,

16. 17. 18.

19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

27. The Nature of the Law, and Related Legal Writings 28. What Is History/ And Other Late Unpublished Writings 29. Selected Correspondence, r924-r949

30. Selected Correspondence, r9so-r984 3 I. Hitler and the Germans 32. The Theory of Governance and Other Miscellaneous Papers, r92r-r938

33· The Drama of Humanity and Other Miscellaneous Papers, r939-r985 34· Autobiographical Reflections: Revised Edition, with a Voegelin Glossary and Cumulative Index

EDITORIAL

BOARD

Paul Caringella Jiirgen Gebhardt Thomas A. Hollweck Ellis Sandoz

The Editorial Board offers grateful acknowledgment to the Earhart Foundation for support provided at various stages in the preparation of this book for publication. A special thanks for support goes to the Charlotte and Walter Kohler Charitable Trust. Thanks also to the Sidney Richards Moore Memorial Fund. The University of Missouri Press offers its grateful acknowledgment for a generous contribution from the Eric Voegelin Institute in support of the publication of this volume.

T H E CO L L E C T E D WORKS OF

ERIC VOEGELIN VO LUM E 29

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SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE 1924-1949 TRANSLAT IONS FROM THE GERMAN BY WILLIAM PETROPULOS

ED ITED W ITH AN INTRODUCT ION BY

J"U RGEN

GEBHARDT

UN IVERS ITY OF M ISSOUR I PRESS COLUMB IA AND LONDON

Copyright © 2009 by The Curators of the University of Missouri University of Missouri Press, Columbia, Missouri 6520I Printed and bound in the United States of America

All rights reserved 4

5

3

2

I

I3

I2

II

IO

09

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Voegelin, Eric, I90I­ [Works. I989] The collected works of Eric Voegelin

/

edited with an introduction by Ellis

Sandoz.

p. Vols.

em.


published by University of Missouri Press, Columbia.

Includes bibliographical references and indexes. Contents: v.

r.

On the form of the American mind - v. 2. Race and state - v.

3. The history of the race idea - [etc.] ISBN o-807I-I826-5 (v. I : alk. paper)- ISBN o-807I-I673-4 (v. 2: alk. paper)­ ISBN o-8071-I843-5 (v. 3 r.

:

alk. paper)- (etc.]

Philosophy. 2. History-Philosophy. 3· Political science-Philosophy.

I. Sandoz, Ellis, I93IB3354.V88

. II. Weiss, Gilbert. III. Title.

I989 90-032092

I93-dc20 ISBN 978-o-8262-I842-I

§'"The paper meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, Z39-48, I984. Designer: Albert Crochet Typesetter: BOOKCOMP, INC. Printer and binder: Thomson-Shore, Inc. Typeface: Trump Mediaeval

Contents

Editor's Introduction

65

Editorial Note Illustrations

I

FOLLOWING PAGE 70

Letters, I924-I938

?I

2. Letters, I939-I949

203

r.

Appendixes

67I

Index of Correspondents

72I

General Subject Index

723

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE

1924-1 949

Editor's Introduction Eric Voegelin, The Early Years

Perhaps the best students are not those who swear in verba magistri and remain in the "school," but rather those who were so studious that they were able to free themselves from the school and go their own way. V oegelin to K elsen, February 10, 1954

The living philosophical mind is only too well aware of the questionable nature of closed systems and dogmatic constructions, and his soul too thoroughly imbued with the certainty that life must remain unfinished and fragmentary, for him to want to press life into a fixed form or try to bring it to "completion." V oegelin on M ax Weber, 1930

On the Purpose and Background of This Edition The Editorial Board of the Collected Works of Eric Voegelin agreed from the beginning that a representative number of Voegelin's let­ ters should complete the edition.However, Thomas Hollweck and I, who were entrusted with editing those letters, also realized that the task was beset with difficulties. First, there is the sheer num­ ber of letters written over a period of five decades (which inciden­ tally demonstrates Voegelin to have been a practitioner of the now­ dying art of letter writing). The magnitude of the task confronted us with the question of what principle we should apply in making a selection. For practical reasons, it could not be completeness. But if a full portrait of the author's life and work could not be attempted, we could nevertheless hope to provide the reader with insights into Voegelin's intellectual life and into the fundamental experiences that went into shaping the growth of his personality. We have chosen each letter with this aim in mind. Thus, we tried to select material in accordance with the guidelines that Voegelin I

O DUCTION

' EDITOR S INTR

himself laid down as fundamental to a hermeneutical understand­ ing of spiritual reality. Voegelin wrote: In studying a thinker, one must try to elucidate the biographical "radices of philosophizing. " One must penetrate to the " experiences that impel [him] toward reflection, and do so because they have excited consciousness to the 'awe' of existence. " 1 Voegelin made these remarks on the occasion of conducting anamnetic experiments that reveal the motivational center of his own life. The question of what it means to theorize about politics occu­ pied Voegelin throughout his scholarly life. In 1 940 he wrote to his friend Max Mintz that theory is not just a statement about objects but an existential disposition toward them, the attitude of "radical contemplation. " The life of theory "implies the refusal to let oneself get involved with objects because the value of getting involved is questionable . " In fact, as Voegelin wrote in the original introduction to the History of Political Ideas (the subject of this passage to Mintz): "Political theory . . . would be the product of [the] detached contemplation of political reality. "2 In principle the theorist's life of contemplative practice is a solitary enterprise and therefore only to be realized by a few individuals. The theorist's contemplative habitus takes him out of the daily routine of polit­ ical life and bars him from engaging in the competition for power. Critical reflection brings him into a relationship of tension toward political reality, the object of his contemplation. At the core of Voegelin's concept of political science "is a noetic interpretation of man, society, and history that confronts the conception of order prevalent in its surrounding society with the criteria of a critical knowledge of order. "3 From the 1 9 3 0s onward Voegelin labored on the self-reflexive explication of the principles of a contemplative understanding of human reality grounded in the spiritual experi­ ence of reason. Naturally, it is the published word that determines a thinker's scholarly stature. But Voegelin's letters also grant insight into the development of his thought, document the author's struggle with himself, the telos of his scholarship, and reveal an often involuntary conflict with his life-world. The letters shed light on an ongoing 1. Eric Voegelin, The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, 6:84. Hereinafter abbre­ viated as CW. Titles of all volumes in the series can be found in each volume on the page titled "Projected Volumes in the Collected Works. " 2 . Eric Voegelin t o M ax Mintz, April I I, I940. Cf. CW, I9:23I-32. 3· cw, 6:342.

2

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

and open-ended thought process from which a multifaceted, some­ times apparently contradictory, work emerged. It was with the in­ tention of documenting Voegelin's intellectual C;ievelopment that Hollweck and I approached the project of publishing two volumes of his correspondence. We examined Voegelin's existing letters col­ lected in the Hoover Institution Archives and, to the extent that they became available, letters found in the archives of some of his correspondents. The editors agreed that the Selected Correspondence would contain only letters from Eric Voegelin. This constraint imposes limitations on our project because it disrupts the communicative threads that join correspondents together in a meaningful exchange of thought. But the enormous number of letters that Voegelin wrote in his later years-now published in the second volume of the Selected Correspondence-simply made it impossible for us to re­ produce both sides of even the most important exchanges.4 If letters we selected cannot provide the completeness that the publication of both dialogue partners would provide, nevertheless they reveal Voegelin's ongoing reflection on human affairs. They reveal pat­ terns of thought and the development of those patterns in the atmosphere of intimate communication that personal and intel­ lectual " elective affinities" produce. (And, incidentally, the letters also disclose the silences that accompany such discourse. ) Insofar the editors hope that their selection will lay the groundwork for a future intellectual biography. We have made every effort to achieve a truly representative se­ lection of letters from the earliest to the last days of Voegelin's scholarly life. We proceeded in a strictly chronological fashion. The 4· Collections of Voegelin's letters in which both his letters and those of his cor­ respondent are available can be found in the following publications: Peter Emberley and Barry Cooper, eds. and trans., Faith and Political Philosophy: The Correspon­ dence between Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin, 1934-1964 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2004h Charles R. Embry, ed., Robert B. Heilman and Eric Voegelin: A Friendship in Letters, 1944- 1 9 84 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2004h Gerhard Wagner and Gilbert Weiss, eds., Alfred Schiitz-Eric Voegelin: Eine Freund­ schaft, die ein Leben ausgehalten hat. Briefwechsel, 193 8-1959 (Konstanz: UVK Verlagsgemeinschaft mbH., 20o4h Peter J. Opitz, "Karl Liiwith, Eric Voegelin­ Briefwechsel, " in Sinn und Form 5 9, no. 6 (2007): 764-94i Thomas Hollweck, ed., "Hermann Broch-Eric Voegelin. Ein Briefwechsel im Exil, 1 9 3 9-1 949, '' Voegelini­ ana 64 ( Munich: Eric Voegelin Archiv, 2007h and Thomas Hollweck, "Der Mensch im Schatten der Katastrophe: Eine Einfiihrung in den Briefwechsel zwischen Her­ mann Broch und Eric Voegelin, " Sinn und Fo1m 6o, no. 2 (2008 ): 1 7 5- 1 8 9 . (It might be noted in passing that the publication of Voegelin's complete correspondence with Engel-Janosi remains a scholarly desideratum. )

3

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

year 1 9 5 0 was chosen as the dividing line between the two volumes because in that year Voegelin emerged from his somewhat isolated scholarly existence in Louisiana and sought contact with the larger transcontinental scholarly community. He renewed prewar con­ tacts and, amid the postwar landscape of destruction, discovered the existence of a vibrant intellectual life. New and engrossing trends in scholarship that his avid reading had already brought him into contact with, albeit from afar as he worked on his "History, " he now experienced directly in personal conversations with lead­ ing figures of the new scholarship in intellectual history, religious studies, philosophy, and related disciplines. Once the editors had decided on the criteria mentioned above and agreed on the caesura of 1 9 5 0, they were confronted with the fact that they would have to accept a considerable imbalance in the size of the two volumes. In the 1 9 5 0s the publication of The New Sci­ ence of Politics and the first volumes of Order and History brought Voegelin a growing reputation in the academic world (and earned him some vicious attacks as well). Extended scholarly publications and numerous speaking engagements characterized his last years at Louisiana, his Munich years, and his closing years at Stanford. This increased activity was mirrored in the ever-increasing corre­ spondence he conducted along with an enormous research program and a heavy teaching load. The reader of the second volume, which covers correspondence from 1 9 5 0 through 1 9 8 5 , benefits greatly from the fact that Hall­ week, the editor, had to struggle with an ever-growing stream of materials. The volume casts light on Voegelin's entire personality as it developed in these years. It includes reports on crucial as­ pects of, and junctures in, the work on Order and History, contains Voegelin's reflections on the perennial issues of philosophy and public affairs, reveals his political judgments of contemporary per­ sons and events, and occasionally provides a glimpse into the more mundane details of a long academic career. Altogether the second volume provides a fascinating portrait of the man and thinker who made every effort to preserve the ethos of a contemplative political theorist and critical scholari a man who tried to resist, not always successfully, being misinterpreted as speaking for a particular po­ litical party, cause, church, or school. Although Voegelin's criticisms of people and ideas could be very harsh, most of his letters reflect an extraordinary commitment 4

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

to philosophical discourse and the willingness to engage in part­ nerships of learning and discovery that extended well beyond the boundaries of disciplines. The letters reveal both Voegelin's en­ ergetic grasp of problems and his passion to persuade by reason. Behind Voegelin's work stood an unshakable commitment to "sci­ ence. " Voegelin applied the word science to both the natural and the human sciences. He always insisted on the comprehensive meaning of the German term Wissenschaft: the rational cognition of an object guided solely by the intention of gaining knowledge. Voegelin came from an intellectual tradition that found a dimen­ sion of philosophical contemplation and wisdom in learning itself: learning understood as the search for truth that also includes the personal element of self-reflection. Voegelin later identified self­ reflection as the motivating center of hermeneutical science. The second volume presents a scholarly life in all its aspects, un­ troubled by political and social upheavals. Naturally, crisis and dis­ order continued in the world after 1 9 5 0, but they no longer had the immediate and threatening impact on Voegelin's personal life they had had in his earlier years. The first volume deals with this more difficult period in Voegelin's life. It charts the 1 9 20s and 1 9 3 0s and his first ten years in America. Voegelin's life in the 1 9 20s and 1 9 30s was intimately bound up with the European post-World War One predicaments, most particularly with the crisis that engulfed Ger­ many, and later Austria. When Hitler's policies led to the demise of Austria, Voegelin and many of his friends and colleagues were forced to leave the country. In America, Voegelin refused to be drawn into Austrian emigre politics. He chose not just to take an American passport but to become a "genuine" American. The American years were marked by professional insecurity until, in 1 942, he was able to settle down at Louisiana State University in a modest but secure position. These were years of intense study and writing in which Voegelin produced the early versions of the History of Political Ideas . This work, under permanent revision, eventually developed into Order and History. (And even this ver­ sion would not bring Voegelin's revisions to an end. ) During this time, his interest in politics was confined to his scholarly engage­ ment as a professional political scientist, with occasional general . lectures to lay audiences. In contrast to the many letters that Voegelin systematically pre­ served beginning in the late 1 9 40s, the letters of the first volume 5

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

have sometimes survived only by chance. Part of the reason for the lack of materials may be because Voegelin destroyed certain papers in I 9 3 8 to prevent them from falling into the hands of the Gestapo. Voegelin's papers in the Hoover Institution Archives contain no letters from Voegelin's years of postdoctoral studies in England, Germany, and the United States. This paucity of materials is not overcome until I 9 3 8, when Voegelin was dismissed from the uni­ versity and energetically began to prepare his emigration by trying to mobilize his international contacts. The period beginning about I 940 is much better documented, but even here there are regret­ table gaps. As far as the I 920S and I 9 3 0s are concerned, I suspect that Voegelin simply wrote fewer letters. After all, in this period he was involved with an intellectually exciting group of friends and colleagues in Vienna. Academically Vienna was, first and foremost, the home of a number of important intellectual circles, usually gathered around one or two prominent figures, in which important debates on methodology, philosophy of science, economics, and social policy took place.5 Voegelin was a regular member of the very important circle of Ludwig von Mises, the Geistkreis, and at an earlier time had belonged to circles organized by Othmar Spann and Hans Kelsen. In the search for letters in the years up to I 9 3 8, the editor was de­ pendent on finding material in other archives. Nor will this search come to an end with this volume. There are still public archives with material that has not yet been made available to researchers, and presumably private archives still to be discovered. For this volume of The Collected Works the most relevant materials found outside the Hoover Archives were the Voegelin-Baumgarten corre­ spondence between I 9 3 I and I 9 3 8 and the exchange of letters be­ tween Voegelin and Ruthilt and Karsten Lemche for the period be­ tween I 9 3 8 and I 942, which, unfortunately, has only been partially preserved. Other important source material relating to Voegelin's scholarly activities surfaced in various places. But even the most conscientious search could not produce as many letters as the reader will find in the second correspondence volume. This, of course, has a bearing on the problem of the rep­ resentative quality of the selection. All of Voegelin's letters that 5 · Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard, "The Viennese Connection: Alfred Schutz and the Austrian School, " Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 6, no. 2 (Summer 2003 ): 3 5-66.

6

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

document the 1 920s and 1 9 3 0s have been included for the simple reason that there are so few of them. For the following years I also proceeded generously, eliminating only those letters that repeated almost word for word the text of a letter already included in the collection. Nor, for another reason, could this volume so readily pursue the editors' original goal of concentrating on the academic and scholarly moments in Voegelin's biography. This could be done in the second volume because, by 1 9 5 0, Voegelin's personal circum­ stances had become less precarious and the interplay between the forces of history and the personal formation of an individual mind had become less obvious. However, in the years covered by the first volume we still find Voegelin forced to position himself within a rapidly changing political and cultural landscape, the harsh polit­ ical reality of which constantly pressured him to redefine his role as a scholar and political theorist. The letters in this first volume reveal this struggle and how it affected Voegelin's scholarly produc­ tion. Beyond that, the letters supplement the rather scant knowl­ edge we have of Voegelin's life-world from other sources. Thus, the present volume of correspondence, in contrast to the second, is more likely to illuminate the biographical background of Voegelin's thought. The Selected Correspondence contains numerous letters origi­ nally written in German. The editors are convinced of the excellent quality of the translations they have procured, but letters are highly personal documents, and even the best translation can not always capture the full meaning of the original. In concluding these general remarks on both volumes, and on the differences between them, it is worth sounding a note of cau­ tion concerning the use of letters for the understanding of an indi­ vidual's thought. Among historians it is common knowledge that letters, diaries, and autobiographies are not only important sources but also ones that require considerable interpretative skills. To un­ derstand a letter, one has to take into account the circumstances under which it was written and the writer's relationship to his correspondent. Hollweck has pointed out that in letters written after 1 9 5 0, personal elements often blend with public concerns in a matter-of-fact way. I do not believe that this is true of the earlier letters. Here Voegelin's immediate situation, be it personal, professional, or, occasionally, economic, has a greater influence on a letter's content. Thus, beyond the general rule that letters cannot 7

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

merely be read but must also be interpreted, for this volume it is even more important that one not naively take every word at face value.

The Letter-Traces of an Unwritten Biography

A Scholar in the Making As I mentioned above, there is a lack of concrete detail for the period of Voegelin's study abroad and for the years of his academic apprenticeship in Vienna, a time of financial and professional inse­ curity in the generally unstable Austrian republic. In this period Voegelin's published and unpublished writings adequately docu­ ment his accomplishments as a scholar. But the experiential back­ ground has hitherto remained in the dark. In particular, little was known about certain critical junctures in his life6 that came about in the wake of Hitler's rise to power. These were moments when Voegelin was forced to rethink both his political options and his intellectual position. 7 Following this period, and his dismissal from the university and flight from Austria in I 9 3 8, he was confronted with the rather mundane practical task of emigration and the pro­ fessional challenges of academic resettlement in the United States. In I 9 3 9 the contract for a university course book on the history of political ideas enabled Voegelin to complete the reorientation of his thought that had begun in the late I 9 3 0s. This process resulted in insights that allowed Voegelin to reformulate the fundamental research problems of a philosophy of order.

Academic Wanderjahre After graduating from the three-year program of the Vienna Law Faculty with a Doctor of Social Science degree in I 9 2 I , Voegelin im­ mediately pursued postdoctoral studies in Berlin, Heidelberg, and 6. For biographical information, see Jiirgen Gebhardt and Barry Cooper, introduc­ tion to CW, r :ix-xlii; Jiirgen Gebhardt, "Zwischen Wissenschaft und Religion-Zur intellektuellen Biographie E. Voegelins in den 30er Jahren, " in Politisches Denken, Jahrbuch 1 995/96 ( Stuttgart, J.B. Metzler, 1 99 6 ), 2 8 3-304; Hans-Jorg Sigwart, Das Politische und die Wissenschaft: Intellektuell-biographische Studien zum Friih­ werk Eric Voegelins (Wiirzburg: Konigshausen & Neumann, 2005 ) . 7 . Cf. Michael Ley and Gilbert Weiss, "Voegelin i n Wien, " i n Friihe Schriften, 1 92o-193 8 (Vienna: Passagen Verlag, 2007 ). The authors focus on the text-immanent interpretation of Voegelin's published and unpublished writings. The biographical information is rather sparse.

8

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

Oxford. In 1 924 he was awarded a Rockefeller scholarship (giving up his German citizenship for Austrian citizenship in order to become eligible for the grant). From October 1924 to November 1 926 he carried out a well-planned program of study of American social science. It took him to some of the most important universities in the United States (Columbia, Wisconsin, Harvard, and Yale) and brought him into contact with such eminent scholars as Giddings, Dewey, Commons, Pound, and Whitehead. He developed a deep interest in the empirical aspects of American social life and ex­ plored in depth American law, economics, politics, and thought, both in the classroom and during the course of his travels. A year in Paris to conduct research on French political thought and phi­ losophy concluded the young scholar's educational journey. These experiences not only widened Voegelin's intellectual horizon but provided him with a new and enlarged prospect of human ways of being-in-the-world, which freed him from a purely Europe-centered philosophical outlook. Such experiences bore fruit in his study of the form of the American mind, Uber die Form des amerikani­ schen Geistes .8 Whatever shifts Voegelin's political and intellec­ tual stance took in later years, the encounter with the open meta­ physics, the concrete, practiced Lebensphilosophie of Commons and the " almost mystical skepticism" of Santayana had a formative and lasting influence on him. The American experience taught him that the Atlantic was a border between two prevalent mental forms: He distinguished the American notion of the "open self" from the European "closed self. " The American principle of mental "open­ ness" that embraces the whole of reality became the leitmotif of his philosophizing. It later helped Voegelin to assimilate the Amer­ ican experience into the theoretical and methodological framework of the German paradigms of Geisteswissenschaft and philosoph­ ical anthropology, and it provided him with the foundation of a hermeneutical morphology of the historico-political world. This self-reflective open-mindedness accounted for Voegelin's rigorously maintained intellectual independence and his resistance to certain ideological temptations that he would encounter in later years. No letters to speak of have survived Voegelin's years in America or the sojourn to Paris that followed. Only three letters to Erich Rothacker written in 1 924 and 1 9 2 5 could be brought to light. 8. cw, I.

9

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

Rothacker, who represented the younger generation of philosophers interested in the systematic study of Geisteswissenschaft and phil­ osophical anthropology, had offered to print Voegelin's article on Max Weber in the Deutsche Viertelfahresschrift fiir Literaturwis­ senschaft und Geistesgeschichte, of which he was co-editor. The relationship to Rothacker indicates that at quite an early stage Voegelin thought of himself as part of the intellectual movement that sought a common epistemological foundation for the social and historical disciplines.

Academic Beginnings in Vienna The correspondence with Eduard Baumgarten in the 1 9 30s gives us a closer look into Voegelin's life and studies in Vienna.9 This view is valuably supplemented by the progress reports on his work that Voegelin made to the Rockefeller Foundation's representatives in Europe-first, John V.Van Sickle; later, Tracy Kittredge-who kept informative diaries that have become available for research. Both men held Voegelin in high esteem and, more interesting, painted a detailed picture of his academic milieu.The intense concern with academic affairs in Vienna originated with the Rockefeller Founda­ tion's intention to support the establishment of an Independent In­ stitute of Social Studies in the Austrian capital.But the project was never implemented; not because its conceptual program was inade­ quate, or due to lack of funds, but as a result of the infighting among the academic cliques at the University of Vienna.10 When Harold Lasswell visited Vienna in 1 9 2 8, Hans Kelsen asked Voegelin to show him around. Lasswell communicated his favorable impres­ sion of Voegelin to his colleague Merriam: Y oung V oegeli n is the best young man I have met in E urope, who is an honest-to-G od E uropean. H is book on the form of the American mind you have perhaps seen....V oegelin has embarked on a hi ghly valuable career. H e wants to conduct a de tailed examination of the non- rational presuppositions of different cultures, and to trace their consequences. This he does by a rigorous methodology. H e assumes

9 · The Voegelin letters of these years are preserved in the Baumgarten papers. I thank Professor W. Schoeppe, Frankfurt, for making the letters available to me. Cf. Baumgarten's unpublished autobiography, " Spielraume unter Hiders Herrschaft. " 10. Christian Fleck, "Die gescheiterte Griindung eines Zentrums fiir sozialwis­ senschaftliche Forschung in den 30er Jahren in Wien, " in Archiv {iii die Geschichte der Soziologie in Osterreich (newsletter) 20 (June 2ooo). IO

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

that there is some connection between the cultural manifestation in philosophy and s cience, and the culture. H e then proceeds to make a thorough-going critique of these philosophical and scientifi c ex­ pressions, and exposes the point at which the logic is weak, and the emotional presupposition and motive is exposed.U

Obviously Voegelin had given Lasswell an outline of the research he had done following his study of the American mind, which focused on the comparative analysis of national types of mind. It resulted in a series of lectures, " National Types of Mind and the Limits to Interstate Relations, " given at Geneva in I 9 3 0 . 12 In these lectures, as well as in numerous articles, Voegelin advanced his project of a geisteswissenschaftliche Staatslehre that welded We­ ber's cultural understanding of social phenomena to the hermeneu­ tical method of the Dilthey school, a procedure that increasingly separated Voegelin from the juridical Staatslehre of Kelsen, his academic teacher. In a I 92 8 report on Voegelin's intellectual and scientific qualifications, Kelsen had supported Voegelin's habilita­ tion in sociology, which gave Voegelin the status of privatdozent. Kelsen appointed Voegelin to a modestly paid untenured position as junior staff member in I 92 9 and recommended him in I 9 3 0 for a teaching position at the Institut Universitaire des Hautes Etudes Internationales in Geneva. Voegelin was invited to give these lec­ tures, which, however, did not fulfill the expectations of the head of the department, William Rappard. This failure seems to have confirmed Kelsen's growing doubts concerning Voegelin's intellec­ tual development. Already in his report on Voegelin's habilitation Kelsen had expressed reservations concerning the scientific inten­ tion and methods of Voegelin's study of the American mind and had refused to extend Voegelin's teaching qualification to the field of Staatslehre. But in I 9 3 0, as Giinther Winkler has shown, Kelsen's attitude toward Voegelin turned even more radically against him. It is an open question whether this turn was due to Voegelin's re­ view of Kelsen's archenemy Carl Schmitt13 or because of Voegelin's growing political sympathy for the conservatives. Voegelin himself 1 1 . Harold D. Lasswell to Merriam, November 1 8, 1 928, in Rockefeller Archive Center, Rockefeller Foundation Archives, Record Group #oi.ooo r /Projects/Series #705 . S/Series Name: Austria-Social Sciences/Container 005 /Folder 0046 (herein­ after, Rockefeller Archive Center). 12. cw, 3 2 =43o-8 2 . 1 3 . Cf. 11 'Die Verfassungsleme von Carl Schmitt. ' Review essay o f Verfassungs­ lelue, by Carl Schmitt11 ( 1 9 3 1 ), in CW, 1 3 :42-6 5 .

II

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

seems to have been unaware of Kelsen's change of heart, perhaps, in part, because Kelsen had left Vienna for Cologne in the fall of 1 9 3 0 . 14 In 1 9 3 1 , after Kelsen's departure, the law faculty granted Voegelin's request for the extension of his teaching qualification to include the field of Staatslehre. In 1 9 3 5 Voegelin was given a titular professorship (without pay). Beginning in 1 929 Voegelin had regu­ larly taught courses at the Vienna Volkshochschule, a school for adult education connected to the socialist workers' movement. In 1 9 3 6 Voegelin became head of the department of political science. Coming in the wake of the suppression of the socialist movement in 1 9 3 4, this was in part a "political" appointment. In the 1 9 30s Voegelin suffered the vicissitudes of the existence of a privatdozent in the German university system. As he explained it to Earl Eduard Eubank in 1 9 3 4 : "The privatdocent has no regular income. He collects only fees from such students as may come to him, . . . But it constitutes a waiting list of men from whom professors will be chosen. " In other words, the privatdozent had to wait for a faculty that would decide to nominate him for a tenured full professorship. 15 In 1 9 3 1 Voegelin wrote to Baumgarten: "My financial state is in fact quite miserable. Until Kelsen left last au­ tumn I was his assistant but lost the post when he went to Cologne. As an act of mercy I was given a grant of 1 00 Marks per month, which will be paid for the last time on the first of July. After that I will be very much up in the air. " 1 6 He complained that he had been engaged for two and a half years but, " due to the complete lack of funds, " did not have "the most remote chance of marrying. " 1 7 The following year, on July 30, he and Luise Betty (Lissy) Onken did marry, despite the still precarious financial situation, and they moved in with Voegelin's parents-in-law. Holding only intermit­ tent temporary low paid university positions Voegelin had to rely for his income on student fees and monies from private sources. His excellent academic qualifications brought him grants-in-aid from I 4. "Gunther Winkler, Geleitwort, " in Der autoritiire Staat, by Eric Voegelin, ed. G. Winkler {Vienna: Springer Verlag, I 9 9 7 ), xxi-xiv. I 5 . Earl Edward Eubank, "Conversations with Eric Voegelin. " Cf. Dirk Kasler, Soziologische Abenteuer, Earl Edward Eubank besucht europiiische Soziologen im Sommer 1934 (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, I 9 8 5 ). English: Dirk Kasler, Socio­ logical Adventures: Earle Edward Eubank's Visits with European Sociologists {New Brunswick: Transaction, I 98 5 ). I thank Dirk Kasler for providing me with the orig­ inal account of Eubank's conversations with Voegelin. I 6 . Voegelin to Baumgarten, June 23, I 9 3 L I ? . Voegelin t o Baumgarten, November I I , I 9 3 I .

12

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

the Rockefeller Foundation in 193 1 and 193 2 . He also translated for government institutions, wrote reports, and gave private lessons to intellectually interested gentlemen of means. For a brief time he edited the Deutsches Rechts- und Wirtschaftsarchiv, and in 1 934 a "wealthy English friend" 18 subsidized his studies in London and Paris. In spite of continuing financial worries and time-consuming part­ time work to supplement his income, Voegelin quite early dis­ tinguished himself through excellent and innovative scholarship that was marked by an impressive learnedness and an unusual breadth of empirical knowledge. His broad research interests doc­ ument his great intellectual curiosity and rare theoretical acumen. He discussed his scholarly ambitions in conversations with Eubank in 1934: "I have developed away from special theory of sociology toward an inclusive single social science which would take in Po­ litical Economics as well as Sociology....The only men who have done this before are Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas and Bodin." Like Lasswell a few years earlier, Eubank was impressed by Voegelin: "I found him to have one of the keenest and most illuminating minds and a rare gift of clarity in defining the political and sociological situation in Europe." 19 It is worth mentioning that Voegelin aimed at emulating the encyclopedic scope and universal claim of the We­ berian master science of culture-albeit theoretically redirected by the thrust of new philosophical discourses.He was set to chart new paths that transcended the conventional boundaries of the disci­ plines in order to lay the foundation of a Geisteswissenschaftliche Staatslehre. The outline of a book with this title, probably from late 1929, remained a fragment.20 In 1 930 Voegelin's scholarly in­ tention developed in the direction of a comprehensive system of Staatslehre. He described the purpose of this project to Van Sickle: I t is my intention to rearrange and reformulate the whole science of G overnment in terms of the results of modern philosophy (H usserl, H eidegger, J aspers in G ermany, D ewey in America, Bergson in France) , and to make the system extend from the philosophic basis t o the

1 8 . Tracey B. Kittredge, Memorandum: Conversation with Dr. Erich Voegelin . ], September 8, 1 9 3 4, in Rockefeller Archive Center. 1 9 . Eubank, "Conversations with Voegelin. " 20. CW, 3 2 : 4 1 4-29; Voegelin, Herrschaftslehre, Anhang: Staatslehre als Geis­ teswissenschaft, ed. Peter Opitz (Munich: Eric Voegelin-Archiv, 2007 ). Since this book project has been mentioned neither in the correspondence with Baumgarten nor in the reports to the Rockefeller Foundation, it probably dates from 1 929/30.

[

.

.

13

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

det ails of technical constitu tional law ... ; attempts in this direction have been made by men like C arl S chmitt ... , bu t they failed, be­ cau se they had not the general and very broad philosophic as well as historical knowledge requ ired for su ch an enterprise. The three parts of my book will be: r) H errschaftslehre,

2) R echtslehre 3) D ie tech­

nischen Probleme des V erfassu ngsrechtes .... I think I cou ld fi nish it within a year and a half, perhaps even in a somewhat shorter time.2 1

In June Voegelin informed Baumgarten that he had finished the chapter on the foundations of the Herrschaftslehre (theory of gov­ ernance). He enclosed a table of contents and an explanatory note.22 The manuscript of the text that has in fact come down to us con­ tains an additional discussion on the nature of power (Weber, Schmitt, Plessner) that was not in the outline sent to Baumgarten.23 While still reflecting on the subject of power Voegelin turned to the problem of race theory. 24 Race, of course, was a topic in the current political debate; far less an issue in academic discourse and in the discipline of Staatslehre. Nevertheless, Voegelin devoted a lecture course to this topic during the winter semester 1 9 3 1 / 3 2 . Whatever i t was that motivated him t o approach this subject, i t led to changes in the concept of his book. He wrote to Van Sickle, who had asked him about the progress of his work: "The whole book on Principles of Government will comprise four sections. " Thus, the earlier three sections had been expanded to include a fourth: section 2 on the problem of race. It supplemented the sections on the theory of governance, legal theory (also the subject of a lecture course in the same semester), and the theory of government forms and constitutions . Since the additional section considerably increased the size of the book, Voegelin considered publishing "one section of it, section 2 on the Race problem, as a separate volume. "25 During the ensuing months Voegelin concentrated on this project, now re­ moved from the context of the Staatslehre, which became the inde­ pendent work Rasse und Staat. In October he was still working on it and sent Baumgarten a table of contents showing the parts he had completed in the course of his revisions. It contained a first part on the systematic study of the race idea and a second one on the history 2 1 . Voegelin to Van Sickle, June 1 9, 1 9 3 1 . 22. Voegelin to Baumgarten, June 2 3 , 1 9 3 1 . 2 3 . Voegelin, "Grundlagen der Herrschaftslehre": Bin Kapitel des Systems der Herrschaftslehre, ed. Peter Opitz (Munich: Eric Voegelin-Archiv, 2007 ). 24. Voegelin to Baumgarten, n.d. (February 1 9 3 2 ) . 2 5 . Voegelin t o Van Sickle, March 1 8, 1 9 3 2 .

14

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

of the race idea. 26 In March I 9 3 3 the manuscript was completed and a publisher found, J. Siebeck of the J.C.B. Mohr publishing house, but Voegelin was still writing the introductionY A glance at this introduction as it appears in the published book shows an impor­ tant theoretical shift. For although it conceptually recapitulates the position of the Herrschaftslehre and the legal theory, it goes be­ yond them in a reflective turn to philosophical anthropology, now viewed as the guiding principle of the "hermeneutical" analysis of socio-political phenomena: Human nature is the root of the state. The formula signaled the methodological personalism (Sigwart) that was to become the key concept of Voegelin's hermeneutical science. This shift in theoretical outlook is the result of an inten­ sive study of Max Scheler's Die Stellung des Menschen im Kosmos ( I 9 28), a book that was only mentioned in passing in the first draft of the Herrschaftslehre.28 Siebeck, however, accepted only part of the manuscript and refused the chapters on the history of the race idea. Voegelin sought a new publisher for this part, and the manuscript on "the history of the race idea" was accepted for publication by Junker & Dunhaupt-"a very nationalist firm. " The acceptance of the book on the part of this publisher came about through the "recommendation of professor [Alfred] Baeumler, the newly appointed ordinarius for the chair of Political Paedagogics, in spite [of the fact] that the results of the book are strictly oppo­ site to the present race doctrine and politics in Germany, because professor Baeumler acknowledges its high scientific value. 1129 Van Sickle related a conversation that he had in October with Voegelin in Vienna: "Under our recent grant-in-aid he has completed a two­ volume History of Race Theory which is being published by a German firm, on the direct insistence of one of the high Nazi professors. While the book is not orthodox in the Hitler sense it at least takes the race conception seriously as a political factor. It may lead to V's being called to Germany. He would accept despite his preference for Austria. "30 The vexing problem of Voegelin's involvement with Baeumler and a National Socialist publisher will be dealt with below. But 2 6 . Voegelin to Baumgarten, October ro, 1 9 3 2 . 2 7 . Voegelin to Baumgarten, March 2, 1 9 3 3 . 2 8 . Klaus Vondung, "Editor's Introduction," in CW, 2:xiv. 2 9 . Voegelin to Van Sickle, August 28, 1 9 3 3 . 3 0 . Eric Voegelin, interview b y John Van Sickle, October 1 7 , 1 9 3 3, transcript in Rockefeller Archive Center.

IS

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

first, Voegelin's plans for further research, as outlined to the Rock­ efeller Foundation, should be considered. Voegelin continued his revision of the Herrschftslehie31 and sug­ gested putting together a volume of documents, under the title of The Ruler in the Modern State, that "was to give an exhaustive aspect [survey] of the problem of rulership from the r 6th cent[ury] to the end of the 1 9th" (century).32 But Van Sickle was not able to support this plan.33 Later, Voegelin envisioned writing a textbook for students on the Grundbegriffe der Staatslehre und des oste­ reichischen Staatsrechts .34 A detailed table of contents was sent to the publishing house Springer. But again there was no interest, be­ cause far-reaching changes in Austrian constitutional law were to be expected that suggested the prudence of postponing the project until the situation cleared up.35 None of these plans materialized. Instead, the contemporary crisis engulfed Voegelin and set him on new political and theoretical paths.

The Predicament of a Scholar Confronting National Socialism "The political events are incredibly exciting: an El Dorado of ma­ terial for a teacher of political science [Staatslehre]; but, in human terms, everyday life in Vienna has become less pleasant. You cannot imagine the nervous anxiety among the Jews, and I fear that these recent weeks have brought about very great changes in our rela­ tionship to our Jewish friends (although nothing is said openly). "36 These fears appear to have been unfounded, even if Voegelin in these days still kept up the sober Weberian attitude of the scholar analyzing from a reflective distance, which he had displayed in all his previous writings. Thus Voegelin stated in the first version of his Herrschaftslehre: "Insight into the correct and objectively valid [sachlich giiltigen] content of ruling is not a matter for discursive cognition that has been verified according to specific procedural rules, but a matter of 'intuition' on the part of the persons involved 31. Voegelin, Herrschaftslehre. Cf. CW, 32:224-373, combining versions I and 2. 32. Voegelin to Van Sickle, August 28, I933· 33· Van Sickle to Voegelin, September I, I933, in Rockefeller Archive Center. 34· Voegelin to Van Sickle, August 28, I933· For this outline, see the appendix. 35· Verlag Julius Springer to Voegelin, October 3, I933, in Eric Voegelin Papers, Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford, Calif. (hereinafter Voegelin Papers), box 30, folder 25. 36. Voegelin to Baumgarten, March 2, I933·

r6

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

in the social process. It is not the scholar who knows what is ob­ jectively valid, but those participating in social reality at concrete points in the course of history. "37 This detached stance had an immediate bearing on Voegelin's critical observations on the changing political landscape in Europe, which he analyzed in terms of differing national types of mind and attendant forms of political order. The approach of a hermeneutical morphology of politico-cultural forms, which was first tried out in On the Form of the American Mind, provided the analytical frame of reference for the critical understanding of contemporary politics. A crucial consideration in this regard was the difference between the historical situation of "Western democracies" (in the United States, Britain, and France) and the majority of European societies, particularly German society, which Voegelin had discussed in his speech on Max Weber: "The nation lacks political unity and has never produced an image of the political life of German citizens and of their public interrelations and relations to the leaders of their state, an image that would have impressed itself on the individual existence so thoroughly that it would have seemed an unquestion­ able aspect of human nature, as it did in the West. "38 In his book on race, Voegelin returned to this particular historical situation, which he believed accounted for the emergence of the political idea of race as a mass phenomenon in Germany: In the Western states, the established idea of national polity "with its essential roots in the Christian doctrine of community, in which there is no room for the race idea, opposes the latter in compara­ tively undiminished force. " The "philosophy of the person coin­ cides with the philosophy of political man." But in German in­ tellectual history, "the two are separated by a wide chasm. "39 As a result, so Voegelin wrote in another text, "the Western idea of humanity is as inwardly foreign to the German as the German idea is to the Western democrat. "40 At the time Voegelin wrote this, he was making an analytical statement with no immediate political implications. His focus was on possible long-term developments in European politics. In his Geneva lectures ( 1 9 30) and in a lecture on the European dictatorships (December 9, 1 9 3 2 ) he gave details of 3738. 39· 40.

CW, 32:313 (translation slightly changed). cw, 8:133· cw, 2:16, 206. cw, 8:234·

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

his view: "We have arrived at a situation rather erroneously styled the 'Crisis of Democracy. ' There is no such crisis because, as yet, democracy has not existed at all. Democracy up to this time, at least in Europe, has been a dissolvent of traditional forms, the last of which is the bourgeois parliament; it ha . s had a purely nega­ tive function. And now having performed this function, democracy faces the problem of what to do, and how to organize a thoroughly democratic nation." Attempts in this direction like the fascist so­ lution had yet to show their value. As Carl Schmitt had suggested, there might be "democracy without any limits to governmental power . . . . [W]e might perhaps arrive at a political order where . . . masses of people follow one or more political leaders, because of his or their political authority. "41 Voegelin substantiated this view in his lecture on dictatorships with empirical analysis. The political scenery of post-World War Europe, he stated, is characterized by the rise of dictatorships. With the exception of Russia, these dictator­ ships emerge within the framework of a formal constitution. The crucial point is the "failure of parliamentarism. " "The democratic parliaments function best where they inherited an ancient firmly established national organization-like in France and Britain; they prove themselves less successful where the parliamentary system has to create a national organization." In this respect, Italy under Mussolini became the model of a postwar dictatorship . The other model was the Russian dictatorship of the proletariat. In Voegelin's comparative analysis of these two models he came to the conclu­ sion that they combined elements of mass democracy and state leadership by an estate of politicians, a party-aristocracy. For Lenin and Mussolini " true democracy" meant that the people's weal is best cared for by those who have the most objective knowledge of it.42 Voegelin's cool rational assessment of the dictatorial ten­ dencies all over Europe found confirmation in the disintegration of parliamentary democracy in Austria and Germany. The rise of Hitler to power as the chancellor of a rightist coalition government and his implementation of dictatorial measures cer­ tainly did not come as a surprise to Voegelin. But one might conjec­ ture that he expected the National Socialists to emulate the fascist model and did not reckon with the sweeping political and ideo4 1 . cw, 3 2:469-7 1 . 42. "Die europaischen Diktaturen, " in Voegelin Papers, box 47, folder 4 (transla­ tion by J. Gebhardt).

!8

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

logical Gleichschaltung that the National Socialists set in motion shortly after taking power. This might explain why he briefly con­ sidered academic opportunities in Germany. He reported to Baum­ garten: "I am energetically exploring the possibility of coming to Germany. . . . I was in Berlin for a week and tried to find some points of contact. There are a few chances in the offing, among others an assistant position with Baeumler. " He asked Baumgarten for advice: "How does it look in Gottingen? Can they use a pro­ fessor for Staatslehre or a Sociologist? "43 We do not know how Voegelin established his contact with Baeumler, a philosopher with strong Nazi ties who was appointed to a professorship in Berlin in early 1 9 3 3 . The result of Voegelin's visit to Berlin was (as men­ tioned above) a contract for the publication of a "history of the race idea" with Baeumler's National Socialist publisher. In addition, the same publisher commissioned Voegelin to write a Forschungs­ bericht iiber die Rassentheorie (Research Report on Race Theory).44 Another quite prominent National Socialist philosopher, Ernst Krieck, had read the history of the race idea and inquired into Voegelin's curriculum vitae, his personal circumstances, and so on.45 Voegelin answered with a carefully worded letter pointing out that he was committed to the classical period of German thought ( n 7 o-1 8 3o); he avoided any reference to National Socialism and did not close with the Nazi salutation.46 Krieck did not respondY In November, Voegelin had sent a copy of his just-published Ges­ chichte der Rassenidee to Baeumler and inquired about his chances of finding a position in Germany. Baeumler might have recom­ mended the publication to his publisher but he had obviously not read the manuscript, because he now wrote to Voegelin that "as far as I can see, although your recent publications deal with the race idea, neither of them would help you to come to Germany. "48 Both professors were under the delusion that the young Austrian scholar writing on the race question must share their ideological convic­ tions. Voegelin, on the other hand, seems to have still labored under 43 · Voegelin to Baumgarten, July 2 I , I 9 3 3 · 44· Cf. "Forschungsbericht iiber die Rassentheorie, " outline and chapter I, in Voegelin Papers, box 5 3, folder I 4 . 4 5 · Krieck t o Voegelin, December I 2, I 9 3 3, i n Voegelin Papers, box 5 4, folder 1 . 4 6 . Voegelin t o Krieck, December I S , 1 9 3 3 . 4 7 . Voegelin t o Krieck, n.d. (early I 9 3 4l, reminding Krieck o f his letter. 48. Baeumler to Voegelin, November 1 1, I 9 3 3 , in Voegelin Papers, box 5 4, folder I.

19

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

the delusion that an open and rational discourse on scholarly ques­ tions could be carried on in Germany, as it still could in fascist Italy. This fatal misreading of the German situation soon became obvi­ ous. The publisher canceled his contract for the race report after the party had suggested to him that such an important task should not be undertaken by a "scholar living in Austria. "49 The reasons were clear: Norbert Giirke, a National Socialist reviewer of Rasse und Staat, had found out that Voegelin's book was incompatible with the fundamental convictions of National Socialism and with the National Socialist notion of science. Voegelin realized that "the 'force' with which I addressed cer­ tain contemporary problems has earned me the enmity of some very influential people. Indeed, to such an extent, that I fear that my chances [of finding an academic position] in Germany have been greatly diminished. "50 The reviewer had published his re­ views in September and November 193 3.51 "I had a ferocious con­ flict over Race and State," Voegelin informed Baumgarten. "A re­ view appeared 'National Journal for Administration' [Reichsver­ waltungsblatt] by a Mr. Giirke. It was a vile political denunciation: ( [The book is] un-German and incompatible with National Social­ ism) . . . . I wrote a letter in strong terms to [Otto] Koellreutter, the editor: I could not imagine that he would want to leave such a villainous attack stand and asked him to let me set the matter straight. " But Koellreutter permitted only a "lame reply" because Giirke was a "party functionary. "52 Voegelin had not realized that Norbert Giirke was a rising star among Nazi jurists. He presumably knew Voegelin from his brief activity at the law faculty in Vienna, where he also acted as the head of the legal department of the Austrian NSDAP. In 193 3, Giirke left Austria for an assistantship with Koellreutter, who had early opted for the new regime and would become very influential in the emerging National Socialist jurisprudence. 53 Giirke, who became Koellreutter's son-in-law, was 49· Voegelin to Baumgarten, April 13, 1934. s o . Voegelin to Baumgarten, Februry 14, 1934. 5 I. Norbert Giirke, "Rasse und Staat in der Staatslehre," Reichsverwaltungsblatt 54, no. 40 (September 30, 1933): 781-85i Norbert Giirke, review of Rasse und Staat, by Erich Voegelin, in Deutsche Literaturzeitung 46 (November 12, 1933): 2196-98. 52. Voegelin to Baumgarten, April 13, I934i c£. CW, 9:17-22, 13-16. 53· Cf. Michael Stolleis, Geschichte des offentlichen Rechts, 2:323-29, 334-35, and passim.

20

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

soon appointed law professor in Munich and in 1 9 3 9 was called to Vienna. 54 In its main idea, Voegelin's book contradicts the National Social­ ist understanding of folk and state. Giirke's personal and ideological background gave his attack on Voegelin an official character: "Nei­ ther scientifically nor politically is it a worthwhile book; instead it is a collection of intellectual constructions which serve to call into question the basic idea of race. "55 What was really at stake in the National Socialist concept of race, however, was expressed by Hellmuth Flessner in his positive review of Voegelin's book: "Any attempt to subsume the human being under animal categories has to be paid for by the human being and the categories that are to confine him. If the human being voluntarily renounces his spiritual existence, he will indeed bestialize himself and can not complain if he is treated in accordance with Mendel's law. "56 The correspondence with Baumgarten shows that by early 1 9 3 4 Voegelin had become aware o f the true nature of the National So­ cialist regime, and in a letter to Baumgarten he revealed just how strongly he had reconsidered the events taking place in Germany. Voegelin's remarks were occasioned by Baumgarten's short ar­ ticle on "American Philosophy and German Faith. " Baumgarten wanted to build a bridge between the mental and the political forms of American society and the idea of German faith and community that had emerged in the trenches among the student-soldiers of 1 9 1 8 . He implied that Hitler's notion of the "true" (plebiscitarian Fuhrer ) "democracy" was comparable to the ideals of American frontier democracy as it had been systemized in the philosophy of pragmatism .57 Voegelin was troubled by the direction Baumgarten's thought had taken. "As always, everything you say about the per­ sonal style of the American society is important. But the link you make to the German belief does not seem to me to rest on a firm foundation. " The ideas of the pioneer in America and the gentle­ man in England "developed into the politically significant human types because the communities in which these styles were formed 5 4· Ibid., 294· 5 5 · Giirke, review of Rasse und Staat, 2 1 98. 5 6 . Hellmuth Flessner, review of Rasse und Staat, by Eric Voegelin, in Zeitsclrrift fiir offentliches Recht 1 4 ( 1 9 3 4 ) : 4 1 4. 5 7 · Eduard Baumgarten, "Amerikanische Philosophie und deutscher Glaube, " in Zeitsclrrift fiir franzosischen und englischen Unterricht 3 3 , no. 2 ( 1 934): 9 6-102.

21

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

were at the same time the foundations upon which the [national] political forms themselves developed. For us Germans the matter appears to me to be entirely different. " The soldier's experience of the temporary community of comrades-in-arms does not provide a lasting form for the nation. For this reason, the soldier's attitude cannot be used to create the life-form of a nation "without doing violence to, and falsifying, the real situation in which the great mass of the people live." The same objection holds true for the "often invoked 'spirit of the SA! as the source of the community's form. " "As far as the qu e stions of forming a community and cre­ ating a genuine community style are concerned, the future looks quite worrisome to me. " No existential stance exists in Germany that might serve as a model for giving form to the whole nation. Voegelin summed up the principal features that characterized pub­ lic life in Germany: "an aggressive disposition and a nervous and extreme reaction to anything that is not an expression of complete sympathy-the exact opposite of the American openness to criti­ cism. Further: the readiness to take decisive measures without a thought to the values that might possibly be destroyed as a result, the absence of the least shimmer of imagination concerning the effects action might have on a third party. . . . The deeper reason for all of these phenomena is to be found in a psyche that is in a state of ecstasy and has lost all sense of proportion concerning the structure of social reality. " From this follows an incompetence in acting for the long term, "middle-class nationalist credulity for 'ideas' (the creation of brutally crude ideologies: the heroic life, race theory, science as a form of soldiering, etc . ) . In this ideological failure we find the grounds for the damming up of the sources out of which a genuine lifestyle is nurtured. " On the whole, the picture shows more destructive than creative features and points, "in the event of a de facto failure to the danger of a horrible nervous breakdown. " Voegelin confined himself to just a few "key words" in order to express his uneasiness at Baumgarten's not very profound attempt to span "a bridge across the gulf between the American and the German situation. "58 These rather personal and impressionistic remarks on the Ger­ man situation were resumed in a systematic analysis of the nature of the National Socialist movement and state that focused on the 58. Voegelin to Baumgarten, April 13, 1 9 3 4 .

22

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

race idea as the crucial defining moment. The brief text (Rasse und Staat ) explores the historical preconditions that would explain why " in the political formation of the German people the race idea could penetrate all the way into the organization of the state . " The ascendancy of the race idea is not per se an ingredient of the new dictatorial order, whether of the total or authoritarian variety-the Italian and the Russian dictatorship, as well as other dictatorships, are indifferent to the race idea. There is, of course, the common European background, such as the discovery of the plurality of races, the breakdown of the Christian worldview, and the emer­ gence of the idea of the agency of particular human communities in history. But what is decisive is the development, in the history of early modernity, of two distinct European types of political for­ mation of the people: the nation-state, which is state-centered and revolves around the notion of the political person as the primary political category, and the "imperial people" (Reichsvolk), which is characterized by the tension between a plurality of regional power units and the imperial idea and which, in the absence of a national political form and identity, turns toward new collective visions of community centered on the primacy of the people at the expense of the individual. In terms of this ideal-typical construction, "the national state type finds its maximal applicability in the case of France; the imperial people type katexochen in the German peo­ ple. " In nineteenth-century Germany, the belated nation-building and the preservation of the imperial idea brought about the unique consciousness of people-hood as a formative force in the process of the revolutionary activation of the masses. Besides the real fac­ tors of power and economics, "blood" was acknowledged to be a crucial determinant in the shaping of people-hood, and this belief opened the way for the race idea and the racial definition of the imperial people. The idea of community based upon the physical nature of man, and the Weltanschauung derived from it, builds on a general reassessment of the vital sphere and induces a change in the existential mood of German society: "New insights into the relevance of the a-rational in human existence develop across the board. " The disruption of the Christian cosmos is psycholog­ ically accompanied by a sharpened sensitivity to the sources of the atypical, the abnormal, the a-rational, and the disorderly. In the sphere of ethics, we can clearly detect the incipient breakdown of stable norms and traditions . From German idealism onward, "a 23

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

series of transitions involving the dissolution of the rational and the new determination of a-rational life as the source of law from Fichte, Nietzsche, and Bergson, to Simmel and Weber materializes in speculation about moral phenomena conceptualized in terms like existence, attitude, concrete situation, responsibility, imme­ diacy, decision. " To Voegelin, this all-encompassing reevaluation of the vital sphere and of the instinctual foundations of the human being in the mental makeup of the Germans was a key factor in producing that blend of national and vitalistic ideas that was carried all the way into the formation of the state organization initiated by the National Socialist movement and its "Fiihrer. "59 This was not Voegelin's last word on National Socialism, but it signaled his far­ reaching reorientation in politics, scholarship, and theory.

The Austrian Option and the Religious Question As early as 193 0 Voegelin explored the development of Austrian politics and the attendant constitutional upheavals in terms of his general conceptual approach to the European crisis. Looking at the constitutional reform act of 1929, he diagnosed the dysfunctioning of the parliamentary system. It lacked the basic prerequisite of the consciousness of national statehood and therefore lacked a civic identity that could transcend party divisions. Austria, he wrote, is not a nation-state, and the "Austrian people continues to be torn between the two great, state-transcending world-views of Marxist internationalism and Catholicism. " Constitutional life was there­ fore reduced to the struggle of the respective party machines. The Constitution of 1929 worked to the advantage of the anti-socialist camp and stabilized the preponderance of the bourgeois parties, in particular that of the Catholic Christian Social party. Within the Catholic camp, but beyond the party organization, emerged the party militia Heimwehr (Home Defense Force) as an armed author­ itarian and anti-parliamentary force. Voegelin, albeit critical of the bourgeois empowerment, credited it with introducing an entirely new element into Austrian political life: "namely, an incipient con­ sciousness of statehood and an ideal of the physically fit citizen who is capable of discipline and interested both in his state and in the purity of public life."60 In the following years, Voegelin contin5 9 · CW, 9 :43-44, 48, 5 3 (translation changed). 6o. CW, 8: I 77, 1 67 .

24

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

ued to reason in this manner in his exegesis of Austrian politics as well as in regard to his personal political position. The more or less provisional constitutional consensus vanished with the National Socialist takeover in Germany and when the in­ dependence of Austria was threatened. Before 1 9 3 3 political union with Germany had been a generally agreed to political option on the part of all partiesi after 1 9 3 3 it became a decision for the Nazi regime. From an international point of view, Austria was caught be­ tween Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, the latter power supporting Austrian national independence but insisting that it move toward a fascist order. In a series of articles written in 1 9 3 4, Voegelin re­ traced the political logic of the unfolding authoritarian regime un­ der Chancellor Dollfuss between 1 9 3 3 and 1 9 3 4. As in the German case, the regime grew out of the fact that Austrians were an "impe­ rial people" who, lacking a national state in the sense of Western democracies, was sustained by a historical legacy that differed from that of the Germans by being oriented to the Hapsburg monarchy.61 In February 1 9 3 4 Voegelin commented on the civil war-like armed struggle between the party militias that resulted in the de­ feat of the socialist movement: "The political background to the struggle, as well as the consequences it will have, are unclear. The only thing that is certain is that the best possibilities for a more or less democratic solution to Austria's problems have disappeared. They existed as long as there was a sort of tacit union between the government and the Social Democrats to combat National So­ cialism. Whether the new situation will lead to an understanding between the Austrian fascists and the National Socialist Party, or to another battle of extermination, like the one now being waged against the Social Democrats, remains to be seeni both options have their supporters . " 62 It was the second option that materialized after the conservative governmental forces had put down the Social Democrats. The de facto executive under Dollfuss, acting extra­ constitutionally, pushed through a new corporatist-authoritarian constitution by decree in May 1 9 3 4, abolishing parliament and the party system and replacing them with a system of corporate coun­ cils. Within the framework of the constitution, a new monopolistic political mass organization was created: the Vaterliindische Front 6 r . cw, 9 = 2 5-2 6 . 6 2 . Voegelin t o Baumgarten, February 1 4, 1 9 34.

25

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

( Patriotic Front), which was to function as the transmission belt between the people and the authoritarian government of Dollfuss's successor, Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg.63 In July 1 9 3 4, the National Socialists attempted to take over Austria in a coup d'etat. Dollfuss was murdered, but the revolt was put down . by the mil­ itary and police forces. Voegelin had been in Paris and "was not involved in the sad days in Vienna. " 64 But these events certainly strengthened him in his pro-authoritarian leanings. In 1 9 3 5 Voegelin took it upon himself to write a comprehensive scientific study of the " authoritarian state" that demonstrated the analytical strength of his historico-political hermeneutics. Voegelin combined epistemological and historical reflection to, first, dif­ ferentiate current key political symbols ( " total, " "authoritarian, " "liberal" ) from theoretical concepts and, second, to present an in­ depth, historical reconstruction of European politics in which he traced the elements of " state totality" and "state authority" back to their origins in the formative period of modern state building. . While these elements had been operative in the French and English cases at an earlier period of history, they only came to the fore in central Europe amid the unsettled situation of abortive nation­ state building.65 For Austria's post-imperial constellation Voegelin reaffirmed the fact that the population had never been transformed into a politically existent demos "that might have been able to establish the state as democracy. "66 Under the conditions of the attempted Nazi takeover in July 1 9 3 4, the very existence of the state was at stake, and only the authoritarian regime seemed ca­ pable of creating a truly Austrian political consciousness to fend off National Socialist " totalitarianism. " "The authoritarian state organization appears authoritarian from the standpoint of extreme mass-election democracy; it appears 'liberal' from the standpoint of a total state program. "67 Voegelin's descriptive analysis of the 6 3 . Cf. Erika Weinzierl, Historical Commentry on the Period, in CW, 4: 1 o-38i Robert Kriechbauer, "Der Nebel der Begrifflichkeit oder vom schwierigen Umgang mit dem Standestaat und der Vaterlandischen Front, Osterreich! Und Front Heil! ed. Robert Kriechbauer (Vienna: Bohlau Verlag, 200 5 ), 9-49i Gerhard Jagsch, "Der osterreichische Standestaat, 1 9 3 4- 1 9 38, " in Osterreich 1 9 1 8-193 8, vol. 1, ed. Erika Weinzeirl and Kurt Skalnik ( Graz: Styria, 1 983 ), 497-5 1 5 · 64. Voegelin to Baumgarten, August 4, 1 9 34. 6 5 . CW, 4: 1 06i cf. Jiirgen Gebhardt, "Voegelin on Austria, Hitler, and the Ger­ mans, " Review of Politics 6 5 , no. 2 (Spring 2003 ) : 264-77 . 6 6 . cw, 4= 1 5 1 . 6 ? . Ibid., 283 . "

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

constitutional program itself struck a skeptical note because, in his opinion, its real effect on political reality could not yet be ascertained, and therefore judgment on it had to be suspended.68 In a 1 9 3 7 political memorandum, Voegelin still expressed the hope that an "Austrian people . . . is now in the making. "69 A year later he was to learn that neither the Austrian elite nor the Austrian people were willing to fight for their political existence. The Authoritarian State70 represents a substantial work of schol­ arship that could not help but advance its author's academic stand­ ing and career. But it also suggests a personal political decision to support the defenders of Austrian independence-the government of Chancellor Schuschnigg. This is confirmed by Voegelin's later reference to having been active in Austrian politics since 1 9 3 6, "when, in view of the critical situation, it appeared to me to be a duty to try to put my modest strength to use where I could. "71 The extent of Voegelin's active political engagement is still unclear; it seems to have taken place mainly in the field of adult education and civic instruction. Kittredge reported the following conversa­ tion with Voegelin in Vienna on February 2 5 , 1 9 3 6 : E V has recently been appointed a s Lecturer in the special school or­ ganized by the Patriotic Front in Austria for the indoctrination of the young leaders of the

Heimwehr

in general political, social, and eco­

nomic ideas. EV stated that his appointment indicated an increasing tendency towards liberalism of the present regime. H e stated that in his lectures for the

Heimwehr

leaders he was insisting largely upon

problems of international cooperation and the necessity for the de­ velopment of liberal political and social institutions. H is lectures are largely attended and he felt that he was having some success in com­ bating autocratic and autarchic doctrines.

The emphasis on international relations refers to the proposal to establish Voegelin as the secretary of an Austrian Committee for Coordinating International Studies, a suggestion made by Profes­ sors Verdross and Morgenstern. 72 In the following years Voegelin acted as the secretary of the committee and received a small salary 6 8 . Ibid., 324. 69. Ibid., 378, 70. See Sigwart, Das Politische und die Wissenschaft, 1 97-2 1 4. 7 1 . Voegelin to Plochl, October 2, 1 9 4 1 . 7 2 . Eric Voegelin, interview b y Tracy B. Kittredge, February 2 5 , 1 9 3 6, Vienna, transcript in Rockefeller Archive Center; cf. Sigwart, Das Politische und die Wis­ senschaft, 1 9o- 1 9 2 . The archive of the Patriotic Front was removed to Moscow in 1 94 5 and could not be consulted.

27

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

from the Rockefeller Foundation. For obvious reasons, by 1 9 3 8 the more far-reaching project of a Center for the Study of International Problems no longer had a chance of being realized. Voegelin's cooperation with governmental authorities in the area of adult education is evidenced by his role in the Viennese Volks­ hochschule, where he had lectured before his trip to America and, following his return, continuously since 1 92 9 . This institution was to a degree connected with the Social Democratic movement, and Voegelin's political sympathies originally were rather to the left. In 1 9 3 6 the government reorganized the Viennese system of adult education in order to undo the Social Democratic influence and to base instruction on the ideas of Christian Corporatism and Aus­ trian state patriotism. Not only did Voegelin continue his lectures, but he was also made a temporary member of the executive board and director of the staatswissenschaftliche Abteilung of the Volks­ hochschule. 73 This new role was the occasion for reflection on the principles of educational policy, on the interrelationship of politics and scholarship, and on the nature of political theory. Before discussing the theoretical essentials involved in Voegelin's reflections, it is useful to note some of the political conclusions he drew. Voegelin pointed to the range of possible conflicts arising from the meeting of science and Weltanschauung. "The instruction at an educational institution like the Volkshochschule must in principle be compatible with the state mandated Weltanschauung. " In the present situation, Voegelin argued, there i s minimal cause for conflict between Staatswissenschaften and a Weltanschauung because the Christian Weltanschauung is, in relation to science, a Weltanschauung that provides a relatively large space for free­ dom. Contrary to the prevalent opinion of his German colleagues, as Voegelin indicated, the contents and the problem areas in con­ temporary Staatslehre-owing to the common European intellec­ tual development-are essentially identical with the correspond­ ing contents of the Christian Weltanschauung.74 There is no doubt that Voegelin had moved closer to a Christian understanding of his own philosophical position, which allowed him to make common cause with the doctrinal guidelines of the authoritarian regime. This raises the question of the underlying motive of Voegelin's 7 3 . Voegelin to Baumgarten, October 2 1 , 1 9 3 6 . 74· cw, 9 : B s .

28

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

theoretical reorientation that had been gradually forming in the years before it became politically relevant. The shift in Voegelin's theoretical outlook by no means entailed the abandonment of the key concept of his methodological personalism, i.e., the notion of the human being's generic and historical openness toward the world, a position put forth in the Authoritarian State. But now a reconfiguration of this paradigm took place. "During the process of reorientation that had preceded this shift, not only classical Greek and Christian philosophy but also the problem of religion in general gained a significance that it had not enjoyed earlier for Voegelin, 1175 a matter documented in Voegelin's correspondence.

Political Theory: The Contemplative Life-Form and the Office of Critical Scholarship In 1 9 3 2 Voegelin wrote to Baumgarten about Theodor Haecker's book on Vergil whose language impressed him as springing from "the deepest convictions of faith"-although, he added, "his faith is not my faith. 11 76 Baumgarten reacted with horrori he would de­ plore the loss if Voegelin were to go over to the faithful, even if Voegelin only conceded to having a soft spot for them.77 Voegelin was amused by Baumgarten's concern that he might have become pious. "I think rather that my skepticism has become so radical that I also no longer hold the contemporary notion of faith in science [ Wissenschaftsgliiubigkeit] to be a bsolutely obligatory and concede the possibility that on the basis of other fundamental positions [Grundhaltungen], for example that of the Middle Ages' religious truth, we can discern things that escape our view today. 11 78 His treatment of ancient and Christian materials in the next few years remained rather matter-of-fact and more or less "value neutral. " The study o f Bodin and the history o f sixteenth-century French political thought in connection with his Herrschaftslehre brought Voegelin to Paris in July 1 9 3 4, where he immersed himself in the Hellenistic and Jewish-Arabic background of early modern politi­ cal thought. In particular, he studied Bodin, who would become a thinker central to Voegelin's own intellectual position. The earlier 7s. 28 1 . 76. 7778.

Hans-Jorg Sigwart, "Modes of Experience, " Review of Politics 68, no. 2 (2oo6 ): Voegelin to Baumgarten, September 6 , 1 9 3 2 . Ibid. Voegelin to Baumgarten, November 28, 1 9 3 2 .

29

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

mooted, and vexing, question of religious truths seemed to have concerned Voegelin for quite a while. "As a matter of fact, my Bodin studies have brought me to see that the world of pre-Reformation Catholicism was extraordinarily freer and more alive than the posi­ tivist Weltanschauungen of the 1 9th century in which we still have the doubtful pleasure to live . . . . When I seriously concern myself with Catholic philosophy, then less with products of the central European latitudes and longitudes, and more with such phenomena as Maritain, Lavelle, and Giellet, who are quite solid: I believe they would also interest you. " Voegelin added again that there was no danger of his turning "pious "-a remark that referred to his lifelong reluctance to associate with the doctrinal world of churches and their religious practice. Voegelin had sent Baumgarten the manuscript of the above­ mentioned treatise, " Popular Education, Science, and Politics, " and Baumgarten reacted very critically: "As I read your letter [Voegelin responded] I had the feeling that a mild Prussian-Protestant emo­ tional reaction was gently blowing in my face. 1179 He accepted Baumgarten's criticism (which is not preserved) and cut out a major portion of the text that denoted his break with Weberianism, and reconceptualized his theoretical position. The unpublished text clarifies what Voegelin meant by the conflict between politics and a science of the state. Politics is a struggle for power, and the scholar is engulfed by the realm of politics. The scholar and the politi­ cian seem to move on the same plane of political interaction, and thus, in Weber, a conflict arises out of the difference between the conscientiously reflecting scholar and the unscrupulously acting politician. Social science serves as the auxiliary science of politics, and as such, it is dependent on the power games of the politicians. But, Voegelin avers, the conflict results from the principal distance between scholarly contemplation and its object, the political world. In the last analysis, the persistent conflict between science and politics is a conflict between two modalities of human action. Con­ templation is a mode of action in itself: It essentially "withdraws man from the entanglements in nature and society, makes him an external observer of the world of becoming, contemplating its origins, causes and forms in order to find its 'where-from, ' 'how' and 'why. ' " As an existential modality, the contemplative life form 7 9 · Voegelin to Baumgarten, August 2 5 , 1 9 3 6 . 30

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

implies the negation of politics insofar as it passes scientific and philosophical judgment on the realm of the political and thus chal­ lenges its self-assertiveness. In any political community, theoret­ ical man's existence is precarious if he practices the office of the scholar: "All thinking about the state is latent high treason."80 This question is pursued in a short newspaper article, "Was diir­ fen die Menschen wissen? " Here Voegelin reflects on the conflict between the organization of political loyalty in a society and the longing for recognizing reality without regard for political or social taboos. This holds true in particular for political communities that have at the same time developed a scientific culture. "Sciences that do not deal with matters . . . of importance to the organization of loyalties, in general have more space to maneuver . . . while the historical, political, and social sciences always find themselves in a tricky situation . . . . [D)uring times in which the community is not seriously endangered, the space for knowledge enjoys more freedom, while in situations requiring intense loyalties, much is not permitted to be known. " With reference to Plato's second letter, Voegelin points out: "Wise men have therefore drawn the conclu­ sion that many things should be said only within a small circle and certain things should be said to no one at all. "81 This skepticism was watered down and balanced by a more opti­ mistic view of the societal juxtaposition of science and politics that is displayed in Bodin's Aristotelianism and that found its way into the published part of the article on popular education. Voegelin's counterposition to Weber involves the quest for the essential mean­ ing of science and theory: "The question of what is the essence of science can be answered neither by supplying a list of its con­ tents nor by listing its methods, but rather only by a reference to a specifically possible orientation of man to theoria, to contemplatio. In this we follow Aristotle's opinion that theoria is the faculty of the theiotaton in a human being, of the spirit. "82 The theorist in this classical sense acts in distance to the political agency of the community, but no community can do without the coopera­ tive function of contemplative theory, since it is central to human existence and, last but not least, because it infuses a modicum of So. "Fragment on Max Weber" ( r 9 3 6 ) , in Voegelin Papers, box 5 5 , folder I I ; Sigwart, Das Politische und die Wissenschaft, I 2 5-I 3 I . S r . cw, 9: I I S- I 9 . S2. CW, 9 : S 6 (translation changed).

31

' EDITO R S INTRO DUCTION

skepticism and tolerance into the closed worlds of human passions, material interests, and intense political action. What were the lasting effects and the concrete purposes of Voegelin's reconceptualizing of the anthropological notion of "openness " in terms of classical and Christian-humanistic meta­ physics ? The theorist who is committed to the legacy of the great Western thinkers strives for an essentially infinite widening of his horizon, a comprehensive view of the world, in order to grasp the order of the world in all its structural dimensions, all the way to its origin in God. The reference to Christian humanism is important because Bodin's nondoctrinal religiosity is the key to Voegelin's reshaping of his concept of theory. Bodin was to remain Voegelin's example par excellence of what he then called " spiritual realism. " The concrete purpose resulted from the cognitive function of the­ ory in the present situation: popular education in Austria and Ger­ many that was characterized by the varieties of political Weltan­ schauung and their claims for absolute truth in politics. In the case of the Viennese Volkshochschule, it was primarily Marxism that Voegelin had to combat. The theorist recognized the religious char­ acter of key elements of the emotionally laden political Weltan­ schauung: The redemption from evil and the prospect of a heavenly kingdom are aspects of religious structure, albeit without God, who is replaced by the divinized class. In the light of the theorist's com­ prehensive vision of reality, the religious specifics of the political Weltanschauung, Marxist or National Socialist, come into view. The theory warns against elevating the objects of collective feeling, such as class or folk, to divine status: "Theory can help us by means of its essential openness toward the world to prevent a demonizing closure of a communal 'world. ' It directs our gaze to the diversity of co-existing communities and can thereby prevent us from raising the value of our own community into an absolute; it directs our gaze across the graded order of being from nature to God and can thereby keep us from divinizing a lower realm of being. "83 Voegelin's philosophical and, in part, personal revision of his theoretical position argued that all individual and social human existence contains the moment of religious experience and that therefore "humans live in political society with all traits of their being, from the physical to the spiritual and religious traits . . . . 8 3 . CW, 9 : 9 0 (translation changed).

32

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

[T)he thesis is universal" and applies to the political forms of the West as well as of the East.84 This thesis summed up the findings of the Political Religions; but in fact, Voegelin tested it first on historical material collected in Paris that was very remote from current events, thereby documenting true scholarly detachment. In 1 9 3 6 he began a study of the history of the Mongols and the impact of the Mongol rulers on Europe. He announced a manuscript on the image of Tamerlane in humanist writings from Piccolomini to LeRoy.85 He worked steadily on the Mongols and in January 1 9 3 7 reported on negotiations with a publisher: "I am at work on the theory of political myths-this in connection with my study of the Mongols . "86 That must have been completed, because the work on Tamerlane was sent to Baumgarten87 and published in the same year. 88 But a year later he was still at work on the thirteenth-century exchange of letters between the Mongol Khans and the European powers. The study, in his opinion, would no longer be published in German. 89 In r 940, "The Mongol Orders of Submission to European Powers, I 2 4 5- 1 2 5 5 " was published in America. The earlier study on the image of Tamerlane was worked into the text of the first version of the history of political ideas.90 These primarily empirical historical studies are biographically remarkable because they show how persistently Voegelin pursued his wide-ranging research pro­ gram. This program had a bearing upon Voegelin's upcoming crit­ ical examination of the nature of political Weltanschauung, now focused on National Socialism, and to a lesser degree on Marxism. He now viewed the modern blending of the religious and the po­ litical within the far-reaching historical context of Mediterranean and Western European culture. But the historical analysis is guided by the meditative principles of a theonomous theory of being and brings its critical potential to fruition by uncovering the closed communities of political collectivism that revolve around a di­ vinized race or class. 84. cw, 5 :70. 8 5 . Voegelin to Baumgarten, March 27, I 9 3 6 . 8 6 . Voegelin t o Baumgarten, August 2 5 , I 9 3 6, September I 3, I 9 3 6, January 6, I937· 8 7 . Voegelin t o Baumgarten, January 8, I 9 3 7 · 8 8 . "Das Timurbild der Humnisten: Eine Studie zur politischen Mythenbildung, " Zeitsclrrift fiir offentliches Recht I ?, no. 5 ( I 9 3 ? ) : 5 45-82. 8 9 . Voegelin to Baumgarten, May 9, I 9 3 8; c£. Voegelin's curriculum vitae attached to Voegelin's letter to Haberler, May I O, I 9 3 8 . 90. CW, I o : y 6-1 2 5 .

33

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

The Political Religions addressed the "basic religious issues of our time. "91 Voegelin offered a brilliant anthropological exposition of the problem of religious experience and proceeded to recast the concept of "religion" by distinguishing world-transcendent reli­ gions from the intra-mundane religions that find the divine in the here and now and mutate into "political religions " if a social collec­ tive is sacralized. In its details, Voegelin's fundamental critique is aimed at National Socialism; but in the light of the undogmatic contemplative meaning of theory, "the inner-worldly religiosity experienced by the collective body-be it humanity, the people, the class, the race, or the state-as the realissimum is abandonment of God. "92 As such, it is to be recognized as the working of evil in the world. The loss of the transcendent dimension resulted in the demonic closure of inner-worldliness. This undogmatic-and church-critical, albeit Christian-normativism identified National Socialism as a "religiously evil and satanic" force to be fought on religious terms. Voegelin's emphasis on the "Luciferian" attraction of the power of evil indicates that he held at times an ontological view of evil. The question of evil had occupied him for some time. He wrote to Baumgarten: "I don't know if I ever told you that, for years now, I have been collecting material for a treatise on the 'devil, ' who appears to me very real, and I cannot foresee where the one series of experiences touches the other [the reality of the mystic's via negativa !-J.G.] so that they could be systematically harmonized into one 'theory. ' I have learned a great deal from the Satanism of the French and the English . . . ; and as far as we Ger­ mans are concerned, he-the devil-seems to me to be so close to us that indeed we take him for God. "93 Voegelin's turn to a substantive and ontologically argued theory had strong Christian connotations, and these characterized his con­ cept of a critical science of order that emerged in the years after Voegelin's forced departure from Austria. Unfortunately, the writ­ ing of The Political Religions left no traces in the correspondence, and there were few reactions to it, since neither the original text of 1 9 3 8, nor the reprint in 1 9 3 9, were widely circulated. Baumgarten, who in the meantime had cultivated an intellectual National So­ cialism and had joined the party, praised the book while completely 9 1 . cw, s : 2 5 . 9 2 . Ibid., 7 1 . 9 3 · Voegelin t o Baumgarten, September 1 3, 1 9 3 6 .

34

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

misunderstanding it. "Theoretically we have both come to the very same point-practically . . . you have become all the more obscure for me on account of the fate you have intimated. " This last remark referred to Voegelin's decision to emigrate. Baumgarten assumed that Voegelin's political analyses stamped him as a "representative of the Dollfuss-Schuschnigg regime. " He went on to say: "But this last wonderful text of yours on 'Political Religiosity' places you absolutely outside any partisanshipi moreover in your perspective you are so tied up with the great German destiny that it seems to me it needs only two good wills-yours and the one of an influen­ tial and generous National Socialist, in order to keep your capac­ ity for work . . . , German spirituality [ Geistigkeit], and prudence for the greater Reich."94 This misunderstanding showed not only how far Baumgarten and Voegelin had moved aparti this and other reactions/5 like that of Thomas Mann96 who accused Voegelin of displaying too high a degree of " objectivity, " induced Voegelin to put his own attitude concerning the evil of National Socialism beyond all doubt in the above-quoted preface to the second edition of the book. The original version of the foreword contained much more radical formulations . Commenting on Herschel Grynszpan's slaying of a German diplomat in Paris, he wrote: "In terms of the fundamental principles of ethical personalism, a murder commit­ ted by a Jew upon a National Socialist who treats him as a thing would not only be excusable, it would be a duty. "97 The publisher had Voegelin cut this and other formulations. The change in Voegelin's attitude becomes obvious in a comment about the first version of the preface, written by Karsten Lemche, the husband of a former student of Voegelin's, who got to know him in the mid- r 9 30s: I always thou ght o f you , Doctor, I have t o admit, a s a relativist who described historical events from a perspective that is as u npreju diced as possible-albeit as one who, like a biologist, fi nds in the material a chronological order and evalu ation of flou rishing and decay.The way I read it, you r view of religions

[Religionsbetrachtung]

still has this atti­

tu de, although, along with the insights, one senses an active participa­ tion

94. 95. 96 . 1 93 9 . 97 -

[lebendige Anteilnahme] .

Su ddenly I was forced to acknowledge

Baumgarten to Voegelin, May 6, 1 9 3 8, in Voegelin Papers, box 7, folder 9· Cf. Aurel Kolnai, The War against the West (London: Gollancz, 1 9 3 8 ) . Mann t o Voegelin, December 1 8, 1 9 3 8, Voegelin t o Mann, January/February cw,

33:2!.

35

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

that this impression of you was fu ndamentally incomplete; only now do I see the " absolu tist." Y et it appears to me, in the foreword, a leap is taken-from observing and describing the cou rse of events to the prophetic positing of valu es

(zum prophetischen Wertsetzen],

from the historian to the missionary, although this is not explicitly emphasized.98

Lemche was stunned by Voegelin's farewell to Weberianism. Voege­ lin responded to Lemche in a letter in 1 9 3 9 : "What did I hope to accomplish with the foreword? Certainly it was not my intention to convert anyone or to be a missionary. It is the first time that I have expressed my personal view of a particular problem in public. Up to now I have confined myself to neutral description; but this neu­ trality, which is not relativism but stems from the contemplative participation in reality, has been so often and so completely mis­ understood to be in support of National Socialism that it appeared to me to be advisable to eliminate the niisunderstanding. "99 With or without the foreword, the National Socialists understood the intellectual and political thrust of the book quite well. It was issued in July by the temporary manager of the former Jewish publishing house but soon afterward placed on the party's index of forbidden books.

Finis Austriae: Exodus and New Beginning As mentioned above, Voegelin's financial situation and academic status were precarious throughout the 1 9 20s and 1 9 30s. He was a titular professor and beginning in 1 9 3 6 held a regular assistantship at the Law Faculty, which paid such a modest salary that Voegelin still had to supplement his income with outside work. In 1 9 3 7 , as he told Baumgarten, there were prospects of professorial employ­ ment: "The efforts to get a professorship in Graz still take up a hor­ ribly large portion of my time without my having as yet achieved anything more than opening up a chance at all. " 100 These efforts had the support of Hugo Hantsch (professor of history at the University of Graz) and other Catholic friends who intervened on his behalf 9 8 . K. Lemche to Voegelin, February 1 1, 1 9 3 9, in Voegelin Papers, box 2 3 , folder 3; quoted in the slightly changed translation from Sigwart, "Modes of Experience, " 28 1 . 9 9 · Voegelin to K . Lemche, March 6 , 1 9 3 9 . 1 00. Voegelin t o Baumgarten, January 6 , 1 9 3 7 .

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

with Schuschnigg and the minister of education, Hans Pernter. 101 Voegelin's chances were presumably good. But in I 9 3 8 everything changed. As the secretary of the Austrian Committee for Interna­ tional Studies, Voegelin had represented the governmental position of Austrian nationhood and independence; he had also done so as a scholar, journalist, and public lecturer. However, despite Voegelin's hopes ( and even expectations) that the Western powers, Mussolini, or the governing elite of Austria or its people would put up a strug­ gle to defend Austrian independence against a National Socialist takeover, in February I 9 3 8 Hitler forced a National Socialist min­ ister of the interior on Schuschnigg. In early March the chancel­ lor's attempts to stem the tide by cooperating with the workers' movement and calling for a referendum on Austrian independence came to nothing. In many Austrian cities, the homegrown National Socialist movement already ruled the streets, and the patriotic front disintegrated. On March I I , Schuschnigg was forced to resign and a Nazi transitional government took power. The German Army entered Austria; and on March I 5 , with the applause of the people, Hitler proclaimed the union of Germany and Austria in Vienna. The union was confirmed on April I O in a Nazi-initiated popular refer­ endum. Within a few weeks, German and indigenous National So­ cialists took over state and society, and the Gleichschaltung of all political and social institutions was rapidly and brutally completed: The systematic persecution of Jews, intellectuals, supporters of the former government, and all other foes of National Socialism set in. On April I, the first transport of political prisoners to the concen­ tration camp Dachau left Vienna. Mobs ruled the streets, hunted down and victimized Jews and others, and engaged in extensive marauding. 102 Voegelin had pinned his hopes on the resistance of the Western powers and the civic robustness of Austrian political self-assertion; but these hopes were deeply disappointed and his profound doubts about Austrian politics fully justified. In a letter from I 94 I , written to a colleague and former patriotric front functionary, Voegelin reflected on Austria's last days: The Christian Social and Social Democratic union secretaries negotiated over the quotas of seats 1 0 1 . Voegelin to Gurian, November 26, 1 9 3 8; the archive of the former Ministry of Education does not hold any pertinent material. 1 02 . Cf. Thomas Chorherr, ed., 193 8: Anatomie eines Jahres (Vienna: Ueber­ reuter, 1 9 84).

37

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

on committees while the Nazis prepared to march into the country. This, "along with the horrible incompetence in personal and tech­ nical matters which I observed during the last weeks in discussions with the leading personalities conducting Austrian foreign policy, convinced me that with these people a constructive policy or seri­ ous resistance were completely out of the question. " 103 The extent of Voegelin's political involvement in these critical days is difficult to determine, but it came to the attention of the new regime, which reacted accordingly. On March 3 1 , Voegelin turned to the newly appointed minister of education and inquired about his prospects for the appointment in Graz. The minister, Oswald Menghin, a pro­ fessor of pre-history, who obviously knew Voegelin, let him know that-once again-he would support Voegelin's efforts to find a po­ sition at an American university. The official in question added that this remark on the part of the minister indicated that he thought the prospects of an appointment at an Austrian university were very poor. 104 This well-intentioned advice was followed on April 22, 1 9 3 8, by the official revocation of Voegelin's academic right to teach and the prohibition of all related activities. 105 On May 1 7, Voegelin was dismissed from his position as assistant and his salary discontinued. 106 In the course of the Gleichschaltung of the universities the Na­ tional Socialist government purged Jews, clerics, supporters of the former government, and other faculty suspected of harboring anti­ National Socialist views. Voegelin told Baumgarten that in "the faculty of law nineteen of the [ . . . ] professors and twenty-five of the fifty assistants were fired or forced to take a leave of absence. " 107 Within a few months an entire academic culture, not to say a whole intellectual cosmos, had been torn apart and an exodus had set in. Illegal emigration was dangerous, and legal emigration was fraught with difficulty: First, it was difficult to leave the country, and second, in view of the ceaseless flood of German refugees since 1 9 3 3, it was even more difficult to find refuge in another country. 1 0 3 . Voegelin to Plochl, October 2, 1 9 4 1 . 1 04. Austrian Ministry o f Education t o Voegelin, April r , 1 9 3 8 (signature illegi­ ble), in 6sterreichisches Staatsarchiv, Archiv der Republik. 1 0 5 . Schonbauer (temporary dean of the law faculty) to Voegelin, April 2 3 , 1 9 3 8, ibid. ro6 . Schonbauer to Voegelin, May 2 3 , 1 9 3 8, ibid. 1 07 . Voegelin to Baumgarten, May 9, 1 9 3 8; cf. Stolleis, Geschichte des offent­ lichen Rechts, 3 : 2 9 2-94.

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

Compared to most refugees, Voegelin had a comparative advantage because of his international contacts, in particular his contacts in Am erica. Immediately following Menghin's message, he engaged his network and pulled all possible strings to get out of Austria. 108 First he approached the Rockefeller Foundation, writing to Kit­ tredge in Paris about his situation. He referred to the ministerial advice, which he considered "formal permission to enter into ne­ gotiations in order that my correspondence on this subject might not be misunderstood by the authorities. This decision is rather favourable because I have now six months before me to prepare my visit to the United States . " 109 I presume that Voegelin counted on Menghin's protection for the time being and prepared himself for a semi-official transfer to an American university. Voegelin asked Kittredge to activate his contacts in order to help him get an invitation to an American university, possibly as a visiting pro­ fessor. The teaching position was crucial, because only a teach­ ing position would make Voegelin eligible for a non-quota visa and bring him to the United States without a long wait. Next, he wrote to Malcolm Davis of the Carnegie Endowment, who was also in Paris, to Harold Lasswell, to other American scholars he knew, and to numerous political science departments at U.S. insti­ tutions . It turned out that his most important contacts were for­ mer members of the private seminar of the economist Ludwig von Mises, foremost Gottfried Haberler at Harvard, but also Friedrich von Hayek, Fritz Machlup, and Joseph Schumpeter. In all these letters Voegelin emphasized his academic credentials and teaching qualifications. Most important, this information was confirmed by recommendations issued by scholars like Hayek and Haberler, people who did not share Voegelin's theoretical orientation. Kit­ tredge informed prospective academic employers: "There is general agreement amongst students of law and politics that Voegelin . . . rank(s) amongst the best of the younger scholars in their field, not only in Austria, but in Europe as a whole. " 1 10 Haberler was crucial in bringing Voegelin to the United States. He responded r o 8 . Cf. Barry Cooper, Eric Voegelin and the Foundations of Modern Political Science (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, I 99 9 ), I o-20, with some slight in­ accuracies; Johannes Feichtinger, "Eric Voegelin, " in Deutschsprachige Exilliteratur seit 1933, ed. John M. Spalek et al., val. 3 /4 (Munich: Saur Verlag, 2003 ), 2 5 9-62. ro9. Voegelin to Kittredge, April 5 , I 9 3 8 . I I o . Kittredge t o Sydney H . Wagner, May I 4 , I 9 3 8 , in Rockefeller Archive Center, Record Group r. r., 200/46/4 8 6 2 .

39

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

immediately with the encouraging news that William Y. Elliott of Harvard's government department was interested in working with Voegelin on questions of international relations. l l l Voegelin reacted by sending an outline of religio-political problems as possible re­ search topics. u2 Haberler and Elliott, in cooperation with the de­ partment chair, Holcombe, worked out an offer that granted $2ooo. for one year " to undertake a study in the international problems of political religion" under the auspices of the Bureau of International Research at Harvard. u a But a research grant did not qualify one for a non-quota visa; therefore Voegelin had to wait for the additional confirmation from Harvard that he was also to be an "instructor with the duties of tutor. " In the meantime, without a position or a salary, Voegelin was detained in Vienna, and the hoped-for smooth and quick departure proved to be more difficult each day. At the same time another unpleasant event occurred. Voegelin wrote to Baumgarten: "In his latest book on 'state leadership' [' Staatsfiihrung'], a colleague at the university, a certain Dr. Pfeifer, when he quotes me, elected to put my name in parenthesis and add 'Jew. ' In the present situation that can have unpleasant conse­ quences. I therefore demanded that he take the book out of circu­ lation, name his informants, and apologize. Since the 'gentleman' failed to do these things within the period of time I gave him, I am now forced to turn the matter over to a lawyer. "u4 What was this all about and why did Voegelin react the way he did? Helfried Pfeifer ( 1 8 9 7- 1 970 ) was a National Socialist turned civil servant and privatdozent in the faculty of law. us For unknown reasons he applied to Voegelin the Nazi practice of hinting at an academic au­ thor's Jewishness. This allegation could have jeopardized Voegelin's departure, because he might have been subjected to an investiga­ tion regarding whether he fell under the Nazi category of "Jew. " This would have meant further legal impediments to emigration on account of the malicious administrative rules that victimized Jews, such as the Reich emigration tax, or the requirement (April 2 3 , 1 9 3 8 ) that one register one's property. In June 1 9 3 8, the Swiss complained of being inundated by Jews who took advantage of a I I 1. I I2. II3. I I4. II5.

Haberler to Voegelin, April 24, I 9 3 8, in Voegelin Papers, box I 4, folder 2 . Voegelin to Haberler, May I O, I 9 3 8 . Haberler t o Voegelin, June 3 , I 9 3 8, in Voegelin Papers, box I 4, folder 2 . Voegelin t o Baumgarten, June 6, I 9 3 8 , and Voegelin t o Pfeifer, June 2, I 9 3 8 . Stolleis, Geschichte des offentlichen Rechts, 3 :294.

40

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

German-Swiss agreement that allowed the crossing of the border without a visa. They only withdrew the threat to reinstitute a visa requirement in August when the German government agreed to mark the passports of Jews. Voegelin prepared his escape to Zurich and, with the help of Alex von Muralt, transferred money to Switzerland. Early in July, with time running out, particularly because he apparently had attracted the attention of the authorities, Voegelin was in the process of securing an exit permit with the help of his brother-in-law, the director of a large shipping company. When and under what pretext ( " in the general survey of university personnel" 1 16) the Gestapo first visited him is unclear. But on July 1 3, the Gestapo came to impound Voegelin's (Austrian) passport­ without, of course, giving any explanation for their action. It was Voegelin's good fortune that his papers had already been returned to his relative, where they were picked up by Lissy, thus enabling him to leave for Zurich. Lissy stayed behind and arranged for the shipping of books and furniture to the United States before she joined him in Zurich. Voegelin had planned to go on to Paris, apply there for an American visa, and sail to the United States. But the Voegelins were not granted a transit visa; and without a U.S. visa, they had to wait in Zurich for the completion of their file. After several weeks the expected letter from Harvard, concerning the instructorship, along with an affidavit from Schumpeter certifying his income, arrived, and the non-quota visa was issued. Via Paris the Voegelins left Europe and arrived in New York on September 20, 1 9 3 8 . 1 1 7 Immediately after arriving in Cambridge, Voegelin took up his teaching activities and began to explore the academic life-world of Harvard, 1 1 8 the first station of his American adventure. Voegelin's flight had its dramatic side; but in comparison with the hundreds of academics and intellectuals forced to flee Europe, Voegelin's personal reputation and excellent connections gave him many advantages. Holcombe stated clearly from the outset that Voegelin's appoint­ ment as a research associate at Harvard's Bureau of International Research and as tutor at the Department of Government was lim­ ited to one year. Thus Voegelin began immediately to write the identical letter to whomever he thought might be able to offer him r r 6 . Voegelin, Autobiographical Reflections, CW, 34:82. I I ? . Cooper, Eric Voegelin, r 6-2o. I I 8 . Voegelin to Schutz, October 2 5 , 1 9 3 8 . 4I

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

a position. Since, as he wrote to Kittredge, "in the East . . . appar­ ently . . . every college is already provided with a German refugee, " he was forced to look elsewhere. 1 19 These efforts were help ed by the fact that the Rockefeller Foundation was willing to provide half the salary for a period of three years to the university that would hire him. For the spring term of 1939, Voegelin received a temporary appointment at Bennington College in Vermont. He then accepted a tenure-track position offer from the University of Alabama, although, in the meantime, Bennington also wanted him to stay. The move was made partly for professional reasons but more for personal and social ones : Voegelin wanted to immerse himself in American life where it was most American. But although he wanted to remove himself from the world of the refugees, he certainly did not want to detach himself from the intellectual cul­ ture it represented. Voegelin soon became aware, however, of the vicissitudes of academic life at a Southern provincial university and realized that he had no future in Tuscaloosa. After brief negotia­ tions with department chairman Robert J. Harris, Voegelin joined the Political Science Department of Louisiana State University in the fall of 1942. He was to remain at L. S .U. until his return to Europe in 19 5 8-not entirely as the result of his own choosing. 120

The Refugee Scholar and the European Crisis: Looking Back in Anger The correspondence during the first American years reflects the various concerns and issues that occupied Voegelin, intellectually, personally, and professionally. There are the letters, which have already been mentioned, that are concerned with his academic advancement in the States, letters to help friends in their effort to come to, or to make a new start in, America: Voegelin wrote an impressive number of letters in support of Viennese friends, colleagues, and students. Then there are the letters that reveal Voegelin's personal and intellectual coping with the unsettling ex­ perience of the world of National Socialism. Such public and pri­ vate matters are mirrored in family letters and in the letters, men­ tioned above, to the Lemches and to Thomas Mann concerning The Political Religions. Lectures like "The Totalitarian Climate" 119. Voegelin to Kittredge, December 9, 1938. 120. Cooper, Eric Voegelin, 21, 3o-33.

42

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

reported the concrete experiences of encounters with Nazi terror; a number of published articles detailed the core elements of the National Socialist revolutionary movement and its impact on Euro­ pean politics. 121 The letters to Parsons on the German predicament also fall within this area, as do two government memoranda that Voegelin wrote. His attitude toward Austrian emigre politics is clearly expressed in his correspondence regarding Austrian exile or­ ganizations . Finally, the intellectually most exciting and fascinat­ ing portion of the letters written in the 1 940s pertains to Voegelin's scholarly project, the "History of Political Ideas, " which developed into an attempt at a hermeneutical reconstruction of the Western civilizational process. It offers, Voegelin wrote, "a succinct account according to the state of science. " 122 The letters dealing with this project reflect Voegelin's coming to grips with the ever-growing mass of empirical research as well as his relentless self-reflexive quest for the very personal experiences that are at the root of the contemplative mode of existence, and out of which the interpretive enterprise unfolds. The "family letters " document how outraged and deeply hurt the Voegelins were by the behavior of their immediate family, who had obviously been immune to Voegelin's counterarguments and who openly professed National Socialism, unmoved by the grim events that marked the Nazi takeover. This hurt and outrage led to a break with the family and further, as the letters to the Lemches reveal, to a break with his native life-world. Voegelin reasserted his personal and intellectual independence from any national collectivity, po­ litical, or religious mass movement. He wrote that, not "national, " but personal traits are crucial and stated that he moved among the very same type of human beings in America as he did in Germany­ indeed, that in the United States he had even more contact with this type than in Europe.123 This comment refers not only to the fact that in Vienna Voegelin had primarily socialized with university people and intellectuals who conversed in exclusive circles, most of whom had been driven from the country to be met again in the United States; it also refers to the notion of the self-reliant spirit of scholarly existence that rests on the intellectual power of cul­ tural legacies and that had led Voegelin to prefer, beyond any other 1 2 r . CW, 1 0: 1 5 -26, 62-7 5 , 1 2 6-5 6; cf. Cooper, Eric Voegelin, 3 4-43, 46-5 5 . 1 2 2 . Voegelin to Morstein Marx, August 4, 1 94 1 . 1 2 3 . Voegelin t o Ruthilt Lemche, March 6 , 1 9 3 9 .

43

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

criteria, the learned company of likeminded persons with a simi­ lar intellectual outlook. More than ever, the situation of a sudden emigre existence brought out the qualities of the German mandarin intellectual that had long characterized Voegelin's life, an elitist vision of intellect shared by many a German emigre scholar. In the world of American colleges this attitude appeared to his colleagues as an exotic form of behavior and was sometimes welcomed, but at other times was greeted with disgust. Individuals acculturate in various ways and to greater and lesser degrees. On the one hand, Voegelin was determined to Americanize himself; on the other, he remained deeply steeped in the mandarin vision of scholarship that also entailed the notion, grounded in self-reflection, of contempla­ tive existence and thus the critical distance to political activity. In Voegelin's case it was not just the socially conditioned external difference of the academic life-form that led to tension with his new environment, but also the more fundamental tension between two modalities of spiritual existence, the life of contemplation and the life of political action. In his scientific writings, this desire to cling to contemplative existence led to his sometimes irritating reaction to attempts on the part of others to claim him for their political or ideological camp. The consciousness of the tension be­ tween the contemplative theorist and the society in which he lives accompanied Voegelin throughout his life. Although he viewed it differently in different contexts, he never strayed from the principal commitment to the life of contemplation. However, after his exile to America, he was never again confronted with the dilemma that he had faced in Austria when, briefly and futilely, he had felt the need to take a political stand. Whatever made up the office of the theorist, the involvement in public affairs was not a part of it. This attitude is evident in an exchange of letters in I94 I and 1942 dealing with the attempt of Austrian emigres to enlist Voege­ lin's services for Austrian politics in American exile. In May I94 I Voegelin was approached by his longtime friend Gregor Sebba with the request for a contribution to a series of scientific studies on Eu­ ropean problems that were to be published by the Austrian Action, a nonpartisan voice of Austrian intellectuals. 124 The organization had been founded and led by Count Czernin, journalist and son of the Austrian foreign minister during World War I; Sebba acted 124.

Gregor Sebba to Voegelin, May 27, 1941, in Voegelin Papers, box 6, folder 20.

44

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

as secretary. In July 1 940 another friend, Friedrich Engel-Janosi, asked Voegelin to join a working committee of scholars, under the auspices of Archduke Otto von Habsburg, that dealt with central European issues . It had been organized by Willibald Plochl, a former colleague of Voegelin's at the University of Vienna and a member of the Patriotic Front. 125 Voegelin indicated to Engel-Janosi that he might join the group. But it turned out that the organization and its proponents steered toward a quasi Austrian-government­ in-exile to be represented by a Free Austrian National Council in Toronto under the former minister Hans Rott; Pl6chl was the U.S. representative. 126 This was not to the liking of the Czernin party, and Czernin asked Voegelin to write a legal opinion on the con­ stitutional issue involved.127 Voegelin responded with a brief that denied Rott's claim to governmental authority based on the fact that he was the "oldest" member of the Schuschnigg cabinet. In accord with his theory of governmental authority, Voegelin stated that the "legality" of a government is irrelevant to the question of its "legitimacy. " 128 A last appeal was made to Voegelin in 1 942 when Count Degenfeld asked him to sign a proclamation announc­ ing a Military Committee for the Liberation of Austria, headed by Archduke Otto von Habsburg, whose program involved the support of an Austrian unit within the U.S. Army. 129 In a series of letters, Voegelin clarified his position in respect to the political activities of Austrian refugees. Barry Cooper believes that Voegelin played merely a cameo role in this Viennese comic opera, but this seems to be a misreading of the affair. Voegelin may have found it a nuisance and grew more and more impatient with its uncoordinated and chaotic activities, but he took it seriously, partly because some of the people connected with it were highly valued friends, like Sebba and Engel-Janosi, or former colleagues. Also, Voegelin had a good reputation among the political personnel of the Schuschnigg government; it was, after all, "His Majesty" -that is, Otto von Habsburg-and Count Degenfeld (another former professor of Vi­ enna's law faculty) who had enjoyed Voegelin's "warm hospitality" during a brief visit to Tuscaloosa.

20.

125. 126. 127. 128. 129.

Engel-Janosi to Voegelin, July 2 1 , 1 940, ibid. Pliichl to Voegelin, October 4, 1 94 1 , ibid. Czernin to Voegelin, November 6, 1 94 1 , ibid. Voegelin to Czernin, November 1 0, 1 94 1 . Degenfeld to Voegelin, November 1 0, 1 942, in Voegelin Papers, box 6, folder

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' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

Voegelin declined any further political engagement in refugee politics. The various arguments that appear in his letters grant us insight into his personal and political attitude at the time and into how he planned his American future. First and foremost, Voegelin had decided "to merge into the American community as fast and as thoroughly" as possible. 130 He intended "to become, and to remain, an American citizen" and pursue his profession as a scholar and university professor without "the slightest intention of ever returning to Austria. " 131 In order to clarify the situation, Voegelin inquired of Assistant Secretary of State Adolf A. Berle whether his membership in the projected Free Austrian National Council would imperil his becoming an American citizen and whether the council reflected a policy of the U.S. Department of State (as Plochl had asserted) . 132 Berle's response made it clear that the State Department privileged no emigre orga­ nizations, and he added: "Foreigners who have entered this country and who propose to become a permanent part of it, may very well feel that their efforts might be more usefully directed toward en­ tering the main stream of American life. " 133 While most refugee politicians looked forward to returning home and rebuilding the Austrian polity, Voegelin did not want to be part of Austrian poli­ tics: first, because he would have to deal with the very same conser­ vative and Christian Social personnel whose "rather ignominious performance in the last days of the Republic" he had experienced as a semi-active citizeni 134 and second, because he was pessimistic about the postwar European situation in general and the Austrian future in particular. Therefore, he could see no practical conse­ quences for Austrian political activity in the near future. 135 He ex­ pected the war to last "for many, many years" and to produce a com­ pletely changed political landscape in Europe. In a way, Voegelin was mistaken: The activities of Otto von Habsburg led to the Allies taking Austria off the list of enemy states and of promoting it to the status of victimi also, Austria was restored and the Second Republic was run by most of the same people who had been active in the 1 9 3 0s. It is true, however, that Voegelin never reconciled himself 130. 13 1. 132. 13 3 . 134. 13 5 .

Voegelin to Sebba, May 29, 1941. Voegelin to PlOchl, October 5 , 1941. Voegelin to Berle, October 6, 1941. Berle to Voegelin, October 7, 1 9 4 1, in Voegelin Papers, box 6, folder 20. Voegelin to De Waal, October 22, 1941. Voegelin to Plochl, October 10, 1941.

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

to Austria, nor did Austria ever welcome Voegelin back. But it should be noted that Voegelin was willing to support the idea of Engel-Janosi and others to summon a kind of brain trust and use its intellectual and moral authority in order to offer scholarly analyses of the political situation and provide reasoned advice that might be required in a future political realignment. "More important than playing at being a council is for us to take up friendly contact with men like Tawney, Carr, or Macarthy, " who have serious thoughts about a post-Hitler world, Voegelin wrote. 136 In this vein, in 1 942, Voegelin wrote the memorandum on the education of American public servants to be trained for global tasks in a postwar world and the analysis of the domestic situation in Germany and Austria with a view to allied military strategy.

Toward a New Science of Politics: The History of Political Ideas, I 9 3 9-I949 If Voegelin disengaged himself radically from practical politics, and a little later ceased to engage in the political consulting business, this did not mean that the fundamental questions of the role of the contemplative scholar and the relevance of political theory in a time of disorder ceased to be matters of urgency to him. Voegelin resumed his reflections of the 1 9 3 0s on the precarious position of the theorist in society and again pondered the question of whether and how a science grounded in contemplation might serve the com­ munity. The question of the social responsibility of the scholar revolved increasingly around the emerging work on the history of the Western political mind. Quite unintentionally what had begun as a college textbook, at least as far as the publisher and the editor in charge of the series of college texts, Fritz Morstein Marx, were con­ cerned, developed into a theoretical work. On February r o, 1 9 3 9, Voegelin signed a Memorandum of Agreement with the McGraw­ Hill Book Company for the publication of a "History of Political Ideas. " It was to comprise about 200 pages, and the manuscript was to be finished in r 940. Thus began the complicated story of a scholarly enterprise that involved three publishers and, seventeen years later, resulted in the publication of the first three volumes of Order and History. Strictly speaking, it remained an unfinished project-albeit an impressive work of scholarship. It charted new 1 3 6 . Voegelin to Engel-Janosi, October 26, 1 9 4 1 .

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' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

paths of a hermeneutic understanding of the symbols and political modalities of human beings in history. The fundamental theoret­ ical and methodological intentions of the work were maintained. But as a result of the continuous growth of empirical knowledge in the humanistic disciplines, Voegelin's own process of self-criticism led to repeated conceptual revisions. From the vantage point of an intellectual biography, it is obvious that the correspondence that focuses on the different aspects of the nascent "History of Political Ideas" is of the utmost interest. The letters tell the story on three interrelated planes. There is, first, the external story of Voegelin's troublesome dealings with the various publishers. Second there is the extensive exchange with friends and colleagues who read individual chapters in various stages of com­ pletion and who were thus kept informed of the work's progress. (The exchanges with intimate friends present an ongoing intellec­ tual dialogue among likeminded partners that unfortunately can only be given from Voegelin's side in this edition.) Third, there are letters that go beyond reports on the work's progress and the discussion of interpretive issues to address the meditative core of philosophical existence. In 194 3 these culminated in the in-depth exploration of consciousness of Voegelin's anamnetic experiments . The genesis of the History has been presented elsewherei 137 it suffices here to highlight certain aspects that further illuminate Voegelin's intellectual posture and scholarly outlook. When Voegelin started his "History, " his intention seems to have been to write a one-volume college textbook on the basis of his own highly original theoretical approach that differed considerably from the conventional presentations found in Sabine and Dunning-the most popular American authors in the field. But soon he had to ad­ mit that the "History" was not progressing as it should. 138 Pressured by Morstein Marx in 1940 "to reconsider with some higher cal­ culus your time budget until next September, " 139 Voegelin agreed 1 3 7 . Cf. Thomas A. Hollweck and Ellis Sandoz, " General Introduction to the Series, " in CW, r 9 : 3-30i Jiirgen Gebhardt, "Editor's Introduction, " in CW, 2 5 : 120i Peter J. Opitz, "Zwischen Evokation und Kontemplation: Eric Voegelins 'Intro­ duction' zur 'History of Political Ideas, ' " and Voegelin, "Introduction zur 'History of Political Ideas, ' " both in Zwischen Evokation und Kontemplation, ed. Peter J. Optiz (Munich: Eric Voegelin-Archiv, 1 9 9 9 ), 6o-94 and r-59, respectively. 1 3 8 . Voegelin to Morstein Marx, April 2, 1 940. 1 3 9 . Morstein Marx to Voegelin, April S, 1 9 40, in Voegelin Papers, box 24, folder 24.

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

to finish his book by September I, 1 940. 140 By 1 94 1 the first ver­ sions of the chapters on ancient and medieval thought had been completed, and Voegelin was hard at work on the moderns. But the chronological scheme began to unravel because the problem of revolution and revolutionary movements spanned the medieval­ modern divide and required a "synthesis of the dynamics of West­ ern ideas. " In May 1 94 1 , Voegelin provided a first draft of this syn­ thesis in a section entitled "The People of God. " 141 A few months later, however, he had to admit that he had abandoned his original intention of " simply [rendering] a condensed account on the basis of presentations which had kindly been given by predecessors, " for these were thirty to forty years behind the monographic literature on political ideas. Voegelin felt he was in limbo: "I cannot write outrageous nonsense on essential questions and ruin my reputation in order to comply with the picture of the world of the text-book tribei and I cannot be as brief as I could be in a treatise for educated readers because the book is supposed to be in competition with textbook-literature. " He confessed his despair as he watched the "MS swelling, " "but I do not know what to do. " 142 Engel-Janosi's question "What is the scientific nature of your book? " revealed Voegelin's dilemma and caused him great concern. 143 Relentlessly, Voegelin worked his way through sources and literature, expanding, revising, and rewriting the original draft. In the spring of 1 944 he fi­ nally spoke of the " 'History' having reached a stage of completion": Three volumes (Ancient World, Medieval World, Modern World), each about 400 to s ao pages, were announced, though the third volume was still incomplete. Voegelin was in doubt about the publisher's attitude toward a "History" of this size. He still clung to the notion of a college text: "The book will be . . . the standard-treatise on the subject for a couple of decades to comei it is readable and usable for colleges as shown by the actual use which a friend of mine made of it for his class in Political Theory. " 144 But the bulky work was not to the 1 40. Voegelin to Morstein Marx, April 2 1 , 1 940. 1 4 1 . Voegelin to Morstein Marx, May 6, 1 9 4 1 . Cf. "The People of God" (unpub­ lished holograph), in Voegelin Papers, box 5 4, folder 8; cf. Peter J. Opitz, "The People of God: Eine Forschungsnotiz zur Datierung des Textes, " in Das Volk Gottes, by Eric Voegelin, ed. Peter J. Opitz (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1 9 94), 1 2 6-3 1 . 1 42 . Voegelin to Morstein Marx, August 4, 1 9 4 1 . 1 4 3 . Engel-Janosi to Voegelin, January 1 7, 1 942. 1 44. Voegelin to Morstein Marx, April 7, 1 944.

49

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publisher's liking, and Voegelin had to find another publisher. He signed a contract with the Macmillan Company on September 2 7 , I 944, which expected to publish the three volumes in the spring of I 94 6 . 145 Voegelin confirmed this date in the fall of I 945 . 146 But the manuscript continued to grow, until by I 9 5 4 it reached 4,45 0 pages and Voegelin had to confess that the contents of the work were not feasible for a college textbook. He suggested a change of title from the "History of Political Ideas" to " Order and Symbols, " but the publisher gave up on the project. In some sense that was the end of the story. In much of his correspondence with editors and publishers, and in his recollections, Voegelin gave the impression that he had indeed planned to write a college textbook, and he seems to have actually maintained this intention for a period of time. But he certainly never really intended to write a history of political ideas in the conventional manner. The surviving early texts and the correspon­ dence with close friends demonstrate that from the very begin­ ning of his "History" Voegelin had his highly original interpretive paradigm; it followed directly from the hermeneutics of his earlier studies on the race idea. There he had analyzed ideas in terms of their community-building function that in turn emerged from the spiritual being of humans expressing their quest for common existence in history. 147 In the summary of his study of the race question in I 940 Voegelin more precisely designated the commu­ nity creating idea the "political idea, " giving the term a very par­ ticular meaning. "A political idea does not attempt to describe social reality as it is, but it sets up symbols, be they single lan­ guage units or more elaborate dogmas, that have the function of creating the image of a group as a unit. " Such symbolic beliefs weld the individuals into a social collectivity. The "symbolic idea" is neither a theory nor a description of social reality but plays a role in its constitution. The political idea is connected with em­ pirical reality because " certain basic universal experiences regu­ larly tend to become the material starting point from which the transformation into a symbol begins. " 148 The community-creating function of the symbol-generating political idea became the center 145. 146. 1 47 . 148.

McCurdy to Voegelin, January 3 1 , 1 94 5 , in Voegelin Papers, box 24, folder 8 . Voegelin t o McCurdy, October 8, 1 945 . Cf. CW, 2:2, 4-5 . CW, 10:27-28 .

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' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

of the conceptual framework of the projected history of political ideas, as the fragmentary "introduction" to the study reveals. 149 It was to organize the historical material with respect to the major complexes of order evoked by the community-building function of the political idea. An anonymous reviewer remarked in 1 948: "The author uses the expression 'political ideas' in a special and quasi technical sense. This special sense pervades the book and is briefly but not very clearly stated in the Introduction. /1[50 "Ideas, and especially political ideas, " Voegelin explained to Alfred Schutz, "are not theoretical propositions concerning reality but part of re­ ality themselves . I discussed the reality-character of ideas in the introduction to volume I, under the term of 'Evocation.' " An idea once formulated and communicated evokes reality. "It is this con­ nection between the idea and the reality evoked that . . . leads to a problem of a history of political ideas in the first place. " 151 The first draft of the "History of Political Ideas" was based on the "theory of evocations " 152 as laid out in the introduction; it was a conceptual approach in its own right that is still of some scientific interest. The key elements of this hermeneutics of the historico-political world refer to the anthropological grounding of the evocational paradigm and the related analysis of the recurring patterns of the "Western" civilizational process in terms of the integration and disintegration of political communities. The creation of political order is a fundamental response "to the experience of the fragmentary and senseless character of human existence . " " Out of the shapeless vastness of conflicting human desires rises a little world of order, a cosmic analogy, a cosmion, leading a precarious life under the pressure of destructive forces from within and without . . . . The function proper of order is the creation of a shelter in which man gives his life a semblance of meaning . . . thereby relieving his life from the (disordering aspects) of existence that always spring up when the possibility of the utter senselessness of a life ending in annihilation is envisaged. " 153 "The I 4 9 · Cf. Jiirgen Gebhardt, " Politische Ideengeschichte als Theorie der politis­ chen Evokation, Politiwissenschaftliche Spiegelingen, " in Politikwissenschaftliche Spiegelungen, ed. Dirk Berg-Schlosser et al. (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, I 9 9 8 ), I 6-46 . I S O. "Report o n Voegelin's History o f Political Ideas, " 2 . I 5 r. Voegelirt t o Schutz, September I ?, I 945 · I 5 2 . cw, I 9 :228-3 I . I 5 3 · cw, I 9 :2 2 6 .

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term cosmion" Voegelin told Schutz, 11 appears to me to be espe­ cially appropriate for the political province of meaning because here it is an empirical fact that in the actual [sich abspielend] constitu­ tions meaning [ Sinngebung] is bestowed in analogy to cosmic order. The political cosmion is a cosmic analogy" 154 modeled on the recur­ ring orders of the regular cycles of the astral bodies and the seasons in the animal and vegetable worlds, which promise divine com­ pleteness and absoluteness. The creative force of the human mind strives to overcome the fundamental anxiety of existence by imag­ inatively recreating the cosmic order in the form of the political cosmion. The evocation of the sheltering cosmion is the principal function of political ideas; it signifies the building of mythical com­ munities. 11The driving force of the magical creation is the anxiety of existence. " 155 The evocative power of the political idea engenders the magical act of calling political order into being. 11The linguistic symbols (contained) in a system of political ideas, by calling a ruler and a people by name, call it into existence. The evocative power of language, the primitive magic relation between a name and the object it denotes, makes it possible to transform an amorphous field of human forces into an ordered unit by an act of evocation of such units. " 156 Once the primary political idea magically calls a political unit into existence, the cosmion becomes a real political force in history, an ideational process sets in to express its being in objective descriptive language, and the political ideas mutate into a plethora of descriptive interpretations of the imagined community. These ancillary political ideas are designed to sustain the cosmion and defend 1 t against the disintegrative destruction of a new political idea that in turn might throw the community back into man's primary state of disorder and meaninglessness. Voegelin holds that this historically constant general structure of the interplay of evo­ cation and political idea is found in all civilizational complexes of order in Western history. From the Assyrian and Egyptian empires to the modern totalitarian systems, it defines the finite group, be it nation, race, or class. The hermeneutical paradigm of the magical evocation of order brings the theorist into a precarious position in respect to political 1 5 4. Voegelin to Schutz, October 6, 1 94 5 . 1 5 5 . "Orient" (unpublished holograph), in Voegelin Papers, box 5 6 folder 9 · 1 5 6 . cw, 1 :2 2 8 .

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

reality. 157 Dissociating the realm of political ideas from the realm of political theory proper, Voegelin again took up the philosophical position, which he had formulated in the mid- r 9 3 0s, of contem­ plation ( theoria ) in the Aristotelian sense. It connotes the histor­ ically rare case of more or less completely removing oneself from the surrounding political world. As a human being the theorist is bound to the political cosmion. His political sensitivity, however, enables him to take a more detached stance toward the struggle of the evocative forces in society. In most cases, the theoretical effort does not transgress the built-in limits of the evocative forces of the cosmion in which the theorist lives. Only three instances in history where comprehensive systems of political theory emerged were known to Voegelin-those of Aristotle, Thomas, and Badin­ and even these thinkers were confined in their outlook by the re­ spective political cosmion. The authentic theorist engages in the contemplative analysis of the cosmion to the point where he "has to explain the cosmion as what it is, as a magical entity, existing by the evocative forces of man; it has to explain its relativity, and its essential inability to accomplish what it intends to do-that is to render an absolute shelter of meaning. " Political theory sensu strictu disenchants the cosmion and undermines its raison d'etre. This results in a fundamental conflict between the theorist and the established societal order, which cannot tolerate a critical denigra­ tion of the value of its cosmic analogy. And Voegelin adds: "The individual thinker who cannot resist to explore this delicate subject matter to the limit will probably be reluctant to hand over the re­ sults of his inquiry to a larger public, not out of any understandable apprehension of personal danger, but for reasons that it would be difficult to explain here and now. " Once again, as in his earlier newspaper article, Voegelin referred to Plato and wrote, "We may safely assume that the most important results of political theory never have, and never will, become known except to the more or less happy few. " 158 Here Voegelin comes close to Leo Strauss's understanding of philosophy as an esoteric enterprise. In the fall of 1 9 39, Voegelin sent the draft of the first chapters to Schutz, who gave it to Max Mintz, another of Voegelin's friends 1 5 7 . Cf. my introduction in CW, 2 5 . and Gebhardt, "Politische Ideengeschichte als Theorie der politischen Evokation. " 1 5 8 . CW, 1 9 :2 3 3 .

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from Vienna. Mintz also stumbled over the above concept and chal­ lenged this radical notion of the role of contemplation: "You write a history of political ideas that-to a degree-includes political the­ ory. If you do not think of developing a political theory yourself­ what prevents you from stating your interpretation of the motives of the theorists who concealed their ultimate results from the pub­ lic? Or do you want to say that the historian too has to be a theorist to the extent that he shares this prudent discretion? " 159 Clearly Mintz touched on the central issue of Voegelin's self-understanding. Voegelin replied with an explanation of his cryptic remark: We deal with the " existential problem" of theory understood in Aristotelian terms as the theorist's way of life. The theorist's withdrawal from reality is in itself an action insofar as he has an effect upon reality by unveiling the results of his contemplation to the public. This raises rather curious questions : Isn't an attitude of radical con­ templation self-contradictory? Perhaps it is immoral because it de­ stroys the magic of the idea, which is the soul of praxis.And as long as life is lived, [the soul of which is praxis], it is only possible within the magic of an idea. The practice of contemplation is strictly individual, solitary, and cannot construct a social order; therefore should it not, as Plato maintained, be kept secret, at least as far as its most disturbing results are concerned? But then again, it must be cultivated, because otherwise every idea that emerges at some point in history would have to remain sacrosanct and could not be criticized. But this, again, would be immoral because it would make moral development toward higher forms of social order impossible. What would be the result: that "progress " with a good conscience would only be possible if a thinker were clever enough to criticize and to destroy, and at the same time stupid enough to believe that he himself had found the solution to the problem through his new magic? For Plato, the answer is that it is forbidden to record the wise men's secrets in writing.1 60

Plato was to remain the key to Voegelin's self-understanding, which is why Voegelin always returned to him with his questions. It can� not be ascertained whether Voegelin kept the opaque passage in the introduction, because the finished version has not been pre­ served. But the confrontation of the two forces-contemplation and evocation-remained a vexing problem in Voegelin's overall hermeneutical scheme of a historical sequence of types of evoca­ tion. 1 5 9 . Mintz to Voegelin, March 22, 1 940, in Voegelin Papers, box 2 1 , folder 3 3 . 1 60. Voegelin t o Mintz, April I I , 1 940.

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' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

At stake was the theorist's involvement with the historical pro­ cess. A crucial step toward clarification emerged in the debate with Schutz on Husserl's essay The Crisis of European Sciences in the autumn of 1943 . The critique of Husserl's interpretive approach to history repudiated the attempt to posit one's own historically conditioned position as absolute and, as a result, to distort the his­ torical material to suit one's own purpose. Despite Schutz's rather convincing reply that Husserl was not concerned with Geistes­ geschichte or with the philosophy of history in Voegelin's sense of the term, Husserl was for Voegelin an example of what he called "demonic historiography. " Actually, Voegelin was primarily con­ cerned with refining his own position on the theorist's understand­ ing of the working of spirit in history in order to avoid the fal­ lacy of demonic historiography. Voegelin sketches an alternative hermeneutical understanding of representative historical thinkers which reveals that, as bearers of the spirit, they are philosophers in their own right. The contemplative theorist's encounter with his predecessors' self-interpretation is the. subject of the letters con­ cerning Husserl. The task is to "penetrate each historical-spiritual position to the point at which it rests in itself, i.e., in which it is rooted in the author's own experience of transcendence. Only when intellectual history [ Geistesgeschichte] is carried out with this methodological goal can it attain its philosophical goal of un­ derstanding the spirit in its historicity, or, to put it another way, be able to understand the historical expressions [Ausformungen] of the spirit as variations on the theme of experiences of transcendence. " This historical meditation enables the contemplative theorist to school and clarify his own expression of experiences of transcen­ dence and to discern in his study of the historical testimony of the thinkers themselves the " order in the historical revelation of the spirit. " Husserl failed because he "was not a radical philosopher in the sense that he had a clear notion of the radices of his thought. " What i s necessary i s a radicalism o f "philosophical existence. " 161 Voegelin's critical reading of Husserl led him to return to the exis­ tential issue of the life of radical contemplation and to again engage in intense acts of self-reflection in order to become aware of the motivational experiences of his own philosophizing. He took a step back from the work he wa·s involved in to write two texts that were 1 6 1 . Voegelin to Schutz, September 1 7, 1 94 3 .

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to change his original conceptual approach to the history of polit­ ical ideas. Since these texts are occasioned by the letter to Schutz (and probably the earlier conversations with him) and because they have a bearing upon Voegelin's scholarship in the following years, a glance at their essential character is appropriate here. The first piece recounts the very personal anamnetic experiments that recalled the early experiences "that impel toward reflection and do so because they have excited consciousness to the 'awe' of existence. " Voegelin's anamnetic self-exploration of early child­ hood experiences "had to do with excitements from the experience of a transcendence in space, time, matter, history, wishful dreams, and wishful times. " 162 In his correspondence with J. E. Palmer of the Sewanee Review, Voegelin explained the meaning of these experi­ ences in more discursive language. He denied that the Cartesian type of meditation was a legitimate approach to a philosophy of the mind because "the life of spirit and intellect is historical in the strict sense, and [ . . . ] the determinants of mature philosophical speculation have to be sought in the mythical formation of the mind in experiences of early youth. In order to prove my point, I conducted anamnetic experiments on myself and collected twenty­ odd such early experiences which determined my later metaphys­ ical attitudes. The thing is of objective importance; the autobio­ graphical element is of little relevance. " 163 This is not quite true, because it is the most personal testimony of Voegelin's that we have concerning the "border experiences" ( Grenzerfahrungen ) that are given in the psychic agitation of experiences of transcendence. Its objectivity is confirmed by the fact that it sets the scene for a reflexive understanding of the philosopher's own existence within the context of his own history as the history of human existence in community and in the world. Voegelin himself attached such great importance to his anamnetic experiments that he gave a facsimile of the holograph to each member of his Munich staff as a farewell present when he departed for America. Voegelin considered the reflections on consciousness that at­ tended his anamnesis to be a critical breakthrough in his meditative efforts. The text-later entitled " Zur Theorie des BewuBtseins/On the Theory of Consciousness"-has, generally speaking, an anam! 62 . cw, 6 : 8 4-8 5 . 1 6 3 . Voegelin to Palmer, November 5 , 1 946.

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' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

netic quality, since it reverts to the philosophical studies on prob­ lems of consciousness and self-reflection found in his early writ­ ings . But now, on the one hand, they connect a meditative ex­ egesis of consciousness with the evocative problem of mythical community formation, and, on the other hand, they express the thought that the philosopher himself evokes "an order of symbols through which man's position in the world is understood. " 164 The self-contradiction of radical contemplation is resolved: The esoteric wisdom creates space for the possibility of a "new orientation of the spirit through the creation of a new symbolism" by the philosopher. The Plato who kept his wisdom for himself changes into the Plato who created a new spiritual world. The renewed focus on Plato­ and, in the following years, on Bodin, Vico, and Schelling-prepared the ground for a fresh understanding of the "public" office of the philosopher. At this point, Voegelin continued the debate with Schutz. Husserl failed to comprehend the crisis of contemporary philosophy with his argument for the existence of a compact philosophical tradition that he intended to renew. Against Husserl (and Schutz) Voegelin presented his own diagnosis: "Just what is this so-often-invoked crisis of philosophy? Merely that, for various historical reasons, the ordinates of the images of man and the world that had their foundation in a commonly held faith have failed; as a consequence, a horrible burden falls upon everyone who philosophizes in our time to put together, in solitary labor, a more or less adequate system of ordinates-a task that only a very few are up to. " A crisis might be diagnosed. "But one should be aware that this 'crisis' cannot be 'solved' by the efforts of philosophy. The philosopher can do no more than try to adjust as best he can to the situation of living in a crisis that may go on for centuries." The philosopher may "orient himself to the elements of the 'tradition' that permit him to see how thinkers in the past have coped with the problem of a solitary existence. " For the philosopher concerned with the issue of order, various threads of tradition may prove relevant. And Voegelin emphasized that such threads of a philosophy of crisis can be found in Jaspers, "whose philosophical system, based on the tradition of Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, and Max Weber, is no doubt the most important positive effort to establish order in our ! 64. cw, 6 : 8 3 .

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time. Here indeed . . . a style of philosophizing is emerging that . . . demonstrates how the experiential material of our time can be built into a system of ordinates of knowledge of the world, and knowledge of the person, that transcends the culture of the now disintegrating Christian community. " 165 This was, of course, not Voegelin's last word in the matter, but it set the course for reconsid­ ering the hermeneutical paradigm underlying the theory of political evocation and for the ensuing revisions in Voegelin's history of political ideas. Nevertheless, the correspondence does not seem to have had an immediate impact on the conceptual revision of the worki and this is understandable, since Voegelin had two completed volumes in hand and was in search of a new publisher. In early 1 948, the above-mentioned comments written for the publisher by the anonymous reader of the manuscript documented the fact that the theory of political evocation essentially still governed the interpretation of the historical material. 166 However, as the analysis of the modern period progressed, Voege­ lin was increasingly confronted with the problem of how the the­ orist should deal with the " crisis" of Western civilization that found expression in the evocative phenomenon of totalitarianism, which, after all, was of the utmost concern to Voegelin. He dis­ played a growing tendency to explore the Western historical pro­ cess in terms of the civilizational disintegration that he had stated earlier in the Political Religions and later reaffirmed in his critique of Husserl. From the eighteenth century onward, Voegelin again indicated to Schiitz, it became more and more difficult to intercon­ nect the presentation of specific political thinkers with the sections that in broad overviews deal with the history of post-Christian innerworldly eschatology that Voegelin treated in the late 1 9 3 0s. 167 In a sense, the recently proclaimed office of the philosopher to offer intellectual and spiritual orientation no longer fit in with the ordering principle of a theory of political evocation. Voegelin intimated the conceptual shift in a communication with his pub­ lisher: "The work is more than a mere history of theoriesi it has be­ come a comprehensive, systematic critique of politics and modern civilization, of general interest. " 168 His correspondence with the 165. 1 66. 167. 1 68.

Voegelin to Schutz, December 28, 1 9 4 3 . Report o n Voegelin's History of Political Ideas, February 1 948. Voegelin to Schutz, September 1 7, 1 94 5 . Voegelin t o McCurdy, October 8, 1 94 5 .

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publisher shows that Voegelin wanted to finish the work and have it published. But dark reflections crept in, and profound reserva­ tions about the whole enterprise troubled him. "Do we understand history, or not ? Or can we perhaps understand history if we have a universal interpretation? Or, is it perhaps so that, at the end of the day, the entire effort that I have made to bring some order into the history of the political mind [politischer Geist] is nonsense ? " Voegelin's reflections were occasioned by Engel-Janosi's response to his critical analysis of Locke and Marx, which touched upon the question of a thinker's historical effectiveness. "Is it impermissi­ ble to analyze and characterize a thinker without taking into ac­ count his historical effectiveness? . . . Is Marx a great thinker after all because he addressed precisely that which his contemporaries responded to ? Must one assume that history takes its course and conclude that the one who takes it further in this direction is his­ torically 'justified, ' even if he is a Marx, a Hitler, or a Stalin ? " Should one follow Hegel's notion o f the great historical personal­ ity? "Should one abstain from judgment, even when the thinker in question is a reprehensible character, because his historical suc­ cess proves that the alternative was not possible? " This entails the fundamental problem of the " autonomy of spiritual and moral judgment. " "Would one not end up collaborating with the corrup­ tion that was demonstrated to have been historically unavoidable ? " This would amount t o subscribing t o Hegel's idea o f the "cun­ ning of reason. " And in his conclusion Voegelin gives us a deep insight into his state of mind at that time. "With regard to the great historical figures of the last three or four hundred years should one suspend judgment and wait for a future denouement that will demonstrate 'what all that was good for'? At the moment I tend almost to this latter view. " 169 As Voegelin's realization grew that the emergence of modern eschatology-once analyzed in terms of "political religions"-was the decisive factor in the modern crisis, he also became aware of the problem of Gnosticism. Of particular importance in this regard was the introduction to Urs von Balthasar's booklet Ireniius: Die Geduld des Reifens ( I 9 4 3 ) , which he acquired in I 9 4 5 . According to Balthasar, the church father unveiled the core of the Gnostic spec­ ulation: self-redemption. In recognizing the bearing of Gnosticism 1 6 9 . Voegelin to Engel-Janosi, December 7, 1 948. 59

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

upon the ideas that seized the modern world Voegelin discovered a key to an understanding of the modern crisis. He started to work with the Gnosis hypothesis in 1 948 by restudying the medieval sectarian movements. It is therefore worth mentioning that before 1 9 5 0 the problem of Gnosticism was not a theme in his correspon­ dence, not even in letters to his closest friendsY0 The discovery of Gnosticism as the source of disorder in moder­ nity and the assertion that the philosopher is the diagnostician of disorder led Voegelin back to the principal question of the role of the spirit in society, and to the further question of the author­ ity of truth, which allows its representatives to speak for society. Here the issue of the " sociality of the spirit" comes to the fore and with it the question of the "historicity of truth. " Voegelin's thought required the concept of " 'the historicity of truth, ' not in a theory of knowledge but in a theory of the human being in his­ torical existence . " Voegelin agreed with Schutz that all knowledge and its expression is intramundane. But he maintained that not all knowledge is knowledge of intramundane being. "In experiences of transcendence one experiences transcendent being . . . ; and the dif­ ferentiation of these experiences . . . constitutes an historical pro­ cess. " Voegelin concludes: "I have to use this concept throughout the entire work. 11 171 A few months later the metamorphosis of the project was theoretically-if not practically-finalized. "A history of ideas should not be a doxographic report or a history of dogmas in the classical sense, but rather a history of existential transfor­ mations in which the 'truth' comes to sight, is obscured, is lost, and is again recovered. A history of political ideas, in particular, should investigate the process in which 'truth' becomes socially effective or is hindered in such effectiveness . " 1 72 The notion of the "historicity of truth" blended the theory of politics with the phi­ losophy of history. The evocative force of the human mind creates more than the semblance of meaning; it articulates the truth of the order of being that emerges as the order of history. The philosopher has become the guardian of this truth. It is his duty to establish "islands of order in the disorder of the age" because the diagnos1 70. Voegelin to Schiitz, July 27, 1 9 5 0: "I would now definitely interpret the 'modern' political ideas (since the reformation) as secularization of the sectarian Gnosis" (CW, 3 0: 5 8 ) . 1 7 r . Voegelin to Schiitz, November 7, 1 949. 172. Voegelin to Strauss, January 2, 1 9 5 0; cf. CW, 30:42.

6o

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

tic and therapeutic functions are inseparably bound up with the existential form of life that is philosophy. 173 Within this context Voegelin recast the theoretical problem of myth that had troubled him for years. The notion of the "political myth" figured promi­ nently in his hermeneutical Staatslehre. From his anthropological exploration of the community creating "idea" in the race book on­ ward, Voegelin subscribed to a functional understanding of "myth" derived from his reading of Schelling's philosophy of mythology: "A people emerges from its myth. " "A people's or nation's ground of being and its unity is its myth. " 1 74 Following this line of reasoning, the political idea magically evoking community assumes the char­ acter of a "political myth, " and the "well-elaborated theory of the ideas concerned with the mythical creation of communities, and of the far-reaching theological ramifications of these ideas, " was the pivot of Voegelin's theory of political evocation.175 Once the question of the "historicity of truth" enters the philoso­ pher's reflection, the myth is understood as a symbolic articulation of modalities of transcendence. This insight into the nature of the myth did change the cognitive appraisal of mythical forms per se without however losing sight of the political aspect. "The basic function of the myth, to finitize transcendence, is authenticated historically mostly in the appearance of finite mythically consti­ tuted human communities, which present man as such in their own image . " The theoretical shift involves connecting the myth to human consciousness and its natural capacity for transcendence. This revisionism was the result of Voegelin's continuing study of Plato in which he became aware of Plato's "attempt to deliberately make the creation of myths an instrument of philosophy" in terms of a " 'conscious' myth. " 1 76 This reinterpretation of Platonic phi­ losophizing, reinforced by his studies of Schelling and Vico in I 945 and r 946, added up to a "theory of the myth. " In Voegelin's opinion, the theory had proved itself practicable "in the interpretation of the myths of Plato . . . . Since the theory intends to be universal, it also offers interesting possibilities for the interpretation of Christian dogma. " 1 77 173· 1 74· 175· 176. 177.

1 4:24. 2 : 1 49 · 1 9 :228; cw, 1 0 : 1 64. CW, 6:72. See also p. yo. Voegelin to Lehrl, February 1 2, 1 948; cf. Voegelin to Elliott, January 29, 1 947. cw, cw, cw,

6r

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

A first sample of these newly attained " techniques for the inter­ pretation of myths" was Voegelin's piece "Plato's Egyptian Myth, " an analysis of Platonic politics in the Timaeus and Critias. Here Voegelin traces the Platonic creation of the myth to the " collec­ tive unconsciousness which is also living in him" extending from the collective soul of the people to the generic collective soul of mankind, and even to the primordial life of the cosm.os from whose travail man emerges. At the end, Voegelin draws the interesting conclusion that there is a parallel between Plato and Schelling: "In both cases the philosophy of the unconscious becomes of system­ atic importance in the course of reaction against the preceding Age of Enlightenment. " 1 78 Voegelin integrated this text into the Plato chapter of volume III of Order and History, but the Plato-Schelling parallel was dropped, since Schelling now fell under the verdict of modern Gnosticism. 1 79 The meaning of a philosophy of the un­ conscious was left open and was never systematically discussed. Only in his very last writings did Voegelin return to the question of the "public unconscious" denoting "a socially dominant state of consciousness deformed by oblivion that causes personal and public disturbances of order. " 1 80 But that is another story. In his autobiographical recollection Voegelin "characterize[d] the five years between 1 945 and 1 9 5 0 as a period of indecision, if not paralysis, in handling the problems that I saw but could not intel­ lectually penetrate to my satisfaction. " 1 8 1 As mentioned above his reasoning about giving up "ideas " as the object of history obscured the fact that he never had approached the subject from the " conven­ tional assumptions that there are ideas, that they have a history. " 182 What he finally gave up was the centerpiece of his theory of politi­ cal evocation, namely, the notion that the political idea is the for­ mative idea in the process of magically creating community. This did not mean that he had retreated from the position that had been the foundation of his theoretical argument in the introduction: that "the problem of politics has to be considered in the larger setting of 1 7 8 . Voegelin, " Plato's Egyptian Myth, " Journal of Politics 9, no. 3 (August 1 947): 3 1 6-1 7, 3 2 3 . 1 7 9 . CW, 1 6 :247. 1 80. CW, 1 8 : 7 o-7 8 . 1 8 1 . CW, 34 : 9 1 . 1 82 . Ibid., 1 04-5 ·

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

an interpretation of human nature. " 183 Voegelin later claimed that he had to give up " 'ideas' as objects of history" and instead had to "establish the experience of reality-personal, social, historical, cosmic-as the reality to be explored historically. " 184 This state­ ment is not quite true, because a closer inspection of his earlier writings will always reveal that the fundamental experiences of human existence were the pivot of his hermeneutical study of the historico-political world.

Epilogue: The Solitude of the Thinker and the Community of Scholars Throughout his reflections on philosophical existence Voegelin emphasized the social isolation and the attendant solitude of the thinker who withdraws from society into contemplation. This soli­ tude is not an accidental but a defining property of the life de­ voted to philosophizing, and only a few outstanding individuals are strong enough to live this way. But Voegelin does not offer a merely empirical description of the "philosopher. " He is inspired by the Humboldtian idea of the scholar who, in freedom and solitude, within the small community of likeminded spirits, is engaged in "true science. " Thus, when Voegelin reflects on the solitude of the thinker, he articulates his own experience of life: the contemplative exodus into the realm of reason. Such solitude exacts its price, and Voegelin's personal existence and his dealings with the "world" were imbued with a feeling of aloofness. "At the moment I might as well be completely alone, " he wrote to Schutz in 1 94 7 . "I have no one with whom I can discuss the problems I am working on. Over the years these problems have developed well beyond any connection with the intellectual interests of our friends who stud­ ied legal theory or economics and whose interests have remained constant. Engel is the only one who has followed the growth of the MSS (and has used it in his lectures). But he is more interested in the historical details than in the philosophical problems, which for him seem to have been essentially solved by his Catholicism. " 185 This observation is borne out in his correspondence. Over the years 1 8 3 . CW, 1 9 : 2 3 1 . 1 84. CW, 34: 1 0 5-6. 1 8 5 . Voegelin to Schutz, December 3 1 , 1 947.

' EDITOR S INTRODUCTION

it was a small circle of friends from Vienna, Mintz, Engel-Janosi, and Schutz, to whom Voegelin sent his texts asking for criticism and advice. And indeed Schutz was the only one who conducted a truly philosophical dialogue with him: " One of the keenest philo­ sophical minds of our time is still the silent partner of my think­ ing, " Voegelin wrote a few years after Schutz's death. Lowith and Strauss-also European scholars-later joined the intellectual dis­ course. The only American to participate was Robert A. Heilman, a scholar of English literature and an early colleague, who at first helped Voegelin improve his written English and who was subse­ quently drawn into an intensive interdisciplinary exchange with him. But besides Heilman no other native-born American played a leading part in Voegelin's communicative world. Even more im­ portant: As critically as Voegelin reacted to the European intellec­ tual scene, past and present (emigres included), where the much implored "state of science" was at stake, Voegelin referred almost exclusively to European authors. 1 8 6 This fact is underlined by the way Voegelin charted the new intellectual paths following his visit to Europe in 1 9 5 0. The form of Voegelin's theoretical enterprise unfolded in Amer­ ica, but its content was deeply rooted in the cultural world of " Old Europe. "

r 8 6 . Cf. the list of "representative scholars and their leading works" given in the project outline for the Guggenheim Foundation, August 20, 1 948.

Editorial Note

As the title indicates, the Selected Correspondence (volumes 29 and 30 of The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin J does not contain all of Voegelin's letters. In preparing the two volumes, complete­ ness was not the editors' aim. The principle guiding our selection was to focus on letters that cast light on Eric Voegelin's personal and intellectual life. Because of the sheer bulk of Voegelin's corre­ spondence after 1 9 5 0, not all the letters, which might well be of public interest, could be included in the second volume of corre­ spondence that covers the period from 1 9 5 0 to 1 9 8 5 . For the first volume, covering the period from the 1 9 20s to 1 949, however, the editors were able to include almost all Voegelin's letters that could be foundi and this for the simple reason that the letters are not as numerous as those in the later period. Some early letters were lost or destroyed in the turmoil of the 1 9 30si others were handwritten, and Voegelin did not keep copies for himself. (Only in the 1 940s did Voegelin routinely begin to keep carbon copies of his now typed letters. ) For the earlier years the editor had to retrieve Voegelin's letters from various archives, and it may be safely assumed that there are still Voegelin letters to be found in public and private archives. For the volume of Voegelin's earlier letters the editor has included an appendix of documents relevant to Voegelin's academic life, the hitherto unpublished list of lectures he delivered at the Vienna School for Adult Education, synopses of books, and other memoranda. The handwritten letters required careful transcription, and through the concerted efforts of Thomas Hollweck, William Petropulos, and myself, each text has been successfully reproducedi but some lacunae could not be closed. 65

EDITORIAL NOTE

A major challenge to the editing process was the adequate ren­ dering of the German part of the correspondence into English. Nat­ urally a translation can never be a substitute for the original, and this is also true for personal letters. The object of the translation was to preserve the meaning of the German text to the greatest ex­ tent possible. The main translator, William Petropulos, of the Eric Voegelin Archive at the University of Munich, excelled in this re­ spect, as did Sandy Adler of the University of Colorado, who worked with part of the correspondence. Petropulos worked untiringly to recreate the specific style and intended meaning of the original and to capture the intellectual drive that characterizes Voegelin's letters. Voegelin's German-based scholarly vocabulary and German academic nomenclature was adhered to as closely as possible. The texts of the letters written in English have not been modified. In both the German and English letters, the undeniable German stance of Voegelin's thought has been preserved. All letters origi­ nally written in German have been identified as such in footnotes. For the sake of authenticity only those words and book titles that appear underlined in the originals have been italicized herein. Most of the translations were made at the Eric-Voegelin-Archiv of the Geschwister-Scholl-Institut der Ludiwig-Maximilians-UniversWit, Munich, which very kindly accorded Petropulos a working place and access to the archive's documentary and published resources. In our discussion of the format for both volumes of correspon­ dence, Hollweck and I decided against an extensive apparatus of footnotes. We agreed to confine the annotations to the indispensi­ ble information needed to inform the reader about the recipients of Voegelin's letters, persons mentioned in the letters, and other bio­ graphical, bibliographical, and historical information that might be necessary in order to understand the contexts in which the letters were written. Decisions concerning footnotes were made on a case­ by-case basis. For more detailed information concerning Voegelin's letters, the reader is referred to the introduction of this volume. The Eric Voegelin Papers, Hoover Institution, Stanford, California, has been a major source of the letters and documents that make up this volume. Numerous letters and documents were kindly supplied by the following individuals and institutions: 66

EDITORIAL NOTE

Pro fessor Dr. med. Wilhelm S cheppe, Frankfurt am Main, for Voegelin's letters to Eduard Baumgarten. Hus serl Archie£ te Leuven, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium, for Voegelin's letter to Fritz Kaufmann. Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach, for Voegelin's letters to Herbert Steiner. UniversWits- und Landesarchiv Bonn, for Voegelin's letters to Erich Rothacker. Nachlass Familie Mathilde Hanzel-Hubner, Institut fiir Geschichte, University of Vienna, for Voegelin's letters to Karsten and Ruthhilt Lemche. 6sterreichisches Staatsarchiv, Archiv der Republik, Vienna, for documents concerning Voegelin's habilitation, academic career, and dismissal from the university. Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York, for Voegelin's correspondence with repres entatives of the Rockefeller Foundation and reports on Voegelin's conversations with foundation representatives . Professor D r . Dirk Kasler, University of Marburg, for the Earl E . Eubank reports o n Voegelin and related correspondence. Eric-Voegelin Library, Institut fiir Politische Wissenschaft, University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, for documents relating to Voegelin's book projects. The following individuals and institutions were helpful in supply­ ing biographical and bibliographical information and giving other valuable support: Professor Dr. Karl-Siegbert Rehberg, Dresden University of Technology Dr. Hans-Jorg Sigwart, University of Erlangen-Nuremberg Eberhard von Lochner, Gauting, Germany Osterreichisches Volkshochschularchiv, Vienna Archiv fur die Geschichte der Soziologie in 6sterreich, Institut fur Soziologie, University of Graz Acknowledgment is made to the Northwestern University Press and to Springer Science and Business Media, holders of the original copyright, for their kind permission to quote from Edmund Husserl,

EDITORIAL NOTE

The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenol­ ogy, trans. David Carr (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1 9 7 0) . The photographs i n this volume were prepared b y Mark Theodor­ opoulos for the Voegelin Literary Trust and the University of Mis­ souri Press through the generous support of James B. C. Doak. A grant from the Hoover Institution permitted me to go through the Voegelin collection in order to locate missing letters and gather biographical material in March 200 7 . I wish to thank Linda Bernard, the archivist of the Voegelin Papers, Deborah Ventura, and Celeste Sceto for their generous help during my stay at Hoover. I gratefully acknowledge the generous contributions from the Eric Voegelin Institute, Louisiana State University, and the Eric­ Voegelin-Bibliothek, University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, for their support of the editorial work on this volume. My particular thanks goes to my fellow editor-in-chief of the Collected Works and longstanding friend, Ellis Sandoz, who over the years was the driving force in this project and who energetically steered the editor of this final volume of the Collected Works to the successful completion of his labors. Last, but not least, I wish to express my deeply felt gratitude to Beverly Jarrett of the University of Missouri Press. Without her untiring commitment to the work of Eric Voegelin, there would not be a Collected Works. The scientific community is greatly indebted to Beverly Jarrett for the outstanding accomplishment of this very important scholarly enterprise. I thank Julie Schorfheide and Jane Lago for their patient and skill­ ful editorial work that helped me to bring this volume to successful completion. I dedicate this volume to the unknown reader who in the study of these pages will discover a great and free spirit.

68

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE 1 9 2 4 - 1 949

1 ------ � ------Letters, 1924-1938

1. To Erich Rothacker 1

Dr. Erich Voegelin Untere Viadaktg. 3 5 III Vienna August 1 4, 1 924 Dear Herr Doctor: I have received your kind invitation to send you the manuscript of my essay on Max Weber and you will find a copy of it enclosed with this letter. In the event that you find the work suitable for your journal, but want changes made in accordance with the purpose of the January issue that you spoke of, please let me know as soon as possible since, in the middle of September, I will be leaving for America for a longer period of study and, for that reason, may be unable to find the time to make the changes. Respectfully yours, Erich Voegelin r. Original in German. This letter and the following two written by Voegelin to Erich Rothacker courtesy of the Universitats und Landesbibliothek Bonn, NachlaB Erich Rothacker.

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

2. To Erich Rothacker 1

2940 Broadway New York City

October 20, 1 9 24 Dear Herr Doctor: You will find my current address at the top of this letter. I can be reached here if you have anything you wish to communicate. The mail takes 1 5 days, at the most. I have discovered a few very significant things; among others a philosophical movement whose most important representative is John Dewey. I would be happy to send you books or bibliographical references, if you are interested. With best wishes. Very respectfully yours, Erich Voegelin 1. Original in German.

3· To Erich Rothacker 1

Dr. Erich Voegelin 2940 Broadway New York City February 24, 1 9 2 5 Dear Professor: Thank you very much for your kind card of 22 January and for the essay that appeared in the Frankfurter Newspaper. 2 You know very well how important the thoughts you develop there are to me, and can therefore easily imagine how grateful I am to you for so clearly and convincingly expressing things which, although they move many people today, must be explicitly for­ mulated in order for them to become fully effective. I am there­ fore truly grateful to you for this page that, due to the technical problems involved in my being so far away, would otherwise have certainly escaped my attention. I find it no misfortune that my work will appear three months later. If it is administratively possible for your journal, I would 72

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

appreciate i t i f you would send the reprints t o m e here in New York and the author's fee to: Frau Elsa Voegelin Untere Viaduktgasse. 3 5 ill Vienna With very best wishes. Very respectfully yours, Erich Voegelin 1 . Original i n German. 2. Erich Rothacker, "Das Verstehen in den Geisteswissenschaften," Frankfurter Zeitung, January 22, 1 92 5 , p. 8 .

4· To Leopold von Wiese 1

Dr. Erich Voegelin ill Untere Viaduktgasse 3 5

Vienna June 24, 1 9 30 Dear Professor: Thank you very much for your kind letter. I very much regret that you do not believe the lecture suitable for publication in your journal. And I regret it all the more because some of the grounds you mention appear to me to be based on a misunderstanding. I hope you will not take it as an impropriety on my part, but rather as a sign that I value your opinion of me, if, in a few words, I try to clear up the misunderstanding. When I speak of the dissolution by the intellect, naturally I do not mean to echo a journalistic cliche, nor to intone a romantic lament, but rather to express the precise meaning that Max Weber gave the term, which is clearly stated on page nine of my manu­ script: namely, that the intellect does not dissolve values but, on the contrary, makes them all the more visible; it only dissolves the naivete of belief in the one or the other value. I cannot avoid talking about this theme because the question of the intellect's effect [on values] has been a burning issue since Nietzsche, and was a central question in Max Weber's ethics of responsibility (see especially " Politics as a Profession" ) . Next to this stance of Max Weber another attitude is important to us today, the one taken by 73

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

Stefan George and his friends. I do not sympathize with it; rather, I hold Max Weber's attitude to be the only one possible and desirable for a scholar. But, especially as a scholar who engages in biography, I am obliged to present this other stance in a neutral way and assert its equal right, as a value, to Weber's stance; especially since Weber himself was deeply affected and troubled by it (see Marianne We­ ber's Lebensbild and the appropriate chapter in Wolters's book on George) . 2 The last sentence, which you wish to see stricken, is not intended to be a friendly invitation to eschew scientific scholarship and take up faith but to mark the limits of rational interpreta­ tion and interpretive analysis. The reason why Weber conducted himself the way he did, and not otherwise, is found in his psychic disposition, which perhaps could be called 11protestant" but which, in any case, constitutes an ultimate orientation and is therefore, as far as analysis is concerned, irrational. -In regard to the first five pages: Here I have not written a single unconsidered word. The examples of American bias are taken from Dewey; with jerry­ built theories I had behavioralism in mind, over which, because of its primitivism, even MacDougaP had a fit (see the article in 11Pysche" J . Concerning the political bias o f English theories, I had in mind a work like Laski's Grammar of Politics; for the remarks on France I had in mind Durkheim and Duguit. 4 I gave a semester course on national types of sociology and gathered a great deal of material on this subject that I plan to publish. It seems to me an incontestable fact that Western sociology has never critically reflected on its premises and in fact takes a particular political form as its unquestioned pre-supposition. Within this fra�ework it conducts very valuable research. 5 r. Original in German. Leopold von Wiese und Kaiserswaldau ( 1 876-1 9 6 9 ), Ger­ man sociologist. At this time he was editor of the Kainer Zeitschrift fiir Soziologie, which published Voegelin's "Max Weber." See KZfS 9 ( 1 9 3 0): 1-1 6. English transla­ tion in CW, 8 : 1 3 o-47 . 2 . Friedrich Wolters, Stefan George und die Bliitter fiir die Kunst. Deutsche Geistesgeschichte seit r890 (Berlin: Georg Bondi, 1 9 3 0). 3 · William MacDougal ( 1 87 1- 1 9 3 8 ) . 4· Leon Duguit ( 1 8 5 9- 1 9 2 8 ) . 5 · Voegelin's letter breaks off here.

74

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

5 · To Marianne Weber 1

Untere Viaduktgasse 3 5 III Vienna June 3 0, 1 9 3 0 Dear Madam: 2 Please accept my heartfelt thanks for your letter addressed to Professor Kelsen and me. I have enclosed a copy of the speech held at the commemoratory meeting. I had to wait until today to send it to you because I first sent it to Professor von Wiese in the hope that it might be published in the Kainer Zeitschrift. 3 However he refuses to print certain pas­ sages, and I have therefore enclosed our correspondence here in order that you may see it. You will see what Professor Wiese means when he says that I lament and complain about the domination of the ratio, etc. If the speech is liable to such misunderstandings I would prefer to leave it unpublished; after all, subject to the limitations of my modest powers, it was intended to promote Max Weber and his work. I would therefore, dear Madam, like to leave it up to you to decide whether it is worth publishing at all and, if so, whether changes should be made in order to rule out any possible misunder­ standings. With gratitude, Your most obedient servant, Erich Voegelin 1. Original in German. 2. Voegelin's German salutation: "Sehr geehrter gnadige Frau." 3 . Cf. Voegelin to Leopold von Wiese, June 24, 1 9 3 0 ( letter 4 above).

6. To Marianne Weber 1

July r o, 1 9 30 Dear Madam: I have read your very precise marginalia to my manuscript with gratitude, and I am deeply moved that you have bestowed so much attention on my modest effort. In the meantime Professor von Wiese has declared himself willing to publish the article after all, 75

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

and I hope I have acted in accord with your intentions in mak­ ing use of your marginal notes to, in part, correct passages of the text, in part to make it more clear in the direction you indicated. On only one point was I unsure what to do: on the passage, dear madam, in which you related Max Weber's position to his illness. In the interpretation of intellectual contexts I have always avoided offering explanations or reasons drawn from the natural realm of illness. I can give methodological reasons for this, but they are not as decisive for me as an irrational aversion to such a procedure; once one starts down that path it is extremely difficult to draw the line, and I shudder to recall the activities of the unbidden interpreters of Holderlin and Nietzsche. Therefore, dear madam, forgive me that, in this instance, it appeared to me that what is permissible to you is not permitted to me, and that therefore, without reformulating the objectionable passage in the way you indicated, I simply crossed it out. Since I only have one copy of the manuscript (besides the one with your marginalia, which I want to keep) and since I had to send the manuscript in for publication without delay, I will take the liberty of first sending you the altered text when I receive the page proofs. With deepest gratitude and respect, I remain your obedient ser­ vant, 1 . Original in German.

7. To Leopold von Wiese 1

July r o, 1 9 3 0 Dear Professor: Thank you very much for your kind letter of July 2. I have made a number of changes in the manuscript in the way that you desired. I am sure you will be pleased to learn that almost all these changes are based on Frau Marianne Weber's marginal notes, which she was kind enough to add to the manuscript. You will find that they con­ firm your own view. In order that you may be able to recognize the changes at a glance, the passages that have been dropped have been scored in red ink; only the first page has been entirely rewritten. Permit me to assure you how important it is to me that the article 76

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

b e published i n your journal, and how very happy I am that in the end we have come to an agreement on it. Yours respectfully, your obedient servant, 1 . Original in German.

8. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

II. Bocklinstrasse 4 Vienna June 2, 1 9 3 1 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Pardon me for keeping your manuscript for four weeks, despite your request that I return it right away. I found it extraordinarily interesting. I am not familiar with the development of your ideas in recent years and have read the table of contents and introduction again and again in order to deduce your ideas from your topics and key words. What I believe to have figured out and understood calls forth my deep admiration for the profundity with which you have understood Dewey's philosophy as the radical interpretation of American reality. I have only one objection: that not everything of importance that comes to the fore, and which is attributed to Dewey, is really his. When I consider the interpretative passages in the table of contents-as opposed to the mere descriptive ones-I cannot get over the impression that the excellent ideas I find here are yours and not Dewey's, although, of course, it is clear to me that Dewey's writings provide the material starting points for your interpretation. I agree with your view that for America, and for understanding America, Dewey is far more important than Santayana, who I much prefer. If I did not study Dewey deeply it was because, despite my insight into his individual and historical importance, I could not get over the shocking naivete of his method. A scholar working within occidental culture who, like Dewey, seriously maintains (in his philosophy of education) that great works of art have only flowered in democracies and, from this "sentence derived from experience, " concludes that America stands on the verge of a great flowering of the arts, simply nauseates me. But I will admit that my aversion to excesses of this kind hurts me because it prevents me from being 77

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

entirely open to what is worthwhile in Dewey. I can hardly com­ ment on the individual points of your introduction since, first, I am not certain that I have understood them completely and, second, because I do not know Dewey's work well enough to allow myself a judgment on any details of your interpretation. I am especially interested in paragraph m that begins on page eleven and continues to the end: If you could send me this part [of the manuscript] I would be very grateful. In reading the foreword it struck me that, on page four, you speak of "German phenomenology from Husser! to Heidegger" as though it were a unified whole. Is it really your view that between the philosophy of Husser! and Heidegger there · is more of a connection than the covers of the Yearbook2 in which their works were printed? The philosophy of existence derived from Kierkegaard and Yorck has always appeared to me to be the exact opposite of the theory of the transcendental ego. I can conceive of points of contact between Dewey and Heidegger but can see none with Husser!. But I say this in all humility. I can imagine that you are not entirely satisfied with my article on the "Unity ofthe Law. " 3 I am not completely satisfied with it myself and am thoroughly revising it in order to be able to include it as a chapter in my Staatslehre. Allow me to take this opportunity to ask you a question and for a favor. I have heard that there is an Abraham Lincoln Foundation in which Marianne Weber has a decisive voice in the awarding of research grants. Since I am in dire economic straits, I would like to apply for a grant, but don't know how to go about it. Can you provide me with a few details and tell me how one applies ? I have heard that the deadline for applications is the first of August and, further, that Marianne Weber will be in Cologne on June sixteenth. I would like to ask Kelsen to put in a word for me on this occasion. Could you please answer my questions before this date? Let me thank you in advance for your trouble. I would enjoy seeing your children, but with the current miser­ able conditions in Vienna (about which you will have seen some­ thing in the newspapers) it does not look like I will be able to get away for a while. With best wishes to your wife, Cordially yours, Erich Voegelin

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8 r. Original in German. Eduard Baumgarten ( I 898-I 9 8 2 ) , German philosopher and sociologist, nephew of Max Weber. He is the author of Benjamin Franklin (Frankfurt: Klostermann, I 9 3 6) and Die geistigen Grundlagen des amerikanischen Gemeinwe­ sens, 2 vols. (Frankfurt: Klostermann, 1 9 3 6-3 8). Voegelin's letters to Baumgarten were made available to the editor by Professor Dr. med. Wilhelm Scheppe, Frank­ furt/M. 2. Jahrbuch fiir Philosophie und phii.nomenologische Forschung ( I 9 I 3-I 9 3 0). 3 · cw, 8 : 89-I 3 0.

9· To John Van Sickle

Dr. Erich Voegelin Privatdozent II. Bocklinstrasse 4 Vienna June 1 9, 1 9 3 1 The Rockefeller Foundation 20, rue de la Baume Paris Dear Mr. Van Sickle: In the course of our conversation, the other day, you were kind enough and asked me to send you a statement of my case, in order that you might see if anything could be done in the matter. I had the Laura Spelman Fellowship from 1 924-1 927; and I spent two years in America, and one year at Paris. When I returned to Vi­ enna, December r 92 7, I became the Assistant to Professor Kelsen, and had a small income from this post, amounting to $ 3 0 per month in the fall of 1 9 3 0. When Prof. Kelsen left Vienna, last fall, to go to Cologne, I lost this post, and received for a few months a small stipend ($24 per month) from the Faculty, as I am Privatdozent for Sociology since 1 929, and my lectures and Seminars are rather successful; the last time, this stipend will be paid on July r st, this year. I need not explain that this amount is not enough to live on, and that I have to do all sorts of work (literary and coaching) on the side, which practically takes all my time, so that I am not able to complete the task I have undertaken since two years, to write a work on the Principles of Government. Before, however, I have finished and published this book, there is no chance to get a profes­ sorship and to obtain any regular income. This is the difficulty of my situation. 79

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

Regarding my lectures and my work: I am, as I have indicated, Privatdozent since I 929, and I have given two groups of courses since that time, the one group historical, dealing chiefly with the social theories of German idealism; the other systematic, dealing with principles of Sociology and of Government; during the current summer-term I am lecturing on " Soziologie der Herrschaftsformen seit dem I 6 . Jahrhundert"; the next fall I shall lecture I ) Principles of Government, 2) The political race-theory since I 8oo. Besides I have built up since I 92 9 a sociological Seminar, confined to I S members, and consisting of about 8 students each term, the rest of the members being colleagues of my own faculty and the philos­ ophy department, and a number of bankers and lawyers. This co­ operation of experienced older men and of students has worked ex­ cellently as yet, and I may say that my Seminar is the very best and by far outstanding in the Faculty. Concerning my scientific work you will be best informed by giving a glance to the list of publica­ tions I have attached to this letter. At present I am working on my Principles of Government, more intensively since two years, the plans, however going back till I 922; I have collected practically all the material required, and already completed certain parts of it; one chapter has been published already (it figures under the number 22 in the list of publications ).1 The purpose of this book is the follow­ ing: the only German " Staatslehre" as yet is that of Jellinek ( I 904), still living in the tradition of Hegel, and collecting a series of essays on the traditional topics of this science without any systematic foundation; the Staatslehre of Kelsen I I 92 s ) contains only a theory of Law. It is my intention to rearrange and reformulate the whole science of Government in terms of the results of modern philoso­ phy (Husserl, Heidegger, Jaspers in Germany, Dewey in America, Bergson in France), and to make the system extend from the philo­ sophic basis to the details of technical constitutional law. There are marked signs in Germany that a work of this sort would be very successful as it is badly needed; attempts in this direction have been made by men like Carl Schmitt (see #2 3 in my list), 2 but they failed, because they had not the general and very broad philosophic as well as historical knowledge required for such an enterprise. The three parts of my book will be: I ) Herrschaftslehre, 2 ) Rechtslehre 3 ) Die technischen Probleme des Verfassungsrechtes. Prof. Verdross (Vienna), with whom I am in closer contact, will 8o

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

give you any information you may desire concerning the quality and importance of this work; also Prof. Kelson (Cologne) will be able to inform you on the general trend of my work. When I should be able to give my full time to this work, I think I could finish it within a year and a half, perhaps even in a somewhat shorter time. I should be very glad and grateful if you would con­ sider this case of mine to be falling within the scope of the activities of the Rockefeller foundation, and if you could support my work in some way or other. l am, Sincerely yours, Erich Voegelin [List of publications attachedj3 1. Voegelin, "Die Einheit des Rechtes und das soziale Sinngebilde Staat," Inter· nationale Zeitschrift fiir Theorie des Rechtes ( 19 3 0-3 1): 5 8-89 . English: "The Unity of the Law and the Social Structure of Meaning Called State," in CW, 8:89-129. 2. Voegelin, "Die Verfassungslehre von Carl Schmitt," Zeitschrift fiir offentliches Recht 11 ( 19 3 1): 8 9-109 . English: "'Die Verfassungslehre von Carl Schmitt. ' Review essay of Verfassungslehre, by Carl Schmitt ( 19 3 1)," in CW, 13 :42-66. 3 · The list Voegelin attached to this letter o f books, articles, and translations published between 1922 and 19 3 1 has not been reproduced here.

10. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

II. Bocklinstrasse 4 Vienna

June 2 3 , 1 9 3 1 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Thank you for your very kind letter and for your kindness in pro­ viding me with the information I needed. What you have written is very important to me, and I would gladly apply for a grant (i.e., ask a person with authority to support my application) . Please kindly let me know to whom this application is to be addressed and what, if any, formalities are to be observed. My financial state is in fact quite miserable: Until Kelsen left last autumn I was his assistant but lost the post when he went to Cologne. As an act of mercy I was given a grant of 1 00 Marks per month, which will be paid for the last time on the first of July. After that I will be very much up 81

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, I924-I949

in the air. I can certainly get a nice letter of recommendation in which all of my positive points will put in the best possible light. Hopefully you will succeed [in renewing your professional contract1 for another year. Right now I am very hard at work on my Staatslehre and have just completed a chapter that contains the foundations of the theory of governance. Perhaps it will interest you and I therefore include the following table of contents: 1)

Max Weber's definition of domination

2) The levels of its meaning

a. The foundational levels of positing meaning , interpret in g

meaning, and meaningful action b. "Material interests" c. The "personal view" d. "Obedience for the sake of obedience." Commanding and obeying as partial realizations of a commonly held whole.2 e. Legitimization

3)

Openness as the fundamental

attitude lor structure:

Grundverhalt] of the constitution of being " I ntuitio n " in its original meaning and the broadenin g of its meaning ( S pann ) 5) O riginal [urspriingliche] openness and the broadening of its

4)

meaning in Descartes' meditation (creation and conservation)3 6) The existential self-giveness of existence

7) The objectification of the constitution of being in rational speculation 8) The "acceptation"

[Annahme] of existence and of the

objective spirit 9 J The question of the subject in the theory of existence Io) The question of the subject in the theory of domination I I J Power and domination in Max Weber I2) "De facto power" and "physical force" I 3 J The objective content of domination; the concept of the institution 14) "Inner domination" and the sovereignty of the ob1ect [ Sachsouveriinitiit] (Spann)

82

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I 5 ) Thematic shifts in the dialectical field and in the deeper levels of concretization I 6 ) Necker's theory of domination (The ruling type; "aging" as the fundamental phenomenon) I ? ) The " evil" of domination I 8 ) Nietzsche's theory of domination (The ruling type, magic, charisma) I 9 ) Dostoevsky's theory of domination (The problem of the Grand Inquisitor) 20 ) Wolters's theory of domination 2 1 .-22 ) Two Renaissance theories a. La Boetie, Discourse on Voluntary Servitude b. Elyot, Book of the Governor Explanations: I and 2 provide an exposition of the problems of governance where its essence is thought to lie in obedience for the sake of obedience. 3-8 offer a short outline of the problem of the constitution of existence [Daseinsverfassung], to the extent that it is relevant to a theory of governance. 9-1 0 pose the question con­ cerning the subject of power. I I-I 2 analyze the essence of physical force. I 3 deals with the concept of the institution. The following paragraphs demonstrate the possibilities of localizing the source of power; I 4 in the sphere of the objective spirit; in the following numbers in existence as immanent existence. I 6 shows the devel­ opment of the type who is ruled as it grew out of the problem of the French Revolution. [ 1 7 ] . 4 I 8 deals with the type of ruler, also in his fight against liberalism; I 9 and 20 are in contrast to one another: Dostoevsky demonstrates the evil of domination, which denies the ruled free decision in regard to their own existence; Wolters demon­ strates the positive achievement of the founding of the spiritual empire. 2 I and 22 complete this sphere of questions by showing the state of the problems in the sixteenth century (I have limited the investigation to the type of state that has developed since the sixteenth century); in La Boetie, the evil of domination, in Elyot its positive achievement. I am curious to see if my treatment of the material, which differs greatly from the method more generally employed, will be adopted [einschlagen] .

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

Once again, thank you very much for your letter and your efforts on my behalf, and please send me the promised manuscript just as soon as you get it. With best wishes to your wife, Very cordially yours, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

2. Or "shared entity." Original: gemeinsamen Ganzen. 3· Original in French. 4· Not included by Voegelin.

I I.

To Eduard Baumgarten 1

Bocklinstrasse. 4 Vienna July 1 01 1 9 3 1 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Thank you very much for your kind letter. I am touched by what you write concerning my work. But I could say the same of yours: When I read something of yours or hear you speak I am filled with envy at the originality and genuineness of each word-and the metaphor you used of the peasant best expresses (although in another sense than you intended) the continuity and steady devel­ opment of your thought. By contrast, I appear to myself, indeed because of my " education, " to be a mere lightweight. The only thing that can console me, in this and other comparisons, is the thought that each human being has only one, his own personal, way to be and to think and he must live with it as best he can. Every other path is more or less alien to him, out of his reach, perhaps frightening and threatening, and, in any case, can only appear to him as something that cannot be his. The result, at least for me, is a vacillating between, on the one hand, reverence, respect, affection, appreciation, and devotion, in regard to someone else's accomplishment, and, on the other hand, feelings of envy, angst, inferiority, ambition, imitation, etc. Many thanks for the information concerning the Abraham Lin­ coln Foundation. It does not sound very promising, but, in any case, I will write to Kelsen; it can't hurt.

I don't know if I told you that I am taking part in a Festschrift for Kelsen to be published in the fall. I wrote an article on "The Ought in Kant's System. " 2 When I get the proof pages I will take the liberty of sending them to you, for I think that here is a ground where, in many ways, our thoughts come very close. I have not yet received the manuscript from your sister; I am very much looking forward to it. Is the injury serious ? Please give your wife my best regards and thank her very much; with most cordial wishes to you, Yours, Erich Voegelin I. Original in German. 2. cw, 8 : ! 80-227 .

12. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

Bocklinstrasse. 4 Vienna August 1 9, 1 9 3 1 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: I very much enjoyed your manuscript. After reading it straight through, I went back to longer passages in Dewey's works and com­ pared them to your presentation. My impression during the first reading was the same that I had as I read your previous manuscript: It struck me as very unlikely that the excellent things you pre­ sented, and that made such a strong impression on me, could really have been from Dewey, who, after all, I had also read, but without retaining what I'd read so vividly in my mind. I now see that you make every effort to present Dewey's thought; but by translating it into the language of German ontology, which is very close to Hei­ degger's language, the entire atmosphere of his philosophizing is so changed that, in fact, individual doctrines are hardly recognizable again as his. Just one brief example: You translate "going ahead" as "Vorlaufen." Dewey's term, if I may say so, has an entirely ba­ nal meaning. Although [the term] is not taken from everyday lan­ guage, nevertheless its meaning remains essentially shaped by it. Your term translates it into the language and world of Vitalism

Bs

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

[Lebensphilosophie] whose living Lutheran-Protestant profundity and pathos is completely alien to the social-superficial (here not meant in a negative way) intention of the Calvinist Dewey's lan­ guage. I am tempted to say that through the originality and purity of your own thought and speech you have succeeded in turning Dewey into a philosopher acceptable to Germany. (By the way, your very independent style has some rough spots that could bruise the reader susceptible [to such injury] . ) Without exaggerating or falsi­ fying him, your presentation, entirely through the medium of your philosophical intensity, gives one an impression of Dewey that his work in the original does not create. Of particular material importance to me was your reference to Dewey's doctrine of deliberation. I have to deal with the same sub­ ject in the theory of law and, up to this point, have taken Bergson and Max Weber as my primary authorities; perhaps I will now add Dewey as a third. May I keep the manuscript for a while, or do you need it back right away? Your last card spoke of a disappointment: "another was preferred" before you. What incident do you refer to here? Was there a position in the offing? Whatever it was, please accept my heartfelt sympa­ thies for your misfortune. At the moment I am better off-you will recall my Jeremiad of a couple months ago. In the meantime, three pleasant things have taken place: r ) my venia legendi for sociology was finally extended to include the more promising Staatslehre, 2) starting on October first I will again be an assistant for constitutional law (with a small income), and 3 ) the Rockefeller Foundation extended the monthly grant of fifty dollars, with which it has supported my " System of Staatslehre, " for another eight months. I tell you this for your consolation: in order that you see that, precisely at the low point of one's hopes, unexpected things take place. My work is coming along relatively well. I would be very happy to have someone like you here in Vienna; there is not very much philosophical culture around and I have an infinite number of ques­ tions each day. At the moment I am working on Bodin; he developed a theory of the prince as the vassal of God. His world is a hierarchy, spread out from the divine peak over the worldly majesties, through six levels of vassalage down to the last subject; the substance of the 86

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

levels, from grade t o grade, i s command and obedience. I contrast this idea of " God's vassal" to that of the "servant of his state." Here, in a concise formula, I find the transition from the waning world view of the Middle Ages to the worldly, immanent notion of the state's closed existence. I would very much like to know more about the philosophical speculation that was contemporary with Bodin ( I 5 7 6 ) . But in the depth of my ignorance I can't get my bearings. Remember me to your wife and give my love to your children. With most cordial wishes, Yours, Erich Voegeliil r.

I3.

Original in German.

To Eduard Baumgarten 1

II. Bocklinstrasse 4 Vienna November I I , I 9 3 I Dear Mr. Baumgarten: First, regarding your book request: The Viennese library has Baumgarten's Metaphysica, ed. 4, 1 7 5 7, as well as the 1 7 8 3 trans­ lation. Unfortunately neither work is currently available. The first has (according to the borrowing slip) disappeared (stolen? mis­ placed? ); the translation has been borrowed and will not be back for another three weeks. Would the book still be of use to you then? I could mail it to you, but that is also a risky business. If it is somehow lost there is not simply an indemnity to be paid, one has to supply a copy of the same edition. It would be less of a risk if the University of Freiburg's library would request the book; the clerk at the loan desk tells me that without a request the book will not be sent. Thus, if the book is still of use to you at the beginning of December, and the Freiburg University library continues to refuse to order it, I will try to get it for you. Your personal affairs are in some ways distressing and in others pleasant. It is indeed pleasant that you are at least in a position 87

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

to buy a house for all eventualities, to be married, and to have children. I have been engaged for two and a half years and, due to the complete lack of funds, do not have the most remote chance of marrying. On the other hand, the current cessation of the sub ­ ventions is of course very sad. I believe that, to a large extent, the particular reserve which is currently being practiced in money matters here and in Germany is not based on economic realities but is the result of hysteria. I think we can expect that some of the current savings jitters will be over by spring. Part of an edict of the "commissar for savings" was recently communicated to me that called for the faculty to save on light, gas, and assistants; as a result, when my current appointment runs out it will not be renewed. By next summer, when it comes to an end, I hope the mood will have calmed down. -I admire your considerable practical talents; what you write of your move and of all that you did on that occasion shows that you know very well how to deal with everyday matters. After the description of your house I would be especially happy to be able to visit you. I will send the Dewey manuscript by registered mail with the same post. But I reserve the right to ask for it again at a time convenient to you. At the moment I am hard at work on my lectures on the theory of race and on the principles of Staatslehre. Thank you very much for your interest in my article on Kant. Your kind remarks have very much reassured me; when I have to deal with philosophical materials, which the nature of my work requires, I always have the feeling that I am the most naive amateur and that I unconsciously commit the most terrible mistakes. Please write me about Heidegger's seminar and let me know what he has new to say about the interpretation of Kant. With very best regards to your wife, and with very best wishes, Yours, Erich Voegelin P.S . Let me explain why I am only answering you today. Your letter came at midday on Sunday the yth of November. I ordered the books on Monday the 8 th, but only yesterday, Tuesday the 9th, did I receive the information about them. 1 . Original in German.

88

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

14. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

II. Bocklinstrasse 4 Vienna [n.d.; February 1 9 3 2] Dear Mr. Baumgarten, I assume that you would prefer a preliminary letter to no letter at all: Your note with the outline of your Kant paper interested me greatly. I understand the intention of your paper, but will not be able to comprehend it in detail without first checking some passages in the Critique of Pure Reason and the Critique of Judgment. But in the last two weeks I have not had time to do this and unfortunately will not have time in the next two either. That your distinction between self-determination [Selbstbestimmung] and self-activity [Selbsttiitigkeit] is a very essential one was immediately clear to me-something you [may well have known would be], since you are familiar with my studies. Recently I have discovered in myself a growing tendency to engage in historical interpretation, and I am not entirely comfortable when I see, for example, a thinker like Kant so thoroughly interpreted from the systematic points of view [Richtpunkten] of our time that his own systematic structure (the­ oretical and practical reason) becomes questionable. I do not doubt that such an interpretation is possible, nor does it surprise me, since a great part of contemporary philosophy consists of further developing of problems that were first formulated by Kant. In my view there are two legitimate reasons for studying a philosophical work like Kant's in this manner: I J I believe in the thesis that the philosophical problems in their entirety constitute a universal and infinite complex that does not change. (Why this unchangeable structure "itself" ["an sich " ] cannot be presented [herausgestellt] is too complicated a matter to go into here . ) The didactic value of a study of a historical system of philosophy is that it informs us concerning the extent and inner structure of the philosophical problem-complex that the system addresses; here one "utilizes" ["verwertet" ] the a-historical systematic components of the sys­ tem. 2) I can look at the system historically as the emanation of a great person and interpret all its aspects as manifestations of a per­ son. Here it is important to discover where the personally centered

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

focus lies and where the more peripheral components are displayed. -1 see no value in the third type of interpretation of a system, repre­

sented by Cassirer's presentation of the history of philosophy, that sees it as a step on the way to its ultimate completion in Kant. For the same reason I find Heidegger's Kant book problematic. I would be very pleased to hear your professional opinion on this question sometime, to hear what you would reply to a poor dilettante. I hope that the New Year has brought you and your family the desired end to your financial worries. This eternal uncertainty gets on one's nerves after a while-at least it does on mine-and of course it weighs heavier when one has a family. In recent weeks I had a great deal to do; in the next few days a representative of the Rockefeller Memorial [Foundation] will be in Vienna, and I want to impress him with a large quantity of finished manuscripts: My grant runs out in March and I hope to extend it for at least half a year. In addition, on February 1 6th I will deliver a lecture to the "Women's Union for Personal Culture" on the nature of political parties-and I am not all that well informed on the subject. Thus, at one and the same time, I must carry out my theoretical investigations into the nature of power, work my way through a good part of the ideologies of the I 8th century for my theory of race, and also digest the very concrete descriptions, with many interesting details, of the literature on political parties. But I will not surrender my human rights and I am currently reading a volume of Jean Paul's letters, and I'm enchanted. Prior to this I read the poems of Michelangelo in the new translation by Max Kommerell, which I highly recommend. My wife and I thank you and your dear wife very much for your New Year's wishes; please accept our belated wishes as well. Most cordially Yours, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

90

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

1 5 . To John Van Sickle

Dr. Erich Voegelin Privatdozent II. Bocklinstrasse 4 Vienna March 1 8, 1 9 3 2 Mr. John V. Van Sickle The Rockefeller Foundation Paris Dear Mr. Van Sickle: You ask in your letter o f March 1 6th for a statement concerning my work;-its present state is as follows: The whole book on Principles of Government will comprise four sections. The first section contains the " Herrschaftslehre, " the sec­ ond will be on the problem of Race, the third contains the Legal Theory, the fourth gives a theory of Forms of Government and Con­ stitution. Sections I and 2 are ready for print (making allowance for minor corrections and insertions which may be necessary when the work is proceeding and some new idea or problem arises). Section 3 on Legal Theory will be finished according to my timetable by August, and section 4 by January 1 9 3 3 . May I draw your attention to the fact that these terms coincide almost exactly with those which I have indicated as necessary in my letter of June 1 9th, 1 9 3 1 to the Foundation. I said at that time that I would need one year and a half to complete the work when I give my full time to it, and I started with full-time work by the middle of July. Sections I and 2 have been completed within the time I preliminated for them, and I hope the rest will be worked up with equal punctuality. I may hope with good reason that there will be no difficulty in publishing the book. I have talked over the matter already with the manager of Springer's and he agreed in principle; details of the contract can be fixed, of course, only when the book is read; when the general economic situation has not deteriorated considerably a year from now, there will be no other obstacle for publication. However, the size of the book will be considerably larger than I first thought, and it may be advisable to publish one section of it, section 2 on the Race problem, as a separate volume, independent 91

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

of the rest of the work. The single volumes would be cheaper and facilitate the sale of the whole work. I shall, however, not decide on this question before the vacation, and before I have finished section 3, as publishing a book always gives considerable small trouble and I do not want to be disturbed in the main work at present. The whole book, as a matter of fact, is written up in a compar­ atively short time, considering its size (about 40 sheets, that is, somewhat over 6oo pages), and I can only do it so fast because I rationalize my lecturing work as much as possible. During the last term I had a lecture on Race Theory, parallel with writing up section 2; and in the Spring Term I shall lecture on Legal Theory parallel with working through section 3 · I have practically no extra work for lectures, but can devote all my time to the book. As I told you when we talked over the question of a prolongation of the grant at your last visit here in Vienna, I shall have to make certain special studies on American Constitutional Law and other foreign laws for section 4, which I cannot make here in Vienna as our libraries are insufficient for that purpose. I can collect this material only in Berlin which, on the continent, has the best law library. Now, for this purpose in particular the prolongation of the grant would be very helpful; not only because without it I simply could not go to Berlin because of lack of funds, but because, under the present regulation of currency, the National Bank would not give me any German money for that purpose. In case the prolonga­ tion of the grant should be possible, one or two of the installments would have to be sent to Berlin, because once they are in Austria I never can export them again. These, I think, are all of the external circumstances concerning my work. If you should need any information concerning the con­ tents of it, I shall send you immediately a detailed table of contents of sections I and 2. If you need any references, or authoritative judgments on my work, Professors Layer, or Verdross, or Merkl certainly will always furnish it. l am Sincerely yours, Erich Voegelin

92

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

1 6. To Eduard Baumgarten 1 II Bocklinstrasse. 4

Vienna June 3 0, 1 9 3 2 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: I will answer your letter immediately for fear that otherwise, having so much to do, I might put it off from day to day. -1 only talked to Mr. Kaufmann once, briefly, after his return; he was very enthusiastic about you and appeared to be ready to go to work right away to arrange the lectures. I know from experience that in such matters he does all he possibly can. Like you, I look forward to us getting together again; and what I can do to bring it about, I am doing: Whenever I get the chance I praise you and say that some­ thing must be done, etc. I hope it will succeed. Before the semester break it's unlikely that anything can be done, but if it can take place at all, I think that a date can be arranged for sometime in October. Kaufmann did not mention any themes; at your convenience please write something about that. I hope that in your next letter you will be able to tell me more about the possibility you indicated you might have for an assistant professorship. It waul� be very nice if the conflict with H. would turn out to have had the effect of speeding things up. My heartiest wishes that your efforts may be crowned with success. You have indeed heard correctly that I am about to marry. It is planned for the end of July; an engagement of three years is long enough. The financial situation is still precarious, but it is without being married too and will not become worse by marrying. I therefore have all kinds of things to take care of-yesterday I packed my books into large boxes, and by the end of the week they should be on new shelves. My works are continuing to proceed relatively well, and I hope to bring out Race and State before Christmas; at the moment I am negotiating with the publisher. In recent days I was delayed by various things: a) I had to write the general paper on compar­ ative administrative law (for the August meeting of the Academie de droit compare in the Hague); originally my boss Merkl was commissioned to write it but he turned it over to me-it's a great honor but brings no immediate profit. b) In the last two weeks I 93

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

have been learning Greek (I attended the Realgymnasium, where we only learned Latin); now my teacher has gone to a post he has taken for the summer, and I have been left to my own devices. In order to profitably apply my knowledge I have begun to translate Parmenides, with frequent use of the dictionary. Oddly enough it appears to me that my translations, despite my mere rudimen­ tary knowledge, are far better than Diels's . If you are familiar with these things, when I have finished them I would very much like to send them to you for your perusal; altogether the fragments of Parmenides are not that long. I would like to draw your attention to a new book, if you don't al­ ready know it: the Frankischer Koran by Ludwig Derleth. The first volume has just been published: a remarkable work that deserves to be studied. With heartfelt wishes to you and your wife, Yours, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

17. To Eduard Baumgarten 1 ill Pfarrhofstr. 1 3

Vienna September 6, 1 9 3 2 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Thank you very much for your kind and warm letter o f con­ gratulations. It made me very happy to receive it-and my wife equally so. We now live somewhat cramped but quite pleasantly (two rooms in the apartment of my parents-in-law were put at our disposal), and we are glad that we will be able to have you visit us when you come to Vienna, which we hope will be in the near future. The themes you suggest are excellent, especially those that deal with your Franklin studies, of which you have spoken more than once and aroused my curiosity. Can you let me see another piece of the manuscript? For a "private " lecture-a circle of friends who gather once a month at one of the members' apartments-it would 94

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

b e very suitable. A number o f them have been to America and have more than just a general interest; some are enthusiastic followers of Max Weber. From your titles I can see that you have penetrated very deeply into American Studies [Amerikakunde] . -The busi­ ness with the professorship is quite sad. I would have been very glad for you and your wife if you had obtained a permanent position and the income that goes with it. -I don't know how emotionally sen­ sitive you are to such things, but I am quite burdened by this eternal state of not having firm ground under my feet. It also interferes with my work. I hope that you are not too bad off materially. Your "age­ induced" melancholy is certainly only a temporary mood. Perhaps you live at a somewhat slower pace than others, but you are all the stronger for it. As you mature you participate more and more, and in a most youthful manner, in the intellectual depths of your day, far more than many others who developed quicker and who now already find themselves in a process of mummification. I am approaching the end [finale? ) of my book on race. 2 Right now I am at work on the chapter on the "species" and am reading Lamarck, Darwin, and Linnaeus, etc. It is a risky business because I have to describe a number of biological problems for which I do not have even the knowledge of a dilettante. The MS is supposed to be ready for the press by the middle of October. Then comes the question of the publisher. Currently I am reading a particularly fine book: Haecker's Vergil. Written in a sometimes mannerist style, it is nevertheless very powerful; and above all, each word gives one the impression that it has sprung directly from the deepest conviction of faith-some­ thing quite uncommon and for which I am grateful, even if his faith is not mine. 3 Once again, we thank you and your wife for your kind wishes. Let me hear from you again soon. With warm regards, Yours, Erich Voegelin P.S. Enclosed you will find a snapshot we took on our honeymoon. I. Original in German. 2 . The original text is corrupt here.

3· Theodor Haecker, Vergil, Vater des Abendlandes (Leipzig: Hegner, 1 9 3 1 ).

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18. To Eduard Baumgarten 1 ill . Pfarrhofstr. I 3

Vienna October IO, I 9 3 2 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Thank you very much for your manuscript and your letter. First, let me say a word about your Franklin MS. First of all, since I am a malicious person, I was pretty amused to read that Weber expended his entire pathos in the analysis of a work which he thought was a serious expression of a philosophy of miserliness but which in fact was intended to be a satire and deliberately overstated. As far as the issue itself is concerned, I believe that you are entirely right. And even if your presentation and the evidence you present could not convince me, I would still be convinced by the portrait of Franklin's character that you draw and its closeness to what one finds in Herder's Humanitiitsbriefen (Letters I to 4 in the first collection). 2 As I studied your MS I reread these letters and got the impression that Herder, writing from a humanist standpoint and, above all, from a position regarding social intercourse that was very close to Franklin's, had a much better understanding of Franklin than Max Weber did. For your study it also appears to me to be very important that one identify and describe this mo­ mentary similarity between the American and the German ideas of the human being, analyze the reasons why, and how, the German idea developed away from the American notion of [reality( ? )] and of society [illegible], and [analyze] how Herder's "unseen-visible" society of books and culture was transformed into the Romantic movement's spirituality [Geistigkeitj.3 That is my idea. Whether one can do anything with it, and especially whether it is in any way useful to you, is something that you will have to decide. In any case, from your reconstruction of the image of Franklin my understanding of American issues and insight into German social issues at the close of the I 8th century profited greatly. Whether you should send the MS to Marianne Weber? That's a tricky question. In view of my experience, when I sent her my memorial lecture on Max Weber prior to publishing it, I think I would advise against it. Marianne Weber is a very distinguishe d

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

person and without a doubt quite capable o f great objectivity in personal matters. But one should not ask too much of a woman who loved a man, and such a man. Of course in this matter I am hardly entitled to really offer advicei after all, you know your aunt better [illegible] than I do. The second manuscript-on philosophy and everyday experience [Allt ag]-was, as far as the subject is concerned, almost more im­ portant to me than the first. I believe that you have very profoundly grasped the problem of the American way of life [Lebenshaltung] and, as you always do, very convincingly grasped it by means of examining the individual problems of everyday life, and found very apt general expressions to characterize the phenomena which I wrestled with in their individual isolation. I am in a particularly good position to gauge the importance and judge the superiority of what you say when I compare my modest efforts to discuss the problem of " concretion in discourse" 4 (in my book on Amer­ ica) with your presentation, in which you analyze the ascent of American thought from the individual case to the general problem. Unfortunately, my approach to another mind almost always begins with his rationally formulated thought. You, on the other hand, have the remarkable ability to be open to the entire human being, taking in the fullness of even his smallest everyday actions. Things which I would not even see, or if I did, the importance of which would remain unseen, are for you the most valuable symptoms in which the qualities of a character that is foreign to you manifest themselves. (The examples of the driving farmer's wife and the [il­ legible] truck driver. ) 5 That what you have to say about this theme immediately strikes me as true and even anamnetically touches a [warm spot ( ? ) in me], which I owe to the good fortune that once in America I gained a deep personal understanding of a human being­ Commons. 6 I would b e very grateful to you if you would let me hold on to your MS for a while so that I can read it again. Is that all right? You needn't be concerned that I have leanings toward faith [Glaubensneigungen] just because I liked Haecker and his book on Vergil. There are obviously human beings who can have faith, and indeed be dogmatically faithful, without therefore being inau­ thentic [unecht]. (By the way, in answer to my Max Weber lecture, Marianne Weber wrote to me indicating that in questions that

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were not concerned with politics or economics, and I suspect [ ? ], for example, in questions of sexuality, he too followed the ethic s of conviction. ) And Haecker's authentic [echt] and dogmatically sound [bodensicherJ position was more pleasing to me than th e great mass of empty phrases that, by contrast, I have to suffer through every day in my profession. -But I would like to discus s this with you sometime face to face. What are the chances of your coming to Vienna this winter? My book on race is still far from the galley proof stage but hope­ fully in its last revision. When it is finally finished I will gladly send you some parts of the text. On the overleaf you will find the structure of the book as it now stands. At the moment I am much occupied with work that should se­ cure my material existence over a longer period of time. I am now the editor of an economics information service bulletin which is published under the title of "The German Legal and Economics Archive" ["Deutsches Rechts- und Wirtschaftsarchiv"]. If it turns out to be a success, and it looks like it's being well received, I will have a position that with relatively little work will bring in about 200 or 2 5 0 Schillings a month. At the end of November I will learn what security I'll have and how high my income will be. In the meantime my only salary is my " enthusiasm. " Thank you very much for your kind wedding wishes. My wife is also happy that she will soon be able to make your acquaintance. -We only regret that in all probability you will be coming alone. With the warmest wishes and in the hope of seeing you soon, Yours, Erich Voegelin Table of Contents to Race and State I Part: The Systematic Content of the Race Idea r . Chap. Body-Soul-Mind 2. Chap. Body & Community 3 · Chap. The biological concept of race and species 4· Chap. The anthropological concept of race 5 · Chap. Race & Race Theory

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

II Part: The Historical Structure o f the Doctrine o f Race

A. The Ancient World and Rome up to the 1 8th Century I . Chap. Exposition of the Species Problem § 1 . Linnaeus's Concept of Species § 2 . The Natural Method ( Ray) § 3 . The Natural System and the Academic System ( Ray to Kant) §4. The Essence ( Ray to Goethe) § 5 . Further Illumination of the Species Problem 2. Chap. Man's Position in the System of Nature § 1 . Buffon §2. Linnaeus 3 · Chap. Descriptions of Travel 4· Chap. The Classification of Races: a) Buffon § I . Espece und variete §2. The Norm and the Exotic § 3 . Race §4. The Causes of the Differences among Races § 5 . The Unity of Humankind 5 · Chap. The Classification of the Races: b) Herder 6. Chap. The Classification of the Races: c) Blumenbach and Kant 7. Chap. On the History of the Word Race Here is where I am in my revision; next time 7 r . Original in German.

2 . Johann Gottfried Herder, Herder's Werke. Nach besten Quellen revidirte Aus­

gabe. Herausgegeben und mit Anmerkungen begleitet von Heinrich Diintzer­ Dreizehnter Theil: Briefe zur Beforderung der Humanitiit (Berlin: Gustav Hempel, n.d. [ca. r 87 9 ] ) . 3 · Gaps i n the original and illegible words render the translation o f this sentence a conjectural reconstruction. 4· Phrase in English in original. 5 . There are too many gaps and illegible words in this sentence for it to be properly translated. 6. " [D]ass einmal mir in Amerika ein Mensch persiinlich ganz aufgegangen ist­ Commons. " 7. The letter breaks off here.

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19. To Eduard Baumgarten 1 ill Pfarrhofstr. 1 3

Vienna October 27, 1 9 3 2 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Today just a short note so that your letter does not go without an answer and to acknowledge the receipt of your MSS . I interpreted the three S's in your letter to mean that you would like all three of the MSS back as soon as possible, although I would have liked to have been able to keep the third one, the Christmas letter with its lovely finished form. As far as the matter itself is concerned, it would very much interest me to know whether the relationship you identify between, on the one hand, Franklin's and Lincoln's atti­ tude, and on the other the civility of the Indians can, with reference to the sources, be demonstrated to be a casual relationship. Or is it merely a case of similar meanings, and of two attitudes that only ac­ cidentally came to exist side by side in America due to geographical proximity? Brazen desire: Write me such a Humanist Letter-not on any particular occasion but when it gives you pleasure. Please don't be angry with me if I neglected to send you the lec­ ture that I gave in Vienna on the r oth anniversary of Max Weber's death. In any case, I am including a copy with this letter; should it turn out that you already have one, please send this one back to me; I only have two copies left. At the same time I am sending you the afterword to the just published German translation of an American book-1 only wrote it because I was paid 1 00 S. for it; this to excuse its objective super­ fluity. 2 I will see Kaufmann tomorrow evening; I hope that something can be done; it would really be a shame if nothing were to come of your visit here. Please give my regards to your wife, Yours very cordially, Erich Voegelin r. Original in German. 2. Voegelin, "Nachwort, " in Die Kunst des Denkens. Bin Buch fiir [ederman, by Ernst Dimnet (Freiburg in Briesgau: Herder, I 9 3 2 ), 27 9-9 6 . English translation in cw, 8 : 2 2 8-3 8 .

1 00

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

2.0. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

Ill Pfarrhofstr. r 3 Vienna November 5 , 1 9 3 2 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Your trip t o Vienna takes on more fixed contours. Today Kauf­ mann told me that the Urania will provide an honorarium of S 5 o. for your lecture; and if 2 5 % of the receipts exceed this amount you will receive this larger sum. Please get in touch with the Urania as soon as possible to set a date. My acquaintances [Bekannten] who visited you this summer are Dr. Hans Berstel and his friend Hedy Tennenbaum; Address: Vi­ enna II., Obere Donaustr. 8 r . I called them immediately and have learned that your prospects are good. The difficulty is that Berstel will spend this winter in Berlin and has already departed. (Fraulein Tennenbaum will follow him next week. ) But the atelier is yours to use, and Frl. Tennenbaum will write you in the next couple of days with details of the arrangement. Both Kaufmann and I would very much prefer to have you stay with us, but unfortunately it can't be (for reasons that I will explain in detail later so you don't think that it is due to a lack of hospitality on my part). But at the very least I want you to please take your meals with us (breakfast, lunch, and supper). -By the way my wife would be very happy to see you at our place. I believe that Kaufmann will try to monopolize you with similar invitations for the period of your stay and therefore want to emphasize that I have first priority and the prior claim. If you want to think over the matter of Berstel's atelier again (his place is somewhat primitive and in December with the ill­ fitting windows probably pretty chilly and you might catch a cold), I could recommend a couple of good hotels in my neighbourhood with modest rates and reserve a room for you (at the most, S 5-6 a night, perhaps even less). And now to your questions. Concerning Sieyes I am sending you a small work of mine in which the various sources are quoted (see especially pp. 8 5 f. and p. 1 07 to the end). 2 In addition there is a German translation in a single volume of almost all his important works, which, if I remember correctly, appeared between r 8 6o and 101

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r 8 8o. It should be listed among Sieyes's works in the library. A very good introduction is the article from Sainte-Beuve that I quote. I will gladly give you more detailed information, if you will more precisely describe the problem you're dealing with; for the political science [staatsrechtliche] literature on S. is naturally immense. To your question: "How did the French make the step in 1 7 8 9 out of isolation of the will [ Vereinzelung des Willens] to the volonte generale? "-I think I must answer by denying the step. The theory of the "volonte genereale" doesn't have its origin in the events of 1 7 89, but in Rousseau, and for him it is not something that emerges out of the individual wills, but is a primary entity in itself. I would say that the apt translation, true to the meaning of Rousseau's concept, would be our German " Volksgeist, " understood as a his­ torical source of national life. This meaning can be clearly seen in the Contract Social, and even better in Rousseau's writings on constitutions, the constitutions of Corsica and Poland. In these he speaks at length of national character as the first prerequisite for the political existence of a people and very strongly emphasizes: If a people has no character, it must be given one. Only then can it receive a constitution-and this national character is the volonte generale. Between it and the individual will there is no contradic­ tion, because in France the individual will was always understood to be a mere agens within the framework of the general will. The individual will can be so strongly emphasized because in any case the national volonte generale dominates each person with such a power that I believe we Germans can hardly imagine. We will have to analyze the Weber-matter more closely. From the outset I grant that you are right when you say that I "exaggerate" and that Weber's theorems do not have the "profound" meaning that I attribute to them; or perhaps I should say: I admit the pos­ sibility that you may be right. What we are dealing with here is a problem of geisteswissenschaftliche interpretation that causes me a great deal of concern, ( and I am sure you no less concern). It is the problem of assigning empirical data to a person's spiritual depths [geistigen Tiefenschichten ] . For example, you ask why I don't view Weber's method of interpretation [verstehende Methode] as being of cardinal importance, but rather his theory of the ethics of con­ viction [Gesinnungsethik] and the ethics of responsibility [ Verant­ wortungsethik] . I would reply that the various areas of theory are of varying importance for an interpretation of the person who pro! 02

poses them. Problems of the theory of knowledge and methodolog­ ical problems are problems of the periphery; ethical problems take precedence over both. From this I would derive the right in an interpretation to reduce the importance of the one and emphasize the importance of the other. Of course all the theories of a scholar of stature are connected; and even if Weber had not written his works on politics, I could interpret him exactly as I have on the basis of his having divided the typology of social action into the instrumental rational [zweckrational] and the value rational [wertrational] . No sociologist focusing on the material itself and wanting to organize it in a purposeful manner would have proposed these categories. Weber only discovered them because he was dominated by the idea of the ethics of conviction and the ethics of responsibility. And, vice versa, from the fact that he created these categories, I could demonstrate what his guiding idea was. Naturally, with this kind of interpretation one can get into all kinds of trouble if one isn't careful, difficulties for which you quite rightly criticize me. You ob­ ject to the "trembling excitation etc. of consciousness " ["zitterende Erregung etc. des BewuBtsens"] (p. 9 ). Your criticism is justified, but not because empirically, psychologically, such excitation cannot be found in Weber, but because the depth at which these conflicts took place is not a psychic one but one that belongs to the reality of the spirit. I expressed the movements within the dialectical structure of the spirit, the passing of one situation into another, in psycho­ logical categories and, of course, that was wrong. "Exaggerated" means, I think, nothing more than interpreting an empirical situation as an expression of an objective spiritual content (for example, you interpret Franklin's conduct as "human closeness with personal distance" ) . A genuine Frenchman like Durkheim would not understand this interpretation because he has no need of it. For him, the student of Rousseau, the "objec­ tive spirit" is identical with the volonte generale, the totality of the norms and moral regulations that are binding for a respectable Frenchman. The problem of the personality, a specifically German­ Protestant problem, does not exist for him. Therefore his reinter­ pretation, which for us appears trivial, of Schiller's concern in a discussion on the exercise of special "capacities" and "talents. " What Schiller was concerned with, the life o f the person that is sustained by the spirit-made more acute by the intellectual notion that one can only live spiritually [aus dem Geist] when one has 103

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

read [illegible] books, and, if possible, also written such books-is for the Frenchman, formed by his Catholicism and nationalism, already present without such efforts. Ten hours of work daily in a factory does not prevent a Frenchman from living a life based on the spirit. -In Germany the matter is quite different. Your argument that much concerning Weber can be explained by the fact that he was "ill" is one that I cannot accept. You yourself ask: Why was he ill? The argument of illness would only be valid if one considered it a physical phenomenon that somehow influenced his spirit [Geist]. But what if the medical doctors of the Middle Ages were right, who explained psychic illness as " apostasy" [ "Abfall von Gott " ] ? In that case "illness " would merely be a meaningless connecting link and the interpretation would be back to where we started, on the relationship of the empirical-psychological situation to the objective spiritual. Thank you very much for the table of contents. I now have a better idea of the context of your thoughts. If it is at all possible please send me III, 2 "Anger and Satire, " and from IV, 2, the chapter on Emerson. I never quite figured Emerson out. In the hope of seeing your very soon. Most cordially yours, Erich Voegelin I . Original in German.

2.

Voegelin, "Der Sinn der Erklarung der Menschen- und Burgerrechte von 17 89, '' Zeitschrift fiir offentliches Recht 8 ( 192 8 ): 82-120. English translation in CW, 7:28 s335·

2 1 . To Eduard Baumgarten 1

Vienna, November 28, 1 9 3 2 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Please excuse my long silence. Besides my normal work I had to prepare a number of lectures. I held one, on the "Nature and transformation of the modern State" at the Urania; the other two were for the radio; one on the "Democracies of Western and North­ ern Europe" (which I delivered a week ago), and on the "European Dictators, " which will be held on December 9th. That one caused me a great deal of trouble because it deals with positive law; this can't just be conjured up, but must be known exactly. In addition ! 04

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

Russia has a new constitution, that hasn't been translated yet, and my knowledge of Russian is not brilliant. etc. I thank you very much for your letter and MS. I was only able to read about half of the latter-the pieces that were especially impor­ tant to me-Emerson, James, Santayana, the magical in Marxism and in society. I found everything you said to be right, and especially how well you said it. I won't write anything more about it here, since in a week, at the latest, we will have the opportunity to talk about it in detail. May I keep the MS till then? I was very amused by your concern that I might be turning re­ ligious [fromm ] . I think rather that my skepticism has grown so radical that I also no longer hold the contemporary notion of faith in science [Wissenschaftsgliiubigkeit] to be absolutely obligatory and concede the possibility that on the basis of other fundamental positions [Grundhaltungen], for example that of the Middle Ages' religious truths, we can discern things that escape our view today. The arrangements you made for " side trips" are fine with me; I re­ alize that for his efforts Kaufmann also has some rights to you. The business about us not living in mellifluence amused my wife; she rejects the thought of a honeyed existence-it's much too sticky. Write to me early enough to let me know when you will be arriving so that I can pick you up. We are very happy that you will be coming and only regret that your wife will not be able to accompany you-nor your children, about whom Kaufmann speaks in the most glowing terms. Most cordially yours, Erich Voegelin I. Original in German.

22. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

III Pfarrhofstr. I 3 Vienna December 3 1 , 1 9 3 2 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Let m e write while w e still have the old year and thank you for your letter and the essay on Hegel. We all regretted that your stay 105

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

in Vienna had to end with a two-hour wait in the train station, and that you caught a cold as well. I hope you are now feeling better. For the New Year I am unfortunately not in a position to send you such a fine Humanist Letter as your treatise on Hegel-but something else, and not so bad either. Berstel sent me a new wo rk of his for Christmas with the title, "Messiah. " He calls it an " epic, " and to date the "Preface in Heaven" and the "First Song" have appeared. This First Song includes a section called the "Proverbs of John" in which John (Hans Berstel) addresses various people, among others Heidegger and Jaspers. For your pleasure I will include thes e two poems here: "For Martin Heidegger" "Do not cover cowardice with prattle . Gossip's a deceitful iron. Show us your brand's mark. Cast the net. Baptist or deceiver; it will be revealed. Are you stigmatized to awake others ? Can you break a loaf into thousands ? Woe to you, if you only lick the blood That calls us to act absolutely. "

And the other: "For Karl Jaspers " "You, kneeling before the bush, Seized by Jehovah's wrath, Don't you know that, drunk on fire, Thorns lash every boy? Today god calls us anew And his ravens mount the sky[ : ] O l d man, be silent ! Resign your office To the unknown boy. "

I was also remembered in the proverbs: "Advance t o t h e crater's edge, let lava stone you into a hero ! Hope for the father's wrath That purges for strict observance. Our ordination demands one thing: That act join word.

ro6

Arise! You are called to the first rank. Do your part for victory. "

Since I am somewhat skeptical about calls emanating from the desert, I replied to the witness of light: The caller's mighty word echoes powerfully in my ear, That bends to its voice to listen Until morning prayer [illegible] And lead us into today [illegible] choirs Act does not j oin word, but word is act When it expires in the power of the spell. Indeed a light appears, but does it draw near? John, witness of light, be thanked.

I am curious to see how he will react. Now I have amply supplied you with verse. Over Christmas there is not much to report. Everything went well, and I had a horrendous amount of work to do. Among the gifts I received, a shaving brush and a Bible stand out. With the trade of the copy of Dewey I am in complete agreement. I will send it to you in the next couple of days, along with [illegible] that is truly charmingly written. I wish you, and your dear wife, all the best in the New Year and, especially, that your hopes for Gottingen may be fulfilled. Most cordially Yours, Erich Voegelin 1 . Original in German.

2 3. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

m Pfarrhofstr. I 3 Vienna March 2, 1 9 3 3 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: I am sure you have cursed m e for a couple of weeks now for being a completely inconsiderate human being. The reason for my ! 07

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1949

silence is that I have been working like a mad man-yesterday my manuscript on Race and State went to the publisher; it is complete except for the introduction, which I want to think about for awhile. In the meantime a lot has taken place, some of which I believe affects you personally. Above all Becker's death. Please write to me soon and let me know how things stand in Gottingen for you and whether what is going on in Berlin will have any direct bearing on it. In recent weeks I was unable to read your Dewey translation with proper care; now I will be able to and therefore request that you send me the completed sections of the manuscript. I will also return the Dewey volume to you tomorrow. In the next couple of weeks I have various small tasks that I must attend to: unwritten book reviews, the introduction to my book, a treatise on law and decree [Gesetz und Verordnung], and prepara­ tions for the summer semester (lecture course on the general theory of law, seminar on Hegel's concept of the act, the early writings of Marx, and the problem of the science of character [ Charakter­ ologie] ) . So please don't b e angry with me, let m e hear from you soon. Most cordially Yours, Eric Voegelin r.

Original in German.

24. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

April 1 , 1 9 3 3 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Once again I have disgracefully left you waiting for a reply, al­ though I should have promptly congratulated you on your success in Gottingen: Let me do that right now. I am too easygoing to murder you out of envy (I do not mean to praise myself but to admit my inferiority) . I, and my wife too, are very happy that the matter has been brought to a successful conclusion. I assume that the negotiations have now been completed and that you can see more clearly what the coming months will have in store for you. 1 08

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

About a week ago I sent the Dewey book back t o you by registered post; I hope it arrived safely. I have been looking for your translation every day but, up to now, nothing has come. It took me such a long time to write this letter because I was occupied, both outwardly and inwardly: with negotiations with the publisher (Siebeck) and with putting the final touches to the manuscript. The publisher and I have agreed to the following: Parts I and III of the work will be published under the title of Race and State. ( Part I deals with the foundation of the theory of race, with a critique of previous theories. Part III is devoted to the idea of race as a political idea. ) Part II (the history of the idea), was rejected. I will try to have it published elsewhere as a book in itself (8-10 printed sheets ). The text Siebeck accepted (I and III) will run to about 2 5 0 pages. Fifteen hundred copies will be printed and I will receive r o % of the over-the-counter price on copies sold. He decided the matter with surprising alacrity and even sent me a reminder asking me for the manuscript so that he could begin setting the type. It looks as though he has some expectation that the work might be a commercial success. Today I sent him 1 45 pages with the last So pages to follow at the beginning of next week. At the same time I wrote to him and asked him to immediately send you a copy of the galley proofs because you had expressed an interest in correcting the text. I hope he responds, in which case you should receive the first printed sheets very shortly. Of course I do not want you to do any proofreading. In this way I am merely trying to get a copy to you; I assume I will need the free copies for the diverse upper, middle, and lower bigwigs [Bonzen]. If, when reading it, you come across anything that strikes you as factually questionable, or which today, in your opinion, for political reasons, could be formulated differently, please let me know. Financially, it again looks pretty bleak. My post as assistant ends on July 3 1 , and if it can be renewed at all, only with a pay reduction of one-third (that leaves me with 1 3 0 Schillings or 6 5 Marks). In any case I will receive nothing in August and September. And I see no other possibilities on the horizon. The political events are incredibly exciting: an El Dorado of mate­ rial for a teacher of political science; but, in human terms, everyday life in Vienna has become less pleasant. You cannot imagine the nervous anxiety among the Jews, and I fear that these recent weeks 1 09

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

have brought about very great changes iri our relationship to our Jewish friends ( although nothing is said openly). I am particularly happy that your wife has also been relieved of the worries of these recent years. Please give her most cordial greetings from both of us. Please write soon. Most cordially yours, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

2 5 . To John Van Sickle

Dr. Erich Voegelin Privatdozent III. Pfarrhofstr. r 3 Vienna June 6th, 1 9 3 3 The Rockefeller Foundation European Office 20 rue de la Baume Paris Dear Mr. Van Sickle: With the same mail, a s printed matter, I send you a copy of my book R asse und Staat 1 that has just come out. It is the first volume of the studies I have undertaken during the time the Foundation has awarded me the grant-in-aid. A second volume is ready for print-I intend to publish it under the title Geistesgeschichtliche Grund­ lagen der Rassenidee2-I negotiate with a publisher at present, concerning this second volume. Further volumes, one concerning Rechtslehre3 and one concerning Deutsche Staatsidee in der Klas­ sik4 are in preparation. You see that I have turned the stipend to some profit for science-at least quantitatively. I have been told that you had been severely ill for some time­ may I hope that you have recovered, by now, and offer my best wishes for your perfect reconvalescence. With many thanks for your personal kindness and for the help of the Foundation, I am, Sincerely yours I IO

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8 r . CW, 2 . 2. Published a s Die Rassenidee in der Geistesgeschichte von Ray bis Carns (Berlin: Junker and Diinnhaupt, 19 3 3 ). English translation in CW, 3 · 3 · The Rechtslehre has remained a fragment. Translated a s the "Theory of Law, " in cw, 3 2 = 3 7 3-413 . 4· The MS of The German Idea of the State in the German Classical Period has not been found.

26. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

III. Pfarrhofstr. I 3 Vienna July 2 I , I 9 3 3 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Thank you very much for your treatise. I was very happy to finally have before me a part of your work in printed form and hope that others will soon follow. I have nothing new to say about your treatise. We have discussed these things thoroughly, and you know how much I admire your ability to explicate the principle inherent in a concrete situation. If it has taken me so long to answer, it is not because of any formal reasons ( such as, for example, perhaps wanting to hear from you first), but solely because I was up to my ears in the material I need for my theory of law. I hope I will be able to get a lot more done during vacation. In addition, I am energetically exploring the possibility of coming to Germany. I have just recently returned from a trip-I was in Berlin for a week and tried to find some points of contact. There are a few chances in the offing, among others an assistant position with Baeumler. I'll just have to wait and see if anything concrete turns up in the next couple of months. Can you perhaps give me any ideas ? How does Gottingen look? Can they use a political scientist or sociologist? Please write soon and tell me about your situation: what your teaching post requires of you, what success you have had with your lectures, how you get along with your colleagues, and finally, how your family is doing! Today I will be traveling again for a week, and to the Rax. 2 I have found a Slovakian industrialist who wants to educate himself philosophically-and I am going with him on a week's retreat into III

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solitude. We are going to do this three more times before the end of the year. In this way I earn a bit of money-otherwise the situation looks pretty bleak. In the faculty I have been nominated for the title of professor, but that brings no income. With warmest regards, Yours, Eric Voegelin 1 . Original in German. 2. The Rax is a mountain range at the border of the Austrian federal provinces of

Lower Austria and Styria.

27. To John Van Sickle

Dr. Erich Voegelin ill. Pfarrhofstr. 1 3 Vienna August 2 8 , 1 9 3 3 Mr. John V. Van Sickle The Rockefeller Foundation 20 rue de la Baume Paris Dear Mr. Van Sickle: May I inform you that I have concluded, a t last, a contract with a Berlin publisher (Junker & Diinnhaupt) concerning my second book, the history of the idea of race (the title will be "Geschichte der Rassenidee, " or " Aufgang und Bliite der Rassenidee " ) . 1 The MS has gone already in print, and the book will come out, as far as I can see, by the end of October, or the beginning of November. Its size will be, presumably, about r 6o pages. I should like now to submit to you, in private, some of my further projects. The next thing, I plan, is a small textbook on Grundbe­ griffe der Staatslehre und des osterreichischen Staatsrech ts : 2 for the use of our students visiting the obligatory seminaries (Pflich­ tiibungen ) . There is no cheap textbook in existence; and as our students are very poor and cannot buy the big works on Staatslehre (Jellinek, etc.), and the libraries and institutes cannot supply a suffiI I2

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

cient number o f copies for 400 students t o work with a t a time, this will take care of an urgent need. I am just now occupied in finding out a publisher who will bring out a book of 1 20 pages at a price of 4 bs.i the writing it up, I think I can do on the basis of my notes in a few months, until Christmas at the utmost. Then I plan to go back to my scientific work proper. The next part of my inquiry into the problems of government I intend to finish will be the Herrschaftslehre. 3 It is written down already in a first drafti and I shall have to revise it and enlarge it by the ma­ terials I have accumulated during the last year. Now, concerning this Herrschaftslehre I wish to submit to you an idea and ask your advice. The book can stand for itself, as it is, but it is not what I should like it to be, for the lack of certain materials. The bad defect in the modern treatises on rulership, democracy etc. is the lack of a realistic aspect of the position, problems, feelings, attitudes, in a word: the concrete situation of a ruleri this lack is quite natural, as the authors of such treatises usually are very bourgeois personali­ ties with a meagre development of imperial instincts. I have now gone to work during the last years (practically I have already begun when I was at Paris in 1 92 7 ) to collect materials which give an intimate picture of a ruler's personality. My idea is: to complete this collection systematically for the period of modern rulership, in order to give an exhaustive aspect of the problem of rulership from the 1 6th cent[ury] to the end of the 1 9th. To give you an example of the materials I have in view: certain sections of Louis XIV Memoirs to his soni the Memorandum on the Prussian state by Frederic the Greati Napoleon's letter to Eugen Beauharnais, when the latter became Viceroy of Italyi certain passages from Necker in critique of 1 7 89i passages from Disraeli on the Parliamentary Reform of 1 8 3 2i etc. The whole collection of documents ought to have the following sections: I. English Absolutism (from Henry VIII onward) IT. French Absolutism (from Henry IV and Sully onward) ill . Frederic the Great IV. Napoleon

V. The Americans VI. The Russians VII . The European 1 9th Century.

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SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1949

My plan would be to publish a volume of documents under the title: The Ruler in the Modern State; and then to revise my Herr­ schaftslehre on the basis of the materials I have collected. The reasons why I submit this idea to you is [sic] ( r ) because a col­ lection of this sort can be done for the greater part only in Paris and London, and because I know an industrialist who is ready to pay the cost of publication for a work of that sort, in case there should be difficulties, but nobody to finance the collecting itself, and ( 2 ) because I want to ask you, in private at first, if you think that the Foundation could take an interest in a plan of this sort and make its realisation possible. Personally, I do not think it would take a long time to complete this collection when I should have technical facilities ( such as photographing longer passages in old books and documents-copying by hand would be a rather wasteful enterprise)-! do not think more than 3 /4 of a year, as I have very precise ideas of the type of material I want to collect. Perhaps you will be kind enough and let me know in a few words if an idea of this sort may be taken into consideration at all by the officers of the Foundation, or not. For, in the negative case, I shall not waste any time, for the moment, in looking round for further material of this sort, as the material I have already at hand is quite sufficient for my Herrschaftslehre in its present state, and a fragmentary collection has no interest for me. As to the quality of my work, it will perhaps interest you that the book on the history of the idea of race will be published by a very nationalist firm, on recommendation of Professor Baeumler, the newly appointed ordinarius for the chair of Political Paedagogics, in spite that the results of the book are strictly opposite to the present race-doctrine and politics in Germany, because Prof. Baeumler acknowledges its high scientific value. I am, sincerely yours, r . Voegelin, Die Rassenidee in der Geistesgeschichte von Ray bis Carus (Berlin: Junker and Dii.nnhaupt, 1 9 3 3 ). English: CW, 3 · 2 . See the appendixes for Voegelin's outline o f the table o f contents for this projected work. 3· English: The Theory of Governance. See CW, 3 2 :224-3 7 2.

1 14

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

2 8. To Ernst Krieck 1

Dr. Erich Voegelin J\ssociate Professor III . Pfarrhofstr. 1 3 December 1 5 , 1 9 3 3 Professor Dr. Ernst Krieck Zeppelin .Allee 2 1 Frankfurt am Main Dear Professor: Thank you very much for your letter of the twelfth of this month. I am glad to respond to your request for more information concern­ ing my curriculum vitae. To simplify matters I have provided a list of my works and the external dates of my curriculum vitae on separate sheets and enclose them with this letter. 2 It remains for me to say a few things concerning my personal affairs. My family is German; my father came to Vienna as an engineer in 1 9 1 0 . I attended the first grade school classes in a small town on the Rhine. My father's side of the family is of alamanic ori­ gin, belonging to the oldest city patricians in southern Germany (J\ugsburg, Constance; its coat of arms is in the family window [ Geschlechterfenster] of the town hall in Constance). My father was born in Karlsruhe, and most of my relatives live in Baden and Basel. .All of the generations listed in the family Bible are unobjectionable in the sense now required in order to qualify as being of German descent. My wife was born in Vienna; her father comes from a fam­ ily of farmers in the province of Saxony; her mother is the daughter of a Viennese businessman who stems from a Moravian family of farmers. I have been married for one and a half years; my wife's maiden name was Onken; the family emigrated from Bremen und stems from a family of craftsmen (bakers and roofers). Should you be interested in any more information concerning these matters, I will be glad to provide it. J\s far as my education as a scholar and my personal views are concerned, I must bring a "burden" to your attention that has hurt me before. I studied sociology in Vienna. Since my interests grav­ itated more and more to political science [Staatslehre], I naturally came into closer contact with the Viennese Staatslehre and became

115

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

an assistant at the institute [Lehrkanzel] for State and Administra­ tive Law. Until Kelsen accepted a call to the University of Cologn e, he was the head of this institute and I was his assistant; since then I have been an assistant to Merkl. The position of having been an assistant to Kelsen is generally interpreted to mean that I stand politically and scientifically [wissenschaftlich] in close proximity to Kelsen with the consequences [for me] that today are all too clear. I can only say that this is not the case. I was never a supporter of Kelsen's theory, but exactly the opposite: From the very beginning of my scholarly work I strove to provide Staatslehre with a new foundation because I was not satisfied with the Pure Theory of Law. (Please see treatise number 7 of the list of my publications and all the following that deal with this subject. )3 I have enclosed two trea­ tises from which, should it appear important to you, my position on questions of Staatslehre and, in particular, on the theory of law can be easily seen. On the other hand, I am personally very indebted to Kelsen, who, although I was in constant opposition to his scientific and other views, supported me in various ways. Now I will briefly enumerate the positive sources that have strongly influenced my position. Apart from my studies I owe my knowledge of political matters primarily to three sources: 1 ) my association in Vienna with a circle of people who, in part person­ ally, in part through tradition, are connected to the inner political form of the Austrian monarchy; 2 ) my stay in Oxford, at which time I made the acquaintance of a large number of leading English politicians; 3 J my two years of study in America, in particular in Wisconsin. I was very warmly received by Commons in Wisconsin, since our views on the theory of national economy were very simi­ lar. I had the opportunity to gain insight into the state's politics and was even invited to participate in an expert opinion in a court case of the state vs. Standard Oil. In scientific questions I have never adopted a teacher's theories. In my view, compared to the classical period of German thought, the political science and sociology of our time is in a state of decay. Today it is our task to regain the practical skill and knowledge in formulating and working through problems that were common between 1 79 0 and 1 8 30 and to apply them to the problems of our day. The History of the Race Idea, parts of which you have read, is my first attempt, based on knowledge gained in ten years of research, to present my view on an essential question in what I believe is the spirit of the classical German I I6

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

tradition. Presently I a m a t work o n a theory of law and a theory of governance, which I will treat in monographs similar to the one that deals with the problem of race. I believe that what I have written will provide you with a first impression of me, and I will be glad to supply more information if desired. Very respectfully yours I . Original in German. Ernst Krieck ( 1 8 82-1947), professor of philosophy and member of the National Socialist German Workers' Party before it came to power. 2. Not included here. 3· Number 7 in the list Voegelin refers to here is Voegelin, "Reine Rechtslehre und Staatslehre, " Zeitschrift fiir offentliches Recht 4, nos. 1, 2 ( 1 924): 8o-1 3 1 . Translated as "The Pure Theory of Law and the State, " in CW, 7 :49-99. The other works he alludes to are those written on Staatslehre and the Pure Theory of Law up to the date of this �etter.

29. To Ernst Krieck 1

Professor Dr. Ernst Krieck Rector of the University of Frankfurt Zeppelin Allee 2 I Frankfurt a. M. [n.d.; beginning of I 9 34] Dear Professor: 2 On the I s th of December last year I responded to your very kind letter of December I 2th with a letter and several enclosures. In recent months postal communication has not always been reliable. I am therefore taking the liberty of respectfully enquiring whether you received my letter, or whether it perhaps failed to arrive. It is also conceivable that you answered my letter but that I did not receive your reply. Mit deutschem GruB, 3 I remain your most obedient servant, I . Original in German. 2. " Sehr geehrter Herr Professor. " 3 · Literally, "With German greeting."

I I?

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949 30.

To Eduard Baumgarten 1

III. Pfarrhofstr. r 3 Vienn a February 1 4, 1 9 3 4 Dear Mr. Baumgarten, Thank you very much for your spirited letter-again you have given me great pleasure and amusement. I looked once more into the matter of your manuscript and hope that the "Parva Moralia" is now safely in your hands. Something rather unpleasant happened to it. About a year ago Winternitz gave it to his office to mail back to you, and a servant failed to mail it in order to keep the fee for the registered letter. That was established by checking the post receipts, and fortunately, the manuscript itself could also be located. I have had no luck in reaching Schutz because he has been traveling the last two weeks, with only very short breaks in be­ tween (Amsterdam, Paris, and Basel), and I have not been able to discuss the matter with him. I hope it will be possible sometime next week. Let me thank you for your inaugural address on "Foreign Af­ fairs Studies" [ " Auslandskunde " ] . I received it yesterday and find it excellent: strongly and clearly expressed and sovereign in its stance. In addition it is full of wisdom and not at all wanting in the sophistication you always claim that you lack. I have the feel­ ing that you are far ahead of me here. -I eagerly await the other promised manuscripts. (No. V of your manuscript, the defense of the [illegible] for Americans, would very much interest me ! ) What you write about James and Emerson in your letter is very exciting­ ! would very much like to see that carried out. I know Saller2 both through correspondence and from his works, of which he has sent me a number. As far as The Way of the German Race is concerned, I agree with you that the impetus of a good will let him blithely overlook some things. But I find his own scholarly works, especially his book on the Nordic race, and especially its conceptual clarity, far superior to many of his colleagues' works. To the extent that you know anything about it yourself, I would be very grateful to you if you would write me a few words concerning his personal , situation. Here one hears that he has somewhat exposed himself in his writings and endangered his position. I I8

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

The situation has been quite unpleasant here for the last three days. Since Monday an open battle has been going on between troops of the Social Democratic Party and the government. There can be no doubt about the outcome, the complete destruction of the Social Democrats; but the battle will go on for a while. For­ tunately, through timely intervention by the police and the army, a unification of the Social Democratic forces was prevented and a dangerously large battle avoided. But now the fighting has split up into a large number of individual skirmishes around the large community apartment-house complexes that have been occupied by the Republican Defense Force, and at the party headquarters [ ? ], train stations, and gas works, etc. In some cases even artillery had to be brought into action, and the town halls in Heiligenstadt, in Floriansdorf, and the party headquarters in Ottakring and Fa­ voriten, have been badly damaged. The number of killed appears to be quite high. Yesterday we heard artillery fire from Simmering, today from Floriansdorf (the city district on the other side of the Danube). Entire districts have not yet been attended to, for example Meidling, and it will take another two or three days to disarm the whole city. These events have hardly affected us personally. From Monday until Tuesday afternoon we had hardly any light. And it is possible that in the next couple of days the gas will be cut off, since the reserves are almost exhausted and some of the gas works' employ­ ees are still on strike. The streetcar service was partly shutdown. Today just a few of the radial lines came back into operation; full resumption is impossible for tactical reasons, since the trams could be used for moving the revolutionary workers. Beyond [these incon­ veniences] no one is in personal danger unless he insists on taking part in the fighting. The political background to the struggle, as well as the conse­ quences it will have, are unclear. The only thing that is certain is that the best possibilities for a more or less democratic solution to Austria's internal problems have disappeared. They existed as long as there was a sort of tacit union between the government and the Social Democrats to combat National Socialism. Whether the new situation will lead to an understanding between the Austrian fascists and the National Socialist Party, or to another battle of extermination like the one now being waged against the Social Democrats, remains to be seen; both options have their supporters. !19

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1949

Your assumption that I am "aglow" with pride-as you so charm­ ingly put it-is unfounded. The "force" with which I addresse d certain contemporary problems has earned me the enmity of some very influential people. Indeed, to such an extent, that I fear that my chances [of finding an academic position] in Germany have been greatly diminished. If you could perhaps listen around a bit, I would be grateful to you, if only to learn a bit more precisely what the opinion is about me. I should hear pretty soon how my books are sellingi when I get some money I will send you a copy of The History of the Race Idea-it is better than the first book. I am now working on my " Research Report on Racial Science, " 3 which I have to hand in in July, and also on my other book on the problem of the Austrian State, which has required more effort than I at first thought it would. In January I delivered a lecture on the history of the idea of fascism. I found a number of very interesting things in Proudhon's philosophy of war and in Renan. Otherwise I have been reading this and that: Don Quixote, various works of Jean Paul and Herder, Schlieffen's splendid work on Gneisenau, Frobenius's cul­ tural history of Africa, etc. -I am very hungry for reading matter. For your work on the question of race in America I can recom­ mend the excellent overview in Gregory's Race as a Poltical Factor (Conway Memorial Lecture, 1 9 3 1 , London, Watts &. Co, 1 9 3 1 ). I just recently came across it. In particular, I have recently been investigating the metaphysical­ ontological consequences that emerge from the current state of the research on race for a science of human nature [ Wesenslehre des Menschen] . Couldn't the philosophical faculty of Gottingen, or some society, use a lecture from me on this burning issue? I would so much like to visit you again. My wife is doing well-a lot of household work-she sends her kindest regards to you and your familyi please convey my regards to your family as well. Most cordially yours, Eric Voegelin I . Original in German. 2. Karl Felix Saller ( 1 902-1 9 6 9 ) . Because of his differences with the National Socialists on the subject of race, Saller was removed from his post at the University of Gottingen in 1 9 3 5 . Following the Second World War Saller taught anthropology at the University of Munich. 3 · Cf. letter to Baumgarten, April 1 3, 1 9 3 4, which follows this letter.

1 20

LETTERS, I 9 24-I 9 3 8

3 1 . To Eduard Baumgarten 1 m Pfarrhofstr. I 3

Vienna April I 3, 1 9 3 4 [In Baumgarten's handwriting: I) 2 ) Nazi-America-propaganda 3 ) university professors-catechism] Dear Mr. Baumgarten: I just received your short treatise, read it, and sit down t o write you an answer right away because, for the first time in reading a work of yours, I am troubled by the direction you have taken. As al­ ways, everything you say about the personal style of the American in society is important. But the link you make to the German belief does not seem to me to rest on a firm foundation. The American philosophy of pragmatism is a genuine interpretation of an actual condition of life, one in which human beings, the pioneers, actually lived. The English ideal of the gentleman (which does not seem to me to be as close to the American ideal as you seem to think! ) is also a genuine interpretation of the unique historical conditions which members of the English ruling class, the aristocracy and, foremost, the gentry before I 8 3 2, actually experienced. Both the American pioneer (religiously formed by Puritanism) and the English gentle­ man (not a Puritan but a Cavalier) developed into the politically significant human types because the communities in which these styles were formed were at the same time the foundations upon which the [national] political forms themselves developed. For us Germans the matter appears to me to be entirely different. In your article you begin with the experience of the soldier who fought in the trenches, who participated in a process that [confronted] an entire [community] and who now finds himself released into solitude. The experience of the community of the front [Fronter­ lebnis] is one of the roots out of which the current movement has grown. What was experienced there as happiness, under terrible conditions, is to be continuedi every individual is to live in the type of [general] community whose potential reality was experi­ enced at the front. It is on this point that the question of creating a genuine German democratic community seems to me to differ I2I

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

fundamentally from the English and American communities. Let me put it this way: All of the genuine experiences of community that are powerfully at work in the German renewal have their roots in essentially temporary communities. The "frontier" is a form of community in the full sense of the word; it encompasses life from birth to death. The life-form of the gentry is likewise complete; it includes the human being as the member of a family, from which he receives the form and content that is to be realized in his own life. But the experience of war is a passing one. The soldier in the modern state does not attain the life-form of the soldier; he is not the member of an aristocracy that finds its calling in war. If the life-form of a nation is to be formed out of the life-form [Haltung] of the front community, all kinds of misfortune will occur; for in terms of the structure of the modern national political community as a whole, the situation of the soldier at the front is simply not all-encompassing. The life-form of the soldier cannot be used to create the life-form of the nation without doing violence to, and falsifying, the real situation in which the great mass of the people live. -I have the same objection to the so often invoked "spirit of the S. A. " as the source of the community's form. By its very nature, the condition of the S. A. man is a temporary one. Essentially, it is limited to the period of youth and cannot provide the form needed for the course of an entire life. I think that people who find their life­ form in the S. A. will, in later years, find that they have maneuvered themselves into the same position as those who before the war had defined their life-form in the youth movement: Either they retained the style of youth, which is unsuitable to the age of manhood, or they became middle class with a bad conscience. I see the best chance for a genuine community style in comprehensive actions like the Winter Aid Project in which, more or less, a direct appeal is made to caritas. As far as the questions of forming a community and creating a genuine community style are concerned, the future looks quite worrisome to me. Nowhere in Germany do I see a manner of being [Seinshaltung] presented as a model form for the entire nation that is not of fragmentary character itself. Were I to make a list of the fea­ tures that characterize and make the German recognizable in pub­ lic today, I would have to mention an aggressive disposition and a nervous and extreme reaction to anything that is not an expression of complete sympathy-the exact opposite of the American open 1 22

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

ness t o criticism. Further: the readiness t o take decisive measures with no thought to the values that might possibly be destroyed as a result, the absence of the least shimmer of imagination concerning the effects action might have on a third party (one important result of this is the complete confusion created in Austria) . The deeper reason for all of these phenomena is to be found in a psyche that is in a state of ecstasy and has lost all sense of proportion concerning the structure of social reality. From all of this follows the frequent need to change goals, instability, the unreliability of action viewed from a longer perspective, middle-class nationalist credulity for "ideas " (the creation of brutally crude ideologies: the heroic life, race theory, science as a form of soldiering, etc . ) . In this ideological failure we find the grounds for the damming up of the sources out of which a genuine lifestyle is nurtured. The picture of the whole: ecstatic, active and driven, warlike and youthful, tending more to the destruction of a complete life-form than to the creation of one, and, in the event of a de facto failure, the danger of a horrible nervous breakdown. I c�mld only list a few key words here, but from what I have written you will easily understand that it fills me with unease to see how lightly you throw a bridge across the gulf between the American and the German situation. But perhaps I have misunder­ stood you. If possible, write to me in more detail concerning your views in this matter. I had signed a contract with the publishing house of Junker & Diinnhaupt to publish a "research report" on the current state of the theory of race. I have been working on it for the last three months, and now I get a letter that tells me in a roundabout way that it would perhaps not be a good idea if this report on such an important subject were to be written by a "scholar living in Austria"i the party had suggested this to him officially, etc. I wrote back that of course I would comply and withdraw but that I would have to insist upon compensation for the work already done: It's been 1 4 days now without a reply. I had a ferocious conflict over Race and State. A review appeared in the "National Journal for Administration" [Reichsverwaltungs­ blatt] by a Mr. Giirke. It was a vile political denunciation: ( [The book is] un-German and incompatible with National Socialism), dilettantish in the extreme with crude grammatical errors and, in addition, a large number of falsified quotations. I wrote a letter in 123

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

strong terms to [Otto] Koellreutter, the editor: I could not imagine that he would want to leave such a villainous attack stand and asked him to let me set the matter straight. The German gentleman declined and only granted me the right to a lame reply in which I was allowed to formulate my theses but I was not allowed to mention the quotations that had been falsified because Giirke is a party functionary. Presently I am hard at work studying the new Austrian constitu­ tion. I may even deliver some radio lectures on the subject; I will let you know if that materializes. I have big plans for the summer. I have found a patron who has promised to give me a grant to do some research on my own in Paris and London from August to October. I hope that everything will go well and that I will actually be able to. With warm regards, Yours Erich Voegelin I . Original in German.

3 2 · To Eduard Baumgarten 1

2 5 , rue des Saints Peres Paris August 4, 1 9 3 4 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: I have been in Paris since the 22nd of July and was not involved in the sad days in Vienna; unfortunately my wife was. She has just now been able to follow me to Paris and brought your letter with her. At the moment, Paris is not a good place to be if you are German. The openly expressed hatred is now even greater than it was in the period just after the war. Out of fear for an incident the embassy is guarded by heavily armed mounted police. In every other respect Paris is as wonderful as ever. I am engaged in the study of the doctrine of monarchy from Henry IV to Louis XIV, especially with its sun symbolism. As far as I can see, the world of images in which the monarchy presents itself derives from Hellenism and Arabic-Jewish philosophy. I am intensely reading Philo Judaeus , 1 24

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

Marcus Aurelius, Plotinus, Al-Farabi, and Moses Maimonides­ th ese were Bodin's principal sources. They are wonderful men­ especially Plotinus and Maimonides. The pleasure that the work gives me is increased by the fact that apparently no one before me has ever concerned himself with this Mediterranean, Jewish-Arabic background to the doctrine of monarchy. We will remain here until October and then go to England for three weeks. I won't be able to send you the continuation of the book until the end of Octoberi I am very happy that you find it well written. That is always the great worry I have, that I cannot formulate my thoughts with sufficient breadth and transparency. Your summer in Gottingen must be wonderful. I sincerely regret that I cannot occasionally be a part of it. When you have typed some of your lecture on race, please send it to me herei here I have time to read. Please give my regards to your wife. Most cordially yours, Erich Voegelin r.

33·

Original in German.

To Leo Strauss 1

October r o, 1 9 3 4 Dear Mr. Strauss: Mr. Kittredge o f the Rockefeller Foundation2 was kind enough to give me your address, as he thought that we would have some points of contact in our scientific work. I am currently engaged in studies of Renaissance philosophy and theories of the state. I will only be in London for a few days and would be very grateful if you could phone me as soon as possible, sometime in the morning before nine, so that, if your schedule permits it, we can make an appointment. With very best wishes, I am, Very respectfully yours, Erich Voegelin r. Original in German. An English translation of the correspondence between Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin is available in Faith and Poitical Philosophy: The

125

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

Correspondence between Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin, r934-r 9 64, trans. and ed. Peter Emberley and Barry Cooper (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1 9 9 3 ). Revised edition, University of Missouri Press, 2004. 2 . Tracy B. Kittredge became assistant director of the social science division of the Rockefeller Foundation in 1 9 3 4 . See Earlene Craver, "Patronage and the Directio ns of Research in Economics: The Rockefeller Foundation in Europe, 1 924- 1 9 3 8, " Minerva 24 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 205-22.

34·

To Eduard Baumgarten 1

III. Pfarrhofstr. 1 3 Vienna November 1 3 , 1 9 3 4 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Your letter arrived at just the right time-I have a cold, am sitting at home, and was planning to write you in the next couple days. Most of all, let me thank you for the things you have sent: the es­ say on the most recent literature, the table of contents to your book on Franklin, and the notes on your work group [Arbeitsgemein­ schaft] . First, the book reviews: As always you get to what is essen­ tial in the American problem, only, and this too as always, I have the uneasy feeling that the reader, and perhaps you yourself, might mistake the virtues of your very accurate description for the virtues of the American essence itself. You have an ability to make so much more of an essence, indeed of the heart of a matter's essence, that even the reader's heart may begin to glow with warmth ! I am perhaps a recalcitrant intellectual, but in any case, when my heart begins to grow warm I immediately grow suspicious. As wonderful as the "idea" of the "American" that you bring to light is, it is something else in reality. I subscribe to the heretical notion that an idea is of no greater value than the human beings who live it. And I would measure these people, and their ideas, on the universal life-possibilities that have been revealed in the course of history. As pleasant as the "American way of life" [ das "Ameri.kanische"] may be, when viewed in isolation, and especially when you focus on it, it nevertheless appears to me, if measured by the yardstick one should use to judge it, rather modest. Despite Dewey and Franklin, just this one question: Is Franklin's art of living, which you justly praise, anything other than the style that is taken for granted in European "society" transformed into rules for a nation of petit bourgeois puri­ tans who lack manners ? Are these rules of conduct for a democratic !26

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

society anything other than the rules o f every aristocratic society, with the addition of crude simplifications for people who must first learn them and who occasionally still want to "speak the simple truth, " or utter an "an open word, " or "talk plain" to one another? What you and Moeller van den Bruck say about the American way of life's promise for the future, and its universality: Is that anything other than the rudiments of the English aristocracy's lifestyle made to fit the middle class ?-Your table of contents is overwhelming­ ! look forward very much to the finished work. Is there a deeper meaning in the fact that most of the sections are divided into three parts ? My wife and I laughed heartily over the two pages on the work committee. One very clearly sees the difference between German thoroughness and Viennese superficiality in the organization of such a circle. I will keep the text here for a couple of days so that I can show it to our friends. This summer we were in Paris, London, and Oxford, and only arrived home on the 1 0th of October. I did a lot of work and met a number of people. The work was concerned with the theory of the state in France during the I 6th century. I have returned with 400 pages of copies and hope to be able to work thorough most of them this winter. I will not write anything about the contents now because I would have to explain too much-as soon as I have something you might enjoy, I will send it along. In general, the theme is the relationship of the theory of the state at the end of the I 6th century to ancient and archaic cosmology. For the rest, the semester is not treating me badly. I have become a member of the Commission for State Certification in Political Science [staatswirtschaftliche Staatsprii.fungskomission]; on Sat­ urday the faculty applied for the title of professor for me-what follows, approval by the ministry, is generally a mere formality. As far as lectures and seminars are concerned, I have 4 hours of seminars on constitutional law, occasionally I substitute for Merkl in a two-hour seminar on questions of the corporate state, a one­ hour lecture on "Reichsvolk und Staatsnation, " and a two-hour private seminar on new political literature. The private seminar promises to be very interesting: Provision­ ally, the program consists of Evola's Pagan Imperialism, Dempf's Sacrum Imperium, the literature on "Charles the Butcher, " 2 Berto­ lottis's Fascism and Nation, Spengler's Years of Decision, Ortega I 27

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

y Gasset's The Revolt of the Masses, and Jung's The Rule of the Inferior, etc. 3 I have no desire to write about political matters. As part of ev­ eryday reality they are inescapable, and at the same time, in th e reality of values [Realitiit der Werte] they are, at least at present, too abysmally low. I do not believe the anecdote concerning the [illegible] nightshirt. Much more likely it is a growing putrefaction as the result of a few drops of mustard gas. -It would be very nice if we could see each other this spring-if we are still alive by then. With best wishes to you and your family. Yours Eric Voegelin I . Original in German. 2. "Karl der Schlachter" : cognomen for Charlemagne with reference to his war

against the Saxons. 3 · Edgar J. Jung, Die Herrschaft der Minderwertigen (Berlin: Verlag Dt. Rund­ schau, 1 9 30).

35·

To Eduard Baumgarten 1

III Pfarrhofstr. r 3 Vienna August 3 1 , 1 9 3 5 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: For four weeks I have been disgracefully silent regarding your letter, although it was full of important news. Please accept our warmest congratulation that, at long last, your habilitation has gone through. I very much wish that we could meet again soon so that you could tell me more about this summer's exciting events and about your situation. Recently an acquaintance from Berlin was here on the excuse that he had to promote the sale of his book­ couldn't you arrange something like that? We would again take good care of you and see to it that your expenses were kept to a minimum. I did not quite understand what is happening with your book-is the whole text to be printed or just the part on Franklin­ and when? I will order it immediately for the institute and make propaganda for it, so please write me and let me have more detail s­ ! look forward with anticipation to being able to enjoy a larger treatise from you. 128

The reason for my silence is that in the p ast weeks I was in the end spurt of completing my work, which I had to deliver to the publisher by the end of August. It is a book about the problem of the Austrian state and the new constitution. I finished the manu­ script this morning and am writing to you this afternoon, because early tomorrow morning my wife and I will start our vacation. We want to stay fourteen days at Lake Ossicach and then travel to Venice and Vicenza for a week. There is a large Titian exhibition in Venice now, and in Vicenza I want to learn a bit about Palladia. -After the legal work this is necessary in order to maintain my intellectual balance. Presumably autumn will be a very strenuous time; the law curriculum is to be reformed-! hope I get an offer to teach a course. If you see Walz, who I only know through his writings, in your teachers camp [Dozentenlager], please tell him that in my new book he will find a thorough analysis of the Pure Theory of Law that proceeds along the lines of his withering criticism of Kaufmann. Please write again soon, especially about the teachers camp. With warmest regards to you and your family. Yours Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

36. To F. H. Hankins

Professor F. H. Hankins Smith College Northampton, Mass. Vienna, February 20, 1 9 3 6 My dear Professor Hankins: I am glad to hear of the new Review you and the American Soci­ ological Society are about to start, and I wish you good luck to the new enterprise. It is a great honour for me that you want me to serve as a corre­ spondent for Austria, and I am very much pleased to do so. From the first copy of the Review, which you say you will forward to me, I hope to gather some further information as to whether 129

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1949

the Review means to include Social Politics under the head of Sociology or not. There is always a little difference in the German and the American meaning to the term. As to the news letters you want me to send, I suggest that I forward the first to you at the end of the summer term, which has just begun. Its contents will be of an introductory nature, as by the political upheaval of the last three years all our old orga­ nizations are broken up and an entirely new set and even type of organizations is taking their place. The main incident has been the destruction of the common organisations between Germany and Austria, and the independent reorganisation of scientific work. For the future I propose to send the letters regularly in February and August, as these dates coincide with the ends of our terms. If these suggestions don't suit you, or if you have any special wishes please, indicate them. l am, Very sincerely yours, Erich Voegelin

3 7.

To Eduard Baumgarten 1

III. Pfarrhofstr. r 3 Vienna March 27, 1 9 3 6 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: I haven't heard from you in such a long time and was therefore all the more happy to receive the journal with your article on Dewey. I look forward to the continuation, and even more to the work you announced on the " Spiritual Foundation of the American Polity [Gemeinwesen ] . " It must have grown to an incredible length for you to have to divide it into three volumes. As far as your article is concerned I can only admire again, as always, your ability to un­ derstand [another's thought) and your even greater ability to com­ municate the meaning you want to convey. Whoever reads your article will have learned something about America, and I believe the impression he has received will stay with him. As you already know, I am not in complete agreement with your pedagogical inten­ tion. Sociologically speaking, Dewey's philosophy of community is 1 30

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

a philosophy o f the "little people"-[! say this] with n o intention of arrogantly raising myself above them or questioning their im­ mediate value to God. (You are familiar with Lincoln's wonderful remark: God must h_ave loved the poor very much, otherwise he wouldn't have made so many of them. ) But it doesn't appear to me to be at all desirable for a people's spiritual health that it be stabilized at the level that an average "intelligence" can attain and that everything above that be dismissed in "noble" terms of abuse like "freaks, or geniuses, or heroes or divine leaders. " 2 This is incommensurable with human dignity and completely inadequate for dealing with the objective issues involved here. This appears to me, even in Dewey, to be a symptom of an infection by the ra bble 's view of things. -But we would need more time to discuss the differences between us. Let me just say one more thing in this regard. If up to now the democratic ethic has not led America into a spiritual catastrophe but, on the contrary, has enabled it to bring forth the very eminent men of spirit you discuss, the reason, it seems to me, can be found in an organizational factor: Up to now in the United States the state itself has played a very minor role. The representative "public" is primarily recruited from the aristocrati­ cally rigorously selected religious communities, and not from the democratic ones. If, in the future, the "state" attains the type of social relevance that it now has in Europe, I am pretty sure that it will not be ruled by the quantitatively small class that rules it today in which personalities like James and Dewey have their roots, but [will be ruled] by the gangster types like Huey Long who, supported by childish doctrines of community like Dewey's, will exterminate whatever is too high for their community intelligence. Come to Vienna so that we can have a good long argument! With the same post I have sent my new work as "printed matter" -The Authoritarian State. In the first chapter you will perhaps find some things of interest to you. I don't have much new to report of myself. In the meantime I have become an Auf3erordentlicher Professor. It doesn't provide me with any material advantages, but it's an important safeguard for my position. Recently I spent a great deal of my time studying the history of the Mongols and the effect the Mongol Khans had on European rulers. If you are interested in such things I will gladly send you a product of these studies, an MS on the Humanists' view of Tamerlane, from Enea Silvio Piccolomini to Louis Le Roy. 131

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

Please write me a bit about your outward circumstances and how your family is doing. With the most cordial wishes, Yours Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

2. The words within the quotation marks were in English in the original.

3 8.

To Eduard Baumgarten 1

III. Pfarrhofstr. I 3 Vienna June r 8, 1 9 3 6 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: I would have very gladly answered your letter right away, but have found neither peace nor the right frame of mind. On April 3 0th my mother died under the saddest of circumstances. I was scheduled to deliver a lecture in the evening, which she wanted to hear and insisted upon attending. As she entered the lecture hall she had a heart attack and collapsed. Since then I have been swamped with a myriad of family concerns: the care of my ailing father and the disposal of the things in my parents' apartment. -But with that let me stop: About all of this I wish to speak no more. First, my heartiest congratulations on your numerous and bril­ liant successes: the research grant for your trip to America, the offer of a professorship in Berlin (I couldn't quite understand your reasons for declining it), and the publication of your substantial work. I took your advice and ordered it through the "Journal of Public Law" [Zeitschrift fiir offentliches Recht], but have not received it. You can imagine how much I look forward to it. Please send me your essays on " Corialanus. " As soon as I have worked through them I will speak about them in our circle, some of the members of which you know. I am very pleased that you found some things of interest to you in The Authoritarian State. That is more than I expected, for I believe there is cordial agreement between us that my key note does not suit you. -Locke's statement ( "In the beginning the whole world was America" ) can be found in the Second Treatise on Government, 132

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

chapter V, " Of Property, " section 49 · I t reads: "Thus, in the begin­ ning all the world was America. " I can't tell you where Lincoln's sentence about the "poor people" can be found. 2 If I remember correctly, I heard it in a lecture on Lincoln by Carl Sandburg. In any case, I did not invent it myself. The passage in the book on suicide3 that appeared to you to be too accommodating to the regime must be more carefully formulated. The sentence appears to me to be correct under the conditions of r ) a highly activized political milieu and 2 ) a lack of political tradition. In view of the problem we have here, we are in complete agreement: Of course "initiative" should be cultivated and rewarded; of course the state of the "patrician plebeians " should be created-but is it possible ? I believe that the problem is insolua ble. It might be that you are right and that this view is rooted in " arrogance"-but I am not so sure. Do you really believe that the question Dostoevsky raises in The Grand Inquisi­ tor is merely an illusion that resulted from his arrogance? Instead of the "Mongols" 4 I am sending you a short treatise on "Popular Education, Science, and Politics " 5 with which I trespass on the area of your pedagogical competence with my inadequate notions. It touches on some of the points of difference between us; perhaps you can tell me what you think of it some time. I am very eager to see the first fruits of your studies on "philo­ sophical anthropology. " We could get into some terrible differences of opinion [over this] . It is a shame I can't meet you more often in person-and now, in addition, you are leaving me for a year on a trip to America. We are moving on the first of August-at last an apartment of our own. The event casts its shadow in advance in time-consuming negotiations with workmen and difficult attempts to harmonize our desires with the money we have at our disposal. With the most cordial wishes to you and your dear wife from both of us, Yours Erich Voegelin I. Original in German. 2. Not found in The Collected Works of A braham Lincoln, 8 vols., ed. Roy P. Basler (New Brunswick, N.J. : Rutgers University Press, 19 5 3 ). 3 · cw, 4:105 . 4· CW, 10:7 6-12 5 . 5 · cw, 9=79-90.

133

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949 39·

To Eduard Baumgarten 1

Dr. Erich Voegelin Vienna I. Stadiongasse 4 Tel. A 27-1-5 9Z August 2 5 , 1 9 3 6 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Your last letter has lain here so long that, at the moment, I can't find it to reread it. In the meantime, our move and the decorating of the apartment have taken place (you'll find the address and the new address-stamp above) . You have written some very critical remarks o n the manuscript I sent you, and I am very grateful to you for it; that is precisely what I wanted, the reaction of an attentive and understanding reader, so that I could make the changes necessary to avoid possible misun­ derstandings. I have made use of your criticism and you will see it in the reprint that I am sending along with this letter. Unfortunately, for reasons of space, about a third of it had to be cut. -You do not have to worry that I have turned religious [fromm] . But, as a matter of fact, my Bodin studies have brought me to see that the world of pre-Reformation Catholicism was extraordinarily freer and more alive than the positivist Weltanschauungen of the 1 9th century in which we still have the doubtful pleasure to live. As I read your letter I had the feeling that a mild Prussian-Protestant emotional reaction was gently blowing in my face. When I concern myself with Catholic philosophy, then less with products of the central European latitudes and longitudes, and more with such phenomena as Maritain, Lavelle, and Giellet, who are quite solid: I believe they would also interest you. I have not yet received your Franklin book. The publisher mis­ placed my order; he apologized profusely and promised to take im ­ mediate action. On the other hand, I read a review of it last Sunday in the "Berlin Daily" [Berliner Tageblatt] . For the last three weeks I have been up to my ears in work. The government's gold paragraph case [ Goldklauselprozess] continues, and I had to translate decisions and expert opinions into English-a difficult and very demanding task. Now I again have a few days free to work on the Mongols. 1 34

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

What i s the state o f things in regard t o your trip t o America? I hope to hear from you before you disappear for a year. With most cordial wishes, Yours, Erich Voegelin 1. Original in German.

40. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

III Stadiongasse 4 Vienna September 1 3, 1 9 3 6 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: From your letter I get the impression that you feel "under pres­ sure" or " encircled. " I regret it again and again that we are only able to communicate through the inadequate means of letters-for the things that cause us concern seem very similar. -It pleases me that you now approve of my essay in its entirety. But I am unable to answer your question concerning "God. " Just because the formulations in which the matter is expressed have become clearer to me does not mean that the matter itself is clear. I do believe that the mystics' via negativa is indeed a genuine way to the fruitio Dei and not an illusion, and that in this way an essence is attained; but I doubt that the way in which the Christian thinkers believe leads to the Realissimum . 2 I don't know if I ever told you that, for years now, I have been collecting material for a treatise on the "devil, " who appears to me to be very real, and I cannot foresee where the one series of experiences touches the other so that they could be systematically harmonized into one "theory. " I have learned a great deal from the Satanism of the French and the English (Beckford, Huysmans, Barbey d'Aurevilly, a bit from Mallarme); and as far as we Germans are concerned, he-the devil-seems to me to be so close to us that indeed we take him for God. There are problems with getting your Franklin. Springer, the pub­ lisher, requested it from Klostermann for the "Journal of Public Law" [Zeitschrift fiir offentliches Recht], but received no answer, and asks if you would be kind enough to intervene and get the 135

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1949

publisher to send it. In any case I will now order it for the institut e so that at least I can be sure that I will get to read it. While putting my papers in order I found your essay on "Cori­ alanus " again. I find it excellent and have no critical remarks to make. I also carefully reread " Corialanus" and believe that your interpretation is thoroughly supported. Most of all it enabled me to much better understand your problem of "irony. " I would like to raise one question which I have not been able to answer for myself. In the Franklin studies you sent me I got the impression that the phenomenon of ironic instruction is related to the fact that it is the people connected to one another in a social context who confron t one another with keen irony. However, in " Corialanus" it appears to me that the irony is not in the " subjective meaning" of the partic­ ipants (or, at most, only occasionally), but rather in Shakespeare's intention. And thus, it seems possible to me that in " Corialanus" the distributed conscience and the "irony" of the event is perhaps not primarily to be understood as a sign of Anglo-Saxon social con­ duct but of the dramatic form . When a social cosmos, agitated by a moral problem (as it is in "Corialanus " ), is presented by means of " distributed roles" ( as in a novel or play), perhaps a number of problems emerge that are problems of the art form, which however your essay presents as problems of social reality. In this connec­ tion the so eminently ironic epic of Thomas Mann's Joseph novels occurred to me. At the moment my personal affairs are very much up in the air, and therefore so complicated that I will not write anything about them today; things should become somewhat clearer in a couple days. Right now the only thing that is certain is my lecture course for the winter semester on "French institutional Staatslehre. " Es­ sentially this is a survey of the literature for my own orientation. The postponement of your trip does not seem to make you too unhappy; it has pleased me all the more because I now hope to hear from you more often. Would you consider coming to Vienna again if a lecture that paid a fee could be arranged ? I s the attack i n the " People's Observer" [ Volkischer Beobach ter] dangerous to your position? I ask because objectively I would not take it seriously and would not react to it. If recent years have taught me anything, it is that personal and political dirty tricks run their course in a surprisingly short time.

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

The next time I write I will send you my essay o n the Mongols. At the m om ent I do not have a copy available because I am negotiating with the publisher. With the most cordial regards to you and your family, Yours Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

2. "Ich glaube zwar, dass die via negativa der Mystiker zur fruitio Dei ein echter

Weg sei und nicht eine Illusion und dass ein Reale erreicht wird; aber ich zweifele, dass der Weg, wie die christlichen Denker glauben, zu einem Realissimum Hihrt. "

41. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

I. Stadiongasse 4 Vienna October 2 1 , 1 9 3 6 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: I am only now able to answer your letter and respond to the book review you sent me because I had so much work to do and, in addition, had to write an expert opinion which involved a great deal of work-it dealt with problems specific to the apothecary business. At this distance it is difficult for me to offer any advice in the matter because I am not familiar with the imponderables in your situation. If it were only a matter of the objective arguments de­ termining your answer I would say don't waste your time on Mr. Schonemann! And try to avoid getting involved with him. The man has convictions and is persuaded of various things, and what he has and does he can have and do with a good conscience: In short, he is a scoundrel. People like you and me cannot compete with this type of person. As far as the reception of your book is concerned, the review is meaningless. You will get others which are much more important (for example the review by [Silberschmidt ? ] in the "New Zurich Newspaper" [Neuer Ziiricher Zeitung] ) . Naturally I am completely in the dark concerning the very different matter of whether Mr. S's activity can hurt you as far as attaining any concrete goals are concerned and, therefore, whether you should defend yourself. 137

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

But even in this event I would recommend a very distanced and reserved response, with more the character of a " correction" than of a reply. With people who have expanded their private ego into a collective one, and who know what a "living German writer" is supposed to do and what he is not supposed to do, it is better to keep one's distance. -If I may be permitted to give you a piece of personal advice, don't get too involved with Baeumleri he is ques­ tionable as a person and politically, at the moment, he has fallen from grace. I hope your domestic difficulties-the illness of your wife and child-have been overcomei it is really terrible [ . . . ] when so many things weigh upon one at the same time. Your book finally arrived, and I have enjoyed reading a number of chaptersi I hope I will soon be able to read it all. In order to excuse my slowness, and let you know what I have been doing, let me list a few things:

r J At the university: lecture course on political science in France. 2 ) Private courses (in order to earn money):

3)

4) 5) 6)

7)

a) Philosophical Meditation b) Paul Valery (For both I have included the course program) . New organization o f the Ottakringer Evening School for Workers. I am now a member of the executive board and have been given the task of organizing the political science faculty. Organizing a League of Nations Committee for International Studies (I am the "secretary"). Lecture course at the Evening School for Workers (Introduction to Sociology ( 2 Hours)). Editor of the literary remains of a very gifted person who died young, primarily a hermeneutical theory [Theorie des Verstehens] . Continuing work on my study of the Mongols.

I cannot yet send you a copy of the first chapter of the "Mongols" because I still do not have an extra copy of the manuscript. I hope to have one in the next couple of days. Don't get too upset about malicious critiques. You will get more of themi one always does when one's work is good.

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

With cordial greetings, and with best wishes for your family, Yours, Erich Voegelin I . Original in German.

4 2. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

I. Stadiongasse 4 Vienna January 6, 1 9 3 7 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: During the holidays I was at last able to catch up on some of my unfinished work. Yesterday I finally read your Franklin to the end. I enjoyed it very much and thank you again most cordially that you got your publisher to send the book to me. As soon as I have finished the review I will send it to you. I took the opportunity of again reading what Schonemann wrote, and I find this manner of treating a book absolutely outrageous. In the meantime, what have you decided to do ? Have you answered him? As far as my own affairs are concerned, I only have formal things to report. I finally got the League of Nations Committee going. The efforts to get a professorship in Graz still take up a horribly large portion of my time without my having as yet achieved anything more than opening up a chance at all. Otherwise, with large breaks in between, I am at work on the theory of political myths-this in connection with my study of the Mongols. I hope that you have again overcome the pessimistic mood of your last letter. How are your probationary lectures coming along? Both of us send our warmest New Year's wishes to your family, in regard to your plans, and to yourself. Most cordially, Yours, Erich Voegelin I . Original in German.

139

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949 43·

To Eduard Baumgarten 1

I Stadiongasse 4 Vienna January 8, 1 9 3 7 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Our letters crossed. I am glad to see that you are again more optimistic and that you had an enjoyable Christmas break. Also the success of the lecture course, for which I congratulate you, has given you some joy again. My review of the book on Franklin is done. To my regret I see that the space that our journal has given me is far too small to do it justice, and I can only hope that the article, as it now stands, will not be cut further. I am sending you the review to look over before it is printed. 2 Please let me know if you think that I have misunderstood you, or if you want any point elaborated or more strongly emphasized. -After all, in the final analysis, you know better than I what you wanted to emphasize. The critical comment, that the adoption of a theoretically worked-out psychological ter­ minology would have been an advantage, refers to psychoanalysis. I was struck, on almost every page of your book, by the similarities between the form of social conduct and technique that Franklin wanted and psychoanalytical insight. That appears to me to be of interest in regard to your subject as well, since it would cast light on the particular reception that psychoanalysis has received in America. Would you consider looking into this question some­ time? The Last Puritan is a wonderful book and has reinforced my love for Santayana. I am very anxious to read your critique: Please send it to me soon. Incidentally, I have a letter from Santayana that he wrote to me about my book on America; if that would interest you, I will send you a copy. -In the case of Hume there is no conflict between us; the grounding of a psychology of passions in a natural foundation also appears to me to be the connection between the English and the American position. My rejoinder was made in regard to the structure of the theory of the ego and a theory of sense perception. In my essay on "The Ought in Kant" 3-I believe you have a copy-I contrasted this aspect of English philosophy with the more cramped [verkrampft] German theory. 1 40

If under the "best" for the coming year you mean the expectation that the development will not take the form of war, then I am an optimist. The continuing growth of English rearmament appears to me to be a pacifying factor of increasing importance. -For Ger­ many I am less optimistic. The process of economic isolation and the pauperization that goes with it continue; it can go on for years without coming to an open catastrophe, but it certainly brings no advantage. Have you received my study of the "Mongols " ? When you are finished with the manuscript, please send it back to me at your convenience. With very cordial wishes, Yours, Erich Voegelin r. Original in German. 2. CW, 1 3 : I 04-8 . 3 · CW, S : r Bo-227.

44· To Charles E. Merriam

Professor Charles E. Merriam The University of Chicago Department of Political Science Chicago [n.d.; 1 9 3 7 ] My dear professor Merriam: Thank you very much for your letter of February s th. I was not quite sure that you would be interested at the present moment in Central European questions. Now, as you express the kind inten­ tion to review my book, and even mention certain points in the structure of the authoritarian state which give you particular trou­ ble. I want to ask you if you did not consider it a reasonable thing to publish a small article in some American scientific journal on the fundamental political problems of the new authoritarian states and especially of Austria. Frequent visits of friends from France and England have given me the impression that the decisive political trouble of Central European governments escapes them entirely, as they cannot break with the habit to look at our problems with I4I

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

Western categories. The point which you mention in your letter, e.g., the present role of the "institutionalized form of responsibil­ ity" is a typical Western category, it is not and never has been a decisive point in German or Austrian political history; I do not say that it has not played a quantitatively large part in the history of our political institutions but the centre of importance has been all the time somewhere else. If it does not give to[o] much trouble to you, please, let me hear some time your opinion on this question. I am mailing at the same time to you a small pamphlet, being the reprint of a lecture held two years ago on the question of race and politics in Germany. l am, very sincerely yours, Erich Voegelin ·

45·

To the Adult Education Center Vienna Volksheim 1

To the commissary director personally [April 1 9 3 8] Dear Mr. Winkler: I have just been informed by the dean of the Faculty of Law that I am soon to be put on leave and that my teaching activity at the University will be suspended until further notice. Under these circumstances it seems to me in the best interest of the Volksheim that I cancel my further lectures and give up my other activities. I therefore hereby resign from my position as director of the political science faculty and will also discontinue my course on social ethics. The current business which I must pass on to others is not great: 1 ) For Tuesday the 26th of April, and Tuesday the 3 rd of May, be­ tween 7 and 9 a.m. on both occasions, I have invited Dr. Schafranek of the Workers' Association to deliver lectures on German Labor Law. I believe that the lectures should be held and, since I can no longer preside, recommend that the director appoint a person who enjoys his trust to greet Dr. Schafranek and to lead the discussion. 2) I have promised the attorney Dr. Emanuel Winternitz, Vienna I, Hohenstaufengasse 7, that the director of the Volksheim himself, or I, in my capacity as director of the faculty, would, on official 1 42

LETTERS, I 924-I 9 3 8

stationery o f the Volksheim, send him a confirmation that during the years 1 924 to 1 92 6 he taught courses in political science at the center in Ottakring as well as at the Leopoldstadt branch. I therefore request that either you send Dr. Winternitz such a confirmation, or that you send a confirmation, written on the Volksheim's sta­ tionery, to me to sign and pass on to Dr. Winternitz. 3 ) The faculty's financial records and those of the library are in the hands of the faculty committee, or in the hands of its individual members. Please request a revised closing cash balance from the treasurer, Mr. Schumann, and I will sign it. As far as the library is concerned, since in the past there have been repeated inconsisten­ cies, and since it is important to determine the present inventory, I would recommend that you take an inventory with the librarian, Dr. Schorr, who is fully acquainted with the situation. I would be very obliged to you if you would be kind enough to confirm in a letter that during the years 1 922 to 1 9 24, and again since 1 928, I gave courses at the Volksheim, and that since 1 9 3 6 I have been the director of the political science faculty. I express my hope that the Volksheim, and especially the political science faculty, may prosper in the future as it has up to now, and remain with kindest regards and Heil Hitler! Your obedient servant, I . Original in German.

46.

To Malcolm Davis

Mr. Malcolm Davis Carnegie Endowment 1 7 3 , Boulevard St.-Germain Paris (6a) Vienna, April 5 , 1 9 3 8 Dear Mr. Davis: You know that I am assistant a t the University of Vienna since a considerable number of years and did not have a chance yet to obtain a full professorship. I have addressed myself now to our Minister of Education 1 and asked him if, as a consequence of recent 143

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events, my chances had become better, but I have received a reply to the negative. At the same time the Minister has given me the advice to accept a position in the United States, if I should be able to find one. This advice has been confirmed by a letter, which is equivalent to a formal permission to enter into negotiations, in order that my correspondence concerning this subject might not be misinterpreted by our authorities. I am planning, therefore, to go to the United States by fall of this year, and try to find a position at an American university or college. It would be very desirable for me, of course, when I could have already by that time (September 1 9 3 8 ) an invitation from an American college or other institution to deliver a series of lectures, or to give a course for a term or two, in order to have at least some means of subsistence, and in order, as well, to get a non-quota immigration visa instead of a mere tourist visa. I want to ask you, therefore, if it is within your possibility to help me in this situation by forwarding informations on my person, activities, and abilities to American university-authorities who might be interested in of­ fering me a position of any kind. And I wanted to ask you especially if it would be possible for the Carnegie Endowment to let me have a visiting lecturership similar to that which has been awarded to Morgenstern just now in order to give me a start in America. I could give any routine courses in Sociology, Social Psychology, Social Theory, Social Philosophy, Social Ethics; Principles of Gov­ ernment, Comparative Government; History of Political Ideas. My special fields are the political ideas of the French r 6th century; the relations between European and Oriental political ideas from the 1 3 th to the r 8th century; European political ideas of the present time. Just now I am completing my studies on the Genghis-Khan political ideas; and in fall of this year will come out my edition of the Mongol imperial letters to European powers in ther 3 th century. During the last two years I have conducted a special research on modern political movements from a new point of view: I have interpreted such movements as the creation of new religions. I have extended this work to other historical cases of a similar nature, and written an essay on "Political Religions" (from the ancient Egyptian and Jewish state religions up to the present); the essay is · printed, and will come out (with some delay due to current events) by fall of this year. As far as I know, I am the only scholar who masters the problem under its theological and psychological as well 1 44

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

a s under its political and historical aspects. I think that lectures on this subject of Political Religions would be the most important con­ tribution, from a scientific point as well as from that of interpreting recent history, which I could make. May I add that I am 3 7 years of age, married, protestant; that I never belonged to any political party, or held any political office; and that I shall be able to go to America at my own expense. You would oblige me greatly by any help or advice you could extend to me. Similar letters have gone to Mr. Kittredge, and to a number of American friends. I remain, Yours very sincerely, Erich Voegelin r . Oswald Menghin ( r 8 8 8-I 9 7 3 ) .

47·

To Tracy Kittredge

University Professor Dr. Erich Voegelin Vienna I. Stadiongasse 4· Mr. Tracy B. Kittredge The Rockefeller Foundation 20, rue de La Baume, Paris April 5 , 1 9 3 8 Dear Mr. Kittredge: Since your last visit t o Vienna, I have been able to form a clearer picture of my present situation. Our Minister of Education, Pro­ fessor Menghin, has been good enough to inform me that I had practically no chance of receiving the chair at the University of Graz, and that he would strongly advise me to look for a position in the United States if I had any possibility to do so. He has confirmed his advice in a letter, which is equivalent to a formal permission to enter into negotiations in order that my correspondence on this subject might not be misunderstood by the authorities. This decision is rather favourable because I have now six months before me to prepare my visit to the United States. The best solu­ tion I can see at the moment would be to receive an invitation from 1 45

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

an American University or College for a series of lectures, or, the very best, a visiting professorship from the Carnegie Endowment for next fall, in order to get a non-quota immigration visa. I am writing therefore at the same time to Mr. Davis asking him if he could do anything in this respect. I could give any routine courses on sociology, Social Psychol­ ogy, Social Theory, Social Philosophy, Social Ethics; Principles of Government, Comparative Government; History of Ideas. Further­ more, I am a specialist for political ideas of the French r 6th century; for the relations between European and Oriental political ideas from the 1 3 th to the 1 8th century, and for European political ideas of the present time. The most important contribution I could make would be a series of lectures or a course on the research work I have undertaken during the last two years: the interpretation of modern political movements as new types of religion; as far as I know, I am the only authority who masters the subject under the political aspects as well as under the theological and psychological; my first essay in this line, which bears the title "The Political Religions" (from Egyptian and Jewish ancient state-religions up to the present time) is already printed and will come out, with some delay, this fall. I have given you this survey of my situation because it might be possible for you to inform American friends of my intentions and to suggest that some university or college extend to me an invitation, perhaps for one term only, in order that I might start in the United States. You would oblige me greatly if you, or other officers of the Foundation, would be kind enough to help me by forwarding infor­ mation of my person, situation, activities and abilities to university authorities who may perhaps have some interest in offering me a position, or by any advice in this matter. May I add that I shall be able to come to America at my own expense. Similar letters are going to Professor Whitton, Geneva, to Pro­ fessor Merriam and Lasswell, Chicago; Haberler, Harvard; and Eu­ bank, Cincinnati. I remain, Yours very sincerely, Erich Voegelin

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

4 8 . To Gottfried Haberler

Vienna, April 6, I 9 3 8 Professor Dr. Gottfried Haberler 7 Shady Hill Square Cambridge Mass. Dear colleague: As you know from our earlier conversations, I have long had the intention of seeking a position in America if it became clear that I would not be appointed to the professorship in Graz, which has now been under discussion for a year and a half. My chances were never very good, and I recently enquired at the Ministry of Education whether, as a result of recent events, they had improved. The answer was negative. At the same time the minister, Professor Menghin, was kind enough to allow me to look for a position in America and has given me official written permission to do this. I am therefore now writing to you to explain my plans and to ask you, if it would be possible for you to undertake anything in my behalf. At present I plan to come to America in September. Kittredge, with whom I spoke in the matter a couple of weeks ago, was of the opinion that I would succeed in finding a position within half a year and promised me the recommendations of Rockefeller Foundation officials . Naturally it would be better if I didn't have to come to America depending on mere good fortune to find something but instead had an invitation for a series of lectures or to a university professorship for a year. I have therefore written to Davis at the Carnegie Endowment to ask if he could provide me with a visiting professorship, such as our friend Oskar now has in America-! will have to see how he responds. Still I would like to ask you if you would be kind enough to listen around, at Harvard and other universities, as far as this is possible, in order to initiate such an invitation and, in any case, to pass on information concerning my person and scholarly work, etc., to people who might possibly have an interest in offering me a position. Such an invitation would be of the utmost importance to me because, with it, I could obtain a non quota immigration visa, which is unlimited as to the length of stayi otherwise I would only be able to get a tourist visa, which is limited to six months. The best thing of course would be to have 1 47

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1949

an affidavit, but at the present time I know no one who would give me one-should you know a rich Boston resident who would giv e me one, I would be very happy. Concerning the areas where I could be employed, I can condu ct any kind of routine lectures on the following subjects: Sociology, Social Psychology, Social Theory, Social Philosophy, Social Ethics; Principles of Government, Comparative Government, History of Political Ideas, and Legal Theory. My areas of specialty are the French political ideas of the six­ teenth century (Bodin), the relationship between the European and non-European political ideas between the thirteenth and the eigh­ teenth century, and current political ideas. In addition, concerning theoretical topics: the Theory of Law and Social Science methods. At present I am completing my work on the Mongol Khans' letters of state to the European powers in the thirteenth century. It will be the first edition of these letters with a commentary and includes the first source-based presentation of Mongolian constitu­ tional law and of the political theory upon which the world empire of Genghis Khan and his successors was based. The work will pre­ sumably be published in autumn. This would also be a good subject for a series of lectures. During the last two years I have also attempted to interpret the modern political movements as the creation of new religions. The research proved so fruitful that I expanded it to include older anal­ ogous cases. I have just completed an essay on Political Religions (from the Egyptian religion of state of Akhenaton to the current phenomena); it has already been printed and, with a delay for tech­ nical reasons, will also appear in autumn. In my view this research is the best that I have at the moment. As far as I can see I am at the present time the only scholar who understands this phenomenon from its historical and political side, as well as from the standpoint of psychology and the science of religion. As a lecture series, or as the topic of lectures for a semester, I believe this subject would attract very great interest. Concerning my personal data I want in any case to mention that I am Dr. rer. Pol. , assistant professor for Political Science (Staats­ lehre) and Sociology, and assistant at the institute (Lehrkanzel) for Public Law. Further I have the title of Associate Professor and was a Fellow of the Ro ckefeller Foundation for three years, of which two

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

were spent i n America. I a m thirty-seven years old, married, and Protestant. I was never the member of a political party. I have the means to pay for my move to America. Please accept in advance my deepest gratitude for any efforts you may be able to undertake in this matter. With very best wishes and a hand kiss to your wife, Yours sincerely

49· To Harold D. Lasswell

Professor Harold D. Lasswell Political Science Department University of Chicago Chicago Vienna, April 1 2, 1 9 3 8 My dear Lasswell: I have t o thank you for sending m e the number of the China Quarterly which contained an article of yours. Meanwhile history has furnished new materials to substantiate your type-study. Recent events in Austria have made definitely clear my future chances in this country. You know that I have a very poorly paid position, and I have asked our Minister of Education if there were any chance for me now to receive a full professorship. His reply was to the negative, and at the same time he advised me, and gave me his gracious permission to go to America if I were able to find a position there. This I am going to do. I shall come to the United States in [the] fall of this year. I can do that, in any case, on a tourist visa, and start looking for some opening when I am over there. It would be much better, however, if I could have an invitation for a series of lectures, or an invitation to give a course for a term or two, in order to get a non-quota immigration visa. I wish to ask you, therefore, if you would be kind enough and help me in this situation which is more complicated than I can explain by way of a letter. You have an important position in Chicago, and you know about possibilities in America, and you are able to forward information about my plans to other people. What I want 1 49

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1949

is the following: to receive: I ) an invitation for a series of lectures in [the] fall of this year, or, 2 ) perhaps an invitation to give courses in a summer term already this summer, or 3 ) a short time employment to give courses on a special subject for one or two terms beginning in [the fall] of this year, or 4) a normal or permanent position in an American college or university in the field of political scienc e. -The most desirable would be no. 4: no. 2 would be desirable only as a means to secure nos. I , 3, or 4· As to my qualifications, I have at present, as you know the rank of an associate professor in the University of Vienna, with the salary, however, of an assistant only, due to our lovely university system. I am able to give general and special courses in history of political ideas, comparative government, social ethics, and all questions of methodology of the social sciences. -My special fields are: recent European political ideologies: [the] influence of Oriental political ideas on European [ideas] since the I 3 th century; French I 6th cen­ tury political ideas, particularly Jean Bodin. I could give a partic­ ularly interesting course or series of lectures on the Mongolian Empire of the I 3 th century, its political theory and constitutional law, including the letters of the Mongol Khans to European powers which I am just now about to publish. During the last two years I have engaged in a new line of research on the religious element in political thought: my work is cover­ ing all periods from antiquity up to the present. A little book on Political Religions is already printed and ready for issue, but will come out only in [the] fall, due to difficulties of a technical order in connection with recent events. I am sending you a MS copy of it because I want to ask you if you think an American publisher would arrange an English edition. This new research work is the most important contribution I am able to make at the moment, and I think it would be excellent stuff for a series of lectures or a course. At the same time I am sending a formal letter of application for a position to Professor C. Merriam, whom I presume to be the head of the Political Science Department. This letter contains all data concerning my person and qualifications. Similar letters will go in the next week to a greater number of American colleges and universities. I have taken the liberty of giving your name in these letters as a reference. And, finally, I have ordered my publishers to send you copies of all my books, and you will receive a set of some of my articles as well; and I beg you to forward this [sic] books and I SO

articles to any university authorities who might be interested in offering me a position. I have to apologize for throwing my sorrows upon you in this way, but I hope you will find the excuse in the extraordinary situation. With many thanks for all the help you might extend to me, I remain, Yours very sincerely,

s o.

To Fritz Machlup 1

Erich Voegelin I. Stadiongasse 4· Vienna Professor Dr. Fritz Machlup Wolf Buffalo

Dear Colleague: You have perhaps heard that my attempt over the last two years to obtain the professorship for Staatsrecht in Graz has run into formidable obstacles because I am a Dr. rer. Pol. but not Dr. jur. In the wake of the recent events I inquired of our new Minister of Education whether my chances had improved and, to my regret, learned that they have not. However, the minister was kind enough to advise and permit me to look for an opportunity at an American university, if I was in a position to do so. I would therefore like to tell you about some of my plans and ask if you would be kind enough to help me. I would like to come to America in the fall. For this purpose it would be good if I had an invitation for a series of lectures, or if I could perhaps receive a temporary appointment for a semester or two; for in these cases I would be eligible for a non quota immigration visa. Otherwise I would only be eligible for a six-month tourist visa and would have difficulty renewing it. In the event that by autumn I do not receive an invitation or an appointment, the best solution to these problems would be to obtain an affidavit. Unfortunately, I do not know anyone in America who could give me one. If you know anyone in Buffalo or elsewhere who might be willing to do me this favor I would be very grateful. ISI

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

My ultimate goal is to attain a professorship at an American university. Since it is unlikely that I can attain this goal by autum n, I have written to the Carnegie Endowment with the request that they appoint me to a visiting professorship; something like the one our friend Oskar now has. I would then have time to look around in America. In any event I have included a formal letter to the chairman of your political science department, which I ask you to please pass on to him with supplementary remarks of your own. I would also like to request that you give the information contained in this letter to other people who you believe might be able to help me find a position. I would especially like to emphasize my research in recent years on the Mongols and on the religious element in political ideas. I think that the political idea and the constitution of the empire founded by Genghis-Khan and its influence on Europe up to the present day would be excellent themes for a series of lectures or a semester course. I consider the research on the "political religions, " from ancient Egypt to the most recent phenomena of this kind, to be even more important. As far as I know, I am the only scholar who understands this subject in its political and historical aspects, as well as from the points of view of the science of religion and psychology. I think that lectures on this topic would meet with great interest. Please excuse me for troubling you in this way with my requests, and put it down to the extraordinary circumstances confronting me. The situation is more complicated than I can relate in a short communication. And I would be truly grateful to you if you could help me in any of the ways I have indicated above. With a kiss to your wife's hand and with the most cordial wishes, l am, Yours Erich Voegelin I . Original in German.

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8 5 1.

To Friedrich Hayek

[n.d.; 1 9 3 8 ] My dear Hayek: I have enjoyed very much your article, and I think that I can agree with you on almost everything that you have said. May I draw your attention to an article by Maranon, "En marge de la guerre civile espagnole, " in the Revue de Paris of December 1 9 3 7 who is handling his problem in a general attitude similar to yours. There is, however, one point where I should suggest a certain qualification of your argument. I do not believe that the problem is one of the eco­ nomic system and state intervention exclusively, but am afraid that the evolution of the religious state of mind towards collectivism­ not as an effect, but as a cause of economic evolution-plays an important role in the structure of our modern civilisation. You can imagine easily what I am driving at after you have read the proofs which I have given to you. But I have to repeat how glad I am that the all-decisive problem is being clarified from all angles of the moral sciences. I wanted to give you a few data on my person and qualification in order that you might be able to forward them when there should be, against all probability, a chance of an opening. This has become more urgent because I have been informed by our Dean that in the course of the considerable changes which are taking place in the Faculty my venia legendi will be stopped. Well, I am 3 7 years of age, received the degree of Dr. rer. pol. in Vienna in 1 922, attended a summer session in Oxford in 1 9 22, spent the year 1 922-'2 3 at the Universities of Berlin and Heidelberg, and was assistant in public law in the University of Vienna in 1 9 2 3-'24. From 1 924-'27 I held a Rockefeller Fellowship and worked two years in the United States (Columbia, Harvard, Wisconsin, Yale) and one year in Paris. Since 1 928 I am again assistant in constitutional law at the University of Vienna, and Privatdozent for government and sociology since the same date; in 1 9 3 6 I received the title of professor. I am furthermore head of the political science department of the Vienna Workers' High School ( 1 o,ooo students), and secretary of the Austrian Coor­ dinating Committee for International Studies. At the University I have given courses in sociology, general political science, compar­ ative government, constitutional law, legal philosophy, history of 153

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24 - 1 9 4 9

political ideas, and methodology of the social sciences. To giv e a survey of my scientific work, I enclose a list of my publications . 1 I have been following two lines of research work during the las t years: the one, on the religious element in political thought, is known to you by the proofs I have given to you; the other one, on the Mongol questions, is also known to you from our conversations in Vienna. I am just now preparing the edition of the Mongol imp e­ rial letters to European powers in the r 3 th century, and I think the book will come out in fall of this year. I think both of these subjects would be very suitable for lectures and courses. You would oblige me greatly if you could forward informations on me to university authorities who might take interest in my line of work and perhaps offer me a short-time appointment for next fall, so that I may have more time to find a position in America-if they don't want to keep me in England. I remain, Sincerely yours, r.

Not included in this volume.

p. To Eduard Baumgarten 1

Vienna, May 9, 1 9 3 8 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Thank you very much for your bracing letter. You can keep the manuscript, since I have at least received some printed copies. Un­ fortunately I cannot send you one, since I need the few that I re­ ceived for America. I do not know yet if the work will appear at all, or when. The publisher, Bermann-Fischer, had to leave the country quickly, and the publishing house is now under temporary admin­ istration. The temporary representative had no objections to the book, but he has not yet decided how individual cases should be liquidated. I have not yet received the manuscript on pragmatism that you promised me-why not ? As far as the general situation is concerned, I can only say that it is so fantastically complicated that I would have to write a book in order to explain it. I hope that we will see each other this summer! It appears that the university will be completely reorganized. In the faculty of law, nineteen of the [illegible] professors and twenty-five ! 54

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

of the fifty assistants were fired o r forced t o take a leave of absence. I hear that in the philosophical faculty something like fifty of the one hundred and fifty full professors and assistant professors have been removed. The filling of these posts will produce a radical new entity. I have some very good news from America. It appears that Har­ vard is prepared to offer me a provisional possibility that can be changed into a definite position next year. The negotiations take a long time because each letter takes three or four weeks for an answer. -For the rest, I am liquidating the Austrian Coordinating Committee. [Illegible] has dissolved itself, and I am negotiating with the Foreign Office concerning the details for handing it over. -I continue to work on my Mongols, for I don't think I will be able to publish it in German. -In addition, the regulations and condi­ tions for leaving the country are so complicated that it becomes a full-time profession to fulfill them all. I hope to be able to send you a little something in the next couple days. Most cordially yours, Erich Voegelin r.

s 3.

Original in German.

To Gottfried Haberler

Vienna, May 10, 1 9 3 8 Professor Dr. Gottfried Haberler 7, Shady Hill Square Cambridge, Mass . My dear Haberler: I have been very much touched by your letter, and I thank you for all you have done already. It looks as if there was at least some pos­ sibility, and I am waiting with interest for further news from you. Of course, I am interested in the work of Elliott, and it would be very fine when he would take me on as a collaborator in certain of his problems. It is difficult, however, to send you a programme, as the field is enormous and I do not know exactly the special interests of Elliott. I am sending you, therefore, besides the curriculum vitae 155

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and lists of publications, a table of problems in connection with my recent work which would merit further investigation. This table, however, should not be interpreted as exhaustive. There are dozens of further problems and other approaches in which I am quite as much interested as in those contained in the table. As an example of what else should be done, I refer to the article of Etienne de Cree££, on " La drame humain et la psychologie des 'mystiques' humaine s" (April 1 9 3 7, Etudes Carmelitaines ) . Elliott will certainly know this article and appreciate the importance of this line of studies. I have done quite a bit in that direction. As to copies of my pamphlet on P. R . [Political R eligions], I told you that it is printed but not issued because of technical difficulties. I am trying hard to overcome these difficulties and to extricate a few copies from my publisher. There is a hope that I shall be successful within a few days, and then you will receive them immediately under separate cover. I am fully aware that it is impossible to get a good appointment already in [the] fall of this year, because it is too late now. And I should be very glad to receive a research fellowship or a smaller teaching job which would give me a start and some means of sub­ sistence. I shall be particularly glad to come to Harvard and work with Elliott, as this seems to be exactly the type of work in which I have specialized. I repeat my thanks and hope to hear from you soon. I remain, Yours very sincerely, The Curriculum vitae, etc., are on the following pages: Curriculum Vitae Dr. Erich Voegelin is 3 7 years of age, protestant, and married. He has got his degree of Dr. rer. pol. in 1 922 at the University of Vi­ enna, Law Faculty, with honours. In 1 922 he attended a summer session at Oxford. In the academic year 1 922-'23 he was holder of a Weininger Fellowship, and worked at the Universities of Berlin and Heidelberg on problems of political science, economics, and sociology. 1 9 2 3-'24 he was Assistant in public law at the Uni­ versity of Vienna, under Professor Hans Kelsen. 1 924-'27 he was holder of a Rockefeller Fellowship. He worked 1 924-'26 in Amer­ ica, at the Universities of Columbia, Harvard, Wisconsin, and Yal e

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

on American social history, American constitutional law, social philosophy, economics, and legal theory. In addition to his Rock­ efeller Fellowship he received a research fellowship in economics at Harvard in 1 9 2 5 , and an honorary fellowship at the University of Wisconsin in 1 92 6 . At Columbia he worked under Professors Th. R. Powell, John Dewey, Irwin Edman, Arthur W. Macmahon; at Harvard under Dean Roscoe Pound, Professors A. N. Whitehead, Allyn A. Young, and A. N. Holcombe; at Wisconsin under Profes­ sors John R. Commons and Selig Perlman; at Yale under Profes­ sors A. L. Corbin, W. Cook, and Edwin M. Borchard. As a result of these years of work in America he published in 1 928 his book on Die Form des Amerikanischen Geistes. 1 926-'27 he worked at the Sorbonne, chiefly on French history of political ideas. Upon his return to Austria he became again Assistant in public law at the University of Vienna, at first under Professor Hans Kelsen, then under Professors Adolf Merkl and Ludwig von Adamovich. In 1 928 he was appointed Privatdozent in political science and sociology; and in 1 9 3 5 he received the title of a.o. Universitatsprofessor. As a Privatdozent he gave courses in principles of government, compar­ ative government, history of political ideas, recent political ideolo­ gies; legal theory; sociology, social psychology, social philosophy; and methods of the social sciences. -Since 1 928 he has been a teacher in the Vienna Workers' High School [ Volkshochshule] in government, sociology, and social ethics; since 1 9 3 6 he is head of the political science department of the school. The School has x o,ooo students. -Since 1 9 3 6 he has been Secretary to the Austrian Coordinating Committee of International Studies; for the Tenth International Studies Conference, in Paris in 1 9 3 7, he has organised a special study group on the Austrian problem. During the last ten years, Dr. Voegelin has done research work chiefly in the fields of political ideas, their history and structure. In 1 9 3 3 he published his volumes on the race ideas: a systematic study on Rasse und Staat, and an historical essay on Die Rassenidee in der Geistesgeschichte. The first volume gives in Part I an expose and critique of the theory of race, and in Part II an analysis of race as a political idea; the guiding principle is the interpretation of the idea of race as a "body-idea" of the same rank and systematic order as the clan idea of the Greek polis, and the idea of corpus mysticum in the Christian system. The second volume gives for the first time a history of the race idea from the English zoologists and botanists 157

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of the nth century up to German Romanticism. The books on the race question have been the first, and have remained until now the only, attempt to classify the idea of race together with other cases of community ideas and to attribute to them a quality similar to that of antique and Christian religious phenomena. The volume on the Authoritarian State, published in I 9 3 6, con­ tains in its first section a type-study of the totalitarian movement in European political ideas back to Rousseau, working out the differ­ ences of French, Italian, German, and Austrian totalitarianism; it makes an attempt to define and classify the political thought mate­ rials, as "symbols " in contrast with the " concepts " of political sci­ ence. In its further parts the book deals especially with the Austrian problem since I 848 and demonstrates the connections between po­ litical reality and the symbols used in political and legal language. Recently Dr. Voegelin has embarked on new lines of research. Starting from his studies on French political ideas in the sixteenth century he discovered the strong influence of the Mongol Empires of Genghis Khan and Tamerlane on European political thought. He made a special study of this subject and collected the materials concerning this influence from the I 3 th century up to the present. As a first result of this work he published in December I 9 3 7 an article on the influence of Tamerlane on the Renaissance. -At present he is working on an edition of the letters of the Mongol Khans in the years I 245-' 5 5 to European powers, because they are the only original documents we have concerning the constitution and the political concept of the Genghis Khan Empire. This edition and the commentary are of a certain importance, because they are the first interpretation of Mongol political thought since M. Paul Pelliot published the original Mongol letter, which was found in the Vaticana [ ? ], in I 9 2 3 . Dr. Voegelin has, in addition, been able to secure some new materials from the incunabula editions of Vincent of Beauvais in Vienna, and to re-establish the garbled and in part un-intelligible texts. The commentary will bring a comparison of the Mongol type of divine leadership with the Chinese concept of Emperor, and the leader-ideas of Alexander, the principate, the dominate, and the Byzantine Empire. Among other things, this study makes it highly probable that certain arguments in Dante's Monarchia have been formulated under Mongolian influence. This study will soon be completed, and probably be published in [the] fall of this year.

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

In close connection with this work i s Dr. Voegelin's research on the religious implications of political thought. The technique of interpreting certain political ideas as religious phenomena was already applied in classifying the modern race-idea with the clan religion of Greece, and the Christian idea of corpus mysticum . The new study is a thorough analysis of the problem of political religions, with a view to differentiate between the problems of basic religious emotions, the expression of emotions by symbols, and the rationalization by dogmas. The work started with recent political ideas, and then went back to the Egyptian state-religion. A survey of this work is given in a pamphlet on Political Religions which is printed but not yet issued. Dr. Voegelin plans to continue this line of work under all its aspects: 1 . the type study of politico-religious symbols; 2. the tech­ nique of rationalization; 3 · the social and personal conditions for the rise of religious emotion; 4· the conditions of spreading of newly created religious movements. TABLE OF PROBLEMS: I. fundamental problems: I . basic elements of religious experience, 2. creation of symbols-objects, words, persons; creation of a devil 3 . role of dogmatic rationalisation 4· types of ecstatic satisfaction; e.g. : community meeting, community singing, speeches, community waiting for a leader, community marching, team-work, aggression against a symbolic enemy, repeating slogans, auto-suggestive talking over of things, submitting to newspapers and other propaganda etc. II. Symbols-forming the structure of politico-religious communities I . Hierarchy-divine emanation flowing over the steps of a pyramid 2 . Corpus mysticum-"likemindedness" as constitutional phenomenon of a community 3 . Personification of a community by a person: sovereigns, leaders, divine kingship, etc. 159

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ill. Techniques of forming a spiritual body

1 . the "movement" 2 . differentiation of elite and mass ( claros and laos [sic] ) 3 . differentiation of appeals according to strata of society and characterological types; e.g. : appeal to sentiment, to will power and character, to intelligence and rational power, social instincts, to isolation, to aggressiveness, etc. IV. The dissolution of the Christian unity 1 . the first great pagan movement: astrology of the 1 6th century (materials have been collected by myself in the Bibliotheque Nationale and the Warburg Library) and its suppression by counter-reformation. 2. important personalities in the crisis: a. the stand of Bodin between pagan mysticism and French nationalism; b. the stand of Spinoza between Marranic religious sentiment and rising Dutch nationalism. 3· the question of "tolerance" : a . the roots of tolerance: mysticism and comparative survey of facts b. the meaning of tolerance in the age of Milton: tolerance identified with suppression of dissenting opinion c. the gradual identification of liberty with totalitarian exclusiveness of one's own belief 4· the three great waves of tolerance: a. mysticism of the thirteenth century; climax towards the end of the sixteenth century, b. the enlargement of the geographical and ethnographical horizon; climax in the eighteenth, c. the enlargement of the historical horizon; climax about 1 900 5 . the waves of new collectivism: a. from 1 3 th century Averroism to the idea of mankind as a unit in steady progressive evolution, b. the differentiation of the idea of progress by national ideals: Fichte, Comte, Spencer, c. the "Volksgeist" as historico-political unit and the beginnings of totalitarianism, 1 60

LETTERS, 1 92 4 - 1 9 3 8

d. economic and biological collectivism: classes and races V. A few modern trends which merit special attention 1 . from mind-healing to political mythology and "victory of faith" 2 . from Le Bon and Freud to the propaganda technique of political movements 3 · belief in rational organisation of society: from Utopia to the Piatiletka 4. from the " naive" mythology of Comte and Spencer, over the "ideology" to the "myth" of Sorel, and the "organic truth" of Rosenberg 5 · the "superstition" of science: its present day climax in the lower strata of societyi its beginning decline in intellectual circles. VI. Some conditions of the international spreading of new religions 1 . the Christian belief in the brotherhood and substantial equality of men as a soil on which socialist and egalitarian ideas can spread over the whole area of Western civilization 2. the industrial society, with economic dependence and subsequent insecurity of ever growing masses of workers, private and public employees, as the soil on which the belief in rational organisation of society and plan mysticism is spreading internationally.

54·

To Gottfried Haberler

Professor Dr. Gottfried v. Haberler 7 , Shady Hill Square Cambridge, Mass. Vienna, May 1 5 , 1 9 3 8 My dear Haberler: Yesterday Kittredge has been here, and, among other things, he told me that the R.F. would be ready to pay one half of the salary of an appointment offered to me by an American university, for three 161

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years. -He authorized me to forward these [sic] news to you and other people who might be in a position to arrange an appointment of this sort. This will perhaps facilitate your endeavors and give a bett er chance. I remain, Yours very sincerely

5 5 · To the head of the political science department, University of Wisconsin

The Head of the Political Science Department University of Wisconsin Madison, Wis. May 24, 1 9 3 8 My Dear Sir: In case there i s an opening in your department I beg you t o con­ sider this letter as an application for the position. I was born on January 3, 1 9 0 1 at Cologne, my father being Ger­ man, and my mother Viennese. In 1 9 1 0 my father came to Vienna, and I had secondary education in that city. After having graduated from a Viennese Realgymnasium with honours, I matriculated in the Law Faculty of Vienna, and received the degree of Dr. rer. pol. with honours in 1 922. My thesis dealt with a problem of theoretical sociology. In 1 922 I attended the summer session at Oxford, and, among other things, took a course in English Grammar under Dr. Gilbert Murray. During the year 1 922-'23 I was the holder of a Weininger Fellowship, and studied in the Universities of Berlin and Heidelberg under Professors Heinrich Triebel, Alfred Vierkandt, Rudolf Semd, Gerhard Anschutz, Alfred Weber, Edgar Salin, Karl Jaspers, and Friedrich Gundolf. In 1 9 2 3-'24 I was an Assistant in public law in the University of Vienna, working under Professor Hans Kelsen. In 1 924 I accepted a Rockefeller Fellowship, which was later extended to two more years. I spent the first of the three years ( 1 924-'2 6 ) in the United States, and the year 1 92 6-'27 in France. In America I studied at Columbia, Harvard, Yale and at your University. In Columbia I took Dr. Powell's course in American

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

constitutional law, Dr. Macmahon's course in political science, Dr. John Dewey's course in philosophy, Dr. Irwin Edman's course in metaphysics, and Dr. W. C. Mitchell's course in history of eco­ nomic theory. In Harvard I took Dean Roscoe Pound's course in legal philosophy, Dr. Holcombe's course in government, one of Dr. A. N. Whitehead's courses in philosophy, and Dr. Allyn A. Young's seminar in economics theory. In your University I worked chiefly under Dr. John R. Commons in the fields of American social his­ tory, American trade unionism, and the social and economic im­ plications of American constitutional law. At Yale I took courses on legal theory under Drs. Arthur L. Corbin and Walther Wheeler Cook. While in America I was, in addition to my Rockefeller Fel­ lowship, given a research fellowship in economics at Harvard, and an honorary fellowship in your University. After finishing my work at these universities I took trips to the Pacific coast and the South, and made a special study of the educational problem of Kentucky mountaineers in Berea College. The academic year I 926-'27 was spent in Paris, where I took courses in economics, political sci­ ence, and philosophy at the Sorbonne. Most of my time I devoted, however, to collecting materials in French constitutional history in the Bibliotheque Nationale. Immediately after returning to Vienna I published my book on Die Form des Amerikanischen Geistes (number I of the enclosed list of my publications). While in Amer­ ica and France, I partly wrote and partly prepared articles number 9, I o, and I 2-22 of the enclosed list. Upon my return to Austria, I again became Assistant in public law in the University of Vienna, working at first under Professor Hans Kelsen, and then under Professors Adolf Merkl and Ludwig von Adamovich. In I 9 2 8 I was appointed Privatdozent in general political science and sociology, and, in I 9 3 5 , I received the title of a.o. Universitiitsprofessor. I am holding this position at present, or, I should rather say, I held it until three weeks ago. In addition I made frequent trips for research purposes to Berlin, Heidelberg, Paris, London, and Rome. -In I 9 3 I I also gave a series of lectures on the differences of national types of mind and the subsequent difficulties of international understanding at the Geneva University Institute for International Studies. These lectures were given in English. Since I 9 3 8 I have given courses in government, sociology, and so­ cial ethics at the Vienna Workers' High School ( Volkshochschule), and since I 9 3 6 I have been head of the political science department

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

of this School. The School has r o,ooo students. -Since 1 9 3 6 I have furthermore been secretary of the Austrian Coordination Commit­ tee for International Studies, and for the Tenth International Stud­ ies Conference, in Paris 1 9 3 7, I organised a special study group on the Austrian problem. During the last few years I have done work in several different fields. In the field of recent European political ideas I have published a book entitled R asse und Staat (number 2 of the list of publica­ tions), and another one on Die Rassenidee in der Geistesgeschichte (number 3 of the list of publications). In comparative government I published my book on Der Autoritiire Staat (number 4 of list of publications) . On the influence of Eastern political ideas and institutions on the West since the thirteenth century I published an article on Tamerlane's influence on the Renaissance (number 3 2 o f the list o f publications), and a book o n the constitutions and the political concept of the Mongol Empire in the thirteenth century is in preparation. In addition, I am working on a survey of Mongolian influences upon European political thought which I hope to have published in about two years. I have also collected the materials for a volume on Jean Bodin, and hope to have it published soon. A book entitled " Political Religions " and dealing with a history of the religious element in political ideas from antiquity up to the present has already been printed and is ready for issue. Because of technical difficulties this book will, however, not appear until this fall. In the University of Vienna I have during the last ten years given courses in general political science, sociology, history of political ideas, comparative government, legal theory, constitutional law, methodological questions, and recent political ideologies. In addi­ tion I have given many single lectures to various scientific soci­ eties. I have an excellent reading and speaking knowledge of English and French, an excellent reading knowledge of Italian, and a fairly good reading knowledge of Spanish and Russian. I feel qualified to give general and special courses on the subjects mentioned above, and in addition courses in social psychology, social ethics, and social philosophy. I have particularly done a va st amount of reading in the history of political ideas from antiquity to the present, and am especially in a position to build up courses in comparative government which will include American as well as European problems.

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

Mr. Kittredge, Assistant Director o f the Rockefeller Foundation, has informed me that the Foundation is ready to pay one half of the salary, for three years, of any appointment offered to me by an American university. I should be glad to accept any position above the rank of an instructor, and with any salary with which it would be possible for a small family to live on. As for personal references I may give Professor Charles E. Merriam and Harold D. Lasswell, University of Chicagoi Professor Edwin M. Borchard, Yale Universityi and Professor Gottfried von Haberler, Harvard. Hoping to have the pleasure of meeting you at some future date, I remain Sincerely yours, Dr. Erich Voegelin I. Stadiongasse 4 Vienna, Germany

5 6. To Gottfried Haberler

Vienna, May 30th, 1 9 3 8 Professor Dr. Gottfried Haberler 7 , Shady Hill Square Cambridge, Mass. My dear Haberler: In my letter o f May I s th, I told you of the generous offer of the R.F. to pay for three years one half of my salary. This time, there is a bit of not quite as agreeable news. My very small honorarium as assistant in the university has been stopped, and I am left without income of any sort. The situation is, therefore, getting close from a financial point of view. And it is now becoming rather necessary to find a position by September. I wanted to tell you this in order that you and your friends know about the urgency of the case. I remain, Very sincerely yours, Erich Voegelin

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1949 5 7·

To Helfried Pfeifer 1

Erich Voegelin I. Stadiongasse 4 Vienna June 2, 1 9 3 8 Dr. Helfried Pfeifer, Private Lecturer XITI. Lainzerstrasse 5 7 [Salutation Missing] : Today I received your book Die Staatsfii hrung nach deutschem, italienischem und bisherigem osterreichischem Recht [State Lead­ ership according to German, Italian, and Former Austrian Law], Vienna-Leipzig 1 9 3 8, Adolf Holzhausen's Successors Publishing House. I have just noted that you refer to me on p. 1 7, note. 1 7, as well as p. 47, note 1 5 as a "(Jew ! ) . " This description contradicts the facts-my full Aryan ancestry has been documented beyond the extent required by law for proof of Aryan descent. In the present situation the dissemination in your book of the false claim that I am a " (Jew ! ) " is capable of both morally and materially seriously damaging my reputation and my career. -Your assertion takes on a peculiar nuance, which I don't care to qualify any further, in that, in two instances, you append the designation " (Jew ! ) " to my name, although I am a full-blooded Aryan, while for a whole series of Jewish political science teachers, such as Erich Kaufmann, Georg Jellinek, Paul Laband, Georg Frohlich, etc., you do not add this designation. I therefore call upon you to immediately withdraw from circula­ tion the above-mentioned book that contains the above-mentioned false statement, and to give the necessary instructions to those concerned with the book (commissioned booksellers, etc. h I fur­ ther demand that any copies still in the hands of the publisher be immediately destroyed, as well as any copies that are returned to you, and I demand that you inform me that these measures have been taken by Saturday, June 4, 1 9 3 8, 6 p.m., at the latest. As a result of the above-mentioned facts I of course reserve the right to take all other measures to which I am legally entitled, in particular those set forth in the Civil Code regarding defamation of character. Since you designate me, falsely, and without first asking me, a "(Jew ! ) , " while you do not designate Jews quoted in your book in 166

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

this manner, I further demand that you inform me, comprehen­ sively and in writing-within the above-mentioned time period­ on the basis of what information you arrived at this assertion. I also reserve the right to take action against your informants. -I further demand-again within the above-mentioned time period-a com­ prehensive written apology. If I do not receive this apology I also reserve in this regard the right to take appropriate action. Heil Hitler! Sent by registered mail! 1 . Original in German.

s 8.

To the Austrian Ministry of Education 1

Vienna, June 3 , 1 9 3 8 The commissary Dean of the Faculty of Law and Political Sci­ ence, Professor Dr. Ernest Schonbauer, informed me in his letter of May 2 3 , 1 9 3 8, that the Austrian Ministry of Education with an edict from M ay I ?, 1 9 3 8 (Zl. 1 5 446-II-4) has, effective on the last day of May 1 9 3 8, relieved me of my position as assistant and simultaneously discontinued my salary. The Federal Law, Bges. 3 29/34 § 1 0, stipulates that when a uni­ versity assistant who has served for a total period of more than two years is relieved of his position he is entitled to a monthly support amounting to 7 5 % of the sum of his last gross income for the period of one-half year; and one who has been a university assistant for at least six years is entitled to this support for the period of one year. Since I have been a university assistant for more than two years, and for more than six years a scholarly assistant in the political science faculty, and have no other source of income, I respectfully petition for the support to the sum of 7 5 % of my last gross income for one year, as provided for in § 1 o of the Bges. 3 29/34, and to begin with the 1 st of June 1 9 3 8 . Heil Hitler! Dr. Erich Voegelin I Stadiongasse 4 Vienna

1 67

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1949 59·

To Eduard Baumgarten 1

June 6, 1 9 3 8 Dear Mr. Baumgarten: Thank you very much for your wonderful gift-and I have a bad conscience because you indicate that, economically, you too are going through a rough time. It is a wonderful book, and I hope that you will not have to wait too long for the success that all this work rightly deserves. I have read everything up to "James " and read parts of the other sections with great interest. The chapter on "Emerson" has been done wonderfully; and it was new to me, since, up to now, I was unfamiliar with the details of his connection to James and Dewey. Your presentation reads excellently and leaves one with the impression of a sovereign command of the material (the result of your hard work)-and it communicates a world. I look forward to your " German position" in regard to what is "American" in prag­ matism, which you intimate you will write. Personally I have never been able to suppress a slight feeling of discomfort that when the integration of the person into the world (at the level of the Emerso­ nian "Genius " ) is taken to be the last word in the matter, a number of questions are oversimplified. I think of the mystical speculation in our sense of the term: Augustine, Descartes. It doesn't seem to me at all necessary to play the one off against the other. You have also given the external aspect of this book a form that will command the public's attention and respect. For my gift in return I hope that I will soon be able to send you the Political Religions. I understand that it will be distributed [to the booksellers] this week. But today I am sending a short language exercise: In April I translated Paul Valery's " Semiramis. " Here we find a world entirely different from that of the pragmatists; I feel sure that you will like it. As far as other things are concerned, I am troubled by all kinds of small acts of nastiness. In his latest book on "state leadership, " a colleague a t the university, a certain Dr. Pfeifer, when h e quotes me, elected to put my name in parentheses and add "Jew. " In the present situation that can have unpleasant consequences. I there­ fore demanded that he withdraw the book from circulation, nam e his informants, and apologize. Since the "gentleman" failed to do these things within the period of time I gave him, I am now forced r68

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

t o turn the matter over t o a lawyer. This, with all the other work I have to do; these are the small amusements I have to deal with. Let me hear from you again soon. Most cordially yours, Erich Voegelin r.

6 o.

Original in German.

To John R. Commons

Professor John R. Commons University of Wisconsin Madison, Wis. Vienna, June 22, 1 9 3 8 Dear Professor Commons: I am coming back to America in [the] fall of this year. The Bureau of International Research at Harvard has awarded me a fellowship for one year. I had written also to Wisconsin, if there was an opening. It was, however, too late in the year. Professor Ogg wrote to me that you are going to lecture during the summer-session. I am so glad to hear how active you are, and I hope very much that I shall have a chance to see you again. Is Selig Perlman still at Wisconsin? l am, Yours Very Sincerely, Erich Voegelin

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

61.

To Henri Bonnet

M. Henri Bonnet Director 2, rue de Montpensier Paris Vienna, June 24, 1 9 3 8 Dear Mr. Bonnet: I acknowledge your letter of June I 6th. From its contents I gather that you have not been informed on the last state of affairs concern­ ing the Co-ordinating Committee. May I give you, therefore, a short review of events. The letter you have received from Professor Dopsch, dated May 1 8th, has been part of the process of liquidation which I had started in April. The letter had been worded by the competent government authority. Furthermore, I have prepared the financial liquidation. I had asked by writing all the members of the Committee who had un­ dertaken to cooperate in the program, to report on the state of the research-work and on the amount of money still in their hands. The reports, as far as I remember them, had the following contents: I ) Institut fiir Konjunkturforschung: the sum of A. S. 200.­ received as first instalment on the sum awarded of A.S. 400.-, has been spent, and A.S . 200.- more; the Institute has a claim of A.S. 200.- against the Committee. 2) Professor von Verdross: the sum received of A. S. 200.- has not been spent; it is held at the disposition of the Committee. 3 ) Professor Dietrich-no account rendered. Professor Kerschagl-no account rendered cca. A.S. r ooo.4! Professor Count Degenfeld-the sum received of A.S. 2 5 0.­ has been spent for students engaged in the work. 5 ) Professor Mayer-the sum received of cca. A.S. 5 oo.- has not been spent; it is held at the disposition of the Committee.

The honorarium for the secretary has been paid for the same time, and amounted to approximately A.S. I 5 0.I can give all these data from memory only, because I am not any more in the possession of the dossiers of the Committee. On June 3 rd, Professor Dietrich, the vice-chairman, sent me a letter, by ! 70

messenger, dated from June 1 st, saying that he dismissed me from my office as secretary in agre[e]ment with the chairman Professor Dopsch, giving as reason that from that day I did not hold any position in the University of Vienna. Professor Dopsch did not know anything about this letter, but was happy to remember that he had given order to dismiss me a few hours later. The archives and the folders containing the current correspondence have been taken from me by employees of Professor Dietrich. -Apparently the gentleman did not inform you about all that. I do not think that Professor Dietrich had any right to dismiss me out of hand, considering that I have been employed, not by him, but by the Committee, and that the Committee had incurred the obligation to employ me, at least, until September 3 0th, 1 9 3 8 . But, a s a matter of fact, I am not in a position to act any more as secretary to the Committee. For the future I presume it will be best when you address all questions concerning the Committee to Professor Bruno Dietrich, Hochschule fii.r Welthandel, XIX, Franz Kleingasse I, Vienna. Sincerely yours, Erich Voegelin I. Stadiongasse 4 Vienna 6 2.

To Dr. Leo Gross

Dr. Leo Gross 3 1 , rue Vaneau Paris [n.d.; 1 9 3 8] Dear Dr. Gross: Let me, at first, congratulate you fervently; Rita has told us that you are engaged to marry, and will do so soon. I hope we shall find you a married man when we come to Paris. Give our best regards to your fiancee, too, please. My affairs are developing comparatively well. I am sending you a number of photographed documents, and want to ask you a still greater number of favours-of course, don't take any trouble when you cannot do it just now. Anyhow, let me tell you what it's all about. I? I

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

Enclosed you find exhibit 1 ) photograph of the letter from the Harvard Bureau of International Research awarding me a fellow­ ship; 2) affidavit from Schumpeter for my wife and myself; 3 ) docu­ ment stating Schumpeter's income. The originals have been sent by Haberler to the American Consulate in Vienna. And I am in a diffi­ cult situation. The Consulate in Vienna is a mad-house, swarming with thousands of Jews who want to get Visa[s]. It will take a w eek or two until I get formal notification that my papers have arriv ed; and it will take two months until we shall come up for medical examination and again some time until we get the Visa. That will carry us fairly into October. -On the other hand my presence in Harvard is urgent in September, because an opportunity is arising for a teaching job, but only when I am at hand. I decided, therefore, on the following plan: to come to Paris with my wife, as soon as we get our passports and the French visa, and to obtain the American visa in Paris, as there is less of a turmoil than in Vienna. With great luck and cheek I penetrated into the Consulate yesterday, and received the following information: I ) that I could not get a professor's visa because I had no teaching, but only a research appointment; 2) that document ( I ) in itself would be sufficient to get a quota immigration visa; 3 ) that in combination with the affidavit I certainly should get the visa for me and my wife; 4) that a letter from the Rockefeller Foundation stating that I was a Fellow, and that the R.F. would consider further assistance (as K. has told me they would) would do a lot of good. The vice-consul further was of the opinion that the Consulate in Paris would take the same view, but that, of course, he could not take a guaranty for the decision of his colleague in Paris. When I should realize the Paris-plan, he said I should simply apply to the Consulate in Paris, and they would write for the originals to Vienna; he could not give me them now, at short notice. What I want to ask you, is this: I ) Could you ascertain how long it takes to get the Visa in Pari s (people say here: about two weeks) ?

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

2 ) What i s more difficult: Could you ask informally a vice-consul in Paris if he would share the views of his colleague in Vienna, as to the documents enclosed? (I have asked the same in a letter to Kittredge, by the way, but I do not know of his permits to inquire on this point.) 3) Could you, with these photographs in hand, take steps to secure a two months French visa for me and my wife; for August and September to cover all possibilities; with a special order that we get the visa without regard to the new difficulties which are made by the French Consulate in Vienna? It is quite a lot what I ask of you. But I hope you will excuse it with the extraordinary situation. I repeat my congratulations, from my wife too, and with many thanks, I remain, Yours very sincerely, Erich Voegelin

63.

To Gottfried Haberler

Professor Dr. Gottfried Haberler Hotel du Palais Rue de Lausanne Geneva Vienna, July 6, 1 9 3 8 Dear Haberler: I have t o thank you for your letter from London, and for the letter from you and your wife from Geneva; and I have furthermore to acknowledge receipt of the photographed documents. We are very glad about the way things evolve, and thank you very much; it is very fine there is at least a hope for a teaching job at Harvard. The Consulate here in Vienna is a mad-house, and it is almost impossible to get even an information. I have been lucky enough to ascertain that the Consul in Vienna considers the documents as sufficient for a quota immigration (but not a professor's visa). It !73

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

would last, however, probably until October before we get the Visa here. I am planning now to go to Paris in August and to get the Visa there, as the Consulate in Paris is less over-worked. I think it is rather important to be in Harvard by the end of September, considering the possibility of a teaching job . We have already booked with the U.S Line, and shall probably embark at Le Havre on September" 1 5 th. I enclose a set of photographed documents, and beg you to keep them for me; this is just a precaution against loss. With many thanks, and our best regards for Mrs. Haberler, I remain, Sincerely yours,

6 4.

To Leo Gross

Dr. Leo Gross International Institute of Intellectual Cooperation 2, rue de Montpensier Paris July 1 9, 1 9 3 8 Dear Dr. Gross: Thanks for your letter of July 1 8th. I acknowledge with many thanks that I shall receive the sum of A. S. 1 200.- from the allocation made for the Austrian Committee. The rate of exchange for which you ask has been, before March (omitting a small fraction which I do not remember) 5 A.S. to 1 $; the rate of exchange since March is about 3 · 7 5 A.S. to 1 $ . I do not need any money here i n Zurich; I thank you very much for your offer. I did not receive [a] copy of Mr. Kittredge's letter to Mr. Thomp­ son, and you would oblige me if you could let me have the one in your possession. I remain, Very sincerely yours, Erich Voegelin

174

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65 .

To the American Consulate General

Huttenstrasse 6 Zurich Switzerland American Consulate General Lustig Prean Gasse Vienna, Germany [n.d.; probably August 1 9 3 8] Dear Sir: I have your information slip of July 1 4th, saying that the docu­ ments which are required in order to obtain an immigration visa for me and my wife have arrived. As I have to do some business in Paris, we are not able to wait for the visa in Vienna, but intend to apply for them in Paris. You would oblige me greatly if you would forward our documents to the Consulate General in Paris. The documents are three in number; to say: 1 . Letter, of June 1 oth, from the Bureau of International Research at Harvard University, awarding me a fellowship. 2. Affidavit, of June I I th, from Professor Joseph A. Schumpeter for me and my wife. 3 · Letter, of June 9th, from Harvard University, certifying the income of Professor Schumpeter. I beg you to forward these documents to Paris, together with a note concerning our quota numbers which, as I understand, are of May l i th. I remain with my best thanks, Sincerely yours, Erich Voegelin

66 .

To Friedrich Hayek

[Most likely early August 1 9 3 8] Dear Hayek: I wrote to you a few days ago that I was not actually in need of money, and, therefore, thought it better not to apply for the 175

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stipend you offered in your letter of July 2 1 st. In the meantime I have learned that another one of our friends might soon be in urgent need of even small sums, once he is outside the Reich: Engel-Janosi. He has quite a bit of trouble, at present, because he could get rid of his factory only by accepting the condition to stay for six months more and to introduce the new owners to the business. His brother-in-law is living here in Zurich, and just has informed me that Engel probably will be able to leave Vienna about Xmas, and then will be practically without a penny. The Rockefeller Founda­ tion has offered him to pay one half of his salary when he receives an appointment, but he cannot possibly find one before next fall. Johns Hopkins University has offered to make him a Fellow when he should come there, but, in the beginning, without salary of any sort. He now plans to go to Johns Hopkins because apparently he is well known there, and has a chance of receiving an appointment at a later date, but he will be in need of money to live on with his wife and his little daughter ( 1 0 years) during the critical period of January to fall of 1 9 3 9 . D o you think the Committee you mention i n your letter o f July 2 1 st would give him a fellowship in order to assist him a bit? When I understand his situation correctly he is worse off than most of us, as apparently he has literally nothing outside the Reich. It would be really very nice when you could look around a bit in this respect. It is very important that you do not communicate with Engel directly as all his foreign mail is held back by the Gestapo since the beginning of July. All letters should be addressed to his brother-in­ law: Rene Kallmus Dufourstrasse 3 I Zurich He has the means to communicate with him. I am still in Zurich, waiting for the French visa the third week. I hope you will have a nice summer. Very sincerely yours,

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8 67.

To Oswald Seilern 1

Oswald Seilern Pension Alexandra Huttenstrasse 66 August 8, 1 9 3 8 Dear Seilern: Your cousin, Baron Brenner, was kind enough to give me your address. I left Vienna three weeks ago under rather dramatic cir­ cumstances: The Gestapo wanted to confiscate my passport. Fortu­ nately I wasn't at home when they came and I fled because the loss of the passport would have had incalculable consequences. For a while the police watched my wife, until they convinced themselves that I had indeed escaped, then they left her in peace; and in the meantime, she has joined me here. I very much wanted to talk to you in Vienna because my sit­ uation has become somewhat difficult. I was promptly dismissed from the university in April (along with 2/3 of the legal faculty's professors and half of the external lecturers [Privatdozenten]. Since that time I have been without an income and in pretty dire straits. At the beginning of July I received a research grant from Harvard University and will take up my position at the end of September or the beginning of October. In this regard I have been fortunate. My circumstances have very definitely improved. And my further chances in America are promising, since there is considerable in­ terest in my studies on the Mongols, with which you are familiar. However another difficulty has overtaken me-and not just me, but a number of other scholars who, like me, have found positions in America. In America I have a more or less adequate income, but the liquidation of my affairs in Vienna, the emigration, and most of all the transportation costs of the library are a bit too much for my financial resources. Allow me to first put my situation in the clearest possible terms. Relatively speaking it is very good. I managed to get some money out of the country in time so that we have enough to live on until October. However for the costs of emigrating I had to enter into obligations which, all together, require me to pay back 1 , ooo Swiss Francs. My letters in Vienna were written for the purpose of asking if you could possibly help me in this matter. Another, much more serious, case is that of a Viennese historian 177

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who has to leave Vienna around Christmas, but who cannot find a position in America before the autumn of 1 9 3 9, most probably in Baltimore. He was very rich, can easily pay for everything that can be paid for in Vienna, but he hasn't a penny outside Austria and must somehow manage to live in America with wife and child until September 1 9 3 9 without an income. I am not closely acquainted with your circle of friends, and per­ haps my quest is pointless; but I would like to ask whether, in view of this situation, it might not be possible to find a few wealthy individuals who would be willing to supply the relatively moderate sums that would be needed to make the move to America, and settle there, somewhat easier for one or the other Viennese scholar. All of those concerned are under the protection of the Rockefeller Foundation or similar American organizations and are especially qualified. The historian, of whom I just spoke, has an offer from the Rockefeller Foundation, as I do, to pay half of his salary for three years at any American university that gives him a position. That of course is not just an offer of material support but, at the same time, the best scholarly recommendation that one could have. Un­ fortunately the Foundation's regulations make it impossible that one receive financial support in the interim period before taking up a position. Therefore, other ways must be sought. I would be very grateful to you if you would let me know whether you are in a position to take up this suggestion. Naturally all docu­ mentation that you might require will be supplied, and all guaran­ tees that the cases in question are those of excellent scholars who are in a situation like the one I have just described will be provided. In my view the most important guarantee is the fact that it involves individuals who the Rockefeller Foundation is endeavoring to help. The Academic Assistance Council in London is an example of an institution that will accept and administer such sums and pay them out to the people concerned when they have left the Reich. I have been in Zurich for three weeks waiting for my French visa. In Paris I will get the American visa. At the end of September we will embark on the trip across the Atlantic. With heartfelt thanks in advance for anything that you can do, and with very best wishes for a pleasant summer, Yours sincerely, r.

Original in German. Count Oswald Seilern ( 1 90 1 - 1 9 6 7 ) .

6 s.

To Arthur N. Holcombe

Chairm an Departm ent of Government Harvard University cambridge, Ma ss. [n.d.; August 1 9 3 8 ] D ear Profe ssor Holcombe: I have to thank you very much for your letter, which has been forwarde d to me by way of Professors Elliott and Haberler, stating that I shall serve as an Instructor and Tutor in your department for one year from September 1 st, 1 9 3 8 . Your letter has been of the utmost importance, a s without it I should not have received a non-quota visa, and should have had to wait for a visa at least until November. Now the American consul here in Zurich has resolved to let us have visa[s] by September 1 st, and I hope to arrive at Cambridge by September 2oth. I shall call on you immediately upon my arrival. I am very glad, indeed, that I shall have the honour of serving as an Instructor in your Department, and I am looking forward with eagerness to the work you may entrust to me. I repeat my thanks, and hope to be able to express them person­ ally to you very soon. Yours very sincerely, Erich Voegelin

1 79

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69.

To Gottfried Bermann-Fischer 1

Dr. Erich Voegelin Pension Alexandra Huttenstrasse 6 6 Zuri ch Dr. Gottfried Bermann-F ischer Publishing Hous e Bonnier B/Klasiaholmstorg Belfrage Stockholm August 22, 1 9 3 8 Dear Doctor: After taking care of my pressing concern to obtain a visa, it is at long last possible for me to write to you about matters that will probably give you as little joy as they gave me. The treatise The Political Religions was distributed to bookstores by the temporary manager of your publishing house, a Mr. Boehm, after the Gestapo gave him permission to do so. Unfortunately I was not in a position to prevent this; although I had every reason for wanting to prevent my coming to anyone's attention. (In the end I ran into trouble and had to leave the country under rather dramatic circumstances, since the Gestapo wanted to impound my passport.) Incidentally, the work appeared in Germany without it coming to the public's attention because the publisher did not advertise it, and the bookstores do not know that it exists. I will be glad to be at your service in any way I can in order that you may assert your rights; and I am ready to confirm, in any way you desire, that I consider the work to be your property, and not that of the temporary management of the publishing house in Vienna. We will remain in Zurich until at least the first of September. On the 8th we will go aboard ship in Le Havre; and from the 22nd of September my address will be Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. I have been awarded a research grant there and obtained the position of instructor. I hope that you and your wife feel comfortable in Stockholm, and I would be very happy if I could hear more about your plans for the future. r 8o

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With very best wishes from both o f us, and with a kiss t o the hand of your spouse, I am your obedient servant, Erich Voegelin 1 . Original in German.

70.

To W. Y. Elliott

Professor W. Y. Elliott Harvard University Cambridge, Mass. [n.d.; August 1 9 3 8 ] Dear Professor Elliott: I wish to tell you that I have reached the first stop on my way to America. There has been quite a bit of trouble, because the Gestapo wanted to take away my passport when they found out I wanted to leave the country-saying candidly that they did so with all university men and other professional people. I had quite a bit of luck and made a very narrow escape when they had already threatened to close the border for me. My wife has been able to join me a week later here in Zurich, but was under close police supervision until the Gestapo was absolutely sure that I had made my escape and they could not get me any more. I am now trembling that my belongings, particularly my library and my mss, will be confiscated-that would be a rather serious loss. We are waiting here in Zurich for our French visa[s]. The French are rather unpleasant in this respect, but I think we shall have them by the end of this week. Then we move on to Paris in order to get the American visa[s], and I hope to [have] them within a month. By the middle of September I think I shall be ready to embark for America. The long stay here in Zurich is rather annoying as I had planned to use my time in working at the Bibliotheque Nationale. But, after all, it is better to lose a couple of weeks in Zurich than several months in Vienna under the friendly attention of the Gestapo. r8r

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I hope you will have a nice summer. I remain, Very sincerely yours, Erich Voegelin 7 1 . To W. Y. Elliott

Professor W. Y. Elliott Department of Government Harvard University Cambridge, Mass. [n.d.; August 1 9 3 8] Dear Professor Elliott: Professor Haberler has forwarded to me your letter to him, as well as the letter from Professor Holcombe. By means of these two letters I am able now to secure [a] non-quota visa for my wife and myself. We shall receive them by September r st, and we hope to arrive at Cambridge by the 2oth of September. Please accept the expression of my sincerest gratitude for all you have done. Without these last letters we probably should have had to wait until the middle of November before receiving a visa. We have to wait for the American visa here in Zurich, as the French do not permit entrance into France even for a single day. My time is not lost, however, as the Zurich library proved to contain a wealth of nth cent. literature on Mongolian questions which had been unknown to me. Apparently, the theologians and histo­ rians of [the] German nth century considered the Mongol empire and expansion as a religious phenomenon. They speak of the re­ ligion of "Genghiskhanism, " treating it on the same level as Mo­ hammedanism, Paganism, Judaism, etc. The wars of Tamerlane are considered to be a chapter of ecclesiastical history of the Mediter­ ranean. That fits nicely in with my problems of political religions, and I am quite delighted now about the delay in Zurich. I am looking forward with eagerness to my work at Harvard, and to the pleasure of expressing my thanks to you personally. I remain, Yours very sincerely, Erich Voegelin

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

72. To Malcolm Davis

Carnegie Endowment 4 0 5 West 1 7th Street New York City October 1 4, 1 9 3 8 Dear Mr. Davis: You were kind enough t o permit m e to inform you when I am settled and can make a program. I have received a part time in­ structorship at Harvard, and am practically in a position to arrange my time-table as I think best. I have long week-ends, from Friday afternoon to Wednesday morning; and I can arrange to take a week off now and then. This, I think, will [allow] ample time for any lecturing somewhere else, if I can find an opportunity to do so. May I, therefore, ask you whether you still think the Carnegie Endowment would be ready to consider recommending me as a lecturer with colleges and universities in order that I may become known and am able to form acquaintances ? As you know, I can lecture on any regular topic in the fields of History of Political Ideas, Comparative Government, Contempo­ rary Political Movements, Ideologies, Social Theory and Methods, etc. Besides I am giving you on a separate sheet attached to this letter a list of titles which may be suitable for single lectures, or short series of lectures, and seminars. I have arranged them in three groups, according to the subjects they cover; they all touch on re­ search work which I have conducted recently. -I have made this selection of titles with a view to cover some of the most burning problems, because I believe that an understanding of the real issues at stake in present-day politics is urgently needed; and because I believe, furthermore, that I can be of some service in this respect, having concentrated on these problems for the last ten years. With my best regards, and many thanks for all your kindness, I remain, Yours very sincerely, Erich Voegelin

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949 73·

To Alfred Schiitz 1

October 2 5 , 1 9 3 8 Dear Doctor: The critical days in Paris must have been very trying, and I cer­ tainly understand your reaction. Naturally I will be glad to do all I can to obtain the type of letter you want. First, and foremost, I have Parsons in mind, who I don't know yet, but who I hope to get to know within a fortnight. He is very interested in German theoretical thought, especially in Max Weber. Perhaps something can be done through him. There are also other possibilities here2 which, however, I will only be able to explore when I have intro­ duced myself to more people. Above all, let me give you the addresses of those faithless lads [treulosen Kna ben] : [Emanuel] Winternitz, 27 W 7 6 Street, New York City [Max] Mintz, 3 204 Oxford Avenue, New York City At the moment Winternitz is visiting [Fritz] Machlup in Buffalo, and I expect to see both of them here in Cambridge in about a week. During the first three weeks I rewrote the treatise on Genghis Khan in English. It's finished and I'm typing it up now. An oppor­ tunity to publish it has also turned up. One of the faculty mem­ bers, Cross3 of Slavic studies, is interested in it and may publish it in Speculum, the American journal for the history of the Middle Ages. That is a very prestigious journal and would be an excellent introduction for me into the American scholarly community. 4 Since completing this work I have been intensely exploring the new milieu. It is a very curious world in which one must proceed with care in order not to cause offense. A myriad of groups and circles exist which in part overlap and which in part are so neatly separated from one another that one can live here for a long time without discovering that some of them exist at all. The main thing I learned is that there is a taboo against asking questions. It is not polite to ask questions, and one doesn't get any answers. One acquires information only indirectly through incidental remarks in conversation and must put the bits and pieces together for oneself. The most extensive circle, the one to which everyone belongs, is that of the university "officers, '' 5 i.e., the academic staff in its en­ tirety. This is subdivided into " departments. " 6 (I am a member of the department of " Government, History, and Economics. " ) ? Each

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department i s a society i n itself. For m e this found expression in the fact that the dean's wife visited us and invited my wife to the department teas; beyond that, she invited us to visit their home on one of the dean's open Sundays. As far as the exclusively male side is concerned, its center is found in the "Faculty Club . " Each "offi­ cer" can be a member and one only visits it for luncheon meetings. Within each department there is a small circle, the "faculty, " which meets for faculty dinners. Assistants and instructors appointed for one year, like me, are not faculty members. Connections between departments take place in the "houses. '' 8 A "house" is something like an English college; a massive block of buildings with student apartments, a smaller number of apartments for unmarried officers, and studios for married officers. Residence in a house is not con­ nected to membership in a specific faculty. Thus, in any one house a variety of members from all possible faculties may be found. The student members of a house are obliged to take part in its common meals; the officers m ay take part if they wish and are entitled to one hundred and seventy-five free meals a year. Traditions differ from house to house. In Lowell House, which I know better than any other, every Monday evening is High Table, to which the "master of the house " may invite outside guests; a formal occasion for which a dinner jacket is required. For the last three years the Lowell House High Table has ceremoniously used an Elizabethan salt shaker in imitation of the custom of English student societies. The organiza­ tion into houses leads to the creation of groups since, naturally, the house residents meet frequently at their common meals. And, apart from the common meals, the house is an entity for the students by virtue of the fact that teams representing the various houses engage in competitive sports. A further interesting organization is the " Society of Fellows. " It was created by an earlier president of Harvard, Lowell, 9 and operates under his chairmanship. It consists of a group of between twenty to thirty research fellows who are appointed for a period of three years and given very substantial grants. They are not university officers but have research contracts. Generally they are young unmarried men and women who live in the various houses and, as a rule, participate in the common meals. They meet every Monday evening in Eliot house in a special room for a formal dinner. This group of younger people is made up of Junior Fellows who are chosen and appointed by a committee of elder professors under Lowell's chairmanship, the Senior Fellows 185

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(among them, Alfred North Whitehead). I get the impression that the core of this group is made up of members of the old New Eng­ land society associated with Harvard. At least I have noticed that one of the more important Junior Fellows, Haskins, is the son of a famous Harvard professor, now deceased, who was an intimat e friend of the elder Lowell. A second member is a nephew of Henry Adams. The high point of the banquet takes place after the waiters have withdrawn and, as a last act, have placed a very beautiful silver four-wheeled wagon with two decanters of port on the table. The silver wagon is ceremoniously rolled the long way down the table from setting to setting, where each of the two individuals sitting across from one another takes one of the decanters and serves him­ self. In addition to such organized gatherings there are an untold number of groups that come together informally. In particular, it seems to me, a certain differentiation take s place owing to the fact that in an organization of this size there is always a large number of people whose scholarly qualifications are very modest and whose intellect does not rise much above the mentality of a teacher. It seems that a natural affinity brings this type together and, likewise, that the more scholarly find one another. Relations between people are further differentiated by the fact that, as a result of the large number of short-term contracts, for some Harvard is only a station they are passing through, while for others, who stay longer, there is time to get to know each other more intimately. Finally, naturally all of these relationships and connections extend in all directions into circles that lie beyond the university. Some groups seem to be quite closed, for example the medical and legal faculties. Others are very mixed. For example I noticed that there is a very strong interest here in Pareto. About two years ago it began when a bio-chemist, named Henderson, suddenly became interested in sociological the­ ory and offered a seminar on Pareto, which was attended by many professors from various faculties. -I have sketched a few things here for you that I have been able to learn up to now; perhaps, with more visits, and as I continue to " dig, " I will discover more things of which, as yet, I am completely unaware. By far the most interesting phenomenon I have encountered is Bruning. 10 Since coming here I have been able to spend one evening a week with him alone. What he knows about the administra­ tive history of Germany, especially of Prussia, is simply amazing. Yesterday he discussed some of the materials he has collected on r86

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

the history o f the idea o f tolerance in Prussia. It penetrated into Westphalia from the districts of Juelich-Cleve-Berg. (He offered a mountain of detail on how Protestants and Catholics lived together in these regions. ) With sometimes moderate, sometimes greater success, Frederick the Great was able to establish the idea of toler­ ance in Prussia by filling all the important government posts in the East with privy councilors from the western provinces. There appear to be some really interesting minds among the younger Americans. I have discovered one, Pettee, who has just completed a work on the psychology of revolution. 1 1 He maintains that revolutions take place when the faith 1 2 that previously held society together begins to weaken. Based on this thesis he told me that America was overripe for a collectivist revolution. Another young American, Watkins, appears to me to be a very cultivated connoisseur of art and music. He gave me some interesting insights into the failure of American architecture, arts and crafts, and re­ lated matters. Now that your family is with you I hope you will have a more tranquil time than you have had up to now. In the next couple of days my wife will write your wife to give her an account of what she has experienced. Please let me hear from you soon. With the most cordial greetings, Yours Erich Voegelin I . Original in German. 2. "Here" refers to Harvard University. 3· Samuel Hazzard Cross ( 18 9 I-1946). 4· Eric Voegelin, "The Mongol Orders of Submission to European Powers, 124512 5 5 , '' Byzantion 15 ( 1940/41): 3 7 8-413 . CW, 10: 76-126 . 5 . Original i n English. 6. Original in English. 7. Original in English. 8. Original in English. 9· A. Lawrence Lowell ( 18 5 6-194 3 ). 10. Heinrich Bruning (18 8 5 -197 0) was chancellor of Germany between 19 3 0 and 19 3 2 . Forced to emigrate in 19 3 4, he came to the United States, where he taught political science at Harvard University between 19 3 7 and 19 5 1. 11. G. S. Pettee, The Process of Revolution (New York: Harper and Row, 19 3 8). 12. Original in English.

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To Springer Publishing 1 3 Forest Stre et

Publishing House Julius Springer 1 I. Schottengasse 4 Vienna Austri a November 1 1, 1 9 3 8 Dear Director Lange: In his letter of October 2 5 , 1 9 3 8, Professor von Verdross was kind enough to forward a copy of your letter of August 27, 1 9 3 8, con­ cerning the assigned book reviews that have not been written. Your original letter did not reach me, and with this letter I am making an effort to reply, at least to the copy of your letter, in an expeditious manner. You are obviously aware of the fact that I have left Vienna and that my emigration took place in a bit of a hurry. At the time I had more pressing concerns than seeing to unfinished business of this kind, and I ask you to excuse me for not returning the books. In the meantime they have been packed and sent to America with the rest of my library, where they are now stored in a warehouse. They will have to remain there for a while because, in all probability, I will not be able to rent and furnish an apartment of my own before next fall. Thus, for a considerable time to come, I will be prevented from either reviewing the books or returning them. The alternative of reviewing the books with copies found in li­ braries here is technically possible, but other considerations pre­ vent me from taking this course. The stationery of "The Journal of Public Law" [Zeitschrift fii r offentliches R echt] lists the editors' names on its letterhead, and on the page I have before me, I see that a number of these names have been crossed out. We both know why this has been done. Under these circumstances it is not possible for me to continue my work with your journal. Every concession I could think of making in this matter, from the standpoint that it would be my last work with the journal, would meet with complete incomprehension here in America. Nor does the suggestion that Professor Verdross makes in his letter appear to offer a viable way out. He suggests that I write brief summaries of the contents, which could then be signed by the 188

editorial staff. But since I cannot assume that the journal's editors make this offer because they view an association with their journal as a dubious honor and merely wish to spare me the disgrace of having my name printed on its pages, but, on the contrary, mean to imply that they consider me an undesirable addition, you will understand that I cannot accept this suggestion either. As far as the treatise " On Sander's General Political 'science, " that has already been typeset at the journal, is concerned, I would prefer that it no longer appear. 2 I think that the best solution would be for you to drop the matter of the unwritten book reviews and for the publisher who wanted them returned to put them down as a lossi others have suffered far greater losses. With best regards, I remain your obedient servant, Erich Voegelin I . Original in German. 2. The essay appeared after the war. Voegelin, "Zu Sanders Allgemeiner Staats­ lehre, " Osterreichische Zeitschrift fiir offentliches Recht, n.s. I, no. lh ( I 947): I o 6-3 5 . An English translation in CW, 9 : 1 2 6-60.

75·

To William M. McGovern I 3 Forest Street

�ovember 2o, 1 9 3 8 Professor William M. McGovern �orthwestern University Evanston, Ill. Dear Professor McGovern: I am writing t o you because my friend, Dr. Machlup, who lec­ tured last year in summer school in Evanston, thought it would be a good thing to do, and because several people here at Harvard are of the opinion that you might be interested in my line of work. Let me first introduce myself. I have been up to this spring asso­ ciate professor for Government and Sociology in the University of Vienna. When the �azis came in I was suspended from office and had to leave the country soon afterwards with undignified haste because they wanted to take away my passport. I am neither a Jew,

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

nor a Marxist, nor a Catholic, nor any other of the pet-devils of Nazidom, but just an Austrian and was dismissed together with the whole staff of the political science department for the · good reason that we did not like Nazis. The Rockefeller Foundation has been kind enough to offer to refund one half of my salary to any American college or university who would give me an appointment for three years; and Harvard has put me on the staff for one year to give me a chance to look around for further opportunities. I have been on the staff of the University of Vienna for ten years, giving the routine courses of Principles of Government, Compara­ tive Government, History of Political Ideas, Theory of Law, Meth­ ods of the Social Sciences; and a large number of special courses on all periods of political ideas, the evolution of the race idea, French and American institutional theories, etc. -The years preceding my appointment to the University of Vienna ( I 9 2 3-2 7 ) I have spent in research-work in Berlin and Heidelberg ( I year); Columbia, Har­ vard, Wisconsin, Yale (2 years as a Rockefeller Fellow); Sorbonne ( I year); and in frequent shorter periods of work at Oxford, London, Paris, and Rome. Concerning my research-work you get a fairly adequate impres­ sion from the enclosed list of publications.1 -In recent years I have concentrated on two lines of research-work. One is the in­ terpretation of certain elements in political ideas and movements as religious phenomena; I have given a survey of the problem in the booklet on Political Religions (nr. 4 of the list); and it has attracted quite a bit of attention. Professor Elliott was so much interested in it that he has done all that was necessary to get me to Harvard for this year. I am working now on the theoretical side of the problem as well as on materials of the nth century. -The 'o ther line I am following up concerns problems of the Far East, particularly the Mongol Empires of Genghis Khan and Timur, and their political and spiritual repercussions in Europe. The essay on Tamerlane (nr. 32 of the list) is the first I have published on these questions. 2 Just now I have finished a textual restoration of, and commentary on, the Mongol orders of submission to the Western powers in the I 3 th century. 3 They are the only original source for Mongol con­ stitutional law, political ideas, and state theology. Professor Cross has accepted the paper for publication in the Speculum. A great mass of material on the Mongol questions and on their influence I 90

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

on European intellectual history (Dante, Macchiavelli, the rise of European historiography etc.) is collected but not yet written up for publication. This survey, I trust, will furnish you provisional information as to my possibilities of teaching- and research-work. May I add that I speak and lecture fluently in English. I am writing you all this because I wish to beg you now to give me your advice and opinion regarding possibilities for creating myself a position. Particularly, I should like to know, of course, if you think that I might have a chance to teach next summer-school at North­ western, or, with the aid of the Rockefeller offer, to find a position for next fall. But I shall be equally grateful for any suggestion as to other universities or colleges, or concerning opportunities for shorter series of lectures by which I might make myself known to academic authorities. Let me say, in conclusion, that I believe the best contribution I am able to make lies in the field indicated by the term "political religions. " This field which is, considering the present totalitarian movements, of the utmost significance has hardly been touched upon and I am one of the very few people who-since ten years­ have studied it carefully. -Second I should rank my studies of the Mongol problems and their influence on the Western world. -For the rest, I do not believe that America has just waited for me, or that my courses on routine subjects will be better than those of any good American scholar. I beg your pardon for the length of this letter. I hope you will excuse it by the necessity for a new-comer to introduce himself. And even then I should not have written it if my friends had not told me that I could safely do it. Hoping to meet you soon personally, I remain, Very sincerely yours 1 . Not included in this volume. 2. Voegelin, "Das Timurbild der Humanisten. Eine Studie zur politischen Myth­ enbildung, " Zeifschrift fiir offentliches Recht I 7, no. 5 ( I 9 3 7 ) : 5 45-82. English trans­ lation in CW, 6 : 1 7 5 -2 2 3 . 3 · cw, 6 :224-7 9 ·

I9I

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24- 1 949 76.

To Edwin M. Borchard

I 3 Forest Stree t November 2 I , I 9 3 8 Professor Edwin M. Borchard School of Law Yale University New Haven, Conn. Dear Professor Borchard: The last months in Vienna have been rather unpleasant, and I escaped narrowly arrest by the Gestapo. But now I am established, for the moment at least, at Harvard. I am a research assistant at the Bureau of International Research, and at the same time instructor and tutor in the Department of Governmenti both appointments are for one year. The first weeks I have spent working feverishly on an article on the Mongol orders of submission to the Western powers in the I 3 th century. These orders are only original source of Mongol constitu­ tional law, their idea of international relations, their state theology, etc. I have restored the texts and added a little legal commentary. Professor Cross has accepted the paper for publication in the Specu­ lum . 1 I hope it will be a decent start in this country. You know from my earlier letters my personal data, scholarly antecedents, etc., and the kind answer you have given me this spring encourages me now to ask you if you might be able to give me any suggestion or advice as to summer school possiblities and opportunities to find a more permanent position next fall. The offer of the Rockefeller Foundation to refund to any American university or college giving me an appointment one half of my salary for three years is still holding good, as I understand. Recent events have depressed me very much. There are still a few friends of mine over there, and I have no news from them, and I do not see how they can get out. And knowing Nazi methods very well from my close analyses of recent years, I am afraid that what we see now is just a gentle prelude to future events. And I am equally distressed to see in this country already skillfully employed the Nazi methods of wearing down resistance which I know so well. I am just now collecting materials on the Christian Science Monitor and its activity in this directioni but I do not know if I shall ever

LETTERS, 1 924-1 9 3 8

publish it, seeing the hopelessness and the lack of understanding of the danger. When you could get in touch with people interested in these more formidable, because more subtle, forms of propaganda, and in building up resistance against them, you would oblige me greatlyi there ought to be now people of this kind who have become aware of what may happeni and I have the feeling that I could be of real service in this respect because of my special training in all European propaganda problems. I remain, Yours very sincerely, Erich Voegelin I . cw, 6:224-7 9 ·

77·

To Waldemar Gurian 1 I 3 Forest Street

November 26, 1 9 3 8 Dear Mr. Gurian: Thank you very much for your letter and for the announcement of [your new) journal. It looks very promising, and I send you my best wishes for success. Naturally it would please me to be a con­ tributor, and if you can use an article on the essential content of my book on the history of the race idea, I will be happy to write one. However, I am now at work on other questions which are perhaps closer to your journal's interests and enclose a small book that appeared this summer in order to orient you. 2 I would also be glad to write book reviews, and if you have not yet given Russell's Power to someone else, please send it to me. I don't know exactly why I was dismissed from [the University of) Vienna, since the authorities gave no reason. In a roundabout way I have learned that the immediate cause was a series of let­ ters which Catholic friends (Messner, Hollnsteiner, Hantsch, etc. ) wrote to [Kurt) Schuschnigg and [Hans) Pernter on my behalf for a professorship that was open in Graz. The letters were found in the ministry [of education) and apparently included the statement that not only was I not a Nazi, but indeed quite the oppositei that 193

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would have been reason enough [to dismiss me] . A few things about my activities in the Patriotic Front [ Vaterliindische Frontj3 must have become known as well, for just as I was about to leave, a Gestapo agent turned up who wanted to impound my passport­ generally the beginning of unpleasant events motivated by political considerations. My appointment in Harvard is for one year, and I am busily looking for a post for next autumn. Should you hear of any openings in political science I would be grateful to you if you would let me know about them. I have an Activum-the Rockefeller Foundation is prepared to reimburse half of my salary for three years to the university that hires me. My work on the Mongols4 is taking the form of individual arti­ cles. A treatise on the Humanists' notion of Tamerlane5 was published last autumn in Vienna ( "Zeitschrift fur das offentliche Recht " ) . I have just completed a second study on the letters of the Great Khans to the Western powers in the thirteenth century, which Professor Cross will publish in Speculum . At the moment I am at work on a paper for the [Heinrich] Bruning-William Y. Elliott seminar on the subject of [Wichard von] Mollendorff's 1 9 1 9 program for a planned economy and its impact. It would be nice if we could get together some time. I am looking for a summer school position in the Middle West but have been told that all the programs are closed by now. With most cordial greetings, yours r . Original in German. 2. Die Politischen Religionen. English translation: CW, s : r 9-7 3 . 3 · The Vaterliindische Front, a political organization intended t o b e "above the parties" (iiberparteilich ) and for the purpose of assembling all the forces loyal to the Austrian government, was founded by Austrian Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss in 1 9 3 3 . Dollfuss proclaimed the Patriotic Front's goal to be the creation of a social, Christian German corporate state (Stiindestaat) under strong authoritarian leader­ ship. The Front's symbol was the Potent Cross (Krukenkreuz). 4· cw, 6:224-7 9 · s . cw, 6 : 1 7 5-2 2 3 .

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78. To Earle Eubank

r 3 Forest Street Professor Earle Eubank University of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio December 7, 1 9 3 8 Dear Professor Eubank: This i s t o tell you that I am here in America, and for the moment settled at Harvard. I have been dismissed from my position as associate professor in the University of Vienna in April, when the Nazis came in, because they supposed quite correctly that I would not replace my courses in government and Sociology by Nazi sermons. I had then a very unpleasant time because the Gestapo wanted to take away my passport, and I escaped arrest narrowly; but finally I managed to come to Zurich. While I was waiting there for an American visa Harvard took me on the teaching staff for a year, and then everything went smoothly. And here I am for this year. Now I am looking around for further opportunities. The Rock­ efeller foundation is ready to consider refund of one half of my salary to any American university or college that would give me an appointment, for three years; this might prove to be quite helpful. You know a bit about my work and teaching possibilities, and you would oblige me greatly when you could give me any advice or suggestions as to where opportunities might arise; or, when you could mention me to university authorities in case you hear of an opening. It seems a very long time since the pleasant days we had together in Paris. And I am quite a bit afraid that what we experience to-day is not the worst, but that the next years will bring more trouble. What do you think of it? Mrs. Voegelin wishes me to give you her greetings. Hoping to see you soon again, I remain, yours very sincerely, Erich Voegelin

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79·

To Tracy Kittredge

1 3 Forest Street December 9, 1 9 3 8 Dear Mr. Kittredge: It is now almost three months that I a m in this country, and as you have taken so much friendly interest in my situation, I hope you will permit me to keep you informed about its further development. The Harvard people have been very nice, as you know, in giving me a small appointment for one year. And now I have to look around for next fall, as there is no chance that I could stay here any longer, three Germans being already on the staff of the Department of Political Science, and Sociology being a domain of the Russians. There are a number of possibilities showing up, but nothing definite has come of them yet. -The difficulty in the East is apparently that every college is already provided with a German refugee; the Berlin Hochschule fur Politik seems to have had an enormous staff, sufficient to furnish a considerable number of colleges with at least one man. -In the West the situation is more hopeful. I just had a letter from McGovern in Northwestern that they would consider my case, and at least take me on a summer-school; they would write me on the details in a few days; that sounds quite pleasant. There seem to be possibilities also in the University of Alabama, and with the Institute of Propaganda Analysis in New York. -It is a certain handicap that I am thrown on my own resources in forming contacts, as I do not have the assistance of Harvard men which I had supposed I would have; Holcombe is very kind, but a stolid kind of person and not very expansive; Elliott is just now not in his best health and somewhat overburdened; and Friedrich is rather inaccessible-and besides, I have the impression, he is a dogmatic democrat and [may] not trust me in that respect. But I think, at least Elliot[t] will be in a position to do something when he has recovered a bit and X-mas gives him a breathing space. My work however, is proceeding quite satisfactorily. I have writ­ ten in English a paper on the Mongol orders of submission to the Western powers in the 1 3 th century; and Professor Cross has ac­ cepted it for publication in the Speculum; that might prove quite helpful in the long run. Now I am working on some aspects of

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

the problems o n which I have started in my booklet o n Political Religions. 1 We have not been able to see Mrs. Kittredge, as you suggested. Just when we were going to Cambridge, the hurricane devastated the country and we had to go by boat. Please, give our best regards to her-I assume she is in Paris by now. With the best wishes, from Mrs. Voegelin, too, for a pleasant holiday and a Happy New Year, I remain, Yours very sincerely, Erich Voegelin 1. cw, s : 1 9-7 3 .

S o.

To Springer Publishing 1

Dr. Erich Voegelin Forest Street I 3 Publishing House Julius Springer I. Schottengasse 4 Vienna Austria December I ?, I 9 3 8 Dear Director: I acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 23rd of November. Its contents have somewhat amazed me. Apparently I failed to ex­ press myself clearly in my letter of November I ?th. I wanted to say that the books in question were packed in my absence, along with other books and furniture-at least I hope they were, for much had to be left behind, and I don't know exactly what. I am not respon­ sible for the conditions under which I departed. The materials are packed in a container of a moving firm and will stay there until I am in a position to furnish an apartment and can have them delivered to me. This will not be possible before next autumn, and it is not certain even then. If I ever see the books again I will send them to you: but until I have them myself I cannot. -I must tell you, a little more plainly than I have, that I did not come here on my own I 97

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initiative, and that in view of the problems of existence that have confronted me for more than half a year now, and which cannot be completely unknown to the editors of the Journal of Austrian Law, that I regard it as tasteless on your part, to say the least, that you unduly trouble me in this matter. The "owner of the books, " whom you mention, will just have to have a little patience; I am also the owner of various things that I cannot get hold of, and which I never will: Such things happen in spirited times like these. Our relations were always most cordial and, in your interest, I therefore take the liberty of expressing myself a little more plainly on a few other matters than I did in my earlier letter, the meaning of which obviously eluded you. Naturally it is not for entirely per­ sonal reasons that I decline to work any longer for the Journal of Austrian Law. Were it up to me, I would let my remaining contri­ butions just run out. For purely practical reasons any further ones would be ruled out for me, since, again on purely practical grounds, in the foreseeable future I will be publishing exclusively in English. But if I now suddenly and radically discontinue my association with the Journal, I do so because the professors of my faculty here at Harvard have made it very clear to me that behavior to the contrary would be detrimental to me. I assume that this fact, which appears to me to express a generally held attitude, will be of interest to you. As far as the other suggestion is concerned, that I provide un­ signed articles, it is my view that the practice of accepting contribu­ tions from people who are objectively qualified (and thus wanted), but who are personally undesirable, is false. And, again, I think it is important for you to know that suggestions of this kind are greeted here with rather unflattering comment, which is extended to the publishing house itself. With very best wishes for the holiday season, and for the New Year, I remain your obedient servant, Erich Voegelin 1 . Original in German.

81.

To Earle Eubank

I 3 Forest Street December 2 I , I 9 3 8 Professor Earle Eubank University of Cincinnati Department of Sociology Cincinnati, Ohio Dear Professor Eubank: I am very glad about your kind letter and your readiness to assist me in finding a position. Of course, I am fully aware of the difficul­ ties; and I have been so much aware of them that I find the situation actually not quite as bad as I thought it would be. Now, concerning the Rockefeller offer. The Foundation does not consider a definite sum, but an offer to refund one half of the salary, with a view to get me settled for some time somewhere. What I have learned from other cases as well from my own is this: that the Foundation would not contribute to a small instructorship (they do not contribute anything to Harvard). In cases of associate pro­ fessorships in the New School of Social Research in New York with a salary of $4000,-they contributed on a similar scheme than the one advanced to me. I have the impression that they would contribute to any regular three-year appointment of the rank of an associate professorship, perhaps even of an assistant professorship. I understand further that arrangements have been considered to refund a larger share in the first year, and then let it fall off in the consecutive years, say: 2/3, 2/2, I / 3 . That is what l have been able to learn from different sources. There are no definite rules. The college or university in question would have to apply to the Rockefeller Foundation for consideration of the special case. In Vienna I have been teaching since ten years. I was appointed Privatdozent in I 928, and a.o. Professor six years later. My regu­ lar courses have been: Principles of Sociology, Social Psychology, Methods of Social Sciences, American and French Institutionalist Theories, Principles of Government, Comparative Government, History of Political Ideas, Recent Political Movements and Ide­ ologies, Race Theories. -Furthermore I have been since I 927 a lecturer, and since I 9 3 6 head of the department of political science I99

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24- 1 949

and sociology in the Vienna Workers' College ( 1 0,ooo students), and lectured there on the same subjects. As to my publications I enclose a list of them. My recent research work has been on the interpretation of political movements as religious phenomena-you might say a sociology of politics and religion. And since a number of years I am conducting a special research on the Mongol empires of Genghis Khan and Tamerlane and their political and spiritual repercussions in Europe. I have just finished a paper on the Mongol orders of submission to European powers in the 1 3 th century. They are our only original source of Mongol institutions, ideas of leadership, and state-theology. Prof. Cross has accepted it for publication in the Speculum . -I have furthermore gone deeply into the questions of mass-psychology and public opinion. Here at Harvard I am working as a research assistant with the Bureau of International Research (on the problems of Political Re­ ligions); and as a tutor in the Department of Government, which means weekly five hours of teaching on History of Political Ideas. My earlier research-work has been done in Berlin and Heidelberg ( 1 922-'2 3 ); Columbia, Harvard, Wisconsin, Yale (as a Rockefeller Fellow, in 1 9 2 5 -'26); at the Sorbonne ( 1 92 6-'2 7 ); and for frequent shorter periods in London, Paris, Rome and Berlin. My languages are Greek, Latin, English, French, Italian, Spanish, a bit [of] Russian, and, of course, German. I speak and lecture fl u ­ ently in English. Finally I have a certain knowledge of the problems of interna­ tional relations, having been secretary of the Austrian Coordinating Committee of the International Studies Conference. I have pre­ pared and organised in this position the Austrian contribution to the Conference on Peaceful Change, in Paris 1 9 3 7 . As references I may give here a t Harvard Professor W. Y. Elliott; then: Professor Charles R. Merriam, Chicago; Professor Harold D. Lasswell, White Institute, Washington, D.C.; Professor John B. Whitton, Princeton; Mr. Raymond S . Buell, President the Foreign Policy Association, New York. You would oblige me greatly when you could make use of these data in Detroit. Unfortunately I cannot go there, because I have to attend the meeting in Columbus, as certain possibilities have opened, and I hope to meet there some people who have pronounced interest in my case. 200

LETTERS, 1 9 24-1 9 3 8

I should love t o come t o Cincinnati and see you. Will you be back on December 3 1 st ? When it is convenient to you to see me on that day, please let me know. As a letter would not reach me here anymore, please drop a line for me [at the] address: Chittenden Hotel, Columbus, Ohio. With my best wishes for a merry Xmas for you and your family, I remain, Sincerely yours, Erich Voegelin

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82.

To Thomas Mann 1

[Draft. 1 9 3 9] 2 Thomas Mann I thank you very much for your letter of December r 8th of last year. You criticize the "objectivity" of The Political Religions. Just as your letter arrived I had written a "foreword" to the second edi­ tion that Mr. Bermann-Fischer will publish in Stockholm. Its con­ tents were dictated [bestimmt] by the objections that were raised, for example, by Aurel Kolnai in his book The War against the West. 3 It was designed to explain a position [Haltung] that must have struck many as strange. I enclose this "foreword" because Mr. Bermann-Fischer does not want to print it in full. 4 The passages on the Grynszpan case and the critique of the Church's position were stricken. I would not bother you with it, were it not important to me to justify myself in the face of your criticism. My "objectivity" has its source in a deep pessimism concerning the Western world's ability to combat nihilism. I can discern no movement that, in my view, would justify a literary struggle against National Socialism. 5 And the impossibility to publicly express a radical position at all­ which I have again experienced in Mr. Bermann-Fischer's rejection [of the foreword]-only serves to strengthen me in my pessimism. 6 I would be especially pleased if you would permit me to visit you in Princeton. I may have the opportunity to deliver a lecture at the university in the course of this semester. With my expression of [profound] respect, 7 I remain, very sincerely yours 203

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949 r . Original in German. 2. It has not been established whether this draft or a later one was mailed to Thomas Mann. A letter with this or a similar text has not been found. 3· Aurel Kolnai, The War against the West (London: Victor Gollancz, 1 9 3 8 ) . 4· For a n English translation see CW, 3 3 : 1 9-2 3 . 5 . "lch sehe keine Bewegung, die e s mir als sinnvoll erscheinen HeBe, einen literarischen Kampf gegen den Nationalsozialismus zu fiihren. " 6 . Because o f the state o f the text, the wording o f this sentence after "rejection" is partly conjecture. 7. "Mit dem Ausdruck meiner [ . . . ] Verehrung"

83.

To Herbert Steiner 1 1 3 Forest Street Cambridge Mass.

January 1 9, 1 9 3 9 Dear Doctor: Thank you very much for sending me the " Corona" with "Yalu." 2 I can't quite harmonize this work with my image o f Valery. I t ap­ pears to me to be an early attempt to reach a position, by taking up oriental images and thoughts, that later is supported primarily by Lucretius. I hope to have my library soon, and then be able to compare Yalu to other works. Thank you very much ! We have begun to settle in. But we haven't settled in completely because my position only lasts for one year. At the moment I don't know where we will be next autumn; my best chance seems to be for a position in Alabama. I was unable to see M. Monad when I was in Paris. Our time there was simply too short. It would be nice if we could keep in contact and if I could hear from you again. With heartfelt greetings. Yours, Erich Voegelin r. Original in German. Herbert Steiner ( 1 8 92-1 9 6 6 ) . 2. Valery's "Yalu" appeared i n Corona 4 , no 3 ( 1 9 3 6 ) .

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84 .

To Ruthilt Lemche 1

January 26, 1 9 3 9 Dear Doctor: Your very kind letter only increased my bad conscience. For a long time now your name has been on my list of letters still waiting to be answered. Please excuse my silence: I have had so much work to do these first months [in America] and have been engaged in the time-consuming task of seeking a professional position. Let me first offer you a chronology of events. Perhaps you know that I had to leave Vienna suddenly on the 1 5 th of July because the Gestapo wanted to confiscate my passport. They were prepared to close the border to me if I did not turn up with it soon. Fortunately I was able to get out and my wife followed a week later by plane to Zurich, where we waited almost two months for the visa to Amer­ ica. We stayed a week in Paris and then, on the 8th of September, embarked from Le Havre, arriving in New York on the I s th. A week later we came to Cambridge. My position at Harvard is modest but it fulfills the purpose of giving me time to look around. I am a research assistant at the Bureau of International Research and tutor in the Department of Government-both appointments are limited to one year; extensions are not possible. Therefore I had to immediately plunge into the business of searching for a permanent position and, in pursuit of this goal, have engaged in a very exten­ sive correspondence. Between Christmas and New Year I attended a congress of political scientists in Columbus, Ohio, in order to meet with two department heads who were interested in me. The first concrete result came yesterday in the form of an invitation to teach two months at the summer school of Northwestern University (in Evanston, near Chicago), with the exorbitant salary of $ 1 ,ooo for eight weeks of lectures, and with the possibility of an appointment later to a full-time position. The second possibility will be decided at the beginning of March: A professorship is open in Alabama, which in the past has not exactly distinguished itself with scholarly excellence. I would have very great freedom of action and could create a nice position for myself. At the beginning of March they will decide whether they want me. That's the way things now stand as far as external matters are concerned. As to scholarship, in my first six weeks here I wrote a larger trea­ tise in English on the letters of the Mongol Khans to the European 205

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

powers in the 1 3 th century. It has been accepted for publication by Speculum, the largest historical journal in America. Following that, I worked on a seminar that Elliott, along with former German Chancellor Bruning, held on the subject of the "planned economy. " I presented a paper on W[ichard] von Mollendorf and his program for a planned economy in the immediate postwar period in Germany. -In December I received a letter from Bermann-Fischer telling me that he had reorganized his publishing house in Stockholm and that he would like to reissue my Political R eligions . I then wrote a foreword in which I expressed a few harsh truths about politicizing intellectuals, whereby a letter from Thomas Mann was in great measure responsible for my response. I include a copy of the letter and "foreword" here for your perusal; perhaps they will be of some interest to you. -Presently I am negotiating with a publisher over a History of Political Ideas which he wants me to write. I am already working very hard on it and hope to have a contract soon. If I have correctly understood what you say about the relationship of German emigrants to their Germanness [Deutschtum] and its culture, then, I think, our views differ on several points. It would be very nice if we could get into a knock-down-drag-out fight over it ! You know that for a long time now it has been my view that the era of the national state has come to an end and, with it, national cultures as well, and that nothing that was essential to them will continue. Naturally I do not mean that we should forget [ ? ] what was valuable in European national cultures; quite the opposite. The traditional elements which we carry in us, as the result of educa­ tion and upbringing, constitute the starting points for every new orientation. But, to be specific, as I see it, the movement of Ger­ man "Human Studies" [ Geisteswissenschaft], which began with the Romantics, ended with Max Weber in nihilism. A new faith [ Glaubenshaltung] that could also be effective in restructuring so­ ciety is only rudimentarily present in a few individuals. The es­ tablished churches, despite the heroic conduct of a few individuals (the Niemollers ), no longer have the strength necessary for such an effort. I do not see that it constitutes any particular "failure" on our part that "we" did not have the strength to make something that we believed to be right universally binding. We live in an era of disintegration that will perhaps continue for a century or more. And I doubt that even if a powerful religious personality appeared 206

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today anything significant could be achieved. The fact is that the great mass of human beings lacks imagination and will not believe that the end has come until the dimensions of physical affliction and moral decay have reached proportions that no one can ignore. Socially and ethically the time is not yet "ripe" for a renewal that could appeal to anything higher than the instinct of aggression and the collective self-glorification that we find in National Socialism. Therefore I do not accept that the only alternatives are either to let oneself be used as a tool by the "civilized world" or to use the latter as a tool of one's own. In view of the disintegration that extends over the entire occidental world of national states, neither path seems to me to lead anywhere. How is your dissertation coming along? And how are our other Viennese friends doing? In particular, what is Jungwirth up to ? 2 If you should hear anything please inform me. We have settled down quite comfortably-the process is facili­ tated by the fact that many of our friends from Vienna are here. My wife still has some trouble with the language, but her English improves from month to month. With very cordial wishes from both of us to you and your hus­ band. Yours sincerely, Erich Voegelin r . Original in German. Ruthilt Lemche, nee Hanzel ( 1 9 1 1-I 9 9 3 ) . Viennese stu· dent of Voegelin. Married Karsten Lemche, member of the Danish Ministry of Com· merce, in 1 9 3 5 and moved to Denmark the same year. See Monika Bernold and Johanna Gehmacher, Auto/Biographie und Frauenfrage: Tagebiicher, Briefwechsel, Politische Schriften von Mathilde Hanzel-Hiibner (r 884-I970) (Vienna/Cologne/ Weimar: Bohlau, 2003 ). The letters to Ruthilt and Karsten Lemche courtesy of the University of Vienna: Sammlung Frauennachlasse. 2. See Voegelin's letter to Taylor Starck, June 1 9, 1 944 (letter 1 84, below): "I should like to draw attention to one of my former students, Heinrich Jungwirth. He was 23 in 1 9 3 8, when I left. He was put in a concentration camp and was there still at the time of my latest intelligence, in r 940. He is one of the most capable boys I have ever seen. If the concentration camp has not broken him, he would be a man to be used. " Jungwirth survived the Nazi era and renewed contact with Voegelin following the war.

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8 s.

To Earle Eubank

r 3 Forest Street Professor Earle E. Eubank University of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio January 20, 1 9 3 9 Dear Professor Eubank: My conscience i s as bad as i t possibly can be. I should have written you already two weeks ago in order to thank you for the charming reception I had at your home. But I have been waiting from one day to the next because I always hoped to be able to send you at the same time the Austrian material we talked about. I have not been able, however, to attend to this matter as yet because immediately when I came back from Cincinnati I was plunged into work unexpectedly. A publisher wants to bring out a "History of Political Ideas, " and I have to work out the general plan as a basis for a contract. By the end of this month I shall be through with this business, and then you will receive all materials on Austrian sociologists which are in my possession. This is to excuse my silence, and now for the thanks: for I have rarely had such a delightful day in my life as the day in Cincinnati with you and your family; you are a very happy man, indeed. And I beg you particularly to forward my thanks to Mrs. Eubank for all the kindness she has shown to me, and for her generous hospitality. As I told you already at the time, the city and your work have made a deep impression on me: I had the feeling of being much more in the center of American life at its best than here in the East. I should be very happy, indeed, if in the course of time some possibility should evolve to come, if not directly to Cincinnati, at least then to the Middle-West. Please, give my respects to Mrs. Eubank, to your mother and your sister, and to the three charming girls. My regards also to Carlson and Quinn. With the best greetings from Mrs. Voegelin who regretted in­ finitely that she had to stay home, I am, Very sincerely yours,

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86 .

To Friedrich Engel-Janosi l I 3 Forest Street Cambridge Massachusetts

February 5, I 9 3 9 Dear Friend: I want t o write you in detail concerning your efforts t o obtain a visa. We are g�adually beginning to worry about you-not because we have any doubts about your future, but because the letters from R., and a letter from you, that Mr. Bl. sent me from New York, reveal that both you and Mr. R. are going about the matter in a rather muddled way and not concentrating on essential things. We get the impression that, if you do not begin to pursue the matter in a more focused way, you will be waiting for an indefinitely long time for a visa. Therefore, a few explanations: An American consul, as determined by the Law of Immigiation, is empowered to grant visas within the quota framework of the country concerned if there are no grounds for exclusion. One of the reasons for exclusion concerns "persons who are likely to become a public charge. " According to the internal directives of the State Department, the consul must be convinced that the person apply­ ing for a visa is not likely to become a public charge. Generally speaking he has two ways to convince himself of this. I ) Proof that the immig�ants are in possession of their own means of sup­ port, generally $ s ,ooo per person. 2 ) An affidavit attesting to suffi­ cient support. Exceptions, or privileged preferences, about which R. asked me, do not exist. In addition, and independent of the quota, the consul can grant a visa (non-quota immigration visa) in cases that come under section IV. Relevant to your case is IV D: "An immigiant who continuously for at least two years immediately preceding the time of his application for admission to the U.S. has been [illegible], and who seeks to enter the U. S. solely for the pur­ pose of carrying on the vocation of minister, or professor[, ] and his wife, and his unmarried children under I 8 years if accompanying him or following to join him . " In the American understanding of the term, a "professor" is one who is paid to teach at a college or university. Research fellowships do not come under the category of professor (because they do not involve teaching), nor do honorary 209

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

lectureships (because they are unpaid). Naturally there is some lee­ way in these classifications; but here too, generally speaking, there are no exceptions. Neither from R. nor from you have I been able to find out what Baltimore's Fellowship by Courtesy consists of. If it includes a teaching contract you will have to make sure that it is paid accord­ ingly. I have sent R. detailed suggestions about this. If it does not include a teaching contract you will have to request one from the people in Baltimore and, at the same time-in the way in which I have suggested to R. -make sure that it is salaried. If the university has received such a grant it can add to it out of its own funds and, at the same time, obtain a refund from the Rockefeller Foundation. -If you want to get a non-quota visa, you will have to do these things in exactly this order. Presumably the information you received from the American consul in London is incorrect. I do not doubt that he gave it, but I suspect he did so because your case was falsely presented to him. I know of another case of an unpaid lectureship2 at a university here where the consul in London, despite the fact that the gentleman seeking it had the best connections, refused to issue a non-quota visa until a private grant was provided, thus giving the post the character of a salaried lectureship. If you have r ) obtained a teaching position, 2 ) received a grant, however modest, then, with the affidavit of support that I have sent to R., you will presumably have no further obstacles placed in your way. In any case, if I know exactly how the matter lies, I can then induce an intervention on the part of the State Department in order to remove any concerns that the consul might still harbor. Naturally, at the same time, you must pursue the possibility of a quota visa; and when you have the assurance of the London consul that the affidavits are sufficient for him to issue a visa, consider whether, with this assurance, you want to acquire a permit from the English government to stay in England. Also, in this case, I believe I can be of help to you in acquiring the permit. I urgently beg you to proceed earnestly on all of these points and not to assume that by some miracle what you want will come about in some other way. With the most cordial wishes, all the best, 2!0

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9 - 1 949 1. Original in German. 2. Original in English.

87. To Klara HartP

February 5, 1 9 3 9 Dear Klara: Thank you very much for your letter and for the chocolate. Judg­ ing from your letter and the news from the Onkens we can see that you are doing quite well, and I don't begrudge you that. But beyond that, as you might well imagine, we are not particularly enthusiastic about the source of your good fortune. We think of our dead friends and of the living whose existences have been ruined, of the poor children who must live for years in England, separated from their parents, of families torn apart; and we think of our own things, and of looting from which you have profited, living happily and driving our car. It would therefore be better if you didn't send us any more chocolate-when I think of the pockets out of which it was paid, it tastes bad. It was just barely a year ago that our story began. For this oc­ casion, so that others can learn something about our experiences, Lissy wrote a small newsletter to her relatives, which we both worked on. I have enclosed a copy for you-you will be familiar with most of it, but it won't hurt you to refresh your memory a bit.2 With cordial greetings from both of us. 1. Original in German. Klara Hartl was Voegelin's sister. "Onken" was Lissy Voegelin's name before her marriage. 2. See letter 88, which follows this one.

88. Lissy Voegelin to her family 1

[n.d.; end of 1 9 3 8 or beginning of 1 9 3 9 ] [No salutation] A year has now passed since the destruction of Austria began, and one thinks back on what has taken place in this time. I will tell you a little bit about how we have fared, for I know that my parents do not write to you about these things. 2II

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924- 1 949

Very soon after March 1 3 th Erich was dismissed, along with about one-half of the faculty (by the way, all Aryans) . The reason was not due to any political activity, or because of membership in a political party, but rather the entire Austrian elite, which had intensely supported the freedom and independence of our Austrian homeland, was thrown out at the university as well as at other institutions and governmental offices. Almost all of our numerous acquaintances, about one hundred people, the majority of them Aryans, were confronted with the complete economic destruction of their existence. Since in many cases these were highly qualified people with very good international reputations, many of them have in the meantime left the country in which they no longer have any possibility of earning a living. In fact we now know hardly a single person still living in Vienna. Were we to return, we would be entering a strange city, where we hardly know a single person, in which we would recognize only the streets and buildings. All of us were robbed of almost everything we owned and had to leave the country with only twenty marks in our pockets. Only the wealth­ iest of our friends could rescue enough to be able to finance even a miserable existence for half a year. In the first two months in Zurich, before we got our visas to go to America, we were only kept from completely going under by the help of Swiss friends and the Rockefeller Foundation. Many people we know now live in the most dire straits, surviving on the small help given them by Catholic and Jewish aid committees. The period until the middle of July, which we spent in Vienna, was horrible. Daily we had news that one of our acquaintances had committed suicide, or that another had received news of a death [of a family member or friend] in a concentration camp. An old lady friend, sixty-five years old, was held in prison for three months and wrote us the most heartrending letters. Especially horrifying was the fate of our Jewish friends: almost all of them were for a longer or shorter time in prison; many are still there. Recently we have gotten news that one or the other of them has been released: one, who was in Dachau for seven months, has arrived in Geneva; another was released with frostbitten and festering legs; another was happy to have reached Brussels, following a six-hour flight through the snow-covered Ardenne[s] Forest. A great number were spat upon and beaten by S. A. troops, taken from their houses in the middle of the night, and thrown into prison. An older married 212

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couple were given a half hour to leave their apartment, then driven out into the night; they lost everything. A very rich elderly couple, the husband eighty years old, had all their goods plundered and left the country with just two small suitcases; the seventy-year-old wife died shortly thereafter of a heart attack; the old gentleman found asylum on a small property owned by his family in Czechoslo­ vakia. He is now homeless again because, with the destruction of Czechoslovakia, the property went into German hands. All these incidents are ones we have experienced in just our own circle of acquaintances. The entire Austrian elite has been completely de­ stroyed, [illegible], nothing remains but the worst rabble, engaged in plundering. But the way things are you know yourselves from the edicts, sanctions, and penalties issued by Gauleiter Biirckel. We also know the people who have now made it to the top. A typical case is our brother-in-law, a man now forty years old. He studied chemistry, but didn't complete his studies because he was too lazy and because he was too much of a coward to face the final exams. He was dismissed from his fraternity [Burschenschaft] because he was too cowardly to fence. He can't swim because he's afraid of the water. In his entire life he never worked, but lived from his mother's pension and the work of my sister-in-law. But he's a longtime party member [alter Kampfer; literally, "old fighter"], and shortly before Austria was plundered spent three months in jail. He is now a "Political Leader" with a salary of fifteen hundred marks, has received 2,ooo Marks in " damages, " and an automobile stolen from a Jew. A pretty picture, isn't it? I could write an entire book in this vein-on just what I've expe­ rienced and seen for myself. Perhaps you now have a small idea of what a terrible time we have been through. Despite all this horror we were personally relatively well off. To our good fortune we had saved a bit so that when Erich was fired (without salary, and the pension that was due him was stolen by the National Socialist civil servants) we were not immediately faced with starvation. The worst thing I had to suffer was the indifference of my closest relatives, who were so happy about the unification with the Germans that they remained unconscious of the fact that a brutal fight to destroy hundreds of thousands of people was going on and that our lives were in danger. They probably still believe that it's our own fault that we were so adversely affected by these events. Of course, in one sense that's true, for only people who had 213

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

worked hard and, as a result, had a respectable position were so mercilessly destroyed. In this regard, we, that is, my parents and I, had always tried to keep politics from playing too great a role in our personal relations, and my great devotion to them and their palpable love for me had always made it possible for us to find our way back to one another. Things were made more difficult by the conduct of my sister-in-law Elgai I have included a letter about this to Walter that explains everything. Those are very sad things that take their toll. The breakup of my lovely new apartment in Vienna that was known for its truly Austrian combination of Biedermeier and modern furniture, the sale of all the things I loved so much and which I had just recently acquired, and taking leave of the streets and places I lovedi this is also a part of [what I suffered], but only secondarily. What ruined what was left of my nerves was when, suddenly in July, a detec­ tive turned up to impound Erich's passport. All former university professors were to be denied the possibility of leaving the country. That would have been the end of us because we had very little left by then upon which to live. By coincidence our passports were at the passport office to be updated, and I was able to pick them up the same day. Erich was also able to get a visa for Switzerland from a Swiss friend on the same day and could thus make his escape. The detective returned to say that he would have Erich stopped at the border, but thanks to the fact that the happy-go-lucky Austrian ineptness [ Schlumperei] has not yet been completely done away with, Erich managed to get across the border. You can imagine what I went through during the hours I waited until his telegram arrived from Zurich telling me that he was safe. Eight days later I left the country that is my homei I flew in order to avoid having to pass through the same border-control post. And now began the tears of joy. Erich, whose books are very well known and respected here, immediately found a position at Harvard, the greatest and most famous American university. This year will provide him the peace and opp o rtunity he needs in order to find a more permanent sphere. He has a position in the Department of Government. Up to now things look very goodi he is negotiating with four large universities, and for the summer school he has a post at Northwestern University in Chicago with the pleasant salary of $ 1 ,ooo for eight weeks of teaching. Through Erich's hard 214

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9- 1 949

work, ability, and his reputation, and thanks to the helpfulness of American university circles, we can look to the future with hope and happiness. We have taken out our "first papers" in the process of becoming American citizens and, with each new day, are happy again that we have escaped the European witches' caldron. You will have heard details of our day-to-day life from Mami and Dadi. 2 I would be very happy to hear from you, and I am willing to send news of us from time to time. With heartfelt wishes, Yours, r.

Original in German.

2 . Mami and Dadi are Lissy Voegelin's words.

8 9.

To Fritz Riihl 1

Harvard University Faculty of Arts and Sciences Department of Government Dr. Erich Voegelin Cambridge Massachusetts r 3 Forest Street February 5, 1 9 3 9 Dear Fritz: Klara wrote t o m e of your visit t o Vienna, and I was very sorry that I could no longer see you and show you something of Vienna and Austria. -Both no longer exist. It is just about a year ago that the Austrian affair began, and my wife wrote her relatives a small circular in order that they might learn something of what we experienced in this year. For your information I am enclosing a carbon copy of this letter, which gives all the essential details. During this period we have thought about you often: certainly it is not an honor or a pleasure to be a member of an officers' corps whose bold readiness to attack a defenseless country made such a swinishness of world historical dimensions possible-but all of us are prisoners together in the collective events of our time.

2!5

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1949

With the most cordial wishes from both of us to you and your wife, Erich 1. Original in German. Fritz Riihl was a relative of Voegelin's on his mother's side of the family.

90.

To Earle Eubank

Professor Earle Eubank University of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio February

r y,

1939

Dear Professor Eubank: I have to apologize for answering your letter of January 2 8 only to-day. The reason for the delay is that quite a bit has happened in the meantime which required my full attention. Let me give you a short survey of the results: Beginning Tuesday, February 2 1 st, I am on the faculty of Ben­ nington College, Bennington, Vt. For the spring term I have to give one course in American Government, and another one on selected cases of constitutional law. (I am keeping my Harvard position at the same time . ) 2 . For the summer-school I have accepted a[n) invitation t o North­ western University. I shall give a course on Modern Political Theory, and a seminar on contemporary political ideas. 3 · For the next academic year I have accepted an appointment as assistant professor in the University of Alabama. I have to give the courses in American and Comparative Government, Diplo­ matic History, and International Relations. The appointment is made with a view to indefinite tenure as full professor in the future; but, at present, for one year only. r.

You can imagine how happy I am about this sudden development. None of these appointments, however, interferes with future pos­ sibilities at Cincinnati, and you know that I should be really de­ lighted if something should evolve at your University. (This ex­ pression of delight is, of course, confidential, as the Alabama people 216

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9- 1 949

who have been extremely nice to me, probably would not appreci­ ate it that I am considering the possibility of leaving them again. ) The teaching experience which I am now about to acquire will certainly be an asset. And maybe that, given the time of a year, the situation at Cincinnati will be more favorable than it is just now. I am very glad, indeed, that President Walters has received an agreeable impression of my person. I shall write you again in a few days, when I am settled at Ben­ nington. Please, send all letters to my new address at Bennington College, Bennington, Vt. With my best regards to your family, I am, Very sincerely yours,

9 1. To Bermann-Fischer Publishing House 1

Bermann-Fischer Publishing House Stureplan r 9 Stockholm February 22, 1 9 3 9 Dear Dr. Bermann: I have cabled my "declaration o f consent" that the foreword be published in the version that you suggest. I am in complete sympa­ thy with the fact that a publisher must take political considerations into account. As far as the objective issue is concerned, I do believe that the politics of concessions to National Socialism is disastrous, and therefore request permission to have my 'Foreword' published else­ where in unexpurgated form-in the event that such a place can be found. 2 From Vienna I hear that The Political Religions has not been distributed since November. I could not find out whether this is due to the confiscation of this book alone, or whether the reason for it is that the publishing house itself has been discontinued. As you. can see from the stationery, I now have a position at Bennington College. I travel every Wednesday to Harvard to fulfill my not-too-onerous teaching duties. This summer (June 1 9th to August r s th) I will be at Northwestern University (near Chicago) . For the autumn I have accepted a professorship a t the University 217

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

of Alabama. -You see that I am gradually getting back into th e swing of things. My wife and I are very happy about the way things are going. With best wishes from both of us to you and your spouse, Yours Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

2. English translation in CW, 3 3 : 1 9-24.

92.

To Oskar Morgenstern

February 22, 1 9 3 9 Professor Oskar Morgenstern Princeton University Department of Economics Princeton, N.J. Dear Morgenstern: Thanks for your letter of February 1 4th. I am answering it only to-day because the last week has been rather hectic. As you see from the letter-head, I am at Bennington College for the current term. I was appointed a week ago, and I had to start teaching (American Government, Constitutional Law) yesterday. Every Wednesday I run down to Harvard for my tutorial work. Other things have happened, too. For the summer-school I have an appointment at Northwestern (History of Political Ideas) . And for next fall I have accepted a professorship in Political Science at the University of Alabama: a one-year appointment with prospect of indefinite tenure. -You can imagine that I am very happy about this development. Now, as to lectures in Princeton, it would be very fine, indeed, if you could arrange something of this kind. I give you the following list of titles: The religious implications of recent political movements. The theocratic basis of the modern state: Hobbes and Spinoza. Can we master political reality by the traditional concepts of political science.

2!8

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9-1 949

Secular political science and religious political reality. The Socratic attempt at religious reform of the polis, and its failure. The political theology of the Mongol Empire. The Asiatic background of Western political thought. I enclose two lists of publications, and two copies of a short curriculum vitae. Please, let me know as soon as you can whether there will be some chance for these lectures, as I have to arrange some time in advance with the people here when I wish to come down to Princeton for a day or two. How is everything going with you? There are some rumors that you are going into some sort of business? l am, Very sincerely yours, Eric Voegelin

93·

To Karsten Lemche 1

March 6, 1 9 3 9 Dear Sir: Let m e thank you most kindly for your letter and for the attention you have given to my modest personal remarks. First of all: your wishes concerning changes to the foreword have been fulfilled. The publisher does not want to print the passages on the Grynszpan case. Your principal objection has thus been elimi­ nated. But let me respond briefly to your comments. You are completely right when you say that the argument con­ cerning collective ethics is missing, which would be necessary in order to make my case conclusive. It was included in the first draft, but I subsequently struck it because it made the matter too long and complicated. On the question of whether the Jews were ex­ cluded from the community of law, I believe that my argument is conclusive when the matter of collective ethics is introduced. The decisive point is not whether the individual Jew was without rights in his relationship to the individual German (although he was also without rights in matters of civil law obligation: no Viennese Jew I know was able to make his legal claim count against an Aryan

2!9

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

debtor unless the latter was willing to pay). What was decisive was that the "liquidation, " i.e., the actual exclusion from the commu­ nity of law, was organized by the state. The only limiting factor here, as far as I can see, was when the form of exclusion was all too detrimental to national socialist economic or foreign policy interests. If one was not permitted to strike down a Jew in the street unless one was in uniform, it was not because the Jew enjoyed any particular protection under the law but because this form of liquidation was not acceptable to the National Socialists. And, by the way, in their speeches Goebbels and Goring have mentioned the possibility of using this form, should it seem at some point in the future to hold promise of serving their ends. Now to the question of personal ethics, again with the intro­ duction of collective arguments: the murder is not a "right" but a duty. What is inadequate in the case is only the individual act. The systematic murdering of every National Socialist representative by Jews constitutes the " duty" in order to perhaps achieve success through this type of mass murder. For example: the success that it would make it impossible for National Socialists to have rep­ resentatives in foreign countries. I would go so far as to say that every government that receives German representatives, and, like the French government, at the same time makes known through its acts that it does not approve of the German policy against the Jews, brings itself into a very doubtful position and has no moral right to punish anyone for this kind of murder. The religious question is the most interesting. Of course one can appeal to Mathew 5 : 3 9, but one thereby places oneself on the basis of an ethic of nonresistance. However, the ethic of nonresistance is binding, not just for Jews, but for everyone. No one would then have the right to resist a violent group. But with that, every defense of a social order and every development of cultural values would be denied the possibility of self-defense. I don't know if you want to accept this consequence (for example, for the case of Danish nonre­ sistance to a Nazi invasion). I do not accept it, and I believe that the development of the churches from the evangelical to the militant position during the Middle Ages was perhaps not " Christian, " but that in any case through this development the churches were able to make their cultural achievements. I do not know if a culture based on nonresistance is possible in Europe; in some Asiatic cul­ tures it seems possible, at least to some degree. But merely based 220

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9-1 949

on that fact I would not risk the experiment in Europe. But you are right, against a radical ethics of nonresistance there are no valid arguments for the use of violence. What did I hope to accomplish with the foreword? Certainly it was not my intention to convert anyone or to be a missionary. It is the first time that I have expressed my personal view of a particular problem in public. Up to now I have confined myself to neutral description; but this neutrality, which is not relativism but stems from the contemplative participation in reality, has been so often and so completely misunderstood to be in support of Na­ tional Socialism that it appeared to me advisable to eliminate the misunderstanding. I chose the Grynszpan case to demonstrate how one should have treated it, if, like Thomas Mann and others, one wants to conduct a literary struggle against National Socialism. At the same time I said that I did not want to conduct such a struggle because it is meaningless as an individual act and, in view of the situation of our times, as a collective action it is impossible. It remains for me to say a few words concerning my personal position. You have correctly observed that I am an "absolutist, " and out of the particular type of my absolute prejudices follows my profound distaste for every kind of dishonesty, mendacity, refusal to accept consequences, ideological disguising of naked economic interests, sadism, and arbitrary mishandling, etc. And indeed I be­ lieve it is a good thing, if people of this type seriously cause others trouble, that one first render them harmless, if necessary by de­ stroying them, and only then engage in negotiations with them. This human position has nothing to do with my judgment of the historical function of these events. The "vital power" of which you speak is indeed the great advantage of National Socialism. And out of this advantage it has a very important function in toppling the institutions and notions of value that no longer have any vi­ tal power. But while "vital power" may be an absolute value in the plant world, for human beings it is only a foundational value, and everything depends upon wha t it is the foundation of. That it brings to a fall what was ripe for a fall accounts for its historical importance but does not endow its bearers with any moral value. The burning question is: how does one render this historically use­ ful instrument harmless once it has fulfilled its task, and indeed perhaps gone beyond it? I do not believe that [my life's purpose] is to contribute to the political success of National Socialism. But 22 1

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

even if I personally do not place much value on conquering the world, I would still judge every expansion of National Socialism to an imperium mundi to be in the order of things, if others are so stupid and cowardly to willingly submit to the process. That is once again the question of "vital power. " Nevertheless, it does not seem to me that a vitally powerful imperium mundi is of any value if it is nothing more than that and incapable of creating a moral order. And for such a possibility through National Socialism I can see no evidence at all. I see no reason to "cut myself off" from a National Socialist Germany. To me the identification of National Socialism with Ger­ many does not seem justified. I have every contact technically pos­ sible to what is of value to me in Germany. Indeed I also have pretty direct contact to National Socialism, although that is of no value to me. Were the beginnings of a valuable order in National Socialism, of which you speak and which doubtless exist, to actually succeed in coming to the fore, no one would be more pleased with this development than I. But the particular type of "Volkstum" that has come with the rule of National Socialism was always repulsive to me, and I see no reason why it should be more acceptable to me now just because it has succeeded. At the most this success could give me grounds for publicly expressing the view that I have always had of this type of "Germanism" but which I have hitherto only spoken of in private. And, finally, I do not believe that I am particularly bitter, pri­ marily because I have no reason to be. I never felt that anything connected me to National Socialism and its supporters. That I do not have to see National Socialists every day now is certainly a great joy. There was also very little that connected me to the intel­ lectuals and the organizations it destroyed, besides that I see more of them here in emigration than I care to. With the people who are personally close to me I have the same contact that I had before­ many of them are here in America. And my professional prospects, as far as the possibilities for doing research and for worldly success are concerned, are incomparably greater here than they would ever have been in Austria. Although I am on a very modest rung of the ladder, I now earn almost six times what I earned in Vienna, and I can devote myself to my scientific interests without having to

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carry the horrible law course load around with me that plagued me in Vienna. I cannot enter any further here into the question of religion and the question of radical evil in National Socialismi that would take too long. But the experiences that led me to this assumption and this position essentially correspond to the description of National Socialism that [Hermann] Rauschning (himself a National Socialist functionary for many years) recently gave in The Revolution of Ni­ hilism. Perhaps you are familiar with the book? It is the first work on National Socialism that appears to me to be a really valuable document. Please excuse the length of this letter. I felt obliged to reply at such length to one who has done me the honor and kindness of so thoroughly entering into and responding to my modest, personal remarks. With the most cordial wishes from both of us, Yours sincerely r.

Original in German.

94· To Ruthilt Lemche 1

March 6, 1 9 3 9 Dear Doctor Lemche: Thank you very much for your lovely, long letter, and I thank your husband as well, to whom I will write separately. But before I respond let me give you a brief account of the events of the last four weeks. Fortunately, the very strenuous efforts that I was engaged in dur­ ing these first months have been crowned with success. r . For the coming semester (February 2 1 to June r o ) I have been hired here in Bennington. My predecessor was suddenly called to a government post in Washington, and at the moment I am substituting for him (lectures: American Government, Constitutional Law). 2. For the summer school period I have an invitation to teach at Northwest­ ern University in Evanston, Illinois (near Chicago), from the 1 9th of June to the r s th of August. Lecture course: Modern History of Po­ litical Ideas, Seminar: Political Religions. 3 · For the autumn I have 223

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

been appointed to a regular professorship for political science at the Alabama State University (in Tuscaloosa, Ala. ); at first for only a year but, if I am retained, then for life. 4· I have a contract with a publisher in New York for a History of Political Ideas. -Thus you see that the process of settling into the new environment is making progress-and, at least for the moment, the situation does not look bad at all. The result: For the last fourteen days we have been sitting on a mountain plateau in Vermont, have a charming colonial style apartment, and see the mountains from every window. The charac­ ter of the landscape is something like that at [word illegible]-only that the formation is not lime but granite and, correspondingly, has a rougher form. -I have retained my position at Harvard and journey there once a week for a day in order to fulfill my teaching obligations, which are not too onerous. You can imagine how very happy we are over the way things have turned out. And now to your letter. I was very disappointed to see that there will be no fight between us. I find your classification of the possi­ ble positions excellent, and the one you have chosen for yourself has much to recommend it. It seems to me perfectly legitimate to view German "Human Studies" [Geisteswissenschaftl as a process that has by no means come to an end, and your idea, to pursue its "Renaissance" aspects, is certainly a very healthy one. Nor is this agreement on my part merely made for the sake of politeness. In principle I do the same thing when, as now, in working on a history of political ideas, I essentially allow myself to be guided by peculiarly German points of view; there is little that can be found corresponding to them in the English or French literature on the subject. -However, the external problem remains that, at least as far as my specialty is concerned, the results can only be published outside of Germany; and the internal problematic also remains the same, that these very German results also find acceptance outside of today's Germany. That leads me to another point on which, I am happy to say, I cannot entirely agree with you. You present the alternatives: "folk­ ish" integration, and "religious " integration that " transcends the folkish. " I am not sure that this either-or is in fact legitimate. At least it appears to me that between the area of a specific folkish cultural content, and the area of solitary individual religious expe­ rience, there exists a very large area of Near-Eastern-Mediterranean 224

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and European cultmes. I am not thinking merely of the Assyrian military and welfare institutions, or of the Egyptian ideas of hier­ archy, or of the post-exilic Jewish theocracy-whose forms are an essential element of National Socialism, and by no means consti­ tute something specifically German-but of the metaphysics and theology of Aristotle, Plato, and Plotinus, and on the ideas of or­ der found in late stoicism and in Cicero, etc. Indeed I do not see why, in order to be German, one should have to limit oneself to the relatively scant, actual or merely imagined, elements of the "folkish" spirit in order to create a spiritual and social order. That such elements undergo a transformation when they pass through the medium of the German language does not make them German, any more than they would become English or French were they to be filtered through the medium of those languages. If there is any experience that proves that there are areas of value transcending the folk elements it is, for me, the circumstance that the letters of the popes of the 1 3 th century, with a very complicated moral philosophy and theology, could be translated by the Chinese heads of the Mongol Khan's administrative staff into identical forms of thought, could be answered, with a thorough commentary, through a process of translations from Mongolian into Persian into Latin, and then could be translated by me, a German, into English-and I hope correctly interpreted-and meet with the enthusiastic ac­ ceptance of Americans. -I assume that, in this matter, we are of the same opinion. -I merely reject the categorization of "folkish or nothing, " which I have always found dubious. Santayana once said that it is an accid�nt that we are born into a particular nation. It seems to me that this accident is accorded entirely too much importance if, for the individual, one draws the conclusion that his spiritual existence can only be lived with the resources that this nation contributed to history, however important these may be. It is also a very important cultural and political question whether all the abilities and possibilities found in a specific nation should be fully developed, whatever the price. Not everything that exists is good. As far as I am concerned, if there indeed be national peculiar­ ities that, were they to be fully developed, would be incompatible with the level that European culture has attained, it would be better to leave them undeveloped. The human being is capable of being a criminal; should he therefore be a criminal? The human being is capable of being taken ill with cancer; should he therefore be ill 225

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

with cancer? The human being is capable of being German (in the "folk" sense of the word); should he therefore be German in that sense? Or is not conceivable that it would be better to suppress some specific German possibilities of development? Perhaps certain aspects of National Socialism are specifically German: cold brutality against those who are weaker, scrupulous acquisitiveness and corruptibility, faithlessness toward one's word, fear of an open fight, perfidy, deceitfulness, sadism, lack of respect for the dignity of the person, camouflaging aggression and the in­ stinct for gain under the cover of "ideals, " etc. Nevertheless, it does not appear to me to be un-German, or to be taking a " supra-folkish" standpoint, when one condemns these characteristics. Nor does the religious valuation appear to me to be "supra-folkish. " If one is to indulge the question at all, then Meister Eckhart, Jacob Boehme, and the German Theology of the anonymous mystic of Frankfurt are at least as German as Adolf Hitler and the "folk-ideologues" [" Volkischen " ] of the 1 9th and 2oth centuries. Indeed, the religious debate can be conducted within the context of German religious experience. But if Rosenberg asserts that only his myth is German, that the German Christian thinkers have been poisoned by Rome, then I can only answer: I will decide for myself what is German. To sum up: I do not believe that the world " subdivides " into Germans, Englishmen, Frenchmen, and Americans; I do not believe that membership in one or the other collectivity that divides hu­ manity is decisive. The specific "folkish" problematic never really meant much to me, nor do I believe that what is peculiarly Amer­ ican will mean much to me. The " collectivities" are not really as "collective" as the "folk-ideologues" believe. My sphere of action here, to the extent that I have one, is made up of the same type of human being that would constitute it in Germany; perhaps indeed I have more of this type here. Nor would I have any influence on the other type of human being, neither here nor there, because I am not the type of person suited to a political or religious mass movement. Thank you very much for your news from Vienna. The fate of poor Jungwirth is very sad. It is fortunate that he is young enough so that the sacrifice of a year is not a decisive loss. I would always be glad to hear from you about Bietek. I hesitate to write him myself because, despite his great qualities as a scholar, in my eyes, as a human being, he represents the type of "folkish" individual who, because of his otherwise spiritual waywardness, makes up one of 226

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the essential elements in the destruction of Germanness [Deutsch­ tum]. I can't do anything with people who excuse every personal responsibility by blaming what takes place on a historical course of events or an unavoidable national development [illegible section] . I find that just a little too easy. Should I have the opportunity to send an American to Gmunden, I would certainly do so. But I need to know something about what is going on there. Could you have some printed matter or prospectuses sent to me? Finally, a request: You are my sole source of information that the Political R eligions has not been available since November. Do you know anything more about it? Has the book been banned? Or was the publishing house closed? My publisher would very much like to know. The point is of legal import for the second edition. I would be very grateful to you if you would drop a line directly to the pub­ lisher and tell him all you know about it. His address is: Dr. Gott­ fried Bermann-Fischer, Bermann-Fischer Publishing House, Sture­ plan 1 9, Stockholm. Thank you very much for your note about Gronbech's new book. I hope it will appear simultaneously in a language I can read. It would be very useful to me. -Unfortunately I know nothing new concerning the concept of the "folk. " Since giving those lectures I have not dealt with the subject again. The only thing that occurs to me is Raschhofer's concept of the Italian "folk. " For the German question I find excellent material in Hermann Rauschning's The Revolution of Nihilism, Ziirich 1 9 3 8 . My wife has been doing very well since we came to live on a mountainside. The coastal climate was not good for her; she suf­ fered a cold or the flu constantly. She is as happy as I am about the very diverse prospects opening up to us in the next couple of months. -Personally I am up to my ears in work because I have to assimilate the massive contents of American constitutional his­ tory. And in the autumn, in Alabama, among other things, I have to lecture on "American Diplomatic History"-terra incognita for me. Thank you very much for the lovely photographs. With the most cordial greetings and wishes from both of us to you and your husband, Yours, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

227

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24- 1 949 95•

To William M. McGovern

Professor William M. McGovern Department of Political Science Northwestern University Evanston, Ill. April 22, 1 9 3 9 Dear Professor McGovern: Professor Elliott advised m e t o communicate with you concern­ ing a somewhat delicate matter. You indicated in your letter of last fall, and Professor Hatton did the same in our conversation at Columbus, that your department might consider to give me a regular appointment at a later date. As no further indication of such intention has been forthcoming, and as my financial situation does not permit me to take any chances, I had to accept in the meantime an appointment at the University of Alabama-for one year, with a prospect of permanent tenure. Now, things are going better than I had expected. My teaching here at Bennington seems to be successful, and a lecture which I have given on "Political Religions " created such a favourable impression that President Leigh offered a three years appointment with a top salary. I could not accept it outright as I had already the appointment at Alabama and liked to go there, but the President wishes me to come back to Bennington after the year in Alabama. Pleasant as all this is, you can readily imagine that none of these opportunities can compare with an appointment at Northwestern. And now, a friend of mine, Dr. Aufricht, who has been to North­ western several weeks ago[,] tells me that he received the impres­ sion that the department still considers very seriously the idea to have me there. I am a bit in the dark now, and do not know exactly what to do. The next year I have to go to Alabama anyway, but I should like not to enter into any obligations which would prevent me from coming to Northwestern if this chance should develop in fall of 1 940. Could you let me have, without any obligation on your part of course, your opinion of the situation?

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Professor Elliott does not seem yet to have received your MS. on Political Theory. I am looking forward to it very much. I am, Sincerely yours,

96.

To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

June 3, 1 9 3 9 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your very detailed letter of May r 8, and for the lines from Frau Cadette. I now have a fair idea of your situation. I have just returned from a trip to New York. I visited the Rock­ efeller Foundation and inquired into what might reasonably be ex­ pected. The answer: in principle, it is a matter of indifference to the Rockefeller Foundation where the money comes from that the university would use to hire you. And the question of the amount and the period of time (three or four years) for which it would pay a subsidy will be decided when a concrete application is made. How­ ever, an indispensible condition is that the university not create an extra position that, when the subsidy comes to an end, will also be cancelled, but that you find a normal position. The support of the Rockefeller Foundation should make this step easier. Thus, what is now important for you is that, with the help of the financial activities at your disposal, you find a position. Unless you have personal contacts somewhere, I see no other way of finding one than by sending a letter of application to as many universities as possible-about fifty. The letter should include: r ) the infor­ mation that you are a " displaced scholar" who is seeking a posi­ tion; 2) curriculum vitae and a list of publications; 3 ) information concerning the Rockefeller Foundation's offer and the possibility that, from a third party, you might have another grant as well; 4) references. I have asked Rene to send you a list of the colleges from the World Almanac, from which you should select the larger ones. The letters must be very detailed; two typed pages, single spaced. Each should be individually written, that is, they should contain no carbon copies, other than your list of publications, which you can

229

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24- 1 949

mimeograph and enclose with the letters. Where you do not have the name of a specific person, you should address the letter to the chairman of the Department of History. Ostermann seems to have messed things up at Johns Hopkins because he needlessly bombarded the people there with impossible suggestions. In addition, Baltimore doesn't seem to be a possibility in any case, because there is apparently no regular position open there. -You should not insist on any conditions, for example a good historical libraryi what is important now is that you find any position. Once you are here you can begin to look for something better. As far as the $2,400 is concerned, since I move about quite a bit, and this might cause problems with the mail, I would suggest that you enter into direct communication with my friend. His ad­ dress is: Count Oswald Seilern-Aspang Palazzino 3, ruelle Ste. Barbe Monaco, Ville I have also given him your address. Since the account that Seilern will draw the check on is in New York, it would be best if you would ask the Society for the Protection of Science and Learning in London if their office in New York could take over the handling of the monies so that they could confirm to anyone who might inquire there that the sum has actually been deposited for you. If this arrangement is possible, simply write to Seilern and ask him to please send his check to the organization there. It would be advisable to take care of this soon, since, to the best of my knowledge, Seilern will soon be traveling, and in such cases his mail is not attended to for months at a time. From the 1 5 th of June until the 1 5 th of August my address will be: Northwestern University, Summer Session, Evanston, Ill. From the yth of September: University of Alabama, [Tuscaloosa], Ala. Let me hear from you again soon about how things are coming along. In the meantime, for the summer, my most cordial wishes to you and Frau Cadette. Yours r.

Original in German.

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97·

To Max Mintz 1

Plaza Hotel Evanston, Ill. June 20, 1 9 3 9 Dear Friend: We have just received a few copies of an autobiographical work from a friend who you perhaps also know, Hans Berstel. I requested several copies because I thought it might be of interest to a few other people, and I am fairly sure that you are among them. I have therefore taken the liberty of sending you a copy. Northwestern has begun quite pleasantly. The lectures don't re­ quire that much work, and I have time to work on new material: to date Locke, Hume, and Thomas Paine. The faculty is without exception pleasant, and I'm getting to know quite a few people. The students are surprisingly good, even if I have a rather quaint effect on them. Today, following the seminar, one confessed, with a kindly interest in me, that I was the first scholar he had ever seen; I hope he won't mention that to anyone else . here. The university's lakeside location is spectacularly beautiful; you can't see the other shore, and there is a certain charm about coming out of the library and looking out upon a sea. Up to now the weather has been toler­ able; the prairie wind out of the southwest is very hot but dry, and the lake wind from the northeast is cold, so cold that now, in the evening, I have to close the window. Thus, I can highly recommend it for a vacation, if the trip isn't too long for you. One afternoon during our stay in Buffalo we visited the Tuscarora Indian Reservation-a very sad sight. The Indians live as farmers in extreme poverty in miserable little wooden houses. At the school I got the impression that about half of the children are mixed; some were light blond and blue-eyed. Most of the younger generation migrate to the city. The clans still exist but no longer have a social function. Noteworthy was a chief's wife with whom we spoke for a long time; she is intimately acquainted with the history of the Indians and cannot conceal her hatred of the whites. She was barely restrained by the necessity of selling craft articles. -At the Seneca reservation, where people are not baptized, spiritual relations are supposed to be better. The Tuscaroras are Baptists, and that appears to have completely destroyed the institutions that gave them struc­ ture and support [Halt] . 23 !

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949

With the most hearty greetings from both of us to you and your wife, Yours, Erich Voegelin r.

98.

Original in German.

To William McGovern

Professor William McGovern University of Southern California Los Angeles, Cal. August 2, 1 9 3 9 Dear Professor McGovern: I have a rather guilty conscience for not having written you ear­ lier. But you know Northwestern well enough, and you know the charming hospitality people extend here to visitors. Between din­ ners and luncheons and some modest attempts at work, I have neglected my correspondence. But now that [that's] all is over[,] I use the first day to write to you and to tell you how wonderful this term has been. It was a great cause of regret that I could not meet you here. My research on Mongolian questions is unpleasantly handicapped by my lack of knowledge of Oriental languages, and I had hoped to receive some information from you on certain philological ques­ tions which it would be very difficult to settle by correspondence. -Professor Elliott has let me have your MS on Political Theory for a short while, but I could not read more than a few chapters, particularly those on Kant and Fichte. I think they are an excellent exposition of the doctrine with all its philosophical implications. And I am looking forward to see the whole plan of your work. When do you think you will have finished it? And could you let me have a disposition of the whole book? Your arrangement of the material would interest me very much, because I am just now in the final struggle of my own History which I am writing for the McGraw Hill people. Let me thank you once more for all your help in bringing me to Northwestern this summer; you know what [a] great opportunity

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9-1 949

this has been for me. Are you planning to come to Washington at Xmas? We had the pleasure of seeing Mrs. McGovern several times; please, remember us to her and give her our respects. I remain, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin

99· To Klara Hartl 1

August r 6, 1 9 3 9 Dear Klara: It's very nice o f you t o want t o write t o me, but don't try any Nazi tricks with me. You should know that I'm not stupid enough to fall for them. There were no differences of op inion between us­ that's what you would like to pretend-but rather murder, theft, and looting. You don't need to act as though you were too decent to mention such things: that's a well-known Nazi trick. One doesn't touch on unpleasant subjects, but robs people down to their last shirt, or beats them to death if they don't willingly acquiesce. Or one forces them to leave the country with 20 Marks in their pocket. When we arrived in America we were Boo Schillings in debt and I had to borrow money so that we could eat. That we are now doing well is no thanks to you. Of course I write things about Fritz that you don't like. But indig­ nant as you are, you don't dare claim that they aren't true. In the event that anything I have said turns out not to be true, I would gladly learn where I was wrong. But you'll get nowhere with me using general assertions. -1 happily admit that my depiction was NASTY. That is my minimum reaction to the revolting treatment I received at the hands of your brown band of thugs. Or do you want to deny that, in violation of my contract, I was dismissed without a salary, and with no reason given? Or do you deny that I was refused the pension to which I am entitled? Or will you deny that I am in America at all? Or that I only escaped with great effort, or that you put on your party insignia when you came to see me off? Do you deny that this rascal [Lump] of a father has a picture of the band of thugs on his desk and was foolishly pleased to see his son robbed by 233

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

them? Do you deny that this filthy pig on the faculty claimed I was a Jew so that he could further his career? (To this day my complaint to the faculty has remained unanswered. ) A propos looting: along with your letter Lissy received the state­ ment from her parents on the sale of our possessions. The only item unaccounted for is the money for the oven! What about that? We won't see it, since as the result of the well-organized system of robbery, it is impossible that we will ever get any of the money. But we haven't forgotten anything! I am not being polemical here. The facts are sufficient. You're the one who thinks that it's a big joke. But I worked ten years of my life in order to reach a position, and when I finally had it, I lost everything. And the same thing happened to dozens of friends and acquaintances-we all did our work honestly and didn't steal anything from anybody. I can well believe that you are all happy to be earning money without having to work for it, but you can't expect those of us who were robbed to be amused. So: I don't want to begin a personal fight with you. But don't try to pretend that there is merely a small personal difference of opinion between us that will disappear. r.

Original in German.

100. To Alfred Schiitz 1

August 1 9, 1 9 3 9 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your letter of the r 6th of this month. In the matter of your research appointment, I was able to make a bit of progress today. The members of the department of economics had taken cognizance of the matter but, as I found out the middle of this week, they hadn't hurried themselves any. Today I had a long talk with the department chairman, with the following results: r . His name and address: Professor F. S . Deibler Chairman of the Economics Department Northwestern University Evanston, Ill. 234

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9- 1 9 49

2 . He is entirely sympathetic to the idea but is unwilling to take any immediate action because the appropriate man for the proj­ ect is away at the moment. Dean Bell, the finance specialist, is traveling in Europe and will not be back until shortly before the semester begins in mid-September. He [Deibler] is obviously unwilling to undertake anything before consulting him. But as soon as Bell returns he will take the matter up with him, and he has no doubt that there is a strong possibility that such an appointment can be made. 3 · The important point, of which unfortunately I have no knowl­ edge, is whether it will be of any use to you to get the one year reentry permit and then let it be renewed if you get the appointment. I don't know if such a renewal is possible. If it is, I suggest you write a formal letter to Deibler in which you propose to undertake such a research project for his department, and, at the same time, tell him what themes you think would be suitable, for example French finance policy in recent years. You should also add a short curriculum vitae with information on your publications and one or two testimonials to give them in­ formation concerning your scholarly qualifications. You should also send a few references. Bell will go to work with this letter as soon as he receives it. I am afraid that is all that can be done now during the semester break. Hopefully this will be of some use to you; but perhaps Haberler and Machlup will find a solution more quickly.

I am very happy that you can stay until September r s th. By that time you should be able to see more clearly whether it would not be wiser to remain here. At the same time that I post this letter I will send you a part of my manuscript. 2 It is all that has been typed up to now and, unfortunately, it has not yet been revised. I will have to ask you to please excuse me if, at some points, it is not as clear as it should be. It's extremely bothersome to be under such textual constraints that the implications of many problems cannot be adequately de­ veloped. All in all it's a pretty mad business to try to write such a history in just two hundred pages. Our trip to northern Wisconsin begins early Monday morning. Both of us can drive a bit, and we hope to reach our destination sometime Tuesday, a lake with some log cabins. Just in case the 235

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

research matter should require any explanations, let me give you my address. cfo Tony Mussel Birch Lake Resort Winchester, Wisconsin. Letters will reach us there until the morning of the 2 8 th. We have not yet decided whether we will stay for just a week or perhaps a bit longer. In any case we have to be in Alabama by the yth of September. Our address there is: University of Alabama Department of Political Science [Tuscaloosa], Ala. During the eight or ten days in between we will be traveling slowly south with the intention of seeing as much as possible along the way: probably Cairo, St. Louis, Nashville, and Memphis. Wilder's newest and most interesting work is a drama: Our Town . I highly recommend it. O'Neill's most important work i s Mourning Becomes Electra . The Emperor Jones also made a strong impression on me. Steinbeck's Of Mice and Men has been highly praised, but I haven't read it yet. On the other hand, his new book, The Grapes of Wrath, appears to me to be worthless political trash. To prepare for Joyce and Finnegan 's Wake I highly recommend Exagmina tion of James Joyce. A Critical Symposium on Finnegan 's Wake ( New Directions, Norfolk, Connecticut) . (The "g" in "Exagmination" is not a typing error. ) I can also recommend the two essays on Joyce that Edmund Wilson published in "The New Republic" on the 2 8th of June and the 1 2th of July this year. See if you can find someone who has the record of Joyce reading the end of the Anna Livia episode-as far as the musical side of the literary work is concerned, this is a revelation. Please send me your Husserl article soon. I am very interested. I had several good conversations with Fritz Kaufmann; he will be at Northwestern for a year. With the most cordial wishes to you and your wife from both of us, Yours, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

2. The MS of The History of Political Ideas that Voegelin sent has not survived.

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9 - 1 949

1 0 1 . To Max Mintz 1

Tuscaloosa, Alabama October 22, 1 9 3 9 Dear Friend: We have now been here six weeks and the situation has become somewhat clearer. The students are touchingly primitive and find it excessive if you introduce something into the lecture that is not in the textbook. I try to conform, with the result that it takes me almost no time to prepare my lectures. The colleagues are all very nice people; the chairman is even bright, competent, and ambi­ tious, and he tries hard to procure for me all the books I need, as far as the modest means allow. In any case, I have time and, despite a few technical difficulties, the chance to work. The landscape is intoxicatingly beautiful, with luxuriant vegeta­ tion that I have never seen before. In the first half of September it was still uncomfortably warm, but now we have fall weather; the evenings and nights are very cool but the afternoons are so warm that you feel comfortable in shirtsleeves. Enclosed you will find the MS of a lecture that I am to give in November in Knoxville at the convention of the Southern Associa­ tion. It is only a lecture; it won't be published. I would be sincerely grateful for your critical commentary. The History continues. The introduction and Orient are finished. I have sent a copy to Schutz, and I don't know if I might also bother you with it or if your time is too taken up with accounting. How are your relatives ? Did your father-in-law arrive in N.Y. yetP A number of people would very much like to contact him. We both send hearty greetings to you and your wife. Yours, Erich Voegelin r . Original in German. 2. Richard Schuller ( r 87o- I 9 7 2 ) . Schuller was the main Austrian representative for economic matters at the peace negotiations between Austria and Russia and Austria and the Western powers at the end of World War I. Cf. Unterhiindler des Ver­ trauens: A us den nachgelassenen Schriften von Sektionschef Dr. Richard Schuller, ed. Jfugen Nautz (Vienna: Verlag fUr Geschichte und Politik, 1 990).

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1 02. To Max Mintz 1

November 1 4, 1 9 3 9 Dear Friend: Your letter was waiting for me when I came back from Knoxville. Everything went well, and people liked my lecture so much that I assume it will be printed in the journal of the Association. That gives me the chance to make a few changes, and I am grateful for your critical comments; I believe you have identified most of the weak points. What you have written about your father-in-law interests me greatly; I hear from various sources of English efforts to deal with Central Europe. The most unusual one was the proposal to recog­ nize a German government parallel to the Polish and Czechoslo­ vakian ones supported by personalities like Bruning and Rausch­ ning. The plan is rumored to have failed because the United States refused to recognize such a government. (From a good source; but not intended for wider public distribution. ) Your accounting stories make m e shudder. I t i s a pity that we won't have an opportunity to see each other any time soon. I am going to Washington over Christmas, but I hardly think that there will be time for an excursion to New York. The landscape right now is enchanting. The forest is in fantastic fall colors. And yet it is still warm enough for shirtsleeves. I drove to Knoxville over the Norris Dam; it lies isolated in the mountains, 8o meters high, with braced walls like a Gothic cathedral: a very impressive construction. I also gained some insight into the activ­ ities of the TVA. The social and economic shake-up in the affected areas (to their advantage) will go very deep. I wrote to Schutz, asking him to send the MS on to you. With warmest greetings from both of us to you and your dear wife, Yours, 1 . Original in German.

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9 - 1 949 103.

To Frederich Schuman

Professor Frederick L. Schuman Williams College Williamstown, Massachusetts January I I , 1 940 Dear Professor Schuman: The other day in Washington we talked about your book on In­ ternational Politics and some of the interpretations involved. I en­ close, as it might interest you, a syllabus of interpretation which I use in class in connection with your book. 1 The subject matter covered does not extend to all the topics of your book, because with some of them I am in fundamental agreement, while concerning others the disagreement is of a minor nature which can be settled in class discussion. I hope sincerely that you will not understand the syllabus as an attempt to "improve" your book. The difference of interpretation is entirely due to a different background in methodology. I have the impression that much of your technique is following the lines indicated by Oppenheimer's Sociology of the State, while I prefer to work along the lines set by Max Weber, and consequently attribute less importance to the economic class factor. The fundamental relatedness of our approaches is perhaps best brought out by the fact, that I am using the same materials ·as you do in building up the course. Let me assure you how much I enjoyed to meet you in Washing­ ton. l am, Cordially yours, Eric Voegelin r.

Not found among Voegelin's papers.

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1 04. To the McGraw-Hill Book Company

January 1 8, 1 940 McGraw-Hill Book Company New York, New York Gentlemen: I have received your letter of January 1 4 asking for information about one copy of Catlin, Political Philosophies 1 which I returned to you at an earlier date. I have to apologize for not explaining earlier. I had received one copy of Catlin's book from you at the suggestion of Dr. Fritz Mar­ stein Marx because it would help me in the preparation of the history of political ideas I am writing for you. At about the same time one of your representatives called on me and I told him that I was interested in Catlin's book and apparently he took care to have you send me a copy too. So I received two copies and I returned one of them. At the same time let me acknowledge with thanks the receipt of a copy of Williams' American Diplomacy2 which I shall use as a text for my class in the coming spring term. By your letter of November 1 6, last, you wanted me to send you a short statement recommending Catlin's book. Now, of course, you will understand that no book on political ideas will be just as wonderful as the one I am going to write for you and with that reservation let me say that Catlin's arrangement of the subject matter interested me highly. I think the chief general advantage lies in its extensive quotations which permit the student to get at least a touch of the original sources. The best sections of the book I believe to be the chapter on Laski and Strachey of whom Catlin has a most intimate knowledge and understanding. The book makes very agreeable reading and I admit that I am highly amused by such a comparison as that of Alcibiades as a mixture of Oscar Wilde and Winston Churchill. With many thanks and my repeated apology for the belated an­ swer, I am Sincerely yours, Eric Voegelin

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9-1 949 I. G. E. Catlin, The Story of Political Philosophers, 3rd ed. (New York: McGraw­ Hill Book Co., 1 9 3 9 ) . 2 . Benjamin Harrison Williams, American Diplomacy: Policies and Practice (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1 9 3 6 ) .

105.

To Talcott Parsons

January 20, 1 940 Professor Talcott Parsons Adams House Harvard University Cambridge, Mass. Dear Professor Parsons: It is rather inexcusable that I write to you only after so many months, but I trust that you will accept my reasons and apologies. After I had left Harvard I was buried under a considerable amount of work building up my courses first at Northwestern, and now here at Alabama. The necessity of acquiring the English vocabulary in several fields to such a degree that I can express my thought freely in speech, causes me still considerable trouble. And besides, I have to teach American Government and American Diplomacy, and you can easily imagine that my general background of American history and civilisation is not yet by far what it ought to be in order to make my courses first rate. The task would be rather desperate if it were not for my colleagues and students; they are so gracious about my deficiencies that in proper time I think I shall become a quite useful member of the faculty. In November I read a paper to the Southern Political Science Association on the National Socialist technique of International Relations; they liked it so much that it probably will be published in the May number of the Journal. Just now I am working on a paper for Gurian's Review of Politics on the "Growth of the Race Idea, " 1 it is supposed to come out in April. With all this smaller business on hand, my main work, the History of Political Ideas, does not proceed as quickly as it should. However, I have been able to finish the introduction and the section on the Orient. And I regret it infinitely that I do not have the opportunity of an occasional talk with you as continuously new problems of method keep cropping up which I think might interest you, too. 241

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At Christmas, I was in Washington. I saw Dr. Schutz, and I un­ derstand that you made his acquaintance; I think he is really an excellent theorist. Would it be too bold if I ask your permission to send you some time the theoretical section of my "History" ? I should care very much to have your critical opinion. Our life here is very pleasant. But the social environment, being rather different from the East and the Middle West, is still some­ what bewildering. We plan to come to Cambridge this summer, as I want to work at the Widener library. Will you be there at the time? Please give our best regards to Mrs. Parsons; I am, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin I. cw, 1 0:27-6 ! .

1 06 .

To Fritz Morstein Marx

April 2, 1 940 Dear Fritz: Let me acknowledge your delightful paper about "Totalitarian Politics" and thank you for it. You know how much I enjoy the subtle irony of your style-written and spoken. And besides: the paper raises the essential questions. 1 Otherwise, I am writing this letter with a very bad conscience. The "History" does not progress as it should. Let me first describe the state of things, the excuses will be of less interest. I think the ancient period will be finished by the end of this semester. But the Middle Ages and the modern period I can write up only during the vacation months. We shall spend the summer in Cambridge for this exclusive purpose. The materials for the later periods, however, are in good shape, and I have particularly worked through this win­ ter Russian and other modern materials of which my knowledge was insufficient. The whole thing should be ready by the first of September. Now as to the reasons for the delay. First of all, the teaching job proved to be a rather exacting affair. I had to get acquainted with a considerable amount of historical materials of which I knew 242

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nothing before I came here (particularly American diplomatic his­ tory). Secondly, the "public relations " take a considerable amount . of time. I have given as yet I 6 talks on fraternities, veterans' organi­ zations, and women's clubs . And above all, I have started a private Seminar which meets once a week for an evening and seems to be a success; it stirs up the student body and even some professors. Last night we had an invasion from the psychology department; the gentlemen were disturbed because we discuss psychological questions which do not appear in the psychology courses of this great university; the attack ended with the defeat of the enemy. And thirdly, I have written a paper (44 rather concentrated pages) on the " Growth of the Race Idea" 2 for Gurian's Review of Politics; he plans to publish it in July. The time I had to invest in it, however, is not lost for the book, as I had to deal with the problems anyway and to bring them up to date. Excerpts of several sections of this paper will constitute chapters of the book. My personal position here seems to develop in a satisfactory way. They will reappoint me for another two year period; I shall receive a raise of salary this fall, and the appointment as associate professor in fall of I 94 I . Martin seems to be satisfied on the whole, but finds some fault with my accent, and hopes I shall do something about [it] during the coming summer. Shall we find you and your family in New York when we come through about the beginning of June ? Give our greetings to Barbara, and our love to the children. Yours very sincerely, 1 . Fritz Morstein Marx, "Totalitarian Politics, " Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 82, no. r, Symposium on the Totalitarian State (February 23, 1 940): 1-3 8 2. cw, 1 0:2?-6 1 .

I07.

To Max Mintz 1

April I I , I 940 Dear friend: Your letters are always a joy, and I ask you to excuse me if I don't answer as quickly as I would like to, but I have been very busy the last few weeks. At the beginning of June we will be coming through

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New York, and I am eager to learn more about your professional situation. Presumably the glory with which you will complete your studies will be of great help to you. What you write about the introduction is very important to me. You have touched upon a point about which I am undecided. I have altered the section of the MS in question a number of times, removing and then reinserting the offensive sentence. On the ques­ tion of "history and theory " : at the moment I tend more to the view that the two, at least as far as political theory is concerned, cannot be separated. A systematic depiction of theory today-not in other periods-must reflect on the history of ideas in order to show that certain problems, and which ones, are tied to historical phases. And vice versa: I don't think a history can be good unless it is presented against the background of a system. The introduc­ tion is not itself history, but it suggests, if only very roughly, a few points concerning the background of the system. As to the questionable comment, that it is wiser to keep quiet about certain things, this touches on the existential problem of theory that Aris­ totle raised when he stated that theory is the theorist's way of life [Lebenspraxis] . Theory is not just a statement about objects but a way of life [Lebenshaltung] in regard to them; radical contempla­ tion implies the refusal to let oneself get involved with the objects because the value of getting involved is doubtful. On the other hand, the withdrawal from political reality is also an action taken in relationship to that reality, especially when the results of one's contemplation are published and transmitted to others. This raises rather curious questions: Isn't an attitude of radical contemplation self-contradictory? Perhaps it is immoral because it destroys the magic of the idea, which is the soul of praxis. And as long as life is lived, [the soul of which] is praxis, it is only possible within the magic of an idea. The practice of contemplation is strictly individ­ ual, solitary, and cannot construct a social order; therefore should it not, as Plato maintained, be kept secret, at least as far as its most disturbing results are concerned? But then again, it must be cul­ tivated, because otherwise every idea that emerges at some point in history would have to remain sacrosanct and could not be crit­ icized. But this, again, would be immoral, because it would make moral development toward higher f-orms of social order impossible. What would be the result: that "progress " with a good conscience would only be possible if a thinker were clever enough to criticize 244

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and to destroy, and at the same time stupid enough to believe that he himself had found the solution to the problems through his new magic? For Plato, the answer is that it is forbidden to record the wise men's secrets in writing. Please excuse the length of this explanation; it has troubled me for many years, and I don't know what to do about it. What are your thoughts on this problem? It is all the more important to me now since in the chapter on the Greeks I am faced with the question of whether, in the analysis of Plato, I should discuss the problem of his secret or not. The principle of the platonic solution: the institutionalization of contemplation at the summit of a spiritual hierarchy, while the "people" are to believe in the "myth, " is of course a problem for all times, and I would not like to pass over it in silence. At the moment I'm very busy. The lectures, with a great deal of American history, are a lot of work for me. In addition, I have started a private seminar with about ten students; it seems to be going well. And of course I am the oracle for all European events and must speak constantly on the radio, in clubs, and at fraternities, etc. Finally it seems as though things are starting to move in this [ . . . ] war. Our first reaction to the events was a grim joy that these lousy neutrals should finally get their fair share. Now I am curious to see if the English fleet is worth anything; if, contrary to expectations, it doesn't fail, then an attack on Scandinavia would be a risky adventure for the Nazis. We hope to see you and Ilse in the first week of June. With cordial greetings, Yours, Erich Voegelin P. S. We have received a letter from the Engels that they have finally received their visas and hope to arrive here during the course of this month. I. Original in German.

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108. To Fritz Morstein Marx

April 2 r , 1 940 Professor Fritz Morstein Marx Queens College Flushing, N.Y. Dear Fritz: I feel duly crushed by your letter. As to the probability of finishing the book by September r st, I mean, indeed, to finish the book by this date. This does not in­ clude typewriting a revised text. -Let me apologize again for the delay. But you know that thanks to your kind assistance I got the instructorship in Bennington, and I have not had more than two quiet weeks since. I have no doubts that I can write the book when and if I can invest three uninterrupted months of work in it this summer. Commencement is on May 28thi we shall leave on the morn­ ing of May 29th, which will bring us, considering a few stops on the way, into New York about June 2nd. Could you let me know whether you will still be in town? Yours cordially, Eric Voegelin

109. To Benjamin Lippincott

Professor Benjamin E. Lippincott University of Minnesota Minneapolis, Minn. Dear Professor Lippincott: I have to apologize that I write to you as a perfect stranger. But I hope you will accept the excuse that the common interest in a problem may take the place of a more formal introduction between scholars. All I want to tell you [is] how much I enjoyed your article on "The Bias in American Political Science" in the Journal of Politics. 1

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Your critique and your consciousness of premises and methods is what is needed most in the present situation of American political science-it seems to me. My own field of investigation is not the economic aspect of pol­ itics which you stress particularly, but the religious and mytho­ logical. The problem, however, is the same for me as it is for you: to get away from the submissive descriptive treatment of political problems, and to introduce an analysis of the more essential deter­ mining factors. Let me repeat how glad I am to see you attacking the question in this way, and accept my best regards. l am, Yours sincerely, Eric Voegelin I . Benjamin E. Lippincott, "The Bias of American Political Science, " Journal of Politics 2, no. 2 (May 1 940): 1 2 5 -3 9 .

1 1 0. To Mrs. William H. Moore

May 1 9, 1 940 Mrs. William H. Moore 4 East 5 4th Street New York City My dear Mrs. Moore: Some weeks ago Dr. Bruning wrote me that he discovered your interest in Mongol problems and that he mentioned to you my work on these questions. He thought it might interest you and advised me to write to you about it. This is why I take the liberty of addressing to you these lines. I am doing it only today, because some papers which I had to bring out before this summer absorbed all my time. My interest in the Mongols was aroused about ten years ago when I worked in the Bibliotheque Nationale on French political theory of the 1 6th century. It puzzled me that so many of the French writers of this period gave the leading place, when talking about great princes, to Tamerlane and Genghis-Khan. Since that 247

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time I have worked with increasing interest on the problem and discovered a few things which seem to be of importance. First of all, I worked through the whole Renaissance period and published the result in a paper on the "Timurbild der Humanis­ ten, " which may perhaps be rendered in English as "The mythical picture of Tamerlane in the political theory of the Renaissance. " 1 The most interesting point is that Tamerlane takes, with some of the theorists, precedence over Caesar and Alexander. Poggio, for instance, expresses his disgust at being permanently bothered by the praise of the ancient heroes while his own time offers much more interesting examples of military prowess and slaughteri he takes a grim pride in the fact that his own times produce quite as unpleasant characters as Greece and Rome. I planned to continue these studies from the Renaissance to the present, and I have collected all the materials but the political events did not permit me yet to carry out this plan. While working on these subjects, I had to go back to the sources of the Genghis-Khan period, and I found that there was a wealth of important material never as yet published and analysed prop­ erly. I picked out the diplomatic correspondence of the years I 245I 2 5 5 between the Mongol Khans and the Western powers. These documents are known as such and used by most historians on the period, but they are-as I believe-not yet properly understood. I found to my surprise that these so-called "letters" were not simply diplomatic notes, but legal documents-orders of submission, and imperial edicts-which are our only original source of Mongol con­ stitutional law. I collected these documents, established the best texts, and they will be published, together with an analysis, in the near future in the Speculum . I enclose, as they may interest you, my translations of the documents together with a part of the analysis. The publication of the further analysis again is handicapped at the moment because I am too much occupied with establishing myself in the teaching profession over herei these things will have to wait for a few years. The most interesting part of my work, however, concerns the problem of historiography. The standard monographs on the ques­ tion have the writing of history begin with Macchiavelli and ex­ plain it with the renewed interest in antiquity. On the basis of my materials, I can say by now that this thesis is only partially correct.

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While the renewed contact with Greek and Roman historians is doubtless an important influence, the contemporary Eastern histo­ riography is at least equally important. While the Western writing of history has still the chronicle style, or is mythical, the historians of the Mongol empire in Persia, and of the Tamerlane period, write pragmatic highly critical history, and produce even treatises on the methods of history which compare with the best of our time. The same is true for the Byzantine historians of the 1 4th and r s th centuries. I think I am able to show that the Eastern historians were well known to the first Western historiographers, and that the Eastern methods were taken over and contributed decisively to the Western writing of history. Though I have collected the mate­ rials concerning these problems I am unable, for the reasons stated above, to prepare them for publication right now. I hope sincerely that this account contains one or two points which interest you, and thus may justify my sending it to you. l am, Sincerely yours, Eric Voegelin I . cw, 6 : 1 7 5-22 3 .

I II .

To Karl Loewenstein 7 Shady Hill Square Cambridge, Mass

June r 6, I 940 Dear Doctor Loewenstein: Your letter of June 8 has been forwarded to me from Alabama, and I have to thank you very much for it. Your criticism would be highly valuable, and if you can spare the time I should be very glad, indeed, to receive it. You would oblige me particularly if you could let me know of the instances where the National Socialist screen technique was properly observed in this country, I know of one or the other individual who has an adequate understanding of the question, but I was not aware of a "socially relevant" understanding. 249

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As you see, I am in Cambridge for the summer. Are you staying in Amherst all the time, and will it be possible that we meet during these weeks ? I am, with all good wishes and many thanks, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin

1 1 2. To Herbert Steiner 1

Shady Hill Square Cambridge, Mass. June 25, 1 940 Dear Doctor: To judge from the post mark, June 7th, your letter has undertaken a long trip to find me, and reached me yesterday. I am very sorry that we missed seeing each other herei I would very much have liked to hear the details of your personal fate and that of the "Corona. " It is very likely that I will get to New York for a couple of days this summer. If your path doesn't bring you to Cambridge before then, I will certainly try to get in contact with you on that occasion. I would very much like to see a text from Valery. Is this some­ thing new? And can you bear to part with it for a short while? Please send it to me for a week, if that is possible. 2 We will stay in Cambridge for the summeri I have work to do in the Weidner [sic] Library. With most cordial wishes, I am Your most obedient servant, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

2. Steiner sent Voegelin a copy of Valery's "Colloque dans un Etre" on June 29, 1 940.

LETTERS, I 9 3 9-I 949

113.

To Talcott Parsons

September I I , 1 940 Dear Parsons: I regretted it very much that our schedules did not permit of another meeting for an extended discussion of your MSS. Let me first tell you what I did with them: I left them in the hands of Dr. Winternitz and begged him to deposit them with the Secretary of the Sociology department. This arrangement became necessary because I kept them to the last moment, always hoping that I would find the time to give your theoretical MS more than a cursory glancing through. Un­ fortunately I was so pressed with my Greeks that a careful read­ ing became impossible. I have studied, however, the MS on anti­ Semitism; and I must say I have never read a more impartial analy­ sis of the social causes of the friction. You will certainly meet with criticism for this very reason, for, as I can tell from my own experi­ ence, Jews always get very excited when you say that there are such causes. As is natural under the circumstances, I was mainly inter­ ested by your analysis of the features in American society which make for anti-Semitism, because I know least about that part of the problem; but I was also very impressed by the survey of those elements in Hebrew religion and ethics which are conditions for the conflict. There is not much I have to say concerning your paper, except that I agree with it. I could not venture any criticism, but I should like to draw your attention to an aspect of the problem which you did necessarily not consider, because you exemplified the analysis with American materials. All you say about anomie holds good of course, for the German case, too. But I think German anti­ Semitism is determined in addition by an element which is not to be found either in the British, French, or American case. There never has been a German national " society, " a ruling class setting standards of conduct as in the Western political communities. This lack of an acknowledged German social standard, comparable to the British gentleman, the French bourgeois, the American farmer and middle-class type, makes ( or made) German society partic­ ularly weak; it had considerably less assimilating force than the West. The anomie, and the subsequent inroads of Jews in German

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society have, for this reason, been much more marked than in the well standardized and more coherent Western societies, and out of a feeling of helplessness much more bitterly resented. The German anti-Semitic literature from Bruno Bauer to Otto Weininger (who was himself a Jew) always harps on the problem of the "Boden­ losigkeit" ["rootlessness"] of the Jews-which I take to be a projec­ tion of the acutely felt German lack of firm roots in an established and acknowledged order. A second, peculiarly German point was touched upon by Stefan George in one of his poems when he hinted that the German hatred against the Jews has its cause in an attitude which is very simi­ lar to the Jewish belief in the chosen people. Two chosen peoples clash. Bringing this hint down to tangible materials in the Ger­ man cultural history, I would suggest that this history is charac­ terized by a feature, lacking in t4e West, which I should like to call Monadologism (the term was suggested to me by Fritz Kaufmann, at Northwestern, with whom I had a correspondence on this point) . The term i s taken from the Mona dology o f Leibnitz, and intends to signify a permanent German tendency to stress the ultimate loneliness and isolation of the human personality, its being closed up within itself, without contacts with an environment. To men­ tion a few high points of this trend: it is to be found in Fichte and the Romantic philosophy, and recently in Spengler's cultural monadology. ( Santayana has dealt with this problem somewhat hysterically in his "German Egotism"i while he has got hold of the problem I think that to treat it under the title of "egotism" is a misleading psychologism. J 1 This Monadologism has in German history, I think, a function similar to the Jewish belief in the chosen people, and prevents the free formation of contacts and the social openness. In this sense, I think, there is indeed a special cause of anti-Semitism in Germany which is absent in this country. (! hope this is not too aphoristic! J And then, there is a third point which I should like to mention, though with a certain hesitation, because I am not able yet to un­ derstand it in all its implications. When the sociological analysis as such is perfected, and the phenomenon of anti-Semitism is neatly dissected into its elements, there still remains the fact that just once in history a phenomenon like the Jews should have occurred. I mean, the analysis of the elements does not satisfy me as to the 252

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unique historical "Gestalt" of the Jews in Western history. There remains a problem which can be treated, however, only on the religious level. Bliiher has dealt with it in a somewhat irresponsible fashion, but there may be something to it nevertheless. The Jews have become what they are through their life in the expectation of the Messiah. Now, through the appearance of Christ, a new ele­ ment has entered this expectation: the possibility of having missed the Messiah ( die Messias- Verfehlungj. If we take the world of re­ ligious forces serious[ly] at all, then we have to take into account the Jewish problem as it is developed by St. Paul in Romans 9I I ; and particularly the formula of the mystery in I I , v. 2 5 . The problem of the Jews, as linked to Christianity through missing the Messiah, can only disappear through the Pauline solution-or with Christianity itself. The National Socialist anti-Semitism may, under this aspect, be interpreted in two radically different ways: on the one hand it may be an outburst of the Jewish-Christian tension in the traditional sense, as I think anti-Semitism is still in this country; on the other hand, it may be an event which has an entirely new significance and cannot be classified with traditional anti­ Semitism: it may be the outburst of new theogonic forces which are directed against the Jews because they are anti-Christian; it may be, religiously, not any more a Christian anti-Semitism, but a movement which wipes out the Jews incidentally to the attack against Christianity. I hope, you are not bored about this epistle. The problem interests me deeply; and I should be very glad, if sometime you could let me have your opinion, particularly on the last point. Let me repeat my regret that I could not read your other MS more carefully. I left it with Winternitz reluctantly because I thought you might need it. But if I could have it now that the pressure of work is less heavy, I should be very happy, indeed, to read it. With our best greetings to you, Mrs. Parsons, and the children, I am, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin r . George Santayana, Egotism in German Philosophy (New York: Chas. Scribner's Sons, 1 9 1 6).

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1 1 4. To Edward Yarnall Hartshorne

October 2, 1 9 40 Dear Hartshorne: I have your letter of September 26, and I am delighted to give you such information as I am able to offer,-which unfortunately is not very much. If I understand you correctly you do not mean the question of bureaucracy in a restricted sense, with regard to the increase of the governmental civil service personnel, but the general increase of that percentage of the populations in industrialized countries which makes its living as " dependent job-holders"-as I like to call the phenomenon. Concerning the statistical basis of the question, I am afraid I have never run across a monograph, but I always used, when I was interested to get a figure, the census publications of the industrial countries (German, French, British) which offer more or less good classifications from which you can derive a picture of the percent­ age of the wage earning population. On the qualitative side of the problem, there is, however, a con­ siderable and important literature which [has] arisen in connection with the social effects in which you are interested. The great Ger­ man classic on the topic is: Ernst Juenger, Der Arbeiter, 1 9 3 2 . There i s another publication, which is difficult t o obtain, by: Niekisch, Die Dritte Imperiale Figur, 1 9 3 5 . This book is out of circulation because Niekisch fell in disgrace with the National Socialists, and, I think, was beheaded in 1 9 3 8 . 1 You will find a survey of the problem in its European setting, with a bibliography of the leading works in my book: Der Authoritaere Staat, 1 9 3 6 . 2 ( Of which a copy is in the library of the Harvard Law School), pp. 1 6-22 . Good remarks from the French point o f view I have found in: Jules Romains, Problemes Europeens. 1 9 3 3 . I hope I have not misunderstood you a s to your problem, and I beg you to be assured that it is a special pleasure for me to give you any further information which you may need. I am, Very sincerely yours, 254

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1. On this point Voegelin was misinformed. Ernst Niekisch ( r 8 89-1 967). 2 . English translation in CW, 4 ·

1 1 5 . To Alvin Johnson

October 2, 1 9 40 Dr. Alvin Johnson, Director The New School for Social Research 66 West Twelfth Street New York, New York My dear Dr. Johnson: I beg to acknowledge your letter of September 1 9 requesting me to give you an appraisal of the work of MM. Louis Lavelle and Rene Le Senne. May I first state to what degree I know them. I am not acquainted with either of them personally, nor did I ever have any contact with them through correspondence. All I know about them is through the reading of some of their books several years ago. I am just moving and my library is inaccessible, so what I have to say is from memory. With those reservations I may say the following: The work of the two philosophers is of special interest to me because they represent on the French side the trend toward a re­ interpretation of the nature of men which in the contemporary Ger­ man thought is represented by Jaspers and Heidegger, and which is characterized technically as existential philosophy ( or philosophy of human existence) . The new trend can be referred back to its great beginning in the 1 9th century in the work of Kierkegaard, and it seems to me of considerable importance because it is a movement away from the purely methodological or from the anti-religious or anti-metaphysical approach to problems of philosophy which dom­ inated the period up to the World War. It signifies a new conscious­ ness of the basic questions of human nature, and tries to probe them without being tied up too closely with the dogmatism of the established churches. In this sense I consider the work of Lavelle and Le Senne as one of the most hopeful symptoms in the evolution of philosophy in France; it seems to me indicative of the aliveness and independence of the two philosophers; and they represent to me-with due allowance for the limitation of my knowledge-the 255

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most hopeful and promising expression of French philosophical life at the moment. I am not able to name definitely other scholars in this country who are acquainted with the work of Lavelle and Le Senne, as you request me to do. But I should suppose that a man like Mortimer Adler would know about their contributions; and I think it highly probable that Waldemar Gurian, of Notre Dame University, is ac­ quainted with their work. Let me assure you that it is, and always will be, a great pleasure to me to give you such information as I am able to tender, and particularly if this information should contribute in a small way to relieve the situation of men of the distinction of Lavelle and Le Senne which, from the implications of your letter, does not seem to be rosy just now. I remain, Sincerely yours, Eric Voegelin

1 1 6. To Warner F. Hall

Dr. Warner F. Hall First Presbyterian Church Tuscaloosa, Ala. October 2 8 , 1 940 My dear Dr. Hall: I have to apologize first for addressing myself to you as a stranger but I hope you will excuse the unusual procedure by the nature of my problem. Friends in New York have informed me that a young Viennese scholar, whom I know personally, Dr. Hans Klinghoffer, is stranded in Lisbon after the breakdown of France with the Gestapo at his heels. He has complied with all the requirements of the American immigration law and his quota-number is up; the only thing he needs now is an affidavit. My New York friends ask me if I could do something to secure an affidavit for him. As I am a newcomer myself to Tuscaloosa I have not yet acquired closer relations in town, and I do not know any persons who are sufficiently well-to-do to give an affidavit which is acceptable to

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the American consul, and I wish to ask you if you think it possible that among the members of your community somebody might be found who would be willing to give one considering the desperate situation of Dr. Klinghoffer. The gentleman in question is 3 5 years of age, married, a lawyer and political scientist with a fine reputation; he is of Jewish origin but I have no information whether he is a Jew or a Christian by confession. I mention this point because sometimes people who would be in a position to give an affidavit are afraid to do it because of the obligation which they incur. I wish to stress, therefore, that setting aside the fact that the character qualities of Dr. Klinghoffer exclude any possibility that he ever would be a charge to an affidavit giver, Jewish committees have been formed in New York who take special care of this possibility and are a practical guaranty that no person who gives an affidavit to a Jew will ever be approached to honour any obligations incurred. May I add from my considerable experience that no case has ever come to my notice of a Jewish immigrant having become a charge to a person who has given him an affidavit. It would be a great pleasure for me to give you any further infor­ mation you may desire, and to talk over the problem with you at any time that is convenient to you. I remain Yours sincerely, Erich Voegelin

1 1 7.

To Whom It May Concern

November 4, 1 940 To Whom it may Concern: This is to introduce and to recommend to you Dr. Gerhart Na­ thanskay formerly of Vienna Austria. Dr. Nathanskay is a brilliant lawyer who was formerly in the civil service of the city of Vienna. His special field is that of admin­ istrative legislation, and he is the author of several publications on special problems in it. His most important contribution to the science of administrative law is a commentary on the Austrian Trade Legislation. The book was the acknowledged standard work 257

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of the subject matter and has received enthusiastic praise in all reviews for its high standards of legal technique as well as for the penetrating analysis of the economic questions concerned. Dr. Nathanskay has, furthermore, a great teaching experience. He offered from I 9 3 5 to I 9 3 8 regular courses on administrative law at the University of Vienna and conducted for four years courses in the academy which the city of Vienna had created for post graduate training of its civil servants. Dr. Nathanskay was dismissed from s·ervice after the national socialist invasion of Austria and is attempting now to establish himself in this country. His English is excellent; and I take the liberty of recommending to you warmly a man of his distinguished qualities of character and intellect, because I believe that his expe­ rience as an administrator, lawyer and teacher may be put to good use in this country. l am, Sincerely yours, Dr. Erich Voegelin Assistant Professor in Political Science

1 1 8. To William Y. Elliott

Professor William Y. Elliott Harvard University Cambridge, Massaschusetts November s, I 940 Dear Professor Elliott: May I take the liberty of introducing you Dr. Stefan Th. Possony, the author of the treatise on the Defence Economy of the Total War. 1 Dr. Possony had to leave Vienna when the national socialists moved in, and he spent some time in France where among other things he participated in the preparation of a Senate intervention on air blockade. He is at present one of the leading authorities on the economic problems of modern warfare. He is now in this country and tries to establish himself, prefer­ ably by obtaining sooner or later a teaching position in a college;

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9-1 949

and in the meanwhile he tries to find a research scholarship which might tide him over for the first difficult year. I thought that you might be interested in him not only as a scholar but under the aspect that his unusual qualifications might be put to some practical use in this country. He will try to get in contact with you and I believe that the time which you might be able to give him will not be wasted. I hear from Dr. Martin that maybe you will come to Tuscaloosa this year and give us a talk. I am happy indeed about the prospect of seeing you soon again. With my sincerest thanks for your kindness, I remain Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin I . Stefan T. Possony ( 1 9 1 3-1 9 9 5 ). Author of Die Wehrwirtschaft des totalen Krieges (Vienna: Gerold, 1 9 3 8 ) .

1 1 9.

To the Guggenheim Foundation

Guggenheim Foundation 5 5 I Fifth St. New York, N.Y. November 6, 1 940 [No Salutation] Dr. George Fleischer is known to me since our student days in Vienna. He is the only son of a fairly well to do family which own a publishing enterprise. His financial situation permitted him to lead the life of a private scholar. His publications are few in number as he was never under pressure to publish anything for the purpose of obtaining academic promotion, but this should not detract from the fact that he is a competent scholar in the field of political science. His publications on electoral reform and on the Austrian Constitution testify to his scholarship and earned him high respect in academic circles. His research project on " Perpetual Peace" seems to me highly important as far as I can judge from the expose attached to your request. The whole field of Utopian thought still offers infinite 259

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possibilities for contributions to political science; it is extremely complicated, for the materials are scattered, and though I know of excellent monographs concerning particular problems the subject matter as a whole has never been treated competently. From the expose of Dr. Fischer I gather that he intends to treat the topic sys­ tematically on the occasion of the idea of perpetual peace. Though it is impossible at this moment to form an opinion on the value of the outcome the plan is highly interesting and merits support; and I do not doubt that Dr. Fleischer is competent to handle the subject matter adequately. [No Valediction]

uo.

To Max Mintz 1

November 2 1 , 1 940 Dear friend: Let me thank you for your lovely letter of October 1 3 ; and I must say how startled I am to see how time flies. As usual, you have identified the decisive points. A section on the idea of the polis and Solon's constitution is indeed missing. I left it out for the moment because it poses no technical problems and can be added at any time (it should come before [ . . . ] ); I first want to see how much space I have. What you say about Pericles' funeral oration (with the lovely comparisons to Churchill and Lin­ coln) is very important. I wanted to leave it at the quotation here (for reasons of space), but I see that this brevity leads to misun­ derstandings. I agree with you completely that the oration is to be understood positively and not as empty, unwarranted praise. What is important to me here, as in other similar instances, is to show that the 11tension11 between idea and reality does not devalue the idea, but that the (justified) pathos of democracy retains its validity despite the horrible details of political deeds and that the two go together. Reality should not be an argument against the idea. I see that I must explain this to remove any doubt. I won't be able to send you any more installments for a few weeks; several large sections are complete, but I am not clear on the main lines of how to organize it further and several transitional pieces are still missing. The period from Alexander to Charlemagne is pretty complicated. 260

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Thanks to the assistance of your wife, we have pretty much finished the apartment. The only adventure in the near future will be the Christmas trip to Chicago. Many thanks, and with warmest greetings from both of us to you and your dear wife, ·

Yours, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

121. To Taylor Cole

November 22, 1 940 Dear Cole: Let me thank you for your article on the "Corporative Organiza­ tion of the Third Reich. " I think it is eminently useful, and I envy your opportunities at Duke to get at all the relevant materials. From what I remember of the statutes which I read at the time when they appeared, your survey is perfect. Concerning the Handicrafts Estate I might add (your page 45 8 ) that I remember materials to the effect that a considerable number of independent craftsmen have been forced to give up their small businesses in order to fill the rank of skilled factory labor; the protection of the "little man" has actually resulted in a considerable decrease of the small craftsman and shopkeeper. I remember also that in Vienna, the number of small shops was systematically reduced still in 1 9 3 8 in order to increase the number of customers for the remaining and thereby to make the distribution of goods more economical. We discussed some Spencerian problems in Greenville, and I promised to send you the reference in Adam Smith concerning the transition from a military stage of society to a peaceful merchant society with standing army, based on the history of the British military institutions. You will find the passage in question in Adam Smith, Lectures on Justice, Police, Revenue and Arms (ed. Edwin Cannan, Oxford 1 8 9 6 ), pp. 260 seq.; also pp.26 seq. with the parallel examples from Roman history. -There was something else you wanted to know, but unfortunately I have forgotten what it was. May I remind you that you were good enough to promise me the pamphlet by Carl Schmitt on Grossraeume1 in international 26 1

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relations ? I have to prepare my paper now, as Professor Wilson wishes to have it by December r oth. Cordially yours, r. Carl Schmitt, "Volkerrechtliche GroBraumordnung und Interventionsverbot fiir raumfremde Machte. Ein Beitrag zum Reichsbegriff im Volkerrecht, " 1 9 3 9 .

122. To Friedrich Engel-Janosi l

January 2 1 , 1 94 1 Dear Friend: I would have thanked you before this for your kind letter of January s th if my wife and I had not come down with the flu. I agree with your comments concerning the occupation of a for­ eign nation. The first point in your letter in which you look at a further possibility for future reconstruction appears to me to be more important. You speak of the "solution of the Congress of Vienna and of the English policy that ensued for the next fifty years . " That is a very important addition, and I would very much like to use it, should it come to a publication of my article. But your suggestion is not entirely clear to me, and if you can find the time, I would be grateful if you could explain your thought to me in a little more detail. It is not clear to me in what way the current power constellation corresponds to that of 1 8 1 5 so that a similar solution would be possible. The solution of the Congress of Vienna assumed the existence of Austria as the major Central European power. It seems to me that the current problem is characterized by the fact that no major power exists south of the German Reich. Therefore let me ask you: In your reference to a balance of power policy do you mean to imply a reconstruction of a major power on the Danube? If yes, what form should it take? If no, what state in the south-east should bring about this balance of power? I would be very grateful to you if you could go into a bit more detail in this matter for me. I was very sorry that in Chicago we saw so little of each other. I was very happy to see Kris again. What is he up to these days ? With very best wishes from both of us to you and your dear wife, Yours 1 . Original in German.

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123. To Heinrich Briining

Dr. Heinrich Briining Harvard University Littauer Center Cambridge, Mass. April r 6, 1 94 1 Dear Doctor Briining: Thank you for your kind letter o f April r o; I am very much touched by the attention which you gave to the MS, in spite of all the work you have on hand. Your letter arrived just one day ahead of the proof of the article and I incorporated your suggestions, par­ ticularly the reference to the ruin of the conservative bourgeoisie through the inflation, and your remark on the parliamentary possi­ bilities of the Bismarck constitution. Concerning the latter point I wish to thank you particularly be­ cause I never thought of it. My legalistic prejudices still carry me away at times and let me believe that a constitution has to be changed formally in order to change a function-though I should know that the legal structure is not all important. -1 am very glad also that you approve of the importance which is given to the Russian question. It is very kind of you, indeed, to offer me a chance to see you next summer; and I shall certainly avail myself of the opportunity in Cambridge or at any other place where you may be at the time if you permit me to do so. At the moment, I have no plans; I shall not leave here before I am through with my work (the "History" ); and then we intend to take a vacation in the North or East as long as time permits. Let me repeat my thanks and express the hope and wish that you are in good health. l am, Yours very sincerely Eric Voegelin

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To Max Mintz 1

April 3 0, 1 94 1 Dear friend: I am sorry to hear that your hand has not yet completely healed; it must have been pretty bad, since one can still see the traces in your handwriting. I hope it will soon get better. I am all the more grateful that you have gone to such trouble to write me a detailed letter. What you say about the Stoics and the bureaucratic state is very important to me; I had considered discussing the point but then, in order to keep the ever-expanding MS from growing even more, decided not to. At the moment I am not sure what to do, since it is not possible to even touch on this and many other points, particularly the very complicated medieval relationships, let alone to go into detail in the space that is available to me. I foresee new negotiations with the publisher. You are quite right about the passage in the Cicero chapter; I hadn't thought that here the most sacred feelings would be hurt. I will leave out the incriminating sentences. I am very relieved that you think that overall the depiction will do. I hardly have any distance any more since I'm up to my ears in material and can only see how much must be left out. If your work permits it, I would be happy if I could continue sending things to you. In about a week another large section will have been typed. The semester is coming to an end. But we don't have any plans other than our desire to stay here as long as possible so that I can finish my work. It would be nice if there were time to travel east. I would enjoy seeing you longer than was possible the last time. With many thanks and best wishes for the recovery of your hand, Very cordially yours, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9 - 1 949 125.

To Fritz Morstein Marx

May 6, 1 94 1 Professor Fritz Morstein Marx Department of Political Science Queens College Flushing, N.Y. Dear Fritz: Your letter arrived o n time according t o my expectations. I am working on the modern period, and I enclose for your in­ formation a detailed table of those parts which, as far as I am con­ cerned, are typewritten ready for publication. The enclosed table is for the larger part self-explanatory, but a few remarks may prove helpful. I have divided the subject-matter, as you see, into the upper stratum of ideas and the undercurrent movements. The paragraph on The People of God gives a survey ( 3 0 ( ? ) MS-pages ) of the Movements from the tenth century to the present, which means that it contains the revolution-problem, me­ dieval and modern. This makes it possible to isolate the rational systems of ideas and treat them very succinctly without burdening their presentation with extensive explanations of the situation. I am working now on the "Saints " from Bodin to Rousseau in a series of short paragraphs. (Incidentally The People of God is in my opin­ ion a very important synthesis of the dynamics of Western ideas, which has never been given in this way. ) These remarks should give you an idea of how the work progresses. It is my firm plan to get through with the whole thing before it gets really hot here-though there is obviously no sense in fixing a date of completion within a week's margin of error. My only real sorrow is that you will find my unorthodox treat­ ment too much at variance with the expectations of readers who [still] live in the time when Queen Victoria was young and beautiful. Gurian urges me to send him some MS for publication in his "Re­ view. " I intend to send him "The People of God" for his inspection; if he wishes to publish it not later than October it might be helpful in drawing attention to the book. All this, of course, subject to your permission. Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1949

Table of Contents 1 94 1 1 r . Machiavelli a) His Solitary Position Between Medieval and Modern Thought b) The Position of Italy Between the Orient and Christian Civilization c) The Work of Machiavelli d) The Thought of M. Compared With The Ideas of the Greek Disintegration e) The Call for The Savior-Political Tension Without Religious Tension f) The Psychology of Disoriented Man g) The Tension Between Italian Disintegration and National Aspiration h) Religion-Despair of the Church-Hope for the Reformer i) The Character of The Prince in the Citta Corrota j) The Emergence of Power Outside the Christian Charismatic Order k) Reaction Against Non-Charismatic Power-"Power is Evil . " 1) Max Weber-"Ethics o f Responsibility" and R aison d'Etat m) Machiavelli's Anthropology-The Irreligious Man n) Elite and Mass o ) Transformation of Polybius-Open Power Field and Eternal Circle p) The Myth of Machiavelli q) The Model of the Ruler-Virtu r) Fortuna s) The Key-Position of the Vita di Castruccio Castracani t) The Vita as a Genus u) The Vita Tamerlani v) The Asiatic Background of Machiavelli w) The Myth of the D emonic Hero vs. The Myth of the Soul 2. The People of God a) The Problem aa. The Two Planes of Western Civilization bb. The Category of Reformation cc. Difficulties of Approach 266

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b)

c)

d)

e)

f)

g)

dd. The Range of the Undercurrent Movement-Edward Gibbon Institution and Movement aa. The Institutionalization of the Church bb. The Church as the Basis of Western Civilization cc. The Reaction of the Movement Effects of the Movement on the Institution aa. Spiritual Reformation bb. Civilizational Destruction-The Fragmentary Civilization The Phases of Disintegration aa. Dissolution of Charisma and Rulership bb. The Bourgeois State and the Proletarian Movement cc. Sectarian Ignorance dd. The Disintegration in the Realm of Ideas ee. The Disintegration in the Realm of Science The Social Structure of the Movement aa. Movement and Town-The Middle-Class Character bb. Peasant, Feudal and Bourgeois Support The Structure of S entiment of the Movement aa. The Problem of Oriental Influences bb. Cathars and Paulicians cc. The Paulician Puritanism dd. The Cathar Manichaeism ee. Scotus Eriugena-the De Divisione Naturae ££. Amaury of Chartres-The Third Dispensation gg. The Worlds of Darkness and Light-Extreme Cases hh. Puritan Ideas-Hanserd Knollys, Thomas C ollier ii. The Changing C ontent of the World of Light Methods of Conviction aa. The Muenster Kingdom-The Display of Luxury bb. Sensual Conviction aaa. Drugs bbb. Body Movements, Drums, Threats of Death cc. The Ritual Speech dd. Propaganda aaa. The Original Concept of Propaganda 267

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bbb. The Nihilistic Ideas of Propaganda ccc. Totalitarian Propaganda h) Postscript 3 · The Great Confusion a) General Characteristics aa. The Theoretical Positions bb. The Structure of the Revolution aaa. The Spanish Reformation bbb. Relation between Spanish and German Reformation ccc. German and Swiss Reformation ddd. French Reformation eee. English Reformation fff. Counter-Reformation b) Luther aa. The Release of Forces bb. The Occasion of the 9 s Theses cc. Justification through Faith dd. Good Works ee. Secular Authority ££. The Explosive Character of the Doctrine -The Twelve Articles gg. French and American Parallels c) Calvin aa. Calvin's Authoritarianism bb. The Selection of Geneva cc. The Doctrine of Predestination dd. Calvin and Marx ee. The Geneva Theocracy ££. Calvin's Discipline-The Dynamics of Capitalism d) The Controversy Concerning Royal Power aa. Luther and Calvin bb. The Magdeburg Tract-Knox cc. Calvinist Controversialists-The Vindiciae dd. Jesuit Controversialists-Suarez ee. Catholic Controversialists ££. The Divine Right of Kings 268

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1 9 3 9-1949

e ) Internationalism and Imperialism aa. The Protestant International-The Great Design

bb . The Conception of Interstate Law-Vitoria-Suarez cc. The Community of Mankind dd. The Relectiones de Indis-the Instrument of Imperialism ee. The China Case

££. National Socialist Application f ) Utopia aa. The Literary Genus-The Discovery of America

bb . The Sentiment of the Utopia cc. The Commonwealth Idea-Economics dd. The Commonwealth Idea-Religion g ) The Christian Commonwealth aa. Richard Hooker

bb. His Construction of the Church of England cc. The Victory of the Nation

r . The chapter divisions outlined in the table underwent further changes. Com­ pare CW, 22 and 2 3 .

12 6 .

To Talcott Parsons

May 9, 1 94 1 Professor Talcott Parsons Department o f Sociology Harvard University Cambridge, Mass . Dear Parsons: With a n extremely b a d conscience I am writing this letter. I t is six months that I have left you without an answer to your last letter which raised several points of great importance for the under­ standing of Communism and National Socialism. My only excuse, which I beg you to accept, is my somewhat precarious situation with a time-limit for my "History of Ideas. " I am working hard, and I feel for the first time the strain physically. Some of the problems with which I am dealing may interest you, and I am enclosing the

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table of contents of the chapters on which I have been working for the last six weeks. 1 The immediate cause of this letter is my reading of your MS on "Action, Situation and Normative Pattern, " which Dr. Schutz gave me a few weeks ago at Philadelphia. I have studied it carefully, for the last fortnight, and I have to express my admiration for the carefully elaborated system of concepts; your essay seems to be, indeed, a comprehensive outline system of the problems of social action reaching from the elemental categories to the institution. Personally, I have not dealt with purely theoretical problems now for several years, and it would be, therefore, presumptuous on my part if I indulged in an appraisal. But you will perhaps consider it not too arrogant if I mention a few points which struck me as particularly important advancements beyond the state where Max Weber left the questions pending. r . You based your analysis definitely on the construction of " sys­ tematic" type concepts and discarded the earlier attempts of Max Weber to construct "historical" ideal types. "Wirtschaft und Gesell­ schaft" is vitiated by the oscillation between the two approaches to the subject. (The one used in Weber's ch. I , the other in ch. 8 . ) 2 . It is certainly a great step forward t o have discarded W's clas­ sification of the types of social action in his ch. I & 2, and to have subordinated such categories as the means-end relation to the larger "teleo[lo]gically directed activity. " 3 . W's somewhat abrupt introduction of the Legitimate Order you have replaced by the analysis of the "situation" with its empirical and "residual un-empirical" elements. 3· The somewhat narrow Weberian cumulation of concepts to the apex in the concept of the "modern state, " you have replaced by the analysis of your chapters V, Vi, Vii. By these four steps you have, as I see it, achieved the systematic unit of the basic concepts which in Weber's treatise remained sadly in suspense. It is, of course, impossible to enter into details within the scope of a letter considering that your essay is practically a system of theoretical sociology which for a fair analysis would need a critique of the same volume. But I may refer perhaps to your analysis of the "cognitive" element (replacing the unclear "rational" of Weber) as particularly happy, because it permits the employment of the 270

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larger category of "teleologically directed activity" under which may be subsumed beside activities based on conscious cognition, also "instincts" and "habituation. " -The integration of personal­ ity in the social system seems to me a section which in Weber is entirely missing-probably because W. paid scant attention to the psychology of emotions. I do not see that I could criticize anything fundamental in your approach, and I have to risk that you will be somewhat bored by my complete agreement. Let me add, therefore, at least that I would have accentuated through terminological means a bit stronger the positive character of the "un-empirical" elements. But you will see easily that this remark is conditioned by my preoccupation with the questions of social and political myths. The problems themselves have their full weight in your analysis. Let me thank you for the privilege that I could see your MS. I shall send it tomorrow by registered mail. The semester is drawing here to its close this week. I hope I shall be through my work by the end of July, and then we plan to make a trip without knowing yet where it will take us. Maybe to the East. I have a great desire to see you again; Alabama is charming, but it is not particularly stimulating. What are your and your family's plans for this summer? With my best regards I am, Very sincerely yours, Eric Voegelin 1 . Cf. the table of contents in Voegelin's letter to Fritz Morstein Marx of May 6, 1 94 1 (letter I 2 5 , above).

127. To Max Mintz 1

May 27, 1 94 1 Dear friend: Your letter comes just as the next shipment to you is ready to go out. I am very grateful for your criticism. As far as your suggested deletions, these can be easily made (the incriminating pp. 1 0- 1 5 ); it is perhaps better to introduce it later in connection with other ma­ terial, since in its current generalized form it is easily susceptible to

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 924-1 949

misunderstanding. That does, however, seriously disturb my lovely plan of considering the problem of the movement in one section. Dealing with the sects is not as easy. What I have written of a fundamental nature (the sacramental church, its destruction, anti­ civilizational character, sectarian ignorance, etc. ) is not my per­ sonal opinion but that of Troeltsch ( Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen j 2 and R. M. Jones ( Studies in Mystical Religionj . 3 They are the two great authorities; and since Troeltsch has been translated into English and even in our modest library 3 copies of his work can be found, and since Jones is the great Quaker authority, I assumed that the interpretation was generally accepted. Now I no longer know what to do. Your reservations make sense to me; but on the other hand, if I deal with the problem, I can't just ignore the two standard works. (Apart from the fact that they are both reputable, as far as my knowledge of the materials permits me to judge . ) Do you think it would be enough to heavily salt the chapter with page references from Troeltsch and Jones ? By the way, you will see from the enclosed MS why I need that chapter; the good sects are given their due. I will delete the postscript, if you believe it will be taken to be a joke. It isn't. The interpretation of the kingdom of God by the sectarians as the kingdom of the devil is an important subject; Luther and Calvin have dealt with it extensively. I can report a gratifying small success that is very useful for me in my position here. The Williamsburg Institute for National Policy offered a prize for a memorandum on the next ten years of American foreign policy (analysis of the determining factors ). Each university was eligible to participate with a committee of 3 students and a faculty adviser. Prizes were offered in seven geographical regions. Today I received a telegram stating that my three students had won the prize for the Southern states. This has caused great joy, since each of them receives $ r oo.-; I only get the honor, but that is also quite useful. I don't know yet who won the national prize. I am glad to see from your letter that your hand is improving. With warmest greetings and thanks, Yours, Erich Voegelin I . Original in German.

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2. Ernst Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the Clu:istian Churches, 2 vols. (Louis­ ville, Ky. : Westminster/John Knox Press, 1 9 9 2 ) . First English translation, 1 9 3 1 . 3 · Rufus M . Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London: Macmillan, 1 908).

uS. To Talcott Parsons

Professor Talcott Parsons Department of Sociology Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts Dear Parsons: My best thanks for your kind letter-! was a bit afraid that you would take my long, impolite silence in ill. Of course, I shall be very happy to receive a copy of your Weber translation; and not only for my students, but for myself; I am permanently struggling with the proper English expression of soci­ ological concepts to which I am accustomed, and your translation would be a great help, indeed. Please let me have it by all means, if you can spare a copy. I saw Schutz in Philadelphia only for a couple of hours. He indi­ cated that he had a "controversy" with you, but he did not come around to the issue. He seemed rather to regret the affair, as having a controversy with you is probably the last thing in the world he is after. I would be very much interested in the discussion, and if you could let me have it, say in August, when I hope to be through with my present work, I could give it a careful reading. I delayed the answer to your letter for a week, because I was putting the finishing touch on my Reformation chapter. It deals precisely with the problem which you raise in your letter, and I enclose a copy of it which you may read at your convenience. It is the best I can do at present on the question, but I am not yet satisfied. I would be particularly interested to hear what you think of the treatment of predestination; it baffles me still, and I am not sure I have got at the core. Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin

273

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129.

To Gregor Sebba

Dr. Gregor Sebba Austrian Action 5 5 West 42nd Street New York City May 29, 1 94 1 Dear Sebba: I was very pleased by your letter, and I congratulate you t o your success in organizing "Austrian Action. " 1 It must have been hard work to iron out the differences between Austrians to the degree of making collective action possible. I got an idea of what must be going on in emigration circles from a news-letter, mimeographed and distributed by E. K. Winter. Concerning a contribution to the series of scientific pamphlets to be published by "Austrian Action, " I am afraid I have to refuse on principle. I do not believe that the European scene will be a field of democratic reconstruction in the near future; and two years ago I have made up my mind to merge into the American community as fast and as thoroughly as it could be done. I have gone to Alabama, although I could have had a better position in the East, because I wanted to get away from New York and all emigrant problems as far as possible. The experiment has been successful so far; and it would not be in keeping with it if I permitted myself to become identified ever so closely with an emigrant group. All this does not mean that I do not wish the best of success to your "Austrian Action, " and that I would not like to receive all of your publications. I simply have decided for my own person to go in for American action. I may come to New York in August; perhaps we can talk over things then, if you have time. Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin 1 . The letterhead of Sebba's letter to Voegelin of May 26, 1 9 4 1 , reads: "Aus­ trian Action Incorporated: Free Austrian Movement. Ferdinand Czernin (Chairman), Frank Harand (Vice Chairman), and Gregor Sebba ( Secretary and Treasurer) . " See Voegelin Papers, box 7, folder 2 .

274

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1 3 0.

To Adolf MerkP

Professor Dr. Adolf Merkl Herbeckstrasse 5 Vienna July 2, 1 94 1 Dear Professor: I t was a great pleasure to receive your and your dear wife's letter. I confess that I have not written for a very long time; but there must be other difficulties as well, because the letter you refer to in which you describe your new field of activity did not reach me: perhaps some things have been lost due to the change of address. Naturally, and with the greatest of pleasure, I will be glad to be of help to Dr. Groger in any way I can. In order to establish contact I wrote to her immediately. However, I do not know if I can be of any use to her other than to give her sound advice. For if she is looking for a teaching position, at the moment she will be confronted with the unavoidable difficulty that the university budgets are set by April. Thus, if Dr. Groger does not already have a position lined up for the autumn, she would not be able to find one before the autumn of 1 942 . But of course there are always exceptions. The reason for my long silence lies in my heavy workload. Most important, I have to finally finish my History of Political Ideas, which is to be published next year in New York. I have worked my way from the Babylonians through to Locke, but the last 2 5 0 years also take time. -The work was interrupted by frequent trips: in the course of the last six months I delivered lectures in Chicago, New Orleans, and Philadelphia. And I must also prepare my uni­ versity lectures. I give a course on the totalitarian state. Naturally I am acquainted with Germany and Russia, but it took a great deal of effort for me to familiarize myself with Japanese history and with its constitution. Another lecture course deals with American diplomacy. Here I have progressed to the point of having a solid command of the relations with Europe and East Asia, but I am still up in the air on Latin America because I have not yet been able to work my way through South American sources. Dr. Kunz is at the University of Toledo, in Ohio. I see him ev­ ery year at the convention of political scientists. He recently pub­ lished a very good study on American expropriations. Among our colleagues, the economists have fared the best in finding new 275

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positions. Schumpeter and Haberler are at Harvard, Morgenstern is at Princeton, Machlup-you may recall the matter concerning his habilitation-has been called to Yale. Among other friends who at one time or another were members of our seminar in the phi­ losophy of law, Dr. Schiitz has continued to pursue his profession in banking and is also the co-editor of the American Phenomeno­ logical journal; l Dr. Mintz retrained and is now a very successful public accountant; Dr. Winternitz now devotes all of his time to the history of art and last year delivered a very successful series of lectures at the Metropolitan Museum in New York; Dr. Fiirth teaches at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania; Dr. Froehlich at St. Mary's College in Winona, Minnesota; Dr. Engel-Janosi is a research associate at Johns Hopkins in Baltimore; Dr. Kaufmann and Dr. Schreier are at the New School of Social Research in New York. Our colleague Petschek Sr. gives a lecture course at Harvard Law School; his son has taken his doctorate in the United States and is now looking for a position; Dr. Aufricht has a good research fellowship in New York. Dr. Fleischer has a scholarship at Harvard to do his American doctorate-he is having a difficult time and his prospects of obtaining a position are, understandably, not very good. His wife works very hard to keep the family afloat. My own position here is quite satisfactory. I have received an increase in salary for the just completed academic year; and I hope that this, along with a promotion, will be repeated this autumn. My wife has integrated very well and her English is excellent. She is a great help to me in all social situations. -What would inter­ est you here especially is the natural environment. We are in the southern live oak region and have a wonderful one-hundred-year­ old specimen on the campus. From the window of my office I can look into a virgin valley of primeval forest full of conifers. When we were in New Orleans in March we went out into the delta to look at the bayou landscape. It is a very exotic, subtropical landscape with narrow canals beneath ancient trees of low-hanging Spanish moss; it is the northernmost zone of the West Indian sugar cane plantations. With very best wishes from both of us to both of you, With warm regards, yours very faithfully 1 . Original in German. 2. Philosophy and Phenomenological Research.

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1 3 1 . To Max Mintz 1

July 2, 1 9 4 1 Dear friend: Your letter arrived just as a new shipment was ready; the Eng­ lish Revolution was a hard nut to crack. It makes me genuinely happy when you say that the history is taking on coherence and meaning as it progresses, because that is the only thing that justifies the work. For every single phase taken in itself there is naturally monographic literature available that is far more thorough than anything I can say in this book. Its sole value lies in the synthesis, in the development of significant connections, and the distribution of accents. Of course some of my own work has been incorporated, for example the Oriental elements in Machiavelli and Bodin, but in relation to the whole that is quantitatively little. The Russian war may still produce surprising consequences. For the moment the reaction is Schadenfreude that the criminals are at each other's throat, and the very alarming attitude [of approval] that Hitler will curb the Communist menace. But if the Russians should prove able to put up a sustained resistance and only let themselves be very slowly pushed back, I can imagine that even Americans will notice that the achievements of these Reds compare favorably to those of the English, the French, and to their own. I don't know how feelings are in New York, but I have noticed here in Birmingham in industrial and bank circles that the good businessmen have become aware of the problem that their position is endangered for the very good reason that their efforts in the national crisis do not inspire admiration in anyone; as surprising as it sounds, those who are intelligent see the possibility that they are not needed, and they know very well that superfluous people cannot hold on to their positions. It is indescribably hot; for months now we've had almost no rain; one hopes that it's better in New York. With warmest greetings from both of us to you and your dear wife, Yours, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

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1 p..

To Fritz Morstein Marx

August 4, 1 94 1 Dear Fritz: I have your letter of July 3 1 st and I hurry to give you as careful an explanation of the state of things as possible. First let me refer to the enclosures: r J is the progress report for last week; 2 J is the account of the typewritten MS following the earlier account of the Introduction and Chapters I, II, and ill, which is in your hands. There has been no revision of plan; the only change that has occurred is the subdivision of the earlier planned Chapter VII (Na­ tional State) into two chapters (Chapter VII: Transition, Chapter VIII: The National State) . Let m e now explain the problem o f the book a s i t has evolved during the work. You remember that I have offered you several times sections of the MS for your perusal. The reason why was that I would have liked your opinion and suggestions concerning the course which I should pursue considering the peculiar technical problems which had arisen. First I wish to make it clear that the delays which arouse my regret as much as yours have nothing to do with the quantity of the MS; on the contrary, if I could write at my ease I probably could do it much faster. The time absorbing task is the concentration of the material which I have to work through whether I treat it briefly or broadly. As to the technical problems: When I started out on the History I had a general idea that it would look different from other volumes on the market; but I hoped frankly that over considerable stretches I could take it easy and give simply a condensed account on the basis of presentations which had kindly been given by predecessors. This hope has not been fulfilled. I am faced by the fact, and you as the editor are faced by it too, that the current histories (by which I mean those of Sabine, Coker, Cook, etc. J are some thirty or forty years behind the monographic literature on political ideas. If I take Sabine's as by far the best recent product, it is safe to say that not a single chapter in his book is based on the monographs which have appeared since 1 9 1 0 (nothing to say of the sources which seem to be an object of profound contempt). A general history which is based on the present state of monographic literature, and does not add a single original thought, is a revolution in the field.

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This fact, however, makes it impossible to proceed by brief state­ ments of results. The book is written for college-use as a text-book and depends for its success on the goodwill of the gentlemen who teach political theory. If I give a succinct account according to the state of science, the book will be discarded as simply crazy; I have to give considerable room to argumentative support of the results and to explanations why the "accepted" picture of lead­ ing thinkers is not correct. I can assure [you] that this makes me rather sick; I have never before written on a topic with profuse apologies for the fact that there is such a thing as science, and dealt politely with the opinions of incompetents who in the proper order of things deserve no other attention than a kick in the pants. It is grotesque, of course, to defend the results of Werner Jaeger, Troeltsch, [Erwin R.] Goodenough, Rufus M. Jones, Tarn, Tawney, or Max Weber, or the articles of the Cambridge History against the college-fauna; but that is what I have to do. To give you a few examples: You will notice that the chapter on Locke has I ? pages; the results could be summarized easily in s pages, but only after I have explained them with quotations of chapter and verse on I ? pages; the results without the materials are unpublishable in an environment which swallows without critique the Anglo-Saxony of that Catlin brat. Or: in an environment which omits from a history of political thought the key-figure of Giambattista Vico, the account of Vico has to be broader than it would have to be under other circumstances because I have to justify at length the importance which not I, but the monographic literature of the last twenty years attributes to him. Or: the chapter on the "People of God, " which is mainly based on Gibbon, Troeltsch, and R. M. Jones cost me three days for the addition of footnotes because American friends whom I consulted told me that the college-public would not swallow it unless the references to the sources were attached in order to silence the ignoramuses. I can extend the list to every single paragraph of the MS . That is my problem. And I want to stress that it is also your problem as the editor. I confess that I am in despair when I see the MS swelling, but I do not know what to do. I cannot write outrageous nonsense on essential questions and ruin my reputation in order to comply with the picture of the world of the text-book tribe; and I cannot be as brief as I could be in a treatise for educated readers because the book is supposed to be in competition with the 279

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text-book literature. If you know a way out of this mess, I shall appreciate your advice greatly. May I add that I have submitted the single chapters to friends who are expert historians for their respective periods and received complete approval. I have furthermore submitted large parts of the MS to friends who are not experts in order to test the readability for the layman; there were very few protests and I could easily straighten out difficulties of diction. As to the further progress, I am afraid that at the moment I am so exhausted that I cannot go on. We shall leave tomorrow in the general direction of the Smokies. I am taking materials along and hope that in a week I shall be able to continue. I have worked up now to Rousseau; and have to cover the period from Rousseau to Hegel; after Hegel there will be only two main sections, on Marx and Nietzsche; the rest is a minor affair. Then there remains a final revision of the Middle Ages. I think you will agree that a selection (Jesus, Empire Theory, Augustine, Charlemagne, Joachim of Fiore, Thomas, Occam) will be sufficient. I have given you so many final dates that you will not have particular confidence in another one, but I still hope to give you the completed MS by the end of September. However, I would appreciate it very much, if you could express an opinion on the quandary which I have set forth to you, and to consider whether it would not be good to take a look at some parts of the MS previously to the final delivery. Mail will be forwarded to me. With our best wishes to you and your family, Cordially yours, Eric Voegelin Account of Pages Introduction § r . Political Idea §2. History

12 5

I. The Orient § r . Mesopotamic §2. Achaemenian Empire § 3 . Egypt 2 80

12 6 8

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II. Greece

I3

§ 1 . The Aegeans

[I3] § 2 . The Polis a. Hesiod b. Xenophanes c. Sophists d. Socrates

8 5 8 5 26

§ 3 . Myth of the Soul a. Myth b. Polis c. Nomoi d. Eros

8 II 16 3 38 [ 1 20]

§4. End of Hellas a. Aristotle b. Leagues c. Disintegration

22 5 I5 42

III. Alexander to Actium § I . Alexander § 2 . Stoa § 3 . Hellenistic Kingship §4. Israel § 5 . Destiny of the Empire § 6 . Cicero § 7 . Golden Age

8 6 7 I3 II 9 8 62 [ I 04] 22 5 [224]

The pages have an average of 3 8 7 words. Pla n for the rest of the Book IV. The Magian Nations

The Christian Church-The Pagan Church V. The Empires of the Migration Period

From Odoaker to Charlemagne, Byzantine Empire-Islam 28I

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VI. The Sacrum Imperium and the Secular Forces VII. The National State VIII. The Twilight of the National State

1 3 3 . To Talcott Parsons

August 4, 1 941 Professor Talcott Parsons Department of Sociology Harvard University Cambridge, Mass. Dear Parsons: I am very happy to have your letter and I hurry to answer it as long as I have a typewriter at hand, for tomorrow morning we shall leave in the general direction of the Smokies to take some rest. We have no further plans as yet, but considering the little time we have at our disposition I doubt that we shall come all the way East. But if we should do it, I shall certainly let you know in advance so that, if possible, we can meet. Your "Introduction" to the Weber translation would interest me very much; if you can spare a copy I should greatly appreciate the privilege of having it. Please, let me have also the Schutz materials; send it to my office, they will forward it to me. The problem of predestination rests heavy on my soul, and your letter has added to the weight. I can readily understand that the attitude which I take surprises you because the spatial limits which I had to observe did not permit of giving in full the reasons which induced me to take it. Let me, by way of explanation, detail a few points, particularly as the remarks of your letter leave me with the impression that there is not much difference of opinion, if any, between us on the issue: r.

I am in complete agreement with you as well as with Max Weber that the doctrine is a great stimulant to the active orientation of mastery over the world. I would add only the following qual­ ifications: a. The doctrine is essentially expressed in the Letters of St. Paul and formed part of the Christian doctrine all through the

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2.

3·

Middle Ages; it is, therefore, necessary to explain why the doctrine did not have its peculiarly activating force before Calvin, and why all of a sudden with Calvin it became acti­ vating; b. The Calvinist theological literature to this day comes back monotonously to the problem that the doctrine should not be mistaken as a free pass to licence; apparently the doctrine can have effects rather different from the stimulation of dis­ ciplined activity; c. From this I conclude that the interest in the doctrine in gen­ eral as well as the activating effect depends on the disposi­ tion of the person who believes in it and permits itself to be stimulated by it. With this general conclusion, I take it, you agree; at least, this seemed to me the meaning of your remark that the attitude of ascetic Protestantism is relatively constant in spite of theologi­ cal differences with regard to the doctrine. Which now is the "broader functional context" (of which you speak) in which the doctrine develops its peculiar effectiveness? I suggest the following characteristics of this context: a. The interest in the state of grace (mentioned by you) as a problem of the individual person which cannot be solved by the assistance of the Sacramental Church; the decisive point seems to me the break with the sacramental idea of grace, particularly the break with the sacrament of penance which isolates the individual; grace is strictly personal after the break, the social clearing of grace between the members of the Body of Christ is abolished. This fixes the difference from Catholicism. b. The difference from Lutheranism, as far as the spiritual (not the ethical) question is concerned, I would try to charac­ terize as the absence, in Calvin, of the personal mysticism of Luther. There is no dogmatic difference between Luther and Calvin on the doctrine of justification through faith, of the assurance of the state of grace through faith. There now arises the interesting question, which puzzles me still: if the problem of grace, as far as the personal religious experience is concerned, is exhausted through personal faith; and if, in terms of religious experience, the doctrine of predestination

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(admitted by Calvin) does not add anything to the assurance of grace; if furthermore Luther ( expressly) discarded the doc­ trine for these reasons as irrelevant for the faith and the state of grace of the individual ( as far as its religious experiences are concerned)-why, then does Calvin take it up and insist on its importance? As I had not run across a treatment of this decisive point anywhere (which does not mean much, as my knowledge of theological literature is, of course, scanty), I made up my own answer on the basis of the Institutes: because he was not interested in predestination as a problem of the personal state of grace but in predestination signifying membership in the People of God which collectively acts in history; predestination stresses the soldierly aspect of the person in the collective action against the " enemy. " 4· My answer which, indeed, may be surprising is, therefore, that the doctrine of predestination is not introduced by Calvin be­ cause the religious experiences connected with the state of grace required it, but because secondary problems, problems of action, recommended it as a creed for the army of the fighting elect. In this respect, now, a distinction seems to be necessary: a. Calvin's creed was in its imagery strongly Old Testament; the chosen people, not the chosen individual, captured his imagination. He selected from the Epistle to the Romans as primarily important the symbols connected with the fate of Israel, and not like Luther the assurance that, predestination or no predestination, "That if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus and shalt believe in thine heart that God has raised him from the dead, thou shalt be saved" ( Ro­ mans r o : 8 ff); b. This preference of Calvin I would explain, rather crudely, by his character; he was a statesman and ecclesiastical imperial­ ist. He liked the doctrine because it suited his temperament and his plans for organizing a Protestant International in rivalry with the Catholic Church; c. The actual effectiveness of the doctrine in stimulating ratio­ nal commercial activity was not the idea of Calvin. I would again say (with some hesitation, as you may consider my explanation again somewhat crude), it came in handy for business activism as it had been handy for the rather differ-

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ent activism of Calvin who, after all, wanted to restrict the rationality of business rather severely. 5 . A word on the philosophical difficulties. My remark, in the chapter on Reformation, that Calvin's treatment of the doc­ trine was not particularly penetrating had in mind a compar­ ison with the exposition of the doctrine by Thomas Aquinas ( Summa Theologica ) . The comparison does not reflect on the dogmatic difference between Thomas and Calvin, but on the complete elaboration of the speculative contents of the doc­ trine by Thomas, while an elaboration of this kind is missing in Calvin. The speculative contents of the doctrine is the problem of time-eternity, the old Augustinian problem that the stream of world events which appears to finite man under the category of time, is coaeternum, a simultaneous eternal presence before the mind of God. There is no contingency in the world for God. The predestination of man for salvation is only one specific case of the general predestination of the stream of world events in the mind of God. To make of this problem of predestination a problem affecting the individual human being implies the con­ sideration of finite life sub specie Dei, while actually we have no other possibility of viewing it but sub specie hominis: a procedure which is philosophically a confusion of the divine and human level, and would be religiously an irreverent and hopeless attempt to pierce the mystery of creation. The access to the problem of grace does, in the sphere of religious experience, not go over speculations concerning predestination, but through faith alone. The speculative approach is of course, perfectly le­ gitimate; only it does not lead to a state of grace, but to the intellectual understanding of the border-problems of time and creation. 1 6. All this, of course, still leaves open the origin of activism and Protestant asceticism in our society-but I think I have taken enough of your time for one letter. I only beg you not to mis­ understand the explanations: I do not want to make a point; I freely admit that I do not feel on safe ground in the whole ques­ tion; the implications go beyond my knowledge. My motive in writing at some length was the desire to show that the attitude which I took was not lightly taken; and if my interpretation differs in some points from Weber's I at least believed to have reasons, however unsatisfactory they may prove if an expert

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starts tearing them apart. In this sense, if your time permits, I hope you will do a little tearing and help me in getting closer in the question. I remembered that I had once written an article on Max Weber, containing some comparisons with Nietzsche which might interest you; I am sending it separately; in case you know it, excuse me. If you don't need it any more, please, let me have it back; please, send also the MS of the Reformation at your convenience-! am short with copies. With my best wishes for a pleasant vacation for you and your family, Yours very sincerely, 1 . Voegelin added the following handwritten note to point s : " I would add that the unusual interest in predestination could indicate that Calvin's personal reli­ giousness must have contained a good deal of insecurity; one root of his activism may have been, as frequently in such cases, the desire to overcome through the intoxication and success of action a doubt in his state of grace. "

1 3 4· To Max Mintz 1

Waynesville, N.C. August I ?, 1 9 4 1 Dear friend: Our letters crossed in the mail; yours reached me after a great delay because we were traveling for a few days before we settled down here in Waynesville for an extended period. The town lies at a relatively high altitude ( r ooom) in the Smokies and the tem­ perature is summer-like but with cold nights. We won't be able to travel east because there is not enough time; the round trip would take a week, and that would not be very relaxing. But we are very much looking forward to coming to New York at Christmas for the political science conference. What you say about equality before the law is very important to me, particularly the point about the behavior of the organ of the state, since I know almost nothing about that. Can you perhaps remember where such an interpretation as an exhortation to mod­ esty because of equality in sin can be found? The question is so important to me because Locke's idea of equality is expressly based 286

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on a concept of man from which sin has been removed. I would be very grateful to you for a reference here. In the meantime I have followed your advice concerning The Peo­ ple of God. A new MS has been typed, teeming with footnotes with references to Troeltsch, Jones, and the Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethicsi several places in the text have been toned down. I would very much like to have your opinion on taking Locke's and Vico's positions as the cornerstones of the two opposing periods and on whether you believe that the antithesis between the anti­ spiritualist and the spiritualist phase has been made clear. I hope it isn't as hellishly hot in New York as it is in Alabamai we left because the heat has continued five months with hardly a breaki that really got on our nerves. How are things going with your test, I assume this is the accoun­ tant's test, after which you can act as an independent entrepreneur, as it were? When will you take it? We greatly admire you for the determination and energy with which you are securing a new liveli­ hood for yourself. With warmest greetings, Yours, Erich Voegelin I.

Original in German.

1 3 5 . To Talcott Parsons

September 3, 1 94 1 Professor Talcott Parsons Emerson Hall Harvard University Dear Parsons: Thanks for your letter o f August r 8th. Yesterday we returned from our vacation and I found your package, containing the Schiitz materials, your Introduction to Max Weber, and my chapter on the Great Confusion. II did not find, however, the copy of my reprint on Max Weber which you said you had enclosed. ) Your letter has interested me very much because of your remarks concerning the Calvinistic attitude towards power, but I presume that my reaction to your exchange of letters with Schiitz does interest you more at

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the moment. Let me confine myself this time, therefore, to the problem of the Schutz materials; in a few days I shall be able to deal with the other questions. You will not expect me, of course, to express my own opinions on the technical details of Schutz' critique and your answer to them and thus to continue the discussion. I take it you want me rather to state what I think about the reasons of the misunderstanding which has crept up, considering that I know Schutz for a long time. In your letter you have laid yourself I believe the finger on the problem: you and Schutz are interested in different levels of abstraction of social theory; your focus of interest is nearer to the empirical problems, his interest is nearer to the level of abstraction where the time­ structure of human action becomes central. While your counter­ critique was justified insofar as you sensed, I think, correctly that Schutz did not enter into the spirit of your work, I do not think he meant any harm but that he criticized your work precisely as you might expect it from a man with a strong intellectual temperament who is deeply absorbed in his own approach to the problems of social theory and believes this approach to be of paramount impor­ tance. (As Schutz did not touch upon the point in his letter, let me say only a word concerning his use of the term naive which seems to have displeased you; the term in the context of Schutz is not meant as a criticism of your efforts, but is used in the sense of the Kantian dichotomy naive-critical, meaning by naive the attitude of direct attention to the object of science, by critical the attitude of self-conscious reflexion on the instruments of perception and conception. ) What I have to say concerning the issue, I should like to put in the form of reminiscences concerning the history of German and Austrian development of social theory as I have experienced it myself. The facts are, of course, known to you, but you may be interested in the reaction of somebody who has gone through the problems in his own environment; I have the feeling that the misunderstanding between you and Schutz has the same roots as some of the tensions which I shall try to describe. The trouble in German methodology began, as far as I can see, with the neo-Kantian movement of Cohen, Natorp and Cassirer which dealt with the methods of physics. The next step was the at­ tempt of the south-west Germans Windelband and Rickert, to em­ ulate the achievements of the Marburg school and to establish for 288

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the historical and social sciences a firm methodology of the same dignity as the method which produced such impressive results in physics. This attempt at an imitation of the methods of physics is, I think, the most important single factor which caused the later difficulties. In the natural sciences the scientist is confronted with the materials of the external spatial and temporal world; the form of his system as a whole, as well as of the single propositions depends on the conceptual instruments which he uses in interpreting the materials; the materials themselves are not pre-formed by action of the human mind. In the historical and social sciences the situation is fundamentally different, because the materials with which the scientist has to deal have a human constitution of their own, the constitution which they have received through human action; his most important task is the analysis of the constitution of social reality through human action. From the time of the neo-Kantian schools German social theory is vitiated in one of its main trends by the neglect of the Realkonstitution of society (your theory of action); the theory of society is replaced by the theory of social science; the neglect was due to two factors: (a). the imitation of the model of the theory of physics, (b). the fact that the theory of social science was developed by philosophers who had not more than a smattering of the empirical problems (by which I mean the constitution of social reality through human action) . From this initial false start followed a number o f other diffi­ culties. The conceptual instruments of the empirical social sci­ ences are developed in close connection with the language symbols which are developed in pre-scientific social reality. We are inter­ ested in 11 democracy" or 11 dictatorship" in political science because political reality evolves forms of organization under these names; the language symbols exist as part of the social reality indepen­ dent of the language symbols which we use in science. The conse­ quence in German social sciences was the evolution of methodolo­ gies which transposed the language symbols found in the actual self-constitution of society as concepts into the field of science itself and erected them into scientific absolutes. We find method­ ologies which are hitched to concrete historical phases of society, such as the more radical form of economic theory which has been grafted on the liberal economic system (typical case: Mises), or the multitude of law theories which were grafted on the constitutional state of the late 1 9th century (typical case: the German positivists

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from Laband to Kelsen). The methodologists of this type had an inclination to identify their "method" (which actually was a type construction of a particular social organization) with the only true scientific method and to stigmatize any other approach to social sciences as "unscientific" or "irrelevant. " German methodology had, therefore, in the last two generations a clear political tinge because the several "methods" expressed the political interests of the respective scholars in a particular constitution of society. This political tension played a considerable role in recent events in Ger­ many insofar as the neo-Kantian methodologists were, as a rule, lib­ erals, while those scholars who were interested in other problems than the liberal economic and political constitution of society had, as a rule, nationalist, if not outright national-socialist inclinations (as far as they were not communists) . A further interesting problem i s presented b y Husserl. The Kant­ ianism of Husserl expresses itself in his radical epistemological subjectivism. The world is constituted, in good Kantian fashion, by the structure of the human mind. A careful description of the constitutive function of the human mind (the phenomenological description) will be practically a delineation of the constitution of reality. This has, for the philosopher, the great advantage that he need not know anything about reality at all, but can simply describe introspectively the constitutive functions of his mind and will thus arrive at a replica of the constitution of the external world. This leads to certain interesting results in the description of spatial and temporal phenomena of the physical world, but it creates difficul­ ties in the social theory because social reality cannot be accepted as an object "naively, " but has to be constituted in the subjective flux of the ego. The later work of Husserl, particularly the Meditations Cartesiennes, which deal with the constitution of the alter ego, is, therefore, in my opinion, a hopeless mess; and I think even Schutz is now inclined to admit it. I do not think I have to enlarge the point; you will easily draw the inferences concerning some of the deeper causes of misunderstanding between you and Schutz. Finally, a word on the peculiar Austrian problem. Vienna has pro­ duced within the last two generations four important contributions to the social sciences in a wider sense: ( 1 ) the Austrian form of the marginal utility theory, (2 ) psychoanalysis, ( 3 ) the pure theory of law, (4) the Kulturkreis theory of Menghin. The sequence in itself is worth some investigation; I do not think it is accidental, but

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a closer analysis is impossible now. Anyway, the economic and the legal theory show certain characteristics which distinguish it from the contemporary German. There is a definite Austrian bias towards social theory on a level of high abstraction which has led to outstanding controversies with the more empirically minded Germans. The first great clash was the famous Methodenstreit be­ tween Menger and Schmoller, the second great clash was between Kelsen and the Germans, particularly Carl Schmitt, in the 20s. In­ ternally, the empirically minded Austrians, like Stoerk and Tezner, were rather ruthlessly pressed to the wall by the abstractionists (Bernatzik); and I myself am regarded as something like a queer monster, practically a Fascist, by my friends of the more radical Kelsen persuasion (in 1 9 3 6 I got furious and tore the pure theory of law to pieces in my Autoritaerer Staati Kelsen did not speak to me after the performance for more than a year and is still very cool). The attitude of Schutz is, I think, to a certain extent characteristic of the Austrian abstract interests, though tempered greatly in his case by his interest in Max Weber and by his considerable empirical interests (he has made excellent, unpublished, studies of the Opera and the Novel). I hope you will not think it a mistake that I have reacted towards the theoretical difference between you and Schutz by remarks of a more sociological nature. It seems to me, indeed, that the en­ vironmental features at which I hinted are mainly responsible for your differences of approach and interest. My personal scientific attitude makes me naturally biased in your favori I have broken away from the indicated methodological trend even in my student days because I could not get much help out of this type of method­ ology for the empirical problems of politics which interested me, but I have to admit that the training in the school of Kelsen has made me aware of complications of social theory which otherwise would have escaped me. My own quarrel with Schutz about Husserl and the relevance of the phenomenological method for the social sciences is of old standingi I amicably disagree with him on all his basic tenets, but again I have to say that the cleanliness and clearness of his work has aided me considerably in my own, if in no other way, at least in avoiding pitfalls. Your discussion with Schutz has brought home to me again the complex stratification of social theory, and I thank you sincerely for having made the correspondence accessible to me.

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I shall read in a few days your Weber-MS and then write you again. Cordially yours, Eric Voegelin

136. To Count Ferdinand Czernin 1 Ferdinand Graf Czernin Austrian Action 3 5 West 42nd Street New York City September I I , I 94 I Dear Count Czernin: Thank you very much for your cordial letter o f August thirtieth in which you kindly inform me of the founding of an "Austrian Coordinating Committee. " You were gracious enough to enquire what my position i s regard­ ing this founding. But I am not quite sure what you want to hear from me. It goes without saying that it is in the best interests of Austria's reputation that, instead of three or four organizations ex­ isting side by side, at least one representative umbrella organization be created to which the others would then be subordinate. This is a very welcome development. It is no pleasure for an Austrian to find himself identified with a national group that in exile consists of conventicles fighting one another. I hope with all my heart that you will succeed with this new committee. Beyond that there is little I can say. I am not politically interested [in the matter] and do not believe that any kind of political activity on my part would make much sense for me personally. Specifically, I do not believe that in any foreseeable future, i.e., for which I might now plan, conditions in Europe will have taken on a form that would make my return to Austria either desirable or possible. Naturally this in no way means that I feel a lack of sympathy for your committee or wish to criticize it. Quite the contrary. I am convinced that you know very well what you are doing and that your political goals have been very carefully considered. Should at any time my professional knowledge be of use to you, please be assured that I will very gladly put it at your disposal. If it is

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possible for you, I would also be grateful if you would be kind enough to continue to keep me informed of the initiative's further developments. With heartfelt gratitude for your kind invitation, and with best wishes for the success of the new committee, Sincerely yours r.

Original in German.

1 3 7. To Talcott Parsons

September 24, 1 94 1 Professor Talcott Parsons Department of Sociology Harvard University Cambridge, Mass. Dear Parsons: Other work has prevented m e from reading your Introduction with due care until last Sunday. The net impression is very strong. I think you have brought out convincingly the character of Weber's work as an analysis of the structure of our civilization. The Protes­ tant Ethics alone do not give a sufficient idea, as you remarked some time, of Weber's importance as a critic of rational civiliza­ tion. There is not much that I have to say beyond the statement of my full agreement with your exposition; your criticisms and the lines which you draw for the future development of the Weberian problem make me hope that you will find the time soon for further elaboration. There is only one technical suggestion which I would care to make. On p. yo, last paragraph, you refer to recent contribu­ tions to a sociology of occupation. It seems to me that a reader who is not well acquainted with the particular development to which you refer in this passage may not catch the full significance of your remark. Later, in the great footnote beginning on p. 7 5 , it becomes perfectly clear what you mean. I would suggest that you add on p. yo a footnote referring to p. 7 5 for further elucidation of your point. Otherwise I have to raise only one question which, however, is of no importance for your Introduction because the economy of your essay would not permit of entering on it anyway. From your chapter 293

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II (on Methodology) I received the impression that you attribute to the theory of the ideal type more consistency than it actually has in the work of Max Weber. I think we can distinguish in Weber's work two phases of the ideal type. The first centers around the method­ ological essays of 1 904 and neighboring years, the second is repre­ sented by the opening paragraphs of Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. The first ideal type, which may be called the "historical, " is elabo­ rated in close contact with a limited section of historical materials, leading to such concepts as the "medieval town, " or the "Mace­ danian military monarchy, " etc. An agglomeration of such types would have no internal systematic coherence. The second attempt of Weber's was concerned with introducing a systematic order into the types, and this attempt resulted in the "rational" ideal type as the fixed point around which other types could be organized as "deviations. " The recognition of such an evolution would have certain consequences for the interpretation of Weber's work as a whole. (Unfortunately I do not recall at the moment whether you have not dealt with all this in your Structure of Social Action.) You bring out clearly in your Introduction that this second phase, of the "rational" type, is still very unsatisfactory from a systematic point of view, because Weber lacked a good psychology as well as a system of the functional structure of society. I wonder, however, whether the systematic defects would and could have ever been remedied by Weber himself. His way of attack on the problems went always from the historical materials towards their systemati­ zation; he never placed himself in the center of systematic thought in order to organize the materials from such a center. The dynam­ ics of Weber's approach have been characterized by Jaspers (in his essay on Weber) as determined by his personality; if I remember correctly, Jaspers characterized Weber as the grosse Fragmentarier. If we accept the interpretation of Jaspers, that would mean that not death alone has left Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft a fragment, but that it would have remained a fragment, like Weber's other works, even if he had lived another twenty years. The failure of his attempt at systematization would probably have become clear to a mind of his penetration and honesty, and he would have dropped the work at some stage. These considerations induce me to venture an idea on the rela­ tion between your own work and that of Max Weber. From your Introduction it appears to the reader that you are on the way to 294

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a system of social theory which could be historically understood as a fulfillment of what Weber left unfinished. In the light of the preceding remarks it would seem to me that biographically your own thought may be determined to a certain extent through your analysis and criticism of Weber, but that essentially your approach is new. You attack Weber's problem, the analysis of our civilization, from the pole that is opposite to his, and that was never accessible to him, from the pole of primary systematic thought. I permit my­ self to disagree with you, therefore, on a remark which you made once to me in a conversation: that your Structure of Social Action is a " secondary" treatise, because it deals with the "primary" work of Weber, Durkheim, etc. I rather see your book now as a means for your arriving in due course of elaboration at your very primary systematic position. Your dynamics of scientific attack are, as far as I can see, entirely different from that of Weber though your problems and topics are related to his. The suggested peculiarities of Weber's personality and work are probably also the cause why he has no "school." The prerequisite for having a school in science seems to me the development of a "method, " of an " approach" on the part of the man who functions as the "head" of the school. (I am aware that there are other types of schools, for instance schools determined by value attitudes etc., but they are not relevant for the point in question. ) Weber's work is grandiose in its results, but the " approach" is precisely its weak point. Anybody who wishes to follow on the path of Weber, has first of all to create a new instrument for dealing with his materials. And the man who can do that is no " disciple" but inevitably a "head" in his own right. -The evolution of social theory has taken in Germany after Weber a significant turn in the movement of the Philosophische Anthropologie, as represented by Scheler (Die Stel­ lung des Menschen im Kosmos), Plessner (Macht und Menschliche Natur), Jaspers (Psychologie der Weltanschauungen, Metaphysik), Landsberg (Philosophische Anthropologie), etc. Everybody who had an active mind had the feeling that a new interpretation of man was required which would furnish the conceptual framework for the interpretation of the civilizational materials . The movement seems to me particularly important under the aspect that it presents a concerted effort to furnish a theory of man which could not be obtained from professional psychologists. (The masterpiece in this respect is Scheler's critique of psychoanalysis in the later editions of 29 5

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Wesen und Formen der Sympathis. ) Your own work seems to go in a similar direction. You do not elaborate a Philosophische Anthro­ pologie as an independent discipline in preparation for the analysis of social phenomena, but in reading pp. 3 2-3 7 of your Introduction I had the impression that your completed theory of social action would practically incorporate its results. lin your earlier MS which I had this spring you have gone already very far in this direction. ) What I have said i s not more than an attempt t o make clear to myself what you are doing; and I can only hope that I have not misunderstood you too grossly. Let me thank you very much for the opportunity which you have given me of reading your MS. I am sure that the translation with your Introduction will be of the greatest importance for the understanding of Weber in this country. I remain,

Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin [Handwritten: ] P.S. I am returning your MS and other materials by Express. E.V.

r 3 8. To Willibald Plochl 1

Dr. Willibald Plochl 1 9 1 5 Kalorama Road N.W. Washington D . C . October 2, 1 94 1 Dear Doctor Plochl: Today I received your friendly letter of the thirteenth of Septem­ ber and, since I see that you are obviously under pressure, hasten to reply. Let me first say that the context of your letter was completely unexpected because your letter of the twenty-seventh of August did not lead me to suppose that you were contemplating the type of organization now indicated. Before I address the objective questions of both your letters, it may perhaps be in order for me to briefly explain my general po­ sition concerning the type of political action in which you are engaged. I was not active in Austrian politics until the last two

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years [of Austria's existence] when, in view of the critical situation, it appeared to me to be a duty to try to put my modest strength to use where I could. Up to 1 9 3 6 my reluctance [to take part] was based on a profound distrust of the party politics which I had been given ample opportunity to observe. I found this distrust fully justified when, beginning in 1 9 3 6, I was able to see more deeply into political events and became more closely acquainted with political person­ alities. Austria's end, with Christian-Social and Social-Democratic union secretaries negotiating over quotas for seats on common committees while the Nazis prepared to march into the country, along with the horrible incompetence in personal and technical matters which I observed during the last weeks in discussions with the leading personalities conducting Austrian foreign policy, con­ vinced me that with these people a constructive policy or serious resistance was completely out of the question. Therefore, when I came to America I decided that I would no longer take part in the practical politics of Austria but, instead, would concentrate on getting beyond the immigrant status as fast as I could and on entering into my new environment completely. For this reason I have repeatedly declined offers by Austrian groups to join their organizations. At the end of August both you and Dr. Engel wrote to me about a committee under the chairmanship of Archduke Otto that was con­ cerned with, not further defined, " commission work. " In a letter I told Dr. Engel that, on the condition that my name not be publicly mentioned, I was prepared to take part in any meaningful, realistic, studies, because I consider it entirely possible, although not in the immediate future, that practical Austrian politics could once again become possible and do not want to reject a reasonable chance to be of use. However now I have your letter from September thirteenth that announces an entirely different intention. First of all I would like to ask a few questions. In your letter of August twenty-seventh you speak of work on a " commission" under the direction of Archduke Ottoi in your letter of September thirteenth you speak of a Free Austrian National Committee. 2 In what relationship do these two enterprises stand to one another? Is it the same thing both times ? At the beginning of your letter you say that the committee "was formed" and that its formation was publicly announcedi I have not seen the announcement. Later in the same letter you write that the council "will be formed" next 297

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week-the situation is not clear to me. In addition I received a letter from the "Free Austrian Movement" signed by Count Czernin and announcing that an Austrian Coordinating Committee had been created with the task of forming an "Austrian National Council. " The announcement was signed b y four Austrian organizations. Is your "Free Austrian National Council" identical to this "Austrian National Council" consisting of these four organizations, or is it a fifth initiative? You write that you have the support of the State De­ partment, the others appear to have this support as well-perhaps it is the same council after all? (I should note that I declined Count Czernin's offer. ) In view of these [unanswered] questions you will understand my reluctance [to take part] . Let me express myself even more plainly: You ask me to join a political organization from which I do not know 1 ) what its goals are, 2 ) what its personal composition is or will be, 3 ) what real political interests are behind it. Do you really believe that anyone who is "serious" will respond positively to an invitation like that? Please do not misunderstand me. I have not the slightest lack of trust in you, Sir. But after my experience in Vienna I have had more than enough of being a "participant" in some ill-defined type of Austrian politics. Should it turn out that, in any reasonable future, it becomes possible to engage in a form of politics for Austria that could lead to meaningful results, I would be ready to take part. But I would then play an active rolei that means I would want a voice in it and I would use my voice. But, as far as I am acquainted with the situation of Austrian emigre groups through their fliers and other publications, it looks to me like the Austrian misery has continued into exile. When it is not even possible for emigrants to create a common basis for Austrian politics, at least to present a single face to the public, then Austrian politics are as impossible today as they were then. I have no interest in the continuation of a political situation that forced many of my personal academic friends to leave the country (among them some of the finest intellects that Austria had) because, amid that Christian-Social and Social-Democratic po­ litical trash, spiritual and material existence became impossible for intellects of any quality. (I must also include myself [in this group of academics forced to leave] . Even without Hitler I was looking for a position in America. At the most, the National Socialist invasion merely hastened my departure. ) Perhaps you are on a road that will

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lead to better results. If you believe that my participation might be of value to you, I would be very grateful if you would inform me about the organization in detail. Perhaps I would find a point where my personal efforts might appear to me to have the potential for being useful. But what you have so far told me is much too vague for me to be able to add my name to the members of your council. With best wishes for the success of your organization, and in the hope of hearing from you soon, Yours sincerely, 1 . Original in German. Willibald Plochl ( 1 907-1984). 2. Willibald M. Plochl and Hans Rott formed the Free Austrian National Council in 1 94 1 and proclaimed it the legitimate heir to the last legal Austrian government. It was not recognized as such by the United States.

1 3 9. To Willibald PlochP

Dr. Willibald W. Plochl 1 9 1 5 Kalorama Road N.W. Washington D . C . October 5 , 1 94 1 Dear Dr. PlOchl: Thank you very much for your letter of the fourth o f October, and the information material you included. I now have a better view of the situation. Unfortunately, as a result of this better understand­ ing, I find myself unable to commit myself to becoming a member of your council. In order to give you the reason for my decision it will not be necessary for me to enter into a discussion of the merits of the matter itself; the decisive reason why I must decline your offer is formal: In your letter to Secretary [of State] Hull you note that all of the council members are Austrian citizens and, as far as they are in the United States, registered as foreign agents. These conditions are unacceptable to me. Three years ago I took out my First Papers, which imply that the applicant does not owe allegiance to a foreign government. As soon as the necessary waiting period is over I in­ tend to become, and to remain, an American citizen. As a private person who practices the profession of a scholar and university professor I do not have the slightest intention of ever returning to 299

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Austria. I took my current position in Alabama, although I had a better one in the East, because I wanted to get away from the emigre milieu and enter completely into an American environment. This has been wholly successful up to now, and it would be irresponsible of me to render this clear position ambiguous by taking part in the Austrian National Council in an official capacity. Of course that does not mean that I have no interest in Austrian politics in general and your council in particular. Quite the con­ trary; I believe that if the council can indeed succeed in becoming recognized as the representative of Austria, it will serve a very useful purpose. And it is indeed wonderful that men like Minister Rott can be found, for whom politics is a profession, who are willing to exercise this symbolic function; for at the present time, any kind of politics that goes beyond the mere symbolic is, of course, out of the question. It looks now as if the war could go on for another ten years, and what the psychic condition of the population of central Europe will be in ten years' time is anybody's guess. I feel in no way obliged to orient the course of my life to such vague prospects. On the other hand, if I can be of any use to you in an unofficial way, as a private person or in private consultation, please be assured that you will find me quite willing. With very best wishes for the council's success and with heartfelt gratitude for your invitation, I am Yours sincerely, Eric Voegelin r.

Original in German.

140. To Adolf A. Berle 1

October 6, 1 94 1 The Honorable Adolf A. Berle Assistant Secretary of State Department of State Washington, D.C. My dear Mr. Berle: I have received urgent requests from Dr. Willibald M. Plochl to become a member of a Free Austrian National Council which is in process of formation. 3 00

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As yet I have refused to join any Austrian political organization in this country because it is my intention to become an American citizen and to make my home permanently in this country. I have given up a position in the East and gone to Alabama in order to get out of the emigrant atmosphere and to dive as deeply as possible into the American environment. I have, in particular, declined as yet any requests from Dr. Plochl because in his Memorandum to the Department of State of September 1 9th he states that all mem­ bers of the Council were Austrians and would register with the De­ partment of State as foreign agents . I considered this incompatible with the fact that I have taken my First Papers three years ago and want to become an American citizen at the earliest possible date. Recent communications from Dr. Plochl put, however, a differ­ ent aspect on the question. He partly states expressly, partly im­ plies that the Free Austrian National Council does not have only the support of the Department of State, but is desired by the Depart­ ment for various reasons. He further states that he has submitted my name along with others as those of prospective members of the Council to you and that my name was approved by you. And, finally, he assures me that the membership in the Council would not imperil my possibilities to become an American citizen. This has put me in a quandary. As long as the projected Council reflects only the policy of Dr. Plochl I see no reason for joining it as I am not interested in Austrian politics in a dim future. If, however, the Council reflects a policy of the Department of State, and if my membership on it seems desirable to the Department, I shall, of course, consider it my duty to join it, provided that such membership will not be held against me when at a future date I shall make my application for American citizenship. Dr. Plochl writes me that he has to submit the list of members to the D epartment of State by Thursday this week. I shall be very happy to have my name put on the list if the impressions conveyed by Dr. Plochl concerning the attitude of the Department of State find your confirmation, and if I can receive the Department's as­ surance that my status as a prospective American citizen will not be endangered by my membership in the Free Austrian National Council. You would oblige me greatly if you could advise me on these two points; on receipt of your affirmative answer I shall wire immedi­ ately my consent to Dr. Plochl. 301

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With my best regards I remain, Yours sincerely, Eric Voegelin r.

Adolf A. Berle, assistant secretary of state, 1 9 3 8-1 944·

1 4 1 . To Willibald M. Plochl

October 1 0, 1 94 1 Dr. Willibald M. PlOchl r 9 1 5 Kalorama Road N.W. Washington, D.C. My dear Doctor Plochl: I beg t o confirm my wire o f Wednesday stating that I felt unable to join the Free Austrian National Council. The answer from Assistant Secretary of State Berle, on which I would make my decision dependent, did not express an attitude which could be interpreted as a warm interest on the part of the Department of State in the creation of the Council. I enclose a copy of Secretary Berle's letter for your information. I had to decline, therefore, your kind invitation to join the Coun­ cil. Let me briefly restate the main reasons for my negative attitude: r. The impressions which I have received of Austrian internal pol­

2.

3.

4·

itics in the twenty years preceding 1 9 3 8 are not of such a nature that I would be over-enthusiastic at the prospect of joining an Austrian political enterprise under any circumstances. I do not see that any Austrian political activity in America could be of practical consequence for Austria in any reasonable future, considering the war situation. From these two premises, I arrived at the conclusion that the sanest course for me to follow was to give up all emotional ties, as far as that is possible, which connect me with Austria, and to work myself without mental reserve into the American environment, and to become an American citizen in good faith. The only factor which could induce me, at present, to j oin your proposed Council would be an expressed desire on the part of the Department of State to see such a Council formed and to see specific persons as members. 3 02

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Since it is apparent from the letter of Assistant Secretary of State Berle that any desire of this kind which may exist is not strong enough to find expression in writing, I do not see any good reason for me to give up my hitherto clear intention of complete Americanization and to adopt voluntarily the doubtful status of a foreign agent. 6. This attitude does not mean, however, that I do not hope that you will have all possible success with your foundation and that it may become an important factor in the reconstruction of Austria and Europe once the Hitler menace is conquered.

5.

I remain, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin

142. To Talcott Parsons

October 1 9, 1 94 1 Professor Talcott Parsons Emerson Hall Harvard University Cambridge, Mass. Dear Parsons: Thank you very much for your kind letter of October 2nd. You ask me what I would consider a reasonable step to bring the discus­ sion with Schutz to a satisfactory end. This is a somewhat delicate question, and I might easily err in an answer because I am not sufficiently clear about the external circumstances which led to the MS of Schutz. As far as the subject-matter of the discussion itself is concerned, I do not believe that a continuation at the moment would be particularly fruitful. You have noticed that Schutz did not sufficiently enter on the problems which are the most important to youi the reason why is, in my opinion, that he did not recognize them as such because they do not come within the focus of atten­ tion to which he is accustomed. Only time and closer acquaintance on his part with the "Western" approach will bring a change. As far as the practical side is concerned, I believe to remember that he wrote his article for publication in an English periodicali

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this plan was suspended by the discussion. If my recollection is correct, one possible solution would be that you write him that whatever your disagreement on basic questions may be, this should not stand in the way of the planned publication. If the publication, however, should seem to you undesirable, you can drop this point by simply not touching upon it, and write him that after a reconsid­ eration of your correspondence you still think that his critique did not touch the essential points of your position, but that you felt that the misunderstanding was due to tenets of his theory which you had not yet fully appreciated in their import, and that you hoped future exchanges of opinion would lead to a closer mutual under­ standing of the respective positions. These are mere suggestions, based on an entirely insufficient knowledge of the circumstances, and made with all due reservei they may justly seem unacceptable to youi but I felt that your intention was going somewhere in this direction. About Schutz' attitude I know nothing beyond the re­ marks he made this spring when I met him in Philadelphiai he was sincerely sorry about the state of things and would certainly be very happy about any word from you. But let us now come back to predestination. I have looked over our discussion of this point, and I thought it might be helpful, before going farther in the subject-matter itself, to clarify a point of method. Reading again your reaction towards the MS on the " Refor­ mation, " I felt that your surprise at my treatment of predestination was less caused by any innovation on my part in the traditional treatment, but by the fact that I was talking of a problem entirely different from that of Max Weber. I should like to distinguish, there­ fore, more clearly between the following two questions: ( r J The doctrine of predestination as formulated in the Institutes of Calvin is a datumi what were the effects of this doctrine on members of the Calvinist community, and particularly on their ethical, com­ mercial and political attitudesi ( 2 ) The doctrine of predestination as a fixture in Christian dogmatics since St. Pauli what elements in the environment and personality of Calvin induced him to pick on this hitherto not primarily important doctrine and to make it a centerpiece of his theology. The first question is treated by Weber, Tawney and othersi and while the results may need considerable readjustment, I am in substantial agreement with their approach. The second question is, as far as I know the literature, a terra incognita. Nobody seems ever to have been seriously concerned

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about the causes of this momentous break in Christian history which brought the practical identification between the people as a spiritual community and the people as a political community by means of the collectivist idea of the predestined community of Saints. As my historical analysis did not start with Calvinism as a datum, but had to place it in the flux of events leading up to it, I ran into this second question. As yet I am rather bewildered by the problemi and in the MS which you have seen I did nothing but draw attention to some points which were meant to show that here, indeed, is a problem which needs elucidation. The "History of Ideas" is progressing now steadily. One great stumbling block has been removed: the chapters on Jesus and the Apostolic period. Curiously enough, I have been unable to find any specific treatment of the Gospels and of the personality of Jesus under the aspect of their political contents and function. I had the impression that most people were afraid of touching on the delicate subject. Quite a bit of time I lost recently because an Austrian Free Na­ tional Council is in formation, and the promoters wanted me to become by all means a member of it. Now they are rather sore at me, because I had to convince them that I preferred to find my way in the American community and did not care to look backwards. It seemed to me rather silly, indeed, to become all of a sudden an Austrian cabinet member in exile. I thought the story might inter­ est you as a sociologist. The history of the European emigration which is centered on the East coast, may some time become an interesting topici I am piling up all the materials that I can lay my hands on. I am looking forward to your Memorandum on Germanyi please, let me have a copy, when there is one available. Yours very sincerely,

143. To Elizabeth De Waal 1

October 22, 1 94 1 Dear Elizabeth: This time I am to blame for undue delay in writing. I had your MSS of the lectures more than a month ago and did not acknowl­ edge them immediately. Your last letter, however, of September

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29th, which reached me two days ago, seems to indicate that you did not receive my letter from Waynesville, N.C., of August. We were not at Harvard this summer, because I worked until August and had to be back to Tuscaloosa by September r st. The trip to Boston by car takes about 6 days, and we prefered to use the time for a little recreation. So we went through the Appalachians, crossing the Smokies to North Carolina, and stayed there for three weeks. On the way back we travelled via Charleston, Savannah, Jack­ sonville, Northern Florida, the Gulf coast to Mobile because we wanted to see the sea-ports of the Old South. The most beautiful part of the trip was the drive along the coast for hundreds of miles along the ocean in perfect solitude. But first of your MSS. I think the lectures are charming, and Lissy who read them was fascinated by the two. It is really admirable how you can combine the simplicity of expression with the strict tech­ nical correctness of every word you say. I have only one criticism concerning the content. My American patriotic sentiments were deeply hurt by the statement that the Grand Canyon is one mile wide; it is eighteen miles wide according to the World-Almanac; and the World-Almanac gets its informations from God, or the U.S. Geological Survey, or some other reliable source directly. There is also a little change in the New York scenery: the Third Avenue "L'' is gone; you can now look up and down Third Avenue at your ease; and you get homesick for the dear, old " L" because at least you could not see Third Avenue while it was up. But on minor points, like the governmental structures, I am in full agreement with you. The lectures are an excellent presentation for the children, and I hope you will let me have more of them. Unless you need them, I should like to keep them for a while and to show them to people when the occasion arises. My negligence in writing has only the excuse of my work. The end is in sight, but I am still hard in the midst of writing. The work is particularly trying because we have an abnormal summer. The heat began in March, and today we are still around 90 at noon. You need not worry about the book when it is published; you may be sure you get the first copy. I am a bit short with duplicates of the typescript and I am afraid I cannot send any part just now. But you will find enclosed a detailed [listing] of the Contents of those parts which are ready for print. The Analysis is close enough to give an idea of the scope, as well as of the train of ideas running through the 306

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book. I wonder how you are going to like it. My main difficulty was to find the principles of a synthesis. The monographic studies deal only with certain aspects of definite periods and do not take into consideration the history of ideas as a whole. The result was that I had to go back practically everywhere to the sources themselves in search of the missing links. Sections like those on Mesopotamia, or the Hellenistic period, or the Rise of Christianity contain a radical reinterpretation of the periods. In some cases of course, I was well equipped from the start: Machiavelli, Bodin, Hobbes, Plato are old pets of mine. When we were together in Paris, I collected my first materials on Bodin. I lost quite a bit of time recently by an affair which was partly amusing, partly sad. There is an Austrian Free National Council in formation, with the seat in Toronto. The former Minister Rott has assumed the functions of an acting Austrian Federal President, being the oldest former member of the Schuschnigg cabinet in free­ dom, and has appointed a Dr. Plochl Chancellor. Now they were looking for membership of the Cabinet, and hit on me as a desirable person. I declined the honor, in spite of the considerable pressure put on me, because I am rather sick of Austrian politics after the rather ignominious performance in the last days of the Republic; and certainly would not associate with Christian Social politicians. Besides I cannot see what earthly good such an outfit could do, con­ sidering that this war may last for many, many years, and nobody knows what will be left of Europe in general and Austria in partic­ ular afterwards . And quite certainly the future Austrian politics, if any, will not be conducted by persons who were not on the spot during the critical period. Besides I have not the slightest intention of ever going back to Austria, but want to become as Amercian as possible. Now the good fellows are rather sore about me, because I do not jump at the possiblity of becoming a cabinet-member in exile, but prefer to be a humble subject. We have a little taste of England here, because the Tuscaloosa airfield is a training center for British pilots. In the evening the boys populate the drug-stores. Ice-cream seems to be an important basis of mutual understanding. At night you can hear the airplanes drone [ ? ] when they practise night-flying. Our best wishes for further quiet weeks, Yours cordially,

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 949 I . Elizabeth de Waal, nee von Ephrussi ( 1 89 9-200 1 ) . Voegelin's acquaintance with Waal dates from their common student days in Vienna. In 1 9 3 8 she immigrated to England. They remained in contact until Voegelin's death.

144· To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

October 26, 1 94 1 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your kind letter of the 24th of October and for the reprint. There is no "annoyance, " or anything like that, at least not on my part; but I was concerned that my unwillingness to work in a matter with which you are perhaps more deeply involved than I realized might have offended you. About the grounds for my declining to join, you are sufficiently informed from my letters to Plochl. On the other hand, I am in complete agreement with the excellent idea that you again emphasize in your letter. It might perhaps be of some use if people like you, Morgenstern, and I ( maybe even PlOchl, if he understands something of the matter), were to rack our brains over a possible future political realignment and exchange views in order to be able to say something, should it ever become necessary to say something (for the time being I think that we can say that it won't be necessary for years ) . But for such an analysis of the political situ­ ation, and for suggestions that might prevent a repetition of earlier mistakes, knowledge, intelligence, and principles are required, not a council, a federal president and chancellor, and similar attributes of a political circus. We have no political authority because we do not represent anything that enjoys any kind of mass political support. The authority that we have is that of specialists in our fields and of being more or less decent human beings; to organize politically would neither raise nor lower the credit we have. In addition, we are not alone in the world. If you should find the opportunity to read, for example, Tawney's pamphlet Why England Fights, you will see that the excellent Englishman knows very well what will have to be done, and how it will have to be organized, when Hitler is finally defeated. If, in a future peace settlement, a man like Tawney is heard, we can perhaps be his chorus and lend strength to his arguments; if he is not listened to we can be assured that no one will bother listening to us. More important than playing ·

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at being a council is for us to take up friendly contact with men like Tawney, Carr, or Macarthy: That way offers a much better chance of perhaps exercising a useful influence than by associating with a man like Rott. What you say about Plochl's current difficulties and the counter action in New York does not surprise me. That is exactly what I feared would happen, and I did not want to get drawn into these battles that discredit everyone involved. What made me vacillate for a moment was the suggestion that the State Depart­ ment had decided to take an interest in Plochl's enterprise and that therefore the conflict among the immigrants had been silenced by a vis major. In order to get clarity on this point I wrote to Berle and, as you know, received a negative answer. I do not doubt that Plochl is a decent man. What angers me is the shamelessness with which he tries to draw one into a political affair at such short notice (one week to decide) that could have very unpleasant and embarrassing consequences due to the resistance of the New York group. In view of the heavy workload you have with the semester be­ ginning, I have not ventured to send you a piece of the manuscript. Instead I have included a detailed table of contents that is ready to be printed. 2 Perhaps you could indicate where you find gaps or problems that should be considered. With heartfelt thanks and very best wishes, Yours r . Original in German. 2. The table of contents was not found among Voegelin's papers.

145· To Gregor Sebba 1

October 30, 1 9 4 1 Dear Dr. Sebba, Your clarification of the facts behind the information that I gave you has put my mind at ease. In my view the "Austrian Action" and Dr. Klein's journal2 are by far the most promising organizations that we have had up to now. I hope it will be possible for you to deal with the other organizations in such a way that the authority of the "Austrian Action" will prevail. What you say about Plochl's organization interests me greatly because the " chancellor" sees me as a prospective member of his

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24 - 1 9 4 9

cabinet. To the extent that I am aware of its activities, let me tell you a little bit about what the Action has been up to-it will warm your heart. One fine day I received a letter from Plochl informing me that a Free Austrian National Council was being formed, that we had a federal president and a chancellor, and that the matter was being encouraged by the State Department. Further, that I, along with some others, was earmarked to become a member of the Council and that I should reply promptly with a declaration of my willingness to join because the State Department had to approve the membership list. (All of this took place between the middle of September and the beginning of October. ) At first I responded very candidly that I had no intention of joining since what I had been told was much too vague and unsubstantial. Thereupon he became very insistent and implied that it was, so to speak, the State Depart­ ment's wish that the Council be formed and that my membership was very much wanted. That gave me pause for thought since, naturally, I did not want to leave a desire of the State Department unfulfilled. I wrote to Berle3 with the request that he tell me just how urgently he wanted the Council. The answer was completely negative: In support of a cause one can create as many organizations as one wants, as long as one doesn't do anything illegal; the State Department had no position one way or the other. I thereupon wrote Plochl a resounding "no . " Now he's angry with me. If you need any more "material" for your sociological study, please feel free to call on me. I hope that by Christmas you will also have some more juicy details for me. I am still very much interested in the mask. If you could let me have a cast I would of course reimburse you for your expenses. I am also registered with the National Roster. 4 It goes without saying that you are welcome to use my name as a reference. I hope you will also provide me with a certificate of good character should I land in jail one day. With the most cordial greetings from both of us to you and your dear wife, Yours I . Original in German. 2. Voice of Austria. 3· See Voegelin to Berle, October 6, 1 94 1 (letter 1 40 above). 4· Unidentified.

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146. To Count Ferdinand Czernin

Aus trian Action 55 West 42nd Street N ew York City November 1 0, 1 94 1 My dear Count Czernin: I beg to acknowledge your letter o f November 6th, signed by you and Dr. Sebba, requesting me to give a brief legal opinion on a number of questions which you enumerate. It is a great pleasure for me to be at your service in this matter but considering the nature of your questions I shall have to make a few reservations. First of all, I am not in possession of all the materials which would be necessary to make a formal responsible statement, and I prefer, therefore, to give such opinions as I have to tender in the form of this letter, making allowances for omissions due to lack of materials. In the second place, the questions which you ask me concern the "legality" of the status of Mr. Rott, a former member of the last Schuschnigg cabinet, as a representative of the former Austrian government. The question of "legality" now is, quite aside from the specific case in question, a very delicate one. I have given an exhaustive treatment of the problem in my treatise "Der Autoritiire Staat, " Wien, 1 9 3 6, pp. 1 5 0-1 60. The result of these pages may be briefly summarized as follows: the formal legality of a government has no bearing on its legitimacy. A government may be legal and nevertheless illegitimate; and the revolutionary foundation of a government, breaking every legal rule, does not vitiate its status as a legitimate government. In this result I am in agreement with the National Socialist Carl Schmitt as well as with the French Repub­ lican Maurice Hauriou. I venture to say that this is the opinion of the leading European theorists of constitutional law. The problem of legality is, therefore, not of any importance in forming an opin­ ion on the legitimacy of any governmental authority. I am greatly astonished that after the antics about legality which the National Socialist government has performed, anybody should still pay at­ tention to the question. On the other hand, I am fully aware that the assertion of "legality" still carries weight with many people; 311

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and if it is of any help to you, I am willing to state briefly the legal situation. You would oblige me, however, if you would not quote me as an authority if you make any use of my statements because it is my considered opinion that the question is irrelevant and should not be treated at all. With these reservations let me now answer your questions: r. Is, under the ruling of the Austrian Constitution of 1 9 3 4, the oldest member of the government the legal representative of the Austrian government if the Federal President and the Federal Chancellor are, for one reason or another, unable to act? The provisions governing the questions are the following: "Art.77, ( r ) . If the Federal President is incapacitated, or if the Presidency is permanently vacant, the duties of the Federal President will have to be discharged by the Federal Chancellor. " "Art. 8 r , ( 2 ) . If the Federal Chancellor is unable to discharge his duties he will be represented, in the full range of his powers, by the Vice-Chancellor. If the Federal Chancellor and the Vice­ Chancellor are unable to discharge their duties at the same time, the Federal President will appoint a member of the Federal Government as the representative of the Federal Chancellor. " These two provisions exhaust the subject-matter. From a sim­ ple reading it is obvious that the first of the above quoted pas­ sages deals with the temporary discharge of Presidential duties by the Federal Chancellor, while the second passage deals with the temporary discharge of the duties of the Chancellor by a member of the government. The case that both, the Federal President and the Federal Chancellor are unable at the same time to discharge their du­ ties, has not been envisaged by the Constitution. There is no rule to be found in the Constitution governing this case. What­ ever authority an Austrian government may have in this situ­ ation, it cannot be derived from the explicit provisions of the Constitution of I 9 3 4 · 2 . Can the analogy o f "parliamentary usage" be brought i n a s a

legal argument under the Constitution of 1 9 3 4 ?

The rules governing the chairmanship in Austrian parliamen­ tary institutions under the Constitution of 1 9 3 4 are contained 3 !2

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partly in the Constitution itself, partly in the Geschiiftsord­ nungsgesetz of November 24, 1 9 3 4, BGB r . II, Nr. 3 6 5 . Art. 5 6, ( 1 ). The Chairman of the Council of State is appointed by the Federal President on nomination of the Federal Chancel­ lor. Art. 5 6, ( 3 ) . The Chairmanship of the Federal Council rotates alphabetically. Art. 5 6, (4). The Chairman of the Council of State functions as President of the Federal Diet. Art. 5 6, ( 2 ) The Cultural Council and Economic Council elect their Chairman. [The following sentence gives the provision of the Geschiifts­ ordnungsgesetz.] 1 The first session of these two Councils in which the Chair­ men have to be elected is presided over by the Chairman of the Council of State. In all cases vice-chairmen are provided; in no case is room for a chairman by seniority, an Alterspriisident. The above question has to be answered in the negative. 3· Is there a legal continuity between the last Austrian cabinet and

such of its members as live now in exile?

This is not a question of Austrian constitutional law, but of international law. Until 1 9 3 0 roughly, one may say that it was customary in international law to recognize a stable de facto government as a government de jure. Since the Manchukuo incident, there is an increasing tendency to refuse recognition to political orders established by "aggression. " In the special case, the recognition of German sovereignty over Austria is a matter of discretion for the other governments. If any govern­ ment wishes not to recognize the German annexation of Aus­ tria, this is a matter for the respective government to decide. And whether anybody, be he a member of the last Austrian government or not, can persuade any power to recognize him as the legal successor to the former Austrian government, is again n ot a legal question but a question of political discretion of the p ower who accords such recognition. Whether these answers will be useful to your own political in­ tentions, I do not know. But I believe that they are about as correct 313

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as they can be considering the lack of legal sources under which I am laboring. With my best regards, I remain, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin r.

The sentence in brackets was entered by Voegelin in pencil.

14 7. To Count Ferdinand Czernin

Count Ferdinand Czernin Austrian Action 5 5 West 42nd Street New York City November 2 5 , 1 94 1 My dear Count Czernin: I beg t o acknowledge your letter o f November 2 r st. I have no objection against using my remarks and quoting my name in the special case which you enumerate (American, British, Canadian, Czech governments), provided that your covering letter states clearly that I do not consider the question of legality as rele­ vant for the authority of government. If you wish to use the remarks for distribution to a more general public I would prefer that my name does not appear. The reason why is that I want to keep out of the political struggle; I am building my career on becoming an American citizen and any action that would identify me as participating in emigration politics would be a setback; besides I simply do not have the time to enter into discussions which inevitably would follow if my name became publicly associated with this opinion. With my best regards, I remain, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin

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1 4 8 . To Count Ferdinand Czernin

Count Ferdinand Czernin Austrian Action 55 West 42nd Street New York City December 20, 1 94 1 My dear Count Czernin: I beg to acknowledge your letter o f December I 7 with enclosures concerning your negotiations with the British Embassy. The substance of your policy, I think, is excellent. As to the "legal memorandum" which you request me to write I am afraid, however, that I do not quite see at the moment what I can do. Not that I am not willing to assist you in any way possible within the limits of my powers and time, but because I am at sea as to what you have in mind. As far as I can gather the question from your letter and your en­ closures, what is necessary is a well elaborated statement of policy in which legal matters have only a comparatively subordinate role. I suggest, therefore, that we get together for a discussion of your problem, if you think that I can be of any help, sometime next week. I shall be in New York beginning December 26, Hotel Pennsylvania. We can then make an appointment if it suits you. With my best regards, Yours sincerely, Eric Voegelin

149· To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

January 22, 1 942 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your kind letter with your comments. I am grateful for each one of them because, with such a critical theme, even with the best of intentions and the greatest care, ex­ pressions can be used that give rise to misunderstandings. To your remarks I would reply in the following way: The transition from mana to pneuma in my work was deter­ mined by the fact that the gospels based on Mark use the expression 315

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dynamis, which, in modern sociological terminology, is best ren­ dered by mana ( "power" is superficial and lacks precision) . The in­ terpretation of the resurrected and his relationship to the Christian community in the letters of Paul routinely uses the word pneuma. I have no objection to expressing the pneumatic relationship in terms of mana, but I have not done so because I don't want to -upset conservative readers any more than I have to. The concept of "re-birth" in Paul and John: As far as Christian dogma is concerned, I see no problem with viewing the concepts as synonymous in both contexts. However, from the standpoint of a historical-critical interpretation their meanings appear to me to be worlds apart. The Pauline metanoia locates the transformation of the person essentially in an activity of the human being;. the genesis in John is a sinking of the godly substance into an ungodly material. Nation: In German I would say that the term "nation" would be false; "folk" or " ethnic group" would be better. In English we have no exact equivalent for "folk, " and the meaning of the concept of "nation" includes much of what is expressed in the German "folk. " On the particular passage that you point to the use of the term "national" is, also in English, superfluous and I have replaced it with "ethnical" 2-this is easier to do with the adjectives. The influence of the Gospel of John on the West: This, as you know, is a very complicated matter. In early Christianity there is hardly any influence at all. Indeed the opposite is true: the can­ onization of the Gospel of John created great difficulties due to the well-understood fact of the presence of Oriental content. Only after a very extensive, and distorting, interpretation could it be taken into the canon at all. Up till the time of Augustine there is hardly any influence. The influence begins in the Middle Ages and, as far as I can see, is a factor in the general process or orientalization, especially at the level of the Christian sects. Excellent materials concerning this phase, with page-long quotations from the sources, can be found in Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion. You are probably already familiar with the work; but in case you have not yet used it, you will find in it much of interest to you. In my own work I have addressed the general question in the chapter on "The People of God. " 3 O n the question concerning the confusion o f the apostles, Frau Cadette is entirely right. That is the great problem. From the re­ peated emphasis on the apostles' confusion, Guignebert4 draws the

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conclusion 'that the idea that Jesus could have been the messiah was completely alien to them. And he therefore moves the creation of the ideal of the messiah back to the visions of Peter. For me that seems to go a bit too far. That would imply that not Jesus but Peter is the great religious personality and would leave unexplained what it was about Jesus that had such an overwhelming effect on others. The assumption also neglects the fact that the idea of the messiah must have been familiar to everyone from Deutero-Isaiah; it is impossible that in this milieu the appearance and fate of Jesus was not understood in terms of this image, whereby the grade of the explicitness with which it was seen in this image may be ques­ tioned. In relationship to a standard work like Guignebert, I have so played down the problem that it is hardly present at all, but the fact that it is the subject of a great debate did not permit me to simply ignore it. The last question of your letter: "What is the intended scholarly [or scientific: wissenschaftliche] nature of your book? "-was the cause of some concern. Did you mean to say that the scholarly integrity of the chapter could be called into doubt due to the lack of footnotes ? (That of course would be a great misfortune, but the fact that it is intended for a textbook rules out a critical apparatus. ) Or did you mean that the treatment of the object in such detail is not justified because the relationship to the theme of political ideas is too tangential? That of course would raise an objective question of principle. I would be very grateful to you if you would express in the strongest terms any misgivings you might have in this matter. The fate of your mother is unsettling; one hears so much of deportations. I hope you will soon receive more news. With the most cordial greetings, I. Original in German 2. Voegelin's term. 3 · cw, 2 2 : 1 3 1-2 1 4. 4. Charles Guignebert, Jesus, I'Evolution de l'Humanite, vol. 29 (Paris, 1 9 3 3 ) . See CW, 1 9 : 1 5 1 f.

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1 5 0.

To Waldemar Gurian

January 24, 1 942 Dr. Waldemar Gurian Review of Politics Notre Dame University Notre Dame, Ind. Dear Doctor Gurian: You were kind enough in New York to say again that you would like to have an article from me for your Review. You know what my present predicament is: I am working on the History of Politi­ cal Ideas, and the single chapters are so carefully worked into the context, referring supra et infra that they cannot well stand alone. Now, I have finished one chapter, on the Rise of Christianity, which with a few omissions and additions and with a few introduc­ tory remarks can stand for itself. I enclose it for your inspection. The problem in this case is that it deals with a delicate subject, and you may not care to have it in your Review. Personally, I do not believe that it contains anything that is objectionable to even a very conservative reader,-but you will be the better judge of this point. Such merits as this chapter has seem to lie in the following two points (which [I] would bring out in an introductory sentence, if you can use it) : ( r ) I observe that in the current histories of ideas, the New Testament writings are either briefly mentioned, or entirely omitted, or (the case of Sabine) disposed of as irrelevant for the growth of political ideas. I have tried to set forth the aspect under which the teaching[s] of Jesus and Paul have become an essential element of our political thought. ( 2 ) Concerning Method: I am not satisfied with the critical-exegetic method, and I have tried to in­ troduce a method [of] interpretation which sees the Gospel-reports as reflections of religious experiences disposing thus of the main arguments of historical sceptical critique. Beginning next week, my address is: Department of Govern­ ment, Louisiana State University, University Station, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. With my best regards, I am Yours very sincerely, 318

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9 - 1 949

I S I · To W. Y. Elliott '

February 2, 1 942 Memorandum: Concerning a program of study for the public ser­ vi ce I The Task-The position of America in the world after the war will face us for an indefinite period of time, which must be counted in decades, with the task of military occupation and civil admin­ istration of overseas countries. Such areas will probably include Germany, Italy and Spain in Europe; Japan, Indo-China in Asia; and probably parts of Africa. The civil administration in these areas will require, in the overseas countries themselves and in the home­ offices, a trained staff of administrators which must be counted in numbers of many tens of thousands. Administrators of this type must possess, in addition to specific skills, which may be acquired by special courses and by in-service training, a general cultural education enabling them to function successfully in a foreign en­ vironment, to deal with foreign subject-matters, and to be on a competitive level with the highly trained civil servants of foreign countries. For this task our country is as yet not prepared either quantitatively or qualitatively. The proper place for the acquisition of such background training seems to be the Liberal Arts College. Considering the number of trained persons needed for the future, education of this type ob­ viously cannot be furnished by a single institution, but will have to be organized, once the need is realized, on a nation-wide scale with the aid of all institutions capable of rendering this service by virtue of the quality of their staff and the size of their equipment. The problem itself, however, is fairly clear and a training-program of the type indicated can be started anywhere, at any time, since it does not require more than the organization of a curriculum, with means at hand, oriented towards this purpose. The urgency of a program of this kind should be weighed in the light of the following consideration: if we assume a victorious conclusion of the present war within not more than six years, and if the program is taken up by the fall of 1 942, there will be available in 1 948 not more than two annual classes of such specially trained young men.

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 9 49 II

Suggestions for

a

Curriculum-The

curriculum will have to be in

substance a co-ordinating effort by several departments of a College of Arts and Sciences . The following suggestions try to combine the standard items of background training found in the curriculum of European civil servants, with items necessitated by the special problem of American administration in foreign countries . A. Basic background training

r. History a. American History b . Latin American History c. European History d. Asiatic History

2 . Language and Literature a. Engl ish Language

b. English History of L it er atu re 3 · Philosophy and Religion a. History of Christian Churches b. Principles of Christian Religion and Ethics 4· Social Theory and Institutions a. Economic Theory and Institutions b. Economic History c. Social Theory and Institutions d. Psychology of Personality e. Introduction to Principles of Government f. History of Political Ideas B. American Principles and Institutions I . American Government 2. American Constitutional Law 3 · American Administration 4· History of American Political Ideas 5 . American Economic System C. Foreign Institutions-General I . C omparative Government a. Western European Government ( in cluding British Empire) b . C entral and Eastern European Government ( incl. Russia) 3 20

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9 - 1 949

c. Latin American Government d. Asiatic Governments Continental European Administrative Procedure­ 2. French, or Comparative 3 . Economics a. European b. Asiatic c. Latin American Background-Special . Foreign D I . One foreign language 2. History of literature in the same language 3 · History of Civilization-for the same language area 4· Special course in History for the same language area E. International Background I . Political and Economic Geography 2. World Economics 3 . International Law 4· International Politics 5 . American Foreign Policy These suggestions should not be considered a rigid curriculum, but should be interpreted flexibly. A student who wishes to spe­ cialize on the Asiatic side, may be assumed for instance to read treatises on Latin America on his own initiative, without going through the procedure of a formal course; or, a student who wishes to specialize in European affairs, may be left to deal with Asiatic problems on his own initiative, etc. Nor should this program pre­ vent the necessary training in mathematics and at least one natural science. ill

Examinations-For the subjects under (A) the customary course­ grades may be deemed sufficient. For the subjects under (B) through (E) it should be considered whether, in addition to the course-grades, an oral examiniation by a board of staff-members over the whole group of subjects, or over the four groups separately, would not be advisable. We are confronted by the unfortunate situation wherein too many students believe education to be a matter of " courses"; they do not understand that courses are helps for achieving knowl­ edge, but are not meant to be the only source. Examinations over 32 I

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 9 4 9

groups of subjects should bring home to the student that he is supposed to acquire an integrated body of knowledge, and that "courses, " while furnishing essential parts of that knowledge, have the function of stimulating his own activity in filling the gaps which inevitably any course will have to leave. The student should become aware that mastery of a subject requires permanent activ­ ity, and that education does not stop when a degree is reached. He should feel keenly that the answer, which one can hear so frequently from a man, to a question: "I have not taken a course in this subject"-is entirely impermissible in a mature person, and that he himself is responsible for supplementing course-education by free activity. Examinations over groups of subjects might aid in building up this attitude. IV

Title of the Program-How a curriculium of this kind should be fit­ ted into the College organization is a matter of expediency; obvious possibilities are the designation of the curriculum as:

I. A Social Science Major, or 2. A Public Service Major in Social Science. I. The following memorandum was sent to W. Y. Elliott. Voegelin's accompany· ing letter has not been found, but Elliott's acknowledgment of the receipt of the memorandum is preserved in a letter to Voegelin from February 1 4, 1 942.

1 p. To Fritz Morstein Marx

- February 1 2, 1 942 Professor Fritz Morstein Marx Queens College New York City Dear Fritz: This is to tell you that difficulties have arisen in Alabama in another direction than the one about which we talked last X-mas. Our enrol[l]ment has reached a point where the administration will demand the dismissal of one member of the staff by next fall. Our friend Roscoe has clear ideas about whom he would like to dismiss but since the old president has come back his will is not of primary importance in the matter. The day before we left for Louisiana, he 3 22

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very nicely called on me and warned me that I might be the victim, considering that I am the last addition to the department, that my salary is higher than that of the others, that others whom he would prefer to see going were native sons and that the administration in all probability would not permit him to dismiss one of the firmly entrenched gentlemen, and that personal qualification was the last thing on earth that mattered in the situation. In addition he warned me of the rustic habits of this administration and said he could not guarantee that such a dismissal would not come two weeks before the opening of the fall session. It is very kind of him to tell me all that, and he is very anxious not to be blamed for not having me warned if something untoward should happen in late August, but it is extremely disquieting. In brief: I am available for a position elsewhere; and I want you to know about it, as your location in New York and your older connec­ tions might enable you to hear of possibilities which would remain unknown to me. If you could keep an eye on this problem, your other engagements permitting, you would greatly oblige me. The History has suffered a brief interruption due to the change to Louisiana, but it is going [ ? ] on now again, though the new suspense and my attempts at finding a solution divert energies. I shall send you in a short while the complete contents of the Middle Ages. Louisiana proves to be very satisfactory as yet; I have good students and the colleagues are a very agreeable group. With our best wishes to you and Barbara, Yours cordially, Eric Voegelin

153. To Gottfried von Haberler

April 2, 1 942 Professor Gottfried von Haberler Department of Economics Harvard University Cambridge, Mass. Dear Haberler: Enclosed you will find a reprint of the article on the Mongol Or­ ders of Submission 1 which has come out at last. You will remember 323

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that I wrote it three years ago when I was at Harvard, and it forms part of the work which I did while I had the fellowship from the Bu­ reau. I have sent, therefore, a copy with appropriate thanks to Fay. I think I told you at X-mas that I would be at Louisiana State for the second s�mester. It certainly is an interesting experience, and I gain insights into colorful Louisiana politics which I would have missed otherwise. The university is much better than Alabama, particularly the Department of Government, and there is a remote possibility that I may stay here longer. This is especially important because my position in Alabama has become precarious. The enrollment has been dropping for the last three years, and the point is reached where a reduction of the staff becomes inevitable. There is no drain on the staff through calls to Washington, etc., because my colleagues apparently are not much in demand. I may become the victim because I am the most recent addition to the department, because I am a foreigner, and because-as they assure me candidly-! have the best chances of finding a position elsewhere. There is, of course, the difficulty that the Rockefeller Foundation has paid one half of my salary with a view to securing permanency of tenure, and that now I would be dismissed on the very day that the grant expires . I have pointed out strongly the questionable morality of such action, but arguments of this sort, or the fact that I am the best man in the department, if not in the whole university, are of little avail in this precious environment. I am definitely on the look-out, therefore, for opportunities elsewhere, even though I am not yet dismissed and the crisis may pass by this year. If you should learn of any opportunities in the East, or if you could spread a bit the news of my predicament, you would oblige me greatly. The History of Ideas is progressing. Finish before summer may be reasonably assumed. How is Mrs. Haberler? With our best wishes, I remain, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin I.

cw, 10:?6-1 2 5 .

3 24

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154. To Talcott Parsons

Professor Talcott Parsons Department of Sociology Harvard University Cambridge, Mass. April 2, 1 942 Dear Parsons: Enclosed you will find the reprint of an article on the Mongol Orders of Submission 1 which I wrote when I was at Harvard three years ago; it has been published finally. You may remember that I told you at X-mas that I would be at Louisiana State for the current semester. It is an interesting experience, and I have to rectify humbly some misconceptions of corruption. The Long-era was apparently a golden age as far as the University is concerned; everybody who has any qualities was ap­ pointed during this time. The preceding administration and the present "honest" regime compare rather unfavourably. The people whom I meet look eagerly forward to the end of the present gover­ nor's term (who is considered politically dead), and hope for a more intelligent, if more corrupt, administration. My position at Alabama, on the other hand, is becoming precar­ ious. The sinking enrol[l]ment makes economies inevitable, and it seems that I may become the victim in our department because I am the most recent addition to the staff, because I am a foreigner, and because-as I was assured candidly-! had the best chances of finding a position elsewhere. I am not dismissed and the crisis may pass for this year, but I am distinctly on the look-out for something new. If anything should come to your attention, you would oblige me greatly if you could let me know. How is your and Hartshorne's study on Germany coming? 2 I just obtained a volume by Rohan D'O Butler on The Roots of National Socialism, 1 7 83-I93 3 , which gives some interesting points. 3 He is an Englishman, and I have not seen the book observed in this country. The History is progressing. I had a terrible time with the Middle Ages. It was my ambition to give a precise type-study of the growth of spiritual consciousness from the reform of Cluny to the Mendi­ cant Orders. The result is not quite what I should like it to be. But it 325

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looks presentable and I have to let it go for lack of time. I got some help for understanding the period from a comparison of the Military Orders with the fusion of Zen-mysticism and warrior discipline in the shogunate of Kamakura. It is a pity that no Max Weber has dealt yet with Japan, as the parallels seem to merit attention. With my best wishes, I remain Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin I . CW, 10:76-1 2 5 . 2. The plan of Hartshorne and Parsons to write a book on Germany, with the tentative title German Social Structure and National Psychology, was not carried out. See Uta Gerhardt, Talcott Parsons: An Intellectual Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002 ), 9 3 · 3 . Rohan D'O Butler, The Roots of National Socialism, I 7 83 - r 9 3 3 (London: Faber and Faber, 1 9 4 1 ) . Voegelin's judgment of this work was not always so favorable. Cf. cw, 1 0: 1 3 1 f.

1 5 5 . To Friedrich Engel-Janosi l

Apri1 4, 1 942 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your kind letter and for the steps you have taken on my behalf. The entire matter would be a comedy were it not for the fact that the most personal material interests are involved. The difficulties at Alabama are due to the fact that the majority of my colleagues are pitiful little people who nobody wants and who therefore fight for their position tooth and nail: they're afraid that if I don't go, one of them will have to. In this regard I sympathize with them, and if I could find a position elsewhere I would gladly leave Alabama. But on the other hand, I am getting tired of always being the scapegoat for the incompetence of others. I have therefore spoken a few choice words to the good department chairman, who is terribly ill at ease, so that he knows that, although he can fire me, by doing so he will not be improving the department's reputation. An intervention by Lancaster might prove useful. I do not know who his friend in the geology department is. (It would be helpful if it were Andrews, who has a good reputation around here. J Nor do I know who the students are in the department of romance languages. 326

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I am friends with Loewenstein at Amherst, but since he's there, I can't do much; one foreigner is enough. I am aware of the temporary position; it's an instructorship that has to be filled because Odegard has gone to Washington. One of my younger colleagues by the name of Penniman is being considered for it. And that imposes certain constraints on me since Mr. Penniman is also the son-in­ law of Anderson, a very influential man in public administration at Minnesota. But I would have written to Loewenstein soon anyway; it's possible that he may know of something. You can use the table of contents I sent you; no alterations have been made to it. But on Tuesday I will have some carbon copies made that will bring it up to date, and I'll send you one. I hope to finish the entire book before summer. Unfortunately I do not know Albright and Foxwell. Otherwise I am doing everything I can. There is a possibility that my position here at Louisiana will be extended for another year, but I can't count on it. Write me concerning those to whom, in your opinion, I might profitably send the "Mongols "; maybe it will help. With very best wishes, Yours r.

Original in German.

1 5 6. To Max Mintz 1

April 1 4, 1 942 Dear friend: Enclosed you will find, after a long break, another section of the MS. It is the beginning of the Middle Ages and follows directly upon the part on Augustine (which I believe you have). We haven't heard from you in a long time and hope that every­ thing is OK, to the extent that anything today can be said to be OK-at least the main season for filing taxes is over. The inability of our democrats to master events, or even to orient themselves, lends the course of events a certain fatal greatness. Unfortunately, the events are too deeply interconnected to permit one to contemplate without a feeling of bleakness the fascinating way things are developing. But I have to admit that more and more I

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feel that whatever the result may be, it doesn't have anything to do with me personally; that the unavoidable effects will only touch the externals of one's life and merely have the character of meaningless natural catastrophes. With warmest regards, Yours, Erich Voegelin r.

Original in German.

157. To Taylor Cole 1

[n.d.; presumably June or July 1 942] Q UESTION I Ways in which military operations might be impeded in Germany (and particularly in former Austria) through the aggravation of inter-group conflicts within Germany.

In answering this question I presume that it does not call for ad­ vice concerning specific sabotage acts, but rather for an analysis of points of attack for propaganda efforts aimed at undermining the war-morale of groups in Germany, which undermining might lead ultimately to a slackening of war-readiness in one way or another. I. Germany. The principal inter-group conflict on which we can operate in Germany is obviously the conflict between National Socialists on the one side and all other groups on the other. I shall subdivide the groupings opposed to National Socialism into ideo­ logical, institutional, and social or economic. ( I J Ideological Groupings: The principal ideological groupings con­ tinuing to exist from the pre-Hitler period are the Christian, the Marxist and the Democrat, personally in large sections overlapping.

(a) Christian. The possibilities in this direction have, in my opinion, as yet been underestimated. I remember that of the pre-war British oratory with regard to Germany there was only one speech made by an [sic] British statesman that ever got seriously under the skin of the Nazi government. It was a speech, made if I remember correctly by Lord Halifax, stressing the British stand as taken in defense of Christianity against an anti-Christian movement destructive of 328

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Western Civilization. The Nazi press attacked the speech furiouly and the line was dropped in England. As long as the war is con­ ducted in terms of nationalism, imperialism, aggression and free­ dom the level of sentiments is not reached on which National Socialism has its superior strength as a creed embracing the whole of human existence. The idea of a defense of Christianity is the one idea that would seriously cut into the unity of the German nation and engage considerable parts of the nation against the community effort. Obviously, there are difficulties in using this weapon. One of them is our alliance with Russia. The other, perhaps more impor­ tant, is the weakness of Christianity on our side. You will have watched recent Church conferences in this country and have no­ ticed that the Protestant clergy as a whole is in utter confusion and mortally afraid of giving unqualified support to the war ef­ fort, precisely because the Christian issue is obscure in the pub­ lic consciousness and certainly pales beside such emotions as the national will to power and resentment about the Japanese attack. The Catholic side is worse, if possible. The spiritual degeneration of the Catholic hierarchy, at the center as well as in the national episcopates (with such notable exceptions as certain French and German cardinals ) does not offer much hope that these forces can be mobilized for action. Nevertheless, I would not neglect this possibility. According to information from sources which are as good as any, the internal German spiritual unrest in the Christian sector of the people is enormous. Not that any direct action against the government could be expectedi it assumes the form of a serious attempt at arriving through reading and discussion at a more adequate understanding of the spiritual implications of the present struggle. A significant symptom seems to me that recently ministers had to be installed in greater number as army-chaplains. Furthermore, it should be taken into account that Christianity in Germany has a greater function in the spiritual life of the nation than in most other countries be­ cause secular philosophy to a large extent incorporates the Chris­ tian tradition and has influenced the generations of young Ger­ mans who have gone through the universities (outstanding cases: Scheler for the Catholic, Jaspers and Heidegger for the the Protes­ tant Kierkegaard influence) . I should b e inclined t o summarize the situation in brief: a s far 3 29

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as the German side is concerned the attack through appeal to the Christian sentiment has a fairly good chance, for all I know; as far as our side is concerned it does not look particularly hopeful for the moment because the sentiments stirred up in this country by the war are not yet as profound as the German. And one cannot try to influence a group effectively unless the spiritual authority is equal to the task. (b) Marxism. The Marxist group in Germany have the wide range from the conservative Social Democrats, who are practically a democratic middle-class group, to the revolutionary Communists. That an effective appeal to Marxism can be made seems to me doubtful. The Marxism of the Social Democrats was rather stag­ nant; according to election statistics the younger generation turned either Communist or National Socialist even before the advent of Hitler. An effective appeal could be made probably only to the Com­ munists proper. But we may assume that the Russian government has a factual monopoly of taking care of this angle, and probably is doing everything that can be done anyway. (c) Democrat. That Democracy as a secular idea of government constitutes an independent German group of relevant size, I doubt very much. The democratic attitude in Germany has not primar­ ily grown through institutional precedents as in the Anglo-Saxon countries, but is incidental to other groupings. The strongest groups to whom a democratic appeal can be made are probably the Cath­ olics, the former Social Democrats, the West and South German regions on a geographical basis, the large cities. In the Catholic case democracy is tied up with the Christian idea, in the Social Demo­ crat case with the national revolutionary attitude of r 848, in the South-West German case with the comparatively older democratic institutions, in the case of the larger cities with the very successful municipal self-government. In case of such appeals it would be very important to enter upon the specific democratic shades of these groups; the vocabulary of American democracy has little appeal if any. (2) Institutional Groupings. The two most important are the Army and the Church. The Army can probably be dismissed as hopeless because a defeat would mean, whatever the peace-conditions oth­ erwise are, that the professional officers can walk the streets if they 3 30

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are left alive to do so. Conflicts between the Army and Party which doubless exist cannot conceivably degenerate into a quarrel with serious consequences because the fate of the cadres of the Army is tied up with the regime. The case of the Churches as institutions ( as distinguished from Christianity as a religion and idea) is, however, more promising. May I refer to the Niemoeller case. Niemoeller is, in my opinion, not quite the noble figure as which he is frequently depicted. He was a good National Socialist, even as when the anti-Jewish atroc­ ities had come under way, and discovered his Christianity only when the Protestant Church as an institution was attacked by the Nazis. I do not wish to cast a reflection on his sincerity, but he can be sincere in more than one way, and the way is determined by the institutional interests. The vested interest in the Church institu­ tions is enormous, and the danger to the Church as an institution is the one Christian problem that has penetrated even to the Holy See and stirred it do [sic] occasional mild action. This is an interest which meets with understanding among Church-members even if their Christianity is of a doubtful color. ( 3 ) Social and Economic Groupings. I should not expect very much from appeals to social and economic groups in general. There might be, however, an opening wedge in case of mililtary defeats. Peas­ ants are more strongly individualistic through their occupational situation and less accessible to ideologies than other groups. The peasantry should be a social sector where disaffection and passive resistance with serious consequences can be expected earlier than anywhere else. Second I should rank the workers because their organizational discipline and the fact that they have nothing to lose in the social hierarchy, and the further fact that they are not involved as a group in the actions which concentrate the hatred on the regime, make them a group that will emerge with absolute certainty as an important political factor whatever happens to the regime. It should be possible, external circumstances favoring, to dissociate the workers' interest easier from the national interest than that of other groups . The other strata of society are not a hopeful field for the arousing of antagonisms because inevitably they will lose heavily when the war is lost. This enumeration is supposed to tabulate the major groupings and the type of interest on which a propaganda effort might operate. 33 1

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As to the technical means by which such groups may be reached (radio, printed matter, personal contacts, etc), I cannot give any ad­ vicei but I think that was not expected. The general remark should be added that no group will prove a good prospect for propaganda attacks as long as the tide of the war has not turned convincingly against Germany. II. Austria. Whether there exists an Austrian national sentiment at all that could be brought into play, is a matter of debate. No indications have come out during the war that Austrian troops did not fight properly when they were used (in Norway and Greece), or that they attempted mass-desertions comparable to the Czech desertions from the Austrian army during the last war. The NYT brought recently an interview with Felix of Habsburg who asserts that an Austrian national resistance exists in factories and other­ wisei I rather believe that this is a story cooked up for the purpose of arousing pro-Austrian sentiment. Antagonism against National Socialism will probably be found rather among Austrian groups for special reasons and not because of a national sentiment. The main groups to be considered are the Marxist workers, the Christian Social peasants, and the Catholic intellectuals.

(a) Marxist Workers. The Austrian workers have never shown a particular attachment to an independent Austria. They were for the union with Germany up to the day on which Hitler came into power. The Austrian Social Democrats in this country and in Eng­ land, as far as I am able to learn, favor a post-war union with Ger­ many and go even so far as to oppose the present decision of the Department of Justice to treat Austrians as friendly aliens. They want to be considered Germans. For the rest, their attitude is Marx­ ist, fervently against National Socialism, but not democratic. An attempt at dissociating them from the German war effort should prove quite easy, external circumstances being favorable, by play­ ing on their desire for union with a Socialist Germany. (b) Christian Social Peasants. This group is probably the only strong democratic group in Austria. The democratic sentiment is based in part on the Christian idea, in part on the peasant individualism which abhors government interference otherwise than by subsi­ dies. Propaganda promises of protection against totalitarian regu­ lation from the right or the left would be effective on them. 3 32

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(c) Catholic Intellectuals . They are ardent Austrian nationalists. Socially their ideas vary from a middle-class conservatism to a reli­ gious socialism; politically most of them are legitimists. Prospects of an independent Austria, protected against German encroach­ ments, and for the legitimist section [the prospect] of a Habsburg monarchy would influence them. Considering that the group is small and of doubtful political importance, it may not seem worth­ while to bother with them. (d) The former Austrian German Nationalists and Landbund groups have mostly become, in the younger generation, National Social­ ists; I would estimate their strengh at a maximum of 2 5 % ; they are of course hopeless. I . The memorandum contains the answers t o questions sent t o Voegelin b y Taylor Cole in his capacity as Chief, European Section, Military Intelligence Division G-2 of the War Department General Staff. The questionnaire concerned "ways in which military operations might be impeded in Germany" and "methods by which the average German soldier . . . might be convinced an allied victory is preferable to continued struggle under Nazi control." See Taylor Cole to Eric Voegelin, June 6, 1 942, in Voegelin Papers.

1 5 8. To Karl Loewenstein

Dr. Eric Voegelin

6 r Garfield Street

Cambridge, Mass.

August 2 3, 1 942 Professor Karl Loewenstein Amherst College Amherst, Mass. Dear Professor Loewenstein: I have to apologize for not having answered at an earlier date your letters of June 26 and of August 4 of this year, concerning the problem of Comparative Government. There are two reasons for the delay: one is the work which I should like to finish before, in all probability, I shall be drafted, the other is that I am somewhat at a loss about an answer to your propositions. Let me explain this point a bit because this explanation will have to stand in substance for an answer. 333

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The so-called field of Comparative Government, as we know it today, is not a science but a college-institution. Students in colleges are supposed to know something about foreign governments and this purpose is served by the course under the highly inappropriate title of "Comparative Government. " I say inappropriate because no book bearing this title that has ever fallen into my hands (perhaps some have escaped me) does any comparing. If the book is written by a single author it consists of neat parts, every one dealing with a "government" such as French, English, etc. without any compari­ son; books of this kind are collections of valuable studies on foreign governments bound within the covers of one volume but otherwise unrelated. In recent years the situation has apparently been recog­ nized and even a pretext at comparison is given up; the more recent type of publication in the field consists either of separate volumes on the several governments each written by another author, or of one volume comprising studies by several authors. The structure of the enterprise excludes any " comparison" from the outset. Considering this state of things, I have abolished for the courses which I have to teach in the field the title of Comparative Govern­ ment and replaced the year-course by the two semester-courses on Crisis of Democracy and Totalitarian Government. The structure of those courses is, on principle, the following: ( r ) Crisis of Democracy: Stoic and Christian basis of the belief in equality and spiritual freedom of men-Intellectual and economic individualism-The rise of the middle-class in England, France, and Germany-Professional skills and bureaucracy-The separa­ tion of the political sphere from the spiritual since Locke-The origins of representation-Democratic enfranchisement since the 1 9th century-Party-Systems-Differences between Anglo-Saxon political society and the continental administrative state since the nth century-The critique of mass-Democracy since the r 8 6os (Earl Grey, Renan, Pareto, Mosca, LeBon)-Rational and emotional democracy-The atrophy of spiritual values. (2 ) Totalitarian Governments: The separation of the worker from the tool through machine technology-The corporational owner­ ship of the instruments of production-the job-dependence of the mass of men-Anxiety of existence and desire for security-The conversion of the res privata into a res publica in the mind of the masses-Desire for politically responsible control of the economic 3 34

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system-The myth of planning-The emotional structure of the masses-Origins of the myth of the Leader-Origins of the Myth of the Third Realm-The evolution of Marxism-Pre-bolshevik Russia-The Soviet institutions-The decay of Italian liberalism­ Origins of Fascism since r 900-Fascist institutions-Origins of the racial myth-The German mass-democracy as the background of Hitler-National Socialist institutions-Japan. As you will see from this survey I do not put much store in the comparison of institutions (I do not see of what earthly value such a comparison should be). I rather believe in the necessity of analysing the motive forces (economic, social, political, ideological) which determine institutions. Such an analysis is today practically a cri­ tique of Western Civilization because the factors determining the institutions reach all the way from population statistics to religious sentiments. This brings me to the theoretical core of the problem put by you. If we go beyond the definition of Comparative Govern­ ment as a college-institution and ask what conceivably might be the substance of the field, we have to say, I think, that Compar­ ative Governments is not a science at all but a pragmatic unit of knowledge to which several sciences contribute; as such sciences we may tentatively enumerate: Population Statistics, Economy, Law, Political History, History of Institutions, History of Ideas, Eco­ nomic Theory, Social Theory, Psychology, Theory of the Political Myth, Science of Religions, Theology, Metaphysics, etc. Until five or six years ago descriptive institutionalism predominated as the approach to the field. The approach has its merits but its usefulness is restricted to periods of comparative stability of the political sit­ uation. The ideal era for descriptive institutionalism was perhaps the period from r 8 70 to 1 9 1 4 . Since the First World War and the Russian Revolution it becomes increasingly futile; now that the Revolution has extended to Italy and Japan, Germany and France, has engulfed continental Europe, and is overdue in England and the Empire construction, the approach is meaningless. Not that we do not need the description of institutions, but it has to be incidental to the analysis of the World-Revolution. Comparative Government should be today a critique of our civilization, centering around the political phenomena. In recent years an improvement is noticeable; I am referring specifically to the excellent volume on the Govern­ ments of Continen tal Europe to which you have contributed; but I 335

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still would criticize it for its national compartmentalization which has for its effect that the general problems of the Revolution are in no place treated adequately. 1 If, for the moment, we consider the analysis of the situation as correct, you will understand my hesitations in answering your circular letters. That we should know what is going on around us, and that the students should know, is obvious. The importance of the field cannot be overratedi it is fatally important for every one of us. But what shall we do about it, once we have agreed on the question of importance? Anybody who masters four or five modern languages, who has sufficient background knowledge for dealing with problems of Western Civilization on a vast compara­ tive basis, who masters the techniques of three or four of the special sciences which are the contributing elements of our field and who has [a] scholarly temperament can work on the questions if he is sufficiently interested in them. The problems of the Revolution have not arisen yesterday. We possess the great critiques of our civilization by Nietzsche and Max Weber, and for me at least they are the indispensable starting-point for every work in the fieldi the sciences of mass psychology, of political mythology, of political and economic history, of the several national laws, etc. are all well developed. Nobody who is not an exceptional personality can hope to master the phantastic complex empirically and theoretically in its entiretyi but everybody can do his work on special phases in accordance with his interests and predilections. We do not have to search for problems with a lampi from the point of view of the scholar the present ghastly crisis offers experiences and problems as hardly another period in the whole history of mankindi wherever you look you will see problems of first-rate scientific importance­ if you can see. The only limit for the scholar which I am able to see is physical exhaustion. The advancement of problems in this field is obviously a highly personal matter but it could be aided materially by discussions between men who work on them. If the meeting of the APSA this year should offer an opportunity for such discussions, this would be highly desirable. If you want to go beyond such discussions and ar­ rive at presentable results with a view to Post-War Reconstruction, my suggestion would be that the panel choose as a basis for dis­ cussion some good general monograph on the questions involved. E. H. Carr's recent Conditions of Peace should prove very useful:

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not as a platform on which to stand, but as a partial register of problems which have to be discussed in any case. 2 A number of critical evaluations of Carr's book by members of your panel might be an excellent opening for a free-for-all debate. I shall stay here in Cambridge until September r oth. As we are not so very far apart, perhaps an opportunity could be found to meet some time. I should be very happy if that could be arranged. With all best wishes for the success of your panel, I am, Yours sincerely, Eric Voegelin I . James T. Shotwell, ed., Governments of Continental Europe (New York: Mac­ millan, 1 940). 2. E. H. Carr, Conditions of Peace (London: Macmillan, 1 942 ).

159. To Count Degenfeld 1

November 2 1 , 1 942 My dear Count Degenfeld: With my best thanks I acknowledge the receipt of your letter of November r 6th concerning the Military Committee for the Liber­ ation of Austria. The letter reached me only today because I am not any more at the University of Alabama but at Louisiana State University. It is with great regret, my dear Count, that I have to decline your request to join the Proclamation of the Military Committee. Not that I have any objections against iti on the contrary, it is high time that the detachment of Austria from the German cause expresses itself in the formation of [a] fighting unit. I am in full accord with the idea and I hope sincerely that it will meet with success. My reasons for refusing my signature are purely personal. When I left Austria four years ago, I was firmly resolved not to become an unhappy refugee but to do my best to grow into the American com­ munity and to make my home here. I have been quite successful in this respecti in a year I expect to apply for citizenshipi and if I should be drafted-what may happen in February-! want to serve in the American army as an American. You will see that-given the conditions-! cannot very well sign a proclamation for an Austrian fighting unit which I have no intention of joining. 337

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May I repeat that my refusal does not imply a disagreement with your plans. It is simply a question of my personal situation. Nor does it mean that I am disinterested in Austria. You will find me perfectly willing to cooperate in the restoration of Austria, if and when such cooperation seems to me fruitful. I have voluntarily taken my stand for Austria in the years before 1 9 3 8 to the extent of destroying my position and of being compelled to emigrate in order to escape the concentration-camp. In the critical moment those who were supposed to lead the fight surrendered or ran away. Two of the members of the cabinet that did not fight have signed the Proclamation. I am delighted to give them a chance to fight this time and by the fight they show to acquire the authority of asking others to join them. I am happy to hear that your brother is well; and I beg you to give my repects to His Majesty. With my best regards, I am, Yours very sincerely, r.

Graf von Degenfeld-Schonburg ( I 8 82-1 9 5 2 ) .

1 60. To Leo Strauss 1

December 9, 1 942 Dear Dr. Strauss: Thank you very much for your kind letter of November 24. It is truly a joy to receive an answer to a modest review that addresses the substantial problems, even if they can only be touched upon incidentally. Unfortunately, I must agree with your critical remarks: The cri­ tique of Mr. Cairns's2 positivism solves none of the problems of the opposing position. Nevertheless, thanks to the work on the History of Political Ideas, which is essentially important to me for clarifying the fundamental theoretical problems, I believe I have gained some insight into these issues. If you will permit me, I will briefly indicate where I see, if not the possibility of solutions, at least possibilities for clarification; you will easily be able to com­ plement my necessarily fragmentary remarks. The Platonic-Aristotelian problem also appears to me to be the necessary starting-point. I see it in the following way: at the center

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of Plato's political thought are the fundamental experiences related to the person and death of Socrates-catharsis through conscious­ ness of death and the enthusiasm of eros. Both prepare the way for the right ordering of the soul (Dike). In relationship to these funda­ mental experiences, the theoretical political-ethical achievement appears to me to be secondary. Only when the fundamental order of the soul is established can the field of social relations that is de­ termined by it be systematically ordered. In this sense, I understand the theoretical-scientific achievement of Plato to have its foun­ dation in the myths that he creates, in the Phaedo, Symposium, Politeia, and the Politikos, in order to represent the fundamental experiences. The problem is further complicated by the fact that Plato's idea of science is also oriented to the non-mythical, person­ peripheral sphere of logic, mathematics, and dialectic. It seems to me that the problem of scientism in sciences that deal with man as a spiritual being came about because, for the subject areas where the interpretation must be grounded in the mythical order of the soul, the idea of science was changed to one oriented to the person­ peripheral spheres. (In Plato's case it has less to do with a transfer [of the scientific model] than with the neglect of differentiations; out of this problem comes the difficulty that the "idea" can be the idea of a triangle, a biological genus, or of the Good). It seems to me that the "scientific" treatment of political and ethical problems has become possible since and because of Plato, because a myth of man ( Socrates-Plato) has become the fixed point that governs the selection of relevant materials. By the way, the myth of man is not a constant in Plato; in my chapters on the Politeia and the Nomoi I worked through in detail the change in the image of man from the former to the latter dialogue. The Aristotelian science of politics seems to have an essentially different foundation than the Platonic. In Aristotle its center is no longer in the Socratic myth, but in the bios theoretikos of the intel­ lectual mystic. In this way the great transformations come about that lead from the "idea" of the state that is directly grounded in the myth, to the "ideal" that becomes the measure of the empirical typologies; from the forms of the soul, [which correspond to the forms] of the state in the Politeia, to the scientific typologies of the Politics. With the Aristotelian position the completely scientific­ theoretical treatment of the political becomes possible for the first time, but only because the Platonic form that emerges from the 339

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myth is now taken as a given, without the assumption of exis­ tential participation in the myth. The Aristotelian conception of an empirical-technical science of politics, which can offer advice for bettering a given situation ( the central part of the Politics on revolutions, their origins, and their prevention), is made possible by adopting the image of the soul of the ideal state, albeit changing it in many ways. I see the specific importance of Aristotle in the fact that, as an unmythical, intellectual mystic, he is able to work unencumbered within the system of relevance created by the myth and can subsume masses of empirical material under the mythical images that have now been transformed into concepts. Therefore I would not say that the Platonic-Aristotelian idea of science (to the extent that it is concerned with the realm of politics) was brought to an end by Christianity and the discovery of history, but rather that the very possibilities of the Platonic-Aristotelian science are rooted in myth, and that Christianity and historical con­ sciousness only altered [veriindert] the myth. They did not elimi­ nate it completely, merely partially. Nevertheless, they did so in the important point, that the man oriented to Hellas is replaced by the individual person in direct communication with God. The Platonic-Aristotelian human being is the human being of the polis and, even for Aristotle, is connected to the omphalos of Delphi. Thus, from the Hellenic position, a universal science of politics is principally impossible. Christianity and historical consciousness seem to me to be steps in the direction of universalizing the image of man, rather than steps leading away from it. In my opinion that is the decisive reason why the Christian anthropology is superior to the Hellenic; (naturally, on the one hand, the Christian anthro­ pology has its pre-history in Cynic and Stoic Hellenism and, on the other, in the Israelite tradition dating from Deutero-Isaiah) . The be­ lief in the universality of the Hellenic image of man appears to me to be a product of the Renaissance-a classicistic misunderstanding that could only take place in the atmosphere of universal mankind that was achieved by Christianity. I will leave it at that. The form of a letter hardly allows one to enter into a discussion of theoretical problems in detail. Your reminder concerning a manuscript finds me in the still unhappy situation that I have not yet finished the History. Only with great difficulty could I interrupt the work to write an article, but it would please me greatly if the publication of a chapter in 3 40

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Social R esearch were possible. Obviously such a chapter would show traces of the larger context from which it was taken. I am enclosing a relatively independent piece for you to look at. 3 If you do not think it suitable, please return it to me without hesitation. I sympathize completely with the problems editors have. If you believe that it can be used, I would be glad to make the revisions that would be necessary to make it suitable for publication on its own. In that case I would rely on your suggestions. Up to now I have not been able to locate Dr. Benno Straussi he is not listed in the catalogue, and none of my colleagues has heard the name. Are you sure that he is at LSU, and not perhaps at one of the junior colleges that are scattered about the state? With most cordial greetings from both of us to you and your wife,

Yours, Erich Voegelin 1 . Original in German. 2. Voegelin, "Huntington Cairns, Theory of Legal Science (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1 94 1 ), " Louisiana Law Review 4 ( 1 942): 5 44-"7 1 . Reprinted in CW, 27:9 5-1 1 2 . 3 · "The People o f God, " i n CW, 22: 1 3 1-2 1 4.

1 6 1 . To Talcott Parsons

December 22, 1 942 Dear Parsons: I do not wish to let the old year pass without wishing you and your family all the best for the new year. Many thanks also from my wife and me to you and Mrs. Parsons for your charming X-mas greetings. The last three months were a bit exciting for various reasons, or I should have written earlier. First we were rather occupied with finding a house and organizing it. Then, in October, I was ill for three weeks, participating in a local epidemic. And then our whole life was somewhat unsettled by the expectation that I should have to join the Army by February r st. This disruption is now deferred indefinitely because I am over 3 8, but the situation here at the University is still rather unclear though as yet the administration seems to have the intention to carry on as before with a reduced number of students . 341

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My job is much more agreeable. The number of good students is much higher than in Alabama and the general level of the faculty is also much higher. The financial situation of the University is apparently very good so that the economic difficulties are not a permanent source of unrest as in Alabama. I have a seminar in political theory that meets once a week for an evening at my house with four registered students and about six or seven who come along without taking it for credit. The background of the students is thin, to put it mildly, but their intelligence and eagerness to learn is very pleasant. The "History" is progressing, slowly but visibly. I am finishing now the Middle Ages; William of Occam is just now giving me a lot of trouble because I want to bring out that the shift in scholasti­ cism towards nominalism is determined by the necessity of safe­ guarding the realm of faith against the encroachment of critical intellect. I think that with William begins the great schism of our civilization between a secular, laicistic civilization and the idea of a Christian civilization as represented by the Catholic Church. Unfortunately the Sacrum Imperium of Dempf, which is otherwise excellent, breaks down for the fourteenth and fifteenth century; and the great work of the Carlyles is a brilliant collection of footnotes without the book that should have been written over them. I have to thank you yet for your letter concerning Bildungs- and Heilswissen. 1 "Humanistic knowledge" is probably the only way out; I have tried also "forming" or "personality-forming knowl­ edge"; but my instinct for English is, of course, not strong enough to make me feel sure whether this is a possible translation or not. Curious things are going on in the world of politics. The other day I received a letter from Count Degenfeld, secretary to "His Majesty" Otto of Habsburg, asking me for my signature on a procla­ mation by which an Austrian military formation should be estab­ lished within the framework of the American Army. I declined, say­ ing that I wanted to become an American citizen and that, if I had to join an Army, the American had my preference. The Czechs are already quite excited; yesterday I received one of their publications, simply foaming with wrath at the project which seems to imply that all the inhabitants of the monarchy before 1 9 1 8 are counted as Austrians. And the project has the backing of the State Department. I just wonder how this affair will end. The Darlan incident was not 3 42

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to o encouraging; I have the feeling of some more assassinations to come. With all the best wishes, I am, Very sincerely yours, r. The terms are taken from the philosophy of Max Scheler. According to Scheler, they are part of an "objective hierarchy" of forms of knowledge in which Heilswis­ sen is the highest, followed by Bildungswissen and-not mentioned by Voegelin in this context-Herrschaftswissen. They are generally translated as "knowledge of salvation, " "knowledge of culture, " and "knowledge of control. " See "The Forms of Knowledge and Culture, " in Philosophical Perspectives, by Max Scheler, trans. Oscar A. Haac (Boston: Beacon Press, 1 9 5 8 ), 1 3-49.

1 62. To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

903 Camelia Avenue Baton Rouge, LA. January s , 1 943 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your letter of December 29th. Yester­ day I sent you the completed and typed chapters on the Middle Ages. Your remarks are always very helpful-( the verse from the Letter to the Romans)-and this time they were especially helpful as a warning about how to treat the issue of justification by faith in St. Thomas. Naturally the Catholic theologians will jump on that, and I think your suggestion that I add a footnote is the solution to the problem. I believe the issue can be expressed in the following terms: As far as I can see, the interpretation that I offer is correct (which by the way I owe to a reference in Dempf) . Your remark that the paragraph that follows I-11, I o6, I, refers to "good works" is entirely correct; but art. 2 in corp., elucidates the "good works" : "unde etiam littera Evangelii occideret, nisi adesset interius gratia fidei sanans. " Justification by faith is the main argument of this entire section of the Summa . Quaestio I I 3 , art. 4 deals with the theme explicitly. To which my Regensburg edition has a footnote ad usum Delphini: "Fides quae ad justificationem requiritur est fides catholica, qua credimus vera esse quae divinitus revelata et promissa sunt, atque illud in primis a Deo justificari impium per 343

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gratiam eius, per redemptionem quae est in Christo Jesu. Non vera requiritur, ut voluerunt lutherani, fides ilia qua unusquisque in speciali credit vel certissime confidit sibi remissa [esse] peccata (cf. concilium Trid. sess. VI, can. 1 2 ) . " There you have the whole problem in a nutshell. For Thomas there was no question of a Reformation or Counter-reformation. The so-called "Catholic in­ terpretation" is directed against the Reformation. In the r 6th cen­ tury the question of faith is removed, as far as possible, from the Paulinian pistis toward Fideism. However the fidistic position can only be found after Thomas, as a desperate step taken against the intellectual speculation that eroded the dogma's content. To speak of Thomas in connection with the Tridentian speculation would constitute a serious historical anachronism. Of course Thomas is not a reformer or a precursor of reform; he is a spiritualist. The general proof of this statement is confirmed by the absence of a doctrine concerning the Church in the Summa, which is the cause of so much discomfort to Thomists. Naturally no Catholic theolo­ gian will accept this state of affairs, and it will therefore be a good idea to discuss this in the suggested footnote in order to prevent any superfluous criticism. 2 In any case I am curious to hear what your experts will have to say about this. On the other hand, whether Friedrich's necessitas rerum is a precursor of Staatsraison depends more or less on how one looks at it. A proof based on documentary sources cannot be conducted because, presumably, at the high point of Staatsraison no one read the Constitution of Melfi. Thus it is a question of the relation of definitions. If one interprets the necessitas rerum as a formula for the intra-mundane connection of human events, the rules of which shape statecraft, and if one further interprets Staatsraison as a body of rules that determine the actions of the state in a means­ ends relationship without regard to ethical norms, then there is a connection. If one sets the accents differently there is none. If you need anything for your work that you cannot get in the libraries near you, I would be very happy to help you out. For ex­ ample, I own Carus's Goethe, 3 and if you need it, I will be glad to send it to you. With cordial greetings, Yours r.

Original in German.

3 44

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2. 3·

See CW, 20:2 3 0 n . Carl Gustav Carns, Goethe. Zu dessen niiherem VerstiindnifJ (Leipzig, 1 84 3 ) .

163. To L e o Spitzer 1

January 9, 1 943 Dear colleague: Friedrich Engel very kindly sent me both your reprints-" Dismal" and "Milieu and Ambiance. " 2 Please accept my warmest thanks, particularly for the second one, which in its spiritual-historical perspective sheds light upon a whole series of questions that occupy me now. Of course, as a philologist, I can't say anything about your discourse; given my philological ignorance, to make any comment, even of praise, would be presumptuous. But perhaps I could point out some passages where your research touches on questions that concern me and, in a most gratifying manner, confirm them. The comments on p. 1 6 at the bottom on the difference between the Greeks and the Romans in their relationship to the world and to the infinite are well taken. There is a very illuminating passage in Cicero, Rep. II, 4, where, for the Romans, the relationship is seen the other way around. Here the seacoast is settled by Greeks and the interior by barbarians. And with a certain barbarian pride Cicero emphasizes the solid inland settlement of Rome that predestines it to be the core of a stable, powerful empire, while the Greek morals and institutions " are afloat" because the Greeks have the spiritual instability of a seafaring people. I came across a quotation from the 1 8th century on harmony between man and ambiance that might interest you, since the " am­ biance" here is understood not as determining who man is but as a source of the obligation to maintain harmony with it. It reads as follows : [from the French] "Oh Sky, b y the continual movement and influ­ ence of which, Divine Providence dominating, the incredible abun­ dance and insatiable variety of all things is incessantly restored and renewed in France; oh Sun, author of time, of heat, and of light; who approaching and receding makes the four seasons necessary for the maturation of fruits, and the temperature of bodies; oh Moon, lady of humors, mother of all faith; oh Planets and other bodies assisting in their effects on the elements and that which is created from 3 45

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them; do you only cause and maintain in France this temperate clime, this fertility of water and earth, this multitude of all sorts of grains, fruits, animals, plants, that the French may starve and destroy themselves ? " ( Louis Le Roy, Exhortation to the French to live in harmony and enjoy the fruits of peace, Paris I 5 yo, fol. 2 I verso). On p. 3 3 , I question the accuracy of [Arthur 0.] Lovejoy's state­ ment: "Descartes destroyed those orbs of glass which the whims of antiquity had fixed above . " The destruction of the Aristotelian crystal spheres had a very specific cause: the comet calculations by Tycho de Brahe in I 5 72 and I 5 7 5 · His calculations indicated that comets had to be in the sphere of the fixed stars where, according to the old view of the world, no change could take place; in addition they had been perfidious enough to travel right through the crystal spheres. Interesting in this regard is de Brahe's foreword to his De Nova et nullius aevi prius visa Stella of I 5 7 3 : the appearance of the comet is a direct creation of God, an admirandum ostentum Dei totius Machinae mundane Opificis, in which he once again breaks through the order of nature, advesperas venti mundo, that he himself had created. The passage is so interesting because it re­ veals the sentiment of the aging of the world and the revolutionary irruption of something completely new. I suspect that in general the revolutionizing of the worldview and thus of the experience of an ambiance is connected to the rational statecraft [rationale Staats­ technik] at the beginning of the Age of Absolutism. An indication of this is the last chapter of de Brahe's work on the Judicium Astro­ logicum from this new phenomenon; a new order of the monarchies and a new administratio religionum et legum are prognosticated. -But that is too complicated for a letter. I eagerly look forward to the announced continuation of this treatise; hopefully it will appear soon. Once again, thank you very much, with best, if belated, wishes for the New Year. Yours very sincerely 1 . Original in German. 2. Leo Spitzer, "Milieu and Ambiance: An Essay in Historical Semantics, " Phi­ losophy and Phenomenological Research 3 ( 1 942): 1-42, 1 6 9-2 1 8 .

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164. To Talcott Parsons

Professor Talcott Parsons Department of Sociology r o Holyoke House Harvard University Cambridge, Mass. January r 6, 1 943 Dear Parsons: Many thanks for your kind letter of January 8th and for the reprint on "Democracy and Social Structure in Pre-Nazi Germany. " May I thank you in particular for your kindness in writing a letter for me to the Social Science Research Council; I am very much afraid I committed the faux pas of not warning you in time that such a request from the Council would be forthcoming. They re­ quire three names of men who are acquainted with the work in hand, acting on the assumption that the work will be done under somebody's supervision. I gave besides yours the names of Elliott and Morstein Marx, and I think of Haberler; as you are the only ones with whom I have talked about the "History" and who have an approximate idea of what I am doing. I hope very much that you were not inconvenienced too much. -I have applied for the Grant-in Aid because last year's moving around has exhausted my reserves, and because the income-tax payment of this year simply does not leave me enough money for the considerable cost of a trip to Harvard. In the meantime the local situation has shaped in such a manner that in all probability I shall have to teach summer-school so that I can come to Cambridge for not more than three weeks (last week of August to mid-September) . Your paper o n the social structure o f Germany has interested me very much, as you can imagine. Your analysis of the emotional instability of the structure is excellent, and I am particularly im­ pressed by your remarks on "romanticism" and on " schismogen­ esis. " There is not much I have to say about your thesis: I think your description of the attitudes is quite correct and I only can corroborate by my own experiences. I was particularly delighted by your remarks about German "titles " : They reminded me of the horrible mistake which a friend of mine once made in a Bavarian small town when he addressed the Frau Apothekenbesitzersgattin 347

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as only Frau Apothekersgattin, overlooking the abyss which sepa­ rates a man who owns a pharmacy from a man who just works in one. There are, of course, an infinite number of details which occur to me when I read your paper, but they are not in the nature of corrections; they would rather fortify your thesis by additional ob­ servations. As some of them might interest you, you will perhaps permit [me] to dwell on them for a moment. On p. 99 you remark about the contempt of the officers' corps and the Junkers' caste for certain bourgeois virtues and " even liberal and humane culture. " Your observation is correct, but I wonder whether the Junkers' class does not present a somewhat ambivalent phenomenon. On the one hand, in the broad mass, the type to which you refer; on the other hand, the very opposite. There occur to me off-hand such Junkers as Ewald and Heinrich von Kleist, Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt, Achim von Arnim, Josef von Eichendorff, the count Paul Yorck von Wartenburg, Bismarck, and such chiefs of staff as Moltke and Schlieffen. I need not elabo­ rate on their merits. But certainly a class which could in the hour of national despair make the resolve that Prussia, if politically out, should be the leading nation in the achievement of the mind and found the University of Berlin, does not show only contempt for liberal culture. Your excellent presentation of attitudes and factors determining them, gives occasion to observe connections between phenomena which otherwise would be overlooked as for instance the relation between the sex-roles on the one, the heroic ideals and male as­ sociations on the other side; I should like to add Lutheranism as connected with these problems. The interpretation of the phenom­ ena which you describe so admirably, seems to [be] extremely dif­ ficult. Let's start with the women. I hesitate to ascribe national types to such complicated behaviors as a woman's selection of a mate. For the historical periods and the social strata in which the emotions of the woman are a decisive factor in the selection I should venture the guess, on the basis of such observations as I have been able to make, that nature has endowed woman with the gift of organizing her emotional life in such a manner-with numerous exceptions for various reasons admitted-that through all romanticism and sincerity of sentiments she lands with the male specimen of the most desirable social status-if she can get

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him. The status-question is not even absent in America, it is only less visible because the status-differentiation does not express itself . in such handy titles as the German. We do not call a man Mr. One­ Hundred-Thousand, or Mr. One-Million, but, as far as I can see, we act on this classification in much the same manner as the Germans act with regard to the Herr Geheimrat or the Herr General,-and particularly women do so. I should like, therefore, to distinguish between a substratum of determinants of behavior which probably are not nationally diversified, and the national differences to which you refer. Within this general frame of behavior now, there are doubtless to be observed the German peculiarities to which you refer. They are intimately linked, I believe to the German political problems. Germany, and that is the over-all fact, is not a nation; in the self­ interpretation through their language Germans designate them­ selves quite correctly as a Volk. The consequence is that it is the foremost occupation of Germans of temperamental and spiritual distinction to engage in the creation of political community sub­ stance ever since the creation of a German nation in rivalry with Western [nations) has become acute, that is since approximately the middle of the r 8th century. From the Gottinger Bund to the circle of Stefan George the formation of Buende of various types, and of looser movements to the same effect, has absorbed the best forces of Germany. The creation of a political community substance, now, is a male occupation. (Here I agree on principle with the tenets of Hans Bliiher in his Documentary History of the Wandervogel and his two volumes on Die Rolle der Erotik in der miinnlichen Gesellschaft. ) Where the national community is established be­ yond question, as in England, France or America[,) male forces are released into relations with women, which in Germany are drawn into the miinnliche Gesellschaft (in the sense of Bliiher) in a cramped and sometimes pathological manner. The point is confirmed by the fact that in the period after r 8yo, when the Ger­ man nation seemed to be established through Bismarck, we find in Germany a wave of precisely the "romanticism" in love rela­ tions which today may seem to be peculiarly American; it is the Goldschnitt period, producing some of the most revolting tosh in bestsellers for the nationalistic lower middle-class ( oustanding " classics" : Julius Wolff at the beginning, Courth-Mahler at the end of the period). This romantic wave came to an end in principle with 349

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the Wandervogel movement of 1 900 when the question of creating a community substance was reopened on a mass-scale. Whenever and wherever we have in Germany the waves of the Buende the role of women is decisively influenced by the fact that women cannot participate in the absorbing male occupation and are con­ fined, therefore, to a private sphere. This problem is all pervasive and goes far beyond the Buende in the strict sense, and I agree, therefore, with you that certain German phenomena of intellectual and spiritual intenseness in art, music, science, philosophy have to be classified along with it. Being an inveterate rationalist and systematizer, I am inclined to link the problem of Lutheranism with the just mentioned complex of problems. Again your description is quite correct and Lutheran­ ism is the factor which has to be used in the interpretation of certain German phenomena. Nevertheless I should like to drive the question further and ask: why has Lutheranism been possible in Germany-taking again the German national problem as a guide for the interpretation of Lutheranism and not the other way round. This is a complicated and dark affair and I am not clear about it. Anyway, Luther's a-political attitude leading to the submission to the temporal power of the princes to the degree that Luther himself discouraged attempts at a congregational organization of the Protes­ tant Church made by the Landgraf of Hessen is simply a continua­ tion of the medieval ideas about relations between the spiritual and temporal powers-the national community which exacted the An­ glican and Gallican solutions or the Spanish governmental control of the Catholic Church did not exist in Germany. Lutheranism I should consider, therefore, as the characteristically German form of religious organization which has to be explained by the German na­ tional history. It follows, furthermore, that Lutheranism is on the wane as this specifically German form with the rise of the Buende; the last German Lutheran-Christian philosopher of any importance was, as far as I can see, Hegel; and even he found his Lutheran Chris­ tianity by a tour de force, after he had seen the German problem in his youth much as it was seen by the Junghegelianer in the 40s, (cf. the brilliant Jugendgeschichte Hegel's by Wilhelm Dilthey, and the study by Karl Lowith, From Hegel to Nietzsche). The feudalism of the Prussian governmental construction and its alliance with the Lutheran Church did of course survive until 1 9 1 8, but I should venture to say that the Prussian ruling class and the Prussian army 350

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were the only places where Lutheranism as a political force of deci­ sive importance could be found in Germany. The intellectual and spiritual movement of the people had little to do with it any more since the Junge[s] Deutschland. Well, this letter is long enough. I should be very happy to hear from you more about your German study; I admire greatly your ability to penetrate as profoundly as you do such a network of complications as is presented by German politics. With sincerest regards, Yours 1 6 5 . To Alfred Schiitz 1

January 1 6, 1 943 Dear Friend: Your letter with its helpful suggestions for "Siger de Brabant" comes at just the right time. 2 The treatise was to be published in the " Review of Politics " in July. But Gurian thinks that it's too theoretical and wants me to make some changes that will go into the historical and political implications. I can do that of course, but I find the prospect deadly boring; besides, it ruins the theoretical concept. I would like to get out of the whole business with the excuse that I can't make the changes. But I've got to write Gurian soon and give him an answer; I've already delayed too long. I am therefore sending you the manuscript with the request that you let me know as soon as possible whether, in principle, the article is suited to your journal-without your being obliged to take it, of course. As far as the manuscript is concerned, should it be separately published, small changes will have to be made in any case, since the references it makes to other parts of the work will have to be reformulated. Perhaps you will find it too "historical"; although, without a doubt, it's not as historical as "Milieu and Ambiance" that Leo Spitzer sent me. 3 In any case, in the event that your journal decides to publish the treatise, I suggest that I add a one- or two­ page introduction in order to clarify the theoretical problems. Briefly, it deals with the following matters: The " History" on which I am at work is not a "history of ideas" ["Dogmengeschichte"] but an attempt to present the respective 351

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theoretical positions as determined by " sentiments. " The explicit theorems, both the individual ones as well as those that concern the system as a whole, are determined by the thinker's attitude toward the world. This in turn is determined by the factors of the personal spiritual structure, the milieu's tradition of sentiments, and the immediate social factors that thrust themselves [upon the thinker] and become the occasion for his taking a stance. An example for the first factor: The ontological assumptions of Thomas of Aquinas are determined by his personality to the extent that the experience [Erlebnis] of a fundamental harmony between the world and man gives rise to the thesis that the order of reality and the order of reason are identical. An example of the second factor: The weight of the tradition of the polis leads Aristotle to define man as a zoon politikon, and thus leads to the thesis that, in the territorial ethnic state, it is impossible for the human being to realize the fullness of existence. An example of the third factor: Dante's idea of a future monarchia temporalis was occasioned by the dissolution of the medieval empire following the Interregnum . The process of history does not proceed primarily at the level of problems but at the level of sentiments; (therefore there is no "history of problems, " at least not in political theory). It seems to me that this analysis of sentiments comes very close to the position Fritz Kaufmann developed in his article on "The Phenomenological Approach to History. " 4 ( "Essences . . . are temporarily conditioned and unfolded in a certain temporal span. They are individuated as expressing the attitude of a certain phase in historical life. They give the tenor of the life of historical individuals in their personal cooperation, in their way of facing and coming to grips with the basic experiences and vital necessities of man. " ) I would say: we are dealing here with the analysis of the pre-theoretical constitution of the theoretical object at those levels of consciousness which, speak­ ing very generally, may be described as the ones that determine history. The enclosure, "Siger de Brabant, " is a chapter taken out of the larger context of the appearance of intra-mundane forces in the Sa­ crum Imperium during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. These forces are partly collective and partly personal. Most important among them is the shock to the imperial Christian community caused by the revolutionary fact of the Norman founding of states in Sicily and England, which became the model for the political . 3 52

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unit outside the context of empire. Then there are the individual forces that follow: the intra-mundane humanistic and political in­ dividual in John of Salisbury, the historical individual in Joachim of Flora, the spiritual individualism of Francis of Assisi, Frederick IT's individualism of the ruler, and, finally, the sovereign individual intellect in Siger de Brabant. In each case the task is to demonstrate the transformation that the Christian sentiment and image of the world underwent as the result of the irruption of a new type of intra­ mundane force [Potenz] . If you think you can use the manuscript, send it back to me and I will write a short introduction and a few footnotes to illustrate the theoretical approach I have taken. By the way, when I treat the Middle Ages in my work it looks different than the image one usually gets. Gurian, whose suspicions were aroused, gave the manuscript to two historians of the Middle Ages to examine; both found the historical-technical aspect entirely unobjectionable. With most cordial greetings, Yours, Erich Voegelin 1. Original in German. 2. Voegelin, " Siger de Brabant/' Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 4 l 1 944): 5 07-2 6 . See CW, 20: 1 7 8-204. 3· Leo Spitzer, " Milieu and Ambiance: An Essay in Historical Semantics/' Phi­ losophy and Phenomenological Research 3 l 1 942): 1-42, 1 6 9-2 1 8 . 4 · Fritz Kaufmann, "The Phenomenological Approach t o History/' Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 2 l 1 942): 1 5 9-72.

1 66. To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

February 1, 1 943 Dear Friend: I have packed Carus2 and hope to get it to the post office by tomorrow. Your article on the writing of history during the Enlightenment interests me greatly. Please be nice and don't send it to Gurian, 3 nor to the " Louisiana Review" (a journal by the way with which I am only vaguely familiar), but give it to us. As you know I am a member of the Advisory Board of the "Journal of Politics/' and we are not exactly swimming in good manuscripts. I have spoken with 353

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[Robert J.] Harris, and you should be getting a letter from him at the same time that you receive this. If the article has already been promised to someone else, please let" us have the next one. I recently read Karl Lowith's Von Hegel to Nietzsche. 4 You are probably familiar with it; if not, I strongly recommend it. It had some very interesting things to say about Goethe's philosophy of history. By chance, a few days ago, I came across Lovejoy's The Great Chain of Being: a very respectable piece of work. 5 The author's knowledge of history is excellent and he has really gotten hold of an important problem. Unfortunately, he has only just got hold of it. I don't know anything about Lovejoy's other productions, but based on this one work, I get the impression that he is not a deep or sys­ tematic thinker. He sees the problem of the chain of being merely as an irrational one that we have happily put behind us. The problem of the forms of thought in metaphysics, and their importance as philosophical means of expressing experiences of transcendence, which, for example, has been so brilliantly worked out by Jaspers in volume three of his System of Philosophy, 6 appears to be entirely unknown to him. On the basis of Jaspers's theory one could do very different and far more significant things with Lovejoy's material. I once looked into the problem myself and collected a great deal of material on it. In my view it should not be approached through the ontological categories, as Lovejoy does, but from the categories of mystical speculation. The philosophical process never begins with the categories of being but, as with every important thinker, with the rationalization of the experiences of God by means of the mystical via negativa . I worked this out with examples from the Upanishads, Plato's Symposium, Plotinus' Enneads, the book on time and memory in Augustine's Confessions, and Descartes' Meditations. Compared to the via negativa, I think that the chain of being is a secondary phenomenon. Naturally, this criticism of principle is not meant to detract from the magnificent overview of the problem that Lovejoy has singled out. Your remarks on Marsilius are very valuable to me, as your re­ marks always are-especially the correction of my technical over­ sights, such as the quotations from Aristotle. Considering the poor condition of the written manuscript, I shudder to think of all that might have happened as I typed it up. I am aware of Scholz's edition, but unfortunately I did not get to see it when I was at Harvard 354

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because someone else had borrowed it. 7 Many thanks for the refer­ ence to the passage on natural law. I don't know anymore whether I simply missed it or passed over it because I did not think it relevant at the time. I will have to borrow Marsilius again and look into the matter. Thankfully I was able to use the other corrections and have made the corresponding changes. If the book is ever published you will receive a powerful Eulogium in the preface. I don't know to what extent my manuscript can be of use to you in your review of Mattern-presumably his Geopolitics. 8 But if you think that you may need it, refer to a manuscript on The History of Political Ideas that is now nearing compeletion. With most cordial greetings, Yours r . Original in German. 2. Carl Gustav Carus, Goethe. Zu dessen niiherem Verstiindni/3 (Leipzig, 1 84 3 ) . 3 · Waldemar Gurian, editor o f the Review o f Politics. 4· The most recent edition of the English translation: Karl Lowith, From Hegel to Nietzsche (New York: Columbia University Press, 1 9 9 1 ) 5 · Arthur 0. Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being: A Study of the History of an Idea (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1 9 3 6 ) . 6. Karl Jaspers, Philosophie, 3 vols. (Berlin: Springer, 1 9 3 2 ) . 7. Marsilius von Padua, Defensor Pacis, e d . Richard Scholz (Fontes Juris Ger­ manici Antiqui in usum Scholarum ex Monumentis Germaniae Historicis, sepa­ ratim editi), Fasc. I./II. (Hannover, 1 9 3 2-3 3 ). 8. Johannes Mattern, Geopolitik: Doctrine of National Self-Sufficiency and Em­ pire (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1 942 ) . .

1 67. To Friedrich Engel-JanosP

March 2 1 , 1 943 Dear Friend: Let me thank you for your two letters with their valuable sug­ gestions for improvements [to my manuscript] . But first a word on our "Enlightened Historians. " It's perfect; Harris will take it, and you should be getting a letter from him any day now. However with June there is a problem, for a technical reason: we have so many manuscripts from foreigners that we have to be careful. In order to avoid difficulties with the "very" American part [stock­ amerikanischer Teil] of his readership, Harris does not want to fill more than s o % of any issue with articles written by refugees. Since we are so full in this regard, your article will probably appear in the September number. 2 355

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Now to your comments. I will formulate the dating of the Prin­ cipe more carefully (by the way, I have Meinecke's edition) . The Dominican Order was given the task of conducting the Inquisi­ tion against the Cathars. The religiousness of the Cathars is sup­ posed to have greatly impressed them; therefore their influence. -I have also heard something about the supposed use of chemical sub­ stances in the Moscow trials as a means of breaking down psychic resistance. But I don't believe it. No one knows what this substance is; and also for technological reasons it is unlikely that any inven­ tion or discovery of a physical or chemical nature could be made that could be kept secret. At the very least the principle behind it must be known internationally. (For the same reason there are no "secret weapons . " ) -The German mystics that you mention cause me a lot of trouble. You are entirely correct; this is another aspect of mysticism. It is so important because here we have the typical German development of the late Middle Ages, in contrast to the rapid national development of the English and French. Perhaps I will add a chapter on it. The question of oriental influence is also a difficult matter. For at least one German mystic, Jacob Boehme, there can be no doubt about it; his "Ungrund" is derived from the Cabbala's "En Soph. " I have ordered Scholem in order to better acquaint myself with this aspect of the matter. -Vitoria was also a surprise to me, and I expect great resistance from the critics because he is a "sacred cow" for two groups: I J He belongs to the Catholics because he is the first great theorist of international law, and 2 ) Anglo-Protestant international law theory also claims him a s one of their own. James Brown Scott of the Carnegie Foundation has made him one of the Church Fathers of international law-and both parties have very considerately overlooked the man's more sinister qualities. The " History" is again making progress. I had terrible difficulties with the Middle Ages. William of Ockham especially was a hard nut to crack. I am by no means satisfied that I have successfully dealt with him; unfortunately there is hardly a single monograph on the subject that is of any use. What the older literature has to say (Gierke) is entirely useless, and Dempf is insightful but much too careless. You will soon be getting pieces of manuscript from me. By the way, the horiz on has clouded up again. You know from the newspapers that I again face the possibility of being drafted. In addition, the glorious Louisiana legislature has passed a law 356

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forbidding the hiring of enemy aliens. I hope I can get around thati but legally my position is not completely clear and, before the decision in April, there is no way of knowing what might happen. With most cordial wishes, Yours r.

Original in German. Friedrich Engel-Janosi, "Politics and History in the Age of the Enlightenment, " Journal of Politics 5 ( 1 94 3 ) : 3 6 3-80. 2.

168. To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

March 3 1 , 1 943 Dear Friend: Let me reply right away, but briefly, to your letter of March 29th-briefly because we will soon be able to meet in person. In about two weeks' time I will be coming to Washington for a few days (April r 6-r 8 ) . I will be attending a meeting of the Social Sci­ ence Research Council to work out a research program in compara­ tive government. The meetings will take place Saturday afternoon and Sunday morning, but I will arrive Friday morning in order to visit a few people. I am especially happy that I will be able to see you and Frau Cadette, and, of course, most especially Madeleine. The local situation has somewhat improved. The attorney gen­ eral has declared that the campus janitor ( an elderly Italian) and I, an Austrian, are not enemy aliens. However, the two Germans, the sociologist Heberle and the physicist [George] Jaffe, are still in the dark. The question of the draft is still with me and may become acute if nothing changes after the first of May (by the way, I am 42 ). As far as your article is concerned, everything is really OK. If Har­ ris has not yet written it's only because he is up to his neck in work because an issue of each one of our journals is now in preparation ("Journal of Politics" and " Louisiana Municipal Review " ) . I am glad you liked the Bodin chapter. Bodin i s probably the per­ son about whom I know the most. I once collected all the material needed for an extensive monographi the demons and the stars that you missed were held back deliberately because I hope one day to at least write an article on him. (I especially want to deal with the considerate poltergeist who woke him every morning at five 357

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so that he didn't have to have an alarm clock . ) As far as astrology is concerned, when I was in London in 1 9 3 4 I worked through just about all the material that the Warburg Library had on the subject. I could develop an interest in the "tradition" if I didn't have to decide just now what it's supposed to be. I will choose something, whatever offers itself at the time. But we can soon speak about this in more detail. Very cordially yours r.

Original in German.

1 6 9 . To Alfred Schiitz 1

April 3 , 1 943 Dear Friend: Yesterday I wrote you a brief note because I was afraid that the manuscript had not arrived; today I received your letter from March 3 r st with Rougier's comments. 2 Please be assured of my deepest sympathy for what a conscien­ tious editor has to go through in order to protect his journal from questionable manuscripts. Rougier's remarks demonstrate great erudition and, from his standpoint, are certainly justified. Still, I do not believe that they mean that I have to change anything. But of course you'll need to know a few more details before you can put your mind at ease. Therefore, let me respond to his comments. First: his concluding remark on my ignorance of the secondary literature in French. In truth I do not know Rougier's work, but I am thoroughly familiar with the work of Duhem3 and Gilson, and also with the third large standard work on the subject of medieval philosophy by de Wulf. 4 In addition I am of course familiar with a great deal of the literature that investigates specific issues. I don't know what induced Rougier to suppose that I was unaware of this literature unless it is because I don't quote the works I stand ac­ cused of not knowing. But in that case, he should also have reflected on my ignorance of the German and the English literature, since I don't quote them either. I strictly limited myself to the essential monographs dealing with Siger, although I did not take all of them into account, as a glance at de Wulf's bibliography to the chapter on Averroism will reveal. But all the source texts are listed, as well as 358

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the two fundamental interpretations, the one by Mandonnet and the one by Dempf. 5 With some justification Rougier could have criticized me for not listing the main source for the Arabic problem, the Englishman [De Lacy] O'Leary. The main reason that I did not quote this literature is that, for the most part, its nature is philo­ logical and deals primarily with ontological and epistemological questions but contributes almost nothing to my theme, the history of political ideas. I therefore believe that you are right in assuming that Rougier has gotten an incorrect impression of the article. Al­ though his comments are almost always completely right from the encyclopedic and philological points of view, they are wrong from the historical and, especially, from the politico-historical stand­ point. I will go through Rougier's comments one by one. r . The remark on Abelard is correct. The first wave of nominal­ ism was indeed concerned with the problem of the ratio. But it did not draw the consequence that the Averroists drew, namely, to work out an independent philosophical position. Let me quote Gilson on this: "If we could ask the medieval thinkers by what right they called themselves philosophers we should obtain some very different answers. Some without doubt would reply that they felt no interest in the title at all-they would be quite content with that of Christian-what better one could they possibly have? Here we might cite such resolute opponents of dialectic (i.e., the questionable dialecticians-the reference here is to dialectic, not to opponent ) 6 as St. Bernhard and St. Peter Damian, but even if we put aside such extreme cases, we should hardly find any, save the Averroists, who would admit the legitimacy of an exercise of reason that would be purely philosophical and systematically withdrawn from the influence of faith. " ( Gilson, Spirit of Medieval Philosophy, p. 4J7 2. A misunderstanding: "The initial cleavage" refers, not to the period of Constantine, but to the eschatological contemptus mundi of the Gospels that was overcome by the compromises of the Paul­ ine letters. I expressly quoted Troeltsch in this matter, who has explored the problem in every possible way. (R. should know this. ) The remark on Byzantium is correct. Despite all Christianiza­ tion, in Byzantine caesaropapism thought forms were retained that existed · in direct continuity with the Hellenic "Sacred Law. " But Byzantium is not the West. The idea that the sanctitas, the Holy Spirit, inheres in the property of the prelate has nothing to do 359

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with sacral-legal questions but is a bold innovation in the West on the part of Cardinal Humbert and found only in this extreme spiritualist. 3 · Certainly the assertions are "discutable" 8; but they are not arbitrary; rather, they are an abbreviation of the comprehensive analysis of the 1 2th and r 3 th centuries, which I have already given. For confirmation of this R. will have to wait for publication of the book. 4· The malheur of erudition. " Nature as an object of science, in­ dependent of religious symbolism" has9 indeed nothing to do with Francis of Assisi. As a matter of fact the "idea, " whoever came up with it, was derived from Aristotelianism. But this connection has nothing to do with the issue I raised, namely, that the experience of nature precedes the interest in nature as an object of science. The natural science writings of [ . . po from the critiques that you may hear. I can already see how some­ one will let out an outcry that on page three there is an outrageous historical oversight; Augustine's world was not "unstable" because he had the "rationes" of things, etc. But one can do nothing about it. Please do not think of this letter as a defense against Rougier, but rather as an elucidation to put your mind at rest concerning the fact that, with the publication of this article, you are not em­ barking on a wild adventure. The content is the result of work that does not always come into view; but if required, every sin­ gle point can be substantiated-and much better-by a far longer treatise than I can offer in this letter. Here I have only allowed myself the minor cussedness of quoting Gilson. However, although Gilson is one of the greatest living authorities in the area of schol­ arship on the Middle Ages, he has not directly dealt with the prob­ lems of political ideas. With his Sacrum Imperium Dempf has the monopoly on that subject today, although the book is marred by some horrible oversights and is sometimes slovenly written, things of which Gilson would never be guilty. But today a discussion of the questions of mediaeval political ideas is hardly possible without Dempf, whether in agreement or discord. (But don't mention this to Rougier; I get the impression that he is easily offended where matters touching France are concerned. ) The only change that would b e advisable would b e to substitute "intellectual" for "neo-Platonic" on page fourteen, penultimate .

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line. Perhaps I will make a footnote in the galley proofs regarding this, for there are some new studies by Leo Strauss on Averroism that I have not yet read. 1 1 With very cordial greetings. Yours, Erich Voegelin r. Original in German. 2. Louis Auguste Paul Rougier ( 1 8 89-1 9 8 2 ) . 3 · Pierre Duhem· ( r 8.6 I-I 9 I 6 ) . 4- Maurice de Wulf, An Introduction to Scholastic Philosophy (New York: Dover Publications, 1 9 5 2 ) . 5 . Pierre Felix Mandonnet, Siger d e Brabant e t 1'averroisme latin au XIlie siecle: Etude critique et documents inedits, Collecteana Friburgensia, vol. 8 (Freibourg: Librairie de l'Universite, 1 89 9 ) . Alois Dempf, Sacrum Imperium: Geschichts- und Staatsphilosophie des Mittelalters und der politischen Renaissance (Munich and Berlin: R. Oldenburg 1 92 9 ) . 6 . The words within the parentheses are translated from Voegelin's German lan­ guage interpolation into his English language quotation from Gilson. 7. Etienne Gilson, The Spirit of Medieval Philosophy (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1 9 3 6 ) . 8 . Original i n French. 9· The word has is a handwritten insertion by Voegelin. ro. Two pages of the letter have been lost. r r . Leo Strauss, " Quelques remarques sur la science politique de Maimonide et de Farabi, " Revue des Etudes fuives r oo ( 1 9 3 6 ) : I-3 7 ·

170. To Waldemar Gurian

May 2 5 , 1 943 Dear Professor Gurian: I have to apologize for not having answered yet your letter of May 1 3 th-we were just in the examination period. As far as the Siger-MS is concerned I have hesitated for a long time over your suggestions of December 1 4th, and have arrived at the decision that the minor changes requested by you ( such as the comparison between Jesus Christ and St. Francis, etc. ) would not cause any trouble, but that a recasting of the whole essay in such a manner that the political and social aspects are stressed more strongly than the philosophical would require so much work that I simply cannot afford it at the moment. I am afraid I have to get through first with my 11History" before I can write special articles. May I congratulate you on your review of Toynbee's Study of History in a recent issue of the 11Review. " 1 Your critique is amply

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justified; one could say even a few more pungent things about the empiricism of volume I, reveling in the time calculations of Sir James Jeans. I have found, however, certain parts, as for instance the great study of the Byzantine Empire, quite helpful and quite unaffected by the general principles. Other parts, like the section on the Hildebrandine Papacy, show in the most unfortunate manner that the history of the church cannot be written as if it were the history of a political enterprise. With my best regards and the hope that in a not too distant future we shall get together again on an article for the " Review, " I am, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin 1 . Waldemar Gurian, "A Study of History by Arnold Toynbee, " Review of Politics 4 ( 1 942): s oS-1 4.

1 7 1 . To A. Schiitz 1

June 7, 1 943 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your letter of June r st. I have followed your advice and sent Farber two substitute pages. Is your course at the New School going to take place? Since you first mentioned the project you haven't written anything more about it. I have just finished struggling through the six volumes of Toyn­ bee's Study of History. It is a broadly conceived work and carried out with wonderful materials. Are you familiar with it? At the moment I am at work on the development of the idea of the English constitution-methodologically a very interesting subject. When I finish it, and if you are not too busy with other things, I would very much like to send it to you to read and criticize. Would that be all right? Most cordially yours, Erich Voegelin 1 . Original in German.

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I7'-·

To Alfred Schiitz 1

September I ?, 1 943 Copy2 Dear Friend: Please accept our heartfelt thanks for the lovely evenings we were able to spend with you and your dear wife. Unfortunately the time we had together was so brief that we were unable to discuss many things that are of great interest to both of us. I find it appalling that there is such a distance between us. But I am again preparing a few powerful things of my own which, sooner or later, will bring me back to the East for a few days-and not at my own expense. But at this very moment I keenly feel the pain of not being able to communicate with you face to face. Kaufmann was kind enough to lend me Husserl's essay "The Crises of European Sciences" from volume one of the Philosophia. 3 I have just finished reading it and would very much like to discuss it with you. Let me at least make a few comments in a letter. You may not have time to respond in detail; but perhaps it would be possible for you to correct me should it turn out that I have misunderstood Husser!. First of all: The overall impression is magnificent-not just com­ pared to the other philosophical productions of our time but to many of Husserl's own works as well. It is very pleasant to see Husser! refrain from the officious nonsense ( "stupendous" and "la­ borious" investigations, etc . ) which mar a number of the pages of the Ideas. Nor does he sigh over "philosophical existence" more than once or twice. Despite the essay's dry language it lives in an Olympian atmosphere of the purest philosophical enthusiasm. The command of the material is masterly; the presentation of the problem of Galileo's worldview and the things it obscured [ Verdeck­ ungen] that led to physicalism are made superbly clear; nor has the problem of transcendental subjectivity as the theme of philosophy since Descartes ever been made so clear to me as it has been here. The criticism of earlier attempts to formulate the transcendental question appears to me to be absolutely correct. Correspondingly, the analysis of the "egological" sphere and the grounding of the world's objectivity in the performance of the transcendental ego is completely successful. You see that I am willing to acknowledge

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that this essay is the most significant achievement of epistemolog­ ical criticism in our time. Nevertheless, this essay disappointed me just as Bussed's other works have. For although epistemological critique is an eminently important topic of philosophy, it does not exhaust the realm of philosophy. And in this realm, it is neither an independent theme nor the sphere in which all other philosophical problems have their roots so that, by laying the foundation for an epistemological cri­ tique, one would also be laying a philosophical foundation. Like the Logical Investigations and the Ideas, this essay is a preface to philosophy and not a grounded philosophical undertaking in itself. To this objection one could of course reply that the great revelations will be found in the works of Husser! still to be published. But I have heard this argument for the last twenty years. And, in itself, I would find it suspect if, right up to the end of his life, an important thinker with an abundance of publications had not once touched upon a fundamental problem of philosophy. For this reason, how­ ever valuable as studies of logic and of the critique of epistemology the still-unpublished manuscripts may turn out to be, it seems to me unwarranted to expect anything of future publications from his literary remains that would expand the circle of his already known themes in unexpected ways. However, I believe that on the basis of the essay before us we can make clear the reasons why nothing more in a philosophically fundamental sense is to be expected. Permit me a few observations on this point. ( r ) In this essay Husser! develops an idea of history which in its general features does not differ from that of the lecture in Vienna that I attended. 4 It is Victorian. The relevant history of humankind consists of ancient Greece and the modern age dating from the Renaissance. Hellenism, Christianity, and the Middle Ages-an in­ significant span of time lasting just over two thousand years-is a superfluous interlude; the Indians and the Chinese (put in quo­ tation marks by Husser!) are slightly ridiculous curiosities found on the periphery of the flat earth, at the center of which we find, not Occidental man, but humanity per se. The human being is a rational being. "Philosophy and science would accordingly be the historical movement through which universal reason, 'inborn' in humanity as such, is revealed. '' 5 Humanity's entelechy emerged in Greek humanity. 6 Following the primal establishment [ Urstiftung]

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by the Greeks and the two-thousand-year interlude in which the en­ telechy obviously sought amusement elsewhere, the new establish­ ment of philosophy was made by Descartes. As a result of a few im­ perfections, which are excellently analyzed by Husserl, Descartes' new establishment took a bad turn. Kant had a good but incom­ plete starting point for getting it back on the right path. We ignore German idealism and the romantic movement and then come to the final establishment [Endstiftung] in Husserl's Transcendental Idealism. (2 ) I don't think much can be said in defense of this impoverished image of mankind's spiritual history. But one might reply that it is merely an expression of the pardonable naivete of a great systematic philosopher and does not affect his essential achievement, indeed that it perhaps shows a lack of taste to dwell explicitly on this point at all. I could advance the counter argument that a German philoso­ pher after Hegel who does not know how to approach the problem of the historicity of the spirit any better than this, for that reason alone, is a philosopher of dubious value. But I will forgo this argu­ ment. It appears more important to me that, as the essay shows, the idea of history it contains is not a pardonable and inessential derailment within the framework of a systematic intention but the immediate prerequisite for Husserl's subject matter. § r s gives us the instructive "Reflection on the method of our historical manner of investigation. " 7 The principles of this method are as follows: (a). The historical genesis of philosophy has a teleology. (b). The teleology can be "understood from" ["herausverstanden " ] the historical forms o f philosophizing themselves. (c). This " understood from" and articulated teleology makes it pos­ sible for the telos itself to be articulated, and thus this [ar­ ticulation] becomes the task of contemporary philosophizing ( Husserl's task). (d). In this way, the personal philosophical task develops out of the understanding of the telos found in the history of the modern spirit. (e). However, that does not make the task historically relative. It is not a matter of fitting it into a mere " external causal series. '' 8 The telos is timeless; it merely unfolds in historical becoming.

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(f). In this manner, the philosopher's existence takes on a unique dialectical character that is revealed in Husserl's following two theses: ( aa) "We [are] [ . . . ] thoroughly and exclusively the product of historical-spiritual becoming. " 9 "This manner of clarifying history b y inquiring back into the primal establishment of the goals which bind together the chain of future generations [ . . . ] is noth­ ing other than the philosopher's genuine self-reflection on what he is truly seeking, on what is in him as a will coming from the will as the will of his spiritual forefa­ thers. It is to make vital again, in its concealed historical meaning, the sedimented conceptual system which, as taken for granted, serves as the ground of his private and nonhistorical work. " 1 0 (bb) "But to every primal establishment [ Urstiftung] essen­ tially belongs a final establishment [Endstiftung] assigned as a task to the historical process. This final establishment is accomplished when the task is brought to consummate clarity and thus to an apodictic method which, in every step of achievement, is a constant avenue to new steps having the character of absolute success, i. e. , the char­ acter of apodictic steps. At this point philosophy, as an infinite task, would have arrived at its apodictic begin­ ning, its horizon of apodictic forward movement. '' 1 1 (My emphasis ! ) (g). The "final establishment" must b e distinguished from the meditative self-examinations that every philosopher in history has engaged in as a means of determining his place in rela­ tionship to contemporaries who philosophize and to those who philosophized in the past. The self-interpretations of all other philosophers do not teach us wha t is important in the history of philosophy. The telos of history only reveals itself in the interpretation of the final establishment that Husserl makes. With its help the philosophers of the past can be understood better than they understood themselves. (h). From the privileged position of the finally established teleo­ logical interpretation of history it follows that historical argu­ ments cannot refute it (for example, that as a matter of fact it

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can be philologically demonstrated that the philosopher inter­ preted by Husserl had an entirely different intention than the one attributed to him by Husserl based on the latter's knowl­ edge of the telos). For only in the light of the evidence of the critical view of the whole is the meaningful harmony of the historical course illuminated as the background to the "histor­ ical facts. " ( 3 ) The relationship between the systematic task of the tran­ scendental philosopher and the history of philosophy is summed up in the following words: "In our philosophizing [ . . . l we are functionaries of mankind. " 1 2 And: "For we are what we are as functionaries of modern philosophical humanityi we are heirs and cobearers of the direction of the will which pervades this human­ ityi we have become this through a primal establishment which is at once a reestablishment [Nachstiftungj and a modification of the Greek primal establishment. In the latter lies the teleological beginning, the true birth of the European spirit as such." 1 3 A few things could be said about this formula and its connection with the principles listed in § 1 5 . And, as you can imagine, I have a number of unpleasant things at the tip of my tongue: For example that I have a prejudice against functionaries in general and in this regard do not distinguish too finely between functionaries of the National Socialist Party and functionaries of humanityi or, that the party functionaries slaughter humanity while the functionary of humanity fails to look deep enough into the essence of the prob­ lem in order to see that at least one of its roots may be found in the essence of the functionary himself. But Lissy says that it is bad enough to thank you for the wonderful dinner at the Champs Elysees by sending you a critique of Husserli but, if I must, I could at least spare you the " comedy. " All right, let's be serious. But a serious analysis of Husserl's position is beset with con­ siderable difficultiesi for although Husserl's expression of his po­ sition is linguistically clear, his thoughts are not clearly expressed. Husserl was not a radical philosopher in the sense that he had a clear notion of the radices of his thoughti the radicalism which he always emphasized is not that of philosophical existence, but radicalism in the pursuit of a particular problem, namely, that of transcendental philosophy. It does indeed seem to me that he fol­ lowed this particular question to its roots (and to this extent his

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pathos of radicalism is genuine) . However, as far as I can see, in his public writings Husserl did not once touch upon the question of whether, in penetrating to the roots of the objective knowledge of the world in the foundational subjectivity of the ego, one has penetrated to the basic problems of philosophy. In regard to this point Husserl seems to me to be completely nai:ve. In this essay, the clarity of the linguistic formulation conceals a world of material implications that would have to be fully developed for an adequate understanding of Husserl's position. It is not possible to undertake such an examination within the confines of a letter; and I am afraid that, in another form, and in the length that would be necessary, it would hardly be worth the trouble. Therefore I will confine myself to an examination of a few of the hidden levels in brief sketches and leave it to your imagination to fill in the details and supply the backgrounds. (a) At the highest and most general i evel we have to classify Husserl's teleology of history as a case of Averroist speculation. I treated this theme exhaustively in my Authoritarian State 14 when I examined national socialist and fascist speculation. My article on Siger de Brabant, 1 5 which you will more easily recall, should make clear to you what I mean. In occidental philosophy we must differentiate between two fundamental positions regarding man's essence, most clearly represented by Thomas's Christian-Orthodox position and by Siger's heterodox one. In Thomas the accent is on the singularity of the human substance (intellectus), in Siger, on the spiritus mundi, of which the individual soul is but a particle. Historically, both positions derive from Aristotle's teaching con­ cerning the soul in which the question is left unresolved (De Anima III) so that both positions can be developed from it. For the sake of brevity I will call the assumption of a spiritus mundi, and the corresponding character of the individual soul as a particle, the Averroist position because, historically, in the West since the 1 3 th century, the Aristotle-commentary of Averroes has been the most important source for the development of this posi­ tion. Naturally I am aware that it was not Averroes who originally worked it out, that indeed Zeno's philosophy of the logos of the world and of the apospasmata in the individual soul already implies the position in principle. In this sense the Averroist position has undergone a number of changes and derivative constructions. The collective soul above the individual souls can be understood as a

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world-transcending soul, as for example in Zeno, or the collective can be transferred into the world, as it is, for example, in the form of the entelechy of reason that guides humanity's development toward perfection-an essential element in Kant's philosophy of history. It may also appear in the form of a particular intra-mundane collectivity like those we find in the collectivist speculations of Communism, National Socialism, and Fascism. In the coordinate system of these Averroist variations, Husserl's collective telos of philosophical reason may be characterized as follows: To the extent that Husserl's collectivist telos is a rational or spiritual substance, it is intimately related to the stoic logos or the Averroist intellectus . The problem of philosophy is completely identified with the problem of spirit; and to the extent that spirit constitutes the essence of the human being, the problem of philoso­ phy becomes identical with the problem of the human being in his perfected form. "The genuine spiritual struggles of European hu­ manity as such take the form of struggles between the philosophies [ ] . " 16 But humanity, as this and other passages demonstrate ( see esp. pp. 1 5 £.), is limited to European humanity and differentiated from a mere " empirical anthropological type" such as the Chinese or the IndianY The problem of humanity is thus moved from its Zenoic, Averroist, or Kantian universality, and the "human being" becomes a finite historical phenomenon found in certain periods of human history-in the ancient and in the modern world. (Although not expressly stated, the human being of the Middle Ages is also understood to be a mere "anthropological type" like the Chinese or Indian. ) By thus confining humanity to the community of those who, in Husserl's sense, can philosophize with one another, the philosophical telos comes close to the particular, intra-mundane collectivities of the type of the Marxian proletariat, Hitler's Ger­ man Volk, or Mussolini's Italianita. (b) Husserl's historical-collectivist metaphysic has consequences for his historical method. By limiting the collective to the small "truly" human segment it implies the historical irrelevance of the overwhelming bulk of human history, which is then subsumed un­ der the rubric of the "merely anthropological. " But even within the small segment considered to be relevant there is a further differen­ tiation of relevancy. Among the various possibilities open to him, Husserl's choice was motivated by the spectacle of philosophical systems that come and go without the possibility of viewing any •

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one of them as being final. Is the history of philosophy (which is identical with the history of the relevant human spirit) therefore meaningless? Or is there an order and, with order, a meaning in history? His answer is the telos that was initially established and then, in various ways, developed more and more clearly until it ar­ rived at the apodictic final establishment. Or, to translate Husserl's language into a more vulgar idiom: Husserl is a philosopher of progress in the best manner of the period in which the German Empire was founded; a period for which Nietzsche had a few choice words. Every philosophy of progress based on the assumption of a developing telos must solve the weighty problem of relevance that already Kant found deeply troubling. Kant's metaphysics of history also encountered the problem of a reason that develops toward perfection in an infinite historical process . In his Idea for a Uni­ versal History from a Cosmopolitan Point of View he thoroughly examined the notion of such a development and then, at a decisive point, expressed the thought that such a development is " disquiet­ ing" because it seems to reduce earlier human generations to steps over which the last, perfect, generation mounts in order to reach its goal. For under this assumption, is the historical human being anything but the means to an end that only the last age of humanity can attain? Kant let the matter rest with finding it " disquieting. " From the systematic point of view he was obliged to confront the question in a definitive way; from the emotional point of view he was not, because the Averroist conception is only one aspect of his complete system and, at any particular point in historical time, the meaning of an individual human life is adequately accounted for by faith in the soul's immortality and its state of perfection in the be­ yond. In addition, Kant's favoring of the later generations does not emerge so crassly, since, on the assumption of the infinite process toward perfection, each empirical-historical generation shares the fate of imperfection with all the others. For Husserl it is a different matter. Like Kant he believes in the progress of reason, in the sense of the unfolding telos in history. But he does not believe in infinite progress . His final establishment is not to be enacted at an infinitely distant point in time, but takes place here and now in Husserl's phenomenology. With the founding of phenomenology philosophy arrives at its " apodictic beginning" 18 and the infinite task of philosophy (which he also maintains ) takes place within the "horizon of the apodictic continuation. " 1 9 Thus, 3 70

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in Husserl's history of reason we must distinguish two phases: The first extends from the Greek primal establishment, renewed by Descartes, up to Husserl's final establishmenti the second begins with Husserl as the apodictic continuation of his own apodictic final establishment. Let us recall that the entelechy in humanity was the " first breakthrough to what is essential to humanity as such, " 20 so that Greece's pre-history is a pre-history of true human­ ity. Thus, altogether, we have three phases, and Husserl's philos­ ophy of history appears to be a typical philosophy of three phases with an Old Testament (pre-Greek), New Testament (from the time of the Greek primal establishment), and Evangelium Aeternum (beginning with Husserl's final establishment) . The final phase of this philosophy of history, the infinite continuation of phenomeno­ logical philosophy within the horizon of the apodictic final estab­ lishm�nt, has the same structure as Marx's final realm or Hitler's millennium. It is worth taking a closer look at Husserl's position regarding the New Testament period (from the primal establishment to the final establishment). Kant found it deeply "disquieting" that the gen­ erations that preceded the Final Realm should merely constitute reason's temporary stations: useful, perhaps even necessary, steps on the way to perfection but without absolute value in themselves. This aspect of Kant's humanitarianism is absent in Husserl. To him it does not seem the least bit "disquieting" that Greek philosophy and modern philosophy since Descartes should merely be fertil­ izer for the ground in which Husserl's final establishment is to flower. For him this relation is just fine. By raising this question I by no means intend to prepare the ground for calling Husserl's humanitarianism into question. The problem goes deeper. But the absence of Kant's humanitarian " disquiet, " the lack of an inner resistance to looking at history as pre-history and, instead, with the final establishment, of letting a "real history" (Lenin) begin­ in Husserl's terms, an " apodictic" history-moves Husserl beyond the I 8th century's faith in progress and its humanitarian implica­ tions. And it makes it necessary that we place him alongside the messianic and eschatological figures of our time. Husserl's "apodic­ tic" history, like Communism's "real" history, is not a continua­ tion of empirical history (vide Husserl's passionate resistance to letting his teleological interpretation of history be called into ques­ tion by arguments drawn from empirical history), but transposes 37 1

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history to a new level of the revelation of the human spirit with which a new apodicticity begins. Along with the special problem component of transcendental subjectivity Husserl's radicalism has a messianic component in which the final establishment, with its apodicticity in the realm of the social and historical, turns into the establishment of an apocalyptic philosophical sect. In order to elucidate the peculiar structure of Husserl's meta­ physics I often had to point to parallel phenomena in the sphere of politics. But naturally, beyond the structural relationship, Husserl's metaphysics of history has no more to do with National Social­ ism or Communism than that of, let us say, Joachim of Flora, whose phasing proceeds along the same lines. However, in another methodological relationship Husserl's position is closely related to certain contemporary intellectual phenomena-l mean with the historical methodology of the southwest German schools, and even more with the historical works to which this methodology is in­ debted. In this connection the works of political history are less rel­ evant than a classic in the history of ideas like Gierke's Genossen­ schaftsrecht. 2 1 The ratio of this work is Gierke's assumption that the essence of political community is found in the character of it being a "Realperson, " that therefore the task of a history of political and legal ideas is to select materials in such a way that the historical facts can be organized into a chain of development that reveals the unfolding of the idea of the "Realperson. " Thus, out of a stupendous amount of historical material, Gierke selects the parts that can be more or less easily made to fit into this series, completely indif­ ferent to what they meant in their authors' contexts, and equally indifferent to the material that is ignored as the result of such a procedure. This method, even if, with Gierke, it appears without the terminological apparatus of entelechy, originary, and final es­ tablishment, is Husserl's. But it got Gierke into trouble because Dunning22 was tactless enough to illuminate Gierke's arbitrariness toward, and fanciful misuse of, Bodin. And in the third edition of his Althusius23 Gierke was forced to make an embarrassing retractio. But what Dunning did in the case of Bodin could pretty easily be done for every author Gierke discussed. Husserl is protected against such a misfortune because, from the very beginning, he rejected empirical and historical arguments against his telos. I would there­ fore say that the demonic possession of Gierke's time, which treats world history as mere prefatory work done in the interest of the 3 72

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glory of some one else's "present"-in this case Gierke's-is taken a step further in Husserl's messianism, to a position that, on princi­ ple, simply refuses to consider a possible correction from the empir­ ical realm. By pointing to the empirical material that had been the object of the interpretation, Gierke could still be criticized; Husserl cannot be criticized because ex definitione his interpretation of history cannot be false. I speak of a " demonic" writing of history because the historian sets his own position, with its historical de­ terminants, absolutely and, in reality, does not write history but misuses historical material to support his own position. The task of a history of the spirit, which does not abuse it, is to penetrate each historical-spiritual position to the point at which it rests in itself, i.e., in which it is rooted in the author's own experiences of transcendence. Only when intellectual history is carried out with this methodological goal can it attain its philosophical goal of un­ derstanding the spirit in its historicity, or, to put it another way, be able to understand the historical expressions [Ausformungen] of the spirit as variations on the theme of experiences of transcendence. Such variations do follow one another, not arbitrarily, but empiri­ cally and factually. They do not constitute an anarchic series but allow one to recognize lines of order, even if the order is somewhat more complicated than the metaphysics of progress would have it. (Here, of course, I cannot go into the actual configurations of order. ) A genuine historical meditation does not have the purpose that Gierke attributes to it in his practice of history and that is assigned to it in Husserl's theory, in which the thinker's own pre­ cious position is interpreted as the sediment of history (although, incidentally, this self-interpretation can be a valuable consequence of the historical meditation) . The primary purpose of the historical meditation is to penetrate the other thinker's spiritual-historical Gestalt to the point of transcendence and, in such a penetration, to school and clarify one's own expression of experiences of tran­ scendence. The spiritual-historical understanding is a catharsis, a purgatio in the mystical sense of the word with the personal goal of the illuminatio and the unio mystica; objectively [sachlich], when worked systematically through a long chain of material, it can lead to the working out of lines of order in the historical revelation of the spirit; in this way its objective consequences [sachlich-final] can bring forth a philosophy of history. However, the guidelines from which this understanding may not depart for a moment are 373

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the "personal testimonies" of the thinkers themselves-the very testimonies that Husserl not only believes he has a right to ignore but which he systematically rejects for disrupting his teleology. 4· With this the most important implications of Husserl's posi­ tion have been analyzed, and I can now briefly address the funda­ mental objective question: Husserl's relationship to Descartes. It is Husserl's view that modern philosophy experienced its primal establishment in the philosophy of Descartes and its final estab­ lishment in his own. In the final establishment the primal estab­ lishment has been brought to completion. To prove this thesis, Husserl interprets the Cartesian "meditations" as an incomplete form of phenomenological reduction with the goal of the epoche of the content of the world for the purpose of objectively reconsti­ tuting the world from the egological sphere. This interpretation is partly correct. The methodological annihilation of the content of the world and the suspension of judgment with the goal of finding the Archimedean point from which the world can be objectively rebuilt is in fact the theme of the "meditations. " Also correct is Husserl's analysis that the critique of knowledge's epoche is not carried out radically enough and that, therefore, instead of the tran­ scendental ego, the psychological ego becomes the starting point for the reconstitution of the world. But, pointing to the historical telos, Husserl falsely asserts that the Cartesian reduction has no other positive meaning than the epistemological one, which, in the end, would inevitably lead to the grounding of a transcendental philoso­ phy. Further, it is false to maintain that the indirect securing of the objectivity of the world based on the certainty of God's existence fails because the Cartesian proof of God is untenable. The basis of Husserl's misinterpretations is that he foists upon Descartes his own philosophical theme, the epoche of the world with the goal of reaching the ego's transcendental sphere, as though it were Descartes' sole philosophical goal, albeit one that he grasped only obscurely. As a matter of fact the Cartesian meditation has a richer content than the mere critique of knowledge. Indeed it is only because it has this richer content that it can be incidentally employed in the analysis of this problem. First of all, the Cartesian meditation is not so shockingly new in its main form as Husserl believes it to be. In principle, Descartes' meditation is a medita­ tion in the traditional Christian manner. Indeed, it can be more precisely classified as a meditation of the Augustinian type, which, 3 74

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from the time of Augustine, has been performed hundreds of times in the history of the Christian spirit. The anonymous author of The Cloud of Unknowing ( a 1 4th-century meditation) expressed the classical theme of meditation as well any other thinker: "It is need­ ful for thee to bury in a cloud of forgetting all creatures that God ever made, that you mayest direct thine intent to God Himself. " 24 The purpose of the meditation is the annihilation of the content of the world per gradus from the world of physical objects to the sphere of the soul in order to attain the point of transcendence in which, in Augustine's words, the soul can turn toward God in the intentio. This meditation is primarily a process in the biography of the individual who performs it, and the standing at the point of transcendence in the intentio is an experience of short duration. Secondarily, the process can be formulated linguistically, which gives us meditation as a literary form. Conversely, the renewed performance of a meditation that has been written down makes an originary meditation possible on the reader's part. This purpose is also served by a special type of devotional literature which, with the aid of a clever psychological technique, makes the performance easier. (An example of this type of literature is the Imitatio Christi of Thomas a Kempis. ) Descartes' meditation is the literary record of an originary meditation of this type: to the point indeed that, in most of the meditations, the momentary character of resting at the point of transcendence is used as a literary structure. The first meditation concludes with the lament, "Insensibly I lapse away from myself back into my old opinions, " namely, with faith in the objectivity of the world's content, while, in fact, the purpose of the meditation is to obtain liberation from this content, something only possible in the experience of the realissimum in the intentio. But there is indeed something new in the Cartesian meditation­ were it not for this novum, Husserl's interpretation would be com­ pletely wrong, not merely partly. The classical starting point for the meditation is the contemptus mundi. The objectivity of the world is unfortunately so certain that the meditation becomes the means of freeing oneself from the world. Through the meditation the Christian thinker assures himself, if not of the world's unre­ ality, then at least of the irrelevance of its content. The classical Christian thinker does not want to know the world in the medi­ tation, and for that reason, the objectivity of the world is not an epistemological problem for him. Descartes finds himself in the 375

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intellectual-historical position of wanting to know the world, with­ out thereby ceasing to be a Christian thinker. Therefore, on the one hand, he can perform the Christian meditation and, on the other1 use the meditation, with its epoche of the world, in order, now from the "Archimedean point" of the experience of transcendence, to secure the reality of the world that had been annihilated in the meditation. For Descartes, the Christian experience of transcen­ dence is the necessary precondition for the world's objectivity just as Plato's mystical vision of the idea is the necessary precondition for his idealistic theory of knowledge. I would express what is new in Descartes in this way: The sentiment of the contemptus mundi has given way to the sentiment of an interest in the world. As a result, out of concern for episteme the meditation's experience of transcendence becomes the instrument for insuring the world's objectivity. Husserl completely misunderstands this problem because he stumbles over Descartes' proof of God and fails to see the experien­ tial content [Erfahrungsinhalt] in the experience of transcendence that lies beyond the proof of God. Although obviously unknown to Husserl, it is nevertheless a well-known fact in the history of philosophy that the Scholastic proofs of God, including Descartes', do not have the purpose of assuring the existence of God to the Christian thinker who demonstrates it. For Christian thinkers, from Anselm of Canterbury to Descartes, the existence of God is assured from other sources. However, the proof is the form and style [Stilform] of Scholastic thought; and in this style-form, the demonstratio is extended to problems that cannot be the subject matter of a demonstratio and therefore do not need one. Certainly all the proofs of God are logically ll;ntenable-but no one who demonstrated such a proof was quite as stupid as he might appear to those who read Kant. In addition to the proof of God one naturally finds the purely descriptive, not demonstrative, account of the experience of transcendence, which is what a meditation is all about. In the third meditation we read: "I have in some fashion in me the notion of the infinite before that of the finite, meaning of God, rather than of myself; for how could it be possible that I could know that I doubt and that I desire; that means that I lack something and that I am not quite perfect, if I did not have in me any idea of a being more perfect than my own, compared to which I would know the defects of my nature? " God's existence is not 376

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deduced; rather, in the experience of the finitude of the human's essence, the infinite is also given. (A similar problematic is found in Scheler's interpretation of longing and related experiences in which a negativum is positively given.) God cannot be in doubt because in the experience of doubt and imperfection God is implied. In borderline experiences of finite-being the beyond [jenseits] of the border is also given with the border's this-sidedness [diesseits]. Thus, Descartes' ego cogitans has three levels of meaning. Hus­ serl correctly grasped two of them. He saw ( r ) that the transcenden­ tal ego, which in its cogitationes is turned to the contents of the world, has its intentio directed to the cogitata; (2 ) that Descartes allows the psychological ego, the soul as part of the world content, to be drawn into the transcendental ego, something that Husserl rightly criticized. What Husserl failed to see was the third meaning of the ego, which is the foundation of the first two: the ego as anima animi, in Augustine's sense of the word, whose intentio is not the cogitata but transcendence. It is in this third sense of the anima animi that the meditation has its primary meaning. In the transcendence of Augustine's intentio the ego is simultaneously certain of its own and of God's existence (not in the dogmatic sense, but in the mystical sense of transcendence in the Ungrund). And it is only in this act, in which the self is assured of its existence, that Husserl's egological sphere, with its intentio that turns in the op­ posite direction, to the cogitata, can have its foundation-and this independent of whatever form the act of self-assurance may take in the metaphysical speculation. (As one possible construction of the foundation it is important to compare the derivation of Hegel's dialectic from the mysticism of Jakob Boehme-explained by Hegel in his History of Philosophy. ) Husserl isolated the egological problem from the complex of Descartes' meditation and developed it masterfully in his theory of transcendentality. It appears to me that in this relation to Descartes we have the root of the peculiarities of Husserl's position. Despite his pretension to radicalism and his postulate that each philosopher marks a new beginning, Husserl never performed an originary med­ itation in the sense of Descartes. Historically, he accepted the re­ duction of the world to the cogitating ego and developed it further. Therefore he cannot ground his own transcendental philosophical position in an originarily given metaphysics. The border he does not get beyond is the ego's founding subjectivity. How the ego, out 377

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of its own subjectivity, functions as the foundation of the world's objectivity remains not only unexplained but, of necessity, is not even touched upon. In place of the higher foundation in the experi­ ence of transcendence we find the foundation in the intra-mundane particularity of an epistemological problematic that was originated by Descartes. I don't know whether Husserl was insensitive to experiences of transcendence, whether he drew back from them in fear, or whether there is a biographical matter involved-that he had distanced himself from Jewish religiousness but did not wan t to take up Christian religiousness. In any case, in order to ground his position he took recourse to the immanence of a historical problematic and very carefully barred the way to the problems of philosophical transcendence-the decisive problems of philosophy. Therefore we find the interpretations of history through the telos that is revealed in him-a position that, found in a philosopher of stature, can only be termed odd; therefore the justification of his position as a functionary of the telos and the inability to find the absolute point in the philosophy of others because he could not find it in his own; therefore the apparent inhumanity in the degradation of his predecessors; and, therefore, I would venture to say, the character of his works as a continuing prolegomena. With all that I do not for a moment wish to cast doubt on the genius of Husserl's philosophical talent-! hope I don't need to say anything more on this point. What a thinker can do within the bounds of an important, historically given problematic without entering into the fundamental problems of philosophizing in an originary manner he has certainly done in a most impressive manner. I have reached the end. As I said at the beginning, I am afraid that you will hardly find the time to enter into a detailed discussion of these questions. But even if you cannot, when we meet again, per­ haps this critique can provide us with the basis for our discussion. And in the meantime, for me it was a cathartic exerzitium . With kindest regards, and many thanks for the kindness you and your wife bestowed upon us, Yours Erich Voegelin (Finished on September 20, 1 943 . ) r.

O riginal in German.

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2 . Voegelin made a new typescript from his original letter after Schutz informed him that he had lost his copy. 3· Edmund Husser!, "Die Krisis der europiiischen Wissenschaften und die ·trans­ zendentale Phiinomenologie: Eine Einleitung in die phiinomenologische Philoso­ phie/' Philosophia I ( I 9 3 6 ) : 77-1 7 6 . See also Husserliana, vol. 6, Die Krisis der europiiischen Wissenschaften und die transzendentale Phiinomenologie: Eine Ein­ leitung in die phiinomenologische Philosophie, ed. Walter Biemel (Den Haag: Mar­ tinus Nijhoff, I 9 7 6 ) . English: Edmund Husser!, The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology, trans. and intro. by David Carr (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, I 97o). 4· May I 9 3 5 · Cf. Husser!, The Crisis of European Sciences, 269-9 9 . 5 · Ibid., I 5- I 6 . 6. Ibid., I 5 . 7. Ibid., 7 0 . 8 . Ibid., 7 r . 9 · Our translation differs from ibid., 7 1 .-Eds. IO. Ibid., 7 I . I I . Ibid., 7 2 . I2. Ibid., I ? . I 3 . Ibid., ? I . I 4 . Voegelin, Der Autoritiire Staat Bin Versuch iiber das osterreichische Staats­ problem (Vienna: Julius Springer, I 9 3 6 ) . English: "The Averroist Factor in Specula­ tion on Totality/' in CW, 4:72-7 5 · ) I 5 . Voegelin, "Siger de Brabant/' Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 4 ( I 944l: 5 0?-2 6 . cw, 20: 1 7 8-204. I6. Husser!, The Crisis of European Sciences, I 5 . In the original German text, which Voegelin quotes, the phrase "struggles between the philosophies" is under­ lined; in the English translation it is not. I ? . Ibid., 1 6 . I 8 . Ibid., 7 2 · I 9 . Ibid. 20. Ibid., I 5 . 2 1 . Otto von Gierke, Das deutsche Genossenschaftsrecht, 4 vols. (Berlin: I 8 68I 9 I 3 ) [The German Law of Associations] . 2 2 . William A . Dunning ( I 8 5 7-I 922) i n his work A History of Political Theories, 3 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1 902-20). 23. Otto von Gierke, Johannes Althusius und die Entwicklung der naturrecht­ lichen Staatstheorien: zugleich ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Rechtssystematik (Breslau, 1 8 8o). 24. The Cloud of Unknowing and The Book of Privy Counselling, ed. Phyllis Hodgson, published for the Early English Text Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, I 944). There are many modern English editions.

173. To Leo Strauss

September 26, 1 943 Dear Doctor Strauss: I beg to acknowledge receipt of Farber's Foundation of Phenom­ enology; 1 I shall deliver the review before the end of the year, as agreed. Felix Kaufmann was kind enough to lend me his copy of Husserl's essay in Philosophia I. 2 I have read it and feel now better fortified to 3 79

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tackle Farber's book. You will remember that you counselled me to read this essay in order to gain the proper perspective for Husserl's work; and I must say that, indeed, no other work of Husserl's has enlightened me so much on the motives of his thought. It is a grandiose piece of work, and you are probably right when you say that it is one of the most important, if not the most important, contribution of our time to philosophy. Nevertheless, I have some misgivings of a fundamental nature. Great importance can be at­ tributed unqualifiedly to this work only if we assume the problem of epistemology to be the cardinal problem of philosophy. But is it? Certainly none of the great philosophers from Plato and Aristotle to Kant and Hegel would agree with this proposition. They all have treated epistemology as one of the most important, but after all only as one of the philosophical complexes. What I find missing in the present article, as well as in the other published work of Husserl, [is] a foundation for his phenomenology in the larger con­ text of a metaphysical system. The " egological sphere" is for him an ultimate sphere beyond which he permits no questions. Well-1 like to ask a few questions beyond. It is a pity that I had not read this article before I came to New York; I should have liked very much to hear you explain your opin­ ion on this point at greater length than is possible in correspon­ dence. I have sent, however, an I I page critique of the article to Schutz; if you are interested in it, he will certainly let you have the letter. You would oblige me greatly if you could give me the titles of your books and articles typewritten; I am afraid I could not decipher them properly in handwriting. With our best regards to you and Mrs. Strauss, Yours very sincerely, I . Marvin Farber, The Foundation of Phenomenology: Edmund Husserl and the Quest for a Rigorous Science of Philosophy I Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, I 944). For Voegelin's review see CW, I 3 : 1 26-2 9 . 2. Edmund Husserl, "The Crisis o f Europe: The European Sciences and Tran­ scendental Phenomenology, " Philosophia I !Belgrade, I 9 3 6 ) . English translation by David Carr !Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1 970).

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174· To Alfred Schiitz 1

September 28, 1 943 Dear Friend: I've just finished reading your treatises on "Rationality" 2 and "The Stranger. " 3 But whatever it was about "The Stranger" that your audience at the New School didn't like is still a mystery to me. 4 I get the impression that the reaction that you and Winter­ nitz mentioned can only be explained in terms of the unfortu­ nate atmosphere of emigrants who, although they have been in America for many years, as a result of their isolation at the New School, have not yet gotten through the transition period you speak of and, for that reason, are overly sensitive about it. I think that you have very clearly analyzed the problem of reinterpretation [ Umdeutungsproblem] . But precisely in the matter of integration into American society I find the very interesting problem of the inner-American malaise, the difficulty on the part of Americans of quality to integrate into their own society. Consider Santayana's intense preoccupation with the problem of his "foreignness " 5 as well as the intellectuals' flight from America in the 1 920s and, with the outbreak of the European crisis, their woebegone efforts to "find a way home . " But perhaps this is too concrete a case for your studies, which deal with the general problem. The essay on " Rationality" gave rise to a number of thoughts. Let me indicate the nature of a few of them: Your concept of rationality is not quite clear to me-doubtless as the result of my lack of comprehension. I can understand that one develops a concept of rational action, as you do, and that the cre­ ation of such a concept is eminently important because rational ac­ tion is a frequent and pragmatically important phenomenon of so­ cial reality. I cannot fully understand what should result from that in general for the construction of ideal types in social science. If one constructs the ideal type of "rational action/' one can measure the success of the concept by the criteria that you develop on page 1 47 et. seq. But is the concept thereby "rational/' in any other sense of the word, more than any concept is rational (i.e., as a phenomenon of the knowing ratio as opposed to the known reality) ? To what extent is a concept of irrational or value-rational action less rational than a concept of rational action? This question arises especially in

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regard to your postulate (p. 1 4 8 ) that all other behavior must be interpreted as "deriving" from this basic scheme of rational action. Why? Pareto does it in just the opposite way. He first develops a gigantic table of sentiments and then interprets the rational types of action as derivative of these. 6 It's not my intention here to defend Pareto but merely to emphasize that one can also successfully take hold of the problem of sociological classification from the side of a theory of sentiments and proceed from there to the sphere of rational action. The problem that interested Weber, whose lead you follow for the most part, is most clearly expressed in the most fully developed part of Economy and Society, in the sociology of forms of domination. 7 Here Weber's presentation proceeds from the form of the rational, to that of the traditional, to that of the charismatici but the charismatic form is the primordial and therefore the social­ constitutive form. The reason for the objectively false [sachwidrig] arrangement appears to me to lie in Weber's personality. For various reasons he did not feel at home in the sentiments, or in the value­ sphere. He therefore begins with the rational sphere, the one that was accessible to him and, at the end, with the term " charisma, " throws everything "that is alien to him" into one undifferentiated heap. The result is that Weber has an incomparably magnificent classification of institutions but is unable to provide a theory of institutions. On the other hand, Pareto's difficulty lies in the fact that he is too exclusively interested in "ideas . " He sees the senti­ ments and he sees that the rational sphere is not autonomous but suffused with sentimentsi yet, with the exception of the chapter on the mechanics of the rise and fall of elites, he too is unable to develop a theory of institutions. The only useful approach to a theory of institutions that I have found (i.e., to a theory of the point at which the sentiments intersect with the means-ends rationality of action) is in Hauriou's theory of the idee directrice as the source of institutions. 8 Thus, I would be very interested to see how you get from your conception of rationality to the sentiments and institutions which, for you, are also in some manner implied in the concepts of " stan­ dards, " "life-spheres, " and " constant motives. " Perhaps you will find time one of these days to tell me more about this. At the moment I do not recall whether you wanted to have the article returnedi in any case I will keep it until you ask for it, so that I can read it again.

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With the most cordial greetings, and with many thanks, Yours Erich Voegelin r . Original in German. 2. Alfred Schutz, "The Problem of Rationality in the Social World, " Economica, n.s. 1 0, no. 38 (May 1 94 3 ) : 1 3 D-49 · Now in Alfred Schutz, Collected Papers, vol. 2, Studies in Social Theory, ed. and intra. byArvid Brodersen (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1 9 64), 64-8 8 . 3 · Alfred Schutz, "The Stranger: An Essay i n Social Psychology, " American Jour­ nal of Sociology s o, no. 4 (December 1 94 5 ): 3 6 3-7 6 . Now in Alfred Schutz, Collected Papers, 2 : 1 06-1 9 . 4· "The Stranger" was read before the General Seminar o f the Graduate Faculty of the New School for Social Research. s . George Santayana, Persons and Places: The Background of My Life (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1 94 3 ) . 6 . Vilfredo Pareto, The Mind a n d Society ( Tiattato di Sociolica generale), 4 vols. (New York: Harcourt and Brace, 1 9 3 5 ). 7. Max Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretative Sociology, 2 vols., ed. Gunther Roth and Claus Wittich (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1 97 8 ) . 8 . Maurice Hauriou, Precis d e droit constitutionnel, 2nd ed. (Paris: Librairie du Recueil Sirey, 1 92 9 ) .

1 75 . To Talcott Parsons

Louisiana State University College of Arts and Sciences University Station Baton Rouge, Louisiana Department of Government Professor Talcott Parsons Little Hall Harvard University Cambridge, Mass . December 2, 1 94 3 Dear Parsons: The American Political Science Association has a panel for re­ search in political theory. This panel has recently appointed a com­ mittee which is charged with the preparation of text-editions of European sources in political theory. Chairman of the committee is Professor Pennock of Swarthmore; members are Paul A. Palmer (Kenyon College), Wilfred Parsons (Catholic University), and myself.

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The purpose of the committee is not yet entirely clear to me but the general idea seems to be that for course[s] in political theory, teachers as well as students are in need of judiciously selected texts in English translation for a better understanding of European politics and ideologies. The four members of the committee have taken it on themselves to make preliminary suggestions which will be digested by the chairman and submitted to a discussion at the first meeting of the Association in Washington, in January. Before I submit my suggestions I should like to have the opinions of some friends and colleagues concerning the Idea in general as well as concerning texts to be selected. I am enclosing a page of tentative suggestions which will give you an idea of the project and you would oblige me greatly if you could let me know what you think not just of my suggestions, but of the whole project and if you could let me know what your suggestions for such a project would be. Our endeavor to get a group of Army students for Special Area Training will probably not mature. I was in Washington recently and learned from the War Department that the Army is not allo­ cating any new groups at the moment. With best regards to Mrs. Parsons, I am Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin Suggestions for Texts in Political Theory

I. France: Selections concerning: ( 1 ) Catholic-conservative polit­ ical thought; ( 2 ) Socialists, Syndicalists, Blanqui, Peguy, Sorel; ( 3 ) the theory of the objective social mind from Rousseau to Durkheim and Duguit; (4) secularist Solidarisme; ( 5 ) the reform of the republic from Renan to Tardieu. IT. Germany: (I) Selections from Fichte-extremely important be­ cause Fichte's European importance as the ancestor of both Communism and National Socialism is little appreciated in this country; the late Johannine phase ( Staatslehre of 1 8 1 3 ) is practically unknown; ( 2 ) equally important a selection from Nietzsche; ( 3 ) a selection from German " Movements" : Youth Movement, the circle of Stefan George, the post-War conserva­ tives.

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ill . Italy: ( 1 ) All-important a decent selection from Mazzini; M.

is deliberately misrepresented by Italian liberals in order to make him one of their glories; as a matter of fact he is not only a liberal, but also a conspirator: his Giovine d'Italia pro­ grams are indistinguishable from Mussolini's efforts; further­ more, Mazzini's attitude was deeply rooted in Italian tradition, and a selection from his studies on Dante is indispensable for a complete understanding of this rich phase of Italian thought; (2 ) Italian socialists and syndicalists; ( 3 ) Nationalists, particularly Corradini. IV. Russia : An extremely complicated affair; obvious requirement: a selection from Dostoievski's Political Writings, which, as far as I know, have never been translated into English. Tolstoi, Kropotkin, Lenin and Stalin are well taken care of, but 1 9th century Russian political thought in its breadth is almost un­ known. V. Spain : I do not know much about Spain, but obvious require­ ments would be selections from ( 1 ) Donoso Cortes; ( 2 ) from the Spanish regeneration movement.

The above suggestions are made as a minimum program; they should not preclude the presentation of other materials if a larger project should become possible. It would be very desirable to have, for instance, a collection of texts bearing on the idea of the Third Realm from Joachim of Flora and Amaury of Chartres to the pres­ ent: or, a collection of sources for the idea of the Hierarchy and delegation of powers (pseudo-Dionysian literature, Plotinus, Mai­ monides, etc. ); or, a collection of texts on Latin Averroism and its consequences in Western political thought; etc. Finally, the edition, under the sponsorship of the APSA, should be considered of clas­ sics, which regrettably have never been edited and translated, such as the complete York Tracts. All of the above suggestions should be understood as requiring competent introductions.

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176. To Alfred Schiitz 1

December 28, 1 9 43 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your gift and your letter. With Eliot's "Four Quartets" 2 you have made me very happy. I have wanted to buy it for a long time, but with so many other books badly needed for my work I had little left to spend on such a "luxury" item. Thank you very much. I am equally happy-more so-to have received your letter. In view of its length it constitutes, so to speak, a "physical task" to be done over Christmas. You are right: The distance between us obliged us to undertake a more precise clarification of our argu­ ments through a letter. I am very happy about that and grateful to you for having taken the time for such a clarification, despite the workload you carry. However, there is a rather curious difficulty involved in answer­ ing your interpretation of Husserl. Generally when two people dif­ fer over a philosophical position one will defend a thesis as true and the other cast doubt on its validity. In our case the matter stands somewhat differently. You reply to my Husserl critique with an interpretation about which, as far as the details are concerned, I could say a few things, but to which, taken as an interpretation of the philosophical position as a whole, I have no objections. Philo­ sophically there does not seem to me to be a great deal of difference between your position and mine. Rather, the problem is whether the picture of philosophical existence that you sketch is a true picture of Husserl. But an answer to this question is difficult for me, if not impossible, because you have the advantage of having known Husserl and in your interpretation of the essay you can refer to Husserl's own statements regarding his intentions. Naturally I can't argue against that. Thus, in what follows, please consider what I have to say as though for me no other basis for evaluation existed but the published writings. If a different picture emerges from his oral statements then, naturally, what I have to say is rendered invalid. r ) If I have understood you correctly, it appears to me that the following thesis is a basic building block in your interpretation of Husserl: You say that, in relationship to other philosophies, Husserl did not claim a privileged position for his phenomenology.

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Although he spoke of the Greek primal establishment of philo­ sophical problems, he spoke of the final establishment as a merely regulative idea. The primal establishment would never be con­ cretely realized, neither by Husser! nor by any other philosopher. Rather, it is a symbol for the open horizon of possibilities and tasks which result from the fact that, in the concatenation of generations, every philosopher is the founder of a new tradition. [As a matter of principle] the final establishment always lies in the infinitely distant future. Husser! never claimed that phenomenology is the final establishment of the movement of the entelechy; he simply believed that with phenomenology an apodictic beginning had been achieved (pp. 6 and I I of your letter). [ . . . )3 [T]hus Husserl's thesis would simply be that of infinite process; compared to Kant's idea, improved by more precisely bringing out the foundations of the tradition (primal establishment) and the horizon of interpretation that emerges with each new reformula­ tion in the development of this tradition (final establishment). If Husser! has actually expressed this view orally an essential reason for my criticism would disappear. However in his writings he says: The final establishment "is completed when the task has come to perfect clarity and, therewith, to an apodictic method. " The final establishment and the apodictic method determine one another. If your interpretation is correct, and the final establish­ ment is merely a regulative idea, there can be no apodictic method. The attribute " apodictic, " which distinguishes the final established method from the earlier ones that were uncertain, would be mean­ ingless if the condition for apodicity were the unattainable final establishment. You yourself say (p. I I ) that Husser! was of the opinion that he had established the apodictic method and thereby achieved philosophy's apodictic beginning. If however the apodictic method has been reached in concreto, then, as far as the written statement goes, the final establishment has been carried out. How­ ever, in that case the final establishment is not a regulative idea in all philosophizing but a historical fact. But if it is a historical fact, my critique becomes valid again. Here there seems to me to be a contradiction in your interpretation, which, however, . can perhaps be eliminated by an oral explanation on Husserl's part. Forgive me for being so philological, but in an interpretation the first thing that has to be considered is the " text." You say on p. r r : "I cannot find

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a single passage in the entire essay in which Husser! says that the phenomenology that he created is the final establishment of the movement of the entelechy. " It appears to me to be the passage ( § 1 5 , pp. 1 45 et. seq. of Husserl's essay ) . I certainly do not need to explain in greater detail that, and why, I would like Husser! more if your interpretation were the correct one. 2 . ) Your interpretation of the primal establishment and the fi­ nal establishment is logically complemented by your analysis of Husserl's treatment of history. " Standing in the tradition that mo­ tivates him and determines his plans, Husser! selects only those elements from the historical reservoir which he perceives to be alive and at work in his own thought" (p. 9 ). This is why he explains them, not in terms of the contexts of meaning in which they existed for thinkers in the past, but in terms of the contexts of meaning that they have for him. It was not Husserl's intention to sketch a picture of the spiritual history of mankind from a speculative standpoint; he did not want to write objective history (p. 4 ) . He inquires autobi­ ographically into the problems that determined his philosophy and its style (p. 8 ) . He arrives at the primal establishment by following the motives of his own thought back to its origins . Thus he engages in the autobiographical anamnesis of the philosophical motives that are active in him; the tradition is relevant to him only to the extent that it is a vital motive in him (p. 1 0) . You may b e surprised when I say that I a m in complete agreement with this part of your interpretation. What you say here appears to me indeed to describe what Husser! does. But such activity has consequences that you do not acknowledge in your letter. Your interpretation-which I consider correct-implies an exact corre­ lation between the philosophizing ego and the tradition. The ego stands within the tradition, and tradition is where the ego stands. This position certainly cannot be assailed from the standpoint of a transcendent critique. Husser! has motives of thought that come to him out of a tradition; tradition is what emerges in the interpre­ tation of Husserl's motives of thought. I can also accept this thesis, but only with its consequences. If the airtight correlation between ego and tradition is established, then the recourse to history be­ comes superfluous. Not just for me, who then has to deny himself a critique of Husser! by means of historical arguments, but also for Husser!, who then only stands in a relationship to his tradition, and not to the history in which we are standing. The closing of the circle

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between ego and tradition has the consequence of making Husserl's philosophy historically incommunicable, i.e., makes it irrelevant for everyone but Husser! himself. But in that case phenomenology is reduced to a mere intellectual game for Husser! and, at the most, for those who, owing to some accident of nature and history, have the same need for trivial play that Husser! has. But it does not seem to me that Husser! draws this conclusion. And I am sure that you also reject it. Without a doubt Husserl's philosophical pathos has its roots in the conviction that his tra­ dition is not merely his but objectively the European tradition and, more than that, is also the relevant human tradition. Thus I would disagree with your interpretation here for the same rea­ son that I disagreed with your interpretation that the final estab­ lishment is a regulative idea: Husserl's interpretation of the tra­ dition is indeed autobiographical-! agree with you on that-but it is not intended to be subjective. Husser! identifies his tradition with the objective history of human reason which, through him, here and now, has been historically articulated. Phenomenology is not some kind of a game that one can take up or ignore. It is intended to be a historically responsible undertaking in community with those who philosophized in the past, with those who now philosophize, and with those who will philosophize in the future. The demand that phenomenology be respected as a responsible philosophical enterprise in historical communication with others who philosophize is contradicted by Husserl's attitude toward the question of tradition which, for him, does not exist in the open historical communication with others who philosophize-as you correctly demonstrated-but is an a-historical image of the motives of Husserl's own thought. There is only one way out of this conflict between the historical claim and the refusal to communicate: the one I indicated in my first letter. One can understand Husserl's position as a legitimate one if one r�cognizes the fundamental religious-messianic aspect of his character. Naturally it does not follow from such an acknowl­ edgment that one must follow the messiah, but the soul moved by religious motives has its rights and must be respected. If Husserl's grandiose philosophical achievement in regard to individual prob­ lems draws its strength from Husserl's faith that human reason be­ came articulate in him, that's fine with me. The concrete achieve­ ments are considerable and speak for themselves, even if one must

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transfer them to another foundation than that of Husserl's faith. But although I am prepared to respect the gospel of philosophical reason that has become incarnate in Husserl as the stirring of a human soul, I am not willing to accept it. If one cannot accept this messianic interpretation of Husserl that I offer (or another that in principle would amount to the same thing), if instead one insists that Husserl's philosophizing must in any case be understood as a philosophizing in historical communi­ cation, then one must contend with some embarrassing problems. For in that case Husserl would be a thinker who is vain enough to believe that humanity has waited for him in order to have the problem of reason brought onto the path of the apodictic method; a thinker so convinced that in him reason has achieved fulfillment that the relevant tradition of the history of philosophy can be de­ termined by the autobiographical explication of the motives of his own thought, and that, further, in the face of this pre-established harmony between the philosopher and the tradition, every histor­ ical objection would be irrelevant because true history would in fact be the history that led to Husserl's philosophical existence. Confronted with such a claim I could only reply that I am no more inclined to let Husserl dictate to me what a human being is, or what philosophy is, than, on a more concrete level, I am inclined to allow a Nazi to tell me what is German. Such a claim would be a piece of impudence to which one could only shrug one's shoulders. -I hope that you notice that in the last sentences I have used the subjunctive mood with the greatest of care. For nothing is further from my mind than to impute such an attitude to Husserl. My sketch of a messianic interpretation of Husserl is an attempt to find the level at which I would have grounds to respect him, although I cannot sympathize with the sentiments that motivate him, [an attempt to find] the level at which I can find justification for aspects of Husserl's character which would otherwise be revolting to me. If, regarding this part of your interpretation, I may make a few concluding remarks: I would say that it appears to me that our interpretations, which differ objectively, arise from the same ne­ cessity. You too are horrified by the conclusions one must draw if one takes Husserl literally-or at least if one takes his written word literally-and if one takes his doctrine of the primal establishment and the final establishment, and of reason in history, etc., in the his­ torical concreteness with which the doctrine has been articulated. 3 90

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(I believe you do not disagree with me on these points. ) For you, these matters must simply be understood in a different way than they have been expressed. When Husserl says history, he doesn't mean history; when he speaks of the final establishment that he has completed, he doesn't mean the final establishment but a regulative idea, etc. In short, as I see it, you subject the orthodox history of salvation to a liberal-theological interpretation so that you can accept it. Again, under the assumption that I have understood you correctly, such a procedure is meaningful to you because, obviously, Husserl's conception of philosophical themes is acceptable to you, and only the messianic aspect disturbs you. By essaying an interpre­ tation in the direction of the regulative idea you support the phe­ nomenological theme with a philosophical attitude in which open communication between those who philosophize becomes possi­ ble. Thus, independent of whether your interpretation of Husserl is "correct" ( something which I, in a rigorous philological-technical sense of the word, do not believe), it nevertheless develops, in out­ line, a philosophical attitude that can be in communication with others. -For me such an interpretation of Husserl would not have the same meaning that it has for you because, on the whole, I do not accept Husserl's conception of the philosophical thematic. I am not referring here to the messianic aspect. On the contrary: To some extent it is the messianic element of Husserl's character that fascinates me. One who can so firmly believe that he can sense human reason becoming apodictic in his person is a man of some stature (by the way, similar to Fichte); in another age he would probably have become the leader of a Johannine heresy. . . . But the gospel brings me no joy! And with that I come to the other elements of your interpretation. 3 ) Entirely independent of the question of our respective interpre­ tations of Husserl, from your letter I get the impression that we are speaking at cross-purposes on some other issues as well because, in general, we do not apply the same principles of philosophical interpretation. The issue has nothing directly to do with Husserl; but it appears to me to be worth taking the time to explore, at least in part, if for no other reason than to help us to better understand one another. Therefore, in what follows, I will pick out a few points in which it appears to me that the differences in our principles of interpretation become clearly visible. a) On page four of your letter you object that "nothing is so sterile 391

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as to criticize an author for having taken an interest in a problem that is different from the one the reader is interested in, and then holding the author responsible for the reader's disappointment that the author does not see the world through the reader's eyes and does not consider the same things relevant that the reader does. " I am not willing to accept this principle without considerable qual­ ification. First of all, I do not believe that the process of philoso­ phizing in community is adequately expressed by the ideal types of "author" and "reader. " Naturally, in order for a philosopher to communicate his thoughts beyond a circle of discussants, he must write them down. And, of course, the one who wants to become acquainted with these thoughts must read them. Certainly a series of very important problems arises from this technique of communi­ cation. But, after all, in the end the technique of communication is a secondary matter in relationship to the primary process in which the philosophizing person B tries to understand the thoughts of the philosopher A. And this process of understanding is not undertaken by the philosophizing person B for amusement but because, from this sometimes very strenuous activity, he hopes to deepen his own understanding of a philosophical problem. Now if an " author" characterizes his book as a philosophical work, thereby raising in the "reader" the expectation that in this work a person who philos­ ophizes will be speaking to him, and if the "reader" is continually disappointed in this expectation so that he does not arrive at the deepening of understanding that he had expected, the reader may well decide that his time has been stolen by one who made false promises; and he has every right to express his disappointment in the author by pointing out in no uncertain terms that there is a discrepancy between the book's title and its content. Nor does such a reaction appear to me to be a sterile act. If it explores the principal reason for the discrepancy it can perhaps contribute to the clarification of philosophical terminology. b) However, even if you were inclined to agree with this argument in principle, you might object that, as a matter of fact, in this concrete case the discrepancy does not exist and that here it is a case of the philosophizing person A holding something else to be philosophically relevant than the philosophizing person B does; and that A (the author) has as much right to his framework of relevance as B has to his. You raise the argument of the relativity of relevance criteria [Relevanz-Relativitiit] in the sentence I just 392

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quoted from page four, and you make it concrete on page two when you say: "It is primarily a matter of personal valuation whether one denies philosophical status to an achievement in the 'critique of knowledge. ' " I am not willing to accept this second argument without qual­ ification either. Consider the consequences. If you conceive the idea of relevance so absolutely that one cannot raise questions that go beyond the respective relevancies of A and B, you dissolve the community of those who philosophize. Of course every person who philosophizes must hold something to be relevant or he would not begin to philosophize in the first place. But can't he be mistaken? Is it not possible that he might consider something to be relevant which in fact is objectively irrelevant? Is there no rule to guide us in making a selection? Is a scheme of relevance an irrational fact that cannot be rationally discussed or criticized? Is everyone who engages in philosophy a relevance-monad? I cannot believe that this is the point you intended to make. But if the respective relevance-selection can be criticized, what can the argument of "personal valuation" mean? Of course my valuation is personal insofar as the views concerning the relevance of a philosophical problem can only be the views of a person, in this case my own. But what follows from that ? Is there no hierarchy of philosophical problems ? Can the problem of such a hierarchy not be rationally discussed? Would it not be principally conceivable that problems concerned with the critique of knowledge, although philosophical problems, are secondary ones compared to, for example, the cata­ logue of problems in Scheler's Man 's Place in the Cosmos ? 4 Doesn't the "reader" perhaps have the right to be disappointed when, in the name of philosophy, he is fobbed off with secondary problems, however magnificently these by no means unimportant problems may be analyzed? -At the moment, with these questions, I am not saying anything about the justification of concrete judgments of rel­ evancy. I only raise the questions in order to demonstrate that there is an area of objective discussion here which would be destroyed if one were to retreat to the position that what one person considers relevant is a matter of personal judgment that cannot be rationally discussed. Trivial as this point may appear when it is formulated in this way, it is nevertheless of cardinal importance for the entire course of our discussion. For only under the assumption that there is something that can be objectively discussed does it make sense 393

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to have a discussion. If relevance is just another expression for "a matter of taste, " the analysis of a thought considered to be relevant becomes a mere game. c) Assuming that the investigation into the question of relevance, and its critique, is something more than a parlor game, I have a few things I would like to say concerning the interpretation of a philosopher in the light of the tradition. Let us take the following sentences from your letter: "We are not 'beginners' in philosophizing . . . . A great tradition of philosophical interpretation of the world has been handed down to us" (p. 6 ) . "This astonishment over the failure o f the tradition t o solve the contemporary crisis of philosophy, and of his own philosophizing, induced Husserl to inquire from his own standpoint (wl;tich is con­ sciously tied to the tradition) into the origins of the content that is present in the traditional concepts " (p. 8 ) . "It i s indeed an autobiographical, but also an eidetic, analysis of the tradition that determines Husserl's philosophical situation and, therewith, our contemporary philosophical situation as well" (p. 8 ). "A person, standing in the tradition (in this case, the 'European' tradition), inquires into the origins of the layers [of the tradition] that motivate him" (p. 1 2 ) . These sentences, which in my opinion correctly characterize the problem of Husserl, appear to me to contain a world of unexplained implications. First of all, along with Husserl, you assume that there is one great philosophical tradition of interpreting the world. This thesis appears to me to be correct if what is meant is that, from the sixth century B.C. the Western world has had "philosophers, " i.e., people who attempt to understand the structure of the world and their place in it on the basis of a maximum of experience and with a maximum of rational "theoretization" of experience. The thesis is also correct if it means that, for instance, in the first three centuries of philosophizing the catalogue of philosophical themes was established, at least in outline. And the thesis also appears to me to be correct if it means that, despite all influences from other sources that determine a philosopher's theses, generally speaking, "progress" has been made, both in the theoretization of experiences as well as in the critique of experience [Korrektur der Erfahrungen]. But the thesis appears to me to be false insofar as it neglects the enormous breadth of variations found in fundamental philosophi394

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cal orientations, each in its own way contributing to the growth of a tradition, with the result that today we have more than just one tradition of philosophizing. The fact of the plurality of traditions therefore makes it imperative that, when we speak of a "philo­ sophical standpoint that consciously takes up the tradition, " we determine precisely just what tradition it is that we are referring to. This imperative must be insisted upon even more if, in regard to the contemporary crisis of philosophy and its solution, it is main­ tained that the " tradition" has failed. But just what is this so-often­ invoked crisis of philosophy? Merely that, for various historical reasons, the ordinates of the images of man and the world that had their foundation in a commonly held faith have failed; as a consequence, a horrible burden lies upon everyone who philoso­ phizes in our time to put together, in solitary labor, a more or less adequate system of ordinates-a task that only a very few are up to. I have no objection if one wants to characterize this situation as a " crisis. " But one should be aware that this "crisis" cannot be "solved" by the efforts of philosophy. The philosopher can do no more than try to adjust as best he can to the situation of living in a crisis that may go on for centuries. But he will not be very successful if he takes secondary components from out of the debris of the "tradition"; he will have more success if he orients himself to the elements of the "tradition" that permit him to see how thinkers in the past have coped with the problem of solitary existence. In the sense of their usefulness for the philosophy of man in a time of "crisis " the threads of a number of traditions come into view, each dealing with one or the other of the more or less central problems of order. One such traditional thread extends from Vico through Herder and Schelling, to Bachofen, 5 and to recent thinkers like Klages. 6 Here we find the attempt to understand the social world as constructed by " myths " and, as a consequence, to understand the "crisis " as a process of the dissolution of myth. (I also think that an essential element of Max Weber's position, his understanding of the consequences of rationalism, qualifies him to be a member of this group. J Others focus on the order of the solitary person: for example, Kierkegaard with the help of a new radicalization of [some of the] traditional elements of Christianity. However, the most important of these efforts must be seen in Nietzsche's attempt to understand the order of the person with the help of the means provided by Pas­ cal and the r yth and r 8th century moralists. Something very much 395

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like a "tradition" in the philosophy of crisis can be found in Jaspers, whose philosophical system, based on the tradition of Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, and Max Weber, is no doubt the most important pos­ itive effort to establish order in our time. Here indeed, it seems to me, a style of philosophizing is emerging that, with the help of well-chosen elements taken from the tradition, although it cannot "solve" the crisis-that is impossible-nevertheless demonstrates how the experiential material of our time can be built into a system of ordinates of knowledge of the world, and knowledge of the per­ son, that transcends the culture of the now disintegrating Christian community. But it appears to me that one of the great strands of tradition contributes very little-! will not say nothing-to this "fundamen­ tal" problem of philosophizing: the thread of the transcendental critique of knowledge that runs from Descartes to Husserl. Let's take an example. You have seen that I enthusiastically acknowl­ edge Husserl's excellent achievement in the section of his essay on Galileo. Now what can this " achievement" mean to me? It gives me the possibility, in an appreciative re-enactment of Husserl's thought, of being able to formulate the misconception [furthered by] the mathematical natural science of nature. [It allows me] to formulate with precision why, for example, the idea of mathemati­ zation cannot be extended to political science, or why the structure of the spirit [ Geist] and its objectifications are not " subjective. " At the level of the technique of argument that is of some importance to me. I am not so familiar with the details of Galileo's natural science that I would have been able to explain the errors of scientism from those elements, which make up its roots. But that is all. That the structures of the mind [ Geist] and its forms are objective, without, for that reason, being susceptible to mathematization, is something that was clear to me before I ever heard the name Husserl. Indeed I knew that before it became clear to me that there is a broad current in the development of European science that maintains the insane idea that the form of mathematical natural science should be the universal form of science. Thus the philosophical profit that I can gain from such a masterpiece of analysis is quite modest: that for a question which for me was not a problem I can now go into great detail about why it need not be a problem for me. Perhaps this example will give you a clearer notion of where I draw the line be­ tween a "fundamental problem" and a philosophical achievement.

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What I have just said should give you an idea of what I mean by a rational discussion of relevance. The principles used to select the materials considered to be relevant must be tested in accordance with the tasks required by the situation. But what makes the situa­ tion a crisis, and what its problems are, can hardly be determined in any other way than by the most thoroughgoing historical analysis based on the most comprehensive knowledge of the materials. For this reason you can also see what I have against this talk of the 11tradition, " unless a more precise definition of the term is given. For the tradition does not exist in the sense of a uniform tradition. Take for example your formulation of the 11tradition that deter­ mines Husserl's tradition and therewith our contemporary one as well, " I could not bring myself to enter into a discussion of philo­ sophical problems under the conditions of this formulation because the tradition that determines Husserl's situation, and that of many others, is not my tradition. My first suggestion in a philosophical discussion would be to take a look at the various traditions. One would discover more than one which, although they do not solve the crisis, would give the philosopher more useful principles of or­ der than the Cartesian principles found in Husserl's interpretation. But Husserl rejects just such an objective discussion of the situ­ ation and the traditions. You confirm this in your letter when you characterize Husserl's historical method of contemplation as the desire to explicate the " contents that have come down to us to the extent, but only to the extent, that they are necessary for his own personal self-understanding" (page 7 ) . With this sentence, which accurately expresses Husserl's intentions, a very doubtful principle has been postulated: the principle that in grasping Husserl's self­ understanding one also grasps the 11life crisis of European human­ ity" (your letter, page 7 ) . That appears to me to be a somewhat ex­ aggerated thesis-even for Husserl, to whom I am prepared to grant concessions for his messianism. Perhaps even Husserl should leave it to European humanity to judge whether it finds itself reflected in the mirror image of Husserl's own self-interpretation. It would be more appropriate for a responsible philosopher to first orient himself to what European humanity, from Rousseau to Nietzsche, and later Weber, Spengler, Jaspers, Scheler, etc., have said and done in an attempt to understand the crisis; and only then to ask humbly whether his own person is sufficiently open and deep to contribute something to this understanding. -In our interpretation of Husserl 397

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we are in complete agreement concerning this matter, and your letter confirms that I have correctly understood Husser! on this point. But Husserl's position does not fill me with respect; rather, to put it mildly, it strikes me as naive. But let's return to our theme: philosophy and history. That you defend Husserl's attitude toward the "tradition" appears to me to be based on an understanding of history that I believe I can surmise from the obiter dicta of your letter. I would like to dwell on this point for a moment so that you can perhaps tell me whether I have rightly understood you. It appears to me that the deeper reason why our interpretations develop in somewhat different directions is found in your understanding of history. For example, you say on p. 7 of your letter, "What has been handed down without being questioned, is then . . . examined; but not by an objectifying observer, who wants to know 'how it actu­ ally was, ' but by a passionate participant, who" etc. This dictum of Ranke's, "how it actually was " ["Wie es denn eigentlich gewe­ sen ist"], appears to me to be the source of a misunderstanding. Ranke formulated it in opposition to Niebuhr's formula: " How it was objectively" ["Wie es denn wirklich gewesen ist"]. Niebuhr's eagerness to establish the facts of Roman history had aroused re­ sistance even in Goethe-"If the Romans were great enough to invent their myths, we should at least be magnanimous enough to believe them." Ranke's position is that it is not the historian's task to merely record the facts in a critically objective manner. He quite rightly raises the question: To what end does one actually want to know the historical facts ?; his substitution of " actually" ["eigentlich " ] for "objectively" [ " wirklich " ] is meant to show that actually history consists of facts illuminated by maxims of inter­ pretation. Just what Ranke's maxims were is not of moment here­ ( you find them in the Great Powers and in the Conversa tions)­ because Ranke's interest was political history, not the history of ideas. But he definitely took the problem of history out of the sphere of simply recording facts and provided it with a founda­ tion of interpretative principles. Naturally when I speak of history I do not mean "a universal overview of the eternal reservoir of philosophical problem contexts" (your letter, page 9 ) . Rather, by a historical attitude in philosophizing I mean the inclusion of the dead in the philosophizing community. What is important to me here is not what a philosopher has said but the philosophical atti-

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tude that is revealed in what he has said. The objective statements of a philosopher do not stand for themselvesi their purpose is to order a universe around a human being. Some subject areas, e.g., logic or the theory of knowledge, are relatively peripheral to the sphere of the personi these are the areas in which "progress" can be made from generation to generation. Other areas are central to the person-and there we hardly find progress, but only variations of insight that correspond to the variations of the types of spiritual [geistig] persons, etc. We can speak of the history of a problem in the peripheral areasi but in the areas that are central to the person, history can only mean that the philosophizing person, through his knowledge of history, i.e., of the many varieties of insight, has enriched his own possibilities for insight. It seems to me that Husserl's attitude exists in crass opposition to this. "We have become thoroughly historical" is one of his theses. I consider that plain nonsense. For it would deny the reality of direct philosophical experience, for example, experiences of tran­ scendence that are not historically mediated. But if the sentence is to be understood as self-interpretation, it would demonstrate that Husserl's philosophizing lives from the history of peripheral prob­ lems. His " self" could then justifiably be said to interpret the prob­ lems of the tradition because, besides the problems of the tradition, there would be nothing else in him. But with this we have come back to the primal establishment and the final establishment-and that's where we came in. 7 Besides that, I can see that I have again reached page eleven, just like the last time. And that's really enough. Let me once again thank you warmly for your letter. If we cannot convince one another, I am certain and hopeful that the correspon­ dence, by forcing us to make our positions explicit, will contribute a great deal to our self-understanding. When you again have time, please let me hear from you. With warmest wishes for the New Year, Yours, Erich Voegelin P.S. But to compare my "Anamnesis " to Husserl's self-interpretation is really not very nice of you. I did not enter into a discussion of this point because such a response would have led to the delicate task of having to compare my humble self to the person of the 399

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messiah. I do not permit myself to indulge in such blasphemy­ especially because, had I permitted myself to do so, I might have again descended into comedy. 1 . Original in German. 2. T. S. Eliot, Four Quartets (New York: Harcourt, Brace &. Co., 1 94 3 ) . 3 · A portion o f the letter has been lost. 4· Max Scheler, Man's Place In Nature, trans. Hans Meyerhoff (New York: Noon· day Press, 1 9 6 1 ) . 5 · Johann Jakob Bachofen ( 1 8 1 5- 1 8 8 7 ) . 6 . Ludwig Klages ( 1 872-1 9 5 6 ) . 7 . Voegelin used English for the phrase "and that's where w e came in. "

177. To Friedrich Engel-JanosF

January 6, 1 944 Dear Friend: I owe you thanks today for two letters as well as for a lovely Christmas card-in addition, and with an abominable delay, let me wish you all the best in the New Year. Please excuse me for being so negligent-during the holidays I wrote about thirty letters that I had put off writing, and this interrupted my normal correspon­ dence. What you say about William of Ockham is very important to me. You are right: It was extremely difficult-especially because my notes and excerpts were inadequate and in part I had to recon­ struct my picture of him from quotations taken from the secondary literature. Without Dempf it would not have been possible at all. I am happy that you find it understandable. -The question of the later development of the church causes me great worry, for more than one reason. And if you could advise me a bit here I would be very grateful. My greatest problem as far as the Catholic Church is concerned is the phenomenon that one could perhaps call its "civilizational contraction. " With this term I refer to the act of distancing itself from a secularized civilization, a process that has increased continually since the Counter-Reformation and that, in itself, can be justified. For, undoubtedly, secular civilization con­ tains elements with which the church cannot compromise. How­ ever, the form that this withdrawal assumes does not seem to me to be objectively rooted in the matter: organizational and dogmatic hardening and the suppression of its own intellectual life. I can 400

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imagine a rigorous Catholic position from which the problems of natural science and politics would be, intellectually and spiritually, analyzed positively: not by a Neo-Thomist but by a new Thomas. The form of the contraction is not a given but [is] the symptom of a fideistic position that has lost faith in the godly ratio. It is the irra­ tionalism and decisionism implicit in the dogmatic and intellectual hardening that makes this not a Christian but a specifically modern phenomenon. That is the reason why I deal with this development in the chapter on Ockham. -Now of course it is possible that I have completely misunderstood the problems of modern Catholicism, and I seriously weigh this possibility; but when I compare modern Catholicism to Pascal's Pensees or to his Mystere of Jesus, which I have just read, I cannot get over the fact that modern Catholi­ cism makes a somewhat corpse-like [leichenhaft] impression on me. From Pascal I can arrive at Nietzsche's problems,-from the Sociology2 of Mr. Frodl, S .J., I come to nothing but the insight that he is an organization man who deftly avoids the difficult questions. In its intention, the contraction seems to me to be the legitimate and very necessary attempt to preserve the Christian substance-in its realization, however, it appears to me to be an attempt not only made with inadequate means, but indeed undertaken with means that damage the Christian substance itself. My critical attitude toward the Catholic development from the Council of Trent to the Syllabus Errorum is not based on any kind of laicism but on the view that the contraction has forced the Catholic Church into a ghetto situation, out of which it will prove impossible to emerge into the world in which it must live if it is to be spiritually effective. I suspect that you see these things in a radically different light. Therefore, please be kind enough to tell me what you think in the strongest possible terms. I have just received the new issue of the journal with your essay. The first paragraph seems to have been badly mauled. Something has gone wrong with the first sentence especially. I am very sorry that the matter has turned out so badly. You don't need to thank me for any efforts on my part; rather, you should curse me for these atrocities. With most cordial wishes, Yours I.

Original in German.

40 1

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 9 4 9 2 . Ferdinand Frodl, S.J., Gesellschaftslehre (Vienna: Thomas-Verlag Jakob Hegner, 1936).

178. To Fritz Morstein Marx

April 7, I 944 Dear Fritz: Incredible as it may seem: the 11History" has reached a stage of completion where conversations concerning publication can be started. Let me explain, first, perhaps, what has become of our projected little book of not more than 2 5 0 pages. The final typing of the scattered parts of the MS has revealed the following: The complete 11History" is a treatise of three volumes . Volume I contains the Ancient World, up to and including St. Augustine; volume II contains the Middle Ages, from the Migration to the Conciliar Period; volume III contains the National State and the Crisis, beginning with Machiavelli. The three volumes have, in the typescript, 400, s ao and s ao pages respectively, to the whole MS being something like I 400 pages. To this would have to be added some 6o pages, at least, for tables of contents, registers and bibliographies. Of the three volumes, the first (Ancient World) is completed, ready for print, except the bibliographies; vol.2 (Middle Ages) is completed with the exception of certain details of two chapters which require consultation of sources in Harvard, this summer. That means: by end of August, volumes I and 2 are ready to go to press. Volume 3 is 2/3 finished and will follow in due course; I am working at present on the nineteenth century. The question now is what to do. I think that the whole MS is too bulky to be published between the covers of one book. Two volumes, at least, would be indicated. I should like to bring out the first two volumes, bound as one or as two volumes, as soon as possible. The third volume, I think, might wait until times have slightly quieted down. That is where you come in: What do you think, will be the atti­ tude of the McGraw-Hill people towards a "History" of this size? The book will be, in my opinion, the standard-treatise on the sub­ ject for a couple of decades to come; it is readable and usable for colleges as shown by the actual use which a friend of mine made 402

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of it for his class in Political Theory in an institution in Wash­ ington. McGraw-Hill might be interested. -If they are not: would you consider assisting me with your experience of publishers to place it elsewhere? Naturally I should like Macmillan. They have published the volumes of Dunning, and they might like to have a new standard-treatise. If everything should fail, I have an offer from our local LSU-Press. They are ambitious and burn to start on it. But, of course, I should prefer a commercial publisher. The products of the LSU-Press are technically excellent, for they employ the same producing compa­ nies as Macmillan, but their sales-organization is non-existent; to give the book to them, might be a funeral. Well, that is how the matter stands; and I am looking forward to your opinion on the question. Otherwise, not much is happening here. If nothing unexpected occurs, I shall come East in June and put the finishing touches on the MS. With all our best wishes to you, Barbara and the children for the holidays, I am, Yours Cordially,

179. To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

June 5 , 1 944 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your letter of June first. With the dis­ sertations you must have a frightful amount of work on your hands; fortunately we had only two this year. And the summer school sounds horrible; will you at least be paid for it? I arrive in Washington on Wednesday the 2 1 st and will stay until Friday. I have not yet received an answer from the Wardmann-Park concerning my reservations. If I don't get a room I may really have to take you at your word and come to you; but only in the case of such an emergency. And I would try to make as little trouble for you as possible; I would not dream of imposing myself on Frau Cadette. Your suggestion concerning a talk is very kind, but I am not so sure that the Americans appreciate such things. When I was at 403

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Harvard I heard such "talks" by Rosenstock-Huessy and afterward listened to American reactions: the insolence of a European who believes that one has been waiting for him, who thinks that he must be heard; in the past such things were not done! Therefore, I would say, for our Viennese acquaintances in Washington, gladly, if an interest in such a get-together exists. Also, gladly for your " class" at the Catholic University, or something similar (for such things there are precedents); but for Americans I'd rather not. It's a good way to make oneself unpopular. "Nietzsche and Pascal" is not yet finished. 2 The last part that I completed I have enclosed with this letter. The rest will have to wait till autumn. The purpose that the study had for me has already been fulfilled: to relate Nietzsche's ideas to the categories of the "History. " This very utilitarian problem was solved by the insight that the heart of Nietzsche's intention was to substitute an intra­ mundane conception of salvation for the transcendental problem of grace. As far as I can see the problem was first formulated clearly in Carlyle's Sartor Resartus with the concept of a "natural super­ naturalism. " In the contrast between, on the one hand, Carlyle and Samuel Butler, and Nietzsche on the other, I can demonstrate the differences between the English and German history of ideas in the 1 9th century. The most valuable by-product of these Nietzsche studies is a new insight into the problem of English Utilitarianism from Mandeville to the Mills, which is then followed by Carlyle's reaction. By the way, I found a very great affinity to Nietzsche in Berdyaev's Destiny of Man. 3 I just read Sforza's Contemporary Italy. 4 It's provocative and en­ tertaining, if not exactly historically reliable. Have you perhaps read it? Should I bring Jaspers's Nietzsche5 with me? I think you have a right to see it again. I am very happy to hear that the German Historians6 is "getting longer and longer. " Will I be able to take a manuscript with me on my trip to Cambridge? With very cordial greetings from both of us to you and Frau Car­ lette, Yours, I. Original in German. 2. See CW, 2 6 : 2 5 1-305 .

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3 · Nicholas Berdyaev, The Destiny of Man, trans. N. Duddington (New York: Scribner's, 1 9 3 7 ) . 4· See Voegelin's review o f Count Carlo Sforza, Contemporary Italy: Its Intellec­ tual and Moral Origins, trans. Drake and Denise De Kay (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1 945 )- cw, 1 3 : 1 3 4-3 6 . 5 · Karl Jaspers, Nietzsche: Einfiihrung i n das Verstiindnis seines Philosophierens (Berlin: Springer, 1 9 3 6 ) . 6. See Voegelin's review o f Friedrich Engel-Janosi, The Growth of German His­ toricism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1 944), in CW, 1 3 : 1 29-3 1 .

1 80. To Waldemar Gurian

June 9, 1 944 Professor Waldemar Gurian Notre Dame University Notre Dame, Indiana Dear Professor Gurian: You will remember our correspondence concerning an article on Nietzsche's Will to Power. Under the pressure of various other tasks I could not complete it. But the larger part of it is written, and the rest is more or less a technical problem, to be solved in a short time in fall when I can come back to it. Unfortunately, however, the study has become rather volumi­ nous. I am sending you enclosed the finished part for your inspec­ tion; about 2 5 pages are still missing. You will perhaps be interested to see it, because the principal problem is sufficiently developed to permit a judgment on the whole thing. But then I also should like to know whether you still would care to have the article in spite of its size, or whether I should look elsewhere for a possibility of publica­ tion. It is also conceivable that you would consider the content not sufficiently "political" to be published in the "Review:" -Any-Way, I shall be very grateful for any comments or suggestions you might have to make. With all good wishes for the summer, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin

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1 8 1 . To Talcott Parsons

June 9, 1 9 44 Dear Parsons: This is to tell you that by the end of June I shall come to Cam­ bridge again, and that I am looking forward very much to the op­ portunity of seeing you again. Moreover I have to make a confession: I have used your name as a reference with the Macmillan Co. as well as with the Oxford University Press. I hope sincerely neither of them will bother you; but still, I should have asked your permission first. Please, forgive the liberty which I have taken. The occasion for this reference arose through the fact that the in­ terminable "History of Political Ideas " has arrived at a provisional resting point. The MS has been typed cleanly now, and it turned out that the whole thing has three volumes of 400, s oo and 6oo pages (Ancient World, Middle Ages, Modern World). The first two volumes are practically completed; and I should like to have them published. The third volume may take another year. So I started sending letters and materials to various publishers (all consider seriously, none has given an answer yet); and that is how I came to use your name. This summer in Cambridge, I intend to check bibliographies and quotations, preparing the two volumes for print by September 1 st. With the hope to see you soon, and with the best regards to Mrs. Parsons, I am, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin 1 82. To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

June 1 4, 1 944 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your letter of the 1 2th. In the meantime I have received an answer from Wardman-Park: I can have a room, but only at an exorbitant price that I can't afford. I would have to go all the way to New York where, fortunately, I have found a room for two dollars a day. Under these circumstances I would be very grateful to you and Frau Cadette if you could please take me for two

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nights; I very much look forward to seeing you again. I will make myself as inconspicuous as possible and try to spare you as much trouble as I can. And please, be nice, and give me any kind of chaise longue; I don't want my presence to disadvantage poor Madeleine, or indeed perhaps you, in any way. I arrive with the Southerner on Wednesday, the twenty-first. I can't tell you at exactly what time because there is no train schedule here. But I believe it will be about I I a.m. I would stay until Friday morning. I would prefer to not attend the concert on Wednesday evening. I must keep an evening open for the possibility of spending it with Ewan Clague. 2 Wednesday would be perfect. You go to the concert, as planned, and I will reserve my evening for the bureaucracy. I'll leave the possibility of a meeting of the Geistkreis up to you. You know the local situation better than I do. If you believe that no one will object to it, I am open for anything. But if you organize something, don't forget that I would like to see you too and perhaps the time will be too short. Since your earlier letter made me aware of the problem, I have considered the question of contemplation-meditation. I would say that, insofar as the English translation, Meditations, assumes the correctness of the interpretation that must first be demonstrated, Spitzer and Hatcher are right to say that a petitio principii has been committed. The correctness of the interpretation still remains to be proved, and, without a doubt, the article does not provide an explicit proof. But I am not going to offer one in this context because it would extend the length of an article that is already too long. Nev­ ertheless, I believe that the correctness of the interpretation can be demonstrated. I ) Immediately after I 8 7 6, beginning with Human All Too Human, the contemptus mundi, the vita contemplativa, and meditation become explicit themes. 2 ) Nor does this mark an entirely new beginning, but rather a continuation of the theme of Schopenhauer as Educator in which the contemptus mundi and asceticism are at the center; in particular supported by the symbol­ ism of Durer's "The Knight, Death, and the Devil." The untimely reflection on Strauss also appears to me to have an explicit cathartic function. On the other hand, in The Use and Abuse of History and Wagner in Bayreuth the matter is more complicated. 3 ) In his retrospective interpretation, in particular for the reflections on Schopenhauer and Wagner, Nietzsche insisted that they were done in the interest of meditative self-enlightenment and that the direct 407

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relation to the objects of the studies was of only secondary impor­ tance. Despite all that, I am willing to admit that it would have been methodologically more correct to translate "Betrachtung" as "reflection/' and then demonstrate in detail that the reflection has the meditative function of the contemptus mundi in a system of intra-mundane mysticism. I have just finished another chapter of the "Middle Ages/' the penultimate one. I will send it to you shortly: not because I expect you to read it soon, of course, but because, as my trip draws near, I want to have everything "in order" and, as usual, one of the copies will be sent to you. Macmillan appears to be interested in the first two volumes. But there seem to be technical difficulties in connection with a shortage of paper, etc. He has asked me to visit him soon in New York in order to discuss the matter in more detail. I look forward to seeing you soon and thank you and Frau Cadette very much for permission to stay with you. Very cordially yours, r.

Original in German. Ewan Clague, director of Bureau of Employment Security, Social Security Board, 1 9 4o-46. 2.

1 8 3 . To H. H. Fischer

June 1 9, 1 944 Mr. H. H. Fisher The Hoover Library Stanford University Stanford, Cal. My dear Professor Fisher: I have to apologize for having not answered yet your kind letter of January 27, requesting materials concerning Austria which might be in my possession. It would give me great pleasure to give to the Hoover Library all materials I have, but unfortunately I do not have any. I had a considerable collection of political Austriaca up to 1 9 3 8, but since most of them were connected with movements inimical to Na­ tional Socialism, I destroyed them after the occupation of Austria 408

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in 1 9 3 8 . A wise measure, because soon afterwards I received a call from the Gestapo, and the few items which I had not destroyed were confiscated to build up a case against me. With my best wishes that you will be more successful in other instances, I am, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin

1 84. To Taylor Starck

June 1 9, 1 944 Professor Taylor Starck 1 Widener Library Harvard University Cambridge, Mass . Dear Professor Starck: I have to apologize for having not answered your request concern­ ing Bibliographical Records at an earlier date. The delay is not due to any unwillingness or negligence, but simply to the fact that the situation in Austria, where I was formerly professor, is so compli­ cated that I did not quite know how to fill in blanks of the type of which you have sent me a sample. Let me give you some cases, assuming that to them applies the same confidential treatment as to those recorded on the official blank: ( 1 ) Professor Alfred von Verdross, Professor of International Law, University of Vienna. Predominantly Catholic and democratic, but strongly flirting before 1 9 3 8 with National Socialists. He save[d] himself barely in his position. His record looks dubious and I would never trust him, on the basis of my experience, in a critical situation. But if a situation is clearly settled, so that the National Socialists are definitely out as a political force, he would be quite trustworthy and run along enthusiastically with a new democratic regime in whose permanence he believes. (2) Professor Adolf Merkl, Professor of Constitutional Law. Was removed by the Nazis; is a liberal German nationalist. Would never go along with any Nazi atrocities. He would be absolutely

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reliable as an administrator and fervent advocate of due process of law. But I wonder what his attitude would be, if he felt that a new regime is anti-German in its tendencies. His nationalism might be stronger than any other sentiment. ( 3 ) Professor Otto Brunner, Historian. Realistic, with a nationalist touch. One of the finest scholars we had in Vienna. Substan­ tially decent. I have heard that he has " adapted" himself suffi­ ciently to be in good standing with the National Socialists. But I would not trust his National Socialism. I could imagine that he would turn back with a sigh of relief to a decent political situation and be extremely useful. (4) Professor Ottmar Diettrich. Geographer. Rector of the Handels­ hochschule. He is an outright rascal, and probably so notorious that a warning on my part is unnecessary. But from experience I have the greatest respect for his political skill. And I should not be surprised if he pops up after National Socialism eager to lend a helping hand and go on doing undercover work for National Socialists as he did before 1 9 3 8 . ( s ) I should like to draw attention t o one o f my former students, Heinrich Jungwirth. He was 2 3 in 1 9 3 8, when I left. He was put in a concentration camp and was there still at the time of my latest intelligence, in 1 940. He is one of the most capable boys I have ever seen. If the concentration camp has not broken him, he would be a man to be used. This is approximately the type of information I can give you. If it is of any use to you, I shall be happy to let you have more. I shall spend July and August in Cambridge, and call on you on that occasion. With my best regards, Yours very sincerely, Eric Voegelin r . Voegelin's letter is in response to a letter from Taylor Starck of the "American Defense-Harvard Group" from November 5, 1 94 3 , requesting information on "re­ liable individuals in enemy and Nazi-dominated countries" : "We are restricting our inquiry to the educational and learned world."

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1 85 . To Robert Harris 20 Sumner Road

Cambridge, Mass.

July 24, r 944 Professor Robert J. Harris Department of Government Louisiana State University Baton Rouge, La. Dear Bob: Thanks for your long letter of July r s th with all sorts of valuable information. Let's first perhaps consider the text-books. I have no intention of changing anything in my courses. No new book has appeared in recent years, and the present ones are about the best we can have. So I should like to stay for Comparative Government with Shotwell's Governments of Continental Europe, and for Political Theory with Sabine's History of Political Theory. For American Government let us change by all means; I have not seen Beard's new edition, but it cannot be worse than Ogg and Ray or Anderson. The earlier edition of Beard which I know quite well, seemed to be well written and well organized. Considering the fact that the students complain that the other two textbooks are very hard to read, I think one should make at least a try with Beard. If some detail should not be treated as fully as we like to have it treated, we still can resort to some collateral reading on the point. I am glad to learn that Powell is getting better, even if slowly; that is at least a hope that he will be back for the second quarter; and if you can keep Highsaw, at least we shall not be crushed like last year. Lissy has also written me a few things about Daspit. His predictions remind me somewhat of the prediction he made in spring 1 94 3 , when he explained to me with absolutely reliable statistical figures why the War would be over before Christmas-of 1 943 . But still, such optimism is entirely laudable in the fighting forces. The administrative changes seem to be all to the good for us. If you can really get something for me by way of tenure and salary-of course, after more urgent claims are satisfied-! certainly shall not resist, particularly since I am quite broke thanks to this summer's 4I I

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expedition. It costs really, as I had detailed in my application to the Committee, about $6 5 0.-, which leaves me $ 2 s o.- short. There is quite some excitement about the Hitler affair here­ abouts. "Observers"-a lovely invention to cover up a wise guy­ are of the opinion that all will be over soon. Well, I wonder. Nothing was over after the corresponding affair of 1 9 3 4; the only point from which I can derive some comfort is the implied admission of tech­ nical experts of the rank of the German [generals ? ] that the Nazis have mismanaged the War sadly. But after all, this wisdom we had already without the admission. I have a book directed to be sent to the office, and I may send myself a few packages with books and MSS in order to lighten my baggage. Would you be kind enough, and tell the secretary that no packages should be readdressed to me to Cambridge? I would not like to see them boomerang on me. Work is hard, but I think I'll get it done. Just now I am strug­ gling with such obscure affairs as the constitution of the Aegean islands in the thirteenth century and with Burgundy and the Hansa. The subject-matter is fascinating, but unfortunately rather large in quantity and time is pressing. Please, give my best regards to Dashiell. I hope you both do not suffer too much from the heat. Cordially yours, Eric Voegelin

1 86. To Heinrich Bruning

September 2 7, 1 944 Dr. Heinrich Bruning Lowell E I I Harvard University Cambridge, Mass. Dear Doctor Bruning: It is with great regret that I had to leave Cambridge before you returned. I should have liked to thank you personally for your great kindness in writing a letter to Mr. Latham of the Macmillan Com­ pany. 412

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It seems that your letter had the desired effect. I just received from Macmillan the offer of a contract for the History of Political Ideas ,-to my great relief. At last this question is settled. Macmil­ lan accepted the publication in three volumesi but he does not want to start printing before the third volume is completed, or nearly so. That means that printing cannot start before next fall. Apparently Macmillan had some unpleasant experiences with authors who wrote works in several volumes. I just noticed that the val. II of Dunning's History appeared in 1 90 5 , while val. III came out only in 1 92 1 . The news from Europe are rather depressing. The disintegration of Italy seems to be rather a foreboding of what might happen in Germany. With my best thanks, I am, Yours always sincerely, Eric Voegelin 1 87. To Rita Willfort 1 October 9, r 944 Dear Rita: I wonder whether you would do me a great favour. When I was in Cambridge, I saw at Schoenhoff's (Tutini on Harvard Squarei not far from the Bickford Cafeteria) a book which I could not buy at the time because it was too expensive, but which I now can afford and need urgently. Unfortunately my bibliographical description of it is insufficient that I can write hardly to Schoenhoff's directly and ask them to send it. Do you think you could drop in there, in passing by, and either buy it and make them send it to me, or-if they do it-make them send it together with a bill to me? The book is the Obras of San Juan de la Cruz, in Spanishi if I remember correctly, it is a complete edition of the works, printed in Mexico, in octavo size, bound in brown leather or something very similar to iti price: about $ 8 .-i during the whole summer it was lying right in the window. You would make me very happy if you could do thati I cannot order it through a local book-store because I don't know the publisher. If you have to pay for it, my check will come by return mail. 41 3

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In the meanwhile the problem of finding a publisher for my His­ tory has come to an agreeable solution. Macmillan has accepted the whole thing, to be published in three volumes, without even seeing the third volume; the first two seem to have excited him sufficiently. Printing, however, will start only when the third vol­ ume is approximately ready, so that the volumes can appear at short intervals, The good man seems to be suspicious, for good reasons, for I noticed that Dunning's History suffered some delay: the second volume came out in 1 90 5 , the third in 1 9 2 1 . That means that printing can hardly start before next fall. In the meanwhile, the first two volumes will be "prepared"; that means that the editors will go them over and eliminate everything that still smacks of a "foreigner" in style. -In all probability, you will see me again next summer, still working at " the same book, " as you remarked so aptly. Otherwise, the routine is going on. Cool weather has arrived and life becomes more pleasant. How are your economies going? Yours very sincerely, I . Voegelin knew Rita Willfort from his student days in Vienna when both at­ tended Hans Kelsen's private seminar.

r 8 8 . To Karl Lowith 1

December 1 7, 1 944 Dear Mr. Lowith: Thank you very much for your letter of December 8th and the reprint on recent Nietzsche research. In the meantime the article published in "Church History" has also arrived. Your idea that we write a book together on Nietzsche grows more and more attractive, and it seems that you have no objection to the delay in starting that is unfortunately unavoidable for me. The idea appears promising to me because it seems we approach the same problem from two very different positions. Such a difference in "perspective" should prove interesting, not just for us, but for the reader as well. Should we succeed on agreeing to a plan for a book together, I only hope that, in the end, we won't "influence" each other so much that the differences in our perspectives disappear. Let me address the question of perspective with some prelimi­ nary remarks on my position. Like you, I have been interested in 414

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Nietzsche since my secondary school days, but this interest was never a decisive one for me. As far as I can recall, at that time my fascination was principally aesthetic, primarily awakened by Zarathustra. Intellectually I am certain that, at the time, I did not understand the problems that Nietzsche dealt with. Later it was mainly the politically relevant parts of his work that inter­ ested me, such as the "The Greek State." (I am not a philosopher by profession, but a political scientist and jurist of constitutional law. My lectures and my main area of work are now American government, Russian government, and the British Empire. ) In the last ten years, I have become convinced of the necessity of study­ ing Nietzsche, through your works, those of Bertram and Jaspers, and because it is impossible to attain any clarity concerning such spiritual complexes as psychoanalysis, National Socialism, Stefan George, Klages, Spengler, etc., without first thoroughly understand­ ing Nietzsche. In the last two years this necessity has become even more pressing because it is almost impossible to treat the 1 9th century in the "History of Political Ideas" without a clear idea of Nietzsche's role. My articles on Nietzsche that you have seen, as well as the others that I am still working on, were un­ dertaken as preliminary studies for the chapter on Nietzsche. I have listed these phases of my engagement with Nietzsche in order that you may see that he does not occupy a central place among my philosophical interests. I must add that my very intense study of Nietzsche in recent years hardly brought him any closer to that center. As a spiritual phenomenon Nietzsche commands my respect, I also believe that I understand the nature of the harrowing [erschiitternde] effect he has on many people. I believe that I under­ stand his importance as the most powerful symptom of the crisis of our time, and I can sense the educational and maturing effect that his honesty and implacability [ Unerbittlichkeit] have on me. I can sympathize with him and I feel something very akin to sorrow for him, but I am not shaken by him; he touches nothing in me that is not more deeply touched and sustained by other sources. From my study of [Nietzsche and] Pascal you will have easily reconstructed the position from which I interpret Nietzsche. It is the position of negative theology-Eckhart, Nicholas of Cusa and, most important, Augustine. When we put aside the personal questions that lead to this position, it seems to me that one cannot avoid this method if one wishes to interpret the Occidental history 41 5

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of ideas without distorting the issues [Probleme]. In my work on the "History of Political Ideas" the fundamental methodological question arose: Which categories provide the constants needed for a comprehensive understanding of the entire period? It proved im­ possible to apply a partial system of categories, neither national nor ones derived from the philosophical schools ( German, French or English; Marxist, Kantian or Lockian), because such approaches would distort the other national, or worldview, complexes and force them into the position of " epicyclical" constructions. It would have led to the nonsense we find in Carlyle's history of political ideas during the Middle Ages, which was done in Lockean cat­ egories, or to Gierke's construction of the history of ideas as a movement toward Gierke's own concept of the " real person, " etc. The position of the mystic is methodologically the most correct because it is systematically general enough to accurately describe the deeper levels of the historical concretizations in the light of their respective relativities. Nor in regard to the political-historical dimension is this choice accidental: Historically, the mystical po­ sitions emerge with decisive importance at precisely those times when the deeper levels of historical concretization begin to dis­ solve, such as in the ancient and Christian Imperium at the time of Augustine or the mediaeval-Christian empire at the time of Eck­ hart and Cusanus. Now, concerning Nietzsche: Today w e find ourselves in a crisis (and the rhythm in which it takes place, five hundred years after the fifteenth century, is no accident) . The current crisis is social: they always are; it need not be a personal crisis. What breaks down is a level of historical concretization and its institutions. What remains for the individual, as it did in the fifth and in the fifteenth centuries, is the position of the theologia negativa that cannot be socially destroyed. The individual only suffers a crisis if he insists upon finding his absolute orientation as a nationalist, a Marxist, or a liberal, etc. It appears to me that what constitutes Nietzsche's problem is that he, as no other, experienced all the dimensions of this breakdown but that his response to the experience, instead of withdrawal, was the wild adventure of trying to initiate a new "civilization" ( at the level [Rangstufe] of Christian civilization) out of the powers he found in his own personality. The adventure of trying to make oneself the Christ of the new civilization for the next thousand years fascinates by its demonism. It is illuminating, 416

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insofar as it reveals the depths that are affected by the breakdown, and it demonstrates the depths from which the renewal will have to come. But, from the perspective of our time at least, the result appears to me to have been a megalomaniacal failure. The center of the attempt is the doctrine of the return. On this point I hardly have anything to tell you but can only learn from you. Let me therefore merely briefly indicate where, for me, I believe the important problem lies. In terms of academic philosophy the problem of the return belongs to the complex of the antinomies concerned with infinity. As far as I can see, the problem of finite creation and infinite recurrence was exhaustively treated by Au­ gustine in his analysis of the problem of creation, by Augustine and Thomas in the analysis of predestination and freedom of the will, by Ockham, and, finally, by Kant. Of course, better formulations are still possible; but, it seems to me, the heart of the problem has been fully explored. It constitutes a "borderline problem" and a dogmatic insistence on either the finite or the infinite side of the dialectical problem is unacceptable. Again, in the language of academic philosophy, the doctrine of the return appears to me to be a dogmatic determination with which a philosophical-critical [analysis] need not concern itself. -And that would be the end of the matter were it not for the fact that it was Nietzsche who renewed this conception of the world. The question is: What mo­ tivated Nietzsche to enter into this myth with the full force of his soul ? I have no answer to this question. Most important, the problem of his " experience" in I 8 8 I remains completely obscure to me. As you have pointed out, the "ring" is a symbol that goes back to his secondary school years; what took place in the experience of I 88 I in order for this idea to acquire its mythical power? Up to now, the only direction in which I can see something like an answer to this question lies in the assumption that Nietzsche's psychic life had the remarkable defect that I have termed the absence of ex­ periences of transcendence (transcendence-experience in the sense of Augustine's intentio animi to God), while, on the other hand, his impulse to transcendence obviously had many opportunities of breaking through in other directions (nature, landscape, passion, the spirit of civilization) . I believe that this particular structure of his soul explains, on the one hand, how he could have the deep understanding for the problem of Pascal but, on the other, why the withdrawal, out of the breakdown, into mysticism was closed to 4I7

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him. Third, [it also explains] why the breaking out into the doctrine of the return did not run into the resistance that it would have, had the antinomies of infinity, which have their roots in experiences of transcendence, been a living problem in him. Please do not take what I have said here for my "final" view in the matter, but as an attempt to formulate a problem that is perhaps not psychically accessible to me. 2 For today I will have to end this letter here. I will respond to other points of your letter tomorrow, or the day after. I am very anxious to see what position you will take concerning these questionsi my poor imagination has not yet been able to understand from your works on Nietzsche what your own position is. I therefore made a great effort to penetrate beyond your restraint in this matter, but I have not succeeded in " detecting" a "lapse" in the restraint you have placed upon yourself as a historian. In your book From Hegel to Nietzsche I occasionally had the impression that your sympathies were to be found in the vicinity of Goethe's position. With most cordial wishes, Yours P.S. Your handwriting is wonderfully easy for me to readi something I cannot say for Hula's. Today I wrote with the typewriter because I want to make a copy. 1. Original in German. "mir seelisch nicht ganz zuganglich"

2.

189. To Fritz Kaufmann 1

Eric Voegelin 903 Camelia Avenue Baton Rouge, Louisiana December 3 I , 1 944 Dear Mr. Kaufmann: Thank you very much for your good wishes and for the reprint of "Thomas Mann and Nietzsche. " 2 In your essay you have worked out especially well the problem of recapitulation and emulation. On the last page you write that Thomas Mann saw in Nietzsche a "brother of Pascal." This point is of particular interest to me, since I 418

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have looked very intensely into the relationship between Nietzsche and Pascal that, it seems to me, has been neglected. Could you please tell me where Thomas Mann speaks of Nietzsche in this way? We recently had a difficult time. Lissy suffered from neuritis in her leg. It is very painful and she had lie down a great deal. It's better now. My "History of Political Ideas" is still unfinished. It has grown a great deal and now comprises three volumes (I. The Ancient World, II. The Middle Ages, III. The Modern World) . Volumes one and two have been completed, and I am at work now on volume three-the 1 8th century. Macmillan has accepted the manuscript and it will go into print as soon as the third volume is finished, presumably at the beginning of 1 94 6 . With very best wishes t o you and your family for the New Year from both of us, Most cordially yours, Erich Voegelin r . Original in German. Fritz Kaufmann ( r 8 9 I-1 9 5 8 ). A copy of this letter was kindly placed at the editor's disposal by the Husserl Archives Leuven. 2. Fritz Kaufmann, "Thomas Mann und Nietzsche, Monatshefte fiir deutschen Unterricht 3 6, no. 7 (Madison, Wis., 1 944): 345-50. "

1 90. To Karl Lowith 1

February 8, 1 94 5 Dear Mr. Lowith, Let me acknowledge the receipt of you letter of January yth, the manuscript of your lecture in New York, and your book on Burckhardt. It is very impolite of me to send you this acknowl­ edgment so late, but when your post came I was deeply involved in complicated work on the general question of how to organize the order of problems in the 1 8th century and how to organize the chapters dealing with them. It was a torturous task and I simply had no energy for anything else. But that has been taken care of, and I am now engaged in less strenuous writing. Therefore, please forgive my delay in answering your letter, a letter that is very important to me. 419

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Before I turn to your letter, let me make the materialistic an­ nouncement that the Rockefeller Foundation has approved my grant-in-aid for the summer so that a trip east is now a certainty. Your letter is especially valuable to me for two reasons. First, it made me aware of an aspect of Nietzsche that was not so clear to me before: what you call " das Forcierte, " the will to break out of deca­ dence by a tour de force without an original "inspiration. " 2 I find that completely convincing-and not just for Nietzsche but also as an essential ingredient in phenomena like George and Hitler. -Second, the passages on your relationship to Nietzsche and your position of "fence sitting"3 explained much that was previously ob­ scure to me in your works. After this exchange of preliminaries we can perhaps now proceed step by step to the individual problems. First of all, I have the highest respect for the position of sitting on the fence; whatever one might be able to say against it, it towers above the frequently found elegance and simplemindedness with which the "leap" of faith is made. But after all, even your position is not completely on the fence; you keep your feet on the ground of a world orientation based on rational science, and this means that you can speak and reason with others, and they with you. Let me take up a footnote in your letter in which, so it seems to me, you came down from the fence a bit and took your stand on the ground of philosophical argument. You ask, Why should it be " contrary to all reason" to retreat from an attained state of consciousness and, for example, like Nietzsche, translate the human being back into the primary text "natura " ? Such an attempt would be contrary to all reason only if one assumed that progress's minimum, conti­ nuity, is the connecting thread along which history must proceed; but as a matter of fact, in progress as much is forgotten as is re­ membered. -In this note you seem to me to make certain assump­ tions concerning the essence of the historical that go beyond mere neutrality. -And, by the way, these seem to me to be intimately connected with the problem of Nietzsche. I would agree with you that, in a purely factual sense, it is indeed possible for history to "retreat" from a previously attained state of consciousness. But for the individual who undertakes such a step I think it would indeed be against all reason. For what should the word " meaning" in historical development signify if not " discernible ascent through stages of consciousness . " Thus a " step back, " for whatever reason the irruption of such meaninglessness took place, would, by defini420

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tion, be a "falling away" from such an attained level of conscious­ ness. When the order of meaning [Sinnordnung] as the principle for interpreting history is surrendered, history itself ceases and we find ourselves once more on the grounds of "natural" (pre-historical or post-historical) community processes. As a meaningful act, I do not think it is possible to translate the human being " back " into the primary text "natura . " In order to make sense, the primary text would have to be written in a naive manner, and the translation back [to an earlier period] would be sentimental. Indeed, I think that there is something of Rousseau in Nietzsche, the longing for the lost paradise and for the innocence of becoming. But all of that appears to me to be weakness, even if it is done by force of will [forciert]i strength would be to grasp the crisis in the dimensions which Nietzsche has and then to progress toward a higher state of consciousness ( something I think is possible). Thus the problem seems to come down to the question of one's concept of history. Should a process still be called "history" after the specific charac­ teristic of history in the Christian era, namely, its linear meaning­ fulness [lineare Sinnhaftigkeit], has been surrendered? In that case, what would remain of history besides 1 ) particular4 pragmatic his­ tory (Thucydides), 2) universalism reduced to encyclopedic annals, 3 ) general laws that become visible in particular processes (Spen­ gler, Toynbee) ? At this level [of reflection] the genuine universal standpoint would no longer be an historical one but would be found at the level of nature (and here I think Nietzsche is consistent) : The Eternal Recurrence i s a cosmological category, not a historical one. But then what interest in history remains-unless it be the critical, monumentalistic, or antiquarian? 5 But none of these, it seems to me, corresponds to the genuine historical interest of the Christian conception. -As a matter of fact I, for one, do not believe that we have reached this end-point to history. As you have very clearly demonstrated, Nietzsche's nature and his Eternal Recur­ rence can only be meaningfully understood as a countermovement to Christianityi that is, for it to have any meaning, Christianity must be presupposed. And, in the last instance, the great move­ ments of National Socialism and Communism, with their leaders and their Third Realms, albeit in exhausted form, are derived from the Paraclete of the Gospel of John and the realm of the Holy Ghosti their entire self-understanding abides within the context of mean­ ing provided by Christian categories. Presently, despite the depth 42 1

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of the crisis, I do not see an actual break; and I think it will take a bigger caliber of barbarian than the good Russians or National Socialists to bring it about. Not even the Germans of the Great Migration were able to accomplish that but indeed, after a number of convulsions, bowed to Christianity and Rome. Perhaps Genghis Khan and the Mongols would have achieved it; but even here I have my doubts, since the thirteenth-century Mongolian theology of empire revealed a surprising similarity to Dante's idea of empire; who knows what sort of interesting new " level of consciousness" might have emerged? -Finally, in your note you say that attempts like Nietzsche's can only be considered to be against all reason if one assumes that history must move along the thread of continu­ ity. On this point, after all I've said, I would agree with you. It brings us back to the question: What is history if not a continuum of meaning-despite all that is "forgotten, " including very large particular complexes ? It appears to me that here the problem of "forgetting" has not been satisfactorily analyzed. To me, it does not appear that forgetting stands in contradiction to remembering. Rather, along with remembering, it is part of the functional com­ plex with which the spirit that interprets meaning [sinndeutender Geist] reacts to the contingent nature of the historical process of growth. Great historical complexes cannot help but be forgotten for a time, perhaps forever: for example, when, following the Great Migration, the growth of a civilization on a new ethnic basis whose state of civilization (not its historical level) was too primitive to permit it to adopt the higher civilizational values of a lower histor­ ical level. What could Bernhard of Clairvaux have done with the "memory" of the civilization of the age of Pericles ? The task here was to achieve the social realization of a spiritual level that stood higher than that of the Periclean age but in a civilizational milieu that stood lower: the renaissances come when civilizational time is ripe for them. For our day, and as far as forgetting Christianity is concerned, it seems to me that the case looks like this: A good part of Christianity is ripe for being forgotten and in any socially relevant sense has in fact already been forgotten; for Christianity, in its broadest sense, includes civilizational complexes that, for the most part, are irrelevant to the structure of our society and, most important, irrelevant for its reconstruction. Tentatively I would reckon the following aspects [to the irrelevancies] : the greater part of the thought of the church fathers and of the Scholastics (not 422

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everything: Thomas's theory of action appears to me to be better than everything that has come since, including Max Weber); the naturalistic elements of Christian doctrine (which in fact have even been dropped by the Catholic Church, though not without resis­ tance; officially there is no conflict with natural science); a very large part of the historical component of its doctrine (here resis­ tance is greater) . But then there are parts of Christianity that are not ripe for being forgotten because they constitute the historical levels that can be superceded, but from which we cannot retreat in any "meaningful" way. To these I would reckon: the fides caritate formata, the psychology of concupiscentia and superbia vitae (as a psychological system far superior to all modern attempts of the psychoanalytic type). In addition I would add certain theological complexes that, for example, can be indicated by reference to Eck­ hart's speculation on divinity, Schelling's Potenzenlehre, 6 and the newer dialectical theology. -Nietzsche's forgetting of Christian­ ity because of its slave morality is not what I would consider a meaningful act. Here I think we are confronted with a fundamental misunderstanding. If by social morality one understands the order of conduct for individuals in an enduring human community, then the heart of Christianity ( the synoptic Gospels) has no social ethic, neither a slavish one nor any other kind. The consilia of the Gospels are made under the conditions of eschatological expectation, i.e., the expectation that the end of historical life in community is "near, " that next week, or next year, but in any case within the generation of the living, the end of the world and the coming of God's kingdom will take place. I would characterize the consilia of the Gospels as the guide to the conduct of life in eschatological heroism. From the point of view of the surrounding, unbelieving, community, this conduct of life appears to be a slave morality: peo­ ple willing to suffer every indignity, destructive individuals who hold the civilizational values that are based on the notion of an en­ during community in contempt, people who do not want to live the life of a "gentleman" or of the "upper class. " The anti-civilizational character of the eschatological-heroic conduct of life can always break through, but the main history of Christianity took place in a compromise with the world, in the Christian Empire. In the final analysis, the brilliant constructive social achievement of Middle Ages' Christianity is the organizational "division of labor" of the Christian conduct of life in which there is a place for the military

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virtues of the nobles, the intellectual imperialism of a man like Thomas (the pre-form and the foundation of the European con­ sciousness of superiority), and the institutionalization of the con­ duct of life in the sense of the consilia in monasticism. What does this grand social creation have to do with a slave morality? Here, it seems to me, it would be better to "remember" a few things. These remarks have been a bit "rambling, " 7 but they were not intended to do anything more than give you an indication of where I think the systematic problems of a philosophy of history lie, and what material, concrete reflections-at least at the moment­ prevent me from accepting Nietzsche's attempt in its totality as exemplary or decisive. But perhaps you will think that what I have said here is naive foolishness. I will mail the copy of your lecture manuscript back to you in the next couple of days. What should I do with your book on Burck­ hardt? I have read it; it is a wonderful, thorough presentation, and I have learned a great deal from it. Should I send it back to you now and ask for it again in a few months ? You seem to be very depressed by your surroundings. If it is any consolation to you, mine are no better, indeed, if anything worse, since there is no possibility of getting away to Cambridge or New York. On the other hand, such an exile also has its advantages; I don't think I could get the amount of work done that I can now were I in the doubtlessly more pleasant surroundings of my friends in New York. With the most cordial wishes, Eric Voegelin I . Original in German. 2. The German Forcierte has been retained because the rest of the sentence is a succinct definition of what the term means in this context. 3. Original in English. 4· The German adjective partikuliire has been translated here and in the other passages in which it turns up in this letter as particular. In each instance it has been used by Voegelin in contrast to universal. 5 . Nietzsche's categories in "Of the Use and Disadvantage of History for Life" ( 1 874). 6 . For Voegelin's views on Schelling's " Potenzenlehre" see CW, 2 5 :208 ff. 7. English in original.

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1 9 1 . To Hermann Broch

Eric Voegelin 903 Camelia Ave Baton Rouge, La. March 30, 1 945 Dear Doctor Brach: I am writing you in English because you might wish to discuss this letter, or show it, to some American friend; and writing it in German would make the procedure difficult. It has been very kind of you to send me a copy of your Memoran­ dum. It is of the greatest interest to me, and I remember quite well when we discussed-a good number of years ago-its forerunner in Vienna. You called on me in the Stadiongasse, at the time. As far as my opinions are concerned, they will be of little impor­ tance in the matter. You know that I am not active in politics-not because I shun responsibilities, or because I am not ardently inter­ ested in it, but because I am profoundly pessimistic with regard to the possibility to do anything that is not futile. There are times in history where you can do nothing but sit back and wait until the plague has reached the end of its stench, and meanwhile try to keep alive and to do your own work to the best of your lights. This pessimism does not mean that I disagree with you on the desirability of a statutory protection for the dignity of man-I be­ lieve that it is an excellent idea. But I doubt that it has the faintest chances of finding acceptance, even in the most diluted form. All I can do, therefore, is to point to a few facts which, in my opinion, will make it impossible for your idea to achieve any measure of success . The center o f your idea i s the infliction o f penalty, after due trial, on persons who hold up anybody else for contempt and hatred. I think that you have touched the decisive point. The incitement to hatred is, indeed, the principal immediate source of civil and inter­ national conflicts in our time. But is such penalization possible? I cannot believe it. Quite beyond the distinction of democracy and fascism, we are living in the age of the "free floating hate waves" (the term is Scheler's; see his revealing little study on The Sources of Hate against Germans 1 ) . There are sources of anxiety in our world, which in its turn engenders hate attitudes which may man­ ifest themselves in mass phenomena on the slightest provocation.

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The hatred developed on such occasions is quite out of proportion to the immediate cause, for the less immediate cause is the anxiety which engenders aggressiveness and hatred. These hate waves are not with us since yesterday. The principal ones of importance for our problem would be the following: ( I ) the proletarian hate-wave against the bourgeois, becoming increasingly important since the middle of the last century; ( 2 ) the release of the British hate-wave against Germany during the General War of I 9 I 4-I 9 I 8; ( 3 ) the anti­ Communist hate waves in the West, released since I 9 I 7 and going on well into the twenties, with their after-effects up to our time; (4) the inner-German hate wave against democracy, bolshevism, Jews, etc. beginning in the early twenties; ( s ) the hate wave against the "aggressor" gaining strength since the middle-thirties, and still increasing. The causes of the hate waves are various. But the fundamental problem of anxiety engendering hate is the constant. Scheler has pointed out as the most important source the general structure of competitive society with its inevitable insecurity of status. What­ ever in detail the causes are: today we are living in the middle of these hate waves; and to a large extent they have become in­ stitutionalized. Here is the real obstacle to a realization of your idea. How is it conceivable that in any of the following cases the protection of human dignity could become effective: ( I ) The Dies Committee clapped into jail for five years because it incited to hatred against persons who have not committed anything unlawful. ( 2 ) Stalin clapped into jail because he says nasty things about the bourgeois and because he permits the Besbozhniki propaganda. 2 ( 3 ) Various English and American political personalities clapped into jail because they incite to hatred against Germans and Japanese even after the war is over. This brings us to the question of the War. In your Memorandum I find the sentence that the gravest crime against the dignity of man is war itself. I am afraid I cannot agree with this proposition. It rests on the assumption that for all real injustices committed against the dignity of man, there is a peaceful procedural remedy in this world. This assumption I consider erroneous . The right to resistance [Widerstandsrecht] is a perpetual problem in the history of mankind, because we are faced by the unpleasant fact that all lawful, procedural order has an inclination to protect the beatus

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possidens. The denial of the right to resistance (and war is after all nothing but resistance on the international scale) is equivalent to the thesis: that the man on top can do what he wants, and the man at the receiving end is a criminal if he expresses his dissat­ isfaction by violence. This does not mean that a specific act of resistance or aggression cannot be entirely unjustified and criminal in its motives; but aggression as such can hardly be considered a crime since it is in too many cases the only means for establishing justice against the beatus possidens who protects the injustice of his conduct by procedural chicaneries. After all, there is such a thing as a bellum justum. If I may summarize: As far as the success is concerned, I doubt that the Great Powers would be receptive to the idea because at the present juncture the hate attitudes have so thoroughly corroded their societies that any general rule of the type you envisage would immediately hit as criminals the government circles of the Great Powers themselves . As far as the substance of your proposal is concerned, I would think that it envisages too narrowly the Fascist types of hatred with their horrible consequences and overlooks the larger problem of violence as an instrument of last resort against in­ justice. Still, if it should not meet with success, your proposal will not hurt anybody; and it might attract the attention of some people to the problem of hatred as the fundamental cause of disorder. Thank you very much, however, for your kindness to let me know of the Memorandum. It gives me some indication of the present movement of your interests and I am looking forward with great expectations to your mass-psychology. I am very happy to learn about the early publication of the "Vir­ gil"-that will be an oasis in a not too pleasant world. With our best wishes for the holidays,

Yours very sincerely, r. 2.

Max Scheler, Die Ursachen des Deutschenhasses (Leipzig: Wolff, 1 9 1 7 ) . Besbozhnik (The Godless), Soviet anti-religious magazine.

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192. To Alfred Schiitz 1

April 2 r , 194 5 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your long letter of the 1 2/ r s th of this month. It is really touching that, despite business concerns and other pressing matters, you found the time to so intensely study "Apostasy. " 2 Your opinion and critique are of the utmost impor­ tance to me. It makes me very happy to see that, in general, you are in agreement with what I have written and find the presentation of the problem convincing. I am especially pleased because the chapter presents the structural principles that govern everything that follows, right up to the present. Let me thank you for your critique in detail. r J First, to the marginalia that mark the passages you find ob­ scure. You will be interested to learn that I also gave the manuscript to an American to read, a man excellent both as a stylist and as a student of English literature, and he found fault with the same passages that caused your misgivings. For him it was primarily a question of the clarity of expression, for you it is a matter of the clarity of definitions ( dissociation, friction, etc . ) . 3 You are entirely right: these passages need to be worked on again, and I will do that. The present deficiencies are primarily due to the fact that I was already in despair over how long the manuscript had grown and therefore tried to express myself as concisely as possible. But that doesn't work, and I will just have to add two more pages. 2 ) To the question about Leibniz. I have to admit that I have not given Leibniz's historical and political writings more than a cursory reading. I have not read Daville4; nor, by the way, is it available here. I will have to wait until summer to read it. But despite that my leaving him out was not entirely frivolous. Since you are par­ ticularly interested in Leibniz, let me explain the omission, and once you know the reasons for it, perhaps you can tell me more about him than you have up to now. In working through these vast amounts of material I must of necessity assume a consensus among scholars �oncerning the current " state" of research. The [scholarly] " consensus " on the Leibniz-Voltaire question that you refer to is as follows: The modern problem of universal history begins with the controversy between Bossuet and Voltaire (some­ thing that perhaps is not really true); Leibniz is nowhere mentioned

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in this connection. The standard work on historiography, with a very extensive bibliography, is Fueter ( 3 rd edition, 1 9 3 6 ) . 5 In Fueter, Leibniz appears in the chapter 11Leibniz and the Scholarly Annal­ istic in Germany" as part of the methods of the Maurists. 6 He is characterized as follows: 11It would be incorrect to assume that Leibniz, in contrast to the Benedictines, had understood or ana­ lyzed history philosophically. His treatment of history has nothing in common with the historiography of the Enlightenment. That he more closely examined the historical tradition than had been common up to that time in Germany may perhaps be attributed to the influence of his mathematical and philosophical training. But as a critic he differed only slightly from the French scholars who for the most part were trained in the Cartesian tradition. The socio­ logical, national-economical, and political problems that were later addressed in Enlightenment historiography were entirely foreign to Leibniz. " 7 Concerning Daville, Fueter says: "Unfortunately Daville is not even sufficiently familiar with the historical achievements of his own countrymen and therefore does hot always correctly judge Leibniz's position in regard to the historical writing of his time. " These remarks from Fueter are the general reason why I did not look into Leibniz more closely. But besides that, I also had a particular reason: Leibniz is the author of a memorandum to Louis XN in which he recommends the conquest of Egypt, in part to finally eliminate the Turkish threat, in part to secure France's position vis-a-vis the maritime powers (the conquest of Egypt and Syria would make it possible to get control of India), in part to secure for the French crown the arbitrium universale of the Western world and, as a consequence, of the entire known world of the time. The memorandum has an interesting history. It was in the archive of the French Foreign Ministry, and Napoleon's contemporaries generally believed it to have been the inspiration for Napoleon's expedition to Egypt. I only know the memorandum in the form of a seventy-page excerpt in an English pamphlet of r 8o 3 . But the principal passages are also quoted in Latin and the excerpt itself appears credible to me. The pamphlet leaves no room for doubt that, for Leibniz, 11uni­ versality" meant the universality of the European Empire: not in the sense of a monarchia universalis, which he explicitly rejects, but the universality of Western-Christian civilization under the political leadership of a hegemonic power. The following considera­ tions made the Egyptian expedition seem a necessity to him: a) The

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French expedition of Louis the Holy, who had understood that the possession of Egypt is the strategic key to the control of the Levant (at that time, of Jerusalem); b) the Manchu conquest of China in 1 644 that revealed the military weakness of the Asiatic empires. ­ Naturally it is not impossible, but it would nevertheless be amazing if a man preoccupied with these ideas should, in addition, have also busied himself with the concept of universality in Voltaire's sense of the term. In itself the passage from the Nova Methodus, I, 3 9, says very lit­ tle. 8 The expression historia universalis was common at the time; the question is what meaning an author attributes to it. In the case before us it appears to me that the meaning is explained by §4o: Tertium sit historiae, tum universalis, tum in specie sacrae etJ status mundi praesentis. Here history is the entirely conventional sacred and profane, and "universal" history designates the survey of the plurality of "particular" histories. There is no indication of the problem of a universal, non-Christian, construction of meaning, at least not in this connection. These are the reasons that up to now have kept me from looking more deeply into Leibniz's historical works, perhaps unjustifiably. In any case, this summer I will look into Daville. And I would be very grateful if you could give me some further references that would lead me to the right passages. 3 ) I read your objections to the concept of sentiments with great pleasure. Of course: Here we are again back at our constant prob­ lem. But perhaps it's better to wait until summer to talk about it; the matter is so complicated. Let me just say something briefly about the relationship to Pareto. Pareto's starting point is the same as mine. But the systematization is different: For Pareto it is the attempt to develop a generalizing sociology under the regulative idea of a "law"; for me it is the attempt to develop a pneumatology of history. Thank you very much for the "Homecomer. " 9 Naturally the es­ say interests me very much as an attempt to apply a conceptual scheme, which you developed at a higher level of abstraction, to a concrete problem. To the extent that I am able to judge it, the attempt appears to have been completely successful. What I admire in particular is your ability to translate the problem into American terms and fit your language to the needs of your audience. I hope you will not hold it against me that the points which interest me 430

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the most are perhaps for you of only secondary importance. For example, the fact that in our time the homecomer, but not just the homecomer, encounters extremely difficult problems in his attempt to adapt because the commercial and public machinery for falsifying reality (movie, radio, press, etc) l0 puts up a barrage of illusion that must be penetrated before he can even confront the unavoidable, normal, difficulties. Also, I view the general social­ psychological categorization of "adjustment/' "adaptation/' 11 etc., not just in the light of its theoretically inadequacy, but primarily as an expression of the perfidious immorality that proceeds from the premise that the " environment" 12 is something that one has to adjust to, and which does not permit the question of whether the " environment" itself might not be ripe for a revolution, and whether the homecomers might not do better to let the "environ­ ment" adapt itself a bit to them, etc. As to whether you should join the Political Science Association, I would say that's a matter of taste. It's no particular honor. If you have $ 5 you don't need I would think you could better invest it elsewhere than in the very questionable Association journal. Just fourteen days ago I had the comparable honor of being invited to join the Sociological Society; I politely declined. Please give me a few days to find the [Ernst] Grunwald manu­ script. I can't imagine that I don't have it, since everything that looked like a manuscript was packed back in Vienna. But there are entire boxes that I have not opened in years and I don't know what's inside them. I will look into the matter as soon as I can. Thank you very much for going to the trouble of so thoroughly reading " Apostasy. " With the most cordial wishes, Yours, Erich Voegelin r. Original in German. "Apostasy, " in CW, 24:3 1-70. 3 · Dissociation and friction were written in English. 4· Louis Daville, Leibniz historien: Essai sur l'activite et la methode historiques de Leibniz (Paris, 1 909; repr. Aalen: Scientia-Verlag, 1 9 8 6 ) . 5 . Eduard Fueter, Geschichte der neueren Historiographie, 3rd ed. (Munich and Berlin: R. Oldenburg, 1 9 3 6 ) . 6. The term Maurist refers t o a French Benedictine congregation named for Saint Maurus, who, according to legend, introduced the Benedictines into Gaul. On the Maurist contribution to historical writing and methodology, see Fueter, Geschichte, 3 ro-r 2; on Leibniz, ibid., 3 1 6- 1 8 . 2.

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7 - Ibid., 3 ! 7 . 8 . Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Nova methodus discendae docendaeque iurispru­ dentiae ( r 667). 9 · Alfred Schutz, "The Homecomer/' in Alfred Schutz, Collected Papers, val. 2, Studies in Social Theory, ed. and intra. by Arvid Brodersen (The Hague: Martinus Nijoff, 1 9 64), r o6-I 9 . ro. Movie and radio were written i n English. I I . Originals in English. 1 2 . In each instance in this paragraph Voegelin has used the English word envi­ ronment.

1 9 3 . To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

May 2, 1 945 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your letter from Charlottesville and for The Growth of German Historicism 2 with your very kind dedica­ tion. Let me first say that in the same post I received an unbound copy to review for the "Journal of Politics. " Should I send you the unbound copy so that you can make use of it elsewhere, or perhaps send it directly to an address that you give me? And now for the book itself: I am ecstatic. Beside all the de­ tails of content, it is a truly lovely book; it is not just knowledge for the sake of knowledge but reveals the enjoyment3 of explor­ ing a problem, with a rigorously economic use of the materials so that the subject's essential elements emerge. The contrast be­ tween Humboldt's individualism and that of the Romantics is very clearly brought out. Equally successful is the presentation of the differences between the historical drama of Hegel and Marx, and Burckhardt's contemplation of human nature's timeless elements. I particularly enjoyed the irony in the treatment of Marx (especially the conclusion). Of the full portraits, Ranke appears to me to be the most impressive. -I am sure you can appreciate how very impor­ tant the entire work is to me just now amid my amateurish efforts to deal with the problem of historicism. On Hegel I would be grateful to you if you could clear up a techni­ cal point. For the Philosophy of History you used Lasson's edition; 4 I always use Brunstad's-for no other reason than it happens to be the one I own. 5 There seems to me to be some differences between the two editions. For example, on page forty-five, footnote two, you say that the sentence you quote in the text appears at the 432

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end of the book in Lasson but [that] in the English translation it is found at the end of the introduction. In Brunstiid it is also at the end of the introduction. In addition, on page forty-four, you quote from the section "The Wars against the Persians. " In your book, in English, the passage reads: "In the history of the world the value of the deed is decided not by the formal valor displayed, but by that which corresponds to the importance of its object." In Brunstiid the sentence reads: "In world history, it is not the formal bravery, not the so-called merits, but the value of the object that is decisive for the fame of the deed. " You see that in the English translation "fame" disappears and the sentence takes on a different meaning. I would very much like to know whether your quote in English is the correct translation of the text edited by Lasson or whether it was taken from an English translation of The Philosophy of History. Naturally, if the various texts reveal such significant differences, it becomes essential that one compare them. The affair with the " surrender" was wonderful. Just now we also heard [illegible] . The image of the president who sits at the radio waiting to hear what he should speak into it is superb. And then the call to Eisenhower at 3 a.m., which presumably bore the message that a surrender will not be taken at 3 a.m. because that is something done after breakfast. And the wonderful San Francisco Conference where the diplomats learned of the developments from the newspaper ( except Molotov: the only one who knew for certain that nothing of importance would be found in the newspapers that he didn't already know and who therefore did not take part in the hysteria) . That is a tableau worthy to be described by a Burckhardt. Do you know where you will go to the countryside in June? If it's in the vicinity of Boston or New York perhaps we could meet? Once again, my heartfelt thanks for your lovely book. With very best wishes, Yours r.

Original in German. Friedrich Engel-Janosi, The Growth of German Historicism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1 94 5 ). 3 · Enjoyment was written in English. 4· G. W. F. Hegel, Vorlesungen iiber die Philosophie der Weltgeschichte, ed. Georg Lasson (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1 9 1 7 ). 5 . G. W. F. Hegel, Vorlesungen ii ber die Philosophie der Geschichte, ed. and intro. by Friedrich Brunstiid ( Leipzig: Reclam, 1 924). 2.

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1 94. To Robert Harris

Cambridge, Mass. 20 Sumner Road August 1 0, 1 94 5 Professor Robert J. Harris Department of Government Louisiana State University Baton Rouge, La. Dear Bob: Thanks for your letter of August 6 . Concerning the matter of MS I just missed an opportunity but I still can catch it. Yesterday I had lunch with Kaporvich, and he told me among other things that he had an unpublished article on Bakunin. As always on such occasion, I did not think of the most obvious and forgot to ask him whether you could have it for the Journal. He is on weekend now. But I can see him on Monday or Tuesday in the Club. Concerning the Schelling, 1 my motive for suggesting it was the following. I have the insolence of believing that it is a really good piece of work. There is nothing in English on Schelling worth men­ tioning, and not much in German either for the reasons detailed in the MS itself. It might be desirable to have such a presentation handy; and I am sure I cannot have enough reprints as soon as the thing is out, just as in the case of that first Nietzsche article. If it should look to you, however, too longish, or too philosophical for the Journal, there is still the MS on " Nietzsche and Pascal . " 2 It is unfinished and when it is finished it will be rather a book. But while it is unfinished, it is well rounded. One might call it "Studies on Nietzsche and Pascal, " and add at the end a line in italics: "This series of studies will be continued at a later time. " I am not using this MS for the "History; " it is only preparatory. Well typed copies (by Mrs. Wogan) are at home, and Lissy knows where they are; you can get a copy from her any time if the thing interests you. The MS is completely finished, footnotes checked, etc., nothing would have to be done on it. Please, don't worry about the money affair. I'll pull through, of course, and the deficit will [be] quite as great in September as it is now. We can see if something can be done when I am back. You wrote on the 6th. In the last four days the world has changed 434

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quite a bit. But I do not care to write in a letter what could be said about these developments . You will understand why. With all good wishes to you and Dashiel, Yours cordially, r . "Schelling, " in CW, 2 5 : 1 9 3-242. 2. "Nietzsche and Pascal, " in CW, 2 5 : 2 5 1-3 0 3 .

195· To Herman Broch 1

September r o, 1 945 Dear Mr. Brach, I returned home two days ago from several months of work in Cambridge and found your Virgil here with your very kind dedica­ tion to us. Today your letter with the revised project of the "Law for the Protection of Human Dignity" arrived. Let me first thank you for Virgil. I immediately read part one­ "The Water. " Please do not expect me to make any comments on it for the moment; they would be too quickly spoken. I gave myself over entirely to the lyricism of the monologue and only occasionally paged back to read several passages again in isolation. At the present I only know that it is not just a great literary work but a great work of mysticism as well. If you will permit a dilettante in literary matters to express an opinion, I will be glad to write you later when I have read the work thoroughly. I am very touched that you took the remarks I made in April so seriously that you felt obliged to revise your project. As it now stands I have no objections, but my doubts concerning the possibil­ ity of it being realized remain. But that is not an argument against publication. Beyond the question of the project, however, there remain a num­ ber of points upon which I would be grateful for the opportunity of hearing your views. Your historical remarks imply a view of the problem of democracy that differs widely from my own. Most likely this is the reason for our very different positions on practi­ cal questions. For example, you assume that the American Con­ stitution is democratic. Historically this appears doubtful to me. The movement for a constitution first gained momentum after 1786 (the year of Shays' Rebellion) as a measure on the part of 43 5

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the oligarchy to prevent the impending democracy. And despite the democratization of voting rights, the ancien regime charac­ ter of the oligarchic organization has remained. I believe that the oligarchic character of American society is what accounts for its powers of resistance to so-called "fascism." On the other hand I would classify the German form of fascism as a genuine demo­ cratic movement that is no longer inhibited by the standards of the ancien regime. Nor do I think that Lincoln's common m an is a source of democracy. Lincoln was a seeker, which means a religious aristocrat who projected his own character into that of the common man. Empirically this is false because, in fact, the common man is what we call a fascist today. When Hitler and Mussolini claim that they represent true democracy, I fear that they're right. Out of the confusion of this problem emerge such things as Mussolini's claim that Renan was a prefascista. Renan had correctly diagnosed what would happen when universal suffrage gave the common man the power to rule. He therefore recommended that a French gentry be established along the lines of corporate representation and given voting privileges in order to weaken the voting power of the people. In the context of the historical conditions this idea was correct because, at that time in France, r 87o, the problem of a people's majority made up of the rabble of the working class and the middle class had not yet arisen. When however, fifty years later, the same project is carried out under the conditions of the new middle-class society, it is no longer an elite that emerges, as Renan intended, but a democratic rabble. But these are complicated matters that can hardly be discussed in a letter. In the meantime, warmest thanks from my wife and from me for Virgil. I.

Original in German.

1 96. To Alfred Schiitz 1

September 1 7, 1 945 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your letter of September 9th. I am look­ ing forward with great anticipation to " Multiple Reality. " 2 I read the essay in a periodical room at Harvard and bitterly complained to

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Winternitz that I had not received an offprint. Unfortunately, due to lack of time, I could only give it a cursory reading and I don't know much more than that the beginning gives an excellent summary of your position in Sinnhaften Aufbau 3 and that the further analy­ sis excellently differentiates the various levels of reality. So please send me a reprint as soon as you have one so that I can study the treatise more closely. -As I read your article it occurred to me that the journal is taking on a rather strange appearance. What is dear Farber up to, to let your article be followed by this horrible Russian meditation on dog spit? 4 The articles are not without interest, inso­ far as they demonstrate that the dear Russians have now progressed up to John Stuart Mill. But beyond that, these people should create their own journal for this trash. Gurwitsch also found it depressing. As far as your other articles are concerned, especially "Tiresias" 5 and "Choice and Decision, " 6 I would like t o know if I could perhaps see such manuscripts in "preview/' 7 if they have progressed to the point that you have extra typed copies of them. It would do me a lot of good if, once in awhile, I could see works that are more disciplined than my own extravagancies. It made me happy, and put my mind at ease, to learn that you were pleased with "Schelling" 8 and, in general, found it acceptable (indeed even lucid) . In these technical-metaphysical things I am always a bit uncertain because: r ) I am an autodidact and never know what horrible mistakes I may be making, completely un­ aware that I am making any mistake at all, and 2 ) the interpretation I offer differs somewhat from those of professional philosophers, even from the interpretation of a man like Tillich. As usual, with great acumen you have identified the weak points. The introduction to chapter two (Modern Man) is indeed a failure, and the question where I should place the section on phenome­ nalism drives me to distraction. Since the matter is not merely of interest from the standpoint of the technical presentation but also from the perspective of a philosophy of history, let me explain it. The three chapters you have seen (Apostasy, Modern Man, and Speculation) belong to part Til of volume Til. This third part bears the title "Revolution" and covers the period from 1 700 until the death of Hegel. I began to write the third volume just after I had finished the volume on the Ancient World. But after I had completed the r 6th and 1 7th centuries I ran into difficulties with Rousseau that I was unable to solve because I knew too little about the Middle ·

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Ages. At that point I wrote the part on the Middle Ages, let the I 6th and nth centuries stand as they were, and began anew with the I 8th century. And here is where the technical problem of pre­ sentation comes in: Up to noo I was able, in the main, to pro­ ceed chronologically, taking, in turn, one thinker after another. But this becomes impossible in the I 8th century because the secular political problematic, with which political theorists in the more restricted sense of the term are concerned, continually intersects with the developments of the post-Christian intra-mundane escha­ tology. But the history of eschatology can only be treated in broad overviews such as, for example, the leap from Bruno to Schelling or, in the survey of the problem of nature, from Poggio to Tycho Brahe. If I were to neglect writing such summarizing passages, the history of political ideas would dissolve into a general European history of ideas. Thus, in the part on " Revolution, " I must somehow find a way to bring together the concrete chronology of Vico, Mon­ tesquieu, Hume, Rousseau, Kant, etc., with the chapters on escha­ tology and history that span centuries. -And now a further mal­ heur has arisen. It was my intention to summarize the larger part of the material on eschatology in one chapter on Modern Man . But, what happened? By the time I had reached Tycho Brahe the chapter was already forty pages long. This originally conceived chapter on Modern Man has now been divided into four chapters. I ) Modern Man, which you have; 2 ) a chapter on intra-mundane natural an­ thropology, in which I intend to include Montaigne, Herbert of Cherbury, Charron, Descartes, Pascal, and Locke; 3 ) a chapter on the origin of the concept of the organism and the problem of race; and 4) the chapter on Speculation, which you have. At present I plan the following arrangement for part III: Apostasy Modern Man ( I 6th century) Natural Anthropology ( nth century) Historiography (From Vico to Herder) The concept of the organism Utilitarianism (From Mandeville to James Mill) Rousseau and Kant French Revolution ( Phases of the Revolution, Paine, Burke, Godwin, Babeuf, Humboldt, Necker, Fichte, etc. ) Hegel Speculatio

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Thus, as you can readily see, the section on phenomenalism moves into the last chapter of part III, as the prelude to part IV, The Crisis. That's the best solution that's occurred to me up to now in order to improve its position within the chronology. As far as the matter itself is concerned, I want to keep it in the context of Speculation. It seems to me important, especially for a general history, to demonstrate right down into the organization of the material itself that problems that have attained mass relevancy are by no means the objectively relevant ones and that, therefore, at such an important juncture they do not deserve a chapter devoted to them exclusively. The history that matters is found in Hegel and Schelling, Kierkegaard, Bakunin, Marx, and Nietzsche, and not in Darwinism, economic liberalism, and similar phenomena that dominate the public scene. Were one to reverse this relationship one would do something the equivalent, say, in a history of ideas of Greece in the 4th century, of putting Plato in a corner and bringing into the center a dozen questionable rhetoricians who had won mass approval. -Indeed, the introduction to chapter two cannot be used. I only left it there because I do not yet know how the matter will develop. I will only rewrite it when I am certain about what it is to be an introduction to. Your question: "How is it possible that a hundred thousand people can be killed in Hiroshima and Nagasaki due to the fundamental assumption of phenomenalism? " is of principal importance. The entire "History;' is based on this problem. Ideas, especially political ideas, are not theoretical propo­ sitions concerning reality but part of reality themselves. I discussed the reality-character of ideas in the introduction to volume one under the term of "Evocation. " 9 Let me give you a few concrete examples that have gained mass relevancy. I J If the Germans talk long enough about being " encircled, " in the end the encircling will become a reality. 2 ) If the Western democracies talk about German aggression long enough, in the end the Germans really will turn aggressive. (By the way, as long ago as 1 9 1 7, Scheler discussed this connection in his study on the The Origins of the Hate Against Ger­ mans 10 and predicted future German aggression as a consequence of the English war propaganda. J Or, applied to phenomenalism: If one insists long enough that the only knowledge of reality we have is that which can be known through the categories of natural science, then the reality of moral substance does indeed disappear, and the bombs are the result. It is this connection between the idea and 439

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the reality it evokes that, in my opinion, leads to a problem of a history of political ideas in the first place. And it is only under the assumption of this connection that we can define as symptoms of a civilization's " decadence" such phenomena as, for example, Darwinism, classical theoretical economics, the Viennese school of economics, the epistemology of the Marburg school, or psychoanal­ ysis. The " decadence" consists in the fact that realiter "theories " of this kind dissolve the substance of national and civilizational societies. In this sense, for example, "The Enlightenment" is the great phenomenon of destruction in the Western World. And in the same sense, Hitler may be counted an essential component of the Enlightenment along with Voltaire, while, on the other hand, Nietzsche, who recognized the problem for what it was, belongs to the history of resistance to the destruction of civilization, de­ spite the Darwinian and Enlightenment aspects of his thought. You see how important this connection is for the classification of phenomena. I have thought about your suggestion that I publish the chapter on phenomenalism separately in Farber's journal and with that in mind have looked at it once again. My impression is that the de­ tails are so intimately integrated into the problematic of Bruno and Schelling that they would lose their effect in isolation. I would have to write a lengthy introduction in which I explained the problem of substance. But I just don't have time for that now. I want to forge ahead and, if possible, finish it by spring. In any case I thank you very much for the suggestion. -By the way, the article on dog spit gave me a very malicious idea. Among other things this summer I finished the chapter on revolutionary existence; in it I have a completely self-contained piece of fifteen pages on Bakunin's Confession. 1 1 That should be offered to Farber for publication in order to improve the Russian diet. Of course I am only jesting; he couldn't publish it because then the Towarischi he took such pains to get to subscribe to the journal would cancel their subscriptions. Nevertheless, it would amuse me to hear what he has to say about the suggestion. I have enclosed a Note on Holderlin. 12 It is part of the appendix to the chapter Speculation and has the function of explaining to some extent the appearance of the Dionysius-Christ idea and the idea of a new mythology. If you are still interested in the manuscript you are welcome to 440

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keep it. I have had the finished manuscript typed. But a mistake has occurred in regard to Copernicus. In Harvard I corrected the quotations by consulting the first edition of De revolutionibus. It's only a few words, entered in pencili unfortunately I forgot to transcribe them onto the main manuscript. You now have the text with the corrections. If you would return the pages on Copernicus to me for a day I would be very grateful; and perhaps also the following ones on Bodin's Theatrum Naturae. I vaguely recall a Copernicus passage there that also includes a correction. I would return the pages to you right away. I would very much like to have the essay by Koyre, if you can part with it for awhile, but please send it by registered mail. Such reprints are so valuable these days. Of course I am very much up in the air concerning these matters. I was very happy that when Felix Kaufmann was in Cambridge he looked at the pages on mathemat­ ics and, except for one small change, found them acceptable. It's a shame that we were unable to meet in New York. Unfor­ tunately my return ticket was only valid till the 9th; otherwise I would have stayed on. I hope you were able to rest and restore yourself; in any case your letter seems to have been written [while you were] in a good mood. With the most cordial greetings, Erich Voegelin I. Original in German. 2. Alfred Schutz, "On Multiple Realities, " Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 5 ( 1 945 ) : 5 3 3-7 6 . Cf. Alfred Schutz, Collected Papers, vol. I, The Problem of Social Reality, ed. and intro. by Maurice Natanson, with preface by H. L. Van Breda {The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1 9 6 7 ), 207-5 9. 3 · Alfred Schutz, Der Sinnhafte Aufbau der sozialen Welt: Eine Einleitung in die Verstehende Soziologie (Vienna: Springer, 1 9 3 2 ). English: The Phenomenology of the Social World, trans. G. Walsh and F. Lehnert (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, I 9 6 7 ) . 4 · E . Airapetyantz and K . Bykow, "Physiological Experiments and the Psychology of the Subconscious," Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 5 ( I 94 5 ) : 5 77-9 3 . 5 · Alfred Schutz, "Tiresias, o r Our Knowledge o f Future Events, " i n Collected Papers, vol. 2, Studies in Social Theory, ed. and intro. by Avrid Brodersen (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, I 9 64), 277-94. 6. Alfred Schutz, " Choosing among Projects of Action, " in Collected Papers, I :67-9 6 . 7. The English word i s Voegelin's. 8. Eric Voegelin, "Schelling, " in CW, 2 5 : 1 9 3-242. 9· See "Voegelin's Introduction to the 'History of Political Ideas, ' " appendix A in cw, I 9 : 2 2 5 -3 7 · I O . Max Scheler, Die Ursachen des Deutschenhasses: Eine nationalpiidagogische Erorterung ( Leipzig: Neuer Geist Verlag, 1 9 1 7 ) .

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SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 9 4 9 r I . This material became part of a larger text, "Revolutionary Existence: Ba­ kunin, " which is part of volume 7 of Voegelin's History of Political Ideas. The title of the volume itself is Crisis and the Apocalypse of Man. Cf. CW, 2 6 : 2 5 1-302. 12. "A Note on Holderlin, " in CW, 2 5 :243-50.

1 97. To Alfred Schiitz 1

October 6, 1 945 Dear Friend: Your letter of September 2 1 containing the manuscript and Ko­ rye's treatise, and the reprint of your "multiple reality " 2 arrived at just about the same time. I regret that today is the first opportunity I have had to reply. The delay was due to various pressing tasks, the start of the semester, and most of all to the need to read your treatise carefully and think it through. During my first cursory reading of "Multiple Realities" in Cam­ bridge I felt it to be an excellent philosophical work with implica­ tions that go well beyond what you were able to say explicitly in the brief space allotted to you. It is this aspect of the work (the concise­ ness of what is stated explicitly and the wealth of implications) that creates certain difficulties for the critical reader. In order to judge just how far your arguments carry, the reader must develop them further. However in such extrapolations misunderstandings can easily occur. Therefore, please take everything I say as expressed with the reservation that I am willing to retract it, and maintain the opposite, if you tell me that in my attempt to understand you I have taken the wrong path. Let me begin with an issue in which a misunderstanding is hardly possible: the question of a plurality of finite provinces of meaning is a genuine philosophical problem. The same is true for the problem of the different constitutions of the provinces of meaning and, also, the matter of the connection of these provinces to one another in human existence. By raising these questions you break with the restriction that confines philosophy to a theory of knowledge. You reclaim the totality of the constituted provinces of meaning and postulate that the method of philosophizing must be judged by the solution it offers to this comprehensive problem. In the way you proceed, it seems to me of particular value that you do not bind yourself to the traditional classifications of epistemology, philoso­ phy of art, etc., but, instead, formulate the problem generally as that 442

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of the constitution of the various provinces of meaning. In this way you do justice to areas that are usually systematically neglected, such as everyday life, illusions, dreams,_ etc. Another point appears to me to be very important, although you do not accentuate it: By reconnecting [Riickverbindung] the many constitutions to the human being's existence as a whole you overcome Husserl's unpleasant problem of phenomenological solipsism. With this, it seems to me, you have overcome the im­ passe of the Cartesian Meditations. 3 This achievement in itself appears to me to be of the utmost importance for the development of the phenomenological method. Thus, in principle, we find ourselves in agreement and I can only congratulate you on this development of the problems, which ap­ pears to me to go far beyond your previous position. Nevertheless as I read the treatise I had a few misgivings in regard to details­ or let's say, not misgivings, but questions that could hardly be an­ swered within the confines of your concise exposition. Primarily, I am not sure that your concept of the everyday world is sufficiently differentiated. If I have correctly understood you, the essential de­ terminants of this province of meaning are the concepts of "gear­ ing" action into the external world of time and space, "attention a la vie, " "full awakeness, " 4 and-a very essential restriction-the "mature" human being. I have no objections to the details of your analysis; but precisely as the result of your careful analysis and its richness, it appears to me that a very important internal structure [innere Gliederung] of this area emerges which, with slight shifts in accentuation, pervades the terminology of the treatise. The first class of problems in this area is occasioned by the animate corporal­ ity [Leiblichkeit] of the human being and, as the condition for main­ taining life, the integration of bodily existence into the structure of the external world of the space-time continuum. A second class of problems, also richly structured in itself, results from the fact that this integration not only plays a role in maintaining animal life but also serves the purpose of giving the conduct of life a structure of meaning [ Sinn-Stil] which is determined by levels of meaning that differ from those at the level of animal life. The higher levels of meaning so intimately pervade and shape the spheres of action within the structures of the world of space-time that it appears to me that the sphere of everyday life, with the scope you attribute to it, can hardly be isolated, not even methodologically. In your 443

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treatise the problem arises because, on the one hand, you offer the excellent description of integration into the spatia-temporal sphere and, on the other hand, in the latter parts of the essay, you bring the term "pragmatism" very much into the foreground. But this term, so it seems to me, implies an element of the "rational" bestowing of meaning on life that, in itself, has nothing to do with the problem of integration into the spatia-temporal sphere. In another passage the problematic manifests itself in your reference to " enclaves" in the everyday world. But let's look at an outline of the problem of spatia-temporal integration. I ) The child. I am not entirely satisfied that you let the everyday world be determined by the adults. With this restriction a num­ ber of fundamental types of integration concerned with the bod­ ily sphere are either neglected or simply taken for granted. Most important, I miss the human's primary act of integration into the world by being born. To this act must be added integration through feeding and digestion (it would be interesting to analyze a hungry baby's crying in terms of "in-order-to" and "because" motives). And then there is the integration by the bodily movements of crawling and walking etc., which you deal with in part under the term of "manipulation. " And, finally, the sexual functions with their acts of integration into the spatia-temporal environment [ Um welt] . 2 ) A further level is given in the extension of the body's radius of action by means of the structures of integration provided by tools and weapons. At the level of elementary tools the constancy of the types of integration is still very high, if not quite as high as it is in the animal realm: After all, there are such cultural curiosities as groups that are unfamiliar with the screw or the wheel. Here, it appears to me, is a decisive line of demarcation in the structure of the everyday world. Systematically you have quite correctly emphasized that the structure of the pragmatic sphere is also determined by " angst. " That is to say: Acts in the sphere of the everyday world serve the purpose of maintaining life and are motivated by the fear of death. However, as you have thoroughly demonstrated, this "angst" can express itself in the constitution of very different provinces of meaning: for example, in contempla­ tion, in the creation of art, in imagination, and in dreams . And at this point it appears to me that the problem of the everyday world seamlessly passes over into the other provinces of mean­ ing. Beyond a very narrowly defined pragmatic area of integration 444

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into the external world-which seems to me to be determined by our animal nature and our use of basic tools-the problem of the maintenance of life takes on a breadth of form possibilities that encompasses the entire span of the civilizational variations found in human history. This breadth of variations is created by the pen­ etration of the higher level areas of meaning into the pragmatic sphere; the breadth of variations is also possible in terms of the economy of life [vitali:ikonomisch] because little is required from the higher spheres to maintain life and because significant amounts of fantasy and other nonsense can be permitted to flow into the pragmatic sphere without the individual dying as a result. The question is complicated by the fact that the human indi­ vidual does not confront the task of shaping his life tabula rasa. At birth he enters into a particular historical and social structure located in space and time. In order to live as an "adult" in this place he cannot construct a personal culture on the basis of the minimum provided by animality and basic tools, but must find the means of making a living in historically developed forms, whether he likes them or not. To this extent, for him, the socio-historical "environ­ ment " 5 is a "nature" which he can alter only in inessential ways and into which, on the whole, he must integrate. If we call this so­ cial force, which is as unyielding as nature itself, a "quasi-nature, " then we have to say that your terminology of a "natural attitude" is insofar warranted as the quasi-natural reality confronts us with the same demand that nature does, namely, that we integrate, under threat of death if we do not. To this extent the other provinces of meaning can quite correctly be typologically designated as "the others " and be defined against this background. But if the language here is not further qualified, the term "pragmatic" will merely ob­ scure the quasi-natural character of the civilizational content that lies beyond the animal level and the level of basic tools. And the "civilizational content" of the "natural" environment is the region where the " other" realities overlap with the "genuine" natural structure. None of this is an objection to your analysis of the constitution of the everyday world. My remarks are only intended to raise the question of whether one should perhaps differentiate between the problem of the "body in the world" as the foundation of human ex­ istence, and the very richly differentiated levels of meaning-from the taking in of nutrition to the communication of a thought-that 445

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are connected to this foundation. Were one to carry out this differen­ tiation, the sharp dividing line that you draw between the everyday world and the other realities would disappear and the existential connection, for example between thought and act, would become clearer. For example, the following sentence of yours surprised me somewhat: "That is why-from the moral and legal point of view­ I am responsible for my deeds but not for my thoughts . " It stands in contradiction to the entire history of Christian-Western ethics and its secular derivatives. The corollaries to the Ten Commandments in my school catechism most emphatically maintained that sins and moral responsibility are not limited to the deed but extend to the thought as well, a position based on the entirely correct insight that the "thoughts" in desires and daydreams actually create the psychic dispositions that can lead to undesirable "integrations" into the everyday world. Indeed, in the sphere of the law, which in general is certainly limited to " external" actions, the "thought, " the motive, plays a role in the classification of the criminal facts of the case and in determining the severity of the punishment. The question is also important for the analysis of provinces of meaning in which highly complex interpenetrations of the every­ day world with other realms of meaning are palpably present. It would, for example, be a very interesting problem to determine how during the late Middle Ages the constitution of the province of meaning changed in the transition from experimental magic to experimental science. Contrary to a widely held view, the experi­ ment is not the specificum of scientific method; it is precisely this method of experimental verification with its integration into the spatia-temporal world that rational natural science has in common with rational magic. I don't want to venture a final judgment, but it appears to me that the contrast between magic and science lies, not in a difference of rationality, in the sense of an adequate in­ tegration into the structure of the everyday world (which, besides that, is itself the result of the scientific attitude), but rather in the shift of relevance [criteria] of a mythical type. -Another interest­ ing question is that of the "psychic life of primitives, " I have the suspicion that Levy-Bruhl, with his thesis of "alogism, " has failed to grasp the problem in principle. Further I have an objection to the use of Bergson's attention a la vie with its grades of inten­ sity as the instrument for differentiating the provinces of meaning. Again, a genuine problem is being addressed, but it seems to me

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that Bergson's attention6 is not sufficient to deal with it. Take, for example, an alternative thesis like Santayana's "Rausch" of life (he uses the German word). 7 For the " tension" of the human attitude in the everyday world Santayana emphasizes the animal commitment to integration, which may have a very high degree of intensity but, in individual cases, may also have a very low one. In any case, it does not appear to me justified to differentiate the grades of intensity of the a ttention a la vie between, say, the Aristotelian bios theoretikos and the rhetorician's attention to life in the public forum. There are qualitative differences involved in these [modes of life], and each is capable of a differentiation of intensity. Certainly there are differences in intensity between Napoleon and a union official, just as there are differences between Kant and a professor of philosophy. But there is also the very delicate problem of differ­ ences in intensity between provinces of meaning. That becomes immediately clear, for example, in Oscar Wilde's dictum: "Anyone can make history. Only a great man can write it. '' 8 Here we have the great Occidental problem of the contemptus mundi, i.e., the attitude that the world is indeed the necessary basis of human existence but that precisely at the point where the attention a la vie becomes more intense the world must be assigned its appropriate and subordinate place in the psyche's economy. In this perspective the surrender to the by no means uninteresting variants of integra­ tion into the everyday world appears as a divertissement from the more important provinces of meaning whose constant attending to requires concentration. In conclusion let me say that for a personal and a methodological reason I am very interested in the question of "sub-universes . " 9 One important sub-universe i s the area of political action, and in the introduction I based the History on the thesis of just such a province of meaning. 10 To designate this province I chose the concept of the " cosmion . " (The term is from Adolf Stahr, who in his The Ways of Faith dealt intensely with the question of a sub-universe. ) 1 1 The term cosmion appears to me to be especially appropriate for the political province of meaning because here it is an empirical fact that in the actual [sich abspielend] constitutions meaning [Sinngebung] is bestowed in analogy to cosmic order. The political cosmion is a cosmic analogy. The matter becomes crucial with the question of the attribution of meaning [Sinngebung] in the political realm. How are the, in your sense of the term, pragmatic 447

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series of actions related to the cosmo-analogical myths which, as bestowers of meaning, are built into the pragmatic series of actions? At this point another problem also becomes crucial: that the types of action and institutions that have been suffused with the myth become a "quasi-nature" and, for the politically acting person born at a specific place and into a specific time in the course of history, [these types] are experienced as an unquestioned pre-given struc­ ture of the everyday world. Therefore you can well imagine how much your approach [Fragestellung] interests me. There are a number of other very interesting questions: for exam­ ple, your excellent remarks on the unconscious in psychoanalysis; or the question whether the province of meaning of the " dream sleep" exhausts the problem of sleep and how, perhaps, the Indian problematic of the "deep sleep" could be integrated here; the ques­ tion of experiences that can be remembered and those that cannot: (for example, how would you deal with the certainly meaningful experiences that make up the structure of Proust's Recherche du Temps Perdu ? ); or with the question of whether Husserl's contin­ uous intentionality of the stream of consciousness (which I don't deny) exhausts the problem of the life of the human psyche, etc? But that is too much to deal with in letters; once again I can only lament that we are geographically so far apart that we can't discuss these issues thoroughly. We had a terrible heat wave for fourteen days, but it has cooled off now. In addition there are football games, and the distinguished war hero Chennault 1 2 (a Louisiana man) will be honored-in my absence. With very best wishes from both of us to you and your wife Very cordially yours, Eric Voegelin I . Original in German. 2. Alfred Schutz, "On Multiple Realities, " Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 5 ( 1 94 5 ) : 5 3 3-76 . 3 · Edmund Husserl, Cartesian Meditations [ 1 9 3 1 ), trans. D. Cairns (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1 9 8 8 ) . 4· Gearing, attention ii l a vie, and full awakeness are Voegelin's words, quoting Alfred Schlitz. 5 . Original in English. 6. Henri Bergson, Matiere et memoire: Essai sur la relation du corps a ]'esprit, 24th ed. (Paris: Librairie Felix Alcan, 1 9 2 8 ) . 7 · English: intoxication. 8. Oscar Wilde, " The Critic as Artist, " scene I .

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9· Original in English. r o. See "Voegelin's Introduction to the 'History of Political Ideas,' " appendix A in cw, 1 9 : 2 2 5 -3 7 · r r . Adolf Stohr, Wege des Glaubens (Vienna and Leipzig: Braummiiller, 1 92 1 ). 12. Claire Lee Chennault ( r 89 3-1 9 5 8 l .

I 98. To Henry B. McGurdy

October 8, I 94 5 Mr. Henry B. McGurdy The Macmillan Company 6o Fifth Avenue New York, I I , N.Y. Dear Mr. McGurdy: I should like to tell you about the progress which the "History of Political Ideas" has made during this summer at Harvard. At the same time I should like to raise a few questions which may be of interest, now that the political elements of the situation have changed decisively. During the summer I was able to add some 200 MS-pages to Vol­ ume III: The Modern World. My estimate that the end might be in sight some time in the earlier part of I 946 still stands. Furthermore, I have done the footnote-work on Volumes I and II (Ancient World, and The Middle Age). The secretary is now retyping the respective pages and fitting the notes in. Volumes I and II will be finished in clean typescript, as far as I am concerned, in about a week or two. My questions concern date and mode of publication. One retard­ ing factor, the unclear political situation, has now disappeared. I have no longer hesitations concerning the final formulation of this or that problem of current interest. Whether the second retarding factor, the paper shortage[,] is overcome I do not know; but I gather, from what I read in the papers, that it will be overcome at the latest in a few months. Since for reasons of my position and career I have a lively interest in publication at the earliest possible date, I wonder whether you could let me know your opinion concerning your plans for publication under the changed circumstances. From conversations with colleagues and from reactions from scholars who have read parts of the MS, I gather that the treatise would not be a success only for the more staid reason that it will be the standard-treatise in the field, but also because the approach and the 449

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presentation will meet with considerable interest far beyond the circles who are professionally interested in a work of this kind. The work is more than a mere history of theories; it has become a com­ prehensive, systematic critique of politics and modern civilization, of general interest. I should like to raise, therefore, now again the questions which have formerly had to remain in suspense. Should the whole work be published at a time? Or would it make a bigger splash (because of repeated reviews) if one volume were to appear after the other, at short intervals ? And should, if the latter policy would seem prefer­ able, the publication of Volume I be delayed longer than absolutely necessary for technical reasons ? You would oblige me greatly if you could let me have your views of the matter. With my best regards I am, Yours sincerely, Eric Voegelin 199· To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

November r , 1 94 5 Dear Friend: I again owe you thanks for two letters-from the r 8th and 29th of October. What you say about the possibility of writing letters to Vienna interests us very much. I immediately wrote to Fiirth2 to find out more details. Just today Lissy received a Red Cross Letter from her parents (2 5 words), dated August 2 1 st. It contains the brief message that they are " still" alive and weigh 4 5 and 6o kilograms. Everything else can be imagined when one reads that. We don't believe that their plight is the result of a lack of money but is probably symptomatic of the general state of things in Vienna. Naturally we want to establish contact, if at all possible, and see if we can help. Unfortunately, at the moment even Red Cross letters to Austria have been discontinued. I am sorry to hear that Rothfels3 does not have a permanent po­ sition. I am afraid that I cannot give much information concerning opportunities. You know how complete the isolation between de­ partments is. I do not even know for sure what things are like in our history department. But my general impression is that within a year 450

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the number of students everywhere will grow considerably and that there will be a great dearth of personnel. It should be possible under such conditions to find something. In political science I know that it is now almost impossible to find anything. We expect that within a year a great competition will begin among the various universities and the departments will fill up again. Comte has begun to give me cause for concern. I don't know any­ thing about his interest in Joachim of Floris or of the antecedents of such an interest in French history. In general the details are unclear to me concerning the manner in which knowledge of Joachim of Floris is continually renewed. The only fixed point I have is the republication of his works in Protestant circles at the beginning of the I 6th century. That proves that I ) knowledge of the works must have been kept alive by someone, and 2 ) that the continued interest was apparently in Protestant circles rather than in Cath­ olic ones. Schelling got his knowledge from a history of Protes­ tantism. Is there perhaps a continuous interest within the Francis­ can tradition-perhaps a literature in that tradition? I don't know if I wrote you that this summer, more or less by accident, I came across Comte's early writings (from the I 82o's ) . I had not read them before and found that all his later ideas are present in this much more pleasant shorter form. Comte republished them as volume three of the Politique positive in order to prove that his later turn to religion was not an " afterthought" but already present in his early program. It is a great relief to me that you think the chapter on Schelling will do. Naturally, in organizing such a large amount of material a lot can go wrong without one being aware of it. But your praise! I must say, if you continue it, by the time I finish, I might really imag­ ine that I am a historian. Fortunately, as a counterweight, I have around me the materials that I have collected and am reminded daily of what an infinitesimally small part of the problems I am really on top of. Your point concerning the periods of Schelling's writings is unfortunately well taken. I did not go into the periodiza­ tion, and therefore my picture of Schelling seems perhaps more rounded than is actually justified. You will have noticed that I sup­ port my investigation with the works beginning with The Essence of Human Freedom and only occasionally refer to earlier works. Around I 8 07 the form of the system begins that characterizes the "late" Schelling and remains constant until his death. Admittedly, 45 I

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however, the "late Schelling" begins at the age of twenty-nine. I limited my selection of writings in this way because the earlier works did not contribute anything essential to bringing forth the development of the problem of speculation. Perhaps I will discuss the earlier Natural Law4 in connection with Fichte's and Hegel's concern with Natural Law. At the moment I am at work on "Utilitarianism. " That is a mad­ dening piece of business because the works are so lousy and there­ fore difficult to analyze. I would like to deal with the entire mess from Bentham to John Stuart Mill in a few pages. Unfortunately, since this is an Anglo-Saxon matter, I can't. With the most cordial wishes from both of us to you and Frau Cadette, 1. Original in German. Josef Herbert Fiirth ( 1 899-1 9 9 5 ) . 3 · Unidentified. 4· Friedrich Wilhelm Josef Schelling's "Neue Deduktion des Naturrechts" was published in 1 7 9 6 . 2.

200. To Eleanor Lansing Dulles

Mrs. Eleanor Lansing Dulles c.o. American Embassy Vienna, Austria (through Foreign Service Mail Room) State Department 5 5 I Walker Johnson B[ld]g. Washington, D.C. November I , I 94 5 Dear Eleanor: Ewan Clague was recently in Baton Rouge and he was kind enough to tell us that you are, at present, attached to the American Em­ bassy in Vienna. I do not know, of course, how great your freedom of movement and action is in Vienna; nor whether your official duties will leave you the time to do me the favour which I am going to ask you-still, let me put the following request to you. Perhaps, there is something you can do without too much inconvenience. 45 2

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Both my wife and I, we have relatives in Vienna who seem to be in a rather deplorable situationi and we have no means of even corresponding with them since the Red Cross has stopped the trans­ mission of the 2 5 -word-letters to Austria. Just today we received the last Red Cross letters from my wife's parents, aged 6 5 and 67 respectively, telling that they are still alive, weight 45 and 6o kg. I wonder whether it would be possible for you to establish a con­ tact with them through some welfare agency (or whatever possibil­ ity there is), and get some information about their situation. Also, whether it would be possible to assist in any way. As a matter of fact, I doubt that their plight is due to a lack of moneyi it is probably rather a symptom of the general situation. Still, if anything could be done by money, I would be glad to reimburse any immediate help that could be extended to the amount of $ 1 00.-. The name of my wife's parents are: Ulrich Onken and Betty Onkeni their address is: Vienna, III-40, Arenbergring 8/5 . -You would oblige me greatly, and particularly my wife, by anything you can do in the matter. With all good wishes, I am, Yours very sincerely

20 1 . To Howard E. Kasch

Howard E. Kasch Assistant to the Editor Encyclopaedia Britannica 2 North Wacker Drive Chicago, 6, Ill. November 1 3 , 1 94 5 Dear Mr. Kasch: Please find enclosed the article on Georges Sorel. 1 Your limit of 200 words caused a headache. As a matter of fact I needed 3 00, exclusive of the enumeration of Sorel's works and the bibliography. I just could not get the most elementary information into a smaller number. If you can do something by editing, it is alright with me, provided you let me see the result before it goes to press. 45 3

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 9 4 9

This was my complaint as an author. In my capacity as a reader, I should like to say that Sorel is one of the great figures of the Western Revolution, ranking with Marx, Bakunin and Lenin. He should be accorded the same space as the others. It is strictly impossible to convey any idea of the importance of Sorel in an article of such briefness. Presumably you have your strict limits in your revision­ ary work, and nothing can be done now. But if a new edition of the "Britannica" should be made in the future, I would suggest that Sorel needs an article of three to four columns-May I remark inci­ dentally that your present article on Bakunin is entirely inadequate since it does not take into account the publications of Bakunin's works in the '2os and ' 3 os of this century-partly from the files of the Russian Third Section. As for personal data, which your folder requests the author to furnish, I think it will be sufficient to indicate my present position: Associate Professor of Government, Louisiana State University. With my best regards, I am, Yours sincerely, Eric Voegelin I.

The article was not published; nor has a copy been found.

202. To Friedrich Engel-Janosi 1

March 1 3 , 1 946 Dear Friend: Thank you very much for your letter of the r oth of this month. The rhythms of our bad consciences seem to proceed along parallel lines, and I would have written you today even if your letter had not arrived. As a matter of fact, I started to write you yesterday evening but grew too tired to continue. But I also think I have more reason to feel bad than you do, since I have the vague suspicion that I owe you a letter. Unfortunately I can't check whether I do because there's such a mountain of work on my desk that at the moment things that go back two months are hopelessly buried. The news from Vienna still comes quite sparingly. Most of what we know we learned from Dr. Neumann, who was once a student of mine in constitutional law. He is a lieutenant, visited Vienna briefly, and met with various people, including Verdross. What he 454

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9 - 1 949

writes is very depressing: Russian plundering, rape, famine, etc. But, despite everything, he finds that a certain amount of intel­ lectual initiative has managed to survive in Austria, whereas in Germany, he describes the people as being exhausted and in a daze. He has sent me a few snapshots: the graves of Russian officers in the Volkspark, horrible giant granite monoliths with the burnt out Burgtheater in the background; a photo of the side of the university that faces the Ringstrasse in which one can see that the part that housed the law faculty has been gutted by fire. He writes that the staircase that leads to the Law Faculty has collapsed; the seminar and the center of studies have not been damaged; one gets upstairs by going through lecture hall 3 3 that is full of debris. -That, of all people, Madam Patzelt has been retained but Brunner2 is not allowed to teach is a scandal. I have the most unpleasant personal memory of Madam Patzelt as being a particularly vulgar Nazi.3 Since the Red Cross letter of August last year we have not had any direct news of Lissy's parents. Indirectly we have established con­ tact with them through a gentleman from Switzerland with whom we are otherwise unacquainted. Apparently they are having a terri­ ble time, but we have no details. We have sent packages through the Hudson Shipping Company, but we don't know if they have arrived. Since postal service was resumed Lissy has written every 14 days, but she has not yet had an answer. Air mail is still not permitted­ but you know all this yourself. The only comical note was a request by Verdross, conveyed to me through Dr. Neumann, that I agree to let an article of mine that was already set as the Nazis came and then not published, appear now in the "Journal for Public Law. " 4 I am very sorry that the review o f German Historicism 5 has not yet appeared; I don't know why it hasn't. Up to now I have not insisted because the review editor Rankin was a gentleman very much conscious of his own dignity. It's different with Key; I am on friendly terms with him, and since I have to write him anyway I will ask him, in passing, what has happened to it. The occasion for our friendship was a review of Schuman's Soviet Politics that I wrote for him. 6 He liked it very much and it includes a few things that I think would interest you too. (I have enclosed a carbon copy: please return it to me at your convenience. ) I have not mailed a reprint of Bakunin7 because I am broke and only ordered a few, but the text is identical with the manuscript you have. 45 5

SELECTED CORRESPONDENCE, 1 9 24-1 9 4 9

Thank you very much for the reference to Alexander I. Recently an article on the question appeared in the Journal of Slavic Studies. It seems pretty certain that he and the Starez Ivan Kusmich, who died in Siberia sometime in the r 8 s os, were one and the same per­ son. At the moment my interest in the matter has flagged, since the point that would have interested me was whether the abdication of the tsar had any influence on the notion of "going to the people"; but it obviously played no role in that movement. Besides these things the reason for my long silence is the con­ tinually growing amount of work that has to be done. I want to finish the History and am simultaneously at work on various parts. The piece on "Modern Man, " with which you are familiar, has been redone and now comes after Bodin at the end of the I 6th century. The section on Bruno has been removed from the chapter on Schelling and placed at the end of " Modern Man. " The chapter that was to deal with the Idea of Nature from Montaigne to Herbert of Cherbury is now at the beginning of the part on the nth century. In this way I have created a better balance of the various parts of the third volume. "Apostasy" is now directly followed by a chapter on the "Model Polity" that deals with the differentiation [of the spiritual substance] into national states that took place in England, France, and Germany, and then goes into detail concerning the English structure of ideas in the 1 8th and early 1 9th centuries. "Machiavelli" will also be revised; a piece on the Arte della Guerra will be added because, in the meantime, the military-theoretical problems that lead from Machiavelli to Clausewitz have become clearer to me. Between the 27th and the 3 0th of March I will be attending a meeting of the Political Science Association in Philadelphia. I tried to figure out a way to stop over in Washington, but the train schedules just don't permit it. That's a shame, because it means that we'll have to wait until June to see each other. I have $ s oo for the summer and am hoping for more from another source. Lissy is doing well. Thank God this winter she did not have trou­ ble with her back again, although it was touch and go for awhile. Naturally her parents' situation weighs heavily upon her and the continuous isolation in Baton Rouge is also not good for her. She will accompany me to the East this summer. My, how time passes: Laleine 8 about to graduate from high school ! What does she want to do, attend college?

LETTERS, 1 9 3 9 - 1 949

With very best wishes from both of us to you, Frau Carlettej and Laleine. I . Original in German. 2. Otto Brunner ( I 8 9 8- I 9 8 2 ) . 3 - Erna Patzelt ( I 894-I 9 8 6 ) . S e e Friedrich Stadler, ed., Kontinuitiit und Bruch 193 8-1945-1 9 5 5 : Beitziige zuz osterreichischen Kultur- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte (Munster: Lit Verlag, 2004), I 42-4 3 .. 4- See Voegelin, "Zu Sanders Allgemeiner Staatslehre, " in Oste11eichische Zeit­ schrift fiir offentliches Recht, n.s. I, no. Y2 ( I 947): Io6-3 5 · English translation: "On Sanders General Political Science, " in CW, 9 : 1 2 6-60. 5- See Voegelin, "Review: The Growth of German Historicism, by Friedrich Engel-Janosi (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, I 944), " in CW, I 3 : I 29-3 1 . 6 . See Voegelin, "Review: Soviet Politics: At Home and Abroad, by Frederick L. S