The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production in Michoacán, Western Mexico 9781407313801, 9781407343419

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Table of Contents
List of Figures
Acknowledgements
Chapter I: Introduction
Chapter II: Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective
Chapter III: Geographic and Cultural Background of Western Mexico
Chapter IV: Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland
Chapter V: Salt as a Factor for the Expansion of the Tarascan Empire
Chapter VI: General Conclusions
References Cited

Citation preview

BAR S2725 2015

The Salt of the Earth

WILLIAMS

Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production in Michoacán, Western Mexico



Eduardo Williams

THE SALT OF THE EARTH

B A R 2725 Williams cover.indd 1

BAR International Series 2725 2015 02/06/2015 12:20:01

The Salt of the Earth Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production in Michoacán, Western Mexico

Eduardo Williams

BAR International Series 2725 2015

ISBN 9781407313801 paperback ISBN 9781407343419 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407313801 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Contents Acknowledgements������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ vii Chapter I Introduction���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Perspectives and Goals of this Research������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Salt: An Indispensable Element for Life������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 7 Salt Production in the Old World������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 7 Salt Production in Central and Southern Mesoamerica������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 10 The Basin of Mexico������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 13 Puebla������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 25 The Maya Area���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 27 Conclusions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 32 Chapter III Geographic and Cultural Background of Western Mexico����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 34 The Geographical Setting���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 35 Western Mexico’s First Inhabitants (ca. 20,000-1500 BC)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 36 Early Formative Period (ca. 1500-900 BC)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 36 Late Formative Period (ca. 300 BC- AD 200)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 38 Classic Period (ca. AD 300-900) ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Epiclassic (ca. AD 700-900) and Postclassic (ca. AD 900-1521) Periods�������������������������������������������������������������������� 43 The Study Area during Colonial and Recent Times������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 45 Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 48 Salt Production in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 48 Geographic and Cultural Background of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 48 Salt Production in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin: Sites and Material Culture������������������������������������������������������������������� 50 Implications for Archaeology����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 67 Salt from Lake Cuitzeo as a Strategic Resource on a Regional Scale���������������������������������������������������������������������� 70 Salt Production on the Michoacán Coast���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 72 Geographic and Cultural Background of the Michoacán Coast������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 72 Salt Production on the Michoacán Coast: Sites and Material Culture���������������������������������������������������������������������� 74 Implications for Archaeology ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 86 Salt Exchange and Trade Networks�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 91 Ethnohistorical Information Related to Salt Production in Michoacán������������������������������������������������������������������������ 95 Ancient Saltworks and Exploitation Techniques������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 98 Salt Production in Jalisco, Colima, Nayarit and Guerrero������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 101 The Pacific Coast North of Colima������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 101 Cuyutlán, Colima ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 101 The Sayula Lake Basin, Jalisco������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 103 The Coast of Guerrero and the Balsas River Region���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 110 Summary and Conclusions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 113 Chapter V Salt as a Factor for the Expansion of the Tarascan Empire���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 117 Background����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 117 Trade, Tribute and Transportation within the Tarascan Empire���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 The Market�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Long-Distance Trade����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 120 The Tribute System������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 122 Circulation of Rare and Strategic Resources within the Tarascan Empire������������������������������������������������������������������ 123 Obsidian������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 123 Metals���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 124 Turquoise���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 125 Conclusions����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 128 Chapter VI General Conclusions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 130 References Cited�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 134 i

List of Figures Figure 1. Making salt in Western Europe during the early modern period, according to Georgius Agricola’s De Re Metallica (1556). A: Wooden dipper. B: Cask. C: Tub. D: Master. E: Youth. F: Wife. G: Wooden spade. H: Boards. I: Baskets. K: Hoe. L: Rake. M: Straw. N: Bowl. O: Bucket containing blood. P: Tankard that contains beer (Adapted from Harding 2013: Figure 1.2). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Figure 2. Map of central and western Mesoamerica, showing the main salt-making sites mentioned in the text. ���������� 11 Figure 3. Map of the Basin of Mexico, showing the lakeshore in the early 16th century and the major towns around the lakes (adapted from Parsons 2001: Figure 1.2). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 Figure 4. Vessel of the Texcoco Fabric Marked ceramic type, used for salt-making in the Basin of Mexico during the Postclassic period (adapted from Parsons 2001: Figure 7.1). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 14 Figure 5. Cross-section of a feature called pila, used in Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico, for leaching earth to produce brine (adapted from Parsons 2001: Figure 2.3). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 Figure 6. Plan of a salt-making workshop in Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico (adapted from Parsons 2001: Figure 2.11). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 17 Figure 7. Plan of a hut used for boiling brine to produce crystallized salt in a workshop in Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico (adapted from Parsons 2001: Figure 2.10). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 18 Figure 8. Salt-makers bring salty soil to the workshop using donkey and cart (Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico, 1988. Photo courtesy of Jeffrey Parsons). ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 18 Figure 9. Salt-maker digging out soil for leaching in order to make crystallized salt (Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico, 1988. Photo courtesy of Jeffrey Parsons). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 Figure 10. Adding old brine to the soil mixture to facilitate the leaching process (Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico, 1988. Photo courtesy of Jeffrey Parsons). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 Figure 11. Preparing a new pila using a wooden mallet to harden the sides of the pit (Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico, 1988. Photo courtesy of Jeffrey Parsons). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 20 Figure 12. General view of a salt-making site in Chacahua, on the coast of Oaxaca, showing a well, probably used to obtain salty water (foreground), a tapeixtle or filtering device (behind the well), the round solar evaporation pans (in the middle), and the salt-makers’ hut on the left in the background (photo courtesy of David Grove)���������������������������������� 23 Figure 13. Solar evaporation pans, with a tapeixtle and a mound of leached earth in the background (Chacahua, on the coast of Oaxaca. Photo courtesy of David Grove) ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 24 Figure 14. Filtering device or tapeixtle and tank for collecting brine (Chacahua, on the coast of Oaxaca. Photo courtesy of David Grove).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 24 Figure 15. Partial map of the Maya area, showing the main salt-making sites mentioned in the text. The shaded areas in the north of the Yucatán Peninsula and on the southwestern Pacific coast show the areas of greatest concentration of saltworks (adapted from Andrews 1997). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 Figure 16. In Stingray Lagoon, Belize, brine was boiled in pots over fire using clay cylinders as support (adapted from McKillop 1995: Figure 10). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 30 Figure 17. Map of Western Mexico showing the archaeological sites mentioned in the text (for Michoacán, see Figure 19). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 34 Figure 18. Main lake basins and rivers of Western Mexico. Shaded areas indicate interior drainage basins including major archaeological sites: (1) Capacha; (2) Chupícuaro; (3) El Opeño; (4) Ihuatzio; (5) Loma Alta; (6) Loma Santa María; (7) Pátzcuaro; (8) Queréndaro; (9) Teuchitlán/Etzatlán; (10) Tinganio; (11) Tres Cerritos; (12) Tzintzuntzan; and, (13) Urichu (base map adapted from Tamayo and West 1964: Figure 4). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 36 ii

Figure 19. Map of Tarascan territory showing the extent of the Tarascan Empire and the main archaeological sites. The outer broken line shows the greatest extension of the Tarascan Empire. The inner broken line shows the extension of the empire around AD 1522 (adapted from Pollard 2000: Figures 5.1 and 6.2). ������������������������������������������������������������������� 45 Figure 20. Map of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, showing the main towns where salt was produced or paid as tribute, the archaeological sites, and modern towns (for the location of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin in Michoacán see previous figure).������������������������������� 48 Figure 21. Salt-making unit called finca in Simirao, Lake Cuitzeo Basin, showing all features and work areas. ����������� 51 Figure 22. Filtering device called estiladera used to leach earth with water from the thermal springs found in the finca. Note the mounds of leached earth accumulated on both sides of the estiladera���������������������������������������������������������������� 52 Figure 23. Drawing of an estiladera showing its constituent parts. An estiladera is usually around 2 m high. Inside there is a layer of earth near the top, then a layer of two kinds of grass (fine and rough), and below a kind of sieve made with small sticks called a sedazo. The bottom of the estiladera rests on top of a thick wooden plank called queso, placed on a trough-shaped basin made from a hollowed-out log called a banco, into which the brine falls. �������������������������������������� 53 Figure 24. Estiladera under construction. Note the wooden planks and tree trunks used for support������������������������������� 53 Figure 25. Abandoned estiladera, in process of disintegration after many years of disuse. It is resting on the terrero, or mound of leached earth. ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 54 Figure 26. A salinero standing in front of the wooden troughs called canoas, made of hollowed-out tree trunks and used for solar evaporation of brine. The sack on top of the canoa contains crystallized salt. �������������������������������������������������� 54 Figure 27. Pouring brine into a canoa, where it will be evaporated by the sun to become crystallized salt. ������������������� 55 Figure 28. A finca in Simirao, showing the major elements of a “salt-making landscape”: in the foreground we see the prepared ground surface, ready for use as tierra picada (i.e. pecked earth). In the middle are the heaps of tierra picada, in the background are the canoas and mounds of leached earth (tierra tirada) called terreros.��������������������������������������������� 55 Figure 29. A salinero standing in the finca, with many small mounds of tierra picada and one large mound of tierra tirada (left background). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 56 Figure 30. Well and canal used to take natural thermal water from the underground water table to the fincas. �������������� 56 Figure 31. Taking water from one of the wells in the finca. This thermal water has a high mineral content; it will be used for leaching the earth to produce salt. ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Figure 32. The canals used to take water from the wells or springs to the fincas are sometimes “fossilized” by the water’s high mineral content. �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Figure 33. The sack called guangoche was traditionally made of maguey fibre; it is used to carry earth in the finca.���� 58 Figure 34. Pots called chondas, used for carrying and storing brine. They were replaced by plastic buckets some 30 years ago (scale in centimetres). ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Figure 35. Making a chonda in a potter’s workshop in Zinapécuaro, Lake Cuitzeo Basin. The neck of the pot is being formed by hand. ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 59 Figure 36. Making a chonda in a potter’s workshop in Zinapécuaro. The pot is smoothened with a piece of cloth while the clay is still wet. ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 59 Figure 37. Mound of leached soil, called tierra tirada, which is discarded after leaching, to be used once again for making salt (see also next figure). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61 Figure 38. Tierra tirada is taken out of the mound of leached soil, or terrero, to be recycled as part of the salt-making process, after being mixed with tierra picada (the small mounds on the right of figure). ������������������������������������������������ 61 Figure 39. Salt-bearing soils are extracted from the surface of the finca using a hoe. The soil will be heaped up as a small mound of tierra picada like the ones seen in the photo. ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 62 iii

Figure 40. A salinero using the guangoche (sack made of maguey fibre) to carry the prepared earth (a mixture of tierra picada and tierra tirada) inside the finca. �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 62 Figure 41. Walking on top of the estiladera to compact the earth more before leaching. ������������������������������������������������ 63 Figure 42. Amount of earth (tierra tirada mixed with tierra picada) put into the estiladera daily (measured in wheelbarrow loads, each one of ca. 100 kg). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 63 Figure 43. Pouring salty water from the springs on the soil inside the estiladera, to begin the leaching process.������������ 64 Figure 44. Taking earth out of the estiladera after leaching. The discarded earth will be heaped on top of the terrero. �� 64 Figure 45. Amount of water from the thermal springs in Simirao that is put into the estiladera daily (measured in buckets, each one of ca. 18 litres). �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65 Figure 46. Canoa with crystallized salt. Note the wooden slats and rocks used to cover the canoa in case of rain. �������� 65 Figure 47. Amount of salt produced weekly by each finca in Simirao (measured in sacks, each one of ca. 65/70 kg). �� 66 Figure 48. Gathering salty soil, known as tequesquite, which is used as cattle feed. The earth is gathered with a wooden slat called tejamanil (Estación Queréndaro, Lake Cuitzeo Basin)......................................................................................66 Figure 49. Abandoned mound of leached earth, called terrero. The salt-making landscape around Araró and Simirao is dotted with these earth formations. ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 67 Figure 50. Canal used to take water from the wells or springs to the fincas. It has been “fossilized” by the high mineral content of the thermal water and will remain for decades or centuries as evidence of salt-making. ������������������������������� 68 Figure 51. Features excavated in the bedrock: shallow pans of irregular shape that may have been used for solar evaporation of brine, found near Chucándiro, western Lake Cuitzeo Basin. Measurements: a) 2.59 x 1.80 m; b) 3.14 x 1.90 m (partial view); c) 3.38 x 1.83 m. ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 69 Figure 52. Map showing several archaeological sites around the towns of Araró and San Nicolás Simirao in the eastern end of Lake Cuitzeo, surveyed by the author in 2003. ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 71 Figure 53. Pre-Hispanic potsherds found on the surface around the towns of Araró and San Nicolás Simirao (see previous figure). Some of the local pottery types may have been used in the salt-making process in pre-Hispanic times. ����������� 71 Figure 54. Map of the coast of Michoacán and Colima, showing salt-producing sites, archaeological sites, and modern towns. ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73 Figure 55. Map of the area around La Placita, on the coast of Michoacán, showing the modern town, the lagoons or estuaries, salt-making sites (circles), and archaeological sites (triangles). ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 Figure 56. A wooden feature called tapeixtle, used for leaching earth to make crystallized salt at La Placita, on the Michoacán coast.����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 76 Figure 57. Drawing of a tapeixtle showing its constituent parts. This wooden structure, whose Nahuatl name means “bed,” consists of a flat platform made of branches and reeds supported by tree trunks.������������������������������������������������������������ 76 Figure 58. Tapeixtle under construction at La Placita. Although this is an activity reserved primarily for men, women and children may also take part, as shown here. ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 77 Figure 59. Carrying salty water in buckets from the estuary to the salt-making site. Clay pots were used for this task in ancient times, and gourds called balsas until some 60 years ago (see Figure 70).������������������������������������������������������������ 78 Figure 60. Solar evaporation pans, known as eras in La Placita. Note the salinero collecting salt in the background, the mound of crystallized salt at left, and the brine in all the eras.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 79 Figure 61. Map of a production site at La Placita, known as a plan, indicating the major features and work areas. ������� 79

iv

Figure 62. The cayuco (part of the pod or husk of the palm tree) is used to gather crystallized salt in the era. Note the mound of white salt in the era at right. ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 Figure 63. A new coat of lime plaster is applied to each era every year at the start of the salt-making season. �������������� 81 Figure 64. Preparing the lime plaster to be applied to the eras. In the past, salt-makers had to buy lime from producers who made it by burning limestone in kilns. ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 81 Figure 65. New coat of lime applied to a taza (the tank where brine is stored after trickling down from the tapeixtle) to make it waterproof. ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82 Figure 66. The salt evaporation pans (or eras) at La Placita receive a new coat of earth covered with lime plaster every year at the start of the salt-making season. This results in several layers or strata, which may be used to determine how many times each feature was used. ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82 Figure 67. The paleta is a wooden slat used to spread the earth-lime mixture on the era. ����������������������������������������������� 83 Figure 68. The menapil is a wooden instrument used to smooth the surface of the freshly-made era. ���������������������������� 83 Figure 69. Polishing the surface of the era with a stone to make it waterproof. ��������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Figure 70. Balsas or vessels made of gourds, used in the past in salt-making sites around Cuyutlán, Colima, and in coastal Michoacán (Museo de la Sal, Cuyutlán, Colima). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 84 Figure 71. Once the salt has crystallized in the evaporation pan, it is taken in a basket (called chiquihuite) to a spot near the eras where the mound of salt will lie under the sun to dry completely.����������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Figure 72. The huiriles, or sacks, are used to take the earth from the beach to the salt-making site at La Placita. Horses make this job easier. ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Figure 73. The gata is a wooden implement with iron nails underneath used to loosen up the earth in order to make it easier for the salineros (salt-makers) to pick it up.���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 86 Figure 74. Mounds of leached earth, known as terreros. They are an indication of salt-making activities at La Placita and in many other salt-making sites along the coast of Michoacán, Colima, and elsewhere on the Pacific Ocean coast. ����� 89 Figure 75. The terrero is a mound of leached, discarded earth formed by the earth thrown around the tapeixtle after each salt-making operation. ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 89 Figure 76. Abandoned eras at Salinas del Padre, on the Michoacán coast. These features are still visible after several years of disuse.���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 90 Figure 77. Clay vessel made in Maruata, a Nahua town near the salt-making sites on the Michoacán coast. Pots like this one may have been used for salt-making in ancient times (scale in centimetres). ����������������������������������������������������������� 91 Figure 78. Clay vessels used in salt-making in recent times in the Cuyutlán, Colima, saltworks (Museo de la Sal, Cuyutlán) (scale in centimetres). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 91 Figure 79 a-e. Making a pot in a potter’s workshop in Maruata, on the Michoacán coast; a) The bottom half of the pot is formed using a convex mould called moldero; b) shaping the vessel’s body using both hands; c) smoothing the surface of the pot with a corn cob; d) shaping the neck and rim of the pot; e) giving the final shape to the pot before drying and firing. ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 Figure 80. Map of Tarascan territory during the Protohistoric period (ca. AD 1450-1530), showing the major towns identified in the area (adapted from Pollard 2011: Figure 1). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 95 Figure 81. Hypothetical reconstruction of salt-making techniques used in Michoacán during the 16th century, according to the Relaciones geográficas (adapted from Reyes 1993: Figures 4 and 5). ������������������������������������������������������������������� 99 Figure 82 a-b. Round features made of pottery, used for salt-making in ancient times in the Lake Sayula Basin (adapted from Valdez and Liot 1994, p. 289). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 106 v

Figure 83. Salt-making pottery types from the Lake Sayula Basin: a) Cuencos burdos (rough bowls); b) Cajetes rectos Amacueca (Amacueca straight bowls) (adapted from Liot 2005: Figure 1).������������������������������������������������������������������ 107 Figure 84. Salt-making pottery types from the Lake Sayula Basin: a-k) Cuencos hemisféricos con líneas rojas (Hemispherical bowls with red lines); l-o) Cuencos salineros Sayula (Sayula salt pans) (adapted from Liot 2005: Figure 2).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108 Figure 85. Salt-making pottery from the Lake Sayula Basin; a) bowl with reed-mat impression on the bottom; b) bowl with coating of cream-colored clay and traces of straw (adapted from Valdez et al. 1996b: Figure 10). ���������������������� 109 Figure 86. Salt-making pots excavated by Carl Lumholtz in the late 19th century near the town of El Reparo, to the south of the Lake Sayula Basin (adapted from Lumholtz 1986, Vol. II, p. 315). ��������������������������������������������������������������������� 110 Figure 87. Pre-Hispanic features (combustion pits with ceramic vessels) linked to salt production in the Lake Sayula Basin (adapted from Liot 2000: Figure 83). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 110 Figure 88. Salt-making site on the Guerrero coast (adapted from Quiroz Malca 1998: Figure 6).����������������������������������111

vi

Acknowledgements

The research on which this book is based was conducted between 1996 and 2003. During those years, I received help from several people, and financial support from various institutions, which are mentioned below. First and foremost, I would like to express my gratitude to the salineros (salt-makers) of Simirao and Araró (Lake Cuitzeo), La Placita and Salinas del Padre (coastal Michoacán), and Cuyutlán (Colima). The potters of Zinapécuaro and Maruata are also thanked for their help during my research. Several colleagues, who sadly are no longer with us, commented on my work and made very useful suggestions: Phil Weigand, Brigitte (Brixie) Boehm, and Juan Carlos Reyes. Part of this research was conducted in the Centro Histórico Ex-Convento de Tiripetío, Michoacán (Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo). I would like to express my sincere thanks to the Universidad Michoacana for its financial support during my stay at Tiripetío (May to August, 1998), which was made possible by Dr. Carlos Herrejón, President of the Colegio de Michoacán at the time. I also thank Armando Escobar, former Director of the Historical Centre at Tiripetío, for his hospitality and help in many aspects of my research. The bibliographic research on salt production in Mesoamerica was carried out at the Middle American Research Institute, Tulane University (New Orleans, Louisiana), where I spent six months (from September 1998 to February 1999) thanks to a Fulbright Fellowship and a grant from Mexico’s Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología. My deepest appreciation goes to Dr. Dan Healan and Dr. Wyllys Andrews for their hospitality and assistance during my stay at Tulane University. Dan and Nancy Healan, and Ruth and George Bilbe gave me their friendship and a large dose of southern hospitality during my unforgettable stay in New Orleans. I would also like to thank the Universidad de Colima for its financial support of my fieldwork on the Michoacán and Colima coast, undertaken between April and May, 2000. This was made possible by the late Dr. Beatriz Braniff, then director of the Centro de Estudios Antropológicos del Occidente, Universidad de Colima. The Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc. (Famsi) supported my fieldwork at the Lake Cuitzeo Basin during the spring of 2003. The following scholars read the manuscript in whole or in part, and gave helpful suggestions: Anthony P. Andrews, Dan M. Healan, Lorenza López Mestas, Jeffrey R. Parsons, Helen P. Pollard, Juan Carlos Reyes, Otto Schondube, Michael E. Smith, and Phil C. Weigand. David Grove provided valuable information about the saltworks on the Oaxaca coast. Last but by no means least, thanks are due to the salineros and potters named below, for their help during this research. Lake Cuitzeo Basin: Guadalupe Ávalos (Simirao), Felipe Ávila (Simirao), Salvador Ávila Razo (Simirao), Romualdo Ávila (Simirao), Abdón Ayala (Simirao), Fulgencio Ayala (Simirao), Elías Calderón (Simirao), Gilberto Calderón (Simirao), Israel Nieves Calderón (Simirao), José Espino (Araró), Tomás González (Simirao), Lucio Heredia (Araró), José Luis Jiménez (Araró), Miguel Baldomiano López (Araró), Martín Solís (potter, Zinapécuaro), José Socorro Tena Heredia (Simirao). Michoacán coast: Jesús Aguilar (La Placita), Felipe Carrasco Cárdenas (Salinas del Padre), Adolfo Duarte Martínez (Salinas del Padre), Victorina García (potter, Maruata), Luis González Valladares (Salinas del Padre), Francisco Gregorio (La Placita), Ezequiel Mares Martínez (Colola), Lucas Miranda Alcaraz (La Placita), Gregorio Rosales (La Placita), José Guadalupe Rosales (La Placita), José Valdez Miranda (La Placita). Colima coast: José Martínez Navarro (El Ciruelo), Salvador Pascual Fernández (El Ciruelo), Ramón Ramos Guzmán (El Ciruelo), Trinidad Rodríguez (El Ciruelo), Gabriel Rodríguez Vázquez (El Ciruelo), Alberto Vázquez (El Ciruelo), Rubén Yerena (San Buenaventura). Eduardo Williams Jacona, Michoacán, 8 May 2014

vii

Chapter I Introduction

This book is an updated and revised English version of the book, La sal de la tierra: etnoarqueología de la producción salinera en el occidente de México, published by the Colegio de Michoacán and the Secretaría de Cultura del Estado de Jalisco (Zamora and Guadalajara, Mexico) in 2003. La sal de la tierra won the Alfonso Caso Prize, which is awarded annually by the National Council for Culture and the Arts (CONACULTA) and the National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) to the most outstanding book in the field of archaeology in Mexico.1

The present study offers new information on salt production in Michoacán, broadening our perspectives on the role played by common salt, or sodium chloride, in the cultural development of the pre-Hispanic Tarascan state. The research on which this book is based began in 1996 with an interdisciplinary perspective that combines archaeological, ethnographic, and ethnohistorical approaches, as well as oral history. The geographical areas where fieldwork was conducted by the author were the eastern part of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, and the northern area of the Michoacán coast with the adjoining coastal strip in southern Colima. In these areas one can still find saltworks that employ traditional production techniques, similar to those utilized in pre-Hispanic times, as reported in 16th century sources. The research focused on the cultural and technological processes and the material culture associated with saltmaking, especially the artefacts and techniques used by the salt-makers, and their archaeological visibility. We also used ethnohistorical information to document the ancient salt-making techniques in Michoacán and neighbouring areas. The main goal of this research was thus to obtain, through ethnographic observation, processual information that would aid in the interpretation of the archaeological record by means of analogy. Systematic observations of salt-making activities within their cultural and ecological context are important, since common salt (sodium chloride), is not usually preserved in the archaeological record, which makes identifying salt-making sites a complicated matter. Second, we sought to define the role of salt –together with other rare and strategic resources– in the expansion of the Tarascan Empire during the Protohistoric period (ca. AD 1450-1530). Since we know that the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin, the core area of the Tarascan Empire, lacks natural salt deposits (Pollard 1993:113), we proposed in this study that the large-scale gathering and distribution of such an indispensable resource as salt were fundamental factors in the daily life and economy of the Tarascan state, as well as in the expansion of the Tarascan Empire. Furthermore, salt-making must have had an associated tool inventory, as well as features and facilities, which should remain as diagnostic features in the archaeological record. Thus, an additional goal of this research was to define the tool assemblage used by Tarascan salt-makers in ancient times. This was accomplished by means of ethnographic analogy, together with archaeological and ethnohistorical data from the Tarascan area, and information from central Mexico, the Maya area, and other parts of Mesoamerica.

Perspectives and Goals of this Research A review of the literature of historical studies related to salt production reveals that this topic has been covered more thoroughly in the Old World than in the New World (see, for example: Adshead 1992; Bergier 1982; Bovill 1995; Bridbury 1955; Kurlansky 2002; Lovejoy 1986; Multhauf 1978; Vogel 1993). While some outstanding studies in Mesoamerica have been published by Anthony Andrews (1980, 1983) and Jeffrey Parsons (1994, 2001) for the Maya area and the Basin of Mexico, respectively, in Western Mexico this topic has not been covered with the breadth and depth it deserves —apart from the work conducted by Juan Carlos Reyes (1993, 1995, 1998, etc.) in Colima and Catherione Liot (1995, 1998, 2000) in Jalisco. Evidently, for ancient Western Mexico, little attention has been paid to basic considerations concerning the physical capacity of pre-Hispanic societies to exist, prosper, and reproduce throughout their history. Pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica lacked domestic animals similar to the cows, sheep, goats, and pigs introduced by the Spaniards in the 16th century; in fact, Mesoamerica was the only primary civilization in the ancient world in which cattle-raising could not be utilized to extend productive landscapes to agriculturally marginal areas (Diamond 1999; Parsons 2006; Weigand 2000). Therefore, the focus of this book on a non-agricultural natural resource derives from a concern (first expressed by Jeffrey Parsons in 1996) to consider more systematically resources other than agriculture, such as salt production (as well as fishing, hunting, and gathering; see Williams 2014a, 2014b), for the study of these subsistence strategies can shed light on the nexus among production, demography, and sociocultural complexity in Mesoamerica (Parsons 1996: 449; see also Parsons 2001, 2006, 2010, 2011).

Common salt is a soluble chemical compound that is rapidly diluted. This makes it necessary to approach the study of salt production and trade in antiquity by means of indirect information, primarily of an ethnographic and

  Many articles and book chapters have been published by the author on the subject of salt production in pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica; see the bibliography at the end of this book. 1

1

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production ethnohistorical nature. Ethnoarchaeology has become a sub-discipline of archaeology in its own right, since it offers the possibility of understanding the complex relationship between material culture and human behaviour (Williams 2005a).

Those wide-ranging oral accounts touched upon many other activities, including agriculture, cattle-raising, and other kinds of work performed by the informants in the study area and beyond; for example, small-scale trade or employment as construction workers. In many cases, a scheduling strategy allowed the salt-makers to perform several activities during the year.

The main goal of this study is to generate data that will help us understand the archaeological evidence of salt-making through analogy with observations of the modern world. Ethnographic analogy, if used cautiously, can be very important in shedding light on the pre-Hispanic past (David and Kramer 2001); however, several general principles must be followed to ensure that the ethnographic analogies developed will be useful in archaeological reasoning; a topic that has been discussed in detail by Nicholas David and Carol Kramer (2001). For example, the subject and source cultures should be similar regarding variables likely to have affected or influenced the materials, behaviours, states, or processes being compared. If the source culture is the historic descendant of the subject culture, there is a greater intrinsic likelihood that similarities between the two will exist, though cultural descent must itself be regarded as a problematic concept. The range of potential source models for comparison with the subject data should be expanded to include ethnography, ethnohistory, and archaeology, in order to obtain as representative a range as is practically possible. However, owing to the elements of inductive reasoning and subjectivity inevitably involved in testing, deductive certainty can never be fully achieved (David and Kramer 2001:47-48).2

Apart from working with the salineros around Lake Cuitzeo and in the coastal areas of Michoacán, we did ethnographic work with potters in an attempt to define a ceramic typology or assemblage that is characteristic of salt-making. Our archaeological survey of part of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin (the spas or balnearios around Araró, see Figure 52) and the lagoons near La Placita (Figure 55) was carefully designed to collect material remains, primarily pottery and obsidian, in order to delineate the areas of pre-Hispanic occupation and define a context for salt production and consumption. Another objective of this archaeological fieldwork was to record the visibility of salt-making activities, in particular the material culture in a systemic and archaeological context, as a means to reconstruct the salt-making landscape. On the coast of Michoacán and Colima we carried out an unstructured field survey that consisted in driving up and down the coastal highway looking for informants and asking people about salt-making sites. In addition, we performed a surface survey localized around specific sites. In this region we placed greater emphasis on recent features (i.e. terreros, or mounds of leached soil) than on archaeological remains.

The ethnoarchaeological approach strives to shed light on ancient cultural processes through analogy with contemporary “traditional” cultures. It is based on the fact that, although all cultures change through time, some cultural features have survived in non-urban societies, which tend to be more conservative. The analysis of this ethnographic information allows us to formulate hypotheses related to the archaeological record, as will be shown later in this book.

Finally, we paid particular attention to the productivity of salt-making activities, considering energy inputs (e.g. labour) and materials (salty earth, water) and the output of finished products: salitre and crystallized salt. We also analysed the by-products of the salt-making process (i.e. mounds of leached earth), and made chemical studies of salt and soil samples from the production sites.

Field work included ethnographic observation focused primarily on salt-making activities. We also conducted an archaeological field survey, in which we looked for material remains, both ancient and modern, including such features as earth mounds (leached soil), wells, canals, and artefacts (e.g. potsherds). Collecting oral histories was also very important for our research, and consisted in conducting unstructured interviews with elderly informants, and applying questionnaires in order to document the oral traditions linked to the salt trade and salt production in the past. Through the interviews we also sought to explore the material culture linked to saltmaking activities by obtaining detailed descriptions and explanations of old artefacts that are no longer in use, all based on our informants’ recollections.

Ethnohistory is also important for this study. Ethnohistory has been defined as a branch of anthropology dealing with non-European cultures (especially indigenous or ethnic groups) of any period, but primarily from pre-Hispanic times and the 16th century. Ethnohistory is primarily focused on documentary sources, but also uses other kinds of information, such as oral traditions, archaeological data, and linguistic evidence. The goal is to produce a history as complete as possible, one that takes into account the cultural and social systems of the peoples under study (Wright 1994:380). The publication in the early 20th century of Miguel Othón de Mendizábal’s book Influencia de la sal en la distribución geográfica de los grupos indígenas de México was a landmark in the study of salt production in Mexico, since it adopted a historical and anthropological perspective.

  See Williams (2014a:4-7) for a discussion of the theoreticalmethodological aspects of this research. 2

2

Chapter I Introduction For many decades, this book was unique in its field. It is admirable, above all, for the author’s encyclopaedic knowledge of the subject (Mendizábal 1928). In recent years, several valuable studies have appeared dealing with pre-Hispanic salt production in several areas in and around the territory covered by the Tarascan Empire: the Lake Sayula Basin, Jalisco (Liot 2000; Weigand and Weigand 1997); Cuyutlán, Colima (Reyes 1995); the Guerrero coast (Good 1995; Quiroz Malca 1998), the Balsas River Basin (Mata Alpuche 1999); and the Basin of Mexico (Parsons 1994, 1996, 2001). All these studies, as well as many others conducted elsewhere in Mesoamerica (not cited here for lack of space), have been very useful as comparative material for this study (see Chapter II). Among these books the following stand out: Anthony P. Andrews’ Maya Salt Production and Trade (1983); the volumes edited by Juan Carlos Reyes (1995, 1998) entitled La sal en México; Jeffrey Parsons’ The Last Salt-makers of Nexquipayac, Mexico (2001), and Ursula Ewald’s La industria salinera en México 1560-1994 (1997).

century, on salt production in Michoacán and neighbouring areas. Chapter V explores the role played by salt as a strategic resource in the territorial expansion of the Tarascan Empire. Using analogies with other areas of Mesoamerica, primarily central Mexico, we are able to suggest that the procurement, manufacture, and exchange of strategic resources –among which salt was always of foremost importance– was one of the catalysts for the expansion of the Tarascan Empire during the Protohistoric period. Finally, in the general conclusions presented in Chapter VI we discuss the following topics: 1) salt as a strategic resource for the expansion of the Tarascan state; 2) a comparative perspective on salt-making techniques; 3) the role of salt in Mesoamerican diets; 4) the role of salt within the Mesoamerican trade structure; 5) implications for archaeology; and, 6) suggested directions for future research on salt-making. Many of the techniques, artefacts, features, and traditions surrounding salt production described in this study are remnants of a remote past, which in some instances have survived up to the present. However, these traditional techniques and methods are gradually being replaced by modern ones, meaning that a whole “salt-making culture” (cfr. Reyes and Leytón 1992) is becoming extinct. One of the contributions of the present study, then, is that it presents a detailed record of this traditional industry, so that future scholars and the general public will have access to this wealth of information.

This book is a contribution to the study of pre-Hispanic Western Mexico. It focuses on a topic never before approached in depth within this area of Mesoamerica: namely, the production and distribution of a chemical compound that is basic and indispensable for human subsistence –common salt– and the role it played in the expansion of the Tarascan state, the only empire that existed in the region, and one that rivalled the great Aztec Empire. In the introduction, I discuss the research goals and perspectives of this study, as well as the physiological reasons for the human organism’s need for salt. Chapter II deals with a brief comparative study of salt-making techniques developed in antiquity in several parts of the Old World, with emphasis on the relevance of salt for human subsistence from ancient times to the present. Next, we discuss the native salt industries that developed in several areas of Mesoamerica –the Basin of Mexico, Oaxaca, Puebla, and the Maya area– in order to complement the scant archaeological, ethnographic and ethnohistorical information available for Western Mexico.

Salt: An Indispensable Element for Life Nowadays, most people in the world have easy access to common salt, so few realize the great significance of this chemical compound in world history, despite the fact that this importance has been recognized since early times. In the 6th century, for example, the Roman Senator Cassiodorus said that humankind could live without gold, but not without salt. Years before, Pliny had said that the real enjoyment of life is not possible without the use of salt. Sodium chloride’s importance through history can be understood if we take a look at the role played by salt in human physiology and nutrition. Salt is essential for nutrition and for most physiological processes in all animals, including humans.3 This chemical compound is present in all tissues and fluids of the human body. Sodium chloride is ingested by all living creatures and in humans the amount and concentration in the body must be kept within well-defined limits, a process that relies on a wide variety of coordinated physiological mechanisms

Chapter III deals briefly with the geographic and cultural background of Western Mexico, from the first human inhabitants of the region to the historical and cultural processes during Colonial and recent years. In Chapter IV we discuss the techniques and processes used to produce sodium chloride in the study area: the Lake Cuitzeo Basin (where the author conducted fieldwork from 1996 to 1998, and again in 2003), and the coast of Michoacán and Colima, which we visited in the spring of 2000. We include a synthesis of Western Mexico’s geographical and cultural background in order to contextualize this study in an ecological and cultural framework. Also found in this chapter is a discussion of salt-making activities in Jalisco, Colima, and Guerrero, areas within, or adjacent to, the Tarascan Empire and its hinterland. The chapter ends with a discussion of historical sources, primarily from the 16th

  Sodium is necessary for muscle contraction; even the heart’s rhythmic movement depends on an appropriate balance between sodium and other minerals, such as potassium and calcium. The flow of sodium within and outside of the nervous fibres is connected to nerve impulses. Sodium is also important for digesting proteins (Batterson and Boddie 1972). 3

3

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production that control the concentration and expulsion of salt so that the amount which is eliminated daily corresponds exactly to the intake through food or other means (Dauphinee 1960:382).

salt must be consumed. People who live in these conditions usually require a minimum of eight to 10 grams of salt a day (Andrews 1980:57-58). There is ample evidence to support these ideas. The best corroboration lies in statistics from the modern salt-making industry. The figures reported by Andrews (1980:58) for Mexico City, Mérida, Guatemala City, and San Salvador indicate a per capita consumption of around 10 grams of salt per day as an average for Mesoamerica. According to Andrews, we may assume that the pre-Hispanic Maya had a minimum daily consumption of around eight grams a day per person. Andrews uses this figure as a basis for his calculations of pre-Hispanic production of sodium chloride in the Maya area (Andrews 1980:59).4

It is usually accepted that carnivorous animals and human beings who get their food primarily through hunting and fishing do not need to add salt to their diet, while planteating animals and vegetarian people must add sodium chloride to their food. This is because vegetable foods have a sodium deficit in relation to their potassium content, while animal foods have both elements in equal amounts (Multhauf 1978:4). It is difficult to determine the exact amount of sodium chloride required in the human diet, for the experts who know most about this matter are still in disagreement. Recent opinions vary from 0.3 to 7.5 kg per year (Multhauf 1978:3).

The need for a few grams of salt a day may not appear to be a great problem. However, let us imagine a community of some 50,000 people living in the tropics, most of them farm or construction workers, whose minimum salt requirement is 8 grams a day. In order to supply this community with salt at the minimum level required for their diet, the amount required would be 400 kg per day, or 146 tons a year. Most communities consume much more than the minimum, due to dietary needs and other uses. Therefore, when the supply of salt is reduced or interrupted, drastic repercussions may be felt. It is at such moments that salt becomes a key factor in economic life (Andrews 1980:36).

During the growing stage between infancy and adulthood, a human being must incorporate into his or her body and its developing tissues approximately 80 to 120 grams of sodium and 75-100 grams of chlorine. These amounts are necessary for normal growth, and merely represent a few milligrams a day. If no more salt were needed, the daily minimum required intake of sodium chloride would be quite low. However, both sodium and chlorine are constantly being expelled from the body in different amounts through sweat, urine, and faeces (Dauphinee 1960:412).

The dietary use of salt apparently originated with the transition from a nomadic life to agriculture and a sedentary existence (Kaufmann 1960:3). It was the availability of sodium chloride that allowed the emergence and flowering of dense populations in the valleys around the major rivers of the Old World: the Jordan, Nile, Tigris, Euphrates, Yellow, and others. The same was true for the Basin of Mexico and the Peruvian valleys, as well as for many regions of the Roman Empire (Bloch 1963:89). Today, the lack of sodium chloride is a persistent problem in extensive areas of the world where populations depend primarily on plants for subsistence. This was also the case in parts of Africa, where a lack of natural salt sources meant that people had to survive by drinking the blood and urine of cattle or wild animals. As a consequence, throughout history areas in the interior of the African continent could only support low human populations (Bloch 1963:89).

The daily amount of sodium chloride usually recommended for people living in temperate climates is around one gram for infants, three for children, and six for adults. When the only source of food comes from plants, sodium chloride intake is insufficient, and in this case the loss of salt through sweating or other means may seriously damage health, unless salt is added to the diet. In the case of people who live in tropical areas such as Mesoamerica, constant transpiration caused by high temperature and humidity may produce relatively large salt loss through sweating. In this case, the intake of sodium chloride should be increased. Sometimes as much as 30 extra grams are needed in order to avoid the symptoms of salt deficiency in the organism (Dauphinee 1960:413). Many people with vegetarian diets suffer from a lack of sodium chloride. In India, for example, the lack of this chemical compound makes for a higher number of deaths in times of epidemics or famine, while in parts of Equatorial Africa some human groups are weakened by salt deprivation (Bergier 1982:11).

The oceans have always been the main source of salt for the world’s population. Of the 80 million tons of salt currently produced, some 30 million are extracted from sea water by means of solar evaporation, using methods that may have originated in the Old World during the time of the

One of the few anthropological studies of salt production and consumption in Mesoamerica was conducted by Andrews (1980, 1983) in the Maya area. Before the Spanish conquest, most salt produced in this region was used for food. Peoples such as the Maya, who live in tropical climates, have a relatively high need for salt. When they perform hard physical work, constant salt loss through perspiration means that even greater amounts of

  According to Parsons (2001: 5), populations living in semi-arid environments with little meat in their diet need a minimum of around 2 grams per person per day, in order to maintain their bodily functions. Parsons says this figure is quite conservative, and we should add the salt consumed outside of the diet: for example, to dye textiles, for export outside the production area, or in rituals. Another factor that should be considered is the “taste for salt” which may be independent of the need for this product. Once people are used to a salty taste in food, a diet without salt is experienced as insipid and unappetizing. 4

4

Chapter I Introduction Mycenaean civilization, some 3,500 years ago, or perhaps from Minoan times, 5,000 years ago (Bloch 1963:92). And the antiquity of salt production in the New World may go back that far in time as well.

obtained by means of leaching soils. The purest salt was obtained by solar evaporation (Kepecs 2000, 2003). In Mesoamerica, the saltworks located in the extensive littorals were always very important, as they may have contributed salt of superior quality and in greater amounts than that produced inland. On the Atlantic coast, the saltworks in Celestún, Yucatán, for example, were among the most productive in the entire Maya area, although there were many others that produced salt at the local level, for instance Stingray Lagoon in Belize (McKillop 1995). Andrews (1997:40) states that the Maya people obtained their salt from several different sources, mostly coastal deposits. The principal salt source in Mesoamerica, in both past and present times, has been the coast of Yucatán, where salt is obtained by solar evaporation of the water from an extensive system of pools. Many saltworks were found in the northern coast of the Yucatán Peninsula, and during historical times, there were small solar saltworks on several islands off the Yucatán coast. Archaeological evidence shows that the exploitation of these and other saltworks in Yucatán goes back to the Late Formative period (ca. 300 BC-AD 300) (Andrews 1997:40).

Domestic animals have also needed salt since ancient times, especially the species that are part of our diet, or that are used as draft animals. For example, a calf consumes some 25 grams of salt a day, a horse 50 grams, and a cow 90 grams (Bergier 1982:11). The domestication of these and other animals during the Neolithic period (ca. 7000-2000 BC) in the Old World allowed human beings to widen considerably their range of exploitation of the environment, since the anatomical and physiological adaptation of ungulates (primarily cattle, sheep, goats, and camels, among others) to a diet high in cellulose and low in proteins gave them a means of exploiting indirectly cellulose-rich plants, especially grasses, branches, and the leaves of bushes (Harris 1977:220). However, this complex of domesticated animals –which in addition to meat provided milk, wool, and energy for field work– never existed in ancient Mesoamerica, a fact that had many important consequences for native technology and culture, especially for the diet of Mesoamerican peoples (Diamond 1999).

In the Gulf of Mexico, the situation was similar. From the Formative period in this area most human settlements obtained their salt from the coast, although inland salt deposits were known as well (Coe and Diehl 1980:17). Around 1200 BC the Olmecs were involved in salt production and trade on the Gulf coast. Olmec merchants penetrated into the highlands, the lowlands, and the coast of Guatemala in their quest for salt. They also went to the Basin of Mexico and Oaxaca looking for salt and other strategic goods, such as obsidian, jade, serpentine, iron ores, basalt, cacao, marine shells, animal pelts, and exotic bird feathers (Diehl 2004:128).

According to Grahame Clark (1977), during the Neolithic in both the Old World and the New agriculture allowed the existence of “greater densities of population, larger aggregations, more permanent settlements, more complex and dynamic technologies and more elaborate social systems with structured hierarchies and… inequalities of wealth…” Throughout the world “farming of some kind has preceded and formed… the platform on which civilizations have had to build…” The widespread adoption of agriculture brought about a “Neolithic Revolution comparable in importance with the Industrial and Scientific Revolutions…” (Clark 1977: 41). Larger populations meant a considerably increased consumption not just of domesticated plants and animals, but also of many different minerals, including salt, which became a strategic resource, as discussed in the following sections of this book.

This primacy of marine salt was also present in Western Mexico, according to archaeological and ethnohistorical information. Along the Pacific littoral many salt deposits were exploited in the following states (from north to south): Sinaloa (Weigand and Weigand 1997); Nayarit (Mountjoy 2000); Jalisco and Colima (Weigand and Weigand 1997); Michoacán (Williams 2002; Brand 1958, 1960); Zacatula (at the mouth of the Balsas River, Guerrero; Carrasco 1996); Oaxaca (Peterson 1976); Chiapas and Guatemala (Andrews 1983).

Salt production in Mesoamerica was influenced by the great diversity of geological conditions and saltmaking techniques. Generally speaking, salt sources in Mesoamerica fall into three categories: inland salty lakes; highland salty springs; and the margins of coastal estuaries. From these three contexts two basic kinds of salt were extracted: tequesquite (a mixture of sodium chloride, sodium carbonate, sodium sulphate and clay), and “pure” sodium chloride. Salt-making methods have changed to a certain degree through time, but the roots of contemporary practices are clearly reflected in ethnohistorical and archaeological data. The various known salt-making techniques are based on three basic principles: brine boiling, brine leaching through salty earth, and solar evaporation. These processes are usually combined, but boiled salt from springs was usually more pure than that

We have seen in this chapter that salt was a strategic resource and a key commodity throughout the ancient world. In Mesoamerica, salt production and trade were closely supervised by the state. Andrews (1983), for example, has suggested that the pre-Hispanic states in the southern Maya Lowlands had to import many tons of salt each year from the northern Yucatan coast to provide their huge populations with this indispensable resource. This fact had important consequences for the economic and political organization of the Maya, as stated by Andrews: “access to important natural resources and control of their long-distance trade was a major factor in state formation 5

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production processes in the ancient world. This was clearly the case among the Prehispanic Maya. Many ancient trade networks had one or two key resources whose exchange was the major stimulus for the growth and spread of trade... among the ancient Maya it was... salt and to a lesser degree cotton, obsidian and jade” (Andrews 1983:134-135).

As we will also learn later in this book, in order to understand the importance of salt for the political economy of the Tarascan Empire, one has to consider that the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin, where the state capital was located, lacks natural sources of salt, obsidian, flint, and lime, all of which were essential for the survival and reproduction of peoples during the Protohistoric period (PoIlard 1993:113). The Tarascan rulers thus had to import salt and several other strategic resources from the far corners of the empire.

Western Mexico also saw similar processes in which the exchange of salt, together with many other strategic or rare resources (such as obsidian, copper and turquoise), contributed to the development and growth of complex societies, as we will see later in this book. One example of this process comes from the Classic-period Teuchitlán tradition of central Jalisco, which had huge obsidian workshops and other evidence of specialization, including salt-making. According to Phil Weigand (1996a:199), the levels of production indicate that salt was probably being exported for consumption beyond the local area, and the “monopolies” involved in the procurement of high-quality obsidian and salt could have promoted the economic development of the local polities.

The flow of strategic and scarce goods from the subject provinces to the imperial core was assured by the king, or cazonci, through a geopolitical strategy that kept conquered communities under the obligation to pay tribute, and the lines of communication with the capital open at all times. This strategy explains how the Tarascan state became one of the most powerful empires during the Late Postclassic, rivalling even the Aztecs. The procurement of salt and other strategic resources, as well as their distribution, the military control over source areas and the extraction of tribute, were all critical aspects of the economic and social life of the Tarascans and other Mesoamerican polities. These topics will be discussed in the following chapters of this book.

6

Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective

The comparative perspective adopted in this chapter has two goals: first, it strengthens the central thesis of this study that salt production and trade were of foremost importance for the expansion of the Tarascan Empire through a discussion of examples from several areas of the Old World, including China, Africa and Europe. In all these places, sodium chloride was a strategic resource that was always present in the formulation of the basic aspects of the economy and politics of every state and empire. Second, of equal importance for the present study is the information included here in relation to the salt industry in central and southern Mesoamerica, which allows us to contextualize the ethnoarchaeological discussion of salt production in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and the Michoacán and Colima coast presented in Chapter IV. What follows is a brief discussion of the salient aspects of this historical and archaeological body of knowledge.

Empire (ca. 206 BC-AD 960) salt-traders amassed huge fortunes by engaging in tax-free activities such as trading iron, salt and liquor, in addition to speculation in grains. Later, the state attacked these practices by imposing taxes and restricting the distribution of these commodities, in effect creating state monopolies (Hucker 1975:124). During the Late Empire (ca. AD 960-1850), the state continued to control the production and distribution of salt, while during the Ming (1368-1644) and Ch’ing dynasties (1644-1912), the Chinese imperial government strove for several years to keep its frontier settlements well supplied with salt by making salt-traders pay taxes in the form of transporting grains to the borderlands. However, in the long run this system proved inconvenient for the government, as it decreased the amount of money received through the salt monopoly and failed to alleviate the constant shortages of grain in those frontier zones (Hucker 1975:124, 188, 348, 351).

Salt Production in the Old World

Over 2,000 years ago, Chinese rulers became able, for the first time, to monopolize salt production and trade throughout their empire. Much later, in the 14th century, 80% of the income for the Yuan dynasty came from taxes levied on the salt industry. Although the main source of salt in China was brine from the sea, wells were essential for the economy of the Sichuan area, since the inhabitants of this inland region found it more profitable to dig deep wells to extract salt than to import it from the distant coast (Vogel 1993:117).

In the following pages, the reader will find several examples taken from the historical and anthropological literature that illustrate the great importance of salt as a strategic resource in several parts of the Old World, including Europe, Asia and Africa. We know that the earliest human settlements in Europe emerged around salty springs, though concentrating the salt present in these sources was no easy task, for it was necessary to use fire to evaporate the brine and thus obtain crystallized salt. The civilizations that made salt by boiling brine go back in time to the Neolithic period (ca. 7000-2000 BC). Among the main production centres were the Tyrol region of the Alps, the Moselle and Franche-Comté in France, and Saale and Lüneburg in Germany, as well as Droitwich, England. Whole forests were destroyed in order to supply the firewood required for this industry. As time passed, the salt-makers had to obtain their fuel from ever further afield, often transporting firewood from distant forests by barge along rivers (Bloch 1963:91).

Historical sources suggest that the perforation of deep wells first took place during the 11th century in the Jingyan district. Using basically the same principles developed there, well-diggers in Sichuan in the 16th century were able to go as deep as 300 m, then 500 m in the 18th century, and up to almost 800 m in the 19th century. The famous Xinhai well, which reached a depth of one kilometre, was constructed in 1835. At these great depths, natural gas was found in addition to salt, and was used by Chinese engineers to produce fire and thus obtain salt by boiling the brine extracted from those deep geological strata (Vogel 1993:117-118; Bloch 1963: 91).

One of the earliest and most important sources of salt in Europe during the Neolithic and Copper Ages was Provadia-Solnitsata in the Balkans near the Black Sea. Extensive settlements have been discovered there, with numerous salt-making installations and associated ceramics. The earliest dates recorded at this site go back to 5500 BC, when salt was evaporated using thin-walled pots made especially for the purpose, together with domeshaped ovens (Harding 2013:47).

Around 2000 BC, the Chinese developed a system of tax collection for the salt-rich districts. A decree ordering the province of Ch’ing-Chou (Shantung) to provide the royal court with salt is attributed to the semi-legendary emperor Yu (2205-2197 BC), while Kuang Chung, who renovated the Ch’i state (death, 645 BC), is credited with instituting a salt monopoly (Multhauf 1978:12). It was during the Early Han dynasty (119 BC) that the first system in history for controlling salt production and trade on a national scale was established as the government took control of the salt

But the Balkans was not the only area where the saltmaking industry was very important from early times, for in Chinese social and economic history during the Early 7

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production industry and began to choose officials to administer it from among the wealthiest salt-traders (Multhauf 1978:12).

But China was not the only ancient civilization where we find that salt played a hugely important role. During the earliest stages of the history of Rome, that state expanded to the south until it reached the sea, eventually establishing a port at Ostia near the mouth of the Tiber River largely in order to exploit the coastal salt deposits located nearby. This development can be dated tentatively to the reign of Servius Tullius (ca. 578-534 BC). The first bridge built in Rome, the Pons Sublicius, may date to the same period and was erected precisely to facilitate the transport of salt from the coastal saltworks to the city of Rome itself, from where it was sold to the Etruscans and exported to other regions (Grant 1997:31-32). In both the Republican and Imperial periods, the primary source of salt for Rome was found nearby, in the solar saltworks built on the mouth of the Tiber River. The most important operations were located north of the river, and after 396 BC were annexed by the Roman state under the title, Salinae Romanae. The production method was based on solar evaporation using only one pool; a more sophisticated system than making salt from lagoons, as took place in Athens and Alexandria, though this process is simpler than the method of successive pools used during the Middle Ages. The scale of production, nevertheless, must have been considerable, for if we assume that during its heyday Rome had a population of two million people, its salt requirements would have amounted to at least 4.5 million tons a year! But to this amount we must add the needs of the territories that were supplied by the Via Salaria, which would have increased demand to over 9 million kg per year (Adshead 1992:29).

By the year 900, the salt tax was the most important source of income for the state coffers. In 1618, the system was transformed into a monopoly managed by traders licensed by the government, and by the 18th century those merchants trading under the state monopoly constituted the richest of all the commercial or industrial guilds in the entire empire (Multhauf 1978:13). Under the T’ang dynasty (AD 618-907) China was politically reunified after four centuries of division, and thus became the largest and best-organized state in the world in that period. Chinese society was the most populous and affluent in existence and this was reflected –among many other ways– by amazing advances linked to the production, distribution and consumption of salt. The most important development in this respect was the creation of a solar evaporation system in the An-i hsien salt lake, in Shansi province (Adshead 1992:48), and saltmaking technology was just one of the fields of knowledge in which the Chinese were more advanced than Europeans; indeed, Chinese civilization, like many others, developed in areas that were rich in salt and other minerals. Marco Polo (1254-1324) travelled throughout China for 17 years before returning to his native Venice in 1295. Like most Venetian merchants of the time, this famous traveller was very interested in salt (Batterson and Boddie 1972:36), and wrote that in a town called Changlu huge amounts of salt were obtained by leaching soils. There he saw a kind of earth which was very salty, and looked on as the locals excavated this earth to make huge heaps and then poured enormous amounts of water so that the earth would leach back into the soil. After that, they took the salty water, or brine, and boiled it in great iron cauldrons. Once the cauldrons cooled down, fine-grained white salt was deposited at the bottom. This salt was then sold by the merchants in many places around the town; a trade that generated huge profits (Batterson and Boddie 1972:36).

Moving forward in time to the Middle Ages in Europe, we find that the most important food source was the sea. Ships from coastal kingdoms and other dominions brought huge loads of herring, cod, molluscs, salmon, haddock, sturgeon, mackerel, and many other kinds of fish to terra firma, while inland rivers and lakes provided many freshwater aquatic species. Of all these seafoods, herring was the most reliable source throughout the period and huge herring fisheries were found in the Baltic, the North Sea, the English Channel, and the waters around Iceland and Ireland, and thousands of workers were involved in catching, preserving and selling herring (Batterson and Boddie 1972:24), the most important species for satisfying the need for animal protein in Medieval Europe. However, because this fish loses its nutritional quality very quickly once it is taken out of the water, inevitably most of it had to be cured, and this involved a process of salting followed by packing in salt or curing/smoking. One of the main uses of salt was thus related to herring processing which required huge amounts of this mineral. For this reason, the main centres of salt production and storage were established as close as possible to the major fishing grounds. Up to the mid-14th century, Western Europe had three main centres where the salt needed for preserving fish was produced and stored. One developed in Lüneburg, in northern Germany, another on the coast of the Netherlands, and a third on the east coast of England (Bridbury 1955:xvi-xviii, 1). In order to best preserve its qualities, cured herring had to be salted within 24 hours after coming out of the sea. The Baltic fishing

Long before Marco Polo’s travels in China, in fact since prehistoric times, trade with Central Asia moved briskly along the Silk Road. Imported chemical compounds included salt from the Kokonor dry lake (some 1200 km southwest of Beijing), and a mysterious “black salt” was sent as tribute from south of the Oxus River (in presentday Uzbekistan) at the end of the 8th century (Wood 2002: 83-85). Trade in sodium chloride, particularly over land, inevitably had military, social and political consequences. The caravans and ships, as well as the centres where salt was stored, had to be protected from bandits and raiders and it became necessary to provide convoys and fortify all the way-stations and trade and transportation outposts. In other words, a “protection system” was implemented, because salt was the most precious trade good and required powerful protectors (Bloch 1963:95). 8

Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective fiscal administrators, and there are sound reasons for this: 1) it has universal demand; 2) distribution could not be left to chance; and, 3) it was much easier to control than many other indispensable items. Moreover, since salt consumption is closely linked to demographic density (in fact, it has been used to calculate the size of populations), it was a convenient basis for taxation. There are so many ways in which governments have tried to control salt production and distribution through the ages, and to obtain profits from salt, that we cannot deal with this topic in any depth here due to lack of space. But we do know that in many cases the sovereign was deemed to be the owner of the “fruits of the earth”, including salt, such that he or she could enjoy an absolute monopoly, from production through retail sales. And this is still the case in some modern states, for example Italy. The organization required to achieve this level of control was beyond the abilities of any government before the modern era, primarily because of the difficulties involved in preventing contraband and private production (Multhauf 1978:11). In France, the administration of salt production has a long history –the first gabelle was established at the Berre saltworks in 1259– and became a permanent fiscal support for the monarchy during the late Middle Ages and early modern era (Adshead 1992:205).

Figure 1. Making

Because of salt’s important role in trade it has become a very common source of fiscal revenue. In fact, the salt tax may have been the most prevalent and universal of all taxes. Because sodium chloride was used regularly, the flow of this chemical compound within the economy has always been constant and predictable. Thus, taxing this product provided governments with a sure, steady and substantial source of income. Since people everywhere have always demanded salt “at any price”, not even apparently excessive taxation could slow the salt trade. Because of this, salt taxes have often been exceedingly high. In ancient China, for instance, they became so high that merchants began to adulterate the product. Almost as common as taxes are government monopolies on salt production, which have the same goal: to control the salt industry (Gilmore 1955:101).

Western Europe during the Georgius Agricola’s De Re Metallica (1556). A: Wooden dipper. B: Cask. C: Tub. D: Master. E: Youth. F: Wife. G: Wooden spade. H: Boards. I: Baskets. K: Hoe. L: Rake. M: Straw. N: Bowl. O: Bucket containing blood. P: Tankard that contains beer (Adapted from Harding 2013: Figure 1.2). salt in

early modern period, according to

industry preferred salt from the salt springs at Lüneburg, which was traded through Lübeck, the main city of the Hanseatic League (Batterson and Boddie 1972:25). One of the few extant sources of information on salt-making techniques in Europe in the late Middle Ages is the work of Georgius Agricola, published in 1556 (Agricola 1950). This valuable book illustrates some of the techniques used in salt-making during that period (Figure 1).

Taxation, however, was not the issue in the Sudan, an African country covered by desert where people have long suffered from a scarcity of salt, a commodity they must import from other places. Taghaza, in the extreme north of the Sudan, right in the middle of the desert, was the main source of salt, but it never produced enough to satisfy demand in that nation. Some of the most isolated human groups suffered salt hunger, and some peoples had such a great need for sodium chloride that they exchanged it for gold, a precious metal that was more abundant and, therefore, less valuable.5

Another important topic related to salt is the issue of taxation, as I discussed above in reference to China. To give but one example, the salt tax imposed in France – called gabelle– was one of the most hated measures in that country’s history; in fact, it was an important cause of the French Revolution. History shows that sodium chloride has always been one of the favourite items for

  Although an important salt-making industry has long existed in central Sudan (Lovejoy 1986), it is insufficient to satiate the salt needs of this huge country. 5

9

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production In the 14th century, an Arab traveller named Ibn Battuta (1304-1369) found himself close to Niani (near the Niger River in Sudan) with two companions and a guide. Though their journey was to last 24 days, they took no food, gold or silver, because the salt, beads and aromatic goods they carried to exchange allowed them to obtain all kinds of food in every village they crossed (Bovill 1995:94). But it was Cadamosto, the 15th-century Venetian captain in the service of the Portuguese, who left us the best-known account of the salt trade in Africa during the Middle Ages, as he described caravans that left Taghaza with salt loaded on the camels and carried by porters. They travelled south through Timbuktu in Mali, where the large blocks of salt were broken into smaller pieces and carried away by individual men (Bovill 1995:124).

The trade route between Taghaza and Timbuktu owed its enduring prosperity to the uneven distribution of gold and salt deposits in inner Africa. Salt was so indispensable for Africans that it is no exaggeration to say that gold was valued by the Sudanese and others almost solely because it enabled them to purchase salt. Sodium chloride was the basis of Sudan’s domestic and international trade, neither of which can be understood without first appreciating the urgent need that people there had for this mineral. Only those who have witnessed firsthand the intensity of “salt hunger” among peoples who lack a secure source of sodium chloride can truly comprehend its severity. In western Sudan, for example, salt was a luxury that only the rich could afford with regularity (Bovill 1995:239). The situation regarding salt in the remote highlands of Ethiopia and neighbouring areas of northwestern Africa is similar, as this mineral is considered a treasure that is literally worth its weight in gold. There, beasts of burden travel over ancestral roads from the highlands to the Danakil depression. The road is some 250 miles long, and around five thousand people make their living from the salt trade by extracting table-grade salt from Danakil’s endless reserves and transporting it to consumers in the highlands and beyond. This trade was already well established in the time of the first Ethiopian empire, known as Aksum (first century AD). Their expeditions took Aksumite traders as far afield as the southern and western frontiers of the empire, where they exchanged salt with local tribes, receiving slaves and ivory in return. These commodities later became the key exports from Aksum as they transited through a trade network that reached as far as Rome, Egypt, Syria, Arabia and India (Batterson and Boddie 1972:90). Even today in remote areas of Ethiopia salt is as valuable as gold, and is thought to be better than money. Salt blocks from Danakil, either whole or in smaller pieces used as “small change”, pass easily from one hand to another in all markets, as it is still a form of “hard currency”, but one not affected by the oscillations of exchange rates (Batterson and Boddie 1972:90).7 Having reviewed, however briefly, the history of salt production in several places in the Old World, as well as a series of important issues related to this valuable mineral, we now shift our attention to the role of salt in the New World.

According to the anonymous author of the book Tohfut-alAlabi (12th century), the land of Ghana had plenty of gold, which merchants exchanged for salt transported by camel from the salt mines. Unlike the merchants mentioned above, these ones were forced to carry provisions, because their treks lasted six months or more. Upon reaching Ghana, they would weigh the salt and sell it according to a gold standard. Sometimes the price was double the usual amount –or even higher– depending on market conditions and the available supply (Bovill 1995:121). It is interesting to note that this long-distance trade still exists in parts of Africa; in Niger, for example, camel caravans take salt from production areas to towns on the margins of the Sahara desert, travelling some 600 km. In the Sahara, salt is sold at very high prices, and before outside sources became available the number of camels in the caravans may have been as high as 30,000. Currently, a caravan of 500 camels takes 30 days to make the trip between the salt sources and consumer communities. Since there are no natural salt deposits in Niger, this commodity has a high price. In the words of one inhabitant of the Sahara: “in the desert salt is life” (Webster 1999:13-17; Bergier 1982:176178).6 Ibn Batutta recorded how in many areas of Africa local people used salt as a medium of exchange, a role reserved for gold and silver in other places. There, the salt blocks would be cut up into smaller pieces and used to purchase all kinds of other goods. As far as we know, the salt trade through the Sahara has never been interrupted, though it has been exchanged for other goods in addition to gold: slaves, for example, were the main commodity traded in the northern reaches of the continent, and ivory was also often important. However, salt was the main article imported into countries like Sudan, eventually complemented by luxury items such as textiles manufactured in England (Bovill 1995:161).

Salt Production in Central and Southern Mesoamerica As in other parts of the world, salt was a vital resource for human subsistence in Mesoamerica as well (Figure 2). The role of salt as a strategic resource that was indispensable for civilized life was underscored early on by Miguel Othón de Mendizábal (1928:7) when he wrote:

  Camel caravans have been making the difficult trip to salt mines in the heart of the Sahara for hundreds of years, plying their trade between the towns of Taoudenni and Timbuktu, but today’s changing climate patterns linked to global warming, plus the arrival of modern transport technology such as large lorries, are threatening the future of one of the world’s oldest and most resilient trading traditions (Harding 2009).

  Salt was also used as a unit of exchange in other parts of the world aside from Africa. Among the Baruya of New Guinea, for instance, it was used as a means of exchange to acquire other goods, more than as a commodity in itself. To be used as “currency”, a commodity like salt must be able to be exchanged for the whole range of trade items and must function as a universal unit of exchange involved in all kinds of conversions (Godelier 1969:25-27).

6

7

10

Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective

Figure 2. Map of central and western Mesoamerica, showing the main salt-making sites mentioned in the text.

“In general, man only realizes the importance of salt as an indispensable element of life when he is deprived of it”. Since at least the period we associate with the origins of agriculture in Mesoamerica, sodium chloride was among the most important trade items, and because all cultures depended on salt for their survival different techniques were developed throughout Mesoamerica to exploit salt deposits, both inland and in coastal areas. The Aztecs, for example, produced salt by boiling brine obtained from the lakes in the Basin of Mexico in large, crude clay vessels, and then packing it in those same vessels for transport to other areas. Virtually all archaeological sites in central Mexico have large quantities of fragments from such pots (Smith 1998:131).

Many of these tlanecuilo specialized in one particular item, for example salt (Smith 1998:123). Among the preHispanic Maya, salt was also one of the main trade items, and actually became one of the pillars of the economy of several states in this part of Mesoamerica (Andrews 1980, 1983). The areas where salt was produced were of such great importance for all Mesoamerican groups that wars were waged over their possession. The Maya site of Emal, the richest salt deposit on the coast of the Yucatán Peninsula, for instance, was heavily fortified in order to repel enemy raids (Kepecs 2000). Referring to another area of Mesoamerica, Diego Muñoz Camargo has described how the Aztecs tried to conquer the province of Tlaxcala through a siege that lasted over 70 years and left the Tlaxcaltecans with “no cotton to make clothes, no gold or silver to make their ornaments, no green feathers for their displays… no cacao to drink or salt to eat…” Eventually, they became accustomed to eating without salt (Muñoz Camargo 1972:110).

There were many important saltworks in several provinces of the Aztec Empire, so within a distance of some 100 km from the Basin of Mexico most families got their salt by trading with salt-makers from that valley (Smith 1998:132). Trade in this vital resource was not handled by the pochteca, those specialized merchants who transported sumptuary goods over long distances, but was managed by the tlanecuilo, regional merchants who sold mainly food and utilitarian goods such as cacao, maize, amaranth, chía (Salvia hispanica, a herbaceous plant whose seeds are ground and used as food), chili peppers, tortillas, turkeys, fish, salt, sandals, cotton, gourd vessels, baskets, and wood.

Another ancient New World civilization that deemed salt an indispensable item for human existence was the Inca Empire of Peru. Life in the Andes depended on herding and agriculture, but few plants can be cultivated at the highest altitudes, so the people who lived in the mountain

11

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production ranges depended for their subsistence on a large variety of goods imported from the lowlands and the Pacific coastal plains: eg., sea salt, algae, fish, fruits, beans, maize, coca, and cotton (Moseley 1992:43). In the region known as Montaña (the eastern lowland jungles bordering the Andes), the exchange of products through formal trade networks existed from earliest times and survives into the present. The goods exchanged between the lowland jungles and the highlands included salt, poison for arrows, ceramics, and stone artefacts, among others (Raymond 1988).

required to harvest salt, but later Indians from southern Zacatecas and northern Jalisco were brought in to perform this heavy work (Enciso Contreras 1998:39, 49). In the pre-industrial world, salt had many applications in addition to its use as food. Among the Maya Indians, this chemical compound has been an integral part of their ritual activities from ancient times to the present. According to Andrews (1980), many salt sources in the Maya area are still regarded as sacred places where ancient rituals have persisted thanks to a syncretism between native and Christian beliefs.

Turning to New Spain in the Colonial era, we know that salt was of the utmost importance for Crown officials because it was an integral element required for silver production. In the mid-16th century, Bartolomé Medina invented the process known as beneficio de patio, which was used to separate silver from its ore matrix. The popularity of this process increased very quickly because it was much more efficient than smelting, and allowed smiths to use ores of lower mineral content that could not be exploited profitably with other production methods. Because this process did not require kilns or ovens of any kind, there was no need to procure fuel, which made it much more economical than smelting. All that was needed was quicksilver (mercury) and common salt (Bargalló 1969:98, 99).

Among the Aztecs salt was also used as medicine. Fray Bernardino de Sahagún (1938:97-103) recorded several remedies in which salt was combined with a variety of medicinal herbs to cure the following ailments: toothache, gum abscesses, swollen tongue, sore throat, neck abscesses, cough with phlegm and blood, head injuries, earache, dry and sore nose, cut or bruised nose, and swollen gums. Salt also had many industrial applications in antiquity. In Mesoamerica it was used in the textile industry to fix dyes. According to Parsons (2001:248), the traditional preparation of dyes for textiles involved adding mordant solutions to fix the colours on the fabric. Saline solutions are important for this part of the process in various parts of the world, and ancient Mesoamerica was no exception. In fact, salt’s exceptional importance in the Mesoamerican economy can be indirectly gauged by the huge amounts of dyed textiles that circulated through commerce and tribute. Among the Aztecs, for example, cotton cloth had many uses in addition to making clothes for men and women, as it was also used in bedding, bags, awnings, decorative hangings, battle armour, adornments for statues of the gods, and shrouds for the dead. Cotton textiles served as items for exchange, as well as forms of currency in the markets; they were exchanged as gifts among the nobility, and formed the dominant form of tribute payment at all levels (Smith 1998:91).

Thanks to the popularity of this process, from the 16th century on sodium chloride became very important for the mining industry. In fact, it has been said that “without salt there was no silver, and without silver the economy of New Spain would have been a different one” (Reyes 1995). According to Ursula Ewald, the amount of salt used in food preparation and other industries was significantly smaller than that required for the silver industry. From the 16th century to the early 20th century the use given in Mexico to sodium chloride –or to a salty efflorescence called saltierra– in the processing of silver-bearing ores constituted a decisive factor in the salt-making industry. In order to ensure a high level of silver production, Colonial planners gave priority to the production and commercialization of salt. In fact, salt did not regain the importance it once had as a raw material until the inception of the modern chemical industry (Ewald 1997:27).

The tribute received by the Aztec Empire every year included 128,000 mantles or capes, 19,200 garments and 655 warrior uniforms. Most of these items were woven with dyed cotton thread, so the amount of salt used in the dying process must have been very high indeed, and to this we must add the 4,000 “salt loaves” paid to the Aztecs by several tributary provinces every year (Smith 1998: Table 7.2).

A particularly good example of the role played by salt in the Colonial mining industry comes to us from the economy of Zacatecas, a state in northern Mexico that was always of tremendous economic importance due to its rich silver mines. According to Peter J. Bakewell (1984:305), the city of Zacatecas became one of the most important urban centres during the Colonial period, and its preponderant place in silver mining generated a booming salt-making industry. In the mining region of Zacatecas two main elements were used in the amalgamation process: magistral (a chemical composition based on calcined sulphate); and salt, which was used abundantly together with a substance called saltierra (a mixture of chloride salts with sulphate and earth). During much of the 16th century, it was the silver miners themselves who provided the labour force

Another important use for salt in Mesoamerica was as a food preservative. Since ancient Mesoamericans lacked modern techniques of food conservation, salt was indispensable for the trade in fish and other foods that had to be transported over long distances or stored for long periods of time. Though we do not know precisely when this custom originated, it was widely practiced in the ancient Old World. In Egypt, for instance, food remains found in a tomb from 2000 B.C. included salted fish and a wooden vessel containing table salt (Kurlansky 2002). 12

Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective Since the times of the Phoenicians (from ca. 1250 BC), the most common way of preserving fish was by drying and packing them in layers of salt (Kurlansky 2002). As we mentioned in chapter one, in Europe during the Middle Ages much of the food came from the sea, and had to be cured before being smoked or packed in salt. One of the main uses of salt was thus related to the fishing industry, which consumed immense amounts of this valuable mineral (Bridbury 1955).

According to Santley (2004), salt production in Mesoamerica was organized at the household level or by small groups of families, and was destined to remain that way “because increasing the number of producers probably would not greatly increase the efficiency of manufacture” given the pre-industrial techniques available (Santley 2004:219), at least before the Protohistoric period (ca. AD 1450-1530). Santley points out that traditional salt-making techniques in Mesoamerica (many of preHispanic origin) were common until very recent times, when modern methods of salt extraction and production permitted a cheap and readily available supply of this indispensable product.

Preservation by salting was an important component of the food industry in ancient Mesoamerica as well. In his description of an Aztec market in Tenochtitlan, Hernán Cortés (1983) commented on the huge amounts of fresh, salted and cooked fish that were available for sale. Moreover, a 19th-century source called Miscelánea estadística (1873) notes that fish from Lake Chapala were sun-dried, salted and then packed in rolled-up reed mats (petates) to be taken to nearby towns and as far afield as Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, Toluca and Mexico City.

The following section deals with several aspects of salt production, distribution and consumption in various areas of Mesoamerica, using information derived from archaeology, ethnography and ethnohistory. The section closes with a discussion of the archaeological implications that the foregoing observations have for salt production in pre-Hispanic Michoacán.

In Colonial times, salt was also an important trade commodity in the modern-day state of Colima, where it was used as food, a condiment, and to preserve fish (Reyes 2000:175). Though people there preferred fish from rivers, marine species and others from coastal lagoons were coveted in Guadalajara and Sayula (Jalisco) and Valladolid (present-day Morelia, Michoacán). This brisk trade in fish relied on salting as a means of preservation (Gómez Azpeitia 2006:221), and salt was used similarly in other parts of Mesoamerica as well. According to Andrews (1983), fishing was a major industry among the pre-Hispanic Maya, where coastal dwellers traded fish to neighbouring sites in the interior for agricultural goods. Maya fishers would either roast, sun-dry or cure many kinds of fish in salt in order to preserve them. This process was reported in the 16th century on the northern coast of Yucatán and the Pacific coast of Guatemala, while as late as the 20th century in southwest Guatemala, salted fish was available in highland markets during Lent. Finally, salt may also have been used by the ancient Maya as a preservative in the tanning industry.

The Basin of Mexico In the Basin of Mexico salt has long been an important element of culture and the economy, a mineral widely consumed throughout history. Archaeological evidence suggests that demand, always widespread and consistent, led to an increase in production during the Late Postclassic (see Table 1 for a discussion of time periods in Mesoamerican chronology), which may be related to the dense populations that lived in the basin but had only a limited supply of animal protein. There are good archaeological markers for identifying salt production sites during this period, so we know that salt manufacture was more intensive on the western margin of Lake Texcoco and on the southern and northern boundaries of the urban centre of Tenochtitlan. Sodium chloride was also extracted, although on a smaller scale, along the other margins of the lake, as well as around Lake Xaltocan. There may have been a natural basis for this distribution of production; for example, the variability in the concentrations of salts most suitable for human consumption, though the pressure from the huge urban mass at Tenochtitlan was without doubt an important factor in the intensity of salt manufacture in the urban periphery, as producers sought to achieve the greatest proximity to the largest concentration of consumers (Sanders et al. 1979).

One of the best-known descriptions of Maya life and customs in the 16th century comes to us from Bishop Diego de Landa, who had this to say about the importance of salt and its role in food preservation there: “They [have] great fisheries from which they eat fish and sell [them] throughout the land. They often salt, roast and sun-dry them without salt, and they know which process is suitable for each kind of fish…” Landa adds that “Roasted [fish] keep for several days, are taken to sell twenty and thirty leagues [away], are cooked for eating, and are tasty and healthy… They kill some very large fish that look like mantas and preserve their pieces in salt…” (Landa 1982:39, 121). Though we have no direct information on the conservation of fish or other food products with salt in the Tarascan area in pre-Hispanic times, its widespread use in Mesoamerica makes it quite likely that the practice was known there as well.

Around Lakes Texcoco, Xaltocan and Zumpango (Figure 3), there was a strip of salty earth 500-1000 m in width, which was the primary salt-making area in antiquity. In this area there are earthen mounds covered with fragments of an abundant ceramic type called Texcoco Fabric Marked (TFM), a late type related to Aztec salt production (Figure 4). These features provide strong evidence of the intensity and scale of salt manufacture in the pre-Hispanic past (Sanders et al. 1979:85, 292-293).

13

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 4. Vessel of the Texcoco Fabric Marked ceramic type, used for salt-making in the Basin of Mexico during the Postclassic period (adapted from Parsons 2001: Figure 7.1). also indications (because of the surface distribution of high concentrations of TFM pottery) that salt manufacture was carried out at other Aztec sites, which have been defined as hamlets and villages (Sanders et al. 1979:57-58).

Figure 3. Map

of the

Basin

of

Mexico,

Eduardo Noguera made a study of pre-Hispanic salt production in the Basin of Mexico, where he identified the tlateles or saladeras; i.e., earth mounds formed through the process of producing salt by leaching soils. Noguera wrote that such pre-Hispanic mounds are found throughout Mexico, with different sizes and pertaining to different periods, but that one of the largest concentrations of this type of archaeological feature may be in central Mexico. Tlateles are mostly found on the margins of Lake Texcoco, and the most common ones consist of a small hillock that usually contains many potsherds. There is another type of tlatel, also present in the lake area, which consists of mounds of loose earth that resulted from the extraction and production of salt from the waters of Lake Texcoco (Noguera 1975:117).

showing the

lakeshore in the early 16th century and the major towns around the lakes (adapted from

2001: Figure 1.2).

Parsons

The identification of salt-making archaeological sites in the Basin of Mexico depends on several unique, specialized features. Each one of these sites consisted of at least one low mound of varying size but with homogenous earth fill, distributed along the beaches around Lake Texcoco, roughly within the boundaries of a strip of land that is flooded intermittently. Apparently, the process of salt extraction here included leaching sodium chloride from the highly salty soils, and these mounds are the accumulated residues from this process. Only in a few cases were architectonic elements found in association with these sites; for example, house mounds atop larger mounds. Another essential characteristic of these sites is that the artefacts found consist almost entirely of TFM pottery. There is reasonably reliable evidence that this pottery was used in the production of salt (though other possible uses are discussed below). Finally, it is significant that most of these sites show no signs of permanent settlements.

According to Noguera, TFM is the most characteristic pottery type associated with the saladeras, and most potsherds of this kind come from the margins of Lake Texcoco, around the sites of Tenochtitlan, Tlatelolco, Nonoalco, Ixtapalapa, Culhuacán, and Chimalhuacán, as well as around Chalco (Noguera 1975:138). In a similar vein, Parsons (1994, 1996, 2001) found that TFM pottery appears in great concentrations around the margins of the Texcoco-Xaltocan-Zumpango Lakes. This pottery type is quite abundant in Late Postclassic sites around the margins of salty Lake Texcoco, but virtually absent in Lake Chalco, which is a freshwater lake. More than anything else, this regional distribution indicates the association between TFM pottery and salt-making activities in this area (Parsons 2001:249).

Because TFM pottery is limited to Aztec occupation phases, all the salt-making sites discovered are chronologically late. However, the occasional presence of earlier pottery in these localities suggests that some of them may also have a Teotihuacan or Formative-period component. There are

TFM pottery has been found in concentrations above 90% on the surface of low, irregularly-shaped mounds, most of which are 10-20 m long by 1-1.5 m wide, although some 14

Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective are as long as 400 m and 2 or 3 m high. In most cases, these mounds are in areas where natural soil salinity is so great that there is almost no vegetation (Parsons 2001:251).

There have been few archaeological excavations in preHispanic salt-making sites in the Basin of Mexico due, in part, to the destruction of archaeological remains associated with the constant expansion of Mexico City’s urban sprawl. A second factor has been the lack of interest on the part of scholars. However, during archaeological salvage work undertaken in 1977 linked to the construction of Mexico City’s mass-transit system, it became possible to study a small portion of the north shore of ancient Lake Texcoco, and the remains of a Late Postclassic salt-making workshop came to light. These excavations unearthed house structures, as well as others with administrative and religious, as well as industrial, functions. In the latter, excavators unearthed tubs, kilns and a storage space, all features associated with salt production (Sánchez Vázquez 1989:81-82). Those tubs were of rectangular shape, covered with a lime coating, measured 3.5 by 2.5 m and 1.75 by 0.65 m, with a depth of at least 28 cm. Excavations also unearthed the traces of three bonfires covered with ash, a possible storage area, and a shallow pit in a 250 m2 area, all associated with TFM pottery in a context which suggests that salt production in this place may have combined solar evaporation with boiling brine over a direct fire (Parsons 2001:255; cfr. Sánchez Vázquez 1989:81-82).

The presence of mounds covered by TFM pottery, together with the accounts from the 16th century that describe saltmaking activities on the shores of Lake Texcoco, has allowed several archaeologists to link this ceramic type with the production of sodium chloride by the Aztecs. Some scholars, notably Thomas Charlton (1969, 1971), have suggested that TFM pottery was used to boil brine over a fire to obtain crystallized salt, but nowadays the prevailing viewpoint is that these vessels were not used for boiling the salt; rather, they were used to pack salt for distribution throughout the Basin of Mexico and neighbouring areas. However, because of the few archaeological excavations carried out to date in what we assume to be salt-making sites, it has been very difficult to define the real link between TFM pottery and the salt-making industry in the Basin of Mexico (Parsons 2001:251). On the other hand, it is also possible that this pottery type may have been used for some subsistence activity totally unrelated to the saltmaking industry. It has been suggested, for instance, that it may have served as a container for textile dye solutions that incorporated some form of salt as mordant or fixing agent (Parsons 1996:446).

According to Charles Gibson (1964), in the Colonial period the salt industry depended on the natural brine found in the lakes in the north of the Basin of Mexico and at Lake Texcoco, which contained primarily common salt (sodium chloride) and sodium carbonate. Apparently, the Indians did not obtain the salt directly from the lake water, but rather from the surrounding soils where salts accumulated in higher concentrations than those diluted in the water. Logically, salt-making was carried out mainly in the dry season, when the lake level was low, using a process that involved leaching the earth in order to extract concentrated salt solutions, followed by artificial evaporation that produced residual salt. Baron Alexander Von Humboldt (1955:135) witnessed salt extraction on the banks of Lake Texcoco in the late Colonial period and remarked that technological changes since pre-Hispanic times involved substituting copper vessels for clay basins, and the use of cow dung as fuel. Some random comments about this industry in the 16th century confirm this observation, at least in part, as we find mentions of the use of salt-impregnated earth leached with water and then heated to extract the salt from the soil. As far as we know, modern processes of solar evaporation were not used in the Colonial period. The final product was a block made up of different types of dark dry salt, similar in size to a large loaf of bread. These “salt loaves” were traded over a wide area in the 16th century, and in some cases were the source of great fortunes among the indigenous population (Gibson 1964).

Parsons has emphasized the possibility that while TFM pottery may not have been used to boil brine, it could have been involved in other steps of the salt-making process; for instance, the final drying of crystallized salt using a source of low heat, perhaps over, or near, a bonfire. Because of variations in the shape and volume of this pottery type, there may have been some effort to produce salt for exchange in loaves of standard shapes and sizes (Parsons 2001:257). The above idea is supported by research conducted in Essex, England. There, researchers have found clay cylinders similar to small columns of round or square section, as well as vessels made of porous clay, together with many fragments of large boiling pots (Rhiem 1961:181-182). These highly porous clay objects were not suitable for boiling brine, as experiments showed that when brine was poured into them they absorbed it like a sponge. Also, when heated the vessel walls broke and the brine spilled out. In light of this, it was posited that these vessels may have served as moulds, forming part of a system used to dry the salt. In this scenario, they would have been filled with recently boiled salt, probably around a fire. Each mould could only have been used once because it had to be broken in order to extract the hardened salt loaf. The best temperature for drying salt was between 60° and 70°C. We know that the prehistoric salt-makers in Essex strove to give the recently-boiled product a firm shape of a well-defined size and a weight as standardized as possible. The vessels were used for the drying process, and in the absence of a system of weights and measures, such standardized salt loaves could have been used as units of value for exchange (Rhiem 1961:184).

Also in the 16th century, the indigenous salt industry in the Basin of Mexico flourished in the Indian communities of Mexicaltzingo, Coyoacán, Mixcoac, Huitzilopochco, Guadalupe, Ixtapalapa, Ecatepec, and many other lakeside towns, while settlements on higher ground and farther 15

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production Salt-makers in the Basin of Mexico are called iztatleros, a word derived from iztatl, the Nahuatl term for salt. These people have an intimate knowledge of the characteristics of the earth in different areas of the basin, especially in terms of its salt content. According to the desired final product, different kinds of earth are mixed and placed on the ground where the salt-makers then walk barefoot over the mixture. Other kinds of earth are added to the mix because they are assumed to have a cleansing effect on the final product; one of these is called “sweet earth” (necuticapoyatl in Nahuatl). After this, the earth mixture is placed in a cylindrical excavation called a pila, which is situated in such a way that it can be drained through a small pipe that protrudes from the centre-bottom part (Figure 5). The pipe’s inner opening is protected by a filter made of ayate (maguey fibre). When fresh water is poured over the earth inside the pila, it dissolves the salts and drips slowly through the pipe. The concentrated solution is gathered in a clay pot and then placed in a paila or rectangular pan that is transferred to a primitive adobe stove. This is where crystallization takes place; a process that may take from one to three hours. The fuel formerly used consisted of maize stalks, grasses, or animal dung, since wood is scarce in the region.

from the lake obtained their salt through trade with those more conveniently located (Gibson 1964:338). The information we have about pre-Hispanic markets in the Basin of Mexico, though not abundant, is quite illustrative of the role played by salt in Mesoamerican trade. For instance, Manuscript 106 of the Goupil-Aubin collection, currently held in the National Library in Paris, France, shows an illustration of the market at Tenochtitlan, in which one can see in the third row the stalls where the following products were sold: tobacco, chian (Salvia hispanica, a herbaceous edible plant), maize, beans, cotton, and salt (Durand-Forest 1971:122). A British clergyman named Thomas Gage (1597-1656) visited Mexico in the 17th century and left us some interesting observations on the salt trade in the Basin of Mexico. Gage (1929:63) witnessed the salt-making process in this area and pointed out that this salt was traded throughout Mexico and as far afield as the Philippines! Even the oldest methods of salt production can still be found in some places within the Basin of Mexico, where they were seen by Ola Apenes, who in the 1940s documented salt-making activities in San Cristóbal Nexquipayac, a village of some 900 people on the northwest margins of Lake Texcoco (Apenes 1944). At that time, Nexquipayac was the only remaining community in the Basin of Mexico with a significant interest in salt production (Parsons 1994:259).

When a finer product is desired, the mass of crystallized salt is washed by sprinkling water on it. The salt-maker, or iztatlero, fills his mouth with water and then sprays it on the salt, though others use a water sprinkler called a rociador. A more complicated method consists in retrieving the water before the crystallization process is totally completed, and drying the solidified salts. Due to the varying degrees of solubility of different kinds of salt at different temperatures, the resulting solution has a distinct composition that results in a different product after crystallization. This procedure may be repeated to obtain several kinds of salt, with salitre being the last one in the sequence (Apenes 1944:35-40).

The simplest way to exploit the saline substances that lie around Lake Texcoco involves breaking the crusts formed in puddles during the dry season. This mineral is called tequesquite, and is sold for home use or to be utilized in chemical facilities (Apenes 1944:37). The objective of the most elaborate process witnessed by Apenes involved breaking the tequesquite down into its constituent elements to produce simpler products, mainly white salt for home use, dark salt for meat conservation and, lastly, salitre (saltpeter).

During the archaeological survey that he undertook in the Texcoco region in 1967, Parsons discovered that salt was

Figure 5. Cross-section of a feature called pila, used in Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico, for leaching earth to produce brine (adapted from Parsons 2001: Figure 2.3).

16

Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective still being manufactured in Nexquipayac, apparently using techniques identical to the ones reported by Apenes some 30 years earlier. According to Parsons (1994), despite the general knowledge we have accumulated in relation to salt-making activities during the Postclassic period in the Basin of Mexico, there is little specific information regarding this industry, especially for the early phases of the pre-Hispanic era. For example, we do not know how the TFM pottery was used, exactly how salt was made (for instance, whether boiling brine or solar evaporation was the preferred method of elaboration), how much labour and fuel was spent to manufacture it; the production levels that could be achieved with indigenous technology; whether this was a part-time or year-round activity; whether it was performed by full-time specialists; how important salt was in pre-Hispanic markets, exchange, and tribute systems; and, finally, how all these aspects changed through time (Parsons 1994:261-262).

production of sodium chloride in Nexquipayac requires three kinds of investment in terms of labour and capital: (a) maintenance of workshops and other production areas; (b) insuring access to appropriate lands; and, (c) procuring fuel for the boiling operations (Parsons 1994:263). Sources from the 16th century suggest that there may have been two distinct salt manufacturing processes at Lake Texcoco at the moment of the Spanish conquest: one similar to that seen nowadays in Nexquipayac, involving the leaching of salty soils and boiling of brine, and a simpler one, which consisted in solar evaporation of shallow puddles of salty water. Salt-making sites in the Basin of Mexico are limited in distribution to the narrow strip of land around the lake shores; in fact, this is the only ecological niche where we would expect to find this kind of archaeological site. It is possible that in order to minimize transportation costs, virtually all salt-making workshops were located in the area where the best soils were found, and relocated when a particular source of earth was exhausted (Parsons 1994:275).

Salt manufacture in Nexquipayac (see Figures 6 and 7) consists of six steps (see Figures 8-11): 1) gathering the soils from which salt will be extracted; 2) mixing soils in the prescribed manner in order to obtain one of four possible products (white salt, black salt, yellow salt, or salitre); 3) filtering water through the earth to leach the salt and concentrate it in a brine solution; 4) brine boiling to obtain crystallised salt; 5) drying the crystallised salt; and, 6) selling the final product (Parsons 2001:16-17). The

Sahagún appears to have ignored the feature used for leaching the earth –the aforementioned pila– in his descriptions of indigenous salt-making techniques in the Basin of Mexico in the 16th century. The omission of such

Figure 6. Plan of a salt-making workshop in Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico (adapted from Parsons 2001: Figure 2.11).

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production a visible and distinctive feature is enigmatic, and might lead us to think that earth leaching in pre-Hispanic times was conducted through some other means. If pilas did not exist in the pre-Hispanic process, then the workshops (and their archaeological remains) would be very different from modern ones (Parsons 1994:275). In spite of the above, many pre-Hispanic salt workshops (at least those from the Postclassic period) would probably have had the same functions and basically the same features and artefacts (though made of stone, wood, and clay instead of metal, plastic, rubber, and so on) observed in Nexquipayac over the last fifty years; namely, floors for mixing earths, leaching pits, vessels for carrying and storing brine, massive accumulations of leached earth, structures for storing earth and others for boiling water, small vessels for moving water and brine inside the workshop, scrapers for preparing and repairing the interior surface of the pila, tools for excavating the pila pit, and finally an area for drying the recently made, humid salt (Parsons 1994:276). In summary, the archaeologist may consider at least two kinds of salt-making localities that are fundamentally distinct: (1) well-defined workshops probably with longterm occupation, operated by full- or part-time specialists who made salt by boiling brine obtained through leaching salty earth; and, (2) ill-defined workshops, probably quite ephemeral, that may have been worked primarily in the dry season by non-specialist artisans who made their salt by solar evaporation. Of course, it is also possible to imagine several combinations of these two types. For instance, we might expect to find workshops where both the solar evaporation and leaching-boiling methods were combined, or specialist salt-makers could have moved

Figure 7. Plan of a hut used for boiling brine to produce crystallized salt in a workshop in Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico (adapted from Parsons 2001: Figure 2.10).

Figure 8. Salt-makers bring salty soil to the workshop using donkey and cart (Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico, 1988. Photo courtesy of Jeffrey Parsons).

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Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective

Figure 9. Salt-maker digging out soil for leaching in order to make crystallized salt (Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico, 1988. Photo courtesy of Jeffrey Parsons).

Figure 10. Adding old brine to the soil mixture to facilitate the leaching process (Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico, 1988. Photo courtesy of Jeffrey Parsons). seasonally from leaching-and-boiling workshops (in the wet season) to solar evaporation workshops (in the dry season) (Parsons 1994:278).

generalized form of production, such as solar evaporation, to a more specialized one, like leaching-boiling, may have been linked to the combination of two important factors that made it necessary to increase production after AD 1200: first, a considerable and sustained population growth on a regional level; and, second, changes in the political economy that required greater amounts of salted fish, dyed textiles, cleansing agents, and uniformly packed salt, all of which were required to supply the increasingly urbanized communities, as well as for the functioning of the market

Parsons (1994) suggests that, because of high fuel costs and the need for the knowhow and technical experience that only specialized production could offer, it is highly unlikely that the leaching-boiling method was very popular before the Middle Postclassic (ca. AD 1150-1350) in the Basin of Mexico. The incentive for the transformation from a more

19

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 11. Preparing a new pila using a wooden mallet to harden the sides of the pit (Nexquipayac, Basin of Mexico, 1988. Photo courtesy of Jeffrey Parsons). and tribute systems. Finally, salt production played an important role in defining a more complex sociopolitical hierarchy (Parsons 1994:284).

cutting, digging, or scraping), broken up or pulverized, and cleansed for use. These simple operations may be extended and intensified by preparing artificial evaporation ponds on the lake margins, or by increasing the size of existing natural ponds. However, the solar evaporation technique is essentially quite simple, and requires little specialized knowledge, no complex technology and no fuel. This salt-making technique depends almost entirely on natural conditions in order to define the moment, location and quality of production. Modern salt-makers who use the leaching-boiling method typically spend a great deal of time looking for good deposits of salty soil on the lake bottom at distances of up to several kilometres from their workshops. Once located, they excavate the upper layer of earth and haul it back to their workshop. Obviously, many of these activities would leave only very slight traces –if any– along the lake bed, and it is quite possible that comparable processes used in pre-Hispanic times left some form of archaeological expression, though this has not yet been recognized (Parsons 1996:447).

The non-agricultural resources from Lakes Texcoco, Xaltocan, and Zumpango, especially salt, edible insects, and perhaps algae, were so important as sources of protein and for the economy during the Middle and Late Postclassic that they attracted great numbers of people dedicated fulltime to their production, processing and distribution. These resources must also have been important in sociopolitical terms (Parsons 1996:442, 2006; see also Williams 2014a, 2014b for examples from Lakes Cuitzeo and Pátzcuaro in Michoacán). According to Parsons, it is likely that salt has been produced for centuries (perhaps millennia) by means of solar evaporation in the dry season in shallow ponds around the lake margins. Both production methods –boiling brine over fire and solar evaporation– have been used simultaneously in historic times, and both were likely used in pre-Hispanic times as well. However, this idea has one inherent problem: no one has yet described the solar evaporation technique in this area; consequently, we do not have sufficient information about the material manifestations of this method. We do know that this process survived until the 1940s in this region, and was clearly less complex than the leaching-boiling method in terms of the procedures and artefacts used, fuel requirements, and the degree of specialized knowledge required (Parsons 1996:446).

Oaxaca Salt was a strategic resource in Oaxaca from at least the Formative period. During this time, salt-making there was restricted to villages located near saline springs. As early as 1300 BC, some salt-producing areas were visited briefly, but no houses were built. During the Middle Formative period (ca. 900-300 BC), the production of salt by boiling brackish spring water in pottery jars was a common activity. Indeed, salt-making was probably one of the most widespread regional specializations in Mesoamerica during the Formative period (Flannery and Winter 1976:39-40)

.

During the dry season (October to May) large crusts of salt form naturally over extensive areas of the margins of Lake Texcoco. These crusts are simply removed (by

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Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective Approximately 16 archaeological sites in the Valley of Oaxaca have been identified as salt-making areas. These localities can be classified as small, measuring less than 10 hectares (11 located to date), and large (two located to date). One of the large sites is Lambityeco, which covers over 100 hectares. In addition to the sites in the Valley of Oaxaca, there were at least seven important salt-making localities in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec during Colonial times (Peterson 1976).

by a layer of carbonate; c) worn potsherds used as scrapers to remove salt from boiling pots; d) abraded potsherds that may have been used as covers for the pots to prevent brine from spilling out during the boiling process; e) boiling pots found in situ, which in some cases can be seen on the surface; and, f) the more-or-less uniform lack of height of such salt-making sites (Peterson 1976:84). According to Peterson (1976:88), the extremely high density of pottery fragments found on the surface at Lambityeco reflects the intensity of salt-producing activities performed in antiquity. No other commercial activity in the Valley of Oaxaca, including pottery-making (which leaves few remains), would account for the huge amounts of potsherds found at this site. Peterson holds that the discarded pots are a by-product of the salt-making process, a phenomenon commonly seen in many saltproducing sites around the world.

Lambityeco is the largest salt-making site in the valley, and it was involved in salt production from ancient times until the 1940s. An archaeological surface survey there discovered several areas with dense ash and pottery concentrations, suggesting an intensive level of salt production. Many carbonate fragments have been lifted from the surface in these areas. Excavation of some localities unearthed large pots that may have been used for making salt, since they contained carbonate remains. Another common find on the surface of this archaeological site consists of worn potsherds, which may have been used to scrape salt from the inside of the brine-boiling pots (Peterson 1976:70).

Peterson (1976:90) conducted excavations in order to ascertain whether the strata under the surface of the areas where salt was thought to have been produced contained evidence of carbonates and early potsherds. Those exploratory pits unearthed 88 fragments of scrapers, 42 abraded potsherds (probably parts of the “lids” of the pots used for boiling brine), 70 carbonate fragments, and 45 scrapers, all from Period I (ca. 500-100 BC).

In some sites in Oaxaca, salt-makers appear to have used a production technique that involved earthen pots to boil brine that occurred naturally in springs. At many other sites, such as Lambityeco, the technique consisted of leaching soils to produce brine. The final stage of the process was similar to the one used at the springs mentioned earlier.

Peterson (1976:94-96) has summarized reports from historical sources on the salt production techniques used in the Valley of Oaxaca as follows: salty soils were gathered with a metal hoe and taken in baskets to a site where filtering and boiling took place. At this site, or close to it, water was filtered through the earth using broken vessels or pots cracked at the base, suspended above the ground on earth mounds or wooden supports. Salty earth was put into the pots, and water was poured from above. The water would trickle through the earth and sand, drip down from the base of the pot, and fall into another vessel, placed below the filtering pots. After the filtering process, the earth was removed from the pots and discarded nearby, resulting in the large mounds of leached earth found near these production facilities.

An archaeological site called Hierve el Agua, located outside the Valley of Oaxaca, might have employed a solar evaporation process involving the distribution of naturally-occurring brine over extensive areas with terraces where the brine was transformed into crystallized salt by the heat of the sun (Peterson 1976:81). The most unique aspect of this archaeological site is the complex network of canals and aqueducts for transporting the brine to a descending series of small level terraces designed to maximize evaporation and mineral precipitation (Hewitt et al. 1987:813). The archaeological remains found at Hierve el Agua consist of the terraces and the complex network of canals mentioned above, as well as a residential area with platforms and plazas atop a promontory overlooking the springs. This site was inhabited continuously from 500 BC to AD 1350, and probably into the Late Postclassic (AD 1250-1521). While it has been suggested that the terraces and canals were part of an irrigation system for agriculture, the latest archaeological evidence seems to indicate that it was in fact a large-scale system of salt production (Hewitt et al. 1987:799-807).8

Next, the filtered water was put in a “holder”, a large vessel in which brine was kept before boiling, or was placed directly in the pots for boiling. After some time, thick layers of carbonate appeared inside the vessels, produced by the brine kept in them. Several salt-makers interviewed by Peterson said that they used six vessels for boiling in one oven, each pot containing some three litres of brine. Vegetable fuel was introduced through one side of the oven, and boiling was carried out for several days. We know that the boiling vessels used in historic times had a limited life span, usually no more than a week.

Pre-Hispanic salt-making sites in Oaxaca can be identified by the occurrence of the following features: a) extensive accumulations of ash on the surface; b) potsherds covered

Brine was reduced by boiling the liquid down until it formed a yellow-coloured mass, which bubbled and spattered considerably, thus the use of lids was necessary. A small curved fragment called an asiento (seat) was placed in the

  A recent interpretation of Hierve el Agua (Marcus and Flannery 1996:148) upholds the idea suggested previously that the terraces and canals were used for agricultural irrigation, not salt-making. 8

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production centre of each boiling pot. These potsherds caught the socalled “bitter” salts; i.e., the most soluble substances that solidified near the end of the boiling process.

and had layers of carbonate of a mud-like consistency. The pots were supported by broken potsherds placed around the base or near the rims, and were cemented with stucco.

After scraping the boiling pot to remove its contents, the mass of yellow salt with other substances was placed on a woollen cloth or a woven rush mat called a petate placed on a mound of ash; then fresh water was sprinkled strongly over the mass. Since they were more soluble than sodium chloride, the other chemical substances were removed by the water and carried into the ash, leaving behind white salt. The ash mounds without pottery found at several archaeological sites in Oaxaca were probably used in the past for leaching the bitter salts so as to separate them from the sodium chloride. The sites where these ash features have been found include La Colorada, Guelavia, and Río Salado, among others. This technique may have been used in the Valley of Oaxaca from the end of Period V (ca. 1000-1521), as well as in the Colonial era. Pre-Hispanic potsherds similar to the asientos have been found in Lambityeco, both on the surface and in excavations, with visible signs of erosion on the outside (Peterson 1976:96).

At the start of period V (ca. AD 1300), soils may have been filtered to produce brine, since large tubs for mixing earth disappear from the archaeological record, but large earthen mounds appear near the production units. The time of greatest change in the salt-making techniques was at the beginning of period V (ca. AD 1050), when ovens, tubs and possibly asientos appear, while filtering through earth made its first appearance in AD 1300 (Peterson 1976:102-103). Another site in Oaxaca where salt-making activities have been reported is Fábrica San José (Drennan 1976). The distribution of potsherds with calcium carbonate deposits at this site allows us to make some suggestions as to how this activity was structured there. First, these potsherds did not appear in large concentrations at a single spot within the site, but were distributed among several houses at relatively low frequencies. This suggests that salt production was not a large-scale industry with fulltime specialists but, rather, a minor specialization, present in most, if not all, houses there. Second, there was no evidence of an association with domestic units of higher status; therefore, salt-making activities do not explain the status differences seen at this site (Drennan 1976:136).

What follows is a discussion (based on Peterson 1976) of the two methods probably used to produce salt in the Valley of Oaxaca in ancient times. The first method (used before and during period IV, ca. AD 750-1000) did not involve leaching earth to produce brine, so there is no evidence of filtered soils or accumulations of discarded earth at the salt-making sites of this period. Those salt-makers did not use ovens to boil the brine, and the pots they utilized were larger than the ones from historic times. Both the size of the pots and the presence of fire stains on the surface suggest that brine was boiled in the open.

There are several saltwater springs at Fábrica San José, where salt was produced commercially from earliest times (Middle Formative period, ca. 850 BC) until the Mexican Revolution of 1910. The production method involved catching water from the springs in large tubs and passing it into large pots for boiling. The residues of crystallized salt that remained after boiling the water were scraped from the pots and moulded by hand into a ball shape while still wet. One of the containers used for this operation is still visible. It is a rectangular pit, roughly 2 by 3 m, excavated into the bedrock around a water spring in such a way that the water outlet is at the bottom. Other similar containers have been found during excavations dated to the Postclassic, the Colonial era, and modern times, respectively. These features were made by excavating cylindrical pits and covering their walls with flat stones. Some of these pits had laminar mineral deposits up to 15 cm thick, similar to those left by spring water in other places. These containers, however, are not found in the Middle Formative, so the only evidence that spring water was in fact used in salt-making during this period consists of potsherds with a mineral coating similar to the deposits left by salty water at other localities.

During period IV, salt-makers may have obtained brine directly from saline marshes, or by mixing salty earth with water in order to increase the salt content of the brine. They may also have scraped salt from the ground surface, where it had been dried by the sun, as is still done today. People must have carried the brine, instead of earth, directly to the boiling areas at the site. They also must have boiled the brine near the saline marsh. The location of the salt-making sites suggests an intensive exploitation of the salty areas with the highest levels of salinity (Peterson 1976:101). The second salt-making method found in the Valley of Oaxaca was used in period V (ca. AD 1000-1521) and later; it involved the use of ovens. Archaeological excavations have unearthed light-coloured areas under the surface, which may represent the bases of ovens. Saltmakers during this period used large clay tubs for mixing salty earth with water to produce brine. Apparently, these vessels were broken at the base and then buried up to the rim near a salty marsh, thus allowing the natural brine to filter from the water table. Presumably, once the water had been filtered salty earth was added. The brine obtained from this process may have been taken to be boiled in nearby ovens. The interior surfaces of these tubs were scraped intensely

Although water from these springs contained more than 90% of sodium chloride in solution, deposits left on the potsherds are over 90% calcium carbonate, which is also found in the water from the springs. Sodium chloride is more soluble, so presumably it was washed away by the water, while calcium carbonate was deposited in the form of travertine. A similar process may have occurred in the containers where spring water was deposited (Drennan 1976:257).

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Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective An analysis of the transformation techniques and labour hypothetically required for salt production in the Valley of Oaxaca suggests that salt from this area was costlier than that from the coast. The most economical source in the valley was Lambityeco, but people from the area may have obtained sodium chloride from other places as well. On the other hand, there may have been a market at this site, so the items that arrived there in exchange for salt were of many different kinds and came from diverse sources: obsidian, several kinds of rock, jade, stucco, shells, and pottery (Peterson 1976:138).

so… we began a project there in 1986…” Grove says that he “wanted to concentrate our investigations along the old lagoon systems there, and so one of our first tasks was to survey the lagoon areas. We were looking for shell mounds and middens and evidence of Formative period habitation sites. However, as we carried out surface surveys of the ancient lagoons… we came upon several instances of salt making activities...” According to Grove, at least one salt making site was from the Colonial period, with Majolica potsherds, “but most were recent (perhaps only a few years old)… we wanted to preserve such data and therefore we took photos to record those salt making sites…”  (David Grove, personal communication, 24 March 2014).

Salt was also produced on the coast of Oaxaca; the method employed there in pre-Hispanic times was solar evaporation. The sites where evaporation took place must have been located near the shore, since they had to be supplied constantly with seawater. Had these evaporation facilities not been near the beach, the transportation of brine in clay pots to the drying areas would have involved a heavier cost in terms of human labour. Also, preparing work areas inland would have involved much greater effort.

The sites mentioned by Grove are located in Lagunas de Chacahua on the Pacific coast of Oaxaca, some 50 km west of Puerto Escondido. According to Juan Carlos Reyes, in this area are found some of the most “primitive” methods of leaching earth to produce brine (Reyes 2004:189). The solar evaporation pans used here are round and shallow (Figures 12 and 13), and the filtering device is a flat structure that measures 1 m by 1.6 m by 70 cm tall (Figure 14), similar to the tapeixtle discussed in the next chapter.

In the mid-1980s David Grove conducted archaeological field work on the Oaxaca coast, where he found several saltworks still in operation. He has said about this research that “I am very interested in the earliest pottery in Mesoamerica and was intrigued by the early dates along the Pacific coast… I was curious to know what early finds there might be in the area between Acapulco and Chiapas. The Rio Verde and the Parque Nacional Chacahua… [are] exactly half-way between [these areas]…

In another region of Oaxaca, the saltworks at Silacayoapan in the Mixteca Baja consist of several springs and a complex network of canals for water distribution. The canals originate at the springs and take advantage of changes in topographic levels to carry the water to a series of terraces called cajetes or asoleaderos. The cajetes are arranged in a parallel pattern and are linked to each other by means of sluice gates that allow water to be distributed uniformly

Figure 12. General view of a salt-making site in Chacahua, on the coast of Oaxaca, showing a well, probably used to obtain salty water (foreground), a tapeixtle or filtering device (behind the well), the round solar evaporation pans (in the middle), and the salt-makers’ hut on the left in the background (photo courtesy of David Grove). 23

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 13. Solar evaporation pans, with a tapeixtle and a mound of leached earth in the background (Chacahua, on the coast of Oaxaca. Photo courtesy of David Grove). (Viramontes 1995). At the intersections between the distribution canals there are cylindrical depressions called cuexcomates or trojas, where water is stored for later use in the salt-making process. Around the spring, there is a pool measuring around 3 m2 which facilitates water extraction by preventing the spring from becoming clogged by the mineral salts being extracted. The salt production process in this region of Oaxaca takes place during the dry season, between January and April. Processing six cajetes of salt may take 15 to 20 days, depending on the weather conditions (Viramontes 1995:46). During the Colonial era, the Valley of Oaxaca and neighbouring areas had several natural sources of wealth apart from lands dedicated to agriculture and cattleraising. Historical sources from Colonial times mention the existence of eight saltworks, all of which are described as small, except for San Juan del Estado and Mitla. The Relaciones geográficas mention Tehuantepec as the primary source of salt for the valley during the early Colonial period. Indeed, in the late 1830s traders from San Miguel Mixtepec still travelled to Tehuantepec looking for salt (Taylor 1972:16). In the town of Tlacolula, Oaxaca, in the mid-20th century there were a few people who still extracted salt from the earth. This low-paid occupation was performed by women and elderly men who lived in huts on the outskirts of town, near the area where the salty earth was found. These huts stood upon plains characterised by semi-desert conditions, with no trees or other vegetation except some bushes called huizaches (Alba and Cristerna 1949:570). Few features and tools were used here to produce salt; only a well, a shovel, and some 15 vessels called cajetes made

Figure 14. Filtering device or tapeixtle and tank for (Chacahua, on the coast of Oaxaca. Photo courtesy of David Grove).

collecting brine

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Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective of fired clay with a perforation at the base. The cajetes were placed on a wooden structure called a banco (bench) which did not obstruct the perforations. Several additional cajetes were placed under the bancos to catch the liquid that filtered out of the vessels located in the upper part of the wooden structure.

study of the modern traditional salt industry in Zapotitlán and other towns in this region of Puebla, such as Tlapilco, showed that each saltworks was considered the private property of one or more private owners. In some cases the owners themselves performed the salt-making process, though they more frequently employed paid labour. The construction and maintenance of the saltworks required substantial capital investment, and the shortage of capital was the main reason why several such operations around Zapotitlán were eventually abandoned (Sisson 1973:85).

The earth extracted with the shovel was placed in the pots at the top of the banco, and the pots were filled with salty water. Once the water trickled down and filled the pots at the bottom of the banco, the water was poured into a larger clay pot and placed over a fire until it evaporated completely, leaving the crystallized salt. In this case, both earth and the firewood were obtained free of charge, and work was performed every day except Sundays, when the salt-makers would go to the market in Tlacolula to sell their products. Average weekly production consisted of five almudes (1 almud = 5 litres), which sold for 25 cents each, earning the producer a profit of 20 cents a day (Alba and Cristerna 1949:570).

In those saltworks, water was first allowed to collect in deep round pits excavated into the bedrock, and was later removed by men using large metal containers or clay pots. The pits were reached by means of spiral staircases that circled them and reached below the water table. Once the water was taken out of the pits it was held in a storage tank before being carried to the evaporation pans. The canals in Tlapilco conducted water from springs to a storage tank or pond, where some salt concentration was carried out. From there, the liquid was transported to pools called calentadores (heaters), where earth was added to the salty water to make a stronger saline mixture. Once the mud had settled at the bottom of the calentador, the remaining salty water was taken with care to a nearby patio called a salinera, where the final evaporation process took place. When salt crystals began to form on the surface of the brine in the salinera, the water was stirred with a stick called an aflojador (loosener), which supposedly facilitated the formation of larger crystals. Salt was scraped from the bottom of the salinera and kept temporarily near the patios. Finally, it was stored in natural caves or cavities in saline mounds (the latter perhaps of pre-Hispanic origin) (Sisson 1973:85-86). In Zapotitlán, when the brine was ready handfuls were thrown into the centre of the salinera until a mound of salt was formed. This was later removed and stored as a humid mass in a nearby cave.

Puebla Land and water aside, salt was the most valuable natural resource in the Tehuacán Valley, Puebla, during the second half of the 16th century. Salt was a basic commodity in trade systems that included both raw materials and finished products, and spanned a huge region: from the presentday State of Hidalgo to Guatemala. But the importance of salt was even greater in pre-Hispanic times, as evidenced by the great number of salt-producing sites, like those from the Venta Salada phase (ca. 700-1540). These sites are widely distributed, suggesting that this was a basic industry during the Postclassic period. The distribution of salt-making sites in the Tehuacán Valley corresponds quite closely to the Tehuacán geological formation, which consists of a geological stratum with an abundant content of salt-rich sediments that were deposited when part of the valley was covered by seawater (Sisson 1973:81).

Although salt could be produced almost continuously throughout the year, there was a strong tendency towards seasonal work, mainly during the dry season. The best time of the year for making salt was at the end of winter and during the spring; that is to say, before the start of the summer rains. This particular region produced two kinds of salt: sal de comer (table salt), which was gathered from the centre of the salineras, and sal de animales (salt for animals), which was obtained by scraping the bottom of the pond. Since these two different kinds of salt crystallized at different moments they had distinct proportions or compositions of mineral salts.

Although documents written in the 16th century leave no doubt that sodium chloride was a strategic trade good, they say very little about the saltworks or methods of salt production. The salt industry in Coxcatlán focused around the towns of San Pedro Ontontepetl, San Gerónimo Asuchitlán, and San Juan Axuxco. The map that appears in the Relación geográfica de Coxcatlán shows rectangular pilas de sal (salt ponds or pans), and the archaeological evidence shows that they were indeed shallow pans for the solar evaporation of brine (see Byers 1967: Figure 15). The town of Zapotitlán Salinas, as its name implies, was an extremely important salt source during the Colonial period, and still today it is the centre of the most productive saltworks in the Tehuacán Valley. In the mid-16th century, this town paid its encomendero9 one load of salt a day (González Cossío 1952:611-613). Edward Sisson’s 1970

Sisson’s description shows that few specialized tools were used in salt production that might be preserved in the archaeological record. The wooden aflojadores and woven baskets or storage bags could only be preserved in particularly dry caves, while the pots used for brine transportation would not be readily distinguishable from the ones used to carry or store fresh water. On the other hand, some material remains produced by salt-making activities and the elements that required a high level of

  This term applies to a man who, in the colonial administration, had Indian labourers under his charge. 9

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production capital investment might be recognizable archaeologically. Among these we could mention the remains of pits or wells, canals, storage tanks, solar evaporation pools or pans, and accumulations of mud. In fact, “fossilized” canals have been preserved in association with pre-Hispanic salt-making sites in several places in the Tehuacán Valley (Sisson 1973:87-88).

The second method of salt production involved heating the brine over a slow fire. This process is more efficient than the one described above because it did not require a large capital investment to build the solar evaporation pans; all that was needed was a vessel to hold the brine, a bonfire, and some kind of base to support the vessel over the fire. In this case, the archaeological evidence that might persist into the future would consist of clay vessels, fire stains on the soil, and ash from the fire, as we saw in the case of Oaxaca.

The characteristics of archaeological salt-making sites are quite variable, but they can be recognized thanks to the presence of the following: (1) a distinctive ceramic assemblage; (2) peculiarly-shaped earth mounds; and, (3) in some cases, the remains of solar evaporation pans. The ceramics involved would include hand-moulded solid cylinders and numerous small fragments of the vessels that were used as moulds or as containers for boiling brine. Some of these vessels are typologically similar to the Texcoco Fabric Marked type from the Basin of Mexico discussed above. Also, some of the earth mounds had pottery tubes or pipes in the centre, which are thought to have functioned as parts of filtration systems.

Once the salt was ready, whether by means of solar evaporation or boiling over fire, it had to be packed for storage or shipping. During the early Colonial period in the area of Zapotitlán Salinas, baskets may have been used to store and transport salt. Another form of packing may have consisted in making “loaves” of humid salt, either by hand-moulding or using clay moulds. Humid salt may have been put inside the mould and sun-dried, but since salt is hygroscopic (i.e., it absorbs humidity from the surrounding air) it would have remained wet and would not have formed a hard, stable “loaf”. But heating the salt over a low fire would dry it completely, producing a solid “loaf” that would be easy to store or transport. The archaeological evidence for this production method would consist of moulds and fire stains (Sisson 1973:93).

On the basis of geological, ethnohistorical and archaeological data, Sisson (1973) arrived at some general ideas in relation to the elaboration of salt in the Postclassic and Colonial periods in the Tehuacán Valley. For example, if salt was extracted primarily from salty earth, then a preliminary stage of preparation was required, since the process would have involved leaching. Because of the enormous volumes of earth that would have had to be leached, this stage would have been performed very close to the source of the earth used; otherwise the process would have been unprofitable. Leaching salt from the earth requires some kind of container, as well as an ample water supply and some means of trapping the water once it passes through the earth. One possible way to filter the water may have used a high platform made of wooden posts with a layer of fibrous material (possibly a petate or reed mat) at the top. A load of earth would be placed on top of the petate for leaching, and the saline solution would be caught below in a pot, a pit or some other kind of container placed on the ground under the platform. Obviously, the by-product of this stage would consist of huge amounts of discarded, leached earth.

The presence of fabric-marked pottery in parts of Puebla has been interpreted as proof that moulds were used to manufacture salt blocks or loaves. This would indicate that salt was being packed in a uniform, easy-to-carry form. It could also mean that salt units were created following standardized qualities, volume and weight in pre-Hispanic times (Castellón 2014:77). During the Postclassic period, there was apparently a great increase in the amount of salt being produced in Tehuacán, and it is very likely that there was another significant expansion around the middle of the 16th century, in response to the demand for sodium chloride for silver-processing (Sisson 1973:94). Among the archaeological features associated with this increase in salt production are three solar evaporation pans excavated at a site called Ciénega Redonda, which are very similar to the pilas shown in the aforementioned Relación geográfica.

If water was not available for leaching at the salt production site, it had to be carried to the site and stored there. The archaeological markers of these activities would be pots, canals and water storage tanks.

The archaeological survey conducted in the Tehuacán Valley discovered many sites with solar evaporation pans, solid, hand-moulded pottery cylinders, and rough clay pots. If pans were being used for evaporation, it is unlikely that the boiling method was being used at the same time, so in this case what was the function of the clay cylinders? One possibility is that they were used to make salt loaves. According to Sisson, a fire would be lit and small stones added to it. Once the rocks were quite hot, the cylinders were placed vertically in order to support the conical pots holding the wet salt. The pots were broken once they had cooled down, and discarded after removing the salt. Another possible use for the pots would be as containers for crystallized salt (Sisson 1973:96-98).

Two evaporation methods were employed in the Tehuacán Valley before the Conquest: solar evaporation and boiling over fire. The first method only required a waterproof container, like the large and shallow pans that have been preserved in the archaeological record. The pilas shown in the map of the Relación geográfica of 1580 may well have been pans for solar evaporation. Today, such pans are waterproofed by adding a lime coating over a base of small stones. The oven that would have been required to produce the lime might also be preserved in the archaeological record (Sisson 1973:91). 26

Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective The Maya Area

Other salt-making sites reveal large amounts of comal (griddle) fragments, which may have been part of an alternative method for producing crystallized salt by heating and drying wet salt. In fact, the comal would be an ideal artefact for this purpose, even better than the aforementioned small conical pots. Salt could have been placed on the comales and heated slowly, producing thin lenticular “loaves”. This method may have begun to replace the manufacture of conical “loaves” in pots during the early Colonial period in response to the introduction of the Western system of weights and measures (Sisson 1973:102).

Before the Spanish Conquest, most of the salt produced by the Maya Indians was destined for food, although it did have other uses as well: food preservation, preparation of textile dyes, medicine, and even ritual functions. In some regions, the lack of a balance between supply and demand of salt generated trade networks and competition over sources. In fact, it has been hypothesized that the salt trade among the Maya played an important role in both the emergence and decadence of this civilization (Andrews 1980, 1983). We know that different groups often fought for control over salt sources and lucrative trade routes. For example, in northern Yucatán, the Chiapas and Guatemala highlands, and the jungles of the Petén, competition over this strategic resource was frequently a cause of wars that propitiated changes in the political destiny of the groups involved (Andrews 1980:55-56).

There are also many salt deposits around the site of Cuthá, some 4 km from Zapotitlán. In an area between the streams that run toward the Zapotitlán River and the gully excavated by this river, salt is still being made using pre-Hispanic techniques. There, water is extracted by hand from a well and then placed in a small chute-like masonry feature called a cajón, which is located at the entrance to a long canal that runs for 50 or 60 m at a depth of 3 m from the surface before emptying into a complex of evaporation pans (Martínez and Castellón 1995:60-61).

Salt was also an essential component in the native Maya worldview; therefore, it had great importance for ritual life in antiquity, and its ritual uses persist in several places even today. In the Maya area many salt sources were considered sacred, and some still are, including San Mateo Ixtatán and Sacapulas in Guatemala; Salinas Atzam in Chiapas; and Xtampu in the Yucatán. Many of these salt sources still retain the remains of ancient ritual, although there is considerable syncretism with Christian beliefs. For example, in San Mateo Ixtatán, groups of old women burn copal incense in front of Catholic crosses while chanting prayers that are part Mayan and part Catholic. This ritual is aimed at invoking several deities, both Maya and Christian, to ask for their help in preventing the saline springs from drying up (Andrews 1980:62).

In many cases, modern pans have been constructed in the form of terraces in order to be closer to the wells. This is reminiscent of the pre-Hispanic construction method, of which there are many examples at Cuthá. Once the water fills the pans it is left for a month to six weeks, depending on the weather conditions. When the pan is free of sediments and salt begins to crystallize on the surface, there are two ways to make the mineral settle more quickly on the bottom of the pan. The first is to throw or sprinkle salty water on the pans by hand; the second is to use one’s bare feet to stir the water. Afterwards, when large salt crusts or scales have formed, the pan is scraped to break up the lumps of salt. This process is carried out with a long wooden shovel used to lift the salt, which by now is almost completely dehydrated. The small blocks of salt formed on the pan are broken up and pulverized by hitting them with a long stick. Once this work is finished, the salt is put in a basket so it will lose a little more humidity. The first salt formed in the upper part of the pans is softer and is used for human consumption, while that formed at the bottom is used for cattle feed because it is quite bitter due to its high sulfate content (Martínez and Castellón 1995:64-65).

In Salinas Atzam, Chiapas, small amounts of “sacred salt” are produced for use exclusively in rituals and medicinal practices in surrounding communities. The “sacred” nature of Atzam and its salt are part of an intricate religious and sociopolitical system on a regional level that includes the exchange of santos (figures of saints) and the observation of a “cargo” system similar to the one in Zinacantán (cfr. Vogt 1970), as well as a series of other activities and rituals. Salt is also used in witchcraft in both the Maya highlands and lowlands, and may be used in exorcisms, to cast magic spells, or to counteract the power of other witches (Andrews 1980:63-64).

The use of salt evaporation pans like the ones discussed above is a pre-Hispanic tradition that has persisted up to the present. Close to the pans currently used in Cuthá one can see abundant remains of similar ancient features, as well as mounds of discarded potsherds (up to 3 m in height) and alignments of stone slabs that undoubtedly were the boundaries of ancient evaporation pans. These mounds consist exclusively of pottery of three different types, all of them probably associated with the production and distribution of salt loaves in antiquity (Martínez and Castellón 1995:64-65, 71).

Scientific studies of the chemical composition of several specific salt sources have been carried out in attempts to explain the supposedly curative powers of salt. According to Andrews, the preferred salt for ritual uses came from the Maya highlands. Chemical analyses revealed that it included several other minerals, such as calcium, iron and magnesium, as well as sulphates and nitrates, so it may be that these minerals, rather than sodium chloride itself, are responsible for any curative properties (Andrews 1980:66). Salt abstinence was also of ritual significance among the Maya. Before certain festivals and on other special 27

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 15. Partial map of the Maya area, showing the main salt-making sites mentioned in the text. The shaded Yucatán Peninsula and on the southwestern Pacific coast show the areas of greatest concentration of saltworks (adapted from Andrews 1997).

areas in the north of the

occasions, people in the highlands and lowlands would refrain from eating salt. The reason for this custom is not known, but it may be an unconscious remembrance of the “salt hunger” of the past, a situation now long forgotten (Andrews 1980:64).

There is archaeological evidence for saltworks in Yucatán that date to the Late Formative period (ca. 300 BC-AD 300). At the beginning of the Colonial era, salt production on the Yucatán Peninsula amounted to roughly 20,000 tons a year, enough to satisfy the needs of several million people, or the whole of the Maya lowlands throughout history (Andrews 1997:40).

The pre-Hispanic Maya obtained their salt from many sources, most of them coastal saline deposits. The foremost salt sources in Mesoamerica, both in the past and the present, have been the salt deposits on the coast of the Yucatán Peninsula, where sodium chloride was extracted by solar evaporation of the salty water in extensive pond systems. Salt deposits extend from the Ría de Celestún in the west to El Cuyo in the east (see map, Figure 15). In historical times, there were small solar saltworks on the islands of Carmen, Holbox, Mujeres, and possibly Cozumel as well (Andrews 1997:40).

One particularly important salt source for the Maya was found at the site called Salinas de los Nueve Cerros in the department of Alta Verapaz, Guatemala, which controlled the only salt source in the densely-populated Maya lowlands. The site’s location allowed it to control the distribution of salt toward markets downriver. The ancient inhabitants of this locality held a monopoly over a strategic resource with a constant demand (Dillon et al. 1988:37). Salt was made here by means of solar evaporation and

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Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective also by boiling brine over fire. A specialized ceramic technology was developed to exploit this resource on an industrial scale, including what may be the largest pottery vessels yet discovered in the Maya area, if not the entire New World (Dillon et al. 1988:37).

either, they have provided resources for multi-family salt wells, and organized an ongoing lecture and workshop series detailing the results of the archaeological project (Woodfill 2013). It is possible that the volume of salt produced on the Yucatán coast and at Nueve Cerros was insufficient to satisfy the requirements of the dense human populations in the Maya lowlands during the Classic period. Perhaps in part to fulfil this need, a thriving “boiled salt” industry appeared on the Belize coast. Though this industry was discovered only recently by archaeological excavations, over 40 production sites have been reported, in which brine from the estuaries was evaporated in clay pots. Those operations would have required arduous labour and yields would have been meagre at best (Andrews 1997:42).

The natural occurrence of salt at Nueve Cerros is due to an underground stratum of salt that is over a mile thick and covers extensive areas of the southern Maya lowlands, according to findings from oil-drilling operations. This site is unique in the whole Maya area because of the presence of a large salt diapir –or bubble– which erupted through the layer of limestone to form a salt dome. A fault in the southern end of the dome penetrates the upper layer of earth allowing the water table to come into contact with the saline deposits. During the dry season, natural solar evaporation takes place at Salinas de los Nueve Cerros, though this is only possible for limited periods of time since rain is so abundant during nine or ten months a year that the brine is diluted and crystallization cannot take place. The natural transformation process from liquid brine to crystallized salt in antiquity could have taken as little as nine days; however, because of the short dry season in the area, there may have been only three or four twoweek periods a year during which solar evaporation was feasible. Even so, this represents a potential production of 4,000-6,000 tons of salt a year (Dillon et al. 1988:42).

The specialized production of sodium chloride at Stingray Lagoon, Belize, seems to have been aimed at local consumption within the coastal area of southern Belize, though trade to inland areas cannot be discarded. Some communities specialized in the production of this resource, although it seems that people did not live there year-round, since no archaeological traces of settlements have been found (McKillop 1995:223). The utilitarian pottery vessels found at this site are quite specialized, including thickwalled pots with restricted mouths and thick-walled bowls. In fact, most of the artefacts from excavations at Stingray Lagoon are linked to salt production. Both a regional survey and excavations performed on the southern coast of Belize indicate that salt manufacture was performed at a variety of settlements, although this activity was incidental and infrequent. It is not usual to find solid clay cylinders (used to support the pots in which brine was boiled over fire) at the sites on the islands close to the mainland, in contrast to the specialized workshops on the estuaries (McKillop 1995:224).

At the time when salt production was at its peak –during the Classic period (ca. AD 300-900)– the vegetation around the beach where the saltworks are located could have been cleared, leaving an area of around one square kilometre of alluvial plain available for the solar evaporation of brine. The production potential of this method during the Classic period was around 6,000 m3 for each harvest in the dry season, or 18,000-24,000 metric tons a year, exclusively through the solar evaporation method (Dillon et al. 1988:42). Studies of stratigraphy and ceramics in Nueve Cerros suggest that evaporation using fire and clay vessels was performed together with solar evaporation at least since the Late Preclassic (ca. 300 BC-AD 300), and may have subsisted until AD 900 (Dillon et al. 1988:56).

Thanks to salt manufacture along the Belize coast, the need to import this product from afar –the northern coast of Yucatán, for instance– diminished. Production focused on the salty water of the coastal estuaries where salinity levels increased during the dry season. Salt was produced on the coast of Belize by boiling brine over fire, using clay pots and bowls supported by clay cylinders (McKillop 1995: Figures 9-11) (Figure 16).

The estimates for salt production at Nueve Cerros vary from 300 to 2,400 tons per year. This variation is explained by our lack of knowledge concerning several aspects of the production methods, but in any case it is quite clear that the region where this site is located was an important salt source during the Classic period (Andrews 1997:42).

The presence in Stingray Lagoon of many goods produced inland, especially the Lubaantun-type “whistle figurines” and stamped ceramics, is evidence that may prove the hypothesis that salt was being exported to inland sites. The lack of remains of marine fauna in the excavations probably indicates that the process of salting dried fish was not taking place at the site (McKillop 1995:225). It is possible that the salt industry on the Belizean littoral emerged in response to the demands of peoples in the southern Maya lowlands, but it also supplied regions close to the coast. In addition, this salt may have been transported as an export to the Petén region of Guatemala (Andrews 1997:42).

An archaeological project was implemented at Salinas de los Nueve Cerros in 2009 with the dual goals of carrying out scientific research and fostering community development. Unfortunately, due to the region’s complex political landscape, the initial goal of establishing community-run ecotourism projects had to be abandoned. Instead of this objective, the project has attempted to implement lowcost development initiatives in collaboration with local Maya villagers. Though these have not met expectations

29

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 16. In Stingray Lagoon, Belize, brine was boiled in pots over fire using clay cylinders as support (adapted from McKillop 1995: Figure 10). Seasonal saltworks were set up along the coast of Belize during the Late Classic period to meet the growing demand for salt inland. At these salt-making sites, salty water from the lagoons may have been processed by pouring it through salt-rich soils in large wooden containers. This process would have enriched the salt content of the brine before boiling it down to produce crystallized salt. Solar evaporation may also have been used as an alternative method for obtaining salt in the Classic period, but the rise in sea levels during Late Classic times obliterated the saltworks, ending this industry. After many inland Maya sites in the southern lowlands were abandoned upon the collapse of the Maya Classic civilization (ca. AD 900), there were few consumers for the salt produced on the Belize coast, and most saltworks were abandoned (McKillop 2002:175).

periodically… However, this change would have been gradual, not abrupt, and would be difficult to isolate archaeologically” (Andrews and Mock 2002:322). Turning now to El Salvador, we know that before the start of the 20th century salt was made there exclusively by boiling brine, a manufacturing method commonly found along the Pacific coast in Chiapas, Guatemala and El Salvador that dates back to pre-Hispanic times. In 1576, Diego García de Palacio described the salt industry on the Guazacapán coast,10 writing that “most people were able to make salt, although it was hard work and could have ill effects on their health. They made brine using the earth covered by the sea in high tide. They boiled the brine in ovens similar to the ones used by peasants. They used much firewood and many pots to boil it, so it [i.e. salt] was costly and difficult to make…” (García de Palacio 1576, cited in Andrews 1991:75; translation by the author).

McKillop’s examination of the responses of the ancient coastal Maya to surging sea levels (a widespread phenomenon documented by the author’s geoarchaeological research) shows that “there was a complex interplay between cultural and environmental factors. Although sea-level rise did not cause the abandonment of the salt workshops, sea-level rise did obviate their use during the Postclassic. The choices for settlement locations for the Postclassic Maya were diminished” (McKillop 2002:174).

This production process was too laborious for the Spaniards, as stated in an account from 1579: “… on this coast salt is also made from the sea, though in a way that seems to be more laborious than profitable…” The saltmakers took earth from near the sea and threw it into large canoes resembling troughs, with perforations in the bottom. Then they put some woven mats on top and threw salty earth over them, slowly pouring water over the earth. The water trickled through the earth and dripped into pots placed below the canoes to be strained and boiled in another pot. The final product was said to be salt “in small amounts and of low quality” (Estrada y Niebla 1955, cited in Andrews 1991:75).

According to Andrews and Mock (2002:321), there are a number of unresolved issues regarding the pre-Hispanic boiled salt industry of the Belize coast, and answers to these questions must be provided in order to reconstruct ancient salt production systems in this part of the Maya area. The major challenge lies in determining the volume of production at the various salt-making sites, a difficult task because of the lack of historical or ethnographic data. Andrews and Mock hold that “we need to determine whether all the salt-making sites were engaged in production at the same time. The brine-cooking process uses large quantities of firewood, and the exhaustion of local fuel sources may have forced salt-makers to relocate

The traditional industry based on boiling brine prevailed on the Pacific Coast of Central America from pre-Hispanic times to the mid-20th century, when the solar evaporation method was introduced. C. Roger Nance excavated an archaeological site called Guzmán on the coast of   The Guazacapán coast covers part of the Pacific littoral, roughly from the Michatoya River in Guatemala to the Aguacachapa River of El Salvador (Andrews 1983)

30

.

10

Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective Guatemala near the border with Mexico. This site consists of a mound with the remains of a salt-making industry from the Formative period (ca. 200 BC-AD 150). Production techniques there were very similar to the ethnohistorical accounts cited above. At this site, excavators found many hearths and large amounts of charcoal, which were interpreted as evidence of workshops where brine was boiled in clay pots supported over fires by clay cylinders set in clumps of mortar (Nance 1992:43; McKinnon and Kepecs 1989:527).

Once the earth was saturated with salt, it was put into strong baskets, under which a large earthen pot called a tinaja was placed. Next, the salt-makers poured water from the springs into the baskets to leach the salt from the earth. The process was interrupted when they thought that the earth had lost its “strength”. Finally, the brine was poured into small clay vessels called cajetes, which were placed over a fire. While the liquid was boiling, producers added maize dough to thicken it and produce a whiter salt (Reina and Monahan 1981:16).

During the 1980s, the boiled-salt industry of the Pacific coastal area of Guatemala and El Salvador was on the brink of extinction because it could not compete with modern production methods. Brine boiling is a laborious and lowyield process requiring large amounts of firewood, which is hard to find because of the high degree of deforestation in the region (Andrews 1991:78).

In the past, only men worked at these saltworks, but traditionally women were allowed to take meals to the men at midday and would stay on the hillsides near the playas where the saltworks were located (Reina and Monahan 1981:17). On a typical day during the dry season (November to June), salt-makers to this day carry out the same steps described in the 17th century, although nowadays men and women work together. After preparing the earth as described above, the next step is to take it to the cocinas or “kitchens”, small rooms with stone walls roughly six by eight meters with the floor on a lower level than the surrounding ground. The kitchens are located on the riverbanks, just above the playas and thermal springs. There are no dwellings in this area, and these constructions are markedly different from traditional Maya houses (Reina and Monahan 1981:22).

One of the ancient salt-producing centres still in operation in the Maya area is Sacapulas, in northwestern Guatemala. Salt has always been important for the people of this town, and in the past was even used as a unit of exchange. Nowadays, no meal is complete without salt to season the tortillas and chili peppers. This demand for salt made Sacapulas a very rich community; in fact, its salt-making industry is still quite lucrative. An account from the Colonial period gives a detailed description of salt production in the 17th century, while a native document, the Título de Sacapulas, gives us an indigenous perspective. The great political and economic changes that have occurred in the area have not modified the basic value structure or the technology surrounding salt production there (Reina and Monahan 1981:14).

Throughout the day, salt-makers climb up the hill from the playas carrying baskets with earth on their backs using tumplines (mecapal). They empty the earth into a cajón, a wooden box with an approximate capacity of 1.5 m2 located in the kitchen area on a mound at a short distance from the entrance. This mound is 2.5 m tall, sufficient to make the water filter through a woven straw mat in the cajón and fall into a stone bowl placed underneath. Several basket-loads of earth are needed to fill the cajón, and carrying them is very hard work indeed, because the earth is heavy on account of the salt. Once the cajón is full, the salt-maker climbs on top and walks barefoot on the earth to compact it as much as possible. Next, he goes to the playa and fills a pot with salty water from the spring, which he then pours slowly over the cajón. This process is repeated ten times in half an hour until the water begins to trickle down into the stone bowl, which slowly fills up. A ball of maize dough is put in the brine to measure the density of the saline liquid since the speed at which the ball rises reflects the density of the brine (Reina and Monahan 1981:24).

One of the first reports written by the Spanish about salt production in this town comes from 1574. It states that shortages of salt were a serious problem in the surrounding region, which had to import it from Sacapulas, at a distance of several days’ journey. Many Maya Indians made the trip to work in the saltworks and were paid in salt, which they took back to their home communities (Reina and Monahan 1981:15). In 1629, Martín Alfonso Tovilla, the alcalde mayor (lord mayor) of the province of Verapaz, left us a description of the process of the elaboration of sodium chloride in Sacapulas. This author tells us that production sites were located near the river, on playas or flat terrain that had been cleared of vegetation. Dispersed among these playas were eight wells of thermal water with a high mineral content. Every morning, the salt-makers would spread a layer of fine earth over the playas and then sprinkle it with water sporadically throughout the day. In the afternoon, they would carefully gather and pile up the soil, knowing that with the help of the sun it had absorbed the salt from the earth. The piles of salty earth were covered to protect them from the rain, and the process was repeated the following day. The saltworks could not be worked in the rainy season, because the playas were flooded by the nearby river.

When the amount of filtered brine increases, the salt-makers transfer it to a clay pot and take it to the kitchen. The brine is boiled in twenty small clay bowls (cajetes). These bowls are made by the salt-makers themselves (they are quite fragile because they are not fired in the pottery kiln, but only sundried). The next step involves placing firewood (called ocote, or pitch pine) under the bowls, lighting it and filling the bowls with brine. The brine is left to boil for several hours and as it begins to evaporate crystallized salt starts to form inside each bowl. Two hours later, the bowls are full of salt (Reina and Monahan 1981:28-29).

31

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production Women are responsible for selling the salt. Every Saturday and Sunday they set up their stalls under a ceiba tree in the town square. The salt from Sacapulas is highlyvalued in the area, and most people, including ladinos or non-Indians, prefer it to industrially-produced salt. Therefore, the people from Sacapulas need not travel far in order to sell their product, which is not common among communities with such specialized production (Reina and Monahan 1981:31).

asked why it was necessary to produce boiled salt, since this method requires a larger investment in manpower. Several factors may have influenced the origin and development of this industry: 1) demographic pressure during the Classic period created a high demand for the salt produced in the southern lowlands; 2) the growing scarcity of arable land may have created unemployment inland and simultaneously promoted new specializations outside of agriculture, such as salt-making; and, 3) a possible increase in sea levels in northern Yucatán during the early Classic period may have affected production, thus reducing salt exports to the south (Andrews 1983:15-17).

La Concordia, Chiapas, is the only place in the Maya highlands where we know that solar evaporation was practiced in the past. This was a simple method that consisted in conducting the brine from the springs through long tubes made of tree trunks and wooden planks to a series of small evaporation pans made of stones and lime. These pans were of different sizes and irregular shapes, usually with a depth of 10-20 cm. Brine evaporation took between 20 and 30 days, after which it was gathered and sent to market. Salt-making in La Concordia, like other localities where solar evaporation took place, was a seasonal occupation. Work started at the beginning of the dry season in January, and continued until the first rains, around May or June. There is some archaeological evidence for salt production in La Concordia from preHispanic times (Andrews 1983:51-54).

There is strong evidence for a considerable long-distance salt trade between the southern and northern Maya areas in the Classic period. This idea is suggested by the presence of exchange items such as polychrome pottery from the Petén in several salt production sites in northern Yucatán, as well as obsidian and jade from the Guatemalan highlands. These archaeological finds support the idea of trade, and it is highly likely that several goods were brought to these sites in exchange for salt (Andrews 1998:17). Toward the end of the Classic period (ca. AD 900) the salt industry in the Maya lowlands disappeared. The site of Salinas de los Nueve Cerros was almost totally deserted by the 9th century, and the boiled salt operations on the Belize coast ceased around AD 900-1000. It is likely that several factors came together to bring about this process. The most important factor may have been the collapse of the cities of the Classic period in the south, which would have reduced the demand for salt. Also, the lack of firewood on the Belize coast (due to deforestation) may have reduced production levels (cfr. Mock 1998). Another process on the Belize coast that inevitably affected the salt industry was the rise in sea levels of perhaps one meter; a phenomenon that is well documented for the entire Yucatán Peninsula around AD 800-1000, and that would have flooded the coastal saltworks. Taking all of these factors into account provides a possible explanation for the abandonment of the Maya salt industry there (Andrews 1998:17-18).

Another method of making salt, unique to the Chiapas coast, is called tapesco. It consists in leaching marshy soils with water from an estuary and drying the brine in small solar pans (Andrews 1983: Figures 3.7, 3.8). Just like boiling salt, this is a seasonal method that can only take place during the dry part of the year; i.e., from January to May or June. When the estuaries are reduced in size, soil is picked up and placed in elevated platforms made of wood called tapescos. These platforms have a filter in the lower part made of three layers of thin sticks covered with grass and a layer of earth. The first step is to carry salty water from small, shallow wells that are fed by the saline water table. The second step involves pouring water on the earth in the tapesco to initiate the leaching process. Once the brine has passed through the filter, it collects in a mud-plastered pit under the tapesco. From the pit, the brine is moved to the evaporation pans, which have an average volume of 1.5 m2 and are 15 cm deep. These pans are arranged in a rectangular grid of two rows each, and each grid holds 10 to 18 pans. Depending on the available sunlight, evaporation takes from four to six days, after which the salt is heaped up in small mounds using wooden hoes. It has not been possible to determine the antiquity of the tapesco technique because, unlike the boiled salt technique –which dates to at least the Formative period– saltworks using the tapesco method leave very few material traces: their wooden frames and filters are perishable, and the walls, pans, basins, and other features made of mud are destroyed by the heavy rains during the wet season (Andrews 1983:63).

Conclusions This chapter has taken a comparative perspective based on examples from the Old World –Africa, Asia and Europe– to show the central role played by salt in the history and culture of these regions. Of special interest is the case of China, where around the first millennium of the Christian era the most complex salt production techniques of the time were developed, together with a highly sophisticated tax system that brought the state huge financial gains. No less noteworthy is the long-distance salt trade that developed in northern Africa, where camel caravans crossed huge distances to exchange salt (a very scarce resource in many regions of the continent) for gold, ivory, and slaves, among other goods.

In light of the huge amounts of solar salt produced in Yucatán since the Formative period, several authors have 32

Chapter II Salt Production in Antiquity: A Comparative Perspective Sodium chloride was even more important for Mesoamerican peoples than for civilizations in the Old World. The lack of natural sources of salt in the Mesoamerican diet –which consisted primarily of plants such as maize, beans, squash, chili peppers, and so on, with only modest sources of animal protein– made salt one of the key commodities of trade and tribute in the native economy. The information discussed in these pages gives special attention to several aspects of material culture, work organization, production levels, and ecological adaptation, all of which are important for contextualizing in a comparative framework the discussion in Chapter IV of salt production in the Tarascan area and its hinterland.

and elements from the pre-Hispanic past, together with ethnographic and ethnohistorical information from areas outside Western Mexico, are very important for contextualizing the scanty and fragmentary archaeological information we have for salt-making sites in Michoacán, which are discussed in Chapter IV. Two kinds of salt were produced in the valley of Tehuacán, Puebla, in recent times: de comer (for eating) and para animales (for animals, meaning cattle). In ancient times, different salt qualities were procured as well; for instance, to be used as food or for industrial purposes like those mentioned above (salting fish, textile dyeing, etc.). Each variety produced by these salt industries had its own material manifestations, and it might be possible to identify them in the archaeological record.

One of the most important sources of inspiration for our research is the study conducted by Jeffrey Parsons (1989, 1994, 1996, 2001) in the town of Nexquipayac, in the Basin of Mexico. Parsons reports the existence in this part of Mesoamerica of two kinds of pre-Hispanic salt-making sites, each one linked to different aspects of the salt industry, and probably with different levels of production. Likewise, each site type has its own archaeological artefact inventory, described by Parsons (2001) as follows: a) well-defined workshops with long occupations that were operated by full-time specialists who made salt by leaching soils and boiling brine; and, b) ill-defined workshops, probably of an ephemeral nature, which were active mainly during the dry season and were worked by non-specialized producers who produced salt by means of solar evaporation. The first kind of site would be easier to detect in the archaeological record, both in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and on the Michoacán coast (discussed in Chapter IV), while the identification of the second kind would require a thorough study of the landscape.

The features of material culture discussed for Tehuacán that could perhaps be identified in the archaeological record at salt-making sites in Michoacán include wells, canals, storage tanks, solar evaporation pans, mud accumulations, rough clay vessels, and comal (griddle) fragments (used to dry the crystallized salt). The ethnographic information discussed in this chapter pertaining to the Maya area includes one particularly important aspect, which would be very difficult, if not impossible, to detect in the archaeological record: the ideological context for the use of salt in ritual activities. Salt was used in the pre-Hispanic past, and is still used in the present, in religious rituals and ceremonies, as well as in curative practices. This information is of great importance, because it shows that not all aspects of salt production and use in the Maya area had practical, nutritional or industrial applications. This perspective may be broadened to include other areas of Mesoamerica, for we also have ethnohistorical information about the curative properties of salt among the Aztecs.

According to Parsons (1994), after AD 1200 demographic growth on a regional level, together with changes in the political economy in the Basin of Mexico, increased the salt needed for conserving fish, dyeing textiles, making cleansing agents, and so on. Because of all these requirements for sodium chloride, the demand for this product in uniform packages increased considerably. It is imperative that we attempt to identify these processes in the Tarascan area (see Chapter IV) in order to contextualize the salt industry in a diachronic perspective.

Finally, the description of salt-production workshops like the ones in Sacapulas, Guatemala, gives us a systemic perspective (cfr. Schiffer 1988) that is indispensable for detecting and interpreting these activities in the archaeological record. The ethnographic and archaeological cases discussed briefly in this chapter help us contextualize in a broad sociocultural framework the information related to salt production activities in Michoacán and adjacent areas that I present in Chapter IV. Western Mexico was an integral part of Mesoamerica; therefore, it shared a common heritage and history with the other peoples within this great cultural area. This shared cultural legacy was always enriched by multiple regional variants. In the case of the salt-making industries that have persisted from ancient times in several areas of Mexico and Central America, we can see certain similar features that bear witness to their common roots, as well as distinct traditions that pertain to the different ecological, social, and cultural conditions of each region.

Additional instances of salt production discussed in this chapter come from Oaxaca, where the diagnostic features found in ancient salt-making sites include extensive accumulations of ash on the surface; potsherds with calcium carbonate laminations; worn potsherds (that may have been used to scrape the vessels where brine was boiled); perforated pots used as filters for leaching; ovens for boiling with salt-making pots inside; cylindrical pits with walls covered by flat stones; and potsherds with laminate deposits of substances derived from the salt-making process. At several salt-processing sites in Oaxaca archaeologists have found canals, terraces, sluice gates, depressions on the ground and storage tanks used to transport and store brine. All these features, artefacts, 33

Chapter III Geographic and Cultural Background of Western Mexico

This chapter presents a panoramic and diachronic perspective of pre-Hispanic cultural development in Western Mexico in order to contextualize the study of salt production in Michoacán that is discussed in subsequent chapters.

to their surprise, this has not been the case, at least not with the frequency and regularity that they expected. Mesoamerican scholars, many of whom still work from the perspective of central Mexico and points to the south, failed to appreciate the relevance of such studies to what they considered the “Mesoamerican nuclear area”. In a certain sense, archaeologists of Western and northwestern Mexico were operating as if they were looking through a one-way mirror: they could certainly see out but, apparently, were quite invisible to their colleagues on the other side. It is astonishing to scholars working in Western Mexico to see that their increasingly radical arguments have not been recognized or taken up by other Mesoamericanists, and that the archaeology of this region has had so little influence in defining Mesoamerica and Mesoamerican high culture (Gorenstein 1996:89). The present chapter includes an up-to-date summary of the archaeology of Western Mexico that discusses recent information and viewpoints on one of the most important and fascinating areas of Mesoamerica.

The first archaeologists that wrote about western and north-western Mexico pointed out that this region was in some way, or ways, connected to Mesoamerica. Later scholars thought that the region’s archaeology belonged to the area of Mesoamerican studies, while more recent writers think it should be incorporated into a newlydefined Mesoamerica (eg. Gorenstein 1996:89). Over the last two or three decades, the pace of archaeological work in western and north-western Mexico has accelerated and archaeologists have made discoveries of new sites and offered new interpretations that reveal the pronounced cultural complexity of this area in pre-Hispanic times. At first, these archaeologists expected to see their work cited in the publications of Mesoamerican scholars but,

Figure 17. Map of Western Mexico showing the archaeological sites mentioned in the text (for Michoacán, see Figure 19). 34

Chapter III Geographic and Cultural Background of Western Mexico The area we now know as Western Mexico covers a vast geographical region, currently occupied by the states of Michoacán, Jalisco, Colima, Nayarit, Sinaloa and part of Guanajuato (Figure 17). In the pre-Hispanic past, this area was characterized by great ecological diversity and a wide variety of cultural manifestations. Western Mexico also had a large number and variety of ecological niches that propitiated different forms of behaviour; that is, a multiplicity of cultures. As evidence of this great cultural diversity we can mention the large number of native languages spoken in the western regions of Mexico at the time of the conquest, as well as the diversity seen in the area’s archaeological record. Western Mexico’s peculiar cultural configuration, as well as its geographical location, gave this area an important role as a corridor through which ideas were exported (even to such distant areas as the southwestern United States). Goods such as turquoise and metals flowed through this area, and many human groups traversed it during their migrations, transforming earlier ways of life along the way (Schöndube 1994:19).

Transversal and Nayarit-Guerrero. From the perspective of its physical and biological geography, this region appears to be characterized by diversity and transition, and these are the traits that probably best define it (Jardel 1994:18). No discussion of Western Mexico’s geographical setting would be complete without mentioning its rivers and lakes (Figure 18). The following description of this topic is based largely on the work of Tamayo and West (1964). The Mexican Pacific watershed receives less rainfall and covers much less area than the Atlantic one, and is characterized by surface streams with relatively small discharge. There are only two large drainage basins in this region: the Lerma-Santiago and Balsas systems. Even most permanent currents in the Pacific watershed are characterized by a markedly seasonal regime, and many of the small rivers are only intermittent (Williams 1996). The Lerma-Santiago system is one of the most extensive hydrographical basins in Middle America. The present-day Lerma drainage system originates in the marshes and lakes of the southern end of the Toluca Valley. Downstream, many tributaries join this river as it traverses portions of the present-day states of México, Querétaro, Guanajuato, Michoacán and Jalisco. The Lerma is a slow-moving river with a slight gradient and many meanderings along its course. The Grande de Santiago River originates in Lake Chapala and flows across the southern part of the Sierra Madre Occidental to reach the Pacific Ocean in the state of Nayarit. Its most important tributaries are the following rivers: Verde, Juchipila, Bolaños, Apozolco and Guaynamota.

It is also clear that West Mexican peoples interacted with their Mesoamerican neighbours and contributed in important ways to the enrichment of the Mesoamerican world system. According to Clement Meighan (1974), several authors have pointed out that this area lay outside the basic Mesoamerican cultural tradition, but this idea is more accurate for some periods than others, and applies fully only to the shaft-tomb tradition (discussed below). During the millennium preceding the arrival of the Spanish, Western Mexico was a regional variant of the Mesoamerican tradition (Meighan 1974:1260). These ideas have been expanded upon by Weigand and Foster (1985:2), who affirm that Mesoamerican civilization had several nuclear areas or “cultural hearths”, each one flowering in a distinctive regional style. Western Mexico was one such nuclear area.

Lake Chapala occupies a large basin some 80 km long (from east to west). It is the only lake that remains from a series of Late Tertiary stepped-basins that received abundant discharges from the Lerma, Duero and Zula Rivers. Lake Chapala has been much affected by pollution in recent years and has lost much of its water due to hydraulic projects that supply urban and industrial areas such as Guadalajara and Mexico City.

The Geographical Setting Western Mexico is the largest of the areas that made up ancient Mesoamerica, as well as the most diverse from an ecological perspective. It is not a single geographical or cultural unit, as can be seen by its great cultural diversity in pre-Hispanic times. Western Mexico also spans several physiographic settings, including a good number of diverse ecological niches. According to the geographical study carried out by Robert West (1964), Western Mexico extends over the following areas of northwestern Mexico: the Mesa Central, the Cordillera Neovolcánica, the Sierra Madre Occidental and the Coastal Lowlands that border the Pacific Ocean. Western Mexico is almost impossible to define as a single unit using physical or biological criteria because it is an area of contact and transition among at least six physiographic regions –the Northwestern Coastal Plain, the Sierra Madre Occidental, the Neo-volcanic Axis, the Altiplano Central, the Sierra Madre del Sur and the Balsas Depression– and four bio-geographical provinces: Sinaloense, Sierra Madre Occidental, Volcánica

Geology, hydrology, topography and climate combine to give Western Mexico its characteristic cover of vegetation. The most abundant botanical configuration is the deciduous tropical forest, followed by a high-altitude configuration typified by conifers and Quercus. Less widespread is the sub-deciduous tropical forest. In the driest parts of the area –particularly towards the north– we find mainly thorny underbrush (matorrales), grasslands and xerophytic plants (Rzedowski and Equihua 1987:14). What follows is an overview of pre-Hispanic cultural development in Western Mexico from the earliest times to the arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century. Period names such as Formative, Classic and Postclassic and their equivalents are used here in a purely chronological sense with no implications for the cultural development associated with each period (see Table 1).

35

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 18. Main lake basins and rivers of Western Mexico. Shaded areas indicate interior drainage basins including major archaeological sites: (1) Capacha; (2) Chupícuaro; (3) El Opeño; (4) Ihuatzio; (5) Loma Alta; (6) Loma Santa María; (7) Pátzcuaro; (8) Queréndaro; (9) Teuchitlán/Etzatlán; (10) Tinganio; (11) Tres Cerritos; (12) Tzintzuntzan; and, (13) Urichu (base map adapted from Tamayo and West 1964: Figure 4). Western Mexico’s First Inhabitants (ca. 20,000-1500 BC)

Fieldwork carried out by Joseph Mountjoy on Western Mexico’s coastal plain has revealed important information that could be considered illustrative of the area as a whole during this period. According to this author, the pattern of adaptation during the Formative period was successful in part because it included farming in combination with a broad exploitation of natural resources: i.e., a great variety of wild animals and plants. The cultures of the Formative period never advanced beyond a social, political and economic level characterized by a settlement pattern based on a major town with associated villages, and a religion focused on a cult of the dead (Mountjoy 1989:22).

We have very little information on the first stages of human occupation in Western Mexico. Through analogies with other Mesoamerican areas, we can assume that by around 20,000 BC this region was occupied by hunter-gatherers who exploited a vast array of natural environments. The few archaeological finds pertaining to this period consist of some stone flakes and projectile points, as well as pieces of modified bone, found in the Zacoalco-San Marcos-Lake Chapala area of Jalisco (Solórzano 1980; Hardy 1994). Western Mexico’s coastal area has revealed few traces of human occupation during the earliest periods. According to Mountjoy, “the earliest evidence for human use of the southern coast is a campsite at the base of a volcanic hill at the northern end of Matanchén Bay [Nayarit]”; the date for this archaeological complex is ca. 2200-1730 BC (Mountjoy 2000:83).

In other areas within Western Mexico, cultural developments during the early Formative period are represented by El Opeño, a village site located in northwestern Michoacán. The only archaeological information we have about this culture consists of several tombs and the offerings found within them (Oliveros 2004). These tombs could be the forerunners of the “shaft tombs” that are so characteristic of Western Mexico (discussed below). The El Opeño tombs might also have functioned as family crypts, since they house multiple burials, and there is evidence that they were reutilized in antiquity (Oliveros 1974:195). Pottery from El Opeño consists of plain bowls and small pots decorated with linear incisions, punching and appliqué, quite similar

Early Formative Period (ca. 1500-900 BC) Until some 40 years ago, our knowledge of the Formative period in Western Mexico was very limited indeed. Although there are still many unknowns and numerous archaeological puzzles to solve, our understanding of this period is improving slowly thanks to recent research. 36

Chapter III Geographic and Cultural Background of Western Mexico TABLE 1. CHRONOLOGY AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL CULTURES IN WESTERN MEXICO PERIOD

JALISCO1

COLIMA2

Archaic (7000 -2000 BC) Early Formative (1500-900 BC) Middle Formative (900-300 BC)

NAYARIT3

MICHOACAN4

BASIN MEXICO5

El Opeño Capacha

Ixtapaluca

Matanchén El Opeño

Capacha

San Felipe

San Blas

El Arbolillo

Ortices

Late Formative (300 BC-AD 200)

El Arenal

Early Ixtlán

Early Classic (AD 200-400)

Ahualulco

Amapa- Los Cocos Loma Alta

Chupícuaro

Comala

Middle Classic (AD 400-700)

Teuchitlán I

Late Classic/ Epiclassic (AD 700-900)

Teuchitlán II

Early Postclassic (AD 900-1200)

Santa Cruz Bárcenas

Late Postclassic (AD1200-1521)

OF

Jarácuaro

Ticomán Patlachiqe

Tzacualli

Miccaotli Tlamimilolpa

Colima

Etzatlán

de

Armería

Cerritos- Aztatlán Tingambato

Chanal

Ixcuintla

Periquillo

SantiagoCruz

Palacio Urichu Milpillas Santa Protohistoric Tarascan (1450-1521)

Xolalpan Metepec Coyotlatelco Mazapan

or Aztec I-II Aztec III

Weigand 1996a: Figure 2; Kelly 1980: Table 1; 3 Mountjoy 1982: Figure 3; 4 Pollard 1993: Table 1.1; 5 Included for comparative purposes; Parsons 1996: Table 1. 1 2

Another important archaeological culture of Western Mexico during the early Formative period is known as Capacha, in the state of Colima. Capacha was contemporaneous with El Opeño, and the two sites appear to have been culturally linked. Capacha materials have been radiocarbon dated to around 1450 BC; a date confirmed by similarities with El Opeño ceramics (Kelly 1970:28. More recently this date has been changed to ca. 1200 BC; Mountjoy 2013: 21-22). According to Greengo and Meighan (1976:15), Capacha is doubly important because it contains the earliest ceramic horizon for the Jalisco-Colima-Nayarit area, and includes among its characteristic pottery types such vessel forms as the “stirrup-spout”, which suggests affinities with similar items found in archaeological contexts pertaining

to the ones found at Tlatilco in the Valley of Mexico, a site more or less contemporaneous with El Opeño. The pots are decorated with negative paint (red or black) that may be the oldest predecessor for Tarascan (i.e. Postclassic) pottery decorated using the same technique (Oliveros 1989:126-127). This is one of the earliest archaeological cultures so far documented in our area, with C14 dates from ca. 1200 BC. This timeframe apparently coincides with a period of high volcanic activity in this part of Michoacán that covered the tomb sites, and presumably dwelling areas as well, with ash, making it extremely difficult for archaeologists to locate them (Oliveros 1992:241-244).

37

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production to the Formative period in both Mexico and the Andean region. Capacha pottery has been found over a relatively wide area that includes, in addition to Colima, the states of Jalisco, Nayarit, Sinaloa, Michoacán and Guerrero (Kelly 1980:22).

the extant information is of a purely funerary nature. Two shaft tombs discovered (unfortunately by looters, not archaeologists), in the piedmont area around the town of Teuchitlán show similar characteristics to those of El Opeño, while others near El Refugio and Tala may pertain to the same period, though this is difficult to determine with certainty because they were found in a very deteriorated condition.

According to Kelly (1980:29), the similarities between Capacha and other ceramic styles are slight, although, as mentioned above, there are evident ties with El Opeño, as well as with the still poorly-defined Tlatilco style.11 Aside from these two instances, there is little basis for comparing Capacha with other, strictly Mesoamerican, ceramic assemblages that may pertain, more or less, to the same time frame. The Capacha pottery style, therefore, is not wholly Mesoamerican, but neither can it be defined as South American, although it has some features that suggest links with the northwestern regions of that continent. Capacha’s peculiar pots with their triple stirrup spouts are unique, and certain missing elements may also be of importance, though difficult to explain; such as the scarcity of bottles with a single thin neck and the absence of shell and rocker stamping. Finally, Capacha figurines are totally unlike South American styles that may be contemporaneous (Kelly 1980:37). Archaeological materials pertaining to the Capacha and El Opeño ceramic complexes have been found over a wide geographical area, including the Michoacán coast (Cabrera 1989:138), the Tomatlán River basin in Jalisco (Mountjoy 1982:325), and the following sites also in Jalisco: San Juanito, Teuchitlán, El Refugio, and Citala (Weigand 1992:221, and pers. comm.).

Several figurines found in this general area –currently in the hands of local collectors– reaffirm ties with El Opeño, while two sites with looted tombs (San Juanito and San Pedro) seem to pertain to the Capacha complex (Weigand 1989). At the first site, researchers found chrysocolla beads, quartz crystals, pyrite, and obsidian blades; while in San Pedro a funerary mound of middle Formative date had an altar-like structure measuring 6 m in diameter and 1 m in height. This represents the earliest evidence of architecture reported for the Jalisco lake district although, unfortunately, it has not been well preserved. According to local informants, long bones and skulls were deposited near the base of the altar, including those of at least four individuals. The altar fill contained Capacha pottery, found in a partially-looted pit below the altar (Weigand 1989:41). Late Formative Period (ca. 300 BC- AD 200) For this period we have a broader data base that permits systematic comparisons with other areas of Mesoamerica, including ceramic styles and other cultural manifestations, such as settlement patterns, subsistence strategies, social stratification, and so on. The best-known site for this period is Chupícuaro, which was located in the southeastern area of the Lerma River basin (this site was destroyed when a dam was built in the area several decades ago).

According to Mountjoy (1994a:40), “there are many problems or enigmas still to be solved in relation to the interpretation of the archaeological remains that have been called Capacha”. The following are the main doubts as cited by this author: (1) whether Capacha was a pre-Olmec development, or co-existed with this Formative culture (ca. 1200-300 BC); (2) whether the Capacha folk used shaft tombs for burying their deceased, which would constitute an important link with the El Opeño culture; and, (3) the meaning and significance of iconographic similarities between Capacha and the Olmec culture that were not recognized in Kelly’s original work. In conclusion, Mountjoy hypothesized that the Capacha culture was derived from several cultural roots and served, in turn, as the basis for several later pre-Hispanic developments in Western Mexico (Mountjoy 1994a:40).

According to Beatriz Braniff (1999: 33) the Bajío is a region of river and lake basins that were interconnected in the past. These lands were often inundated totally or in part, thus offering inhabitants many aquatic resources. As in the Basin of Mexico, these large-sized lakes provided all kinds of aquatic foods (fish, amphibians, reptiles, insects, water fowl, and plants, etcetera). They were also used as navigation routes and may have allowed the exploitation of agricultural systems like the “raised fields” of the Maya area or the chinampas of central Mexico.

The early Formative period is not well documented in Jalisco, but research carried out by Phil Weigand (1989) has produced data that provide at least a partial idea of developments in that area during this period. The highland lake district of Jalisco has produced at least four sites that unquestionably date to the Formative period, although

Brigitte Faugère (2009) writes that between ca. AD 700 and 1200 in the north-central area of Michoacán, which neighbours on the Bajío, extensive terraces produced outstanding agricultural yields, probably with a surplus that would imply some form of storage. Social organization for subsistence focused on wild spaces, particularly for hunting, thus articulating forest areas with fields under cultivation (Faugère 2009:184).

  According to David Grove (2009), it is clear that there was interaction between West Mexico (at least Michoacán and Colima) and the Tlatilco area. This is suggested not just by the ceramics, but also by other materials, such as obsidian. However, we still know very little about the nature and magnitude of this interaction with the Central Highlands during the Formative period (Grove 2009).

The people of Chupícuaro built few structures, seldom more elaborate than simple houses made of wattle-anddaub with earthen floors and a few stone-lined drains. According to Braniff (1989), the few extant examples

11

38

Chapter III Geographic and Cultural Background of Western Mexico of civic architecture pertaining to this archaeological complex are found in southern Guanajuato. Consisting of rectangular platforms with superimposed constructions that remind us of those at Tlapacoya in the Valley of Mexico, this structure shows a four-sided geometric pattern, although one of the sides is missing. The building could certainly be considered monumental, since its sides measure between 80 and 120 m. There is also a circular pyramid in Chupícuaro, as well as another circular structure in nearby Salvatierra, Guanajuato (Braniff 1989:108).

The occupation of the Lerma basin during the late-toterminal Formative period was based on a sedentary, agricultural way of life. After considering the environmental factors, there is no doubt that the village sites were chosen for their proximity to micro-niches where agricultural productivity could be maximized and agronomic risks minimized (Florance 1989:565). Comparisons of late Formative settlements in southwestern Guanajuato with those in the Basin of Mexico reveal that the smallest type of site in the basin –modest hamlets and single family loci– predominates in this part of Western Mexico. Formative settlements in southwestern Guanajuato, far from representing a dominant cultural system in the region, were simple farming hamlets with little sociopolitical complexity. They can be understood as components of an autochthonous cultural system, centred on one of the lake basins associated with the Bajío (Florance 1989:683-685; Braniff 1989).

Chupícuaro was a habitation site in that the presence of manos and metates (grinding stones) indicates the common method for processing maize. Hunting was probably also important, although stone artefacts or weapons were not abundant. Apparently, life for the region’s inhabitants was not devoid of strife, as indicated by the discovery of “trophy skulls”; i.e., decapitated skeletons and burials of isolated skulls at the site (Porter Weaver 1969:8). The Chupícuaro ceramic tradition is one of the best-known in Mesoamerica. It includes anthropomorphic figurines decorated with geometric motifs, as well as vessels in a great variety of shapes, including unusual forms such as the “stirrup-spout”. Chupícuaro culture played a very important role in central Mexico’s Tezoyuca or Cuicuilco IV phase (ca. 200-100 BC). Its influence in the Valley of Mexico is evidenced by large amounts of figurines of the “H-4” and “slanted-eyes” types, as well as the aforementioned polychrome vessels. Chupícuaro exerted great pressure on the Basin of Mexico, perhaps even contributing to the collapse of Cuicuilco (Porter Weaver 1969:9). Human occupation of this area of the Bajío (i.e., the mid-Lerma River Basin, in present-day Guanajuato) probably ended around the beginning of the Christian era, although the Red-on-Buff ceramic tradition that persisted in the much later “Toltec horizon” preserved some motifs, styles and techniques that are remarkably similar to those of Chupícuaro, though they are applied on objects of different shapes (Porter Weaver 1969:14; see also Braniff 1972, 2000). Chupícuaro-style pottery has been found over a very wide area of Mesoamerica, from La Quemada, Zacatecas in the north, to Gualupita, Morelos, in the south (McBride 1969:33).

It has not been easy to establish a chronology for Chupícuaro because of the paucity of stratigraphic excavations and reliable radiocarbon dates in the area. Recent excavations at the site of La Tronera, near the town of Puruagüita, Guanajuato, have provided new data suggesting a date around 400 BC-AD 200 for this archaeological tradition (Darras and Faugère 2005: 255). Archaeological work undertaken in 1998 in the Acámbaro Valley (Guanajuato) by Darras and Faugère (2007) has allowed a better understanding of settlement patterns, architecture, funerary customs, and economy in this region of the Bajío. The first traces of occupation are placed around 500 BC, during the Early Chupícuaro phase, while the following archaeological phases are called Late Chupícuaro (400-100 BC) and Mixtlán (100 BC-AD 200). Lithic materials in this part of the Bajío include local traditions that used obsidian, chalcedony, andesite, basalt, and dacite to manufacture blades and slabs. The slab industry (mainly andesite and basalt) was highly developed and could be linked to the exploitation of aquatic resources. Darras and Faugère (2007) also found an abundant bone industry that persisted throughout the Late Formative period.

The Lerma River forms a natural corridor between central and Western Mexico. Because this river offers a welldefined and easily navigable line of communication, it is reasonable to suppose that the initial settlements in the Lerma basin were located on the margins of the river itself. In addition to easy communications, the tributary streams presented a unique ecological niche, one well-suited for agriculture (Florance 1985:43). Another quality of this river that may have attracted settlers was its potential for agricultural works similar to the chinampas (raised fields surrounded by water in shallow marshes or lakes) of the Basin of Mexico. This meandering river covered vast areas with alluvial deposits and created a series of lakes and marshes (Boehm 1988).

Darras and Faugère (2010) point out that the recent discovery of shaft tombs in the Chupícuaro region has revived discussions concerning possible links between the Chupícuaro people and their neighbours elsewhere in Western Mexico. Excavations near Acámbaro discovered four tombs with shafts with one, two or three steps, leading to a burial chamber containing a single primary burial. Both the stratigraphy and radiocarbon dates obtained for two of the internments suggest a date within the Late Chupícuaro phase, or ca. 400-100 BC. The Middle Formative period is also represented in the lake district of Jalisco (San Felipe phase, ca. 1000-300 BC). Sites pertaining to this period in the area consist of 39

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production circular or oval-shaped funerary mounds and platforms, the latter built on hillsides. Mounds are usually located on the upper end of the lake shore or on terraces immediately above it. They are dispersed at regular intervals around the lakes and their spatial organization seems to indicate that they were ceremonial centres and villages, with little evidence of a higher level of political integration (Weigand 1989:42). The archaeological remains associated with these centres include fragments of metates (querns), ollas (jars) sherds and obsidian flakes. The density of these elements is light, but the archaeological evidence suggests that these centres included residential areas for at least part of the population of each polity.

there to honour the dead would have also taken advantage of the plentiful lake and marsh resources (Arnauld et al. 1993:208; Carot 1994). Loma Alta, the largest of the Lomas, was built for the most part of earth and rocks, supported by dozens of meters of walls. Loma Alta is a truly unique site: a ceremonial centre of primary importance from a sociopolitical and religious perspective. The complex building methods employed at this site suggest the existence of a large, highly-skilled work force (Arnauld et al. 1993:209-210). Ceramics from this site, particularly the negative types, show great quality and technical skill in their manufacture, as well as a complex iconography (Carot 1992, 1994).

The next archaeological phase in Jalisco’s lake district, known as El Arenal (ca. 350/300 BC-AD 150/200), seems to reflect the culmination of the funerary cult associated with the Formative period in the region, as well as the consolidation of the basic patterns and associations of architecture seen in the following phases, which pertain to the Classic period (Weigand 1989:42).

Carot and Susini (1989) reported on a funerary custom found at Loma Alta that has never been seen in other areas of Western Mexico, and perhaps nowhere else in Mesoamerica: the pulverization of skeletons that were first cremated at high temperatures and then placed in ceramic funerary urns that were buried in pits. Finds included a total of 31 vessels (28 urns and three semi-spherical bowls), that contained 100 kilograms of ashes created by first cremating and then finely grinding the bones. However, it is difficult to tell whether these remains are human or animal in origin. It is possible to suggest that cremation was carried out in open-air ovens like the ones used in Snaketown, Arizona (Carot and Susini 1989:112-115).

Western Mexico’s other large river, the Balsas, also saw important cultural developments in pre-Hispanic times. The Formative period in this region is characterized by the Infiernillo phase (ca. 1200 BC-AD 500) in which several social groups established permanent settlements or villages along the river. Archaeological remains such as grinding tools and pottery fragments suggest that agriculture was practiced in the area, complemented by the hunting and gathering of wild foods. Funerary customs are characterized by extended primary interments (Cabrera 1986:126).

In the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, the Classic period is represented by pottery from Queréndaro that shows a decorative technique not widely known elsewhere in Mesoamerica, which involved applying pigments after firing the vessels and then scraping them off to produce geometric designs. Figurines from this site are very similar to those from Chupícuaro, and this has led some scholars to believe that they represent a cultural tradition with roots in the Formative period (Macías Goytia 1989:174).

Some ceramic styles of the lower Balsas area (Michoacán and Guerrero) are closely linked to those of coastal groups not only in Guerrero, but also further down the Pacific littoral, all the way to Guatemala. The inhabitants of the lower Balsas area during this period were in contact not only with peoples toward the south, for conch-shell trumpets and other artefacts from the Caribbean attest to the widespread communication networks between these two coasts (Cabrera 1986:127; Schmidt and Litvak 1986).

Archaeological excavations at Loma Santa María –a site on the outskirts of the present-day city of Morelia– have produced very valuable information on local developments in Michoacán during the Classic period. The local sequence of human occupation probably began with a Pre-classic culture whose techniques of pottery decoration show links with the Red-on-Cream and polychrome ceramics of Chupícuaro. Furthermore, the archaeological remains found at this site suggest a close interaction with central Mexico, as the pottery uncovered here pertains to the Teotihuacan tradition, mainly the II, IIA and III phases. These links with central Mexico may have made it possible for the local population to acquire items from other Mesoamerican areas as well, such as pottery from Morelos and Thin Orange ceramics (apparently produced in Puebla), as well as vases and “toys” that may have come from as far afield as the Gulf of Mexico (Manzanilla 1988:153-155). The building methods found at the site, albeit simple, are very similar to the typical Teotihuacan talud-tablero style (Cárdenas 1999a).

Classic Period (ca. AD 300-900) Until recently, there was very little knowledge about this period in Western Mexico compared to central and southern Mesoamerica. Recent research, however, is slowly shedding more light on cultural developments in this area during the Classic period. Among recent projects is the excavation of the sites known as “Las Lomas” in the marshland and lake area around Zacapu, Michoacán. These sites were occupied approximately during the first eight centuries of our era (Protoclassic-Classic periods), but were permanently abandoned afterwards. The abundance of funerary evidence in the area has led some scholars to believe that the populations that lived there reserved the Las Lomas sites for funerary purposes and other ritual activities, although it is possible that the people who went 40

Chapter III Geographic and Cultural Background of Western Mexico Another site in Michoacán where Teotihuacan materials have been found is Tres Cerritos in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin (Macías Goytia 1994). The excavation of one of the mounds at this site uncovered a tomb with offerings that show stylistic features very similar to those of central Mexican materials. The tomb’s excavation brought to light 19 primary burials, two human skulls with signs of decapitation and 11 secondary burials. Among the objects found in the tomb were 120 clay items, over 4,000 shell beads, jade, turquoise and rock crystal, as well as several conch shells and numerous obsidian ornaments and tools. A mask made of obsidian in a clear Teotihuacan style was also found in the tomb, as were abundant ceramic vessels identical to those from Teotihuacan. All of the above seems to indicate that the inhabitants of Tres Cerritos were somehow linked to the central Mexican highlands, specifically to the great city of Teotihuacan (Macías Goytia 1994:34-35).

influenced by central Mexican cultures during the Classic period as other areas of Mesoamerica, such as the valley of Oaxaca, the Gulf coast, or the Guatemalan Highlands; this is evidenced by the distribution of Teotihuacan features throughout Mesoamerica (Santley 1983, Table 2). Finds of Teotihuacan ceramics in Western Mexico, apart from the ones already discussed, have been few and far between, and are limited to just a few sites in Colima (McBride 1975; Meighan 1972; Matos and Kelly 1974). Archaeological data from Jalisco and Nayarit seem to indicate that during the Formative period Western Mexico was free of Olmec influence, and during the Classic period lacked a strong presence of cultures from central Mexico (Weigand 1992:227-228). The following extract from Michelet (1990:288) summarizes our knowledge of Michoacán during the Classic period: It has been said that during the pre-Tarascan horizon Michoacán was characterized by a strong geocultural fragmentation. Today we… believe that this image of Michoacán during the Classic was simply a product of the scarcity of archaeological research… Although there was no strong centripetal force before the emergence of the Tarascan Empire, certain unifying tendencies are evident through the first millennium A.D… [and] the Zacapu region… even attained some of Teotihuacan’s prestige.

Cultural contact between Michoacán and central Mexico during the Classic period appears to have been a “twoway street” in that ancient michoacanos (as the inhabitants of the state of Michoacán are known), travelled to Teotihuacan and even resided in that great city. This is suggested by recent research at Teotihuacan that has uncovered burials with ceramic evidence (figurines and vessels) that pertains stylistically to Michoacán (Gómez Chávez 1998). Teotihuacan was occupied by peoples from many areas of Mesoamerica, some of them living in ethnically-defined enclaves or barrios (Millon 1981). A significant proportion (29%) of the residents at Tlajinga 33, an apartment compound in this city, were immigrants, and the stable oxygen isotope values obtained from their skeletons seem to indicate that they came from at least two different regions, one of them likely Michoacán (White et al. 2004).

The period under discussion is still not well known in the Bajío region of Guanajuato, so we cannot speak of a “Classic period” in the same sense that we do in central Mexico. Hence, it is preferable to simply refer to the chronological period (ca. AD 250-900), without implying anything about cultural evolution. Although this region had some similarities with central Mexico and other areas, it had its own identity. The area’s cultural roots in Chupícuaro were enriched by other traditions that arrived by way of the Lerma River corridor (Sánchez and Marmolejo 1990:269).

Another site that pertains roughly to the time period under discussion is Tinganio, located in the municipality of Tingambato, Michoacán. This site apparently had two periods of occupation, the first between ca. AD 450 and 600, and the second between AD 600 and 900. During this latter stage, an architectural style was introduced that has been described as similar to the one at Teotihuacan. The site’s location apparently was chosen not only because it is in a privileged area with ample access to water and good soils (the site is at present surrounded by avocado orchards and the area has some of the most fertile land in all of Michoacán), but also because it is a strategic location between two ecological niches: the cooler highlands and the warmer lowlands. Tingambato may have served in pre-Hispanic times as a link between these two areas, as it did during Colonial times. The evidence for exchange recovered at the site includes seashells from the Pacific, as well as turquoise from northern Mesoamerica, pyrite, jade and other resources (Piña Chan and Oi 1982:93-99).

During the Classic period in the Bajío several civicceremonial centres were established on hilltops and slopes with defensive attributes, which may indicate some degree of political instability due to the presence of war-like groups in the region. These sites may have been used as refuges by the population that lived in the valley, for they show an elaborate architecture and were established in locations with good access to, and control of, important resources. The archaeological sites found so far have pyramid-like structures located around plazas or patios, as well as platforms, “sunken patios” and, in some cases, circular buildings, as well as causeways and columns. The distribution of these architectural features varies according to the topography, but the main pyramidal structure usually sits in the eastern part of the main plaza or patio (Sánchez and Marmolejo 1990:269).

The extant archaeological data seem to indicate that Western Mexico beyond Michoacán –in particular the Jalisco-Colima-Nayarit area– was not as strongly

During the second part of the Classic period, this region had its own cultural tradition, although a certain instability 41

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production is also discernible in the area, perhaps linked to the first incursions of “nomadic” groups from the neighbouring northern regions (Sánchez and Marmolejo 1990:276; see also Faugère 1988). Pre-Hispanic settlements in the Bajío are characterized by large clusters of civic and religious buildings that are clearly set apart from the habitation areas. These clusters of buildings may have served as ruling centres of several political-territorial units. These architectural complexes are distributed over the landscape according to a formal pattern oriented towards the four cardinal directions. They were built atop great platforms and included pyramidal structures, ball courts, elite dwellings, storage facilities, plazas, open spaces and causeways (Brambila and Castañeda 1993:73).

of these archaeological features and the objects found in them derived from the activity of looters. In fact, looting is a very serious threat to archaeological sites throughout the region under discussion. This illicit activity is driven by the fact that many artefacts, in particular the figurines found inside shaft tombs, can bring very high prices in the international antiquities trade. The excavation of the Huitzilapa tomb by Jorge Ramos and Lorenza Lopez Mestas shed new light on this period in Western Mexico. Huitzilapa was an important ceremonial site during the Early Classic period (ca. AD 1-300) with several architectural units, such as plazas, mounds, ball courts, terraces, cruciform residential units, and circular complexes; the latter apparently linked to the Teuchitlán tradition (Lopez and Ramos 1998; Ramos and Lopez 1996). Huitzilapa was also one of many sites that flourished in the Jalisco-Colima-Nayarit area during the Classic period. Most of these sites are characterized by shaft tombs and circular architecture, the precise features that have been used to define the Teuchitlán tradition in Western Mexico (Ramos and Lopez 1996; Weigand 1996a).

Turning now to the lake district of Jalisco, the Classic period is best represented by the Teuchitlán tradition (Weigand 1985, 1990a, 1994, 1996a). There, the Ahualulco phase (ca. AD 200-400) witnessed the intensification of cultural processes that were already underway during the Late Formative. The Teuchitlán people built monumental ball courts, usually associated with platforms or pyramids, as well as great architectural circles with high mounds. The lake area’s centre of gravity began to shift during the Classic period towards the Ahualulco-Teuchitlán-Tala valleys, with a decrease in sites in neighbouring areas. This suggests that the demographic implosion of the Teuchitlán I phase (ca. AD 400-700) began in the Early Classic period (Weigand 1990a:29).

Excavations at this site in 1993 uncovered the most important shaft tomb found to date in pristine condition in Western Mexico. This two-chambered shaft tomb, 7.6 m in depth, contained six individuals –three in each chamber– who had been buried together with rich offerings. Osteological analysis of the individuals has revealed that they may have been related, so this tomb may have been a crypt for a group of relatives or members of a specific lineage. A male individual approximately 45 years of age is by far the most important person interred in this tomb, judging by the quality and quantity of the offerings associated with his skeleton. His body had been elaborately adorned with jade and shell bracelets, noserings, earrings, greenstone beads, carved jade pendants and a cloth sewn with thousands of shell beads. Conch shells ornamented with painted stucco had been placed on his loins and at his sides, along with atlatl hooks. Two female skeletons were found in association with artefacts that pertain to the feminine sphere of life: pottery spindle whorls and metates (grinding slabs) made of volcanic stone. The tomb offerings also include pottery figures that represent ball players, as well as clay vessels decorated with geometric and zoomorphic designs, that when excavated still contained food remains (Lopez and Ramos 1998; Ramos and Lopez 1996).

During this period in the area under discussion there was a two-tier hierarchy of ceremonial centres; the most complex of which (Teuchitlán) had ball courts and complexes with rectangular plazas and patios that may have served as elite residences. There were three types of non-ceremonial archaeological sites: (1) small villages with many plazas and patios with burial areas; (2) small villages with many plazas and patios without burial areas; and, (3) small villages with at least two plaza-patio complexes, but also without burial areas. Weigand (1990a:31) has reported a complex settlement system in the Teuchitlán area with at least four levels of magnitude, but all settlements share one particularly important trait: strategic locations with easy access to good agricultural lands. Indigenous agricultural infrastructure around Lake Magdalena, Jalisco, included large-scale works similar to the chinampas of central Mexico or the “raised fields” of the Maya area. This sophisticated agricultural technology must have provided food for a large population in pre-Hispanic times, mainly during the Classic period (Stuart 2005).

One of the most important innovations in Mesoamerica during the Late Classic or Epiclassic Periods was, without a doubt, metallurgy. According to Hosler (1994a), this technology flourished in Western Mexico for some 900 years. Western Mexican metalsmiths incorporated into their techniques some elements introduced from Central and South America, and developed from them new forms of working the various metals at their disposal (copper, bronze, gold and silver). During the first stage of the development of metal-working in this area (ca. AD 600-1200/1300), copper was the primary ore used in the elaboration of a

One of the most important cultural manifestations in Western Mexico is the “shaft-tomb tradition” (Galván 1991; Townsend 1998) that developed in the presentday states of Jalisco, Colima and Nayarit during the late Formative and early Classic periods (ca. 300 BCAD 300). Until the discovery of an intact shaft tomb in Huitzilapa, Jalisco, in 1993, practically all our knowledge 42

Chapter III Geographic and Cultural Background of Western Mexico wide array of objects, including the following techniques: lost-wax casting, cold-hammering, and annealing. Artisans in Western Mexico were primarily interested in making artefacts that would express sacred symbolism and status, rather than in the utilitarian applications of metallurgical technology (Hosler 1994b:45; Franco and Macías 1994).

Western Mexico’s political milieu must have completely altered the socioeconomic and political structures in the entire area (Weigand 1990b:215, 220). During the Early Postclassic period (ca. AD 900-1200), Western Mexico experienced a considerable increase in cultural influences from central Mexico. Shaft tombs had not been used for several centuries, and a new tradition can be seen in the Jalisco-Colima-Nayarit area. These strong influences emanating from central Mexico had appeared in this area by the 7th century, if not before (Meighan 1976:161), as evidenced by the introduction of planned mound-plaza complexes oriented towards the cardinal directions.

Epiclassic (ca. AD 700-900) and Postclassic (ca. AD 900-1521) Periods Mesoamerica underwent fundamental cultural and political changes during the millennium before the Spanish conquest, many of which originated during the Epiclassic period (Diehl and Berlo 1989). Some of these new traits were simply minor elaborations of pre-existing features, while others had profound consequences. Among the most important transformations are the following: 1) the emergence of new political centres; 2) population movements; 3) new trade relationships; and, 4) innovations in religion and architecture. In Mesoamerica, virtually all the centres of power of the Early Classic period were abandoned during the 8th century AD, but were promptly replaced by new communities. The processes that brought about these changes are still not well understood. One aspect that is clear, however, is that the collapse of Teotihuacan (ca. AD 750) was not a unique event, as none of the other, contemporary regional centres –Monte Albán, Matacapan, Kaminaljuyú, Cobá and Tikal among others– survived its demise (Diehl and Berlo 1989:3).

In several areas of Western Mexico during the Postclassic period it is common to find pottery with stylistic traits pertaining to the Mixteca-Puebla tradition. This ceramic evidence indicates cultural influences from ca. AD 900 that originated in central Mexico and may have been in part religious, in part military, and in part mercantile. Although it is not possible to speak of an “empire”, the pottery, iconography, community patterns and most of the manufactured objects certainly reveal influences from the central Mexican highlands (Meighan 1974:1259). According to Nicholson (1982:229), the Mixteca-Puebla tradition is a “horizon-style”, as it had a limited temporal distribution and a broad geographical distribution, as well as stylistic complexity and certain unique general attributes. The Mixteca-Puebla tradition was a pan-Mesoamerican phenomenon that was present from northern Mexico as far south as Nicaragua (Nicholson 1981:253; Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1994).

Clearly, the Epiclassic period was characterized by political instability. The fragmentary ethnohistorical traditions that some scholars believe originated in this time confirm archaeological evidence of frequent migrations throughout the area. These small-scale movements of people must have been quite common in Mesoamerica at all times, but during these two centuries there were dramatic changes in the size of the populations and the distribution of their settlements. Long-distance commerce in Mesoamerica suffered important modifications after AD 700, as some trade routes became more popular at the expense of others. Teotihuacan’s networks of routes towards western and northern Mexico were eclipsed by other regional powers, and the restoration of commercial ties with those areas during the 10th and 11th centuries under the Toltecs followed different routes and directions (Diehl and Berlo 1989:3-4).

One of the best-known examples of the Mixteca-Puebla presence in Western Mexico is the Aztatlán complex of Guasave, Sinaloa. According to Gordon Ekholm (1942), considering the number of cultural traits shared by the Aztatlán complex and several central Mexican cultures, there can be no question as to the cultural links between the two areas (Ekholm 1942:126). Other examples of ceramic styles similar to Mixteca-Puebla come from Amapa, Nayarit (Meighan 1976), and Chametla (Kelly 1938, Figures 1, 8) and Culiacán (Kelly 1945, Figures 19-37), both in Sinaloa. During the Early Postclassic period, Mixteca-Puebla traits were being exported to Western Mexico along a well-organized trade route via the Lerma and Santiago River basins. This route may have appeared as early as 600 BC, and its origin may have been linked to the spread of metallurgy along the Pacific coast (Publ 1986:26). Charles Kelley mentions the existence of a “copper route” that would indicate the systematic exploitation and distribution of copper, turquoise, cotton, textiles, lead, tin, parrots, and probably gold (Kelley, unpublished manuscript cited in Publ 1986:46-47; see also Kelley 2000).

During the 10th century AD, the Teuchitlán tradition suffered a total and definitive collapse that was preceded by several centuries of apparent decline (Teuchitlán II phase, ca. AD 700/900-1000). The downfall of the Teuchitlán tradition is reflected in its entire cultural inventory; most important was the abandonment of the architectonic configuration of five circular elements, which was the tradition’s principal diagnostic trait. The changes in this cultural system are so dramatic and absolute, and apparently happened so rapidly, that it is reasonable to suppose that they were generated from outside the region, perhaps in association with the emergence of the Tarascan Empire. Either directly or indirectly, the presence of such a powerful new actor in

According to Mountjoy, Aztatlán was the most widespread archaeological culture in Western Mexico, and was associated with the development and spread of advanced 43

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production technologies such as metallurgy and the production of obsidian prismatic blades, as well as ceramic pipes and spindle whorls. The decoration of pottery vessels with “codex-style” designs, as well as the presence of Plumbate pottery and the use of Mazapa-style figurines, indicate links with the Postclassic cultures of the central-Mexican highlands (Mountjoy 1990:543). The Aztatlán complex has been dated to ca. AD 800-1400 and diagnostic materials pertaining to it have been found in the modern states of Sinaloa, Nayarit, Jalisco and Michoacán, as well as in areas as far away as Durango, Chihuahua and New Mexico (Mountjoy 1990:542, 1994b).

The Early Postclassic period has also been identified in other areas of Western Mexico, such as the Balsas River Basin, where Postclassic material includes Mazapa figurines that may indicate a “Toltec horizon” in the area. The abundant presence of copper objects indicates an important metallurgical industry in the region that may have had its roots in the final Classic period (Cabrera 1986:133; see also Hosler 2004). During the Postclassic period a substantial population lived along the Balsas River. The largest settlements were established in the delta region, while other sites along the river’s course were limited in size because the mountains and the canyon dug by the river limited the available flat terrain. Some of the population centres were politically dominant over others, which may have been their tributaries. Ceremonial buildings consist of rectangular mounds made of stone and earth, many of which had a funerary function (Cabrera 1986:134-137).

Kelley (2000) writes that the different segments of the Aztatlán trade route participated in regional trade systems as early as the Classic period and, in some cases, even in Formative times. During the Epiclassic and Early Postclassic periods there is evidence of a trade route that originated in the Valley of Mexico and followed the Lerma River, crossing the Bajío and reaching all the way to Nayarit, with another branch that stretched to the Tomatlán River (Jalisco) and along the Pacific coast to Nayarit. This branch was incorporated into the Aztatlán trade system at an early date (Kelley 2000:142). However, in the Lake Chapala area this trade system was interrupted around 1450-1500, when Tarascan expansionism cut off its main routes (Kelley 2000:153; see also Foster 1999).

During the Early Postclassic period in central Michoacán we see the appearance of what would become one the most powerful empires in all of Mesoamerica: the Tarascan state. According to Pollard (2009), during this period an important transformation took place among the populations of the central Michoacán highlands as, for the first time, formerly autonomous communities were unified politically and the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin became the geographical core of an expansionist state. Excavations carried out by Pollard (1995, 1996) at Urichu, an important site in the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin, have shed new light on this period and on the processes of state formation in the area. According to Pollard (2009), between the years 1000 and 1200 there were 10 autonomous communities in the Lake Pátzcuaro basin, each one internally stratified and ruled by a small elite. These societies varied in terms of the size of their populations and territory, as well as with respect to access to fertile soil and their degree of economic specialization and political complexity. At some point during this period, climatic changes made the lake level rise, probably due to an increase in precipitation and a decrease in evaporation. As a consequence, the amount of irrigable land was reduced (Pollard 1995, Table 1).

It was roughly during this time (i.e., from AD 1200/1300 to the Spanish invasion), that the second period of metallurgy emerged in Western Mexico. Both the knowledge and the repertoire of western Mexican metalsmiths expanded considerably as they began to experiment with a variety of copper alloys, including bronze (copper-tin and copperarsenic), copper-silver, and copper-silver-gold, among others. The improved physical and mechanical properties of these new materials allowed artisans to refine and redesign artefacts that had formerly been made out of copper. New minerals were also exploited and processed, while novel techniques were invented to extract them from ores. This technological complex was subsequently exported to other areas of Mesoamerica (Hosler 1994b:127). Archaeological surveying in the Sayula Basin of Jalisco (Valdez et al. 1996a; Ramírez et al. 2005) has revealed over 60 sites with abundant pre-Hispanic materials, as well as a similar number of zones with dispersed evidence of ancient activities. These sites probably reflect the area’s general settlement pattern, as well as specific activity areas (Valdez 1994:28-29). The Sayula Basin also holds one of the richest salt deposits in highland Mesoamerica. In colonial times, and probably earlier as well, salt was the most important resource in this basin, though not the only one: this area also has copper, gold and silver deposits that may have been exploited before the Spanish conquest (Valdez and Liot 1994:289). The abundant salt produced in the region was probably not destined solely for local consumption, but was exported to other areas of Western Mexico, such as the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin (Williams 2003).

The two settlements in the basin that were most dependent on irrigable land were Pátzcuaro and Tzintzuntzan, so the warrior elites of those two centres led their respective populations in conquests of neighbouring settlements, thus securing for themselves additional resources and intensifying the process of political differentiation between, and within, these communities. Finally, by ca. AD 1350, all tribute and booty from military campaigns was flowing toward Tzintzuntzan and the entire basin was unified under the political control of that city’s elite (Pollard 1995, 2009). Soon Tzintzuntzan became the capital of the Tarascan Empire (Figure 19). Like the rest of Mesoamerica, Western Mexico experienced enormous social and cultural changes during the Late Postclassic period (Weigand and Weigand 1996). However, the arrival of the Spanish conquerors in the 44

Chapter III Geographic and Cultural Background of Western Mexico

Figure 19. Map of Tarascan territory showing the extent of the Tarascan Empire and the main archaeological The outer broken line shows the greatest extension of the Tarascan Empire. The inner broken line shows the extension of the empire around AD 1522 (adapted from Pollard 2000: Figures 5.1 and 6.2).

sites.

The Study Area during Colonial and Recent Times

16th century brought about the final collapse of most of the native cultures of the Mesoamerican world system. The first official news of the arrival of those European invaders in Mexico reached Michoacán in the form of an Aztec emissary who was sent to the Tarascan royal court in late 1519 to seek the cazonci’s aid in repelling the newcomers (Martínez 1989a:7). However, by that time, rumours of the Spaniards’ military might with their horses and firearms had already reached the Tarascan king, who had decided it would be useless to oppose the invasion and thus refused to provide the help that the Aztecs requested (Warren 1989:25-26). Eventually, the Tarascan leader also succumbed to Spanish domination; an event that can be explained, at least in part, by the fact that during this crucial period the cazonci was not sitting particularly firmly on the throne because of internecine fighting between him and his principal chiefs. Furthermore, the Tarascans had heard how Spanish troops had massacred the inhabitants of the Aztec capital and that must also have dampened their will to resist their onslaught (Warren 1989:365).

A few years after the Spanish Conquest, in 1524, Hernán Cortés distributed several towns in Michoacán in encomiendas.12 By that time the Spanish had accomplished something that the Aztecs had never been able to achieve: they had reduced the kingdom of Michoacán to the status of a tributary province whose riches would end up in the coffers of the capital of New Spain. The encomenderos, or lords in charge of the encomiendas, sent managers, foremen, miners and ranchers from Mexico City to Michoacán in order to organize the payment of tribute, the exploitation of the mines, agricultural and livestock enterprises, and the transportation of supplies to the mines (Martínez 1989b:39). The conquest of Michoacán was relatively peaceful at the beginning, but became increasingly violent as the exigencies of the Spanish increased and Indian resistance became stronger. A series of rebellions in the early decades after the Conquest was quenched by several Spanish conquistadores, who took part in the “pacification” of Motines and other areas (Martínez 1989b:53).

By early 1530, the conquest of Michoacán had been virtually accomplished. On February 14th of that year, the cazonci was condemned to death and executed by the Spanish (Warren 1989:332). In subsequent decades, the other native peoples of Western Mexico fell one-by-one before the military might of the invaders, thus bringing an especially important and momentous chapter in Mesoamerican history to a violent, abrupt and tragic end.

  The encomienda was a socioeconomic institution through which members of the Mesoamerican native population were subjected to a Spanish lord and forced to supply him with goods and/or labour

.

12

45

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production The second half of the 16th century brought significant changes to the Michoacán scene. First, the demographic collapse was overwhelming: of the roughly 300,000 natives who had lived in the old Tarascan kingdom at the time of the Spaniards’ arrival, only some 30,000 survived by 1580, while in the Tierra Caliente (the Tepalcatepec River Basin) only a few hundred survived (Pastor and Romero-Frizzi 1989a:125), and on the Michoacán coast virtually the entire native population disappeared, mainly due to devastating epidemics (Brand 1960).

considerable economic growth, together with agricultural expansion, the availability of capital, and a mining and mercantile boom. Michoacán was one of the most dynamic provinces within this process of growth (Pastor and Romero-Frizzi 1989c:195). A more detailed discussion of the later Colonial period is beyond the scope of this work. For the sake of brevity we will now turn to the situation in the study area during the 20th century. In recent times, social and economic conditions have not been encouraging in the areas discussed in the present study: namely, the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and the Michoacán coast. At present, Lake Cuitzeo shows a marked environmental degradation because of an increase in water pollution in its primary tributary, the Grande de Morelia River. Both irrigation and fishing in this river are restricted on account of the high content of chemical substances and faecal matter in the water (Avila 1999:186-187).

This process was generalized throughout the New World after the conquest. The demographic catastrophe experienced in the Americas between 1492 and 1650 was caused by several factors: the systematic massacres of native populations, the introduction of diseases from the Old World to which native populations had never been exposed and therefore had no natural resistance, and, finally, the changes imposed by colonial administrators in their subsistence systems, economy and culture, notably the encomienda, missionary activity, and slavery (Newson 1993).

Today, almost three-quarters of the lake are dry due to several factors: decreased precipitation, higher levels of sedimentation linked to deforestation in the basin, overexploitation of underground water sources near the lake, and the construction of hydraulic works such as dams and dykes and civil engineering projects like the Mexico City-Guadalajara motorway, all of which have altered the flow of water (Avila 1999:186-187). Because of this ecological degradation, fishing in this lake has fallen dramatically, and migration to the United States has grown to such a degree that in some towns within the lake basin only women, children and older men remain (Avila 1999:187).

The epidemic diseases introduced by the Spaniards into Mesoamerica in the 16th century included one called cocoliztli, or viral haemorrhagic fever. Recent excavations performed at Pueblo Viejo Teposcolula, Oaxaca, have reported a catastrophic mortality at the start of the Colonial era (ca. 1544-1550). The resulting pronounced demographic collapse was a key factor that led to the relocation of populations in so-called congregaciones. However, far from representing a rapid change, biological data pertaining to ancestry, migrations and subsistence reveals a process marked by continuity and resilience throughout the Colonial world, despite the demographic downturn (Warinner et al. 2012: 483-484). This ability for adaptation was also seen in Michoacán during this period.

On the coast of Michoacán the outlook is hardly more promising. This is one of the most isolated areas within the state; the coastal highway was completed only some 30 years ago to link this region to the rest of the state and the country. This is also one of the less industrialized areas in Mexico, and compared to other zones along the Pacific littoral it is the last one to become incorporated into the process of national development. This region has remained isolated from virtually all investment, either private or state-sponsored, and still depends on primary subsistence activities. Settlement patterns are dispersed, and the standard of living is extremely low (Ramírez Sevilla 1999:235-237).

With the passage of time, the power of the Spaniards in Michoacán was strengthened. In 1670, an incipient demographic recovery became visible as the native population first stabilized and then began to grow. A spectacular increase in the numbers of the “castes” or mestizos (people of mixed Spanish-Indian ancestry) provided abundant labour for agriculture and urban manufacturing. After the demographic catastrophe of the 16th century, the population of Michoacán began to recover in the second half of the 17th century, and the final four decades of that century were actually a period of stability and demographic growth (Pastor and Romero-Frizzi 1989b:163).

In this extremely broken landscape, the best land for agriculture is located on the few coastal plains, which are used for growing coconut palms and fruit trees, while the river and stream banks are exploited because of their greater humidity. Beyond these privileged areas, the predominant mode of agricultural exploitation is of the slash-and-burn type, which has become a great despoiler of the natural environment as production cycles are reduced in order to increase short-term gain, without allowing the soil to recover its fertility (Ramírez Sevilla 1999:342).

The impulse of the first decades of the 18th century continued in an upward direction. Economic recovery was spectacular, and population numbers returned to their earlier levels. According to some calculations, the population of New Spain doubled, the haciendas expanded, and mines and cities prospered greatly after 1750. Throughout New Spain –including Michoacán– the second half of the 18th century was characterized by 46

Chapter III Geographic and Cultural Background of Western Mexico The problems described for Michoacán in these pages have to be understood on a national level. In recent decades, Mexico has undergone a modernization process that has brought about marked changes in the sociocultural environment, such as migration from the countryside to the cities, unemployment, sub-employment, and the loss of manpower due to international migration (primarily to the United States). Because of globalization, the national productive economy is inserted into international markets under disadvantageous conditions. All the foregoing factors are severely affecting the culture of rural communities, in particular the production of traditional crafts such as saltmaking, the main topic of this study.

ago, for example, the Mexican government still encouraged small- and medium-sized salt-producers, but during the presidency of Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994), the social and economic climate was less auspicious. The North American Free Trade Agreement signed by Mexico, Canada and the U.S. in 1994 deeply affected salt production in Mexico, for it required the “modernization” of all solar evaporation facilities. Only by staying at the forefront of technology on a global level and by reducing costs could local producers keep their foreign competitors out of the domestic market. By the same token, only by means of low prices could Mexico remain competitive in the salt export market. All these developments meant less manual work involving traditional techniques, as well as the closure of facilities considered “antiquated” (Ewald 1997:261).

As we will see in the next section of this book, salt production in Michoacán includes a series of traditional activities and handcrafts that are in danger of disappearing, such as pottery-making, basket-weaving, lime production, mule trains with their muleteers, seasonal markets, and the barter system, among many others. Until a few decades

After this brief historical overview, in the next chapter we will turn to the main subject of this study: the saltmaking activities in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and the coast of Michoacán.

47

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

This chapter deals with the main subject of this book: salt production in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and the coast of Michoacán. The primary goals of this chapter, then, are to describe ancient and modern salt-making techniques and the role played by salt as a strategic resource on a regional level, as well as to analyse the archaeological implications of these observations.

latter with the Lerma River in Guanajuato (Maderey and Correa 1974:217). Lake Cuitzeo also receives discharges from several small streams: Chucándiro, Salitre, Blanco, Capacho, Oncho, Grande, Carucho, Colorado and Sanjón Blanco (Corona Nuñez 1979:15). Lake Cuitzeo has a high level of evaporation because of its broad extension. This fact, together with sedimentation caused by deforestation in the basin, has greatly reduced its depth, which in the 1940s was 3-4 m (Corona Nuñez 1946:16). Thus, when rainwater becomes scarce large areas of this lake simply dry up, leaving broad expanses of salts, saltpetre, potash and other sediments exposed (Macías Goytia 1990:18). Saltpetre and tequesquite13 are gathered on the lake’s margins. The former is used as a complement to cattle feed, while the latter is taken by muleteers to tierra caliente (the Hot Lands of the Tepelcatepec River Basin) in Michoacán, where it is exchanged for fruit and cascalote.14 Lime is another important mineral extracted from the lake bed. Processed in kilns and used to make nixtamal,15 it is sold almost exclusively within the Lake Cuitzeo Basin (Corona Nuñez 1946:43).

Salt Production in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin Geographic and Cultural Background of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin The Lake Cuitzeo Basin occupies a surface area of 3,618 km2 in the modern-day states of Michoacán and Guanajuato, and is the largest body of water in Michoacán. Its primary sources are the Grande, Chico de Morelia, and Queréndaro Rivers (Guevara Fefer 1989:24-25; Corona Nuñez 1979:15) (Figure 20). Lake Cuitzeo fills a naturally-closed basin that may be considered a sub-basin of the Lerma River system, since it joins the Lerma through a series of feeder channels that link Lake Cuitzeo with Lake Yuriria, and the

Figure 20. Map

of the

Lake Cuitzeo Basin,

showing the main towns where salt was produced or paid as tribute, the

archaeological sites, and modern towns (for the location of the

Lake Cuitzeo Basin in Michoacán see previous figure).

  Natural salt used in Mexico as a food seasoning since pre-Hispanic times, it is composed primarily of bicarbonate of soda and common salt (sodium chloride). 14   A leguminous plant (Caesalpinia coriaria) from southern Mexico, whose gum and seeds are used to produce tannins for processing animal skins. 15   Processed maize; after boiling the kernels and eliminating their outer skin, it is ground to make flour for tortilla and tamale preparation. 13

48

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland The following description of Lake Cuitzeo, written in the 18th century, gives us an idea of the lake’s situation in the Colonial period.

The Lake Cuitzeo Basin is covered by distinctive vegetation. Among the extant plant communities the most widely represented is the tular, which appears primarily in the eastern area of the lake and includes the following species: Typha dominguensis, T. latifolia, Scripus validus, S. americanus, and S. californicus, among others (Rojas and Novelo 1995:5). Regarding local flora, it has been said that the extension and variety of environmental conditions in the lake (i.e., shallowness, presence of springs, variable water column, and several types of sediments and rocks) result in a broad diversity of habitats that produce a great richness in flora, composed of 40 families, 70 genera, and 92 species of aquatic and water-resistant plants; a higher number than that of any other lentic body in Mexico (Rojas and Novelo 1995).

All around the lake there are no rivers or great expanses of water to travel from one town to another, but just small streams that come down the hills around the lake with the rains… [The lake’s] water is salty and has no use, only to grow a small fish called charare, with which they [i.e. the Indians] support themselves and trade all around the lake… The town [of Cuitzeo] is so sterile and the water so scarce that there is not even enough water for drinking… The inhabitants have no other choice than to use the salty and ill-tasting water from their wells, and therefore have no water for fertilizing the few plants they grow in their houses… Plants and fruits are very scarce in the town… Trees are very scarce… (de Voto 1777).

However, this richness in flora is threatened by the extensive deforestation of the Basin. According to a study conducted in 1995, the recent spread of human settlements around the lake, the deforestation of nearby woodlands, and the increased demand on resources (primarily water) from large cities such as Morelia and the irrigation districts in the area, have brought about an unprecedented intensification of the hydrologic imbalance in the basin. A considerable decrease in the water flow that the lake receives has caused a remarkable loss in the depth and extension of the flooded area, together with the extinction of habitats and the aquatic communities that lived in them (Rojas and Novelo 1995).

Among the problems currently faced by the inhabitants of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin are water pollution, the decreasing size of the area covered by water, and the reduced flow of the rivers and streams that feed into the lake (Ávila 2002). This lake sometimes dries up almost entirely when droughts are prolonged, and its waters are almost entirely salty (Corona Nuñez 1946:16). Located at an altitude of 1,820 m above sea level, its area is now estimated at just 420 km,2 though in the late 1970s it measured 51.3 km long by 12.3 km wide, with an average depth of 1.15 m. Between 1986 and 1988, over two-thirds of the lake area became permanently dry, and the average depth decreased to barely one meter (Rojas and Novelo 1995).

The total population in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin in the year 2000 was 176,470 inhabitants, distributed among several towns and villages around the lake (Atlas geográfico 2000:94). Unlike Lake Pátzcuaro to the west, there are no Tarascan communities or other indigenous groups; all inhabitants are of mestizo (i.e., mixed) background. Fishing is a common activity in the lakeside communities, particularly in the eastern area. It is practiced primarily for household consumption, though there is some trade between communities inside and outside the basin (Peña de Paz 2003:277).

The area of north-central Michoacán where Lake Cuitzeo is located is abundant in agricultural lands that are used primarily for seasonal production, though there are some irrigated fields that yield good crops. Among the grains grown there we find maize, wheat, sorghum, beans and chick peas, as well as alfalfa and sugar cane. Animal husbandry, including cattle- and pig-raising, is practiced in areas with natural grasses. Chickens are also raised in the area. Finally, the surrounding forests –primarily conifers with mixed vegetation– are also exploited (Atlas geográfico 2000:128).

The major organizational features of this activity remained largely unchanged until the 1980s, when the Mexican government began to regulate exploitation of the fisheries by promoting the organization of unions and cooperatives. Fishing is no longer the main economic activity around the lake, since most people now work in agriculture, as paid labourers, or in commerce. However, agriculture and fishing do continue to complement each other to some extent, since the former is not a year-round activity and the latter is not restricted to any specific sector of the population (Peña de Paz 2003:277-281).

The predominant trees in the landscape are mesquites and pirules, while local bushes include huizache and cazahuate; other native plants are maguey and aloe vera (sábila) (Corona Nuñez 1946). In the first half of the 20th century, maguey cultivation invaded a large part of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, while the tulares (i.e., areas covered by rushes known as tules) that once flourished around the towns of Chucándiro and Huandacareo had almost disappeared due to uncontrolled exploitation and the gradual desiccation of the lake over time (Corona Nuñez 1946).

49

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production Salt Production in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin: Sites and Material Culture

beans, and wheat for the encomendero. In addition, they had to deliver periodically 200 bowls, 200 pairs of sandals, 30 tamemes (loads) of salt, and 30 fish. All this had to be sent to the mines at La Trinidad (Sultepec, Estado de México) (González de Cossío 1952; Escobar 1998).

The eastern portion of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin has natural salt deposits and thermal springs with a high mineral content. The latter were described in the 18th century as follows:

The Relaciones geográficas also point out Araró’s important role as a salt producer in the 16th century: “the salt they need they buy in a town called Araró, which is two leagues from the said head town…” (Relación de la provincia de Acámbaro [1570]; Acuña 1987: 67), and “these natives supply themselves with salt from the town of Chucándiro, which is four leagues away… and likewise form the town of Araró, that is a further four leagues. And this salt they bring in quantity to exchange for the fish that they take from their lake…” (Relación de Cuiseo de la Laguna [1579]; Acuña 1987:88-89).

One passes immediately to a town called Arharhón [sic] where a very miraculous crucifix is venerated… Near this town, at a short distance from Lake Cuitzeo, in an arid, dry, sad, and melancholic valley there are many hot springs of sulphurous water, that comes upward with a furious rush, boiling in spurts, and so hot that no one can stand it. At the same time it releases a fetid smoke of unbearable stench. These flues can be seen throughout the valley, with excessive heat felt all around them, so it is inferred that there is underground fire near the surface of the earth (Ajofrín 1995:141).

The gathering of tequesquite (a salty efflorescence with high soda content) has traditionally taken place in the area under discussion since ancient times, as described by Corona Núñez (1979: 43): “salitre [i.e. saltpetre] and tequesquite are both gathered from the lake margin. To gather tequesquite they clean a piece of beach and sprinkle it with water, later they pick up the crusts of tequesquite. This is taken by the muleteers to the hot lands, where it is exchanged for fruit or cascalote for tanning skins…”

The town referred to in the above quotation is Araró, which is located on the eastern margin of Lake Cuitzeo (Figure 20) and has been famous for its high-quality salt since the 16th century. The “sulphurous water” described by Ajofrín is currently used in the salt-making process, as described below (see also Williams 1997, 1998a, 1999a, 1999b, 2003).

Although the saltworks belonging to the town of Araró have not been exploited in recent years, the nearby town of San Nicolás Simirao has carried on this activity.16 What follows is a brief description of the salt-producing sites, the production process, and the social organization of work. Finally, the possible archaeological implications of these observations are discussed.

In the early Colonial period, salt from Araró was used to pay tribute and was transported to several areas of Mexico to be used in the silver mines or for human consumption. The document entitled Suma de visitas de pueblos is an important 16th-century historical source that has this to say about Araró: This town has three barrios [i.e. quarters]… in all there are 60 houses with 255 persons three years of age or older, and they give in tribute every year 150 pesos of common gold and 500 bushels of maize, 30 loads of salt and 30 loads of chili pepper. It is settled in a flat land between two hills. This is temperate land, it has a river of hot water and one of cold water; much land can be irrigated, there are many blackberry groves. In the head town of Araró there is a lake with many fish and there are saltworks… and hot waters… (Paso y Troncoso 1905:32).

As we have already mentioned, there are several thermal springs in the eastern end of Lake Cuitzeo, concentrated in a relatively restricted area around the towns of Araró and San Nicolás Simirao. The water from these hot springs is used in several spas, for steam baths and swimming pools. This water has a high mineral content (see Table 3) and is also used in the salt-making process. There are several canals connecting the springs with the saltworks, and the constant flow of water is critical for making salt, as discussed below. Springs with thermal water often have a high level of salinity. Emerging from deep geological layers as a consequence of warming, thermal waters can have a high amount of dissolved elements that may precipitate as salts. The high amounts of chemicals originate in the high pressure of carbon dioxide and the high temperatures that facilitate hydrolysis. The presence of marine sediments is sometimes confirmed at great depths (Grumberger 1995:260).

In the mid-16th century, there were at least two important salt-producing towns in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin: Araró and Chocándiro. Other towns (for example Acámbaro, Zinapécuaro, Huango and Puruándiro) were not so close to the lake, but could easily obtain salt because they had subject and tribute-paying communities within the basin (Escobar 1998; see Table 2 below). According to the book Libro de tasaciones de pueblos de la Nueva España, Araró and Zinapécuaro were considered a single unit for tax purposes, and before 1535 were forced to cultivate several maize fields, as well as chili peppers,

  These towns are located next to each other and have traditionally been known throughout the region as “Araró de Arriba” (Upper Araró) and “Araró de Abajo” (Lower Araró). 16

50

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland TABLE 2. SALT PAID AS TRIBUTE BY TOWNS WITHIN THE LAKE CUITZEO BASIN DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE 16TH CENTURY.* Town Amount paid as tribute17 Frequency 18 Acámbaro 24 panes [i.e. loaves] every 20 days Amocotín 6 panes every 20 days Araró 30 cargas [i.e. loads] every year Atacorin 6 panes every 20 days Chucándiro 6 cargas ? Cuitzeo 4 cargas ? Emenguaro 6 panes every 20 days Huango 1 hanega and 3 almudes every 20 days Puruándiro 15 almudes every 20 days Taimeo 20 panes every 30 days Tarímbaro 4 cañutillos every day Ucareo 54 cargas ? Yrameo 6 cargas every 20 days Yuririapúndaro 6 cargas every 20 days Zinapécuaro 30 cargas ? *Based on Paso y Troncoso (1905), and Escobar (1998)

around the estiladera that results from the accumulation of the earth that is discarded after leaching (Figure 25).

.

Most saline soils, like those in the study area, come from the rising of waters from an aquifer through evaporation. A layer of phreatic water near the surface ascends by means of capillarity through the first layers of soil. The main source is the aquifer, which must have some salinity of its own. Usually, these are flat playa soils located at low points in the landscape. In this kind of deposit it is difficult to depurate the salt from the surface earth, so this is accomplished by filtering the harvested soils with water to produce brine with a high amount of salts, but free of earth, so it can be concentrated again by means of solar evaporation or heating (Grumberger 1995:263).1718

A finca has several wooden canoas or troughs (hollowed-out tree trunks, Figures 26 and 27), measuring between 6 and 10 m long, where the brine is put after being filtered in the estiladera so it can be evaporated by the sun. Formerly, large tree trunks were brought down from the hills by oxen in order to make the

A salt production unit in Simirao is known as a finca (Figure 21), and consists of two or more estiladeras, which are wooden structures used as filters for leaching the salt from the earth. An estiladera is roughly 2 m high (Figure 22). Inside there is a layer of earth near the top, then a layer of two kinds of grass (fine and rough), and below a kind of sieve made with small sticks called a sedazo. The bottom of the estiladera rests on top of a thick wooden plank called queso, placed on a trough-shaped basin made of a hollowed-out log called a banco, into which the brine falls (Figures 23 and 24). The terrero is a mound of earth  It is very difficult to convert the weights and measures found in early Colonial documents to their modern equivalents, and any quantitative assessments must be made with great caution (Ewald 1997:218). Of the terms used in Table 2, for example, tameme (or tlameme) is the Nahuatl word for “bearer” or “carrier”. A tameme usually carried a weight of some two arrobas, or 23 kg (Hassig 1986:136). An hanega (or fanega) was about 70 kg, and a carga 140 kg. But the common equation for carga is 50 kg in some parts of Jalisco. Pan literally means “bread”, and refers to a “loaf” of salt of varying size produced with an earthenware mould (Ewald 1997:218). The almud, from Hispanic Arab almúdd, is a unit of volume virtually in disuse. It was used mainly to weigh dry goods and sometimes liquids. Its value varied between 4.5 and 11 cubic decimetres (1 cubic decimetre equals 1 litre) (Wikipedia.com). 18  This town is not located within the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, but its tributaries were among the communities established there. 17

Figure 21. Salt-making unit called finca in Simirao, Lake Cuitzeo Basin, showing all features and work areas. 51

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production TABLE 3. CHEMICAL COMPOSITION OF THE WATER FROM THE THERMAL SPRINGS AT ARARÓ, USED IN THE SALTMAKING PROCESS.* Mineral Amount (milligrams per litre) Sodium 316.00 Potassium 30.00 Lithium 2.50 Calcium 27.00 Magnesium 2.20 Rubidium 0.20 Caesium 0.20 Silica 187.00 Chlorides 293.00 Sulphates 60.00 Bicarbonates 189.00 Boron 0.10 *Information provided by the management of the Huingo Balneario [Spa], Araró, Michoacán.

Figure 22. Filtering device called estiladera used to leach earth with water from the thermal springs found in the finca. Note the mounds of leached earth accumulated on both sides of the estiladera

52

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland canoas, some of which are 100 years old or more.19 They have to be “patched up” from time to time, using cement, in order to stop leaks. Wooden canoas are now being replaced by cement troughs because large trees are rare in the area. Concrete canoas began to come into use around 1990 and some salt-makers say they are more effective than tree trunks because they reflect sunlight more efficiently and have a larger capacity. In addition to the features named above, each finca has an area of at least 250 m2 where the salt-bearing soils are excavated and mixed (Figures 28 and 29). There is a network of canals that bring water from the springs (or from wells excavated for this purpose; Figures 30 and 31) to the fincas. They are some 50-80 cm deep and several meters in length. Various canals have been reinforced with masonry. In some cases, the water from the springs has “fossilized” the canals on account of its high mineral content, thus becoming enduring material evidence of salt production (Figure 32). The tools employed by salt-makers are relatively simple: shovels and hoes for removing the soil, wheelbarrows for moving soil from one place to another within the finca, and buckets for moving and storing water and brine. The tools used in the past included a sack made of jute, called guangoche, used for transporting earth (Figure 33), and clay vessels known as chondas used for moving and storing water and brine (Figure 34). Chondas were made in the Barrio de San Juan in Zinapécuaro. Clay objects are still made there, but the chondas formerly used in saltmaking are no longer part of the local ceramic repertoire.

Figure 23. Drawing of an estiladera showing its constituent parts. An estiladera is usually around 2 m high. Inside there is a layer of earth near the top, then a layer of two kinds of grass (fine and rough), and below a kind of sieve made with small sticks called a sedazo. The bottom of the estiladera rests on top of a thick wooden plank called queso, placed on a trough-shaped basin made from a hollowed-out log called a banco, into which the brine falls.

Figure 24. Estiladera under construction. Note the wooden planks and tree trunks used for support   An elderly informant told me that his canoas were already in use when his father was an infant, so they may be 150 years old

53

.

19

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 25. Abandoned estiladera, in process of disintegration after many years of disuse. It is resting on the terrero, or mound of leached earth.

Figure 26. A salinero standing in front of the wooden troughs called canoas, made of hollowed-out tree trunks and used for solar evaporation of brine. The sack on top of the canoa contains crystallized salt.

54

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 27. Pouring brine into a canoa, where it will be evaporated by the sun to become crystallized salt.

Figure 28. A finca in Simirao, showing the major elements of a “salt-making landscape”: in the foreground we see

the prepared ground surface, ready for use as tierra picada (i.e. pecked earth). In the middle are the heaps of tierra picada, in the background are the canoas and mounds of leached earth (tierra tirada) called terreros.

55

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 29. A salinero standing in the finca, with many small mounds of tierra picada and one large mound of tierra tirada (left background).

Figure 30. Well and canal used to take natural thermal water from the underground water table to the fincas.

56

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 31. Taking water from one of the wells in the finca. This thermal water has a high mineral content; it will be used for leaching the earth to produce salt.

Figure 32. The canals used to take water from the wells or springs to the fincas are sometimes “fossilized” by the water’s high mineral content.

57

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 33. The sack called guangoche was traditionally made of maguey fibre; it is used to carry earth in the finca.

Figure 34. Pots called chondas, used for carrying and storing brine. They were replaced by plastic buckets some 30 years ago (scale in centimetres).

58

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland The author obtained information from local potters in Zinapécuaro on the way in which chondas were made in the past (Figures 35 and 36). The bottom half of the pot is made first, using a “mushroom-shaped mould”. The upper half is made afterwards, using the same mould. The clay is cut at the top of the upper half in order to make the mouth of the vessel, and then the neck is formed by coiling. When the pot is shaped and ready for firing it is put inside the kiln, where it remains for several hours until it is properly fired. The potters from Zinapécuaro used to go to market with their wares, including chondas. They also took their products to places far from the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, for instance, Querétaro and the Tierra Caliente of Michoacán, where they sold many chondas and other vessels. It took them up to two days to get there with their pottery-laden burros. In one of the pottery workshops visited by the author in Zinapécuaro, some 10 or 12 chondas were made in one day. Around 1980, potters stopped making this type of vessel because people had begun to use plastic buckets like those currently employed by salt-makers in their work. Returning to the main subject of this chapter, the saltmaking process in the study area can be divided into four consecutive stages: 1) earth is extracted, prepared, and mixed; 2) salt is obtained by leaching the earth in the estiladera with water from the local springs; 3) the brine is evaporated in the canoas and the crystallized salt is gathered; and, 4) the final product is packed and sold

.

Figure 35. Making a chonda in a potter’s workshop in Zinapécuaro, Lake Cuitzeo Basin. The neck of the pot is being formed by hand.

Figure 36. Making a chonda in a potter’s workshop in Zinapécuaro. The pot is smoothened with a piece of cloth while the clay is still wet.

59

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production TABLE 4. CHEMICAL COMPOSITION OF THE SALT PRODUCED IN SIMIRAO, MICHOACÁN.* (A) X-ray fluorescence Percentage Mineral of concentration Chloride 55 Sodium 35 Sulphur 1.5 Potassium 2.0 Calcium 1.1 Aluminium 0.44 Phosphorus 0.11 Silica 0.09 Arsenic 0.09 Bromine 0.08 Strontium 0.038 Caesium 0.009 Rubidium 0.008 Titanium 0.004 Molybdenum 0.003 Barium 0.002 Iron 0.001 (B) X-ray diffraction Percentage Main mineral components in the sample of concentration Halite, sodium chloride (impurities of potassium, bromine) 92 Gypsum, calcium sulphate 5 Quartz and silicates 1 *Analysis carried out in the Geology Department, Tulane University.

Salt-making activities in the study area are performed almost exclusively by men,20 and are of a markedly seasonal nature. During the months from September-to-April –i.e., the dry season– activity at the saltworks intensifies, but they are completely abandoned during the rains, when the salt-makers are busy tending to their agricultural fields. This is due to the fact that rain makes it difficult to extract the soil, and the lower solar intensity because of cloudy skies makes it harder for water to evaporate in the canoas. According to informants, abundant rainwater in the summer makes salty earth “lose its strength”. Most salt-makers here own agricultural land where they grow maize, beans, and other crops for their own use or for sale in the market. They may also have a few head of cattle. During the rainy season (May-to-September, though this is highly variable) saltworks are out of production. Seasonal migration to the U.S. is another important phenomenon in this area, as in other regions of Michoacán.

There are two types of earth used in the salt-making process: tierra tirada (thrown earth) and tierra picada (pecked earth), both of which are found in the fincas. Tierra tirada is recycled from previous salt-making operations (Figure 37). Once the earth’s salt content is diminished by leaching, it is taken out of the estiladera and heaped on the terrero, or mound of leached soil (Figure 38). After a while, earth builds up and is carried away using shovels and wheelbarrows to be spread over the ground of the finca and sprinkled with water from the springs. It is left there for one or two days and then used again after mixing with tierra picada. The latter is extracted with shovels or hoes from the upper layer of soil (Figure 39). One can see several small heaps of tierra picada and large mounds of tierra tirada in the finca (Figure 40). Once these two kinds of earth are mixed in the prescribed proportions, depending on the final colour desired for the salt,21 several wheelbarrow loads of earth (ca. 100 kg each) are put in the estiladera and tamped down by walking on top of the estiladera (Figure 41). (The amount of earth

  Salt-making activities are organized according to gender in several areas. In many instances, women perform this activity, in contrast to what we see in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin. According to Cheryl Pomeroy, ethnographic information from Colombia, Guatemala, and Mexico supports the hypothesis that salt-making operations in highland springs were conducted primarily by women. In these areas, there seems to be a correlation between salt springs, salt-making by boiling, and female control of production (Pomeroy 1988:149). 20

  The colour of salt may be yellow or white, depending on the type of earth used. Yellow salt is in higher demand from clients, particularly cheese-makers who believe it is better for preserving their product. 21

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 37. Mound of leached soil, called tierra tirada, which is discarded after leaching, to be used once again for making salt (see also next figure).

Figure 38. Tierra tirada is taken out of the mound of leached soil, or terrero, to be recycled as part of the saltmaking process, after being mixed with tierra picada (the small mounds on the right of figure).

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 39. Salt-bearing soils are extracted from the surface of the finca using a hoe. The soil will be heaped up as a small mound of tierra picada like the ones seen in the photo.

Figure 40. A salinero using the guangoche (sack made of maguey fibre) to carry the prepared earth (a mixture of tierra picada and tierra tirada) inside the finca.

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland varies; see Figure 42). After that, springwater is poured into the estiladera (Figure 43) and begins to trickle down and fall into the banco. The water takes some 24 hours to go through the estiladera (Figure 44 and 45), and roughly 15 days to evaporate in the canoas. Each wooden canoa holds between four and eight buckets (with ca. 20 litres) of brine, while a concrete canoa will hold up to 14-16 buckets. (See Table 3 for a discussion of the chemical composition of the water used in salt-making in this area). One bucket of brine is produced from each wheelbarrow load of earth placed in the estiladera, though two buckets may be obtained if the earth is of very good quality. Final output is variable, but a regular-sized canoa (Figure 46) may produce a 65-kg sack of crystallized salt every 15 days (Figure 47; see Table 4 for a description of the chemical composition of the salt from Simirao). Once the earth has been leached, it is removed from the estiladera and piled up in the terrero, where it will remain until it is recycled and re-used as tierra tirada. The tools and features currently used for making salt in the study area are not the same ones used in early Colonial times, since they have been modified over time. However, the basic salt-making process is very similar to the one described in written sources from the 16th century (see Williams 1998a for a discussion of early Colonial sources). The work performed in both ancient and modern saltworks includes earth extraction, mixing several kinds of earth, adding water, leaching, and brine evaporation. The commercial aspects of production, however, have changed dramatically in recent decades. The construction of modern roads (especially the Guadalajara-MoreliaMexico City highway) has made San Nicolás Simirao more

Figure 41. Walking on top of the estiladera to compact the earth more before leaching.

Figure 42. Amount of earth (tierra tirada mixed with tierra picada) put into the estiladera daily (measured in wheelbarrow loads, each one of ca. 100 kg).

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 43. Pouring salty water from the springs on the soil inside the estiladera, to begin the leaching process.

accessible to outside buyers, so nowadays people arrive from Morelia, Guadalajara, or as far afield as Veracruz, to buy salt, which is used mainly in cheese-making. According to one of our informants, there used to be a trade network connecting Araró and San Nicolás Simirao to other towns in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and its environs, such as Huajúmbaro, Jeráguaro, Ucareo, Acámbaro, and Queréndaro. Salt-sellers once went to Acámbaro and Morelia to buy lime for making nixtamal that was sold together with salt in the plaza at Queréndaro every week. The unit of measure was the cuarterón, which is roughly 3.5 kg. Salt could also be exchanged for fruit, such as pears. People from throughout the region used to go to Queréndaro to buy lime and salt, a custom that persisted until the mid-20th century. There also used to be muleteers who took salt from Simirao to several places, such as Zitácuaro, Michoacán (some 160 km west of Mexico City), where it was shipped by train to the State of Mexico.

Figure 44. Taking earth out leaching. The discarded earth

Tequesquite is still gathered in Estación Querándaro (see map, Figure 20), where local farmers hold a lottery every year to decide who will be in charge of the lands where tequesquite is found. People come from throughout the region to gather this earth, which is used in cattle feed. The tequesquite found on the ground surface is called flor, and is more abundant when sunshine is strong. It begins to appear again three days after the last “harvest”.

of the estiladera after

The area of tequesquite production observed by the author had been excavated to a depth of around 60 cm to extract

will be heaped on top of

the terrero.

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 45. Amount of water from the thermal springs in Simirao that is put into the estiladera daily (measured in buckets, each one of ca. 18 litres).

Figure 46. Canoa with crystallized salt. Note the wooden slats and rocks used to cover the canoa in case of rain.

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 47. Amount of salt produced weekly by each finca in Simirao (measured in sacks, each one of ca. 65/70 kg).

Figure 48. Gathering salty soil, known as tequesquite, which is used as cattle feed. The earth is gathered with a wooden slat called tejamanil (Estación Queréndaro, Lake Cuitzeo Basin). layer nearest the ground surface is the best. According to the person in charge at the time of our visit, it would be possible to make salt there since it has the same kind of earth and hot springs as those in Araró, but the local people prefer to use it for cattle feed. Cows are fed unprocessed tequesquite

66

.

the tequesquite. It is not rare for one person to take as many as 10 sacks (ca. 60 kg each) of this earth that is gathered using a wooden slat called tejamanil (Figure 48). Clients must pay the person in charge of the land for the amount of tequesquite they take according to a previously established rate. There are several qualities of tequesquite, but the

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 49. Abandoned mound of leached earth, called terrero. The salt-making landscape around Araró and Simirao is dotted with these earth formations. Implications for Archaeology

and the material remains or traces that such activities leave on the landscape. In light of the extant ethnohistorical sources, it is possible that in pre-Hispanic saltworks, at least during the Postclassic period, salt-makers performed basically the same functions and had the same tools and features (though they would have used stone, wood, and clay instead of metal, plastic, and other modern materials) as the ones we see today in the study area; i.e., tamped floors used in the preparation and mixing of earths, filters (pits?) or estiladeras, clay vessels used to store and carry water, brine, and saltpetre, storage areas for earth and crystallized salt, features for water evaporation, and, finally, huge mounds of discarded leached soil (see Table 7; see also Parsons 1996: Table 2).

Pre-Hispanic human occupation of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin goes back from at least the Formative period to the Late Postclassic (Pulido et al. 1996). During the Postclassic period, this area was under the aegis of the Tarascan Empire. In the early Colonial period, Araró, Chucándiro, Zinapécuaro, and other places appear in the historical sources as salt production centres or as localities where salt was distributed or paid as tribute (Escobar 1998; see Table 2). It is possible that salt production in pre-Hispanic times had the same level of intensity as in Colonial times, if not greater. We know that this basin was densely populated in the 16th century. According to the book Americana thebaida, written by Matías de Escobar in 1729,

The archaeological traces of salt-making activities that we might expect to find in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin would perhaps not be so different from the ones reported for the Lake Sayula Basin in Jalisco, since salt-making techniques were similar in both areas. According to Catherine Liot, the most obvious feature we can regard as diagnostic of salt-making in the Lake Sayula Basin are earth mounds covered by large amounts of potsherds, called tepalcateras (from tepalcate, the Nahuatl word for potsherd). The interpretation of these earth mounds is based on the basic process of salt extraction from salty soils. The Lake Sayula Basin is similar to the Lake Cuitzeo Basin in that during the dry season the ground surface of the lake bottom is saturated with salts, which take the form of crusts locally known as salitre or tequesquite. Saltpetre is gathered and washed with fresh water; the remains of this operation

To the east is Lake Cuitzeo, so large that it has a circuit of over twenty leagues, all its shore is settled with towns… There was such a crowd of people that from Cuitzeo to Guandacareo, a distance of a little over two leagues, in ancient times it was all one street… Today because of the great pestilence it looks vacant, [but] the ruins tell us what it was in antiquity. Today people till the soil and sow where before one used to see and admire the buildings (Escobar 1970:40-41, cited in Macías Goytia 1997:444-445). Ancient salt-making sites are yet to be found and documented in this area. In order to identify archaeological sites involved in salt production in pre-Hispanic times we must understand the processes involved in this industry,

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 50. Canal used to take water from the wells or springs to the fincas. It has been “fossilized” by the high mineral content of the thermal water and will remain for decades or centuries as evidence of salt-making.

There are other examples of these features on landscapes throughout Mesoamerica. For instance, several archaeological sites involved in salt production have been found in the Tehuacán Valley, Puebla. The ancient landscape in this area is characterized by canals or aqueducts, salt evaporation pans, and dams (MacNeish et al. 1972:443). The same situation is found in the Valley of Oaxaca, as discussed in Chapter II.

accumulate and, over time, form mounds several meters high. Throughout Mexico these mounds are the hallmark of ancient salt-producing areas (Liot 1998; see also Charlton 1969, 1971; Noguera 1975). Eduardo Noguera (1975:117, 136) conducted a study of pre-Hispanic salt production in the Basin of Mexico, where he identified the tlateles or saladeras, which are earth mounds formed by the process of salt production by means of the leaching method. Several years after Noguera’s fieldwork, Sanders et al. (1979) carried out a study of pre-Hispanic settlement patterns in the Basin of Mexico, where they found a great variety of archaeological sites, including several involved in salt production. Each one of these seasonally-occupied sites consisted of a low mound of variable size and homogenous earth fill. These sites are distributed along a strip of land that was flooded in the rainy season. Apparently, the salt-making process there was based on leaching highly saline soils, and the earth mounds are the remains of this process (Sanders et al. 1979).

We have not yet been able to identify pre-Hispanic solar evaporation pans in archaeological contexts in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin. During fieldwork near Chucándiro in the western end of Lake Cuitzeo, the author studied some features that may have been used for solar evaporation of brine, but they may be of recent origin (Williams 2005b). This ethnoarchaeological research included interviews with local informants, mostly elderly people who reported that many years ago salt was produced in this part of the basin. The same informants said that near a town called El Salitre there were some salt-making sites that were abandoned many years ago. Upon surveying the area, we found several features excavated in bedrock that resemble shallow, irregularly-shaped pans that may have been used for solar evaporation of brine (Figure 51).

In addition to the mounds of leached earth (Figure 49), there are other archaeological markers of salt production in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin: namely, the canals used to conduct water from the springs to the fincas that have been “fossilized” by the water’s high mineral content and are clearly visible at the saltworks of Simirao and Araró (Figure 50).

In order to better understand the salt-making process in ancient times, we conducted a study (Williams 2005b) of the different kinds of earth found at the salt-making sites of Simirao: tierra tirada, tierra picada, and discarded earth

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

A

B

C

Figure 51. Features excavated in the bedrock: shallow pans of irregular shape that may have been used for solar Chucándiro, western Lake Cuitzeo Basin. Measurements: a) 2.59 x 1.80 m; b) 3.14 x 1.90 m (partial view); c) 3.38 x 1.83 m.

evaporation of brine, found near

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production TABLE 5. ANALYSIS OF EARTH USED IN SALTMAKING IN SIMIRAO, LAKE CUITZEO BASIN.* Elements present in sample**

Kind of earth Tierra tirada

Tierra picada

Discarded, leached earth (from the terrero)

Aluminum

28.457

19.819

20.725

Silicon

36.542

57.526

57.183

Chlorine

9.400

5.393

5.476

Potassium

5.766

2.818

4.633

Calcium

5.906

5.582

3.745

Titanium

1.703

1.114

.978

Manganese

.340

.217

.191

Iron

10.620

6.816

6.411

Zinc

.020

.015

.017

Gallium

.008

.006

.006

Germanium

.020

.017

.012

Arsenic

.440

.137

.213

Bromine

.094

.044

.017

Rubidium

.130

.074

.078

Strontium

.490

.372

.280

Yttrium

.030

.015

.016

Zirconium

.030

.032

.016

Lead

.004

.003

.003

*X-Ray Multi-Elemental Fluorescence analysis conducted at the National Institute of Nuclear Research, Ocoyoacac, Estado de México. ** Relative concentration, pondered at 100%.

put in the terrero after leaching. The results of this study are shown in Table 5.

saltworks, constituted a social context for salt production and trade during the pre-Hispanic era (the Late Formative, Classic, and Postclassic periods are all represented in the surface pottery).

An archaeological survey of the area around Araró and Simirao at the eastern end of Lake Cuitzeo conducted by the author in 2003 (Williams 2005b: 224) revealed the existence of several archaeological sites (Figure 52). One of them is Tierras Blancas (Figure 52: B), a preHispanic platform of great size with many retention walls and foundations of stone visible on the surface, as well as abundant ceramic and lithic remains. This site is located on top of a natural promontory, bordered on one end by a gully, in a strategic position to control access to the area where the saltworks are concentrated. Another site is located in front of the Simirao saltworks, on the slope of a hill that dominates the entire immediate area (Figure 52: A). This is a very large site with many terraces. Ceramic material is quite abundant here, and there are many mounds. In the area where modern balnearios (spas) are located (Figure 52: C) and the area of the abandoned saltworks (Figure 52: D), archaeological materials are also very abundant on the surface (primarily potsherds and obsidian fragments), suggesting a substantial pre-Hispanic occupation of the area. All these sites, as well as many others located by the author (see Figure 52: E, F, and G) in the area of the

Salt-making sites are often marked by accumulations of potsherds, some of which have salt incrustations. The paste from these potsherds is relatively rough and of light buff colour with a red slip around the neck; thus they resemble the chondas mentioned above. No pre-Hispanic salt-making pottery has been found in archaeological contexts in this area, though we found many ancient pottery fragments on the surface (Figure 53) that are quite similar to the chondas and may have served the same purpose around the saltworks (Williams 2005b). Salt from Lake Cuitzeo as a Strategic Resource on a Regional Scale In order to define the importance of salt as a strategic resource for pre-Hispanic cultural development in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and its surrounding area –the Lerma River drainage– we must take a look at the cultural history of this region.

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland Historical accounts concerning the indigenous inhabitants of the Bajío during the time of the Spanish conquest refer to groups of Chichimecs, hunters-and-gatherers who practiced no agriculture but “had the surprising ability to live… without towns or cities, extending and wandering through lands they regarded as their own and belonging to their natural abode” (Carrillo 1999:287). But the situation in this area was not always like the one described above. Those human groups, which did not participate fully in Mesoamerican civilization, entered the scene after the cultural collapse in the region at the end of the Classic period, toward the 10th century AD. The low level of cultural complexity of these so-called “barbarians” or Chichimecs is in marked contrast to the high level of civilization reached in earlier times, mainly during the Classic period (Braniff 2000; Cárdenas 1999b; Wright 1999). Although the Bajío is one of the least-known areas of Mesoamerica from an archaeological perspective, in recent years our knowledge about this region has increased greatly (see, for instance, Williams and Weigand [editors] 1999). The Bajío’s core area is a system of perennial rivers and their tributaries, with extensive swamps and marshes, as well as lakes and flatlands flanked by hills and low mountains in the immediate area. Although the Bajío does not cover an extensive territory, it really was unique. One of the largest rivers in Mesoamerica, the Lerma, flows through this area unimpeded by natural barriers over wide, flat valleys that border on extensive marshlands and numerous lakes that irrigate some of the most fertile agricultural lands in all of Mexico. Apart from the rich profile of water and fertile soils, the natural riches of the Lerma River region included abundant aquatic species, nearby obsidian deposits, and oak and pine forests on the hills and adjacent highlands. It is difficult indeed to imagine a more fertile and bountiful natural landscape (Weigand and Williams 1999:17).

Figure 52. Map showing several archaeological sites around the towns of Araró and San Nicolás Simirao in the eastern end of Lake Cuitzeo, surveyed by the author in 2003.

According to Braniff (2000: 35), the cultures that occupied the Bajío seem to have reached their highest level of development and social complexity during the first millennium of our era. After the original colonization and diffusion of the cultures linked to the Chupícuaro tradition, cities and towns with ceremonial architecture flourished in the region and ruled over smaller towns and hamlets (Braniff 2000:39). We know of the cultural presence of Teotihuacan in this region, as evidenced by Thin Orange ceramics. This could represent a cultural corridor linking central Mexico with the lake region of Michoacán. Influence from several cultures in Western Mexico can also be seen, for instance, in the architecture, as the circular structures pertaining to the Teuchitlán tradition have been reported in western Guanajuato and the Lerma River Basin (Braniff 2000:39-40).

Figure 53. Pre-Hispanic potsherds found on the surface around the towns of Araró and San Nicolás Simirao (see previous figure). Some of the local pottery types may have been used in the salt-making process in preHispanic times.

71

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production The natural resources in the region under discussion can be grouped into two categories: 1) basic subsistence resources, such as fishing in the rivers, marshes, and lakes, hunting of waterfowl and other animals in aquatic environments, and the extraction of plants such as reeds and rushes; and, 2) strategic resources like obsidian, rhyolite, clay, cinnabar, and, most importantly, salt (Williams and Weigand 1999).

for the economic, political, and military strategies of the societies of the Bajío and its hinterland from the Formative and Classic periods onwards. In the Protohistoric period, the Tarascan Empire had a strong presence in the basin as it sought to control the obsidian and salt deposits that were a source of wealth for the empire (Cfr. Williams 2009). Salt Production on the Michoacán Coast

During the Classic period, the Lerma River drainage had a dense population living in settlements based on agriculture. Between ca. AD 600 and 850 we see a rapid expansion of the network of dispersed settlements that eventually covered the entire region. There may have been larger towns with elite populations, market sites, and religious centres, but the dispersed settlement pattern and the existence of many villages and ranches may well suggest a social organization with a relatively decentralized power structure (Faugère-Kalfon 1996:130).

This section deals with salt production and trade on the coast of Michoacán, a subject that has never before been studied in depth in this area; in fact, the coast of Michoacán is one of the least-studied areas in all of Mesoamerica. As discussed for the Lake Cuitzeo Basin in the previous section, the primary goals of the present study are to document traditional salt-making techniques, in particular the material culture, work organization, and levels of production in the coastal area of Michoacán, as well as the importance of salt manufacture and trade for the area’s economy and culture over time. Ethnographic observations together with ethnohistorical and archaeological data will shed light on the production, use and commerce of salt in the coastal area of Michoacán in pre-Hispanic times, while the ethnographic information gathered through fieldwork offers parallels to pre-Hispanic salt production that will allow us to achieve a better understanding of this ancient industry.

Between the 9th and 13th centuries several modifications took place that are reflected in the restructuring of the settlement network. For example, the first defensive sites appeared during this period, and the population became more densely packed through a process that accelerated during the early Postclassic. The cluster of archaeological features suggests a cultural continuity in the Lerma River region, above all during the Classic and early Postclassic periods (Faugère-Kalfon 1996:133, 142).

Geographic and Cultural Background of the Michoacán Coast

As stated in previous pages, recent archaeological research in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin has underlined the important role played by this area in the pre-Hispanic economy not just in the immediate area but also in Western Mexico and the rest of Mesoamerica. During the Protohistoric period (ca. AD 1450-1530), northern Michoacán and southeastern Guanajuato were characterized by a great cultural diversity as seen in the presence of the following linguistic groups: Matlazinca, Mazahua, Otomí, Pame, Guamare, and others (Healan and Hernández 1999:133).

Fieldwork research for this chapter was carried out at La Placita, one of the few salt-working communities in Mexico that still use traditional (in part, pre-Hispanic) techniques (see Williams 2002, 2004a, 2010). Also included in this study are the nearby saltworks in Salinas del Padre, Michoacán, and El Ciruelo, near Cuyutlán, Colima (see map, Figure 54). The ecological conditions of this area –i.e., the coastal strip that stretches from Cuyutlán (Colima) in the north to Maruata (Michoacán) in the south– are ideal for salt production, as sodium chloride is an abundant ingredient of seawater, and sunlight, an essential requirement for the evaporation of brine, is constant and intense throughout almost the entire year, especially during the dry season.

The obsidian from Ucareo and Zinapécuaro in this region was of the highest quality, and so was among the most sought-after commodities throughout Mesoamerica (Healan 1994, 1997, 2004, 2005, 2011; Pollard and Vogel 1994) and was exported to many regions, including central Mexico, Oaxaca, and the Maya area (Healan 2004). The Lake Cuitzeo Basin thus became a strategic area not just because of its obsidian deposits, important as they were (Breton 1905; Weigand and Williams 1997). Salt-producing areas around the lake (Williams 1999b) and other mineral resources such as cinnabar, kaolin, and chalcedony (Cárdenas 1999b) also played a role in the ancient economic development of this area. Dense concentrations of settlements –urban centres, ceremonial sites, towns, and hamlets– needed huge amounts of salt for their subsistence. The main salt sources in the Lerma River region are clustered almost entirely in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin (see the maps published by Mendizábal 1928; Valdez et al. 1996b: Figure 4; Ewald 1997: Map 14). Therefore, salt-producing sites were a crucial factor

The area under discussion has been included in the NayaritGuerrero Biotic Province, which occupies the coastal region within the arid tropical zone that runs from southern Sinaloa to southern Guerrero. This area has distinct dry and wet seasons, with the rains beginning in May or June and ending in November or December. The remaining months are generally rainless, and as a result much of the vegetation becomes leafless (Brand 1960:275). The flora of the coastal area can be classified as tropical deciduous thorny forest. The main floristic communities are the following:

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland astutus); raccoon (mapache, Procyon lotor); badger (tejón, Nasua nasua); weasel (comadreja, Mustela frenata); jaguar (Felis onca); ocelot (ocelote, Felis pardalis); peccary or wild pig (jabalí, Dicotyles tajacu); and white-tailed deer (venado de cola blanca, Odocoileus virginianus).

1. mangrove; 2. thorny bush (arid beach sand); 3. jungle with thorny bush; 4. forest with low trees;

Reptiles: sea turtle (tortuga marina, Chelonia agasizii); hawksbill turtle (tortuga de carey, C. imbricata); green turtle (tortuga verde, C. viridis); and several species of lizards, serpents, chamaleons, and iguanas (Correa Pérez 1974:389-433). According to elderly informants, some species, such as the alligator (caiman), were once abundant, but are now extinct.

5. forest with palm trees; 6. jungle with bushes and trees. The fauna of the coastal area has not been studied in depth. According to Brand (1960:296), there are at least 600 species of marine molluscs on the beaches of Michoacán. This biotic abundance is explained by the fact that the coastal area has a wide variety of ecological niches (which, it should be noted, were exploited by human beings from earliest times). The following list (based on Correa Pérez 1974) includes some of the endemic animal species in the study area (several of which contributed to the diet and economy of local cultures).

Because of the abundance and variety of plant and animal resources found in the coastal environment, this region was extremely attractive for human occupation in pre-Hispanic times. The few archaeological projects undertaken on the coast of Michoacán have reported a great quantity of small sites from Colima in the north to the Balsas River delta in the south (Cabrera 1989; see also Novella and Moguel 1998; Novella et al. 2002). During the Late Postclassic period (ca. AD 1250-1521) we see in the region elements of the Tarascan and Aztec cultures, such as pipe fragments, diagnostic ceramics, clay figurines that represent deities of the central Mexican pantheon, and funerary practices such as cremation (Cabrera 1989:147)

.

Mammals: opossum (tlacuache, Didelphis marsupialis); armadillo (Dasypus novemcinctus); rabbit (conejo, Sylvigalus cuniculuarius); squirrel (ardilla, Sciurus colliaei); porcupine (puerco espín, Coendu mexicanus); coyote (Canis latrans); ringtail (cacomixtle, Bassariscus

Figure 54. Map of the coast of Michoacán and Colima, showing salt-producing sites, archaeological sites, and modern towns. 73

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production The town of La Placita de Morelos is located on the left bank of the Maquilí River (Figure 55) and was an important settlement in pre-Hispanic times, as shown by the archaeological survey conducted by José Corona Núñez some 60 years ago. Unfortunately, several modern houses, as well as the local school, have been built on top of pre-Hispanic mounds. Throughout the town’s streets and the surrounding area stone foundations of square structures, that may have been dwellings, consist of simple rock alignments with a different orientation from that of the modern houses. Corona Núñez reported a large mound up to 5 m high made of huge boulders that was heavily looted by the time of his survey, and is now almost completely destroyed. The modern town rests atop an enormous artificial pre-Hispanic platform (Corona Núñez 1960:374-375; Plate 13).

time, whole families would come from Maquilí to Salinas del Padre to work the salt; even bringing the schoolteacher to continue their children’s education during the saltmaking season. Everyone would get together to open up the estuary with their shovels, and once it filled with salty water they would close it. As many as 40 families might arrive, bringing their own drinking water because no potable water was available in the area. The landholding unit was known as an hijuela, and consisted of the following: 1) a salt well, or pozo (the name given to the salt-making unit); 2) a plot of land for growing crops; 3) a second plot of land for cattle; and, 4) a house lot. By the end of the 16th century, many towns along the coast were no longer inhabited, because of the dramatic demographic collapse (see Chapter III) caused mainly by hunger and the epidemics brought on by contact with the Spaniards. Therefore, many salt-making communities had become extinct not long after the Conquest, and were not recorded by the colonial officials who wrote the Relaciones geográficas (around 1580). The dramatic conditions in the 16th and 17th centuries have been described by Donald Brand, who mentions that, “… the great epidemic of 1576-78 was followed by the 1588 year of epidemic and famine and then came more epidemics in 1595-96. The resultant great diminution of Indian population, together with political and economic factors, contributed to the adoption of the policy of many congregations during the period 1592-1605”.

Present-day La Placita was first built near the adjoining estuary. The old town consisted of a single street surrounded by cattle ranches, groves of palm trees, and houses made of wattle and daub with thatched roofs; only a few had tiled roofs. The population was heterogeneous, including in addition to local residents, Indians from other communities, as well as muleteers and merchants from other latitudes (Méndez Acevedo 1999). The population of La Placita increased considerably during the salt-making season (from late March or early April to the first week of June), as many people came from other places to labour in the saltworks, settling in a dispersed pattern around the estuary during the salt-producing period.

According to Brand, 1613 was also known as “a year of general hunger and famine”, while “in 1643 there was an epidemic that nearly finished off the Indians that had not succumbed to the earlier pestilences. Some estimates ran as high as a mortality of 5/6 of the Indians… The years of 1692-1696 were years of hunger and famine” (Brand 1960:72-74).

According to don Francisco Gregorio, one of the older salineros of La Placita, the inhabitants of this town used to live almost exclusively from those saltworks, with very little farming and no cattle-raising, as they obtained everything they needed for subsistence in exchange for salt. During the part of the year when salt was not being produced, they sustained themselves by exploiting wild resources: hunting deer in the hills, digging for turtle eggs on the beach, and fishing in the estuary where they caught abundant estuary shrimp (chacales), crabs (moyos), and crayfish (jaiba). Many of the plant and animal species exploited for food were seasonal, but others –such as the chacal– were available year-round. In summary, the main subsistence activities were fishing, hunting, and gathering, together with some agriculture, and the exchange of a few foodstuffs, such as beans, with other communities.

Salt Production on the Michoacán Coast: Sites and Material Culture This section presents a brief description of the salt-making process that the author observed in the study area, followed by a discussion of the archaeological implications of these ethnographic observations.23 The salt-making process at La Placita has traditionally consisted of filtering salty water from the estuary through a layer of salty earth locally called salitre, which is obtained from the same estuary and is used to produce salt by leaching in a tapeixtle, a filtering device discussed below (Figures 56- 58).

Some 3 km northwest of the La Placita estuary there is another salt-producing estuary, known as Salinas del Padre. Between these two, another one, El Presidio, produced salt until some 60 years ago (Figures 54 and 55).22 Around that

Once the brine is obtained by leaching the earth, it is placed inside eras, or solar evaporation pans, where the water disappears under the hot sun, leaving crystallized salt. After the salt has dried it is packed and taken away to be sold or exchanged for other commodities.

  There have been many conflicts between the peoples of La Placita and Maquilí over ownership of the estuary. The former would like to practice shrimp fishing there (a far more lucrative activity than saltmaking), while the latter wish to carry on salt-making as their only activity. The Salinas del Padre saltworks belong to the ejido (common lands) of Maquilí, but the local Indian community was split into several ejidos, resulting in ill-defined territorial limits between fishers and saltmakers. 22

  Donald Brand (1958) published a short description of salt-making activities at La Placita, but did not include detailed information on all aspects of the process. 23

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Figure 55. Map of the area around La Placita, on the coast of Michoacán, showing the modern town, the lagoons or estuaries, salt-making sites (circles), and archaeological sites (triangles). The salt-making unit here is called a plan. It is some 400600 m2 and consists of a tapeixtle, several eras, and at least one terrero, a mound of leached, discarded earth that can be recycled and used in future salt-making operations. During the time of fieldwork, four units or planes were active, but there were many abandoned ones around the La Placita estuary. They are not worked every year because their owners are absent, or because interest flags due to the low price of salt.

or even to the United States. Recent years have seen a dramatic plunge in the price of salt nationwide, which has forced an increasing number of salt-makers to abandon the activity. As seen at La Placita, they can obtain more money from other kinds of work that are also relatively easier to perform. Traditionally, it is the men who have worked in the saltworks because, as they say, this kind of labour is “too hard” for women, who come only to collect the salt, receiving part of the production as payment. Most of these women are related to the salineros by blood, marriage, or ritual kinship.24

The salt-making season in the coastal area of Michoacán and Colima occupies the driest part of the year (roughly early April to mid-June), because the fresh water that falls during the rainy season drastically reduces the level of salinity in the estuary and the soil around it, while the greater cloud cover reduces the sunlight required to evaporate the brine. Salt-makers carry out other activities when saltmaking is not possible, such as fishing, agriculture or wage labour, either within the area or outside it. Many salt-makers migrate every year to larger cities in Mexico,

Most of the tools and features used in salt-making at La Placita are no longer utilised at other production sites   This contrasts with the situation on the Costa Chica of Guerrero, where women perform most of the tasks linked to salt production (Good 1995; Quiroz Malca 1998)

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Figure 56. A wooden feature called tapeixtle, used for leaching earth to make crystallized salt at La Placita, on the Michoacán coast.

Figure 57. Drawing of a tapeixtle showing its constituent parts. This wooden structure, whose Nahuatl name means “bed,” consists of a flat platform made of branches and reeds supported by tree trunks.

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Figure 58. Tapeixtle under construction at La Placita. Although this is an activity reserved primarily for men, women and children may also take part, as shown here.

replaced. It takes three men roughly one week to do this, as the wood has to be brought down from the hills.

nearby, such as Cuyutlán, Colima. Apparently it is just a matter of time before they stop being used at La Placita as well.

The antiquity of the tapeixtle in Mesoamerica is not known.25 We do not have archaeological information confirming its use in pre-Hispanic times, and it is not mentioned in 16th-century sources; however, the Relaciones geográficas, which date to that century, do mention saltmaking activities involving a kind of filtering or leaching device that may have been similar to the tapeixtle.26

Salt-making in La Placita involves leaching the soils from the beach around the estuary. In the dry season, this body of water shrinks to just a small portion of its size, leaving behind a salty crust on the soil, known locally as salitre. This salty earth is leached with salty water from the estuary (Figure 59), thus producing a concentrated brine that is later evaporated by the sun to obtain the final product: crystallized salt (Table 6 shows the chemical composition of a sample of salt from La Placita).

Horses are used in La Placita to carry the earth or salitre from the beach to the finca. The salineros put 70 baskets or chiquihuites of earth (each one weighs 20 kg) and 40 paradas, or pairs of buckets (i.e. 80 buckets of 18-20 litres each) of salty water from the estuary into the cajete every day. This is enough to fill up some 15 eras.

The leaching process is carried out in the aforementioned tapeixtle. This wooden structure, whose Nahuatl name means “bed,” consists of a flat platform made of branches supported by tree trunks. The upper part of the tapeixtle is called cajete, the bottom part taza, and both together are known as a pozo. The cajete is made out of mud (from the soil that is discarded after leaching) and is formed by a ring made with branches and banana tree leaves, known as a ñagual. The filtering device includes several layers of grass, small stones and sand. It takes three men approximately three days to construct a tapeixtle. The hardest part is placing the beams (made of palm trunks), which are so heavy that as many as five extra men are needed for this step. The tapeixtle has to be repaired periodically; and at least every other year the grass, branches and sand must be

Once enough water has been poured on top of the salitre inside the cajete, the brine begins to trickle down into the taza, where it accumulates for some 4-5 hours (the taza has   Elements similar to the tapeixtle have been used over a wide area of Mexico and Central America. Although they all perform essentially the same brine-leaching process, the name given to these devices changes in each area; some variants are tapeite, tapestle, tapesco, and tapanco. 26   Some salt-making elements and techniques in Indonesia are quite similar to the tapeixtles and estiladeras described in this book (Anne Tilbaum, pers. comm., 1999). This shared salt-making tradition may be part of a common heritage in Mexico and other countries around the Pacific Rim. According to Juan Carlos Reyes (pers. comm. 2001) the tapeixtle may have been introduced to Mexico from the Philippines in the Colonial period

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production TABLE 6. CHEMICAL COMPOSITION OF A SALT SAMPLE FROM LA PLACITA, MICHOACÁN.* A. Element concentrations (mg/kg; ppm) Element Concentration Sulphur 2,820 +/- 83 Chlorine 54,064 +/- 145 Potassium 452 +/- 11 Calcium 922 +/- 17 Iron 17.7 +/- 1.0 Zinc 3.95 +/- 0.31 Bromine 376 +/- 2.0 Rubidium 4.21 +/- 0.50 Strontium 35.07 +/- 0.42 B. Elements present in the sample** Sodium chloride (halite), NaCl Calcium sulfate (gypsum), CaSO4 Magnesium chloride (bischofite), MgCl2 * Analysis carried out by Dr. Dolores Tenorio and Dr. Rodrigo Esparza at the National Institute of Nuclear Research, Mexico City. (A: x-ray fluorescence analysis; B: x-ray diffraction analysis). ** 95% of the sample is NaCl, the rest corresponds to the other compounds.

Figure 59. Carrying salty water in buckets from the estuary to the salt-making site. Clay pots were used for this task in ancient times, and gourds called balsas until some 60 years ago (see Figure 70). a capacity of 6,000-8,000 litres). From the taza the brine is taken in buckets to the eras, the solar evaporation pans made of beach sand and lined with lime. The eras measure on average 6 x 3 m (Figure 60), and each plan has around 18 of them, although not all evaporation pans are in use at the same time (Figure 61).

three buckets a day are added to the era, and after five days it is possible to collect the first batch of salt. Thereafter, salt is collected every other day, on average 25-30 kg every time. Each plan, or salt-making unit, produces seven tons of salt on average during the season, if the weather conditions are good.

Once an era has been built –or repaired, if it was used in the previous season– it has to be filled up with 20 buckets of brine (one bucket holds 20 litres); subsequently, two or

To scrape the crystallized salt from the era the salineros use part of the pod or husk of the palm tree, known as cayuco, which is soft but firm, so as not to damage the 78

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 60. Solar evaporation pans, known as eras in La Placita. Note the salinero collecting salt in the background, the mound of crystallized salt at left, and the brine in all the eras.

Figure 61. Map of a production site at La Placita, known as a plan, indicating the major features and work areas.

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production fragile surface (Figure 62). The eras should never be left without water, otherwise under the intense heat of the sun their surface becomes warped and cracked. Every year at the start of the salt-making season (around April), the salinero repairs all the eras that have not been in use since the previous year. This task takes three days with the help of an assistant, or mozo. A new coat of lime-sand mixture has to be applied on each era every time (Figures 63 and 64) and to the taza as well (Figure 65), so they have many layers of plaster, one for each year that it is used. We counted as many as 20 layers in some eras (Figure 66). This “stratigraphy” makes it possible to determine how long an era was in production in an archaeological context.

To apply the sand mixed with lime on the era, salineros use a small wooden slat called paleta, which is about 20 cm in length (Figure 67). To smooth the sand-lime mixture they use another wooden tool called a menapil (Figure 68). Finally, they polish the era with a stone (Figure 69). They then use buckets to carry salty water from the estuary to the cajete and brine from the taza to the eras. In the past, they used balsas, or vessels made of gourds that the salineros themselves planted (Figure 70), but later clay pots came into use. When the salineros arrived from other areas to work at La Placita they buried their pots and other tools at the end of the salt-making season, and unearthed them upon their return the following year. By doing this they did not have to carry their tools all the way home and back every year.

Today lime is produced industrially in Mexico and, therefore, it is not difficult for the salineros to find it; while in the past they had to buy it from producers who made it by burning limestone in kilns. Those kilns had to be worked by specialists who exploited nearby sediments of limestone and took the processed lime to the saltworks. Some of the larger kilns were fired continuously for several days and burned between two and three tons of lime (it takes one ton of lime to cover 20 eras).

A trade network once existed whereby artisans that made baskets and pots, among other articles, would come to the salt-producing villages and exchange those goods for salt. In addition to the tools and features discussed earlier, the salineros at La Placita also employ the following tools: Chiquihuites: small baskets (20 kg capacity) used to remove the crystallized salt from the era (Figure 71).

Lime was a resource of great importance in pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica, and there was a well-developed technology to burn great amounts of lime-bearing rocks in kilns (Barba and Córdova 1999). Thus, it is not far-fetched to assume that lime-burning kilns could turn up at many saltmaking sites along the coast, since huge amounts of lime were needed to line the solar evaporation pans. In addition, lime was used in the preparation of maize for cooking.

Huiriles: large baskets or sacks (80 kg capacity) used to take the salitre from the beach around the estuary to the tapeixtle; usually carried in pairs on horseback (Figure 72). Gata: a triangular wooden artefact with iron nails on the underside that is pulled by a horse (Figure 73) to rake the

Figure 62. The cayuco (part of the pod or husk of the palm tree) is used to gather crystallized salt in the era. Note the mound of white salt in the era at right. 80

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 63. A new coat of lime plaster is applied to each era every year at the start of the salt-making season.

Figure 64. Preparing the lime plaster to be applied to the eras. In the past, salt-makers had to buy lime from producers who made it by burning limestone in kilns.

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Figure 65. New coat of lime applied to a taza (the tank where brine is stored after trickling down from the tapeixtle) to make it waterproof.

Figure 66. The salt evaporation pans (or eras) at La Placita receive a new coat of earth covered with lime plaster every year at the start of the salt-making season. This results in several layers or strata, which may be used to determine how many times each feature was used.

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 67. The paleta is a wooden slat used to spread the earth-lime mixture on the era.

Figure 68. The menapil is a wooden instrument used to smooth the surface of the freshly-made era.

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Figure 69. Polishing the surface of the era with a stone to make it waterproof.

Figure 70. Balsas or vessels made of gourds, used in the past in salt-making sites around Cuyutlán, Colima, and in coastal Michoacán (Museo de la Sal, Cuyutlán, Colima). 84

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 71. Once the salt has crystallized in the evaporation pan, it is taken in a basket (called chiquihuite) to a spot near the eras where the mound of salt will lie under the sun to dry completely.

Figure 72. The huiriles, or sacks, are used to take the earth from the beach to the salt-making site at La Placita. Horses make this job easier.

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Figure 73. The gata is a wooden implement with iron nails underneath used to loosen up the earth in order to make it easier for the salineros (salt-makers) to pick it up. The salitre is excavated from the comederos, the area of the beach adjoining the estuary that has the highest level of soil salinity. Before extracting the salitre with the shovel, it is prepared by raking the earth with the gata, which is dragged by a horse to loosen the soil and allow the salineros to easily make small heaps of salitre. This salty earth is carried on horseback from the comederos to the pozos, though in olden days the salineros carried the baskets of salitre on their heads. They had to make as many as 70 trips between the estuary and the tapeixtle, a taxing task indeed in the unforgiving heat of the day.

surface of the earth and thus facilitate extraction of the uppermost layer of soil, or salitre. Shovels: made of wood or metal and used to move earth and salitre from one part of the plan to another. They are also used in building the tapeixtle and the eras, as well as in daily work activities; for instance, loading and unloading the salitre or leached soil in the cajete. Guancipo: a ring made of a banana leaf some 10 cm in circumference, used to protect the surface of the era when placing the chiquihuite on top.

The leached soil is taken out of the tapeixtle and heaped on top of the terrero, where it accumulates until it is withdrawn by shovel and spread over the comederos. After a few days, it once again becomes rich in salt and can be recycled and used anew.

Rodillo: palm-tree trunk used as a roller to break up the clods of earth that form in the salitre layer on the soil. The process of salt production at La Placita can be divided into four phases: 1) salitre is excavated from the soil around the estuary and placed in the tapeixtle; 2) water is taken from the estuary and put in the tapeixtle; 3) leached brine is removed from the taza and transferred to the eras; and, 4) the crystallized salt is gathered from the era and packed.

Implications for Archaeology What follows is a discussion of some of the archaeological implications that the ethnographic and ethnohistorical observations presented above have for our understanding of the processes linked to pre-Hispanic salt production in the coastal area of Michoacán. The goal of this section is to highlight the ethnographic parallels with pre-Hispanic salt production through a systematic correlation of material remains associated with both pre-Hispanic and modern activities (see Table 7)

.

To carry out the leaching process, some 70 chiquihuites of salitre and 80 buckets of salty water are put into the tapeixtle (this will produce enough brine to fill 15 eras). The leached brine trickles down into the taza for 4-to-5 hours.

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland TABLE 7. SUMMARY OF SALT-MAKING ACTIVITIES AND THEIR ARCHAEOLOGICAL MARKERS IN SIMIRAO AND LA PLACITA, MICHOACÁN. Activity Modern tool or feature Ancient tool or feature Archaeological markers Brine leaching Tapeixtle or estiladera Pits or devices of Pits, rock alignments, undetermined nature concentrations of leached earth (mounds, or terreros) Circulation of salty water Canals Canals Canals fossilized by the within the saltworks accumulation of mineralrich sediments Transportation and storage Buckets Clay vessels Potsherds, whole vessels of of salty water and brine specific types Solar evaporation of brine salt evaporation pans, or Eras, canoas, large vessels Stone alignments, flat eras, and wooden troughs, surfaces covered with lime or canoas plaster, large amounts of shallow clay vessels Lime manufacture (to coat Kilns Kilns Kilns, concentrations of salt evaporation pans) burned earth with ash and lime Mixing of earth with lime, Paleta, menapil ? ? coating of evaporation pans Polishing the surface of the Medium-sized pebbles Medium-sized pebbles Pebbles, stones, or rocks evaporation pans polished by use (broken or whole items) Carrying salt and earth Baskets (chiquihuites) Baskets (chiquihuites) Remains of baskets within the saltworks (chiquihuites) preserved by salt Moving the salitre from the Large-sized sacks (huiriles Textile bags or sacks Textile remains preserved beach to the tapeixtle or or guangoches) by salt estiladera Raking the earth surface to Gata, shovels Artefacts such as knives and Cutting artefacts with use excavate and cut the crust scrapers made of obsidian marks (worn surfaces) and of salitre or other kinds of stone salt incrustations Transportation and storage Textile or basketry items Clay vessels (massPotsherds or whole pots of crystallized salt (sacks, baskets) produced, therefore of low of specific, “throw-away” quality) types Temporary residence near Huts made with branches, Houses, workshops, storage Rock foundations, stone salt-making sites straw, leaves, reeds, etc. buildings alignments, concentrations of domestic refuse (lithics, potsherds, food items, etc.)

In ancient times, the coast of Western Mexico was very important as a provider of salt to inland populations. Numerous salt-making sites have been discovered along the coast in Sinaloa, Jalisco, Colima (Weigand and Weigand 1997:5-8) and Nayarit (Mountjoy 2000:102-103). From pre-Hispanic times until some 60 years ago, the stretch of the coast of Michoacán and Colima from Cuyutlán in the north to Maruata in the south (Figure 54) was a veritable salt emporium, with countless sites, large and small, where salt was produced. Three types of sites were found during the survey of the coast: 1) locales where salt is currently being produced (the pre-Hispanic materials found at most of these sites attest to their occupation in ancient times); 2) places where salt production was carried out until perhaps 60 years ago, but that are now abandoned (at most of these

sites pre-Hispanic material is found on the surface); and, 3) sites where salt may have been produced in ancient times, some of which appear to be habitation as well as production sites. At the end of the 19th century, the year-round population of the salt-making area in coastal Colima was not even 50 individuals, but from the 16th century on during the saltmaking season as many as five thousand people congregated at these sites. To the salineros coming from throughout the region were added muleteers and merchants, mostly from Michoacán and Nueva Galicia (i.e. present-day Jalisco) (Reyes 1995:149). At El Ciruelo, near Cuyutlán, Colima, the author visited one such seasonal settlement. The salineros come every year to live in huts, but only stay

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production during the salt-making season (February to mid-June). The rest of the year the site is vacant. This temporary settlement has no electricity, running water, or other amenities, but boasts a chapel where mass is held on special occasions, such as the day of the Holy Cross (May 3), the Patron Saint of the salineros. The rest of the year they return to their permanent homes, where they work agricultural plots, growing maize, sugarcane or other products, or work in towns throughout the region. According to informants, this same situation was common in Salinas del Padre, where during the salt-making season a temporary settlement was formed with around 40 or 50 small huts made of grass or thatch that were known as parajes.

Terreros. As mentioned previously in the description of the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, this term applies to the mounds of leached soil (Figures 74 and 75) found at many salt-making sites throughout Mesoamerica. Like all archaeological features, terreros are subject to destruction. After a survey of the salt-making zone in the coastal area of Colima and Michoacán, the author found that the terreros at Boca de Pascuales had been razed in order to plant palm trees. In El Real, however, we found an area beside the highway with many terreros. Salt was produced here until some 45 to 60 years ago, and the salineros made temporary encampments near the pozos. We found abundant archaeological material on the surface of this site.

After talking with informants and checking material evidence on the ground, we identified 16 abandoned saltproducing sites (corresponding to type two, mentioned above), but the total was probably much higher in preHispanic times. Around all the estuaries along this portion of the coast there are many salt-making sites with the remains of eras and tapeixtles that have been abandoned for the past 60 years or so.

In Colola, several terreros and even some parts of an abandoned tapeixtle attest to the salt-making activities that were carried out at that site until perhaps 60 years ago, although their antiquity is as yet unknown. Also found there were some abandoned eras, partially covered with earth, while similar features were found at Ixtapilla and other sites nearby. Eras. Although we have no proof that eras were used for evaporation of brine on the coast of Michoacán in pre-Hispanic times, these features were certainly known in Mesoamerica before the arrival of the Spaniards. For example, the Relación Geográfica de Coxcatlan [Puebla, 16th century], shows rectangular elements called pilas de sal (Sisson 1973). According to Sisson (1973:83), archaeological evidence has shown that these pilas are in fact shallow pools or pans used for the solar evaporation of brine, identical to the eras discussed previously. Sisson indicates that these pans were probably coated with lime, much as they are now, so another archaeological feature to look for would be the kilns where the limestone was prepared (Sisson 1973:91).

Several ancient sites were found in association with saltworks in the area between Salinas del Padre and Maruata (Figure 54). At Salinas del Padre, in the northwest section of the estuary, we found an extensive archaeological site with mounds and abundant surface material. Also while simply walking around the streets in La Placita we found much pre-Hispanic material (mostly pottery and obsidian fragments), which suggests that both saltworks –La Placita and Salinas del Padre– had large, contiguous settlements in ancient times. Of all the archaeological sites we found, the largest is Pueblo Nuevo (Figure 55), which had at least 40 mounds and many house foundations made of stone, as well as plenty of archaeological material on the surface (pottery, shell, obsidian, bone, etc.). One local inhabitant showed the author several potsherds, stone axes and two copper chisels, all pertaining to the Postclassic period. Pueblo Nuevo is located on the old road to Coalcomán, a strategic location with respect to the salt-working area, and ideally situated for control of the trade routes along which salt was exported to the Sierra de Coalcomán and beyond.

Pre-Hispanic solar evaporation pans have also been reported for the Maya area, dating from at least the Late Formative period (Andrews 1983:31, 109). Kepecs (2000) found many salt evaporation pans at the site of Emal on the northern Yucatán Peninsula that pertain to Epiclassic-Late Postclassic times. According to Kepecs, there was largescale salt production in this area with a highly-developed industrial infrastructure.

Because salt is not usually preserved in the archaeological record, unlike other strategic resources that were produced and exchanged among the indigenous peoples in the coastal area of Michoacán –for instance, obsidian, shells, metals, turquoise, and many other items– identifying archaeological sites where salt was produced, stored or traded is somewhat difficult. However, in light of the ethnographic and ethnohistorical information discussed above, we can postulate the existence of several kinds of material evidence that serve as markers of salt production at specific sites (see Table 7). The main indicators of salt production using preHispanic techniques in the study area are as follows: mounds of discarded soil, or terreros; solar evaporation pans, or eras; and specialized pottery types associated with salt production sites. What follows is a brief discussion of each one.

Another example of salt evaporation pans comes from San Miguel Ixtapan, in the State of Mexico, where we have archaeological evidence for these features dating from the Epiclassic period, if not earlier. The salt-making process there was quite similar to the one reported by Besso Oberto (1980) for Alahuiztlan, Guerrero. In San Miguel Ixtapan, meanwhile, the same pre-Hispanic techniques are still being used without significant modifications (Morrison Limón, pers. comm., July 20, 2001; see also Mata Alpuche 1999). Finally, solar evaporation pans were also used in the Sayula Basin, Jalisco, and have survived from preHispanic times to the present, though they are no longer used (Phil Weigand, pers. comm., September 7, 2001).

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Figure 74. Mounds of leached earth, known as terreros. They are an indication of salt-making activities at La Placita and in many other salt-making sites along the coast of Michoacán, Colima, and elsewhere on the Pacific Ocean coast.

Figure 75. The terrero is a mound of leached, discarded earth formed by the earth thrown around the tapeixtle after each salt-making operation.

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production Abandoned eras were found at many sites within the study area on the coast of Michoacán (Figure 76). They usually appear as low pans outlined by their rims, although in many cases they have been destroyed, leaving nothing more than small crumbs of lime-coated, hardened earth. However, it should be pointed out that no eras have been found on the coast of Michoacán that are of unequivocal pre-Hispanic origin.

We have been unable as yet to identify the pottery used for making salt on the coast of Michoacán and Colima in preHispanic times, so this task remains for future fieldwork. The tapeixtle method does not require pottery vessels for boiling brine, but only for carrying or storing brine, water, and crystallized salt, which may explain the paucity of this type of pottery in the study area (Figure 77). Of all the active salineros interviewed on the coast of Michoacán in the course of fieldwork, none remembered having used or even seen clay pots in the saltworks, and most of them reported that neither their parents nor their grandparents used clay vessels for making salt. However, in interviews with the oldest (80-90 years old) salineros, plus the analysis of potsherds found on the surface of most salt-making sites, and by comparison with specimens in the Museo de la Sal (Cuyutlán, Colima) (Figure 78), it was possible to establish that a certain type of clay pot that is still being manufactured in many Nahuatl-speaking villages on the coast of Michoacán (Ostula, La Ticla, Huizontla, Coire, Pómaro, and Maruata) may resemble ancient salt-making vessels (Hernández Valencia 1997). In fact, the author observed the elaboration of clay pots in a Nahua home in Maruata, which is described in detail elsewhere (Williams 2001).

Many salt-making sites on the coast of Michoacán and Colima were abandoned and later destroyed, so solar evaporation pans would be hard to find in an archaeological survey. In an area near Cuyutlán, Colima, for instance, salt production ended because of agricultural work near the salt-making sites, and most of the surface remains were destroyed around the mid-1940s (Salazar Cárdenas 1999:199). Pottery. Pre-Hispanic salt-making techniques, particularly sal cocida (i.e., boiling the brine over fire), required vast amounts of pottery vessels (Williams 2001). The bestknown salt-making pottery in Mesoamerica is perhaps the one called Texcoco Fabric Marked, used in the Basin of Mexico during the Postclassic period (Charlton 1969, 1971; Sanders et al. 1979; Parsons 1994, 2001), although today it is thought that these pottery vessels were not used in the actual making of the salt, but rather in the preparation and transportation of the “salt loaves” that were common in Aztec markets (Parsons 1996:446; Smith 1998:131).

Pots here are usually made by women using clay from nearby deposits. The first step involves kneading the clay paste and adding coarse sand as temper. Next, a convex

Figure 76. Abandoned eras at Salinas del Padre, on the Michoacán coast. These features are still visible after several years of disuse.

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 77. Clay vessel made in Maruata, a Nahua town near the salt-making sites on the Michoacán coast. Pots like this one may have been used for salt-making in ancient times (scale in centimetres).

Figure 78. Clay vessels used in salt-making in recent Cuyutlán, Colima, saltworks (Museo de la Sal, Cuyutlán) (scale in centimetres).

times in the

mould known as a moldero is used to make the body of the pot. The mould is first covered with a rag, and then covered again, this time with a layer of wet clay (Figure 79 a), and put under the sun for about an hour in order to dry. After that, the neck of the pot is made by coiling, then two clay plaques are joined at the top to make the neck (Figure 79 b) and the joints are smoothed with a corncob. The newly-formed pot is smoothened with a small stone or a round seed from the cayaco palm (Orbygnia guacoyule) (Figure 79 c). After drying the pot under the sun, the mouth is pinched and smoothened with a corncob. The potter’s hands and the corncob are used to shape the neck and rim of the pot (Figure 79 d). Once the shape of the pot is finished, the corncob and a guayabo leaf are used to smoothen the pot’s rim (Figure 79 e). In the past, these pots were fired in a pit kiln, but nowadays a proper potter’s kiln is used, similar to the one known elsewhere in Michoacán. In Ostula, the author saw a kiln excavated in a layer of tepetate (hardened volcanic ash), as described in Williams (2001).

other trade items: pottery wares from Patamban; steel knifes from Sayula; machetes from Coalcomán; sweets from Colima; sombreros (hats) from Sahuayo; huaraches (sandals) from Pihuamo; blankets and jorongos (an outer garment made of wool) from Tapalpa; bedspreads from San Juan Parangaricutirimícuaro (Paricutín, or San Juan de las Colchas). Also linked to the economic boom generated by salt was a modest cantina in La Placita where one could have a few drinks and find a lady for the night (Méndez Acevedo 1999). According to an informant from Maquilí, the salt produced in Coalcomán was exchanged for maize, beans and tomatoes, etc. The salineros had no need for money, because everything could be paid for with salt, even pistols. Arrieros (muleteers) used to come from Tepalcatepec, Apatzingán and Uruapan leading as many as 60 mules. There was a camino real (High Road) from Los Reyes and Peribán to Pueblo Nuevo. The arrieros brought their own food for the trip to Coalcomán, which took three days. In addition to salt, they also traded bananas and coconuts.

Salt Exchange and Trade Networks

Some of the arrieros bought and sold salt, which they would store in a nearby town. People still come to La Placita from Coalcomán, Apatzingán and the cattle-raising area in the hills between Jalisco and Michoacán to buy salt, which is a very important ingredient in cheese-making. People came to get salt from Aguililla, from throughout the Sierra, and from Huizontla, El Otate, El Rincón, San José de la Montaña, Coalcomán, Pómaro, Coire, and Ostula. They exchanged salt for several products: maize, beans, brown sugar, soap, cheese, chickpeas, potatoes, mangoes,

Over the last 30 years or so, salt has lost most of its monetary value in Mexico, since it is industriallyproduced in mass quantities, and its price is regulated by the government (Ewald 1997:261). However, this was not always the case. According to an informant, around 1925 salt was the “white gold” of the coast. During the salt-making season, La Placita had a temporary market where merchants came from many distant places and it was possible to find the following products, among many

91

A

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

B

C

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

D

E

Figure 79 a-e. Making a pot in a potter’s workshop in Maruata, on the Michoacán coast; a) The bottom half of the

pot is formed using a convex mould called moldero; b) shaping the vessel’s body using both hands; c) smoothing the

surface of the pot with a corn cob; d) shaping the neck and rim of the pot; e) giving the final shape to the pot before drying and firing.

bananas, mamey, prunes, onions, sugar, firewood, and so on. One measure of beans or prunes, for example, was worth the same as one measure of salt.

Information from other areas of coastal western Mexico is useful for shedding light on the salt trade on the coast of Michoacán. In Guerrero’s Costa Chica, for instance, salt is still used as an exchange unit, as shown by Haydeé Quiroz Malca’s research. This author says that the expression “thanks to our saltworks we don’t lack anything” is a statement of salt production as a way of life, whereby salt becomes a trade good that allows the acquisition of a wide variety of goods, both regional and imported from afar. The list includes fruit drinks, chilate (a typical Central American drink made of chili peppers, roasted maize, cacao, anise, pepper and cinnamon), prepared meals, maize, fruit, clothes, cosmetics, gold jewellery, bicycles, tape recorders, electric fans, and many other products (Quiroz Malca 1998:347).

People even came to Ixtapilla from Chacala (three hours away, in the sierra) looking for salt, bringing chickens, mangoes and venison in exchange. The latter could be traded for large quantities of salt. In April, people came to Ixtapilla from Cofradía and went back to their homes after the salt season was over. There was a good communication network; the muleteers would know if there was salt in Ixtapilla, for example, and would come to get it if La Placita had not produced enough.

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production In regions bordering on the study area (Colima to the north and Guerrero to the south), muleteers carried salt over vast distances until they were replaced by the railroad some 50 years ago. In Guerrero, for example, as recently as 1939 Nahuas from the Balsas Valley marketed salt from the Costa Chica as itinerant sellers. For generations they combined salt-trading in the dry season with agriculture during the rainy season (June-to-October). To obtain salt, the Nahuas formed caravans of 20 to 25 burros or mules driven by 10 to 12 men. The trek from the Balsas Valley to the coast was about 150 km over mountainous terrain and required several days of travel. Coastal informants spoke of the constant arrival and departure of mule-trains consisting of hundreds of pack animals from different highland towns (Good 1995:8-10).

found its way –together with many other goods, among them precious seashells– into the Tarascan heartland in the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin. These contacts between the coast and the highlands of Michoacán in pre-Hispanic times are attested to by marine shell artefacts that have been reported from inland Michoacán at, for example, Tingambato (Piña Chan and Oi 1982: Figure 26), Huandacareo (Macías Goytia 1989:182-184), and the Zacapu area (Arnauld et al. 1993:163-167), among other sites. At Uricho, a major site in the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin excavated by Helen Pollard, artefacts made of seashell (plaques, beads, bracelets and earrings) have been found in elite burials pertaining to the Epiclassic and Late Postclassic periods (Pollard 1996: Tables 3, 4). Western Mexico was similar to the rest of Mesoamerica in that seashells were a commodity of restricted access, available to just a few members of society. They were highly valued for their symbolic meaning, and were traded in both regional and long-distance networks; this exchange included mostly finished objects, but raw materials were sometimes involved as well (López Mestas 2004:207208).

All the means of transportation available in the colonial period (mule trains, carts, ships) required many parallel activities or industries to provide the goods and services necessary in each case, such as road maintenance, the construction and administration of inns, supplying forage, manufacturing harnesses and ropes, as well as constructing carts, ferries, boats, and so on (Reyes 1998:150). But one mode of transport that had an exceptional economic and social impact in Colima was the work of muleteers. Salt-trading and transportation by mule trains became an activity of great importance in the regional economy, as the supply of many indispensable products depended on the muleteers who arrived at, or departed from, Colima, carrying salt to distribution and consumption centres. Because of their sheer numbers, both muleteers and their animals became the foremost consumers of goods and services, and the principal contributors of alcabalas, or sales taxes (Reyes 1998:151).

According to Pollard, “the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin naturally lacks salt, obsidian, chert and lime, all products used by most households in the Protohistoric period” (1993:113). The core area of the Tarascan state during the 16th century was thus not really a viable economic unit, but thrived only through the exchange of goods and services in regional and supra-regional patterns (Pollard 1993:113). Salt must have been one of the most important items of trade between the coast and highlands of Michoacán during the Protohistoric period. While we do not have a great deal of information on these patterns of exchange, oral traditions in some of the Indian villages on the coast do mention aspects of this trade. In Pómaro, a Nahua-speaking community on the Michoacán coast, an elderly Tarascan speaker who was a leader of the Indian community spoke, in May 1990, of a trade route on which he had travelled in his youth, transporting salt from the coast to the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin. Pómaro was the last coastal town before the muleteers entered the Sierra Madre del Sur on their way to the lake area of highland Michoacán (Efraín Cárdenas, pers. comm., November 22, 2000). Furthermore, according to the Relación de la Provincia de Motines [1580], in the 16th century there was a well-established trade route from the province of Motines to Pátzcuaro. This trail went by way of Uruapan, covering a distance of 37 or 38 leagues. It was relatively straight, but traversed hilly terrain and crossed many gorges. There was another route that went by way of Peribán, Santa Ana and San Pedro, which crossed over easier terrain, with a length of 40 leagues (Acuña 1987:179) (see Figures 54 and 80). In colonial times, a road network connected the coast to Pátzcuaro, from Coahuayana to Zacatula through the coastal area, and from there to Uruapan and then Pátzcuaro. Many of those roads had existed since pre-Hispanic times (Espejel 1992: Maps 3, 4).

A similar situation to the one described for Colima has been reported for the Michoacán coast. During the colonial period and well into the 19th century, muleteers were among the most important pillars of the economy of Michoacán, as in many other areas of Mexico. The Michoacán muleteers set out from Zamora, Purépero and Cotija to travel to central and northern Mexico, as well as Jalisco, Guanajuato, Veracruz and Tabasco (Sánchez 1984:41, 47). During the 16th century in Colima, the encomenderos and corregidores relied almost exclusively on tlamemes (i.e., Indian porters) to transport salt; a practice that continued into the early 17th century. Carriers took salt to several places, some of them quite distant from the coast of Colima, such as Mexico City. Eventually, the Viceroy of New Spain tried to forbid the use of tlamemes, but what really ended this inhumane practice was the scarcity of Indians due to famine and epidemics, as well as the increasing necessity to move ever greater volumes of salt and to do so more expeditiously (Reyes 1998:152). Although the coastal area of southwestern Michoacán was never fully incorporated into the Tarascan Empire (Pollard 1993: Map 8.1; Beltrán 1994), salt produced there surely 94

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 80. Map of Tarascan territory during the Protohistoric period (ca. AD 1450-1530), showing the major towns identified in the area (adapted from Pollard 2011: Figure 1). The northwest coast of Michoacán and adjoining areas of coastal Colima must be mentioned since it was an area that produced great amounts of salt. Based on the production figures reported by informants for the pre-1950 period,27 the whole of the coast must have produced hundreds of tons of salt, which was exchanged with, or paid as tribute to, the Tarascan state. In recent years, salt production as an economic activity has greatly diminished in the study area, to the point that it might become extinct in the not too distant future. During the 2000 field season, for example, only four salineros were working at La Placita. The saltworks in nearby Salinas del Padre have already incorporated the modern production techniques seen at Cuyutlán, Colima, which use plastic sheets instead of lime coating for the eras, and gasoline pumps and rubber hoses instead of buckets to move water and brine. The techniques, tools and features reported in these pages will probably disappear from La Placita as the old salineros die and all their knowledge and traditions are forgotten.

Salt production in Michoacán was geared to the needs of local communities, so in most cases small-scale production may have been sufficient. However, there was also a brisk long-distance trade with the far-away provinces of the Tarascan Empire. This should not be seen as a contradiction, for a similar situation has been reported in other areas of Mesoamerica, such as the Yucatán Peninsula. This was really a matter of social classes and salt quality. The white salt from the coast may have been reserved for the elites, while the salts of lesser quality may have been produced on a local level to satisfy the needs of the common people (McKinnon and Kepecs 1989:523). This idea is supported by the fact that not all saltworks produced salt with the same characteristics; compare, for instance, Tables 4 and 6. Ethnohistorical Information Related to Salt Production in Michoacán We have ethnohistorical information for virtually all regions of Mesoamerica related to the procurement, trade and exchange of several scarce or strategic goods, including obsidian, turquoise, jade, seashells, salt and metals (copper, silver, gold). With the obvious exception of metals, most elements of such indigenous trade were of little interest to the Spanish, so they are rarely mentioned

  According to local informants, it was some 45 years ago that cars and trucks began to arrive at Salinas del Padre over a dirt road. This contributed to an increase in salt production, since transportation to consumers became much easier. In one of the best years, 20,000 tons of salt were produced by all the salineros of the Salinas del Padre area. 27

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production in administrative documents or geographic accounts from the Colonial period. But salt was quite a different matter, since it was very important during the pre-Hispanic and Colonial eras, as discussed in previous chapters. Salt appears in many 16th century documents, including tribute records (Williams 1998a, 1998b).

reason for the importance given to the localization of new salt sources was the Spaniards’ interest in controlling salt production in order to increase the revenue that accrued to the Crown. The imbalance that arose between the demand for salt and the supplies available in the last decades of the 16th century was due to two main factors: first, the demographic downturn suffered by the indigenous population that reduced the number of salt-producers; and, second, the growing demand for sodium chloride brought on by the invention of the process called beneficio de patio employed in silver production (Reyes 1993:221).

Compared to other areas of Mesoamerica, in particular Central Mexico, for Michoacán we have a relatively limited amount of early accounts dealing with the economy during pre-Hispanic and early Colonial times. Of particular interest for the present study are the Relaciones geográficas, which were compiled by order of King Philip II at the end of the 16th century (ca. 1580). Historians have long regarded the Relaciones geográficas as an invaluable corpus of sources on the Spanish Indies in the 16th century. These texts consist of the replies sent by local Spanish officials throughout Middle and South America to a standardized questionnaire designed by bureaucrats at the Spanish Court in Madrid. This questionnaire had 50 general questions, which were applied in exactly the same manner in European, indigenous and maritime communities in all of Spain’s overseas kingdoms (Cline 1972:183). By this means, the Consejo de Indias (Council of the Indies, the principal administrative body for colonies in the recently acquired territories in the Americas) gathered 189 Relaciones. Regrettably, several, like the Relación de Colima and the Relación de Sayula, have been lost, leaving us to imagine how very useful they would have been for reconstructing the early history of Western Mexico (Reyes 1993:221). The Relaciones include a section called Instrucción y memoria, which begins in the following way:

According to Mendizábal (1928:115), we can regard the mention of salt on these tribute lists as an implicit recognition that this mineral existed in a certain tribute jurisdiction or, at least, that there were deposits where it could be found, though there is no indication of the amounts that may have been available.29 This procedure was based on the Royal Orders of Emperor Charles V (1528), which stated the following: The Indians who are placed under our Royal Crown, and entrusted to Spaniards and private citizens, should pay tribute to us… and to the encomenderos in the [form of the] produce they may grow, obtain, or might have in their towns and lands where they are settled and of which they are natives, and in no other thing [should they pay], nor should they be forced to look for or obtain tributes in any other part… (Reales órdenes del emperador don Carlos… cited in Mendizábal 1928:114-115). An oidor30 named Don Alonso de Zorita referred to another piece of royal legislation that is important for the subject under discussion:

Firstly, the governors, corregidores or lord mayors to whom the Viceroys, audiencias and other persons from the government send these printed instructions should, above all, make a list and record of the towns of Spaniards and Indians found in their jurisdiction… and then should send it, together with the accounts made in said towns, to said persons from the government, who should send them to His Majesty and the Council of the Indies… (Acuña 1987:17).28

Law Number 8. Appraisals should be made regarding the towns to better understand the amount and possibilities of each… We order our Viceroys and audiencias of… our Indies to aid the inspectors who come to make the appraisals so they see the towns for themselves and their possibilities, such that they be taxed in a fair manner (Zorita 1984:70).

The Relaciones were intended to provide a census, as detailed as possible, of the economic and productive activities and strategic resources found in several parts of New Spain, so as to improve their exploitation and utilization by the Spanish Crown. Question 30 is the one of greatest interest for the present study, for it reads: “State if there are saltworks in said town or nearby, or where they get their salt and all other things which they need for their sustenance or dress” (Acuña 1987:21).

What follows is a discussion of the information found in the Relaciones geográficas in relation to various saltproducing localities in Michoacán, as well as towns that had to obtain salt from other regions (see Figure 80 for a map showing the location of towns in this area in the 16th century). Acámbaro: “The salt they require they buy from a town called Araró, which is two leagues from this

In the early 17th century (1607-1610), the Spanish government drafted another questionnaire, which was even more detailed than the previous one as it included questions on salt resources, means of exploitation, and the conditions of the salt trade (Mendizábal 1928). The

  We should point out, however, that in many cases the towns paying tribute in salt did not produce it, but rather obtained it as tribute themselves from other towns or villages. 30   Minister who settled quarrels and litigations in the courts of the Spanish kingdom (according to the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española 2014). 29

  Author’s translation. For the Spanish original of this and all other citations see Williams 2003: Chapter II. 28

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland head town” (Relación de la provincia de Acámbaro [1570]; Acuña 1987:67).

Tiripitío: “In this town… there are no saltworks, nor do they have anything with which to make salt; but at three leagues from this head town there is a town called Iztapa in the Mexican [i.e. Nahuatl] language and in Tarascan Etúcuaro, both names meaning ‘place of salt’… much salt is made, in grains like ours, most of it congeals and they make some palmsized cañutos with it [i.e. canes]” (Relación de Tiripitío [1580]; Acuña 1987:359).

Chilchota: “There are no saltworks in this land; this town and its subjects obtain their salt from the sea which is brought from the village and province of Colima” (Relación del partido de Chilchota [1579]; Acuña 1987:112). Chocandiran: “In this town there are no saltworks; the natives obtain their salt from another town called Chilatlán, at thirteen leagues from this town” (Relación de Chocandiran [1579]; Acuña 1987:423).

Tuzantla: “There are two towns subject to this [town] of Tuzantla, one is called Tiquisco and the other Achiricato; there are saltworks where salt is made but in such small [amounts] that it is not enough to sustain themselves and they are supplied from outside” (Relación de Tuzantla [1579]; Cline 1965:70).

Cuiseo de la Laguna: “These natives provide themselves with salt from the town of Chucandiro, which is four leagues away… and likewise from the town of Araró, which is a further four leagues. And this salt is brought in quantity, to exchange for the fish they obtain from their lake” (Relación de Cuiseo de la Laguna [1579]; Acuña 1987:88-89).

Xiquilpan: “In this town there are no saltworks, the natives provide themselves with salt from... Colima, which is twenty leagues from said town, and from the province called de Avalos, which [is] fifteen leagues away” (Relación de Xiquilpan y su partido [1579]; Acuña 1987:415).

Epatlán: “…has saltworks where they used to be settled, and nowadays they make salt there, from one fanega of earth they take four of salt… likewise they make it [i.e. salt] with the same effort from the sand of the beach of the sea” (Relación de la provincia de Motines [1580]; Acuña 1987:152).

Yuririapundaro: “They lack salt, which they buy six leagues from the town” (Relación del pueblo de Yuririapundaro [1570]; Acuña 1987:71).

Peribán: “In this town there are no saltworks, the natives provide themselves with salt from… the town of Chilatlán, which is 12 leagues away…” (Instrucción del pueblo de Perivan y sus sujetos [1579]; Acuña 1987:30).

Zapotlán: “There are no saltworks in this town, they provide themselves with salt from Atoyaque and Sayula, which are towns in the Provincia de Avalos, at four and five leagues from this town” (Relación de Zapotlán [1580]; Acuña 1987:394).

Querétaro: “All the natives from these towns and district sustain themselves with salt from Mexico City, which is well made there in loaves… They bring some salt loaves from Michoacán, whiter than the ones from Mexico… it is used by the Spaniards for their salt shaker, and is not as good for salting as the other one” (Relación de Querétaro [1582]; Acuña 1987:246).

In addition to the Relaciones geográficas, a second invaluable source of information for understanding salt production and tribute in ancient Michoacán is the Suma de visitas de pueblos por orden alfabético. This is a manuscript found by Francisco del Paso y Troncoso in the National Library of Madrid, where it was known simply as “Manuscrito 2800” (Gibson 1973:16; Cline 1973:391). Paso y Troncoso copied and edited the manuscript, and published it as the first volume of the series called Papeles de Nueva España (Paso y Troncoso 1905). The following section provides a summary of the information found in this volume in relation to the role of salt as tribute payment in Michoacán during the 16th century.

Tamazula: “In this town there are no saltworks, they provide themselves with… [salt] and cotton from the village of Colima” (Relación de Tamazula [1580]; Acuña 1987:400). Tarecuato: “The natives of this… town and its subjects have no saltworks, they provide themselves with salt… from the village of Colima, which is of Spaniards, [and] is at 30 leagues from the said town” (Instrucción del pueblo de Tarequato y sus sujetos [1579]; Acuña 1987:427).

Acámbaro (including the following subject towns: Yrameo, Amocotín, Atacorín, Emenguaro): “Together they give… 24 loaves of salt every 20 days …” (p. 33). Araró: “They give as tribute every year… 30 loads of salt” (p. 32).

Tingüindín: “They say salt is provided from the village of Colima and other parts, from twenty to thirty leagues from this town” (Relación de Tingüindín [1581]; Acuña 1987:427).

Atapan: “They give two loads of salt every 80 days” (p. 179).

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production Coyuca: “They give as tribute… every 80 days… four talegas of salt” (p. 80).

2. In highland valleys (for example Atoyac-Sayula, Zacoalco-San Marcos, Jalisco, and Ixtlán de los Hervores, Michoacán), the closed lake basins show clear evidence of pre-Hispanic salt production.

Cutzamala: “They give as tribute… one hanega of salt every Sunday” (p. 81).

3. There were many springs, small geysers, and salt runoffs (for example, the Amarillo area near Ahualulco, Jalisco) that produced salt on a lower level than the sources named above.

Cuyseo: “They give as tribute… 12 taleguillas of salt” (p. 80). Charapan: “They give two salt loaves every 80 days” (p. 179).

According to Juan Carlos Reyes (1993), there is no evidence of pre-Hispanic exploitation of “rock-salt”, although this kind of saline formation does exist in Mexico. Reyes thinks that the Mesoamerican salt-making repertoire consisted of natural brines (from marine estuaries, inland lakes and springs) and salt-saturated soils produced by the natural evaporation of ephemeral bodies of water in closed basins (Reyes 1993:222, 224, 229). The extensive production areas mentioned for both the highlands and the coast produced salt for local consumption, as well as for export, in contrast to the small salt runoffs or filtrations in the highlands, which could only be used on a local level (Weigand and Weigand 1997).

Chocándiro: “They give according to the assessment… and make salt, they reach part of Lake Cuiseo” (p. 77). Guango: “They give one hanega and three almudes of salt every 20 days” (pp. 116-117). Huacana: “They give as tribute every 40 days… salt” (p. 179). Jacona: “They reach part of a salty lake” (p. 302). Peribán: “Every 80 days they give… two salt loaves” (p. 179).

Several of the Relaciones geográficas contain relatively detailed information on the salt-making techniques employed by Indians in the 16th century, which we think were identical or similar to those used in the pre-Hispanic past (Figure 81). For instance, the Relación de Ajuchitlán y su partido [1579] observes that,

Puruándiro: “They give… 15 almudes of salt every 20 days” (p. 117). Tarímbaro: “They give… four canutillos of salt every day” (p. 251).

There are some saltworks near Cuzamala, and they make salt like this: they have a well from which they take water and they dig the earth… and sprinkle the earth with that water, making it wet, and then they let it dry. And once dry, they wet it thoroughly again, and they put it in some baskets they make with a point in the end, like nasas [i.e. bag nets for fishing], and there it is distilled, until it congeals and is made into salt. Only a small amount [of salt] is made, although it is enough for the province, and if they need more they bring it from the coast, from Zacatula, which is 30 leagues away (Acuña 1987:43).

Uruapan: “Every year they give 10 salt loaves” (p. 122). Xaratango (El Salitre): “They give two salt loaves every 80 days” (p. 179). Zacapu: “They give 24 salt loaves every year” (p. 79). Zinapécuaro: “They give as tribute… 30 loads of salt” (pp. 77-78).

Another source dealing with salt production on the coast of Michoacán is the Relación de la provincia de Zacatula [1579], which tells us that,

Ancient Saltworks and Exploitation Techniques In their ground-breaking study of salt-making in Western Mexico in pre-Hispanic and Colonial times, Weigand and Weigand (1997) identified three basic types of sites where salt was produced, each one closely linked to the ecological conditions of its surrounding area. They also perceived temporal variations in the intensity of exploitation at each type of site. The information presented by these authors can be summarized as follows:

In the town of Asuchitlan... there is a lagoon [i.e. estuary] near the sea, into which water from the sea enters in the rainy season, and in the summer the mouth of the estuary is closed with sand. Some years when it rains, a little salt is congealed in parts of this estuary. This salt is quite grainy and white, it is very good salt... Four leagues from this estuary, near the town called Xolochucan there is another great estuary. Water from the sea enters this estuary, and salt congeals in it, not as thick as the other one, but it is very good salt. When the salt is about to congeal in these two estuaries great quantities of fish die,

1. In coastal areas (for example Marismas Nacionales, San Blas and Mexcaltitán, Nayarit, and Cuyutlán, Colima), as we would expect, salty estuaries were the focus of all salt procurement activities.

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 81. Hypothetical reconstruction of salt-making techniques used in Michoacán during the 16th century, according to the Relaciones geográficas (adapted from Reyes 1993: Figures 4 and 5).

because the water is very hot. They extract salt from under the water and the whole province obtains its salt from these estuaries, both Spaniards and natives, and it is exported to the mines and other towns (Acuña 1987:459).

They make salt, in small amounts and with great difficulty. First they sprinkle the beach with pots using sea water, and after two or three sprinklings they pile up the sand. Once the piles are made, they take two ollas or tinajas [clay pots] and put one on top of the other. The uppermost [vessel] has some small holes in the bottom, like a flute, and [after] placing some petates [reed mats] on top of the holes they put some of the sprinkled sand into the top tinaja, filling it slightly more than halfway, and then they pour sea water, which trickles into the lower tinaja. This distilled water is very salty and they take it from their cántaros [vessels] to their homes to boil, heating it until it congeals and becomes salt. This is the art and mode of making salt in this town, as well as in Motín, Maruata, Pasnori and Cachán... (Acuña 1987:171).

The following information from the Relación geográfica de Oztuma and the Relación geográfica de Alahuiztlán is also useful for understanding the salt-making methods used during the first century of Spanish domination: There are in some towns… saltworks from some wells of salty water with which they make over two thousand hanegas a year. The way they make it [salt] is by taking out water and pouring it on top of some slabs they have with a round rim three fingers high, made of a bitumen of turpentine (any other substance would be eaten away by the salt because of its great strength), and every day they fill them with said water, and in the dry season it congeals in seven days. They utilize this salt for their sustenance and tribute, and take it to sell in the mines of Zacualpa, Taxco and Sultepec… (Paso y Troncoso 1979:104).

The same Relación geográfica mentions other coastal towns where salt was produced: “in the town of Epatlán there are salinas [saltworks] where they [the Indians] used to live, and nowadays they make salt... from one fanega of earth they take a quarter of salt... which they sell to support themselves... They do the same kind of work with the sand from the beach” (Acuña 1987:152); also, “Tlatictla [present-day La Ticla, see map, Figure 54] is a town near the sea... [where] they obtain seafood, fish and make some salt” (Acuña 1987:164).

Another source from the same period, the Relación de la Provincia de Motines [1580], describes the leaching process, which was carried out using clay pots:

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production TABLE 8. SALT SOURCES AND TECHNOLOGY OF PRODUCTION IN MICHOACÁN AND NEIGHBORING AREAS DURING THE 16TH CENTURY, ACCORDING TO THE RELACIONES GEOGRÁFICAS.*

Alahuistlan, Guerrero Apozolco, Jalisco Asuchitlán, Guerrero Atoyac, Jalisco Chametla, Jalisco Chola, Jalisco Cuzamala, Guerrero Etuquaro, Michoacán Ixtapa, Michoacán Motín, Michoacán Oztuma, Guerrero Piloto, Jalisco

x

x

Final product

Loaf

Grain

Solar

Boiling

Crystallization method

Leaching

Artificial ponds

Natural ponds

Saturated earth

Inland lake

Procurement of saturated brine

Spring, well

Source

Sea, estuary

Place

x

x x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

x

*Adapted from Reyes (1993, Anexo I).

In addition to the above, other salt-making sites on the Michoacán coast were described in historical sources from the Colonial period. One of these documents says that: The six leagues of distance between Sacatula [sic] and the Hacienda [de Alpica] are settled by rancherías [hamlets] where the settlers pursue the trade[s] of growing cotton and making wax from beehives, while others go to the estuaries [and] rivers to make salt, such is the trade of which this province is composed… The town of La Salada [i.e. the salty one] in whose midst there are some 15 or 16 families quite dispersed throughout two and three leagues because of the Camuta River which flows between them; on its riverbanks salt is made which is the only trade this ranchería has, and the inhabitants are involved in cattle-raising… (Zacatula 1765).

On the basis of the above ethnohistorical information, we can postulate the existence of several salt-making techniques, as well as several production levels, in Michoacán and other parts of Western Mexico during the Colonial period and perhaps the pre-Hispanic period as well. The techniques for extracting salt could be relatively simple, such as evaporation by solar heat, or more complex, such as using fire or filtering and leaching soils that contain the salty mineral (see Table 8). Establishing the levels of salt production in this period is another problematic aspect of historical research, since the information available for the Colonial era is rarely accurate or complete, and its projection into the pre-Hispanic past is often not warranted without further contextualization. However, some royal ordinances, such as one recorded by Zorita in 1574 (1984:70), referred to this issue in general terms by stating that, “tribute should be less than what they paid during the time of their infidelity” (i.e., before 100

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland the native populations became Christian). Such statements would allow us to assume that the amount of salt paid as tribute in the Colonial era may not have been so different from the pre-Hispanic situation as to preclude comparison. Broadly speaking, we can mention three levels of salt production in different areas of ancient Michoacán: (1) places where enough salt was produced for local consumption, with a modest surplus that could be exported to other parts of Michoacán (and beyond?); (2) places where salt production barely met local consumption needs; and, (3) places where there was not enough salt for local consumption, so it had to be imported from elsewhere (other areas of Michoacán or beyond, Colima for instance). Salt Production in Jalisco, Colima, Nayarit and Guerrero The Pacific Coast North of Colima The extensive littoral of the Pacific Ocean in western Mesoamerica was an area with very favourable conditions for human occupation because of its huge amounts and variety of natural resources that could be exploited for subsistence, among which salt has always been important (Figure 2). However, field research focused on salt production in pre-Hispanic times in this area has been limited. As mentioned above, Phil Weigand studied eight coastal estuary systems where salt was produced in ancient times: Marismas Nacionales (Sinaloa), Mezcaltitán, San Blas, and Laguna Quelote (Nayarit), Tenacatita and Barra de Navidad (Jalisco), and, finally, Laguna Potrero Grande and Laguna Cuyutlán (Colima) (Weigand and Weigand 1997:6). According to Moriarty (1965), salt production based on solar evaporation techniques and the use of sea water requires an exceptional natural environment; one in which all the required elements are found relatively close at hand. The Nayarit coast offers just such a natural environment, with all the meteorological and oceanographic conditions needed for making salt. Salt production in this coastal area may have originated with the establishment of the first permanent settlements of fishers and hunters. As contact and trade between these coastal communities and inland locations increased, the coastal dwellers discovered the real value that their neighbours placed on salt. At first, the sites where natural evaporation took place could be extended simply by excavating to increase their area and building canals to carry greater amounts of sea water to those sites (Moriarty 1965:66-67). The great importance of coastal saltworks for the peoples of Western Mexico has been demonstrated by Mountjoy (2000), who reported constant demographic growth along the southern coast of Nayarit from ca. 300 BC to the Postclassic period, when the Aztatlán tradition covered a considerable area of the region. According to Mountjoy (2000:95-96), there was at least one civic-ceremonial centre belonging to this archaeological tradition in every

river valley on the coast, as well as in strategic localities along the trade routes in many highland areas. The location of many habitation centres pertaining to the Aztatlán complex at vantage points dominating broad expanses suggests the practice of both extensive and intensive agriculture along the southern part of the coast that, in turn, may indicate the existence of large population centres. This idea is supported by the presence of huge amounts of grindstones, as well as clay griddles and mortars, all of which evidence the growing importance of cultivated plants such as maize, pumpkin, beans and chili peppers. During the post-Aztatlán period on the Nayarit coast, the population seems to have increased and, in some cases, dispersed towards areas that were marginal for agricultural production (Mountjoy 2000:96, 100). In order to supply all these settlements with salt in pre-Hispanic times there were many salt-making sites along the coast and inland. The strategic role played by these sites has been documented through both archaeological (Mountjoy 2000:102) and ethnohistorical data (Mendizábal 1928). We also have ethnohistorical information from the 16th century (and later) for the southern coast of Nayarit that describes a large salt-making industry. This was an important activity for the Indian communities in the region (Mountjoy 2000:102), as documents from the early Colonial era mention numerous saltworks along the southern coast that have been linked archaeologically with the Aztatlán complex (ca. AD 800-1400) at places like the Zapotillo saltworks, north of San Blas. More than 150 earth mounds were found in this area, which seem to be the remains of sites where salt was produced. Mountjoy (2000:102) writes that he found a large site pertaining to the Santa Cruz phase (a post-Aztatlán archaeological complex) associated with these salt-making mounds. The Pacific coast of Jalisco and Nayarit, as well as inland areas, were occupied by peoples who lived in permanent villages with a Neolithic level of cultural development. They were farmers who planted maize, beans and pumpkins, among several other crops, and also gathered wild plants and hunted wild animals (Mountjoy 2013). They must have traded for salt with coastal cultures in exchange for ceramics and other crafts. Cuyutlán, Colima One of the few intensive archaeological surveys in the Laguna de Cuyutlán area was conducted by Weigand in the early 1990s. Weigand studied the coastal area covering some 10 km from Cuyutlán to the northwest, and found that most ancient salt-making sites there were located on the side of the sand bar. Very few shell middens were found on this part of the estuary, in contrast to the inland area, where this type of archaeological site is relatively abundant (Weigand and Weigand 1997:6). There are literally hundreds of small pre-Hispanic sites near the 101

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production estuary, most of them on the side of the sand bar as well. The predominant features there are small concentrations of potsherds and lithics, distributed along the upper beach of the estuary at a distance of about 100-200 m from each other, in what are now modern banana plantations. Much larger sites were also found, at a separation of 800 or 1000 m. Each of these sites covers an area of roughly one hectare, and they all have small platforms, suggesting that they are the remains of residential areas from the Postclassic period, while salt-making activities were carried out at the sites near the estuary (Weigand and Weigand 1997:7). Nowadays, salt production in Cuyutlán is based on the solar evaporation technique, carried out in great evaporation pans densely distributed around pits from which salt water is extracted using gasoline-powered pumps. Traditional indigenous production seems to have been carried out in a similar way, except that the pans were less regular and water was conveyed by means of canals, wells and shallow ditches. In some cases, the remains of ancient ditches can still be seen, but conclusive identification of ancient solar evaporation pans is problematical (Weigand and Weigand 1997:7-8). Salt was the most important product for the economy of Colima up to at least the second half of the 19th century. Salt-making sites were distributed along the coast, primarily south of Manzanillo Bay, where as many as 1,500 production sites have been counted. Only the sites on the southern end of the Laguna de Cuyutlán and neighbouring areas have persisted up to our days (Reyes and Leytón 1992:121-122). The Laguna de Cuyutlán is 35 km long and covers 22% of the Colima coast. Fishing along its margins was important throughout the region for centuries, but today is performed only on a very small scale, due mainly to pollution and the sedimentation of the lagoon caused by the clearing of the dense palm groves on adjoining lands. Those palms once produced valuable coconut oil, but now the land is devoted to agricultural pursuits. Toward the end of the 16th century, the economic role of salt production in this region was very important. Indians, Creoles and Spaniards alike paid salt as tribute to the Crown, and the guilds also paid their tithes in salt. The guilds sometimes owned saltworks that had been bequeathed to them in wills. The Indian hospitals31 at Ixtlahuacán, Tecomán and Amoloyan derived a good part of their income from the salt trade (Reyes and Leytón 1992:122, 124). Although the saltworks are near the sea, salt is not taken directly from sea water; rather, it is extracted from the deposits left when the sea retreats from the estuaries and lagoons that are connected to it during the rainy season. The   This term refers to a form of social organization imposed upon indigenous communities by the Spanish colonial authorities. In the context of Michoacán, it is identified with the early work of Bishop Vasco de Quiroga. 31

same techniques described for Motines in previous pages may have been used during the pre-Hispanic period up to the mid-16th century in Colima as well. The first description of this technique –which has prevailed with only minor modifications right up to the present– comes from the 18th century. The way to make a pozo or salt-making unit was to first form a basin or tank and then place a tapestle on top of it and fill it with salty earth. Salt water was poured on top of the earth to distil it and transform it into brine, which was then put into the lime-covered evaporation pans. After a while, the heat of the sun evaporated the brine and the end result was crystallized salt (Pérez 1777, cited by Reyes and Leytón 1992:138). The pozo is the most important feature used in this saltmaking process since all activities are performed in or around it. It consists of the filtering device and the basin where brine is stored.32 Rectangular in form, it features two levels, measuring roughly 5 m wide by 3 m deep. The upper part consists of the cajete (bowl) that sits atop the filtro (filtering device). At the bottom is the taza or basin into which the brine falls, while at the back of the structure is the terrero, or mound of leached earth. On one side of the pozo is the tajo (cut), a trench-like perforation excavated in the earth measuring 2 by 3 m with a depth of no more than 2 m, since in places near the lagoons the water table is near the surface. In front of the taza are the eras or salt evaporation pans, arranged in a rectangular pattern, each one measuring 5 by 5 m or 7 by 7 m, with a depth of 15 cm. One pozo may have 36 eras or more, depending on the owner’s productive capacity and the quality of the earth around the production unit. The eras are interconnected by small canals and are built at different levels so that they can be filled by gravity. Near the eras is the asoleadero, where the crystallized salt is heaped up under the sun in order to extract the remaining humidity. Around the plan or plot are the comederos, the land that contains the salty earth. The comederos measure on average two hectares, but their size varies according to the quality of the land where the pozo is located. The same pozo can be used for an undetermined number of years, but it must be rebuilt at the start of each salt-making season because the rising water of the lagoon during the rains will have covered and partially destroyed it (Reyes and Leytón 1992:138-139). The filter is the main, and most complex, feature of the pozo, as it consists of several layers of wooden poles some 7 cm in diameter intertwined with reeds (called otates or tapioles). On top of these there is a tapexitle or tapeixte made of reeds or otate (Mexican bamboo, Otatea glauca), then a layer of grass (zacate) and finally a layer of cayaco or huesillo (broken husks of the oil coconut) and coal. The   The word “pozo” (well or pit) refers to the filtering device, the evaporation pans, and the adjoining land from which the salty earth is extracted. In the sense used here “pozo” refers to an entire production unit. 32

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland bottom level consists of tamped beach-sand. Finally, there is a layer of polvillo or tierra muerta, which is pulverized soil from the area around the comederos (Reyes and Leytón 1992:139). The salt-making process begins with gathering the salty earth from the comederos, using only soil from the uppermost layer. After this, the earth is heaped up in small piles using a wooden rake and is then placed in the cajete and mixed with water from the tajo to commence the filtering process by gravity. Brine falls into the taza, where it is stored and later taken to the eras. As the salt crystallizes it concentrates in one part of the era, then it is collected with a wooden palette and taken to the asoleadero, where it is heaped up in a cone-shaped mound. Today, the salt is carried in wheelbarrows, though formerly baskets made of reeds (the aforementioned chiquihuites) were used (Reyes and Leytón 1992:140-141). The saltworks along the Colima coast were particularly important for the mining industry in New Spain, as they provided the salt that was as crucial as mercury for producing silver in the process called beneficio de patio, which was employed for over three centuries. Cattleraising also depended on salt production, as did the tanning and dyeing industries, not to mention the salting of meat and fish as a means of conservation. All these economic activities required huge amounts of sodium chloride, in addition to the salt used as condiment by all people in the area. For all these reasons, salt became the single most important product in Colima, as well as the commodity with the highest demand in New Spain. In the second half of the 16th century, salt became a key element of the economy in Colima and neighbouring areas, and remained so until at least the end of the 19th century (Reyes 1995:145-146). Because salt was such a valuable resource it should come as no surprise that there were conflicts for the possession of saltworks throughout the Colonial period. One of the earliest accounts of such a conflict comes from Colima, where records show that in 1576 the towns of Petlazoneca and Tecomán fought over some saltworks on the coast. Apparently, this conflict had endured for some time but flared up when some boundary stones disappeared. Those stones had been placed 25 years before to demarcate the saltworks that pertained to each community. The Indians of Tecomán said that all the saltworks belonged to them, but a native of Petlazoneca, an Indian (indio natural) named Juan Antonio, claimed that he had inherited one from his father. This dispute between the towns was finally resolved when the colonial authorities returned the disputed saltworks to Juan Antonio. The remaining installations were retained by Tecomán, including “all lands and saltworks and saltpetre deposits up to the water of said estuary” (Barlow 1949:42-46). As mentioned previously, by the late 19th century the permanent population of all the salt-making sites along the Colima coast did not amount to even 50 people, although

since the late 16th century many people had been coming to this area during the salt-harvesting season, swelling the population to as many as 5,000 people. Added to the saltmakers from all around the province were many muleteers and merchants, mostly from Michoacán and Nueva Galicia (present-day Jalisco), but also from such far-away regions as Mexico City, Querétaro, Guanajuato and Taxco (Reyes 1995:149). As far as technology is concerned, the influence of the Colima saltworks extended from southern Sinaloa to northern Oaxaca. As we have seen, in pre-Hispanic times the most common salt-making technique was based on boiling brine. Basically, when sea water or water from saline wells was not used directly, it was necessary to first obtain water with a high-saline content, commonly known as brine. This could be achieved by several different processes of leaching and cleansing salt-bearing soils. After that, the brine would be boiled to produce crystallized salt by evaporation. Both processes, leaching and evaporation, were carried out using clay pots. Although this method was effective, it was not very practical if one wanted to produce great volumes of salt, so as demand increased it became necessary to develop a new technology. Thus it was that in the second half –or perhaps closer to the end– of the 16th century the tapeixtle made its appearance in Colima. This innovation made it possible to leach great amounts of earth and obtain copious amounts of high-quality brine, which was no longer boiled but rather evaporated under the intense rays of the sun (Reyes 1995:152). This technique is still used today by salt-makers in Colima, Michoacán and Guerrero, but the tapeixtle does not seem to be indigenous to this region. While it may have been developed here in Colonial times, it is also possible that it was introduced from the Philippines; a possibility supported by the fact that its distribution is limited to the Pacific coast (Reyes 1995:152-153). Colima had many large settlements during pre-Hispanic times that could have acquired salt from the coast for their daily use. El Chanal is one of these sites, a major settlement that flourished during the Late Postclassic. El Chanal was part of a wide trade network, so it is likely that its inhabitants were able to obtain salt and other marine resources from the coast of Colima, such as the shells reported by Angeles Olay (2004: Figure SF 86 a). The Sayula Lake Basin, Jalisco The Sayula Basin is located in central Jalisco, within the Neo-Volcanic Axis, some 70 km from Guadalajara, the state capital. Sayula is a closed, or endorheic, basin (Figure 18), since it is blocked to the east and west by two mountain ranges: the Sierra del Tigre and the Sierra de Tapalpa, which obstruct the water’s natural drainage. Therefore, water escapes through evaporation under the influence of the sun and wind. The lower part of the basin is called Playa de Sayula and has an elevation of 1,350 m above sea level. The relatively flat surface of the basin is 103

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production 30 km long by 10 km wide; the scanty plant cover on the lake bottom is of the halophyte type. The playa functions as a receptacle for water and for the sediments produced by the erosion of rocks in both sierras and their slopes. The water that reaches the playa is heavy with soluble salts produced by the chemical alteration of those rocks. These alteration processes are furthered by rainwater containing carbon dioxide, as well as by thermal water of volcanic origin. The accumulation of soluble salts is thus linked to a high evaporation index and results in an increased concentration and precipitation of saline minerals on the surface of the playa (Liot 1995:8-9). The Sayula Basin has several natural resources, each found within a particular ecological micro-niche. The resource potential is rich, variable and, in many cases, seasonal. The variety of fauna found here includes deer, wild pigs, coyotes and a large number of rodent species, as well as migratory birds. Likewise, there is a great variety of rocks and minerals that in ancient times were used to make tools and ornaments. Agriculture was probably marginal and practiced only on the less steep slopes (Valdez 1998:219). The exploitation of the available resources is reflected in the way in which the pre-Hispanic communities were organized in the basin area. The lake bed is not fit for agriculture, because during the dry season the water evaporates and salts appear by capillarity on the surface of the earth, precluding any kind of cultivation. But it is precisely at this time that one of the basin’s most important resources makes its appearance: salt. The natural seasonal desiccation of the lake permits the gathering of salt-bearing sediments known as tequesquite that after a purification process are transformed into salt (Valdez et al. 1996a:328329). Many salt-making locations have been found in the lower part of the Lake Sayula Basin, locally known as tepalcateras (from tepalcate, or potsherd) and salinas (cfr. Valdez et al. 1996a: Figure 6). These sites specialized in the production of sodium chloride. Apparently, the basins of southern Jalisco (Zacoalco, San Marcos, Sayula) were ideal places for producing salt and supplied the surrounding areas to the south, west, and east as far as the Tarascan area of Michoacán. The factors that influenced the growth of salt production to “industrial levels” in this area were its relative abundance in natural forms, its proximity to the Tarascan area, and its location on a natural corridor to the Pacific coast. However, the salt market in this region was shared with the salt produced in Colima (Valdez et al. 1996b:337). The production of this critical resource was so important for this area in pre-Hispanic times that Weigand (1996b:16) wrote, “… without studying the production of salt it would be impossible to understand the economic organization of this basin”. Archaeological research in the area under discussion seems to confirm the strategic role of salt for the Sayula Basin, as well as the area’s active participation in the trade networks of central-west Mexico. In order to better understand the

salt-making process, Valdez et al. (1996b) included a description of the procedure that existed up to the 1960s: 1. In the dry season, when the surface of the earth is saturated with upwelling salt, the tequesquite (saltpetre) is gathered. 2. Tequesquite is heaped up in order to let it dry before it is cleansed or leached in a filter supported by forked tree branches that consists of a rectangular base made with sticks, reeds, grass and sand (tapeixtle). 3. Several layers of a compacted sediment called lodo (mud, wet clay) are placed on the tapeixtle, then some saltpetre is placed on top and washed with water. 4. The salty water that trickles down through the filter is caught in a basin called a “taza”. 5. From the taza the salty water or brine is taken to the evaporation pans called eras, where the water disappears, leaving crystallized salt. The extant historical sources make no mention of solar evaporation in this region during Colonial times; rather, they describe the boiling of brine produced by leaching or decantation. The filters are not described either, but we know that some kind of filtering, cleansing or decantation was essential in processing salt-bearing sediments, since the water in the basin is not salty enough to produce salt on its own (Valdez et al. 1996b:337-340). The Relaciones geográficas from the towns around Lake Sayula have been lost, but the Relaciones from other localities relatively close to the basin do mention the importance of the Lake Sayula Basin as a salt provider. Several towns in the old Tarascan kingdom also reported the critical role played by Sayula as a supplier of this indispensable trade good, especially in provinces where it was lacking. The Relación de Zapotlán, for instance, states that, “in this town there are no saltworks, they supply themselves with salt from Atoyaque and Sayula…” The Relación de Xiquilpan mentions that salt came from the Provincia de Ávalos (in central Jalisco), 15 leagues from Xiquilpan. From Tenamaztlán comes the information that they also obtained loaves of white or brown salt from Provincia de Ávalos; each salt loaf cost between two-anda-half and three tomines (silver coin used in some parts of Spanish America in Colonial times, according to the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española). Salt was also sent from Atoyac to the town of Cuiseo, near Poncitlán, in the Lake Chapala Basin (Liot 1995:12-13; cfr. Acuña 1987). Another valuable historical source on salt-making in the area under discussion comes from Friar Alonso Ponce, who travelled through parts of Jalisco and Michoacán at the end of the 16th century, and left an oft-quoted account of salt-making in Atoyac (see Williams 2003:179 for a full transcription of the Spanish original). Ponce wrote that the

104

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland Indians of Atoyaque [Atoyac] offered him many loaves “of the salt they make in the lake near that town, which is quite white, clean and good, and Spaniards come to buy it from many parts… that is why there is in Atoyaque a market or tianguez every five days, the main thing sold there being salt…” which was of such high quality that it was even taken to Mexico City. Ponce included the following description of the salt-making techniques used in Atoyac: “… from those salt beds they take many loads of dust and saltpetre… and put it in earthen jars… and [then] pour water, stirring and moving it many times and refilling them with water continuously to the amount they know, and from this they take lye”. Near the earthen jars, the salt-makers made a round kiln in the ground, similar to a lime-making kiln, not very deep, leaving a cavity below to insert fuel. On top of the kiln they put many pots, filling them with lye and a fire was started below the pots in the kiln, which made the lye congeal and turn into salt. This process was repeated until they had many pots filled with crystallized salt. The final step consisted in breaking the pots in order to remove the crystallized salt loaves (Ponce 1973:120-121).

Kelly (1941-1944, cited by Liot 1995:19-21) has suggested that the function of the aforementioned Sayula salt-making pans may have been to concentrate brine by boiling it over fire. The same hypothesis has been put forth for other types of bowl-like pottery containers that appear in great amounts in association with specific structures and tepalcateras in specialized activity areas. However, identifying the vessels used for boiling brine is one of the most problematic aspects of the archaeological study of the salt industry; all the more so when the pots are not directly linked with firing structures. It is difficult to find diagnostic features that would define the use given to these vessels, or certain ideal characteristics (such as paste, porosity, surface roughness, and so on), or the best shape and size for achieving good evaporation of brine (Liot 1995:26).

Salt production has disappeared from the Sayula Basin, so all that remains is the gathering of saltpetre used for cattle feed on the playas of Poncitlán, El Zapote and Cofradía. Large-scale salt production in this area was abandoned in the 1940s, and the physical remains of this industry are rather scarce. However, the archaeological remains, though not abundant, show characteristic traces of this activity from ancient times (Liot 1995:14-15).

An archaeological survey carried out by Frederick Sleight in the area of the San Marcos, Zacoalco and Sayula lake basins in the 1960s discovered a large number of pre-Hispanic sites, including surface concentrations of pottery and localities with abundant lithic artefacts, apparently associated with extinct fauna, lying over the margins of what had once been great lakes (Sleight 1965:156-157).

The archaeological sites where salt-making is presumed to have taken place are located around the lake rim, on the north and west parts of the basin. Most salt-making localities are characterized by several earthen mounds covered with huge amounts of eroded potsherds, as well as the occasional presence on the beach of round features also with abundant potsherds (Figure 82). Throughout the area close to the lake edge one can see mounds of several shapes and sizes that resulted from the progressive accumulation of earth after leaching. In the Sayula Basin these features are called “tepalcateras” (Liot 1995:16). The predominant feature shared by most of the sites on the beach is the pottery that may have been used to concentrate the brine (Figures 83-85). Isabel Kelly called these ceramic vessels “Sayula salt pans”, when she first recognized their shape and suggested their use, over 60 years ago. Another ceramic type probably linked to salt manufacture was found at Atoyac, not far from the pre-Hispanic habitation area and close to a burial zone. This find consisted of 21 large vessels, five of which were found whole, buried, with four forming a cluster. These vessels are quite fragile and so would have been unfit for transporting salt or any other substance. The fact that they were interred and formed clusters in salt-rich terrain suggests that they may well have been used in salt production (Liot 1995:19-21).

Another problem is recognizing evidence of contact with fire. Most of the ceramic material supposedly used for boiling brine shows no fire stains, and experiments have shown that brine has to be exposed to constant, low heat, because higher temperatures can produce thick crystals that may expand and burst (Liot 1995:26-27).

Sleight’s research included test excavations in several sites around lakes Zacoalco and Sayula. Those digs consisted of pits measuring 2 m2, separated by arbitrary 20-cm stratigraphic levels down to the sterile layer. The sites excavated with this technique were hamlets with associated refuse and burial areas (Sleight 1965:157). According to Sleight, the most interesting discoveries were made at the Sayula Norte and Cerro Rojo sites, located on the old northeast beach of Sayula Lake, and in the historic-period settlement of Atoyac, east of Sayula. He wrote that during the initial survey of the area he was quite impressed by the mounds made of accumulations of red utilitarian potsherds found at the old lake margins. In addition to these concentrations of sherds, there were dozens of circles made with large potsherds arranged by hand, measuring on average 1 m in diameter. These were found mainly in the lake basins, especially over the old beach ridges (Sleight 1965:158). Sleight’s study came to the conclusion that the pre-Hispanic inhabitants of this area had discovered local salt sources and at some point in prehistory found the best way to collect this valuable resource. In attempting to reach an interpretation of the function of the features excavated during his fieldwork, Sleight took into account Father Ponce’s reference to “heaps of earth”, “round kilns”, and “many large and small vessels”. The only thing Sleight could not find were the moulds mentioned by Ponce, which were used to make loaves of salt in human shapes (Sleight 1965:158). 105

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

A

B

Figure 82 a-b. Round features made of pottery, used for salt-making in ancient times in the Lake Sayula Basin (adapted from Valdez and Liot 1994, p. 289).

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland

Figure 83. Salt-making pottery types from the Lake Sayula Basin: a) Cuencos burdos (rough bowls); b) Cajetes rectos Amacueca (Amacueca straight bowls) (adapted from Liot 2005: Figure 1). The excavations performed at Sayula Norte, Cerro Rojo and Atoyac indicated that the “millions of brick-red potsherds” found at these sites were fragments of thickwalled utilitarian vessels shaped like shallow bowls. Many of these showed evidence of accidental vitrification in parts that led the author to the conclusion that he had found the remains of salt-making pots and bowls like the ones mentioned in Ponce’s account, which would have been filled with alkaline water and arranged around a kiln in order to evaporate the water and produce crystallized salt (Sleight 1965:158-160). At Sayula Norte, Sleight uncovered a buried kiln made of potsherds and adobe; no doubt the feature reported by Ponce used for salt evaporation. The kiln was barrelshaped with a neck at the top ending in a rim of carefully arranged, flat potsherds. It measured roughly one meter in diameter and the same in height. The earth fill inside the kiln and the potsherds and the soil in the surrounding area all had evidence of ash and firing stains. These discoveries were proof that the mound of potsherds was not just an accumulation of broken salt-making pottery but, rather, a salt-making workshop that used the technique of evaporating brine in kilns. The circle of potsherds found on the surface was carefully excavated, but no cultural

remains were found. The cylindrical structure continued downwards until it reached a concavity with a floor made of potsherds set in an adobe matrix. As stated above, Sleight concluded that these were the evaporation bowls accessible to the salt water of the old lake level. He had in fact found the remains of the indigenous salt-making industry mentioned in Father Ponce’s account (Sleight 1965:160). The salt-producing sites in existence throughout several occupation phases of the Lake Sayula Basin were abundant and varied (Neal 1989:8-9, Maps 1-7; Liot 2000: Figures 92, 94). According to Weigand (1993), the beach deposits around Lake Sayula were so rich in salt and salitre that they became the target of attacks by the Tarascans once the province of Acoliman (Colima) became independent from the Tarascan Empire. Since this was a primary salt source in the highlands near major population centres, the Lake Sayula area had an enormous potential for exploitation by the Tarascans. In fact, among the archaeological features of the Sayula and Techaluta basins there are remains of salt-making facilities, often of huge proportions. All the important ruins in this basin are associated with these extensive salt-making workshops.

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 84. Salt-making pottery types from the Lake Sayula Basin: a-k) Cuencos hemisféricos con líneas rojas (Hemispherical bowls with red lines); l-o) Cuencos salineros Sayula (Sayula salt pans) (adapted from Liot 2005: Figure 2).

Techaluta is the largest architectural complex in the area that has not been covered by a modern settlement. Three sections within the habitation area show strong indications of occupational specialization, such as obsidian workshops, areas with salt evaporation bowls (on the beach), and areas for salt production; the latter characterized by huge concentrations of salt-covered potsherds heaped up in mounds. To the above we should add the existence of a significant pottery-making industry that supplied the saltmakers with the wares required for their work. This latter resource, as well as others present in the basin, must have been an incentive for Tarascan expansion within the area (Weigand 1993:201). The first feature in the Lake Sayula Basin that may be considered as diagnostic of salt production consists of mounds covered with large amounts of potsherds, called tepalcateras, as mentioned above. The identification of these mounds is linked to the basic process used for extracting salt from salty soils; that is, the waste products of leaching salty earth or salitre accumulate and, over time, form mounds that may be several meters tall and

are a common feature of the salt-making landscape, as discussed earlier (Liot 1998). The second feature by which we may deduct the existence of salt-producing localities in the Lake Sayula Basin are the aforementioned, numerous circles or silhouettes formed by potsherds, which were inserted in the lake bottom in ancient times. At the end of the 19th century Carl Lumholtz (1986) excavated four of these circles near a hamlet called El Reparo (Figure 86) in the southwestern part of the basin, identifying them as clay vessels arranged in a linear pattern and buried up to the rim. Lumholtz pointed out that these vessels were too fragile to be carried from one place to another. During excavations in the 1990s in the fraccionamiento (urban subdivision) San Juan de Atoyac, archaeologists found similar vessels in a sector not far from the pre-Hispanic habitation zone and close to the burial area. In the 1940s, Kelly made a sounding in one of these circles and found a layer or floor made of horizontal potsherds at the bottom of a structure at a depth of 10 cm and with a coating of white earth 1 cm thick. Kelly described several shapes for these silhouettes:

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland 87). Cerritos Colorados is a cluster of mounds covered by potsherds with associated structures that was also interpreted as a salt-making workshop. Five structures were excavated on the flanks of a mound, three of which share a singular feature: cylindrical pits 75 cm in diameter and 50 cm deep (in two cases the bottom of the pit was not found), coated with clay (apparently burned) covering a wall made of potsherds. In the cases where the bottom of the pit was found, it consisted of a layer of potsherds also coated with burned clay. In the interior of these pits was a fill of silt and beach sand and, in one case, numerous potsherds with a hardened sediment, black and cream in colour (Liot 1998). Not all tepalcateras were directly associated with saltmaking, since several included diverse artefacts, such as decorated ceramics and lithic pieces (obsidian and basalt), and the largest ones had stone alignments. The fact that these features are located within the beach area next to the salt deposits suggests that they were indirectly involved in the organization of salt production and probably its distribution as well. The presence of these large sites in the basin (Guffroy and Gómez 1996) indicates that the Sayula phase was characterized, among other elements, by the development of something we can call a large-scale “salt-making industry”. Beside these large sites are small tepalcateras characterized by the massive presence of salt pans (Liot 1998).

double circle, oval, pear-shaped, etcetera, and reported variants that were not delimited with potsherds, but by a difference in colour and texture compared to the rest of the surrounding matrix. Kelly also observed that these figures usually appeared on the beach floor, although some were found on the flanks of mounds (Kelly 1944:40-41, cited by Liot 1998). Andrés Noyola discussed the ceramic materials found during excavations at San Juan de Atoyac, which included large, flat-bottomed bowls with straight walls, polished interior, and a rough base. Some of these vessels have white stains inside, which could be remains of saltpetre; therefore, they may have been used for salt-making in the late pre-Hispanic period (Noyola 1994:64-65). Excavations carried out during the 1994 and 1995 field seasons in several sectors of the sites called Cerritos Colorados and La Motita in the Sayula Basin turned up several features linked to salt production (Figure

Finally, the last occupation phase –Amacueca (AD 11001520)– saw the development of standardized techniques and new technological elements. In spite of this, salt production was on a lesser scale, and may have been controlled from outside the Sayula Basin (Liot 2000:229). According to Valdez et al. (1996b), the apparent decrease of archaeological traces of salt production in this phase could be explained by transformations in the process, as well as population shifts toward the basin’s upper terraces, since in this phase people lived mostly on the hillsides and came down periodically during the dry season. Also, their seasonal camps and workshops have been overshadowed by the great volume of archaeological materials pertaining to the Sayula phase (Valdez et al. 1996b:182). Indeed, despite this apparent hiatus in the archaeological data, 16th-century historical sources leave no doubt as to the important role played by the salt-making industry in the Sayula Basin in the Postclassic period 109

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Figure 85. Salt-making pottery from the Lake Sayula Basin; a) bowl with reed-mat impression on the bottom; b) bowl with coating of cream-colored clay and traces of straw (adapted from Valdez et al. 1996b: Figure 10).

Four archaeological phases have been defined for the area under discussion in this section; each one with its own kind and level of salt production (Liot 2000). The first phase, called Usmajac (300 BC-AD 300), has no indications of salt production, though this could be due to the fact that the remains of later phases destroyed archaeological evidence. In the next phase, called Verdía (AD 300-600), there was an artesanal level of production, while in the Sayula phase (AD 600-1100) we see an “industrial” level of salt-making linked to the emergence of complex societies. According to Liot (2000:222), the Sayula phase pertains to a period of demographic growth and the “development of a regional identity” in the Lake Sayula Basin.

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production

Figure 86. Salt-making pots excavated by Carl Lumholtz in the late 19th century near the town of El Reparo, to the south of the Lake Sayula Basin (adapted from Lumholtz 1986, Vol. II, p. 315). The Coast of Guerrero and the Balsas River Region

Figure 87. Pre-Hispanic features (combustion pits with Lake Sayula Basin (adapted from Liot 2000: Figure 83).

ceramic vessels) linked to salt production in the

There are several salt-making sites on the coast of Guerrero (Figure 88), many of them located in swamps and estuaries in the littoral to the south of Acapulco. At four of these localities (Tecomate, Los Tamarindos, Chautengo and Pozahualco; Figure 2), the saltworks are exploited during the dry season, independently of each other and on a domestic scale or household level of production (Good 1995:1). At the first three sites named above salt is made by leaching swamp soils that dry up during the long, hot dry season. Salt-makers here carefully break the thin upper layer of earth and carry the pieces in sacks or buckets to the saltworks, where they put them in a filter called a tapeite (a variant of the term tapeixtle discussed above). The tapeite is built over a base of wooden planks or carrizo reeds, covered by palm fronds or thick grass, with the sides made of adobe to form a rectangular bowl covered by thick sand and a second layer of fine, sieved sand. Salty water is taken from a shallow well excavated close to the tapeite and poured over the salty earth. After trickling down through the filter, the water is channelled to a holding tank coated with a mixture of sand and clay (Good 1995: Figures 4 and 5). The concentrated brine that falls into the tank is then moved to the eras, or solar evaporation pans, where it evaporates and is transformed into white, granular crystallized salt, called la flor de la sal. The pans are square or rectangular, carefully built with clay and coated with lime. They are arranged in single or

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Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland the crystallized salt, are usually performed by women and children. The preparation of the tapeite, storage tanks and evaporation tanks requires between 14 and 18 days of labour (Good 1995:3-4). Successful production in these coastal saltworks depends on the adequate handling of several elements. The knowledge required is obtained and transmitted through collective practice; for instance, selecting the right earth for leaching is crucial in order to produce brine with the appropriate degree of salinity. The tapeite system requires that the individual production units be dispersed, in order to obtain adequate supplies of salt within a short distance. Each area can be harvested approximately once a month, since the intense sun constantly causes the salt to flare up to the ground surface (Good 1995:5). There are several ecological factors that limit the amount of salt produced, but rainfall patterns are particularly critical. In places where the tapeite system is used together with solar evaporation, production cannot begin until the levels of fresh water in the estuary have diminished, the earth is dry, and the climate is hot with strong solar irradiation. During periods of cloudy skies, solar evaporation takes longer and salt productivity decreases considerably (Good 1995:6).

double lines called mecates. These pans are approximately 15 cm deep, and their size varies from 1.2 to 2.2 m per side. The salt-makers sometimes shaped an independent circular pan called comalli or comal. The salt produced in this feature was destined for ceremonial purposes. Salt-makers fill up the tapeite twice a day, after first removing the thick mud of previously leached earth, which is heaped on top of the mounds of discarded soil called muros de tierra (earth walls) that rise on either side of the tapeite to a height of 2 m or more. Salt can be harvested daily from the smaller pans if the brine is salty enough and the sunlight sufficiently intense through the day. Salt is gathered early in the afternoon using a hoe-like wooden implement and buckets, after which it is placed in a circular storage area where excessive humidity is drained away and the grains of salt are left to dry thoroughly. Each saltworks also has one or two salt mounds of conical shape, called muros de sal (salt walls) (Good 1995:2). Operating these saltworks has been considered a feminine activity in present and historic times, and the technical knowledge of each family is passed on from women to their daughters or granddaughters (Good 1995:3). Men contribute to the salt-making industry mainly by building the tapeites, evaporation pans and holding tanks, but the routine, daily tasks such as gathering and moving the salty earth, filling up and emptying the tapeites twice a day, pouring the brine into the salt pans, and harvesting

The Pozahualco Lagoon is larger and shallower than the Tecomate and Chautengo lagoons, and its water has a greater saline concentration, so here it is not necessary to filter the earth, build tapeites, dig pits, or carry the salitre. In this case, the main work that has to be carried out is clearing the main and secondary canals that carry water from the lagoon to the saltworks. In Pozahualco, the salt evaporation pans (called paños) are usually found near the saltworks. The paños have the same general characteristics as the eras, but are rectangular and somewhat smaller. They are filled with water brought directly from the lagoon through the canals. Clearing this canal is a responsibility of the entire community, while the small canals that feed into the main one are cleared by the proprietors of the nearby saltworks. The number of people involved in salt production in Pozahualco is approximately triple the number working the tapeites, and the saltworks are closer together (Quiroz 1995:194-195). In contrast to the places where the tapeite is used, in the Pozahualco Lagoon water can be taken directly to the solar evaporation pans. Every household has a considerable number of pans (up to 72), and the production units are separated only by narrow paths. Every year, the saltmakers build a system of canals to take water from the lagoon directly to the saltworks. Each family makes its own pans, but the process used here allows them to carry out a more intensive production that on occasions entails hiring wage labourers. Since this method does not rely on leaching to obtain the brine, it is also less vulnerable to rain (Good 1995:7)

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Figure 88. Salt-making site on the Guerrero coast (adapted from Quiroz Malca 1998: Figure 6).

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production A considerable part of the salt from the Costa Chica of Guerrero circulates through exchange networks. In some cases this is the main mechanism for commercialization of the salt produced there. Most of the exchange is controlled by women, and an astounding amount and variety of goods are included: maize, beans, fruit, cheese, meat, fish, sugar, baskets, reed mats called petates, straw hats, pottery, blankets, and wood articles (Good 1995:10; see also Quiroz 1998). This area of the coast has an excellent level of preservation of the material features used in salt production, despite the floods that take place in the swamps every year during the rainy season. The storage tanks and fragments of the wooden poles that support the tapeites can still be seen in situ, but the most long-lasting remains of the salt-making activities here are the mounds of discarded leached earth, which survive for decades (Good 1995:10). In the area under discussion, salt-making and fishing are the primary economic activities, but there are other occupations as well, such as small-scale trade and wage labour (both within the area and outside it). These may be considered optional, alternative or complementary strategies. During the rainy season, many families are active in fishing and, in some cases, agriculture, while in the dry season part of the population is involved in saltmaking, as discussed above (Quiroz 1995:187). The Balsas River Basin currently separates the states of Guerrero and Michoacán, and in pre-Hispanic times it was the boundary between the Aztec and Tarascan empires. What follows is a discussion of several examples of the traditional salt-making industry found in this key area. In late 1978, an intensive survey was conducted in the northern area of Guerrero as part of the archaeological project entitled “Pre-Hispanic and 16th-century Mines”. This project included studying the process of salt-making with traditional techniques in the town of Alahuiztlan (Besso-Oberto 1980:23-31). Apparently, the salt-making techniques in use there today to exploit local salt deposits are the same as in pre-Hispanic times. Inside the lands of one hacienda there are four wells from which salty water is obtained. The main well has the Nahuatl name hueycollonqui, meaning “the great pit”; it is 5.5 m long by 4.50 m wide and 12.5 m deep. There is a masonry stairway on the southern side of the well that still has remains of plaster made of lime and sand, like the vertical wall of the well. The actual bottom of the well can only be reached when the water table is low, using wooden ladders (BessoOberto 1980:23-31). It is likely that the factor that motivated the opening of these pits in the first place was the presence on the ground surface of small springs with salty water, which led people to decide to excavate down to the water table to gain more or less permanent access to a greater amount of the salt-bearing liquid. Even today, in spite of the depth of the wells, during Lent the water here is scarce and salt

procurement becomes problematic. It is also difficult to extract this water during the rainy season, because the wells are flooded with fresh water (Besso-Oberto 1980:32, 35). In order to extract the salty water people use containers (bowls) called tecomates, made from the plant Crescentia cujete (Fam. Bienoniaceae). One person descends into the well with two of these tecomates, fills them with salty water, and then emerges to allow someone else to do the same. The salt-makers then pour the water from the tecomates into the cajetes, containers located on the macetas, or circular bases made with piled-up stones placed on top of curved terraces. The cajetes are made with slabs of green stones to which a pretil or low wall made with a paste of turpentine, ocote (resinous pine wood), sieved earth, and ash is added. To prepare this paste, they put the resin in a small clay pot called apaste held over a fire. Once the turpentine has evaporated completely, they use a chiquihuite (reed basket) as a sieve to sprinkle earth over it and then add a handful of ash. This concoction is stirred with a wooden shovel and left over the fire until it acquires the desired consistency, when it is moved to another apaste previously sprinkled with ash (so the paste will not stick to the vessel or to people’s hands as they knead it). The paste is moulded and placed in circles on the green stone slab, adding liquid turpentine in the joints so that the parapet will stick to the slab. Once both the paste and the turpentine have hardened, they become almost stone-like. When the cajetes are full of salty water, the liquid begins to evaporate because of the heat of the sun and salt crystals start to appear. The cajetes have to be filled with salty water several times, until there is a salt layer thick enough to be scraped off with a spoon. The mineral recovered in this way is deposited in the central cajete of each maceta, called a tenepantle (Nahuatl for “middle stone”). When the tenepantles are filled with salt, the salt-makers come with a chiquihuite to collect it. The chiquihuite with the salt is left under the sun for a while, to drain away the excess water, then the salt is transferred to a sack for transport (on donkey-back) to the salt-maker’s home. The main market for selling this salt is in Teloloapan, Guerrero, where it is sold by the carga (load), half-load, or cuartillo (one carga equals 50 cuartillos, each one of roughly 1.5 kg). The demand for this salt has decreased considerably and nowadays it is only sold in Teloloapan on market days. In the past, porters called tamemes took this salt to other markets in the state of Guerrero, such as Acapetlahuaya, Ixcaputzalco, Ixcateopan, Arcelia, Taxco and Iguala (Besso-Oberto 1980:35-36). Turning now to the southeastern area of the state of Mexico, we find that there are some lands where salt is still available. The town of San Miguel Ixtapan has 29 heads of household who are active salt-makers, plus an additional 29 who are retired. The archaeological project conducted 112

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland in this region included elaborating an ethnographic record of salt-making activities designed to document traditional work practices and techniques, the natural resources, installations, trade routes, systems of social organization, and systems of knowledge (Mata Alpuche 1999). One of the first aims of the study was to link the Ixtapan archaeological site (which flourished during the Epiclassic period, ca. AD 750-900) to modern saltworks and the present-day community of specialized salt-makers. This archaeological-ethnographic research succeeded in reconstructing the behaviour of the ancient people who lived in this part of the Balsas River Basin (Mata Alpuche 1997:59). The mineral wealth found in this area includes sodium chloride in the form of halite (rock salt) found underground together with other minerals. This area has many streams and large rivers that feed the wells and springs of the Ixtapan saltworks, but salt also crops up on the surface (Mata Alpuche 1997:60). The traditional way of making salt there is very similar to the process described above for Alahuistlan: salitre is taken from the well to a tecajete or pan for sedimentation to produce brine. From there, the brine is taken to some terraces on top of which are stone slabs with a ring made of turpentine to form a receptacle called a poche. The brine is left there under the sun for a period of four days until the water evaporates and white grains of crystallized salt begin to appear (Mata Alpuche 1997:60). The Relación de las minas de Temascaltepec is one of the few sources available that deals with the salt-making industry of the Colonial period in the present-day state of Guerrero. This document states that there were no salt sources of any kind in Texcaltitlán or its subject communities, so it had to be brought from Tejupilco. Two leagues from this town was Ixtapa, where some saltworks were found, complete with wells and streams of salty water. The salt-making techniques described for this area are quite similar to those discussed above; as the source mentions that salty water was poured into holes in rocks where it congealed and became salt, which was then used for the town’s sustenance and trade. Every four days during the dry season salt-makers would obtain half an hanega of salt (García Payón 1933:50). In ancient times, the Tierra Caliente (Hot Lands) region of Guerrero was a stage for wars and territorial conflicts between Aztecs and Tarascans, since it was located strategically between those two empires, and because of its abundance of mineral and agricultural resources. During the Colonial period, there were important mining centres like Sultepec, Taxco and Temascaltepec, among others, as well as cattle-raising and sugarcane-producing haciendas. The southern region of the state of Mexico has long been closely linked to the social, economic and cultural processes of the states of Guerrero and Michoacán, thanks to religious and trade fairs, and has become integrated into

the greater cultural environment of the Balsas River Basin (Mata Alpuche 1997:61-62). For the salt-makers of Ixtapan the “salt cycle” begins in earnest at Lent, though in late January they begin to weed the salt-making units that have lain idle for six months; this task is performed by kin groups. In February, sediment is taken from the wells of salitre and the tecajetes and all the fresh water that has accumulated is eliminated, as are any sand and stones, so they can be filled with salitre. The temperature in this area increases gradually until it reaches 40°C in March and April, hot enough for the salt to congeal. The working day lasts roughly seven hours in the morning and afternoon, and the salt-making season continues until mid-May, when the onset of the rainy season is imminent. In this place there are a dozen saltworks in an area of roughly 10 km2. The solar evaporation method used here has two modes of production, each one of which utilizes different containers for evaporating the brine. One uses the traditional “poche” discussed above, while the other method, called “patio”, consists of a firm floor of polished cement measuring up to 20 m2, whose surface is divided by low walls (6.8 cm high) into squares of approximately 1 m2. Traditional salt-making work takes place during the dry season, from February to May. The crystallized salt is gathered at dawn, when the natural humidity of the night keeps it moist and therefore easier to gather. Once collected, it is put into chiquihuites to drain away the excess water. Later, the salt is spread out for a few hours on a flat surface, usually one of the large rocks near the river, for final drying (Mata Alpuche 1997:65-66). Summary and Conclusions In ancient times, the Lake Cuitzeo Basin was a key economic area (cfr. Weigand 1996b; Williams 2009) thanks to its abundant obsidian and salt deposits, among many other natural resources. A second zone of similar importance in Western Mexico was the lake area of central Jalisco, which had huge obsidian workshops, as well as other evidence of specialization, including salt production. Salt from the Atoyac-Sayula area seems to have been another strategic resource that was exported on a massive scale, judging from the quantity of salt evaporation pits that have been discovered. According to Weigand (1996b), production levels there strongly indicate that salt was not being produced solely for local consumption. There were monopolies (this term refers to preferential access to goods for use within the region and for exchange) that focused on high-quality obsidian and salt, which may have increased the economic base of polities within the nuclear area. Specialization in the acquisition of obsidian and salt (extraction, salt evaporation, processing and distribution) is also strongly suggested (Weigand 1996b:199). There was a dense concentration of settlements in the Lerma River region, consisting of urban centres, ceremonial sites, 113

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production towns, villages, hamlets, and so on (Weigand and Williams 1999), all of which must have needed huge amounts of salt for their subsistence. The main natural sources of salt in this region were concentrated almost entirely within the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, therefore the salt-making sites there played a critical role in the economic, political and military strategies of the societies that inhabited this part of the Bajío during the Classic period (see Braniff 2000 for a discussion of the area’s pre-Hispanic cultural development). Later, during the Postclassic period, the Tarascan Empire maintained political control over the Lake Cuitzeo Basin (cfr. Macías Goytia 1990) and its ruler –the cazonci– was able to exploit the area’s salt and obsidian sources for the benefit of his kingdom (Williams 2009). Many technological, environmental and social changes have taken place in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and the Michoacán coast since the Spanish Conquest. The present ethnoarchaeological study should be considered in the context of these changes in order to provide useful information for future archaeological research in the area and elsewhere in Mesoamerica (cfr. Parsons 1989:70-71, 1994, 1996, 2001). Studies like the present one aim to build a corpus of processual information that will improve our understanding of the salt-making industry in the ancient Tarascan kingdom and serve as a guide in our search for pre-Hispanic salt-production sites. The material record of salt-making activities in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and on the Michoacán-Colima coast has contributed to the construction of a “salt-making landscape”. According to Ursula Ewald, saltworks that rely on solar production are among the most distinctive features of the cultural landscape. Thanks to its great range of methods for producing sodium chloride, Mexico may have the most varied and contrasting salt-making landscapes in the world. This type of landscape is among the most extraordinary –and also least known–found in Mesoamerica. The different kinds of saltworks in the area are proof of the ingenuity and inventiveness of the people who lived there, as well as of their hard work, which through many centuries has been indispensable for satisfying one of life’s major necessities (Ewald 1997:259260). Understanding the different landscapes where salt was produced, stored and traded is essential for the identification of pre-Hispanic sites linked to salt production. For instance, the archaeological remains (primarily pottery and obsidian) found on the surface of the salt-producing area in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin are quite abundant. This fact, together with the ethnohistorical information that speaks of high levels of salt production in this area, allows us to suggest that this activity is rooted in the pre-Hispanic past, although we do not know how ancient it may be. The same could be said for the coast of Michoacán, though more fieldwork is needed there before we can make such assumptions with any degree of certainty.

As we have seen, the abundant and densely-populated preHispanic settlements in the Bajío –especially in the Lerma River Basin– during the Formative and, particularly, Classic periods, probably found in the saltworks in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin all the salt they required to satisfy their dietary and other requirements, such as leather tanning, elaboration of textile dyes, and food preservation (especially fish, which abounded in the area’s many lakes and rivers), among others. During the Protohistoric period, the Tarascan Empire sought salt supplies in several regions, some close to its nuclear area, like the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, and some further afield, like Lake Sayula and the coast of Michoacán and Colima. Salt production on the coast of Michoacán has diminished greatly, indeed to such a degree that it could become extinct in the near future. During the 2000 field season, for instance, there were only four salineros working at La Placita, while those who are still active at Salinas del Padre have incorporated the modern techniques seen in Cuyutlán, Colima, where plastic sheeting is now used instead of lime coating for the solar evaporation pans, and gasoline-powered pumps and rubber hoses move the water and brine. The tools and techniques described in the pages of this chapter will probably disappear from La Placita once the remaining old salineros die and their knowledge and traditions are forgotten. Sadly, the younger generations are not interested in preserving this cultural heritage. This study of salt production in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and the coast of Michoacán underscores the value of ethnoarchaeology as a means of understanding ancient salt-making activities. In this chapter we have discussed a traditional technological complex whose variants illustrate cultural adaptations to different ecological environments. Through the use of ethnographic, archaeological and ethnohistorical data this study shows that some techniques, tools and features still in use among Michoacán salt-makers have a direct parallel with ones reported in the 16th century. As we know, salt cannot be preserved for long periods of time; therefore, the diagnostic features and artefacts discussed here may be used to identify salt-producing sites in the archaeological record, thus increasing our ability to detect this important economic activity. On the basis of the ethnohistorical and archaeological information that we were able to analyse during the course of this research we are able to suggest the existence of various salt-making techniques, as well as several levels of production, in Michoacán and other parts of Western Mexico during late pre-Hispanic and Colonial times. The techniques used by the salineros may have been quite simple –such as solar evaporation of brine– or substantially more complex, relying on fire and sophisticated means of leaching salt-bearing soils (see Table 8). The question of levels of production is, however, a more problematic issue, since the information we have from the Colonial era is not sufficiently detailed, and projecting it back into the pre-Hispanic past is not always possible 114

Chapter IV Salt Production in the Tarascan Area and its Hinterland or justified. Another problem is the difficulty involved in converting early Colonial units of weights and measures to modern equivalents. However, some general indications come from certain royal decrees, like the one that Zorita recorded (1984:70) from the 16th century, which indicated that tributes should be less than what the Indians had paid before the Conquest, suggesting that the amount of tribute paid in the Colonial period was not too different from the pre-Hispanic situation, so comparisons between the two are indeed possible. Generally speaking, we can distinguish three levels of salt production in ancient Michoacán. The first level was found in places where enough salt was produced to supply local needs and to export a surplus to other areas. The second level of production, in contrast, was only sufficient for the consumption of local producers and their neighbours in local communities. Finally, the historical sources mention towns where local salt production was insufficient to satisfy local needs, and so had to be supplemented with imported salt from other areas of Michoacán or further afield, for example, Colima. The study of ethnographic and archaeological examples discussed here –Cuyutlán, Sayula, the coast of Guerrero and the Balsas River region– allow us to formulate several general conclusions, as follows. First, we must point out that each one of the two main complexes of salt-making techniques in Mesoamerica –i.e., sal cocida (boiling brine to produce crystallized salt), and sal solar (evaporation of brine in salt pans under the sun)– has its own distinctive artefact inventory or assemblage (see Parsons 1996: Table 2). For example, we know that in order to make salt using the sal cocida method it was necessary to use huge amounts of clay vessels, as described for Sayula and other regions of Mesoamerica (cfr. Williams 2001). In some regions outside Mesoamerica, pottery vessels were also used in great amounts in the process of making sodium chloride. At the saltworks of Zipaquirá, Colombia, for example, native salt-makers evaporated brine in clay pots with a capacity of two or three arrobas (1 arroba = ca. 11.5 kg), that they then had to break in order to extract the crystallized salt (Cardale de Schrimpff 1981:247). The earliest date for salt production at Zipaquirá is AD 150, and the huge heaps of pottery fragments of coarse manufacture found at the site indicate that basically the same method was used by the Muisca almost 1,600 years later. The interior of the vessels was carefully smoothened and burnished to prevent the brine from leaking through pores in the clay, but the exterior surface was quite coarse, with the unions between the coils of clay only partly smoothened, so it would be easier to break them and extract the block of salt (Cardale de Schrimpff 1981:248). Cardale de Schrimpff (1981) made a rough estimate of the amount of clay vessels used for boiling brine at the site: in an area of just 150 by 30 m, she found some 400 or 500 tons of potsherds! Apparently, the Zipaquirá salt-makers used something more sophisticated than the domestic hearth to boil brine. (The boiling feature used here could have

been similar to the one discussed for Sayula, above). The salt-boiling process at this site almost certainly required a whole day, as the orange colour of most of the potsherds suggests that they were exposed to high temperatures for extended periods of time (Cardale de Schrimpff 1981:248). Some strategies of work organization observed in ethnographic cases –for example on the coast of Guerrero– are very interesting, although any attempt to project them uncritically into the pre-Hispanic past would be problematic. For instance, the division of work at the saltworks on the coast of Guerrero is such that women perform almost all tasks and pass on their knowledge to their daughters. Another aspect of the ethnographic record of salt production that is of interest to us is the seasonal nature of work; in most of the Mesoamerican area, saltmaking activities are carried out exclusively during the dry part of the year. Thanks to this custom there was no competition between salt-making, farming and other productive activities throughout the year. Exchange networks are also under female control in the coastal area of Guerrero, and salt is one of the primary trade products. In fact, salt is sometimes used as a general medium of exchange, if not an informal “currency”. Finally, in all ethnographic cases discussed in this book we see myriad artefacts and features of material culture (baskets, gourds or other vessels of vegetable origin, tapeixtles, and so on), almost all of which are made of organic substances that are not preserved in the archaeological record. Other items, such as wells or pits, canals, and mounds of leached soil, etcetera, would be difficult to interpret with any degree of certainty in pre-Hispanic contexts without the advantage of ethnographic analogy. Because of this, we can say that archaeology on its own, without some form of analogy, would not be able to offer a complete, thorough vision of all activities that were performed around the saltmaking industry in pre-Hispanic times. The information we have for areas outside Western Mexico is no less important as a source of analogy for understanding ancient Tarascan salt-making technology and its cultural traditions; for example, exchange routes and trade mechanisms. For instance, we know that in the Basin of Mexico control of the salt production industry and the long-distance trade routes associated with it required a level of social complexity that increased markedly through time (Parsons 1994). Because of demographic growth from ca. AD 1200 onwards, larger quantities of salt were required in the Basin of Mexico, and they had to be produced and traded on a regional level. Similar processes have been reported from Oaxaca (Peterson 1976) and the Maya Lowlands (Andrews 1983, 1984). In Michoacán, several polities existed prior to the emergence of the Tarascan state, and they left archaeological remains such as the site of Las Lomas and others in the Lake Zacapu Basin (Arnauld et al. 1993). These peoples may have undergone similar transformations to the ones discussed above for the Basin of Mexico, although this must remain as a mere hypothesis until our knowledge of the pre115

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production Tarascan period in Michoacán is increased by further archaeological research. The information gathered by Parsons (2001) regarding the traditional salt-making industry in the Basin of Mexico is very useful for our understanding of salt production in areas such as the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and the coast of Michoacán. Parsons’ ethnographic, ethnohistorical and archaeological perspectives offer a model for analogy that makes it possible to postulate the diagnostic features and elements one could expect to find at ancient salt-making sites. Parsons (1996: Table 2) elaborated a summary of activities linked to salt production and their possible archaeological correlates, the key points of which are presented in the following section. A. Salt-leaching and boiling method. (1) Excavation of salty soil. This activity is associated with dispersed, shifting localities (according to changes in water levels and the shape and size of the beach). The physical remains of this technique would be diffuse concentrations of pottery and lithic fragments associated with temporary camps, as well as food-preparation implements such as comales (i.e. pottery griddles), ollas, hearth stones, and so on. Other common artefacts would be shovel-like tools used to move the earth. Finally, we would expect to find rudimentary, non-permanent structures used for shelter. (2) The transportation of salt-bearing earth from deposits to the workshops would require easy access by canoe, particularly to salt sources located further away from the workshops. (3) Processing the salty earth or salitre would require well-defined workshops, probably including an important residential function, with stone or adobe architecture and extended flat surfaces used to mix different kinds of soils, as well as features for leaching the earth. Among the archaeological markers associated with this part of the process we might be able to find fuel remains and ash concentrations, great quantities of pots used for boiling brine (chemical analysis could aid in their identification as salt-making vessels), large hearth stones, and evidence of large-scale earth-mixing operations. (4) Packing the crystallized salt was probably carried out in or near the workshop. A possible archaeological marker of this activity would be the presence of abundant concentrations of low-quality, mass-produced pottery vessels; we might also expect to find the workshops where this “throw-away” pottery was made. (5) The final step, salt consumption, would be characterized by small amounts of salt-making pottery that may have been used to pack the crystallized salt. This pottery would probably be found throughout the area supplied by the saltworks.

B. Solar evaporation method. (1) Brine evaporation could have been facilitated by means of artificial pans or ponds (identifiable in the archaeological record by low stone or sand walls), and substantial quantities of large, shallow ceramic vessels with no traces of exposure to fire. Production facilities using the solar evaporation method may also be characterized by a greater concentration of salt on the surface, which would show up in aerial photographs. Other diagnostic features would consist of dispersed concentrations of pottery and lithic remains on the surface linked to seasonal settlements with artefacts for food preparation (i.e. pottery griddles and pots), but probably lacking permanent architecture and hearths. (2) Excavation of crusts of salitre would entail the presence of broken stone “knives”, tools for stone (obsidian) knapping, or worn-down stone scrapers. (3) Salt processing. The workshops where the actual salt-processing took place would probably be located near the salt sources. What we do not know is the proportion of soil matrix needed and the cleansing processes required to remove dust and other impurities, or to what extent the product could be transported to more permanent workshops to be pulverized, cleaned, and so on. If transportation was in bulk, then it would be important to have canoe access to the workshop area. The artefacts and features linked to these activities are difficult to predict. (4) Packing the final product. This final step would not have been necessary if the salt was being transported in “block” form, but if it was pulverized before transportation, some kind of cheap container would be needed (for instance clay vessels, textiles, or reed baskets). (5) Residences for salt-makers. In the case of seasonal salt production, any place at a distance of one day of travel or so from the production area would be convenient for the salt-makers’ dwellings. For more permanent production, the houses would have had to be located in the same area of the coast as the workshops (the largest workshops could show evidence of permanent residence). (6) There is no certainty regarding the archaeological remains produced by salt consumption. If salt was packed in clay pots, then fragments of these should be found at consumption sites throughout the study area. The above information (cf. Parsons 1994, 1996, 2001), presents a processual perspective that integrates ethnographic and archaeological information with respect to a specific research problem. Parsons’ data on the Basin of Mexico are highly relevant for the rest of Mesoamerica, including Michoacán, so this ethnoarchaeological information should be taken into account when designing field research linked to the subject of salt production.

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Chapter V Salt as a Factor for the Expansion of the Tarascan Empire

This chapter uses archaeological, ethnohistorical and ethnographic information from the Tarascan area, Central Mexico, and other parts of Mesoamerica in an attempt to help us understand the social, political and economic systems of the Protohistoric Tarascan state. Another aim of this chapter is to contextualize salt trade and tribute in a wider context, and to understand the role played by salt, together with other strategic or scarce resources, in the expansion of the Tarascan Empire. Background At the beginning of the 16th century, broad extensions of Western Mexico were under the political aegis of the Tarascan Empire, known as Irechecua Tzintzuntzani, the second most powerful empire in Mesoamerica after the Aztec Triple Alliance (Pollard 1993, 2009). In 1522, the king (called irecha, or cazonci) ruled an area of over 75,000 km2 that encompassed the greater part of the current state of Michoacán and portions of the states of Jalisco, Guanajuato, Colima and Guerrero (Pollard 1993: Map 12). During the Protohistoric period (ca. 14501530), the Tarascan state may have been the most strongly centralized polity in Mesoamerica; indeed, the Tarascan kingdom is an example of state formation that shared some characteristics with ancient complex societies; namely, a high degree of centralization of power and economic activities, and a rapid expansion. But its process of state formation cannot be understood outside its historical and ecological contexts (Pollard 1993:181). The core geopolitical area of the Tarascan Empire was in the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin, where more than 90 communities were located that had a combined population of between 60,000 and 105,000 inhabitants (Pollard 2003a). At a certain point around the year 1440, the first steps were taken towards the institutionalization of military conquests and the development of a tributary state (Pollard 1995), which entailed creating an administrative bureaucracy and dispatching members of the nobility to the newlyconquered territories. In the following decades, the state undertook a military expansion through which the ruling elite conquered and annexed the central part of Michoacán (Pollard 2003a). By the 16th century, the Tarascan state had achieved a high level of political centralization and an almost absolute control over its territory. The central administration of the state was localized at Tzintzuntzan, the capital city, where the king had his court, dispensed justice, and received emissaries from outside his territories. The court included members of the Tarascan nobility in a series of hierarchically organized offices. Under this royal court

was an extended bureaucracy staffed by members of the nobility and plebeians (Pollard 2003a). The Tarascan “nation” was divided into two major groups: on the one hand, the “nobility”, which consisted of two interrelated families that belonged to the royal lineage and, on the other, the common people. Within the nobility there were several strata: civil administrators, various groups of artisans, and probably a group of professional merchants as well (Beltrán 1982:79). At the summit of the Tarascan social structure was the irecha, or king, with his court. The royal palace was the centre of activity and focus of the tributary networks and redistribution systems. The nobility seems to have been divided into two segments: those who served in the irecha’s court, and the administrators of the tributary system. In second place in terms of importance came the “captain general for wars” who organized the irecha’s military campaigns, and was followed in third place by the main priest or petámuti, who had a very high status in Tarascan society (Beltrán 1982:84-85). Since the palace was the centre of the kingdom’s fiscal activities, the office of the ocambecha, or general tax collector, was also particularly significant. This official supervised the taxes paid by each barrio or quarter (ward). In addition to the officials named above, there were four preeminent lords –possibly relatives of the irecha– who managed the kingdom, which was divided into four provinces. The royal court included other lords, called achaecha, who often accompanied the irecha, and may have been his direct relatives, although their function within the government is not clear. Another group was formed by the guanguairecha, or warriors. Finally, the caracha capacha were caciques or local chieftains named by the king to govern towns within the Tarascan territory; their main function was to make sure that all subjects paid their taxes on time (Beltrán 1982:86-88). Demographic pressure may have been one of the motives that help explain the expansion of the Tarascan Empire, since the population of the Tarascan territory during the Protohistoric period far exceeded the carrying capacity of the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin, so food had to be imported through the tribute system. The desire to obtain a wide range of rare or exotic resources was also a factor behind the state’s expansion. Among these goods were salt, copper, gold, silver, cinnabar, chalchihuites (green stones), honey, wax, cacao, cotton, feathers, skins, axin (insects of the species Coccus axin, used as ingredient in cosmetics, dyes and other similar uses), vegetable fats and gums, and resins (such as copal). All these goods were found in the conquered territories (Smith 1996:139).

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production Administrative control was performed through a series of centres, each one with several dependent communities. These administrative centres reported directly to the palace at Tzintzuntzan, and each one had several towns, villages and dispersed hamlets under its control. The administrative hierarchy was divided into five levels. The power of the central dynasty was directly linked to the chieftains in each one of the minor administration centres, and direct control of decision-making could reach down even to the hamlet level (Pollard 2003a). As the territory under the direct control of the state became greater, the political and economic success of the Tarascans during the Protohistoric period depended on the successful integration of several communities that was necessary to ensure the efficient economic exploitation of towns and natural resources, and to protect the integrity of the state’s borders. In the core area (the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin), local chiefs handled the centralized administration directly, and this region seems to have been under the direct control of the political capital (Pollard 2003a). Around this core area was an “assimilation area” that in terms of government reveals an entirely different political situation from the core area. Many basic resources required to forge the identity of the elite came from the latter area, including tropical fruits, cacao, cotton, copal, jaguar skins, tropical bird feathers, gold, silver, copper and tin. This zone was absorbed through state expansion in the 15th century, and became increasingly strategic for the maintenance of Tarascan elite society (Pollard 2003a). There were several channels in the Tarascan Empire that facilitated the circulation of goods and services, though under constant state supervision. These mechanisms included long-distance traders, the tribute system, and various mechanisms through which the royal dynasty assigned aquatic and land resources to certain members of the population. In addition, there were local and regional markets that apparently supplied many kinds of goods to large territories, some located beyond the limits of the state itself (Pollard 2000:77). The important role of tribute in the economy of preHispanic states such as the Tarascan or the Aztec Empires cannot be exaggerated, especially during the Protohistoric period. Eric Wolf (1982:76) has described three basic modes of production, which he classifies as capitalist, tributary, and kinship-based. In discussing the tributary mode of production, which best represents the situation in Mesoamerica on the eve of the Spanish Conquest, he pointed out that in the 15th century the world’s primary agricultural areas were under the control of states whose existence was based on the extraction of surplus production from primary producers by political rulers or military leaders. At the apex of the system was a ruling elite that received the surplus, controlled the strategic aspects of the production process –irrigation systems, for instance– and wielded some means of coercion, such as an army (Wolf 1982:80).

In discussing the Aztec political economy, Pedro Carrasco wrote that in ancient Mesoamerica the political aspect of economic organization was very important, based as it was on a highly-developed tribute system, huge royal warehouses, great state-organized public works, and public lands owned by the king or some similar social or political entity. Thus, the key aspect of economic organization in ancient Mexico was the fact that it was directed and regulated by a political organ. The economy was based on a structure of domination defined by the existence of two main strata: the nobility, or ruling class, that controlled the material means of production, and the commoners, a working class politically- and economically-dependent on the nobility. In Carrasco’s perspective on ancient political economy, the fundamental means of production –land and labour– were both firmly under the control of the political organ (Carrasco 1978:15, 23-24). The way in which many archaic states were organized in order to make tribute extraction more efficient was by forming empires. Following Robert McC. Adams, by “empire” we mean a particular kind of state system whose main objective is to channel resources from subject polities to a ruling class that derives its authority from the exercise of military power. One distinctive feature of empires is their attempt to monopolize the flow of goods over extensive regions through economic strategies –such as the control of markets– or the use of force (Adams 1979:59, cited in Hodge 1996). While the main concern of such empires was territorial expansion, assuring internal control and protecting their borders were also key aspects that entailed maintaining a full-time army, as well as fortifications to guarantee the integrity of its territories (Hassig 1985:90) by repelling foreign aggressions. However, the Mesoamerican states that existed in the Postclassic period did not have such formal, full-time armies,33 and did not occupy all the lands under their dominion. In this regard they were similar to the Roman Empire, which did not fortify or protect the total extent of its territories but, rather, formed a core area of direct control (called the “territorial empire”) that was surrounded by zones of diplomatic control characterized by an interior area composed of “client states”, and an exterior one made up of “client tribes”. Roman troops functioned as a campaign army, always available to respond to threats, more than as an occupying force tied down to the land. Hence, this empire was based more on political than territorial control (Hassig 1985:92). Like the Roman Empire, the Aztecs did not have to constantly deploy their army in the conquered territories, since the threat of its force was usually more than enough to insure the obedience of the client states (Hassig 1985:93).

  Aztec warriors are not considered professional soldiers, since they were not engaged in this activity full-time. Whenever necessary, the “army” was formed from among the common people. This lack of a full-time military force made it difficult for the capital of the empire to impose its political directives on the conquered territories and made centralization virtually impossible (Hassig 1985:90-91). 33

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Chapter V Salt as a Factor for the Expansion of the Tarascan Empire The Aztec imperial system was based more on political influence and dominion than on strict territorial control. This fact is explained in part by the limitations of Mesoamerican technology. The polities of this cultural area had no efficient means of transportation and so were limited in terms of the space from which they could efficiently extract tribute; a circumstance that decreased the economic benefits of incorporating extensive regions. The Aztecs thus opted to exercise a hegemonic rather than territorial form of control, and this produced an imperial mechanism with unique characteristics. This hegemonic empire was more like an alliance of states than a monolithic institution constructed to obtain tribute from conquered peoples (Hassig 1988:17, 26). Among the Aztecs, territorial control over conquered lands was achieved with different degrees of intensity and through various means. The result was not a uniform or monolithic entity but, rather, a complex web of political, social and economic relationships forged through several strategies, which included the following: (1) political strategies that were used by the state to strengthen its power and control the empire’s core area (for instance, forging alliances with neighbouring states); (2) economic strategies designed primarily to procure riches for the state, and exemplified most clearly by the development of tribute systems; (3) border strategies in which, on the one hand, client states in strategic provinces helped repel attacks by the empire’s enemies through the creation of “buffer” zones and, on the other, the state created and maintained fortresses along its borders; and, (4) what we might call an “elitist” strategy based on the creation of a network of local elites that linked virtually the entire empire, purposefully developed and promoted by the state and members of the elite who benefited from such relationships (Smith and Berdan 1996:1, 8). To better understand the nature of the Aztec and Tarascan states during the Protohistoric period in Mesoamerica, it may be helpful to briefly highlight certain contrasts with another vast empire that existed around the same time: the Inca state based in Peru, since it did not share many basic aspects or important features of the formers’ imperial structure. The Incas constructed a territorial empire in which land and labour were the two main sources of wealth. Local communities were incorporated into the imperial state, which levied taxes on several wealthproducing resources. The Inca state expropriated some of the croplands, pastures and herds that had belonged to its subject communities and placed them at the disposal of the nobility. Finally, whole communities were relocated in order to satisfy the strategic and economic needs of state authorities. The objective of the Inca Empire’s domination strategies was to deprive subject communities of their means of production (Patterson 1991:99-101). In order to achieve this goal, the empire relied on a full-time army with professional soldiers, unlike the situation in Mesoamerica (Patterson 1987:119).

As an example of this process we can mention the fact that much of the work force living in Cuzco, the Inca capital, consisted of mitimaes, people from other regions transported en masse to the Cuzco Valley. These forced migrants formed part of the labour force, and also tended the Inca Emperor’s vast herds. In reality a form of social engineering, the mitimae system played a vital role in the process of conquest, as it helped pacify newly-acquired lands by removing troublesome residents and replacing them with loyal vassals (Davies 2010:235-236). This level of centralized control and social planning over conquered territories was never known in ancient Mesoamerica. Trade, Tribute and Transportation within the Tarascan Empire Returning to Mesoamerica and the topic of resources, we find that Weigand (see Williams and Weigand 2004) distinguishes two broad categories: those he calls “strategic” because they include the “most basic and imponderable goods available to specific sociocultural entities: water, land, and the demographic profile per se…”; and others classified as “scarce”, and defined as, “culturally defined goods, available in nature either directly or by exchange…” In this regard, we must recall that the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin, the core area of the Tarascan Empire, lacked natural sources of salt; a fact that transformed this mineral into a “strategic” resource that the state had to procure outside its immediate area, and then transport to the most heavilypopulated zones. Also, it was necessary to regulate its consumption and insure steady and uninterrupted supplies. In this section we discuss three of the most important mechanisms for the exchange of salt and other scarce or strategic resources: the market, long-distance trade, and the tribute system. Western Mexico was an integral part of Mesoamerica, so the study of the production and exchange of scarce goods and strategic resources must be framed within the cultural and historical context of this broad area (Williams 1994, 2004b). The great ecological and geographic diversity found in Mesoamerica made trade and exchange between regions an indispensable part of life from very early times, for virtually no single area had, or could produce, all the elements necessary for subsistence. The most drastic contrast was between the ecological conditions in the cold highlands and the warm lowlands and coastal areas (Sanders and Price 1968). Both trade and the extraction of tribute through military means functioned from early times in Mesoamerica as mechanisms for the exchange of people, information and cultural goods between regions, in a context of ill-defined borders that separated multiple social systems (Blanton et al. 1981:60). The Market Many historical sources from the 16th century seem to suggest the existence of specific market days and other means of regulating trade in Tarascan communities of the Protohistoric period, although marketplaces per se are 119

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production rarely mentioned. It is highly likely that there was a market system which integrated most of the communities in the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin, including the city of Tzintzuntzan. According to the Relación de Michoacán, there was a palace official who was entrusted with overseeing all markets, and was responsible for acquiring sumptuary goods for the king, such as fine feathers and gold (Beltrán 1982:163). The economic networks in the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin were defined by the presence of markets, like two that are mentioned in the Relación de Michoacán: Tzintzuntzan and Pareo. The Relación also mentions markets in Uruapan, Naranjan and Asajo. The first two were quite distant from the basin, so they affected the lake area’s trade networks only peripherally. Asajo, in contrast, was located on the northwest margin of the basin, and incorporated several lakeside settlements in its orbit of influence (Gorenstein and Pollard 1983:38-40). The most important source of information on Tarascan economic networks in the Protohistoric period is the aforementioned Relación de Michoacán (written around 1540; see Alcalá 2008). Although this book contains relatively few references to markets, when it is consulted in conjunction with the Relaciones geográficas of 15791581 (see Acuña 1987) it becomes possible to identify and locate the marketplaces mentioned above. In fact, the Relación de Michoacán includes an illustration of the Asajo market that reminds us of many modern regional markets. Information as to the size of Tarascan markets is almost entirely lacking, as is data on the role of the government in their functioning and control. We can assume, however, that the market in Tzintzuntzan must have contained both manufactured and elite goods linked to the numerous artisans who lived in that capital city (Gorenstein and Pollard 1983:98). It has been argued that the scarce mention of markets in the ethnohistorical literature and the scanty archaeological evidence of marketplaces mean that these were not as important for the economic structure of Tzintzuntzan as they were in contemporaneous centres in the Central Highlands (Pollard 1980:682). But marketplaces are notoriously difficult to identify in Mesoamerican archaeological sites because exchange relationships are generally invisible in the archaeological record (Hirth 2009). However, it is highly likely that in the lake Pátzcuaro Basin many goods and services did indeed flow through markets. The following is a list of some of the trade goods found in Tarascan markets, according to historical sources: maize, beans, chili peppers, amaranth, fruits from the region, ducks, feathers from local birds, fish, cotton, cloth, clothing, slaves, prepared food, and domestic services. Several goods that were used by the general population but were not available locally must also have been imported through regional market networks. These included black and red obsidian, flint, jasper, agate, opal, lime and salt, all of which have been identified as market imports because

they do not appear in tribute lists (Gorenstein and Pollard 1983:100-101). According to Hassig, the regional market played a very important role in the Mesoamerican economy, as there one could find merchandise both exotic and commonplace. Regional markets had a more significant position in the economic hierarchy than local or ordinary ones located in the head towns, and some achieved such a prominent role that they became famous for selling one product in particular (Hassig 1985:110). A recent study of Mesoamerican markets by Feinman and Garraty (2010) may provide perspectives that will allow us to better understand trade and exchange among the Tarascan people. In the case of the Aztecs, for instance, we know that the Tlatelolco market was always full of people who frequented it because of the wide range of products, both local and exotic in origin, available there. Tlatelolco was at the apex of a hierarchical market network where several currencies circulated, including copper axes, fine textiles, and cacao beans. Long-Distance Trade The exchange of goods transported over long distances was one of the most important economic activities for Mesoamerican states. The ethnohistorical sources dealing with the Aztecs allow us to see how during the Late Postclassic period this commercial activity contributed to the prosperity of Tenochtitlan. In that city’s market one could find exotic goods brought from all over Mesoamerica mainly by long-distance Aztec traders known as pochteca, who operated both inside Aztec territories and beyond their borders. This activity was closely linked with imperialism, and sumptuary goods played a fundamental sociopolitical role in that society. The exchange of sumptuary goods among Postclassic elites had an integrating function, as it fostered interregional communication and social and political stratification (Smith 1990:153-163). The archaeological information on Aztec trade with several areas of Mesoamerica discussed by Smith (1990) suggests the existence of merchants and market systems that functioned as mechanisms for the dispersion of luxury Aztec pottery and many other commodities. Those trade networks reached far and wide, including territories under the control of enemies, or peoples never conquered by the Aztec Triple Alliance. These archaeological finds point towards a commercial activity that was independent of state control (Smith 1990:165). The pochteca were in charge of transporting goods from the far ends of the Aztec empire, including a whole range of high-status items, as well as scarce and strategic goods, among which we know of the following: richly decorated capes and skirts, tropical bird feathers, gold objects, necklaces, ear flares, obsidian blades and knives, seashells, coral, needles (made of copper, shell or bone), animal skins, herbs and dyes, slaves and, finally, fine jewellery 120

Chapter V Salt as a Factor for the Expansion of the Tarascan Empire made of jade, jadeite and turquoise (Smith 1998:123). According to the Codex Mendoza, every year a total of 10 masks and five objects made of turquoise arrived at the Aztec capital, paid as tribute by several provinces of the empire (Smith 1998: Table 7.2; see also Ross 1984:53, 56, 58, 59, 61 on turquoise beads). Among the Tarascans, long-distance merchants sponsored by the state also constituted an institutional mechanism through which goods flowed towards the imperial capital. The royal house employed these merchants to procure scarce goods, some of which could only be found in the remote reaches of the empire, or even outside its territorial boundaries (Pollard 1993:119). Among the sumptuary goods carried by such Tarascan merchants we can mention: cacao, animal skins, seashells, tropical bird feathers, turquoise, peyote, rock crystal, serpentine, amber, pyrite, jadeite, gold, silver, copal, green and red obsidian, and slaves (Pollard 2003a, 1993:119). The more distant the sources of a given product, the fewer its distribution channels and, in all likelihood, the more restricted its use. The function of these sumptuary imports was, at least to some extent, to mark and maintain status differences between members of the elite and the rest of society (Pollard 2003a). Those long-distance traders often travelled to the limits of Tarascan territory, including Zacatula on the Pacific coast and Taximaroa on the border with the Aztecs, their mortal enemies, but there is no evidence that they crossed those borders while pursuing their commercial enterprises (Pollard 2000:171). It is well known that trade networks and routes were quite extensive throughout Mesoamerica during the Postclassic period. The pochteca, for instance, routinely journeyed from Central Mexico to Guatemala in the south and Chaco Canyon (New Mexico)34 in the north (Hassig 1985:116), so it should come as no surprise that Tarascan traders also traversed extensive territories, as discussed below (see also Williams and Weigand 2004; Williams 2004b). However, not all long-distance trade was sanctioned by the state. Indeed, there was a high level of exchange of products between hamlets inhabited by fishers near the coast and highland towns, particularly in Tierra Caliente (i.e., the Hotlands of the Tepalcatepec River Basin). Although it is not clear just how or where this exchange took place, historical sources do not mention any kind of state intervention in this informal trade (Beltrán 1982:165). The Lienzo de Jucutacato is an especially important source of information on long-distance trade among the Tarascans during the Protohistoric period and shortly thereafter (Roskamp 2001). This Lienzo shows the main communication routes between the Tierra Caliente of Michoacán and the capital of the Tarascan state. In pre  There is no ethnohistorical evidence of the presence of Aztec traders in the southwestern United States, though it has been postulated tentatively based on archaeological remains (Reyman 1978). 34

Hispanic times, the Tierra Caliente was highly esteemed for its richness in natural resources, such as gold, silver, copper, salt, precious feathers, cacao and cotton. Copper minerals were especially plentiful near the Tepalcatepec and Balsas Rivers (Roskamp 2001). In the mid-15th century, independent chiefdoms in the Balsas River area were gradually incorporated into the Tarascan Empire. At the same time, the Aztecs were showing great interest in the area, and around 1476-1477 penetrated into Tarascan territory as far as the environs of the present-day city of Morelia, where they were defeated and forced to retreat (Roskamp 2003:64-65). As mentioned previously, transportation costs in Mesoamerica were relatively high, and that made it difficult to develop a macro-regional food economy, like the ones that existed in Europe and China (Blanton et al. 1981). Transport of all products in Mesoamerica was always performed by human porters, because there were no beasts of burden. In central Mexico, these porters were called tlamemes, and they carried all sorts of merchandise from one place to another. We do not know the exact weight of the loads they usually bore, but in the 16th century Bernal Díaz del Castillo wrote that a tlameme carried around two arrobas (ca. 23 kg) over a distance of five leagues (2128 km) before being relieved of his burden (see Hassig 1985:28-32). However, such figures must be evaluated with caution, since there is a great deal of variation in both the size of the loads and the distances traversed recorded in documents from that period, especially according to the type of terrain (mountains, gullies, jungle, forest, desert, etcetera), climatic conditions, and other factors that could hinder the porters’ progress (Hassig 1985:33). Lawrence Feldman coined the phrase “tumpline economy” to refer to the transport of goods in Mesoamerica, because it was based on land portage on the backs of human bearers; a practice that subsisted in parts of Mesoamerica until the early 20th century. According to Feldman (1985), the weight of the merchandise rested on the shoulders of porters who used a mecapal (i.e. tumpline, a 3-inch-wide leather strap) to carry great loads over a distance of two or three leagues along well-defined routes. The strap, which went around the porter’s forehead, was attached to a net or similar container made of palm fibre or reeds that hung from his head and was supported on his back. The tlamemes of the pre-Hispanic period formed a lowstatus occupational stratum that worked as professional, organized bearers with established norms for the types and weights of loads, periodic rests and burdens appropriate to the distance and conditions of the roads. They carried elite goods, such as cacao and gold, but also everyday items like maize and cotton (Hassig 1985:39). The distance travelled and load weights were inversely proportional. Though very heavy burdens may have been transported in pre-Hispanic times, this did not necessarily mean greater efficiency, since more porters would have been required to cover the same distance (Hassig 1985). 121

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production Robert Drennan (1984a) calculated that a load of 20 kg brought maximum efficiency, though burdens of up to 50 kg are mentioned for some areas of Mesoamerica. The loads carried by the tlamemes of the Aztec pochteca were not very heavy. Drennan (1984a) suggests an average weight of 30 kg taken over a distance of 36 km. According to this author, transport costs in the middle Formative and Classic periods (ca. 500 BC-AD 1000) meant that transporting food could not have been the primary reason for using tlameme labour; rather, the goods that moved over long distances on the backs of those porters were elite products, luxury items, or objects of ritual importance, as well as strategic resources, such as obsidian. Indeed, Drennan (1984b:39) argues that if maize were carried over such long distances, the porter would have had to consume more energy than the very food he was carrying contained! Drennan’s view, however, contrasts with Hassig’s approach discussed above. Likewise, ethnographic information published by Carl Lumholtz some one hundred years ago contradicts many aspects of the theoretical reconstructions of carrying capacity and maximum distances covered by the ancient tlamemes that Drennan proposed (see also Sluyter 1993). During his travels in Michoacán, Lumholtz once encountered a huacalero –a kind of longdistance porter and trader– who was carrying his wares through the mountains of the Sierra Madre. He wrote that the huacaleros usually travelled on foot along routes between the Sierra Tarasca and Mexico City, Guadalajara, Acapulco, Colima and Tepic. In earlier times, those Tarascan traders travelled as far north as New Mexico and south to Guatemala and Yucatán. We learn that the round trip to and from Paracho, Michoacán, to Mexico City took one month (a distance of roughly 400 km as the crow flies). The average distance travelled per day was 48-to64 km while carrying a 63-kg load35 (Lumholtz 1986:358360). J. Charles Kelley considered all this information on carrying capacity and the distances likely covered by pre-Hispanic tlamemes to be extremely valuable, though in both cases the figures mentioned are much higher than those suggested by archaeologists. It is important to point out that the huacaleros did not consume the goods they carried on their backs, but subsisted during their treks by eating a variety of wild foods and relying on the hospitality of people in the localities they passed along the way (Kelley 2000:137). The Tribute System The Tarascan state’s tribute network was the most important institution for obtaining wealth. Through it, tribute flowed from all corners of the empire to the royal coffers in Tzintzuntzan. According to Pollard (1993:116), this network was centralized, hierarchically organized, and primarily a political institution. The goods that circulated in the form of tribute traversed several levels before finally reaching the capital.   However, one huacalero told Lumholtz that he once carried a load of 86 kg from Colima to Morelia in six days (Lumholtz 1986:360). 35

Tribute goods went from producers dispersed throughout the kingdom to medium-sized collection centres (called cabeceras or head towns in 16th-century documents), before eventually arriving in Tzintzuntzan. Some of those goods, especially obsidian artefacts, fine ceramics and metal objects (copper, bronze, silver and gold), were later commercialized through markets, or redistributed in different directions, but most tribute was consumed by the ruling class. Likely exceptions were textiles and food, which were distributed during important ritual occasions (Beltrán 1982:161-162). The tribute system proved to be an excellent mechanism for integrating several geographic regions and different ecological niches, especially the hot lowlands with the temperate highlands. Because the system was designed to permit the circulation of elite goods, it led to the accumulation of wealth by the ruling stratum of society; though the ceremonial obligations and political control exercised by the authorities over the distribution of this wealth considerably limited the possibility that a minority might become rich at the expense of the common people solely through the tribute system (Beltrán 1982:162-163). According to Pollard (2003a), apart from the tribute networks there were other institutional channels through which goods and services flowed: namely, long-distance merchants, the state’s own agricultural lands and mines, and gift exchange. However, taxes, paid both in kind and services, were the most important source of revenue for the political economy and provided the principal support for the state apparatus. It is clear that the tribute system was totally controlled by the ruling dynasty, which utilized an extensive bureaucracy to manage tax collection and assure timely compliance of all obligations. The goods most frequently found in 16th-century tribute rolls include maize, cotton cloth and clothes, slaves, victims for sacrifice, domestic services, metal objects, weapons, tropical fruits, cacao, raw cotton, gourds, animal skins, tropical bird feathers, gold, silver, copper, salt, beans, chili peppers, rabbits, turkeys, honey, wine from the maguey plant (Agave sp.), feathers from local bird species, and clay vessels (Pollard 2003a). The fact is that the ultimate objective of military conquest was to widen the field for gathering tribute. This system was organized as a pyramid, with Tzintzuntzan at the top and various cabeceras directly beneath it. The caciques (chieftains) were obliged to collect tribute from their respective subject towns and send it to the capital in a timely fashion. This was supervised by the ocambecha or tax collector. Artisans and merchants paid tribute in kind from their respective crafts or products, and were exempt from providing services, except in times of extreme need (Beltrán 1982:154-156). In central Mexico during the late Postclassic, as in other areas of Mesoamerica, including Michoacán, tribute was influenced by several factors: 1) the antiquity of conquest and the distance from the capital, with the nearer 122

Chapter V Salt as a Factor for the Expansion of the Tarascan Empire provinces obliged to pay largely in food and clothing; 2) the availability of the required goods, since tribute was usually paid in products that were readily available in each province; and, 3) resistance to conquest or rebellion, for if a town resisted or attempted to escape from this yoke, its taxes would be increased as punishment. Usually, the tribute districts closer to the capital paid with large amounts of bulky but often low-value goods, while more distant regions provided elite products that were of great value, but in low volumes (Hassig 1985). In order to comprehend the nature of the Mesoamerican tribute system, we must first understand the logic of warfare in this cultural area, since war was the primary mechanism that sustained the flow of goods towards the capitals of different empires. As noted above, military conquest was not designed to gain absolute control over extensive territories, but only firm control of political centres, since once a head town was subdued all its dependent territories automatically became subject lands as well. This allowed tribute to be gathered from a broad region simply by conquering the regional ruling centre, often with no need to modify local power structures (Hassig 1985:103). Circulation of Rare and Strategic Resources within the Tarascan Empire This section deals with the circulation of several scarce or strategic goods within the Tarascan territory for which we have archaeological information, and in some cases historical sources as well. These goods are obsidian, metals (primarily copper), and turquoise.36 The objective is to reconstruct at least in part the distributive system, whether commercial or tributary, through which salt could have flowed from production centres to the state capital. This approach is necessary because salt itself, as we have already explained, is an “invisible” substance in the archaeological record, for it leaves no direct material traces of its production, trade or consumption. Obsidian

warfare. In all cases in which obsidian is mentioned as part of the tribute received by the Aztec Empire, it is pointed out that it was used for making several kinds of arms, mainly the macuahuitl, a sword-like implement made of wood with sharp obsidian blades inserted on both edges (Healan 1993:460). While on the topic of obsidian, it is important to note that the Tarascan territory is an eminently volcanic region, so there is an abundance of geological products of igneous activity, like obsidian. From very early times, the inhabitants of Mesoamerica discovered the virtues of this mineral, and Michoacán was no exception (Healan 1994, 2011). However, not all obsidian was of the same quality, so there were systems and routes of exchange among several regions within and beyond the area we now know as Michoacán. For instance, obsidian from the deposits near the present-day towns of Ucareo and Zinapécuaro in northwestern Michoacán has been identified in archaeological contexts widely dispersed in space and time. This obsidian appears to have been an important component of the lithic assemblages in Central Mexico, Oaxaca, and other regions, and reached as far south as the Maya Lowlands. During the Late Classic and Epiclassic periods, Ucareo-Zinapécuaro seems to have been the main source of obsidian for Xochicalco, Morelos, Tula, Hidalgo, and many sites in the Basin of Mexico, as well as on the coast of Oaxaca and northern Yucatán (Healan 2004). Unfortunately, information on the mechanisms through which obsidian travelled over such great distances is scanty, though Pollard has suggested the following scenario based on the distribution of obsidian artefacts and debitage (i.e. small fragments produced by knapping), as well as ethnohistorical accounts: that the obsidian obtained inside the empire was distributed through regional market systems, while the mineral that arrived from outside the Tarascan territory was acquired by long-distance merchants, probably under direct state control (Pollard et al. 2001:292).

Technology in Mesoamerica faced a whole series of limiting factors in comparison to that of the Old World. The main handicaps we must take into account are the absence of beasts of burden, and the non-existence of the technological complex derived from iron smelting. Thus, it could be said that Mesoamerica never achieved a level of development beyond that of the Neolithic period of the Old World (cfr. Clark 1977), in which rocks such as obsidian functioned as raw material for all kinds of tools: axes, knives, blades, projectile points, etcetera. One activity that was sponsored by the state and required huge amounts of obsidian objects was the manufacture of weapons for

Although the obsidian deposits at Ucareo and Zinapécuaro were inside the area that was under the direct control of Tzintzuntzan’s royal dynasty, very little Tarascan ceramic material has been found in the area of obsidian extraction. According to Healan (2004), this coincides with ethnohistorical information that mentions the existence of a relatively small number of Tarascans in this particular region at the time of the Spanish conquest. Healan believes that this situation may reflect the ability of the Tarascan Empire to exploit this resource by levying taxes –a practice characteristic of hegemonic empires– which would have obviated any need for large contingents of Tarascans in the producing sites (Healan 2004, 1997).

  There are no natural turquoise deposits in the area ruled by the Tarascan Empire; in fact, the main deposits are in the Southwestern United States. But we have included this mineral because its longdistance trade was probably influenced –if not regulated– by the Tarascans, since the main trade routes crossed the core area of the Tarascan Empire (Weigand 1995).

In addition to the obsidian deposits at Ucareo-Zinapécuaro, there were others of equal importance, such as those at Zináparo-Varal in the northwestern Tarascan area (Darras 1994). According to Pollard and Vogel (1994), the use of these quarries seems to reflect both the regularization of

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production markets and specialization in obsidian distribution. The Tarascan capital and sites on the eastern frontier obtained grey-black obsidian from Ucareo-Zinapécuaro, while other regions in the empire obtained theirs from Zináparo-Varal. This fact could mean that most of the obsidian produced in the region discussed here moved through distinct trade districts that may have covered areas beyond the territorial limits of the state. This was possible thanks to market patterns, not to tribute or long-distance merchants. On the other hand, unlike the grey-black variety, green obsidian may have been acquired by long-distance traders using intermediaries, or by other merchants who gathered stones from many sources (Pollard and Vogel 1994:171-173). According to Healan (2011), although it is often argued that control over obsidian sources played an important role in the political economy of many Mesoamerican societies, there is in fact little evidence in the archaeological literature of restricted access to obsidian sources. Apparently, the most convincing indicator of monopolistic control of a source in Western Mexico comes from Teuchitlán and its obsidian quarries at La Mora, Jalisco (Weigand et al. 2004). However, we should bear in mind that this obsidian is found in contemporary sites in such a way that suggests it was obtained directly from the source itself, rather than from Teuchitlán workshops (Healan 2011:200). Metals Metallurgy probably appeared in Western Mexico before it did in other areas of Mesoamerica, going back to the Late Classic (between ca. AD 600 and 800; Hosler 1998:321, 1994a:263). Metal objects (copper, bronze, gold, and silver) were fundamental items for communicating the symbolism of social and political power, as well as indicators of membership in the elite stratum of society. Metal objects were often sacred and indispensable for the performance of religious ceremonies. They were also elements of wealth that could be stored and transported. Control over the production, distribution and consumption of metal artefacts, both utilitarian (needles, awls, tweezers, axes, burins, fishhooks, etcetera) and ornamental (bells, beads, earrings, rings, and pins, among others), was strategic for the ruling elites, as it fostered the centralization of power (Pollard 1987:741). Great quantities of gold, silver and copper objects were stored in the royal palace. In fact, most metal objects were held in the city of Tzintzuntzan and other royal treasuries in the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin. Metal objects (both finished items and ingots) arrived at the royal coffers through several channels: 1) gifts given to the king by foreign visitors; 2) objects acquired by long-distance merchants acting in the name of the state; 3) gold, silver or copper ingots, or finished items, paid as tribute to chieftains (who would then send part to the capital); 4) the direct flow of copper ingots from state-controlled mines to royal storerooms; and, finally, 5) some metal objects may

have circulated through market networks, both local and regional37 (Pollard 1987:744-745). Ethnohistorical information from the Relación de Michoacán and the Relaciones geográficas, among other sources, indicates that some mining activities, as well as the smelting and production of metal objects, were undertaken by full-time specialists under direct state supervision. The production of ingots from molten ore took place in smelting centres in the Sierra Madre del Sur and the Balsas River drainage system (Guerrero), among other areas (Hosler 2004); while some manufacture of metal objects occurred in the Tarascan capital, probably at installations located inside the cazonci’s palace (Pollard et al. 2001:295). Very little archaeological attention has been paid to surveying the general area of metal production in Michoacán in order to locate mines where the metal was extracted, or workshops where it was processed in ancient times. In the mid-1980s, Dora Grimberg (1995) did conduct a survey of part of the Balsas River Basin in search of the copper mines mentioned in the Lienzo de Jucutacato (cfr. Roskamp 1998, 2001) and in some Spanish documents from the 16th century found in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, Spain. According to Grimberg, Tarascan miners lived at the foot of the hills where the mines were located. Their main activity was agriculture, and they would look for copper only when the state demanded it, later sending the metal to the capital in the form of ingots of standardized shape, which were first collected by the ocambecha and carried to Xiuhquilan (Jicalan), where metalsmiths transformed them into tools that eventually ended up in Tzintzuntzan (Grimberg 1995:262). The Tarascan state regarded political control of the main metal-producing areas of Western Mexico as a strategic priority; so it is no coincidence that the two areas with the most abundant gold and silver deposits (at the southeast and western ends of the empire, respectively) were located on the empire’s military frontiers (Pollard 1987:750). The analysis of metal artefacts found in archaeological excavations performed in Atoyac, in the Lake Sayula Basin, suggests that the copper sources used there were found in Jalisco and Michoacán. However, we do not know where the artefacts were actually made, nor who made them, because no evidence of the metallurgical process (slag, kilns, etcetera) has yet been found at Atoyac. Some metal objects, particularly Tarascan-style tweezers, were probably made in Michoacán, but no workshops have been found (Hosler 1998:325). Many objects made of copper or copper alloys found in archaeological sites in central, southern and eastern Mesoamerica were produced in Western Mexico (Hosler   Most of the gold and silver that reached the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin did so through the tribute system. This material came from distant regions: the southwestern frontier and the far western areas of the empire; the Tepalcatepec and Balsas river basins; and perhaps small amounts of silver from the Lake Cuitzeo Basin (Pollard 1987:747). 37

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Chapter V Salt as a Factor for the Expansion of the Tarascan Empire 1998:319);38 these include, for instance, the metal artefacts found in many Huastec centres in Tamaulipas, at Aztec sites in the state of Morelos, and other examples in Oaxaca and the Soconusco region of Chiapas. These objects were made primarily with minerals from Western Mexico, and it is very likely that they were forged by metalsmiths from Western Mexico as well, prior to being exported to other areas of Mesoamerica (Hosler 1998:326). During Period II of Western Mexican metallurgy (ca. AD 1200-1521), certain technological features were diffused to other regions of Mesoamerica, including artefacts, knowledge of metallurgical processes, and raw materials. Some artefacts found outside Western Mexico suggest that the main articles being exported were status markers or ritual objects, especially bells manufactured using the socalled “wire” technology. Those objects were made by artisans in the Michoacán highlands and adjacent areas of northern Guerrero, and were transported from there to a wide area that spanned the modern-day states of Morelos, Tamaulipas, Oaxaca, Chiapas, Tabasco and Yucatán, and extended as far south as Belize and Honduras. The extant documentary and archaeological information suggests that artefacts made of tin-bronze were distributed through the tribute and market systems of both Tarascans and Aztecs, while other ethnic groups (e.g. Otomí, Matlatzinca) may have functioned as commercial intermediaries (Hosler 1994a:197, 223; Pollard 2003a).

during the Classic period. In addition to extracting it themselves, they monopolized the production from other areas with the goal of exchanging it outside their territory39 (Weigand 1995:118-120).

Recent research by Blanca Maldonado (2011:304) shows that the possible presence of a domestic metal industry in the Tarascan territory suggests that the nature and degree of involvement and control of the state over metal production may have changed considerably over time and from one area of the empire to another. The predominant economic strategy appears to have been based on intermittent production, at least for some stages of the manufacture of copper objects.

The earliest find of this green gem is dated at around AD 600, but it was not until the Late Classic (ca. AD 700-900) and Early Postclassic (ca. AD 900-1200) that the use of turquoise became generalized throughout Mesoamerica. A large proportion of this turquoise came from Cerrillos, New Mexico, although there were other sources as well. Chaco Canyon seems to have controlled its distribution in an almost monopolistic way. Eventually, the peoples of the Southwest began to send finished objects made of turquoise to Mesoamerica instead of the uncut stone in bulk form; providing the first evidence of the structural integration of the Southwest into the commercial system of Mesoamerica (Harbottle and Weigand 1992:80-81).

Turquoise In his seminal study of turquoise production and trade in Mesoamerica, Weigand (1995:115) suggested that the exploration, exploitation and procurement of minerals were part of the organizational postulates of the formation of the commercial structure of ancient Mesoamerica. During the Postclassic period, turquoise overtook the other green stone coveted by Mesoamericans –jade– in terms of levels of consumption, popularity and economic importance. The mining complex at Chalchihuites, Zacatecas, probably began activities during the Early Classic period (Canutillo phase, ca. AD 200-500), and reached its apogee around the Late Classic (Alta Vista and Vesuvio phases, ca. AD 500-800). It was the traders from Chalchihuites who gave further impetus to the systematic acquisition of greenstone   Attempts to equate the chemical composition of metal artefacts with the mineral sources used in their manufacture have not been successful because the chemical composition does not always remain stable after the metal is heated for smelting, or is poured in liquid form. This makes it difficult to identify source areas for specific metal objects (Hosler 1998:321).

Although a few turquoise objects dating to the 6th century have been found in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, evidence is scarce before the 10th century AD, and the mining boom took place between 1350 or 1375 and 1600. The mines at Cerrillos, New Mexico, are the best documented ones (Mathien 2001:103-104). But turquoise was more than just a valuable possession, for in pre-Hispanic times it became a symbol of status and nobility. Turquoise is quite abundant in many archaeological finds in Mesoamerica, though there are no natural deposits of this rock in this cultural area. In fact, the largest deposits are found in the Southwestern United States and adjacent areas of northern Mexico. That there was a formal and highly-structured trade in turquoise between these regions and nuclear Mesoamerica is reflected in the fact that over a million pieces of this stone have been found by archaeological projects in the Southwest and Mesoamerica. Thanks to nuclear activation analysis, we know that many of the ones found in Mexico came from specific mines in New Mexico, Arizona and Nevada (Harbottle and Weigand 1992:78-79).

Around AD 600, miners at Chalchihuites, Zacatecas, were extracting an almost endless variety of minerals, including malachite, azurite, flint or chert, cinnabar, hematite, and probably native copper. Around one hundred years later, evidence appears of large-scale turquoise work arising in the area of Cerrillos, New Mexico, as mentioned above. At that time, the inhabitants of Alta Vista (Zacatecas) began to import large quantities of rough turquoise, also from Cerrillos. In fact, workshops where these objects were manufactured have been found in Alta Vista, including the largest ones in all of Mesoamerica dedicated to working this valuable green stone. Part of the production remained at the site, while the rest was sent to the great urban centres

38

  There are no turquoise deposits in the Chalchihuites area; the miners from this region exploited malachite and azurite. The knowledge thus gained may have enabled those experienced miners to obtain turquoise from further north, thus initiating a procurement system (Phil Weigand, pers. comm.). 39

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production of the Classic period: Teotihuacan and Cholula, among others (Harbottle and Weigand 1992: 80). Turquoise consumption continued to increase in importance in both Mesoamerica and the Southwest through the 13th century AD. In order to satisfy the growing demand, additional sources were opened and new trading sites appeared, foremost among them Casas Grandes, Chihuahua. During the Late Postclassic, the Tarascan Empire exerted control over the trade routes running along the Pacific coastal plain. Although the Tarascans may not have been directly involved in the turquoise trade, we know that this and other green stones were highly valued by their elite. Moreover, other polities may have imposed their own conditions to allow the flow of trade to run through their territories (Harbottle and Weigand 1992:80).40 The distance between the northern periphery of Mesoamerica and its central areas is considerable, but part of the journey may have been made by water using rivers, lakes or following the coastline. A second route surely ran inland, following the eastern flanks of the Sierra Madre Occidental through scarcely-populated areas with no natural barriers. In the Jalisco highlands and the Lerma River watershed, there were independent polities that would have been powerful enough to hinder progress along such trade routes. The merchants who took turquoise from northern to central Mexico may have exchanged it for a broad range of products, though archaeological evidence for this is not abundant. One trade element that has been preserved in the archaeological record consists of seashells from the Gulf of Mexico; many of which have been found in archaeological sites in the Southwest (Harbottle and Weigand 1992:82-84). Other goods obtained in exchange for turquoise were marine shells from the Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of California, parrot and macaw feathers from the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, cotton, and copper bells made in Western Mexico. Exchange of these sumptuary or scarce goods may have been controlled by regional caciques or chieftains (Plog 1997:24, 113). The main stimulus for this extensive trade originated in the demand for green stones, but once the trade routes were open other minerals were exported to the south, including garnet and peridotite. Eventually, other trade goods were added to the list: bison skins, salt, and perhaps slaves or war captives (Riley 1995:114). Weigand et al. (1977) offered a model that aids our understanding of the trade systems between the Southwest and Mesoamerica and proposes the existence of a “world system” (cfr. Smith and Berdan 2003) in which provinces with scarce resources played an active role, as did the more complex centres of civilization and consumption. According to this perspective, cultures inhabiting areas with scarce resources would have interacted politically and economically with the zones where their products

were traded. Because economy and politics can seldom be disentangled one from the other, those relationships would have had an implicit direction manifested in the cultural influences from consumption centres towards zones of scarce resources, as well as an ecological network of systematic demand, exploitation, trade, manufacture, distribution and, eventually, greater demand (Weigand et al. 1977:23). Linda Cordell (1984) states that there may have been a migration of people from Mexico to the Southwest, an argument she bases on a series of shared cultural traits that included “a well-developed ceramic complex, clay figurines, cremations, a sophisticated and lengthy canal system, excavated wells, trough metates, turquoise mosaics, and a well-developed shell industry” (Cordell 1984:162). To this list we should add ball courts, ceremonial platforms, worked copper (presumably from Western Mexico), and shells from the Gulf of Mexico (Riley 2005). Although the idea of large-scale migration is open to debate, it may explain the similarities between these two regions and the development of their closelyknit trade networks. Although Pollard (2003b) points out that there is no direct archaeological evidence to support the idea that the Tarascan state exerted control over the turquoise trade, the truth is that this stone was coveted by the Tarascan elite. One example of this is the find in Tres Cerritos – an archaeological site in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin– of an elite tomb41 that contained a veritable treasure trove of turquoise objects, including 43 plaques of irregular shape which may have been part of a mosaic since a yellowish paste that functioned as glue still adhered to them. Other items of green stone found in this tomb are 86 beads of different sizes and shapes, most of them round, and a highly-polished, thin plaque in the shape of a half-moon with two perforations that was surely part of a pectoral. The list of green stone items found there includes three trapezoidal plaques with a perforation at one end, and two moon-shaped plaques (Macías Goytia 1998:176). Turquoise has also been found in elite burials at Urichu, an important pre-Hispanic site in the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin (Pollard and Cahue 1999: Figure 10, p. 273). Finally, the Museo Michoacano (Morelia, Michoacán) has several pre-Hispanic objects (sadly with no known archaeological context) made of green stone: necklaces, beads and pectorals, all showing a high level of workmanship. Items like these were reserved for the highest stratum of Tarascan society (see illustrations in Boehm [editor] 1994:194, 209, 215). Green stones like jadeite, diorite, serpentine, and turquoise were the most important gemstones in Mesoamerica. Jade   The tombs at Tres Cerritos appear to have been utilized more than once, since they show a mixture of Teotihuacan and Tarascan cultural materials; therefore, the turquoise found there could pre-date considerably the Tarascan occupation of this site. 41

  For instance, turquoise from Cerrillos has been found in Guasave (Sinaloa), Ixtlán del Río (Nayarit), Zacoalco, and Las Cuevas (Jalisco) (Weigand 1995:124). 40

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Chapter V Salt as a Factor for the Expansion of the Tarascan Empire was the most highly-valued stone among the Olmecs of the Formative period, and was equally prized by later cultures. Green stones always had a privileged and outstanding role as, for instance, part of funerary ceremonies or in the dedication of ritually or politically important buildings. The colour of turquoise was symbolically equated with vegetation and water and so became a metaphor for life and fertility. The Aztec symbol called chalchihuitl (the name given to green stones in Nahuatl) stood for something precious. It is no coincidence that, like green quetzal feathers and jade, the most highly-valued stone among the Aztecs and other cultures of the Postclassic period was also green (Pasztory 1983:250). Among the Aztecs, three kinds of turquoise were recognized according to characteristics such as colour, sheen and texture. The most sought-after variety was called teoxiuitle, which was assumed to be constantly smoking. Regarded as belonging to the gods, it was reserved for making objects associated with the cult of one deity or another. A second kind of green stone, called xiuhtomolli, was used to make beads; while a third kind of stone of a green-white colour known as xiuhtomoltetl, was believed to have medicinal properties. Turquoise was considered precious not just because it was rare, but also because it was identified with rain deities such as Tlaloc and his consort, Chalchiuhtlicue. Finally, the blue-green colour of turquoise evoked for some Mesoamericans the blue of the water and the sky (Shelton 1988:21-22). During the Postclassic period, turquoise became not just a status symbol, but also an indispensable preciosity for the ideological reproduction and legitimization of the state. Therefore, it was among the Tarascan state’s strategic interests to ensure a constant flow of turquoise towards the royal coffers. Although this imperial power may not have monopolized the trade routes, it must have exerted some control, however indirectly. Among the Aztecs there were specialized jewellers who made masks and other precious objects. Apart from turquoise and other green stones, they required many other raw materials, such as pyrite, flint, lignite or jet (a form of coal), gold, pigments, gemstones (rubies, emeralds, garnets), shell, wood and fibres, resins such as copal, beeswax, and glue (McEwan et al. 2006:27-37). In this section we have discussed many of the rare or strategic resources on which the Protohistoric Tarascans depended for their existence, including obsidian, copper, gold, silver, turquoise, and salt, among others. As we have seen, they came from distant places, either as commodities or tribute. In both cases, many institutions were required, such as markets, long-distance merchants, tribute collectors, and a complex infrastructure of roads, bridges, porters, rest areas, fortresses, and so on, to make sure that this flow of goods was constant and beneficial for all parties involved. The state was able to establish a network of political relationships which ensured that all the items of commerce and tribute reached the capital unimpeded.

The Tarascan Empire’s expansion towards distant lands was motivated by a desire to control various scarce resources named above, which were procured through the tribute system. The list of other goods that were also important for the empire includes tin, seashells, crisacola, malachite, azurite, cinnabar, pyrite, lead, specular iron ore, opal, quartz crystals, and peyote. These were brought from Jalisco, Nayarit and Zacatecas as part of the long-distance trade system (Pollard 2003a). The Tarascans fought with determination in order to incorporate the polities in the peripheries of their territory into their sphere of political influence. During the second half of the 15th century, several military campaigns were launched against the peoples around the Lake Chapala Basin and towards Zacatula, near the Balsas River (Pollard 2003a). The middle area of the Balsas River is marked by metamorphic rocks that hold deposits of copper, tin, silver, gold, green stones and salt (Pollard 2000:71). The mouth of the Balsas River was controlled by the lord of Zacatula, and formed part of the Aztec Empire. Apparently, the Tarascans had only a small colony on the Pacific coast, but it is hard to tell to what extent that settlement was really part of the Tarascan Empire (Warren 1989:4). It is well-known that relations between Aztecs and Tarascans were not always amicable, and conditions in this area were complex at the best of times. Ethnohistorical and archaeological data seem to indicate that there were two classes of economic interaction between these two kingdoms. The first one involved goods acquired by long-distance merchants, Tarascans who travelled to the frontiers of their empire, including Zacatula on the Pacific coast and Taximaroa on the frontier with the Aztecs, to obtain sumptuary goods for the members of the elite who resided in the capital (Pollard 1993:171). In the 16th century, several communities in the Zacatula region became involved in a dispute over some salt springs. That conflict gives us an idea of the situation in this area on the strategic border between Aztecs and Tarascans. The local people paid salt as tribute to the Triple Alliance, while the Tarascans made incursions into the saltworks to take captives. The salt-making towns in this region used to pay tribute in the form of “a very white salt that was only used by the lords of Mexico” (Carrasco 1996:377). Although the frontier area was almost constantly in a state of war, this did not impede the free passage of longdistance traders in both directions. In frontier settlements such as Taximaroa, both Tarascan and Aztec traders –and Matlatzincas and Otomis as well– met to exchange their wares (Pollard 2000:73). During the last century before the Spanish invasion, the Tarascan and Aztec empires had several military clashes; but at the same time there was a considerable increase in the volume of economic interaction. These apparently contradictory processes provide a dramatic example of commercial exchange between rival polities across militarized borders. The fortress of Taximaroa was a “port of trade” (cfr. Chapman 1957) where merchants from the two empires met on a 127

The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production regular basis. Although the military frontier certainly limited the degree of political interaction, the situation was quite different regarding trade in scarce or strategic goods such as obsidian, metal, pottery, and many others, perhaps including salt. This “black market” between enemy empires shows the capacity of commercial exchange to go beyond borders and integrate otherwise hostile political systems into the greater processes of Mesoamerican civilization (Pollard and Smith 2003). Another example from the same Balsas River region is the fortress of Oztuma, which was built in the Aztec border area in order to repel Tarascan military expansion. At the end of the 15th century, the Chontal people of Oztuma maintained their socioeconomic independence and aided in the defence of the frontier by supplying the Aztecs with food, weapons and warriors (Silverstein 2001:239-240). The Oztuma fortress was virtually unassailable, since it was located on the top of a hill with cliffs on the sides and a single narrow entrance (Armillas 1991:239-240). Very few archaeological studies (unlike ethnohistorical ones) have paid attention to the military control of the TarascanAztec border; the study of Hernández Rivero (1994) is a good start, but much remains to be done in the area in this respect. At the opposite end of the Tarascan territory, the situation was very different to what we have been discussing, since there was no single mighty state like the Aztecs in this area to block the Tarascans in their quest for new lands to conquer. The saltworks at Lake Sayula were a target of Tarascan expansion around the mid-15th century, when attacks spread throughout this area of Western Mexico (present-day Colima and Jalisco). According to Brand (1993:469), “about the same time as the conquest of Zacatula (1460), the Tarascans… conquered Colima, which included the areas known in Colonial times as Motines, Zapotlán, Amula, Sayula, and Autlán”. According to Valdez and Liot (1994:287), “the… historical sources suggest that… the Tarascans came to dominate the lake region of Sayula and Zacoalco… the Sayula Basin includes one of the major salt deposits in highland Mesoamerica…” In several parts of the Sayula Basin, archaeologists have found evidence of a Tarascan presence associated with the Amacueca archaeological phase (ca. AD 1100-1520) and in a context of small dispersed farming villages. The most complete evidence was found at Atoyac, which is singled out by historical sources as one of the most important salt-producing centres in the basin. At Usmajac, another settlement there, Tarascan remains pertain to an occupation of the area during the Late Postclassic (Valdez and Liot 1994:291, 299). At the site of San Juan de Atoyac, also in the Lake Sayula Basin, an area of 1,500 m2 was excavated and 17 burials were found with offerings that included Tarascan-style ceramic vessels, copper tweezers, bells, and needles, as well as obsidian lip-plugs, and tweezers with lateral spiral decorations. The latter were used as an emblem of power or

authority by the ancient Tarascans, particularly the priests or petámutis. The excavators at this site concluded that a section of the cemetery was reserved for people connected with the Tarascans (Valdez and Liot 1994:299-301). Both the amount and variety of Tarascan objects found in archaeological contexts at San Juan de Atoyac suggest that their presence was something more than just an indication of trade between neighbouring peoples; it could be evidence of Tarascan political rule over this area (Valdez and Liot 1994:302-303). As evidence of this situation, the analysis of the pottery showed the presence of several features that are diagnostic of the Tarascan culture; such as vessels with stirrup-spouts, basket-handles and spouts, miniature pots, tripod bowls, and pipe fragments, etcetera. Many of these objects are virtually identical to the Tarascan diagnostic materials found in the nuclear area of the Tarascan Empire (Noyola 1994:69). According to Valdez and Liot (1994:303), the military objective pursued by the Tarascans in this part of the present-day state of Jalisco was to gain control over the Sayula saltworks. The Tarascan state strove to expand its economic infrastructure by subjugating tributary peoples and acquiring products not found in its core area. The salt deposits, their exploitation and the tribute derived from them, were no doubt important incentives for conquering the Lake Sayula Basin. Conclusions In this chapter we have discussed archaeological, ethnohistorical and ethnographic information from several areas of Mesoamerica and beyond in order to understand the role played by sodium chloride –among several other scarce and strategic resources– in the economy of the Tarascan Empire during the Protohistoric period. As we have seen, there was a vast system of trade and tribute networks that were under the control of the political structure of several Mesoamerican polities. This politicaleconomic system allowed these polities to thrive through a symbiotic relationship whereby each region made up for what it lacked by interacting with others in neighbouring, or far-off, places. In this way, relationships of co-dependence were established among contrasting, but simultaneously complementary, ecological niches; for instance between the humid lowlands and the semi-arid highlands. What remains to be explained are the mechanisms through which such long-distance contacts were developed between the core area of the Tarascan state in the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin and the periphery of the empire. In his discussion of the expansionistic dynamics of archaic states, Guillermo Algaze (1993:304) adduces that state-level social systems established contacts with less-developed polities living on the periphery by means of outposts established at a certain distance one from another, and at strategic locations relative to the metropolis. Those outposts allowed nuclear societies to gain greater access to the less-developed peripheries at a minimum cost, thus allowing them to channel strategic 128

Chapter V Salt as a Factor for the Expansion of the Tarascan Empire resources in an asymmetrical relationship between societies with markedly different levels of sociopolitical organization. Those outposts also reflected a strategy whereby a hegemonic system was established that allowed expansionistic states to exploit zones of lesser complexity located beyond the limits of its direct political control. This system can be defined as imperialistic and operated through the colonization of the immediate area around the core, and the subsequent establishment of settlements in strategic locations in the alien hinterlands to facilitate exploitation of those territories under the constant supervision of the military outposts (Algaze 1993:305); what Chapman (1957:115) has called “ports of trade”. Andrews (1984), meanwhile, suggests that the states in the southern Maya Lowlands were forced to import many tons of salt every year from the coasts of northern Yucatán to supply the large populations living in southern cities. Those salt sources were located at a distance of several hundred kilometres from population centres, so the logistical problems for transporting huge quantities of salt must have been considerable. This trade persisted into the period of the Spanish conquest, and Andrews believes that it dates back at least to the Formative period, which would suggest that it played a decisive role in the emergence of the Maya civilization in the Classic period (Andrews 1984:827). According to this author, access to important salt sources and control of long-distance salt trade were fundamental factors for the processes of state formation in many areas of the ancient world. This was clearly the case among the pre-Hispanic Maya, since in that area many ancient trade networks focused on just one or two key resources, the exchange of which provided the main impetus for the growth and diffusion of trade. Among the ancient Maya these resources were salt, and to a lesser degree cotton, obsidian and jade (Andrews 1983:134). What Andrews has suggested for the ancient Maya could be extended to other Mesoamerican cultures, including the Tarascans, as discussed below.

Based on the quantity and distribution of settlements during the period before the Spanish conquest, the total population of the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin has been estimated at 60,750-105,000, with a mean figure of 80,000 (Pollard 1993:79), including the population of Tzintzuntzan, which has been estimated at around 25,000-30,000 (Pollard 1993:32). On the basis of these figures, we can estimate minimum salt consumption in the core area of Tarascan territory as follows: 10 grams of salt42 multiplied by 80,000 people equals 800 kg a day, or 292,000 kg per year. But this figure only takes into account the salt that would have been added to food as a condiment; therefore, we have to add the salt used for many other purposes, such as food preservation, preparation of animal skins, and the production of textile dyes, etcetera. Since the Tarascan core area around the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin lacks natural salt sources (Pollard 1993:113), this resource had to be imported from remote corners of the Tarascan Empire (Williams 2003). In fact, there were three main salt-producing areas that were either under the direct control of the Tarascans or linked to the imperial capital through extensive trade networks: the Lake Cuitzeo Basin (Williams 1999a, 1999b, 2009, 2010), the Lake Sayula Basin (Valdez and Liot 1994; Weigand 1993), and the coast of Michoacán (Williams 2002, 2004a, 2010). It was no easy task for the cazonci to keep his empire constantly supplied with salt, or to deny enemy states access to those far-off salt-producing areas. A situation analogous to what Andrews has proposed for the Maya area may have existed in the Tarascan Empire, whereby the control of salt commerce and tribute was of fundamental importance for the basic strategic structure of the state, and thus contributed directly to its expansion. As we have seen in this chapter, salt was not the only resource, and perhaps not even the most important one, but there can be no doubt that it figured prominently in the list of strategic resources that the state had to localize and protect at whatever cost. In this regard, the cazonci found himself in a situation that many kings had known throughout the world since the distant past.

  According to Andrews (1983:9), average per capita salt consumption throughout Mesoamerica has been estimated at around 8-10 grams per day. 42

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Chapter VI General Conclusions

In order to understand the importance of common salt, or sodium chloride, for the political economy of the Tarascan Empire, we must bear in mind that the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin, where the seat of political power was established, lacked natural sources of salt, obsidian, chert and lime, all essential products for the survival and reproduction of households in the Protohistoric period. Also lacking, as we have seen, were many other items sought by the Tarascan elite (Pollard 1993:113). The areas where the Tarascan Empire obtained salt included the Lake Cuitzeo Basin –in fact, since the Classic period (ca. AD 300-900) Lake Cuitzeo was the closest and most productive salt source for most communities along the Lerma River– the Lake Sayula Basin, and the coast of Michoacán. The exchange mechanisms for this and many other key or scarce resources were regional markets, long-distance trade, and the tribute paid by the empire’s subjects. Although the coast of Michoacán did not form part of the Tarascan Empire –except for the mouth of the Balsas River during the empire’s greatest territorial expansion– ethnohistorical (and recent) information mention very high levels of salt production in this region, and the analogy with other highly productive areas of the Pacific littoral, from Sinaloa in the north to Guatemala in the south, justifies the suggestion that the coastal zone of northern Michoacán and southern Colima may indeed have been among the foremost suppliers of salt to the core area of the Tarascan Empire. In order to evaluate the possible role of the salt industry on the coast of Michoacán, we can also turn to several cases in other regions of Mesoamerica. For instance, the most productive saltworks in the Maya area were on the coast, which provided the purest and most sought-after kind of salt. We may suggest an analogous situation for Western Mexico, with salt procurement occurring in both the interior highlands and on the coasts. In Colonial times, the white salt from Colima was one of the most prized in all of Mexico, which confirms the predilection for the product from coastal saltworks. Ethnohistorical sources from the 16th century speak of a remarkable productivity in the littoral area of Western Mexico, but those regions were virtually depopulated after the Spanish conquest; a fact that makes it very difficult to establish with any certainty the existence of cultural continuities between the pre-Hispanic past and the cultural situation described in 16th-century sources and later periods. Trade in general, and the tribute consisting of scarce and strategic resources, were two particularly important elements in all archaic states. In the case of Western Mexico, Weigand’s ideas (derived from the writings of

Fernand Braudel) are very important, for he argues that the exchange of scarce resources was expressed through two distinct, but interconnected, levels of interaction. The most generalized and durable aspect was a commercial structure through which materials (either staple or luxury resources) of primary necessity circulated, some of which satisfied practical needs, while others were esteemed as symbols of status. All such goods were bound to circulate regardless of the political or economic configuration of a certain period. Both obsidian and salt are examples of key, scarce commodities that simply had to circulate continuously in order for the social system in question to prosper. Turquoise is another example of a luxury resource that was in constant circulation, for it satisfied the need to display status and certain religious requirements of elites. No matter what fate might befall one or more of the participants involved in such trade, those goods would keep on flowing thanks to their intrinsic value within the broader system. The commercial structure under discussion here consisted of a series of crisscrossing trade networks that were quite vulnerable to changes in the composition of their participants. When one or several of the individuals involved collapsed, retired, or ceased to take part in the structure, the entire network might well stop functioning. Trade networks are particularized and specialized, whereas a trade structure is encompassing and generalized (Williams and Weigand 2004; Weigand 1993). The flow of strategic and scarce goods from procurement areas to the core of the Tarascan Empire was assured by the cazonci through a geopolitical strategy that kept the producing subject peoples under the obligation to pay tribute, and the communication routes with the capital open at all times. This strategy explains in part how this hegemonic empire became one of the most powerful in ancient Mesoamerica, rivalling even that of the Aztecs. As we have seen in previous pages, the production, commercial distribution, and military control of access to salt-producing sources, and also the salt paid as tribute, were critical aspects of strategic importance to the economic and social life of the Tarascans. The empire’s expansion towards areas far removed from the capital, like the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, the Sayula Basin, and the coast of Michoacán, may be explained by the need to obtain scarce goods and strategic resources, among which salt was always of paramount importance. Sodium chloride played an especially significant role in the Mesoamerican economy for the simple reason that natural salt sources were not evenly distributed across 130

Chapter VI General Conclusions the landscape. For this reason, from early times several distribution mechanisms were devised, including regional markets, long-distance trade, and a complex tribute system. Hegemonic empires like those of the Aztecs and Tarascans obtained strategic or scarce resources (salt, metals, obsidian, turquoise, jade, precious stones, animal skins, cacao, cotton, textiles, feathers, and fine pottery, among many others) through a vast tribute network. The political economy of these Mesoamerican empires was based on a form of organization that included complex systems for gathering taxes as well as royal storerooms, large-scale public works, and royal lands. The economy was directed and regulated by the political organism through the control exerted by the elite over the most basic means of production: land and labour. The comparative approach adopted in this study has proved quite enlightening, since it allows the elaboration of comparisons that complement the information we have for Western Mexico, which in many instances is quite fragmentary due to the lack of research on the subject under discussion here. In the Old World, settlements appeared around saline springs where salt was produced by boiling brine from at least the Neolithic period (ca. 7000-2000 BC). Later, the salt industry was very important for the economic and social development of many archaic states; for instance in China, where broad-based monopolies on the production and trade of salt have existed for at least 2000 years. In ancient China both the extractive technology and the tax-collecting systems were among the most highly-developed of their times worldwide. Two examples from the historical literature on Europe and Africa, respectively, are very useful to illustrate the fundamental role played by salt in the economy of virtually the entire ancient world, especially among farming communities. Fishing was one of the major sources of food in northern Europe during the Middle Ages, and fish processing required huge amounts of salt used as a preservative. Great maritime and commercial empires, such as the Hanseatic League, thrived thanks to its commerce in fish, among many other commodities. But this extensive fish trade would not have been possible if the process of salting the product to preserve it prior to transportation were not available. Moreover, across broad stretches of Africa where sodium chloride was scarce there were extensive trade networks traversing long distances that used salt as a unit of exchange to obtain gold, ivory, and slaves. In fact, in remote parts of Africa salt was more valuable than gold, and still today it functions as a unit of exchange, continuing an age-old custom in the region. In pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica, as throughout the ancient world, sodium chloride was a vital resource for subsistence. This is true for Colonial and modern Mexico, as well. Existing archaeological and ethnohistorical data, primarily for the Aztecs and the Maya, indicate that this strategic resource was incessantly sought from very early times.

The comparative data presented in this book include examples from Central Mexico, Oaxaca, Puebla, and the Maya area, in addition to the major salt-making areas of Western Mexico, for which we have information on salt procurement in antiquity. This comparative perspective is very useful as it helps us understand several aspects of salt-making techniques, as well as the role played by salt in the economy of the many cultures that have inhabited Western Mexico through time, since the information we have from this area is fragmentary at best. Mesoamerican technology required salt for many uses, mainly in the textile industry, where it functioned as a mordant for fixing dyes. To this use we should add others of similar importance; for instance, food preservation (especially fish), and ritual and curative practices. Indeed, salt was so valuable that we know it was used as a kind of “currency” in this region as well; a practice that can still be found in several regions of Mexico and Central America. But it was the role that sodium chloride played in the diet that made it indispensable as a strategic resource. The diet of the earliest peoples who lived in the parts of Mexico and Central America that would eventually be known as Mesoamerica some 10,000 years ago consisted mainly of wild animals and plants. The animals available to humans in prehistory, especially herbivores like the buffalo, deer and moose, craved salt43 and would travel great distances to find it. Salt licks were favourite places for hunting these animals and many others, including several that are now extinct, like the mammoth (Dauphinee 1960:397; Diamond 1999). Among animals and humans the yearning for salt is more pronounced in those who have a primarily vegetarian diet, compared to hunters who eat mainly meat. We may assume that when prehistoric human societies became gradually more sedentary and based a greater proportion of their diet on cultivated crops, they began to feel a lack of salt and were forced to add it to their foodstuffs. This resulted in a taste, or appetite, for salt that has remained until today (Dauphinee 1960:399). The domestication of food crops was a gradual process that began in Mesoamerica at the end of the Pleistocene (some 10,000 years ago; see Flannery 1986:14) and lasted throughout the Archaic period (ca. BC 7,000-2,000). During that time, consumption of domesticated plants like maize, beans, tomato, pumpkin, chili peppers, etcetera, increased gradually, while the consumption of wild animals, in particular big game, became less important in comparison to the products of incipient agriculture. The animals hunted before 7,000 BC included horses and pronghorns, although over half the species sought were rabbits and other small animals like fox, skunk, coyote, squirrel, birds, turtles, lizards and rodents; some wild plants   Experiments with modern cattle have shown that insufficient salt in the diet during several months inevitably leads to sickness and death (Dauphinee 1960:398). 43

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The Salt of the Earth: Ethnoarchaeology of Salt Production like the mesquite were also used. After the Pleistocene (ca. 6500 BC), horses became extinct, and pronghorns greatly reduced in number. Human adaptation for subsistence was now more oriented towards the exploitation of several wild plants like setaria, amaranth, prickly pear, avocado, and chupandilla (Bray 1977:227; cfr. Flannery and Wheeler 1986:286). Once settled village life was fully established around the first millennium before the modern era, additional salt consumption became increasingly necessary. The desire for salt is analogous to thirst or hunger, sensations that regulate the minimum required intake of nutrients and water in order to keep the organism alive (Dauphinee 1960:401). Later, during the Classic (ca. AD 200-900) and Postclassic (ca. AD 900-1521) periods, there were huge population concentrations in Western Mexico, as well as in other parts of Mesoamerica, obliging the polities in all regions to find and exploit as many salt sources as possible. In summary, based on the archaeological information available for Western Mexico we can assume that during the Archaic and Formative periods there were relatively small concentrations of people who lived in hamlets, villages and small towns, for which exploitation of local salt sources at a household level was quite sufficient, with some left over for small-scale regional trade. During the Classic and Postclassic periods, in contrast, large settlements –cities, administrative centres, ceremonial centres, etcetera– made it necessary to exploit saltworks on a regional level and an industrial scale. Salt trade and tribute likewise increased in scale, linking the major production areas with consumers in the many urban centres. In order to build their theoretical models, archaeologists depend on current knowledge about the ranges of variability in the form, structure and functioning of cultural systems. A good deal of this information has been provided by ethnographic research, the basic information used to formulate explicative propositions concerning the archaeological record (Binford 1972:69). In recent years, archaeologists have recognized with renewed interest the need to obtain comparative data from the modern world. Binford underlines the dynamic relationship between the (ethnographic) present and the (archaeological) past in these words: “the archaeological record is a contemporary phenomenon and observations we make about it are not ‘historical’ statements”. We need sites that preserve things from the past, but we also need the theoretical tools to give meaning to those things when they are found. This depends upon a kind of research that cannot be conducted in the archaeological record itself. Therefore, if we intend to investigate the relationship between statics and dynamics, “we must be able to observe both aspects simultaneously; and the only place we can observe dynamics is in the modern world, in the here and now” (Binford 1983:23). Ethnoarchaeology developed as a discipline that strives to integrate archaeological finds and contexts with ethnographic information (Willey and Sabloff 1980:185).

Specifically, it developed from an archaeological perspective in order to better interpret material culture by obtaining information related to artefacts and technologies directly from the people who are involved in their production and use. The goal of ethnoarchaeological studies is to arrive at a better understanding of the relationships between human behaviour and material culture contexts (Kolb 1989:292-293; Williams 2005a). A first step in our ethnoarchaeological research on salt production in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin and the Michoacán coast was to identify the traces that salt-making activities leave on the landscape. This material evidence includes the canals that convey salty water from springs to production units (called “fincas”). These canals are long-lasting features because they have been “fossilized” by the buildup of mineral substances. Likewise, the “eras” or salt evaporation pans can be preserved in the archaeological record for long periods of time, as can other quite obvious features of the salt-making landscape: eg. the “terreros” or mounds of leached soil that abound at saltworks. Another important archaeological feature is pottery used in salt-making, which from pre-Hispanic to recent times has been one of the most important elements in traditional salt-making industries, though current thinking holds that ceramic types such as Texcoco Fiber Marked were used to pack and transport crystallized salt, rather than for the actual boiling of brine (Parsons 2001:251). However, we also have ethnohistorical and archaeological information describing clay pots that were used to boil brine and produce crystallized salt in many areas of Western Mexico, as well as from elsewhere in Mesoamerica and other regions (Williams 2001). In the course of fieldwork at several salt-making sites in Michoacán we made many ethnographic observations that have archaeological relevance. Among these is the fact that salt-makers move large amounts of earth at saltmaking sites (for instance when mixing different kinds of earth before leaching), and constantly use “recycled” earth. Both of these practices result in archaeological contexts and materials that tend to be rather mixed-up. Therefore, the archaeological excavation of these sites would not be effective for establishing a stratigraphic sequence based solely on ceramics. Another fact that should be taken into account in the study of archaeological salt-making sites is the great quantity of artefacts currently used in the manufacture of salt that are made of perishable substances (wood, fibres, basketry, animal skins, etcetera) that would leave few if any archaeological remains (see Table 7). This is why the ethnographic observation of systemic contexts (Schiffer 1988) is essential for reaching an understanding as complete as possible of ancient salt-making activities. Archaeological excavation on its own would never be able to give us a really complete vision of this industry.

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Chapter VI General Conclusions The documentary sources studied by ethnohistory describe the techniques used by salt-makers at the moment of the Spanish conquest and in the early 16th century. It is thought that these techniques are the same or very similar to the ones used in pre-Hispanic times. Thanks to historical documents we know, for instance, that saline sources exploited in pre-Hispanic times were of several kinds: natural pools or ponds of salt water, marine estuaries, inland lakes, springs, wells, and salt-saturated soils (Reyes 1993). We also learn from historical records that saltmaking techniques were reduced to two basic kinds: sal solar, which used the heat of the sun to evaporate brine and obtain crystallized salt; and sal cocida, in which salt was produced by boiling and evaporating brine over direct fire in clay vessels (Kepecs 2003).

ancient times. This kind of research is urgent because the rapid cultural and economic transformations visible in modern Mexico may erase forever the last vestiges of lifeways that originated in the pre-Hispanic past.

The information presented in this book is only the beginning of a long-term research project that focuses on subsistence activities in aquatic environments, a subject that has not been thoroughly studied in the territory of the ancient Tarascans. Salt production is just one aspect of the cluster of activities that over many centuries contributed to shaping the adaptation strategies to different ecological environments in Western Mexico and other areas of Mesoamerica. There is still much work to be done in the field of ethnoarchaeology and ethnohistory in Michoacán. The Lake Cuitzeo Basin and the coast of Michoacán offer the opportunity to study aspects of human life in contexts that have remained relatively unaltered with the passing of time, or that still preserve some vestiges of old, traditional lifeways.

(3) additional quantitative studies of salt production, including leaching soils for making brine, since this information is quite limited in existing studies; specific interest would focus on determining total energy investments, raw material consumption (for instance, salitre and salty water), the time needed to evaporate brine, and the amount of salt produced per unit of earth, brine, labour, and time;

Recent research carried out not far from the Lake Cuitzeo Basin, in the swamps and lakes of the Upper Lerma Basin, has shown the wealth of information that can be gathered through an ethnoarchaeological study in aquatic contexts (Sugiura et al. 1998; García Sánchez 2008). The traditional subsistence activities that have been preserved up to our days in the Lake Cuitzeo Basin (Williams 2014a, 2014b) and the coast of Michoacán are important because they offer comparative material on which to base inferences about human adaptation to these ecological settings in

Among the priorities for future ethnoarchaeological and archaeological research in the areas covered by this book we can mention the following: (1) locating pre-Hispanic salt-making sites and performing test excavations at a representative sample of sites; (2) carrying out archival research to complement our knowledge of salt production and tribute in Michoacán from the 16th century to the end of the Colonial period;

(4) the amount of material remains produced in saltworks; (5) territoriality among salt-makers: i.e., how the landscape is divided up among producers?; and (6) more detailed studies of the geochemical aspects of different phases of the salt-making process, from the raw materials to the finished product. Most traditional crafts linked to salt-making, such as pottery production, basket-weaving, lime manufacture, together with such features as muleteers and barter, are all activities that have disappeared almost entirely from the areas discussed in this book. The study of these and other topics should be a priority in order to salvage little-known aspects of a lifeway that is important for the construction of our collective memory.

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