The Roman Empire and Beyond: Archaeological and Historical Research on the Romans and Native Cultures in Central Europe 9781407307985, 9781407337906

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Table of Contents
INTRODUCTION
MARITIME VILLAS ON THE EASTERN ADRIATIC COAST (ROMAN HISTRIA AND DALMATIA)
THE EMPEROR AND THE CITY: A CASE STUDY ON THE LINK BETWEEN HADRIAN AND PHILIPPOPOLIS, THRACE
EARLY CHRISTIAN IMPORTS AND LOCAL IMITATIONS OF IMPORTED GOODS IN THE TERRITORY OF THE CENTRAL BALKANS
WESTERN GERMANIC TRIBES AND THE ROMANIZATION OF CENTRAL EUROPEAN BARBARICUM
ROMAN OR BARBARIAN? PROVINCIAL MODELS IN A SARMATIAN POTTERY CENTER ON THE DANUBE FRONTIER
ROMANS AND BARBARIANS: SOME REMARKS ON CULTURAL CONTACT, INFLUENCE AND MATERIAL CULTURE
THE ROMAN-AGE SETTLEMENT AT CSENGERSIMA–PETEA AND POTTERY WORKSHOPS FROM THE UPPER TISZA BASIN
BARBARICUS PAGUS FERRARIENSIS
THE BARBARIANS AND ROMAN DACIA. WAR, TRADE AND CULTURAL INTERACTION
INFLUENCE AND OBSERVATION: TOWARDS A MORE CONCRETE UNDERSTANDING OF THE ROMAN-DACIAN LIMES
THROUGH THE LOOKING GLASS: PERCEPTIONS OF ETHNIC AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE ROMAN BALKANS AND BEYOND

Citation preview

BAR S2236 2011 DE SENA & DOBRZANSKA (Eds)

The Roman Empire and Beyond: Archaeological and Historical Research on the Romans and Native Cultures in Central Europe Edited by

Eric C. De Sena Halina Dobrzanska

THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND BEYOND

B A R

BAR International Series 2236 2011

The Roman Empire and Beyond: Archaeological and Historical Research on the Romans and Native Cultures in Central Europe Edited by

Eric C. De Sena Halina Dobrzanska

BAR International Series 2236 2011

ISBN 9781407307985 paperback ISBN 9781407337906 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407307985 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Table of Contents

Introduction Eric C. De Sena

1

Maritime Villas on the Eastern Adriatic Coast (Roman Histria and Dalmatia) Vlasta Begović and Ivančica Schrunk

3

The Emperor and the City: a Case Study on the Link between Hadrian and Philippopolis, Thace Ivo Topalilov

23

Early Christian imports and local imitations of imported goods in the territory of the Central Balkans Olivera Ilić

35

Western Germanic Tribes and the Romanization of Central European Barbaricum Artur Błażejewski

51

Roman or Barbarian? Provincial Models in a Sarmatian Pottery Center on the Danube Frontier Valéria Kulcsár and Dora Merai

61

Romans and Barbarians: Some Remarks on Cultural Contact, Influence and Material Culture Eduard Krekovič

81

The Roman-Age Settlement at Csengersima-Petea and Pottery Workshops from the Upper Tisza Basin Robert Gindele and Eszter Istvánovits

85

Barbaricus pagus ferrariensis Szymon Orzechowski

105

The Barbarians and Roman Dacia. War, Trade and Cultural Interaction Coriolan Opreanu

125

Influence and Observation: Towards a more Concrete Understanding of the Roman-Dacian limes Daniel Weiss

137

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions of Ethnic and National Identity in the Roman Balkans and Beyond Eric C. De Sena

153

INTRODUCTION Eric C. De Sena (John Cabot University, Rome)

In 2006 and 2007, the editors of this volume organized sessions at the annual meetings of the European Association of Archaeologists (Cracow, Poland and Zadar, Croatia) entitled “The Roman Empire and Beyond” in response to the increasing amount of archaeological work being conducted in Central and Eastern Europe, areas where the Roman Empire met Barbaricum. The sessions concerned three general themes: the development of Rome‟s older Central/Eastern provinces, Roman-Native interactions within the Empire and along Rome‟s frontier zone, and Native-Roman interactions in Barbaricum. As a result of the stimulating discussions and strong interest amongst the authors and the people in attendance, De Sena and Dobrzanska proposed the publication of a volume based upon the two EAA sessions. In order to present a more representative picture of the Central/Eastern European provinces, the editors solicited manuscripts from several scholars who had not attended the EAA meetings, but whose work was deemed highly relevant for this volume. The result is a collection of 11 papers which present important case studies.

Olivera Ilić focuses upon the Christianization of Dalmatia in the Late Antique period. This paper examines a wide range of Christian objects found at centers in Dalmatia, which had been imported from areas in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean basin. Most objects originate in Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt, whereas a smaller number of them were manufactured in some of the western centers. This contribution highlights the trade of luxury goods between non-core areas of the Empire, reinforcing the „global nature‟ of the ancient Roman economy. Artur Błażejewski discusses the influence of Roman technology and style on a wide range of manufactured goods in Barbaricum. The author examines pottery, especially terra sigillata vessels and some types of wheelmade ceramics, Roman military equipment, bronze vessels, glass, clothing and brooches. “Roman influence” was no simple matter and the processes should be understood as an ongoing “dialogue” of ideas and merchandise that circulated amongst different ports of trade. Furthermore, Błażejewski indicates that the material culture of the natives in what is now southern Poland was also influenced by Germanic tribes of the Rhine and the Weser rivers basins.

Vlasta Begović and Ivančica Schrunk present a catalogue and discuss about 30 maritime villas situated in Roman Histria and Dalmatia. Their study of the topography, architecture and development of these villas indicate significant differences in the two regions, even if Roman colonization played the initial role in both areas. In Histria, the builders of maritime villas were Roman and native elites, who developed economies of scale in agriculture and natural resources. Some of the Romans, whose names are documented on amphorae and tile stamps, are known to have attained high offices in Rome. In Dalmatia, where the colonies served stronger military and commercial roles, the owners of maritime villas were more likely to have been high officials sent from Rome rather than the local elite. In Late Antiquity, the economic and strategic functions of these villas were essential; however, ownership had clearly changed hands.

Valéria Kulcsár and Dora Merai discuss pottery manufacture in an area of Sarmartia in close proximity to the Roman military municipium of Aquincum. The authors expound the results of recent archaeological work at Üllő, the largest known Sarmatian settlement to date, which shows evidence of about 50 pottery kilns. Kulcsár and Merai indicate the adoption of Roman pottery types by Sarmatian potters and suggest that the adjacent area of Sarmatia was indeed a component of Aquincum‟s hinterland. The paper by Robert Gindele and Eszter Istvánovits demonstrates evidence of pottery production zones in four areas of Barbaricum during the period when Rome controlled Dacia (2nd and 3rd c. AD): in the Upper Tisza Basin adjacent to the limes of Dacia Porolissensis, in the micro-region of the Middle Someş river, on the Bereg plain and in the valleys of the Hernad and Torysa rivers in eastern Slovakia. Two varieties of kilns were common (one with a central post and one with a median wall) in addition to a few irregular types. A key question focuses upon the notion of Roman influence on pottery production, both in terms of the configuration of the two common kiln types and the varieties of pottery manufactured at the native centers. The authors conclude

While several of the papers in this volume focus on daily life in the European provinces and in Barbaricum, Ivo Topalilov investigates evidence for one or two visits by Hadrian to the Thracian city of Philippopolis. This author indicates that despite a lack of literary evidence for this emperor‟s permanence in Philippopolis, the extent of building during Hadrian‟s reign, evidence of games in honor of Antinoos and statues of Sabina all point to at least one visit to the city in the 120‟s or early 130‟s AD.

1

that the Romans had a strong technological and stylistic influence that extended deep into Barbaricum.

Patterns of artifacts, such as pottery and coins, are illustrated in order to define the limits and function of the Areas.

In a succinct essay, Eduard Krekovic reflects upon the degree to which Roman goods and technology influenced natives inhabiting the region to the north of the Danube. For instance, it has been demonstrated that the potter‟s wheel was used by the Germans about 200 years after the Romans established their borders; however, the natives were not generally able to imitate Roman goods. Nor does native agricultural production bear any significant signs of Roman influence. The author suggests, therefore, that Roman influence had been manifested only slowly and began to be noticeable only when the barbarian society achieved a certain degree of economic sophistication.

The final essay, by Eric De Sena, reflects upon perceptions of ethnic and national identity in the Balkan provinces based upon literature, art historical evidence from Italy, primarily Rome, and archaeological evidence from the provinces. This paper addresses the complex issue of ethnic and national identity in the Roman Balkans during the imperial period. More specifically, the paper explores how the natives of the Roman Balkans were perceived by “Romans” in Italy and how the natives perceived themselves. The first question is addressed through an examination of literature and works of public and private art from Rome and its environs. The second question is investigated through a review of archaeological evidence outlined throughout this volume and from the province of Dacia where the author has worked extensively.

Szymon Orzechowski‟s paper on iron smelting in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains of southern Poland presents a wide and rich array of information. A portion of the paper is dedicated to the Châine de Operation of smelting based upon archaeological evidence and experimental archaeology. The paper delves into the physical and social organization of the industrial areas and the nearby Przeworsk Culture settlements. While not fully conclusive, the paper also considers the relationship between the Przeworsk Culture and the Romans.

The Editors would like to thank all the authors for their outstanding contributions and for their patience during the prolonged editing process. We would like to thank the European Association of Archaeologists for providing an opportunity to host the two “Roman Empire and Beyond” sessions in Cracow and Zadar. We are also grateful to John Cabot University (Rome, Italy) for two Faculty Development grants that permitted De Sena to attend the EAA Meetings.

The contribution of Coriolan Opreanu examines archaeological evidence and literary sources in order to trace the movement of native groups and their interactions with the Romans in Dacia over time. Following the Roman settlement of Dacia in the 2nd century AD, a number of native groups arrived. In the transition stage B2-C1 (C1a), the Przeworsk population from southern Poland and eastern Slovakia moved over the northern Carpathians towards the Upper Tisza river basin. The massive penetration of the Przeworsk population to the southern side of the northern Carpathians took place during the period of the Marcomannic wars (stage C1a). The populations were already mixed and their material culture was influenced by the Celts of the late Puchov culture and by the Dacians. Finally, in the period following the withdrawal of Roman administration from Dacia, Opreanu indicates that the region was settled by the Gepids in the northern and western areas of the former province and by the Goths in the eastern and southern areas of Dacia.

Rome, December 2010

The paper by Daniel Weiss investigates the issue of areas of occupation and influence and the nature of the Roman limes through a case study of the Roman military center/city Porolissum in northwestern Dacia. The author discusses the theory behind the territories controlled and influenced by military centers whereby the center‟s Area of Occupation is the tract of land where the military unit is physically located, the Area of Operation is the territory within which the military unit routinely travels, procures supplies, etc., and the Area of Influence is a much broader region which the military unit deals with, keeps a watch over and occasionally enters. This latter region will be filled by fully- or semi-independent settlements. The limes is viewed to be more of a passageway than a barrier. 2

MARITIME VILLAS ON THE EASTERN ADRIATIC COAST (ROMAN HISTRIA AND DALMATIA) Vlasta Begović (Institut za Arheologiju, Zagreb, Croatia) and Ivančica Schrunk (University of St. Thomas, Minnesota, USA)

Abstract: Maritime villas represent a uniquely Roman architectural phenomenon of coastal settlement. Some were large and luxurious architectural complexes built by Roman elites as a display of their economic and political power. Our studies of the topography, architecture and development of such villas in Roman Histria and Dalmatia indicate significant differences in the two regions, even if Roman colonization played the initial role in both areas. In Histria the builders of maritime villas were the senatorial and colonial elite, who developed economies of scale in agriculture and natural resources and who attained high offices in Rome. Their names are documented on amphorae and tile stamps. In Dalmatia, where the colonies served stronger military and commercial roles, the owners of maritime villas were more likely high officials sent from Rome rather than the local, colonial elite. In Late Antiquity, the economic and strategic functions of these villas were essential; however, ownership had clearly changed hands.

I. Introduction. Maritime villas represent the most luxurious type of Roman dwellings, sprawling along the beautiful seashores of protected bays or over rocky promontories. Monumental seaside villas developed on the Tyrrhenian coast of Italy in the 1 st century BC.1 The configuration of the coast and geographical advantages of the eastern Adriatic region, coupled with the economic and socio-political circumstances, favored the construction of similar villas during the building boom of the 1st and 2nd centuries AD. To date, scholars have identified 30 maritime villas in the eastern Adriatic – 10 in Roman Histria and 20 in Roman Dalmatia. In Histria, there are five maritime villas in the immediate vicinity of Pola, two in the vicinity of Parentium and two in the ager of Aegida. In Dalmatia, there are two maritime villas in the immediate vicinity of Epidaurus, one in the ager of Narona, two more in the greater Narona area on the islands, two in the ager of Salona and two in the ager of Iader. In recent years, villas have been explored on the islands: in the vicinity of Cissa on Pag, near Fulfinum on Krk, and others on the islands of the central and southern Adriatic.

or suitable inlets; they often extended along the entire coast, and even reached into the sea. Horace says in a fit of rage: “They even take the sea, and expel the poor neighbor from his hearth” (Ode XVIII). Façades facing the sea are monumental and often bore "flying porticoes", so well known in the wall paintings of the Fourth Pompeian style. Maritime villas are characterized by this direct contact with the sea, majestic façades, imaginative forms, which follow the configuration of the terrain, and pleasant views of the sea and the surroundings. Innovations in architectural design and improved technical capabilities of Roman concrete (opus caementitium) in the early Imperial period enabled the forming of “suspended” constructions above the seashore, which fended off the hammering waves. Villae maritimae fill a special category of Roman villas. Some of them represent scenographic architecture, which gives the impression of a palace rising out of the sea. They were designed to impress the visitor, particularly when he approached the villa’s harbor from the sea. Architects strived to achieve special spatial effects. With highly creative innovations, the elite tried to impress their contemporaries and was one of the ways for rich Romans to show their status and wealth. 3 Varied spaces, amenities and views of a seaside villa are best described by Pliny the Younger (Caius Plinius Caecilius Secundus, 61/62 – 113) in the literary rendering of his Laurentine estate on the coast south of Ostia (Epist., II, 17). The sea was the inner space of such villas – a protected bay was framed in a way to prevent large waves, while porticoes could extend along the seashore just above the coastline, with the sea occasionally splashing their walls and sunrooms.

The name villa maritima is mentioned by the Roman writer Cornelius Nepos (Vita Attici 14, 3), while Pliny the Younger and Martial speak about the “murmur of the sea” and “sea views” in their description of such villas. By definition, a maritime villa is one in whose rooms the sound of waves can be heard. Cicero covered a thousand paces, practicing his speeches accompanied by the sound of waves.2 These villas are large architectural complexes, built on the seashore using all the favorable features of the landscape and harmoniously fitting into it. As a rule, they are built on prominent positions, such as peninsulas 1 2

Lafon 2001, 4. Lafon 2001, 3.

3

3

Soren, Aylward 1994, 24.

Begović - Schrunk The architecture of maritime villas is open toward the seashore and the greenery of the gardens, using all the advantages of a given landscape and the most favorable exposure to sunlight. It includes many open spaces (horticultural spaces and gardens) and colonnades in its fabric, forming an airy architecture characteristic of the “Pax Romana” period (27 BC – 167 AD). The classic contents of such complexes are residential blocks of a very high standard with horticulturally organized peristyles and inner gardens (xystus), extending outwards toward the parks with pavilions devoted to dining, bathing and entertainment, and monumental buildings such as palaestrae, diaetae, shrines, nympheum. The most prominent example explored to date is Villa Pausilypon in the Bay of Naples whose gardens have contents such as a theatre and an Odeon.4

importantly, Augustus himself probably had a direct interest in the Histrian economy if we accept A. Starac's arguments that imperial estates were located there. He may also have given land grants and leases as rewards for loyalty and service.5 Senatorial investments in the Histrian cash crops and access to the new markets in Noricum and Pannonia (both military and civilian) were tied to imperial policies which, according to F. Tassaux, 6 favored North Italy and Histria. In fact, there may have been a broader economic program, as J. D'Arms credits Augustus with the same policies in Campania. 7 Imperial policies and the economic interests of the elite went hand in hand in the development of maritime villas in Histria, where a few members of the emperor's inner circle created economies of scale. 1. The first maritime villa in our study is in the territory of the Roman colony of Tergeste (present-day Trieste), which dates to the 1st century AD. Only partially excavated, it is set upon a low promontory, today called Katoro (Ca d'oro = domus aurea), and extended into two bays on either side. The position is quite panoramic with vistas on all sides. The architectural remains of some luxurious spaces were found on the top of the promontory – a peristyle, a row of rooms, massive terraces, and walls in the opus isodomum technique (Fig. 2). The baths were located to the north, in St. Margaret Bay (the site of Tiola), while a large, semicircular piscina with compartments is located by the south bay. 8 The finds of architectural decoration, including marble revetments, polychrome mosaics and frescoes, indicate a high level of luxury, suggesting that the villa was built for the purpose of otium. No evidence of agricultural production was revealed in the excavated areas. The most important result of the recent excavations was the discovery of late Roman burials adjacent to the bath complex. One tomb with two burials has monumental architecture and contained imported ceramic and glass vessels, a silver bracelet, a fishhook and a bronze coin of Diocletian. 9 The baths lost their function in Late Antiquity and were abandoned or, perhaps, became a Christian chapel with an adjacent cemetery. Such developments are not uncommon in luxury villas in Histria and elsewhere in the late Roman Empire. The tomb was covered with stamped roof tiles dating to the 1st century, a further indication of substantial changes in the villa and robbing of building material. Three tiles bore the stamp of P. Clodius Quirinalis, prefect of the fleet of Ravenna at the time of Nero and a senatorial owner of estates in the Triestine territory. He was most likely the owner of the maritime villa at Barcola by Trieste, where many tile stamps bearing his name were found.10 It is possible that he was also the proprietor and builder of the Katoro villa.

II. Maritime Villas in Histria. On the east Adriatic coast, the evolution of maritime villas is linked to the founding of Roman colonies, urbanization, intensive agriculture and their location on the most highly trafficked navigation routes along the Adriatic. Roman colonization introduced a new culture and caused profound changes in the indigenous population and settlement structure. The colonies directly influenced the development of rural landscapes and the building of villas, with the most important changes occurring precisely in the narrow coastal zone. According to the current state of research of Roman villas on the east Adriatic coast, archaeologists have identified the remains of 30 maritime villas in the Republic of Croatia and Slovenia: 10 in Roman Histria and 20 in Roman Dalmatia, some of which bear elements of monumentality. Most of the villas have not been properly investigated; therefore, our knowledge of their typology is poor (Fig. 1). The trade of Histrian wine and olive oil, produced on large estates, represented the earliest economic connection with the Aquileian region. This production fuelled construction activity in the newly founded urban centers and rural areas. The building of the first coastal villas in Histria occurred under the political patronage of Caesar’s colonization, which accelerated the pace of economic development. The so-called “Catonian villa”, with agricultural and residential parts, was the best response to such social and economic circumstances. The economic development during the Augustan period which resulted in surplus production and, hence, increased wealth, created favorable conditions in Histria for the construction of maritime villas whose plans were based upon those along the Tyrrhenian coast of Italy. Augustus annexed Histria into Regio X, Venetia et Histria, between 18 and 12 BC. As part of Italy the Histrian properties were freed of taxes levied on properties in the provinces. With the proliferation of the Histrian amphorae type Dressel 6B we can easily detect the intensification of olive growing and oil production beginning in the late Augustan period. The changed status of Histria and the much improved economy is not a coincidence. Most 4

2. The second maritime villa in the territory of the colony of Tergeste is at Fornaĉe near Piran, Slovenia. Fornaĉe is 5

Starac 1994, 139-140. Tassaux 1982, 265 and 1983-84. 7 D'Arms 1970, 82. 8 Glušĉević, Bolšec Ferri 2003, 116. 9 Bolšec Ferri 2003. 10 Fontana 1993. 6

Lafon 2001, 406-410.

4

Maritime Villas on the Eastern Adriatic Coast an old toponym for the site located in the neighborhood of Bernardin, where a Gothic monastery dedicated to St. Bernard of Siena used to stand and where a Roman tombstone was found. De Franceschi associated the name Fornaĉe with a brick workshop that supposedly stood on that spot.11 The archaeological remains are situated in a valley which forms a natural amphitheatre along the coast. A large part of the archaeological site was demolished, probably during the construction of the Sellvetti soap factory in the mid-19th century. According to Morteani, Roman structures with mosaics, coins and pottery fragments were discovered on the spot where buildings of the former factory are seen today. 12 Recent excavations revealed three walls running north-south underlying an alluvial deposit 0.70 m. deep. Two walls were built in opus reticulatum, whereas the third, later wall was built in opus incertum. The large amount of shells and snails found in a dump among the walls indicated the presence of a fullonica. Archaeological remains indicate the site was inhabited from the 1 st century BC until Late Antiquity. The fragments of terra sigillata, glass and metal are of high quality.13

4. Two nautical miles south of the city, on the narrow promontory of Sorna, today within the tourist complex called the Green Lagoon, a large villa (150 x 130 m.) was excavated in the 1960’s. The villa straddles the promontory and long porticoes open to the wide vistas on all three sides. The axial symmetry of the two peristyle complexes indicates a unified design, rather than a twophased development.17 A large triclinium was centrally located at the highest point of the promontory. Light entered from the peristyles on each side. The rooms were decorated with a polychrome mosaic and wall paintings, dated between the 1st and 2nd centuries. The bath building was in the east bay, close to the sea (Fig.14). The structure in the lower left corner was added in the 4th century, according to the excavator. There were no signs of agricultural activity within the excavated areas or the immediate vicinity. Here we may truly have an imperial period villa built for the purpose of otium. In the second phase, a small rectangular construction was put up in the center of the building with lateral additions, very likely a church. 5. Further up the coast, at Barbariga, 4.5 nautical miles north of the figlina in Faţana, archaeologists located the largest known oil-producing estate of early imperial Histria. Of the four production sites located within 2 square km. of each other, one had 5 presses, while another had 20. In Porto delle Collone Bay near Barbariga the latter site contained the remains of a fullonica and on Punta Cissana (Punta Barbariga) ground murex shells dating from Late Antiquity were discovered. A maritime villa sprawling over the promontory was the luxury residence of this estate.18 The villa plan shows three interconnected buildings ending in a mole and a harbor area (Fig. 4). The oldest part of the villa is the northern wing. The first building may well be the original platform villa with a frontal portico, comparable to Lafon’s Type B, to which prestige buildings with mosaics were added. Most of the mosaics are white with two black framing borders, while the rest are black with one or two white borders. The peristyle opened to a panoramic view on the seafront and both facades were embellished by monumental stairways. The row of rooms situated on the three sides of the peristyle had black and white mosaics with geometric motifs and polychrome mosaics. Among the remains were two fragments of frescoes of the Third Pompeian style. 19 The baths also belong to the later construction phase. This site was excavated early in the 20th century and re-excavation is needed to clarify the phases. The density and number of maritime villas in southern Histria near ancient Pola, the regional capital, are indicative of the economic and political importance of its elite.

3. Four nautical miles north of Parentium, at Loron, a large estate spread between two bays, Santa Marina and Ĉervar-Porat, across the promontory separating them. It contained the second largest amphora workshop in Histria, active from the 1st to the 4th century, located on the north side of the bay of Ĉervar-Porat. The workshop also produced terra sigillata and tiles early in the 1st century. Recent Franco-Italian-Croatian excavations have uncovered production installations, including pottery kilns (Fig. 3).14 Kilns and buildings with oil presses were excavated in the 1970’s on the south side of the bay. 15 Stamps on sigillata, amphorae and tiles demonstrate that the senatorial owners were Cornelius Sisenna, Statilius Taurus and Calvia Crispinilla. Under Domitian, this workshop as well at the one owned by the Laecanii at Faţana became imperial property. The fate of the other properties of these families is unknown. It is possible that their maritime villas also fell into imperial hands. A maritime villa connected with this production site has been located but not excavated. Along the curving shoreline of Santa Marina Bay and on the slopes of the promontory there is evidence of scattered buildings constructed both at sea level and on terraces, confirmed also by a geophysical survey. A large piscina vivaria, situated in St. Marina Bay, has been surveyed by the Franco-Italian-Croatian team. Two fragments of a black and white mosaic found at Loron are now exhibited in the Poreĉ Museum. The framing border, which enters the field of the mosaic, a white ivy leaf on a dark background in the corner of the composition, and the two-strand white guilloche on a dark background are typical motifs on mosaics of the Flavian era.16

6. Archaeological excavations on the site of a maritime villa in Dragonera began three years ago. The site has not been published yet, but the excavation team revealed a

11

De Franceschi 1924, 260. Morteani 1885, 365. 13 Stokin 1992, 79-84. 14 Tassaux et al. 2001 89, 312. 15 Jurkić Girardi 1979. 16 Meder 2003, 29. 12

17

Matijašić 1998, 126. Schwalb 1902. 19 Meder 2003, 44. 18

5

Begović - Schrunk series of wonderful mosaics, a large cistern and many walls along the seashore (A. Starac, excavator)

in the area by the finds of several press fragments, but the relationship with the villa cannot be confirmed. There was evidence that the inner part of the bay was enclosed to form a piscina, which was fed by a creek that flowed into it. The complex dates to the 1st century. There was also some renovation of the mosaics in Late Antiquity.25 The remains of the fullonica belonging to the estate extend as far as Cristo Point. Further assessment of the productive or leisurely function of this villa must await full excavation.

In an area about 4-5 nautical miles north of Pola, there are two large sites, one on the island of Veli Brijun (7) and the other just across the sea on the coast at Valbandon (8). At the top of this triangle at Faţana is the largest Histrian amphora workshop, owned by the senatorial family of the Laecanii: 7. The maritime villa in Verige Bay on Veli Brijun is the most elaborate one known along the eastern Adriatic coast. It was probably owned by the Laecanii, together with the entire island.20 This is the only site where the late republican to early imperial building phases are clear (Fig. 6a). In the picturesque bay of Verige, a “Catonian” villa with a pars rustica and pars urbana, was transformed into a terraced maritima, with a new domus and monumental porticoes touching the sea. The original villa was a combination of Lafon’s Type A with a central courtyard and the Type B,21 a platform villa with a frontal portico (Fig. 6b). Eventually, in the course of the 1st century, the entire bay was built with monumental amenities, extending over 6 hectares.22 The villa contained a wide range of long colonnades open to the sea and a peristyle courtyard around which buildings are grouped. The buildings served different functions ─ residential, religious (temples of Neptune and Venus, and a nymphaeum), a library, a palaestra and baths ─ and were all interconnected by colonnades and pergolas. The bath complex had a semicircular colonnade which followed the shoreline and a stone-built quay. A rectangular piscina vivaria was nearby.23 The villa encompassed three kinds of landscape: a naturally sheltered bay, slopes of three hills and gentle surrounding meadows. The original pars rustica remained operational, while amenities were built along the bay. Contrary to Lafon’s observations for most of the early imperial maritime villas in Latium and Campania, we do not observe production moved away when the monumental parts were added. Decorative agriculture and pisciculture remained an integral part of this high-power retreat.

9. The area south of Pula is characterized by large promontories and deep inlets. Natural resources include outcrops of high-quality building stone, fertile fields and sheltered bays. Outcrops of high-quality limestone can be found between Banjole and Premantura. Evidence of olive oil production has been noted on five sites, including the partially explored maritime villa situated deep in Banjole Bay. The phases of construction have not been established. The ground plan shows a villa with a central corridor which separates two rows of rooms. 26 The portico along the entire length of the front with a panoramic sea view characterizes it as a maritime villa, similar to those represented in Fourth Pompeian style wall paintings. 10. East of Banjole, near the present-day town of Medulin, the largest maritime villa in this area, and perhaps the largest one in Histria, occupied most of the promontory of Viţula. The promontory is located in a deep bay, which offers safe anchorage and protection from all winds. Crossing the open sea between the tip of Istria and the island of Unije is very dangerous under the north wind (bora). Ships sailing up or down the Adriatic had to wait in a protected area during such conditions. Fleets would winter in safe bays such as this. The villa had a panoramic position and would have had solid visual control of the straits leading into the bay. Since 1995, the remains on the promontory and submerged structures have been surveyed. Several small areas were excavated and walls stretch for a kilometer along the shores. Some walls are now submerged and various buildings are arranged at different angles. The whole villa, built on three terraces, covered about 10 hectares.27 The size and layout with scattered structures are comparable to the imperial villa at Pausilypon by Naples, which extends over 9 hectares. 28 Portions of long porticoes and loggias with mosaic floors have been uncovered; one was at a point where a monumental stairway connects terraces (Fig. 7, room 5). Finds of mosaics, marble and statuary indicate considerable luxury. Small finds date the complex from the 1 st to the 6th century. Some of the investigated structures showed partitioning in Late Antiquity, perhaps to house an increased population, possibly a military group.

8. The villa in the deep bay of Valbandon was partially excavated in the early 20th century; new excavations are necessary to clarify its chronology and the relationship between the two parts on the opposite side of the bay. 24 Imaginative architectural forms and the discovery of high-quality decoration, including a floor in opus scutulatum indicate that this was a luxury residence. In the southern complex, almost all the residential areas were embellished with mosaics (Fig. 5). Two exedras in the northern part of the bay were decorated with black mosaic with crustae. Behind them lies the northern wing of the residential part with remains of mosaics and floors in opus sectile. Olive oil production has been confirmed 20

Tassaux 1982 and 1998, 246; Bezeczky 1998; Schrunk and Begović 2000. 21 Lafon 2001, 30. 22 Gnirs 1902-1915. 23 Begović Dvorţak 1990, 98. 24 Matijašić 1998, 122.

25

Verzar Bass 1986, 656. Matijašić 1998, 135. Dţin 1995. 28 Lafon 2001, 406-407, Fig. 136. 26 27

6

Maritime Villas on the Eastern Adriatic Coast III. Maritime Villas in Dalmatia. Our study of the villas in Liburnia and Dalmatia produced an entirely different picture. Foremost, the political and economic position of these areas in the Roman Empire was different than that of Histria. They remained a part of Illyricum, which, under Augustus, changed from the position of a senatorial province to that of an imperial one, governed by a legate. There is significantly less documentary or literary evidence for senatorial landowners, than is the case with Histria. There are no direct data on large senatorial estates, although the natural conditions are similar to those in Histria. The role of agriculture in Dalmatia is visible from the size of colonial territories, when compared to Histria. While Pola and Parentium had around 650 and 450 centurias respectively, Iader had around 50, Salona 80 and Epidaurus 50.29 The primary function of these cities was to serve as military and civilian ports and as locations for the exchange of goods between the Mediterranean and the inland regions of Europe. Due to their position and the establishment of protected maritime routes through channels, the islands had primarily a navigational significance. The owners of the villas were probably engaged in maritime trade and military duties.

12. Recently, archaeological investigations have begun on a maritime villa in a bay at Njivice on the island of Krk, located near the Roman town of Fulfinum. 31 A round building 15 m. in diameter has been explored. 13. Another maritime villa was investigated in Zubovići in a deep bay near Ĉaska on the island of Pag. This one may be connected with one of the leading Roman senatorial families at the time of Augustus and Tiberius, namely the family of Calpurnius Piso, who is known to have had property on the island of Pag. In Ĉaska, Roman Cissa, an inscription reading "Calpurnia L. Pisonis Auguris Filia" was found.32 Archaeological investigations began in 2006 on a ceramic workshop (figlina) near Novalja on the island of Pag.33 14. The villa in Muline on the southern side of the island of Ugljan exhibits the features of early Imperial and Late Antique constructions. It is situated on the edge of a fertile tract of land abounding with water in a favorable, protected bay. The villa was built with a peristyle and a large cistern. Moreover, the remains of several mosaic floors were revealed. In Late Antiquity a martyrium was built on the villa, which contains memorial cellae, a basilica with annexes and a vaulted mausoleum (Fig. 8).34

Archaeological exploration carried out to date has focused on coastal towns at the expense of rural areas, so that villas have only been partially or superficially explored. At present, it is not possible to discuss the development, architecture or function of maritime villas in the Liburnian area, between the present-day cities of Rijeka (Roman Tarsatica) and Zadar (Roman Iader). There are two sites on the coast, Havišće near Jadranovo and Selce near Crikvenica, and three on the islands, Njivice, Zubovići, and Supetarska draga, where architectural remains on the seashore may belong to maritime villas.

15. A maritime villa on the island of Rab in Supetarska draga Bay was built a few kilometers from the Roman city of Arba. Some walls and the remains of mosaic floors were found beneath the monastery of St. Petar. In Late Antiquity the church and monastery were built over the villa. The situation is somewhat better regarding the state of research and publication of the villas in the central and southern Adriatic, the region of Dalmatia. 35 Maritime villas have only been partly explored and their function and level of luxury are not fully known.

The native Liburnian communities gained municipal autonomy in the 1st century. In this region the pattern of native settlements and land ownership (partly known), was not conducive to the development of maritime villas. On the entire Liburnian coast, between the present-day cities of Rijeka and Zadar, just five maritime villas have been identified, but none of them has been extensively explored. Three maritime villas were found on the islands belonging to this region, all of which have been partially explored.

16. North and south of Zadar (Roman Iader) two villas are known – one in Diklo and another in Crvena luka. The villa in Diklo is partly excavated, while the villa in Crvena luka is today completely covered with recent architecture.36 17. Another maritime villa is on the island of Murter. The island lies close to the point where the Krka (Titus) River flows into the sea, not far from ancient Scardona. Murter has been identified with Roman Colentum based upon a quote by Pliny (NH III, 140). The villa is situated on a peninsula and has long porticoes and a row of rooms facing the sea.37 The 1st century villa is only partly excavated. The long portico, ten rooms (one with an apse), a large cistern (10 x 5.5 m., 1.8 m. high) and the baths, which have been excavated on the beach, indicate a

11. The site of Havišće near Jadranovo has been investigated, but not published (R. Starac, excavator). In Selce, near Crikvenica, a villa was discovered near the hotel "Slaven" on the seashore. It may be connected with the owner of a ceramic workshop in Crikvenica (Roman Ad Turres), Sextus Metilius Maximus, whose stamps have been found on several tegulae.30 This ceramic workshop was likely manufacturing for the export market.

31

Bolonić and Ţic 1977. Zaninović 2001, 153. Glušĉević 2006. 34 Suić 2003, 367. 35 Zaninović 1995. 36 Fadić 1986. 37 Faber 1998, 114. 32 33

29 30

Suić 2003, 167. Lipovac Vrkljan 2006.

7

Begović - Schrunk luxury villa with panoramic views. The medieval name for this site is Villa magna (Fig. 9).

harbor of Split. Remains of a stone quay are visible in front of the villa, in the sea. The villa remains unexplored.

18. Archaeological investigations have begun on a maritime villa situated on Stari Trogir Bay, 22 nautical miles west of the Dalmatian capital of Salona and 12 nautical miles west of Tragurion. Pliny the Elder mentioned Tragurion as “marmore notum.” The quarry was exploited between the time of Greek colonization in the 3rd century BC and the Renaissance. The villa may be connected with this activity, but it also lies in an agricultural area and in an important location along the coast. The bay is well protected from all winds and a small island in front of it provides further protection. It is also at a point where ships sailing from Salona up the coast would leave the channel and go into open waters. The remains of a stone quay and a circular structure are visible in the sea.38 This circular structure is 8 m. in diameter and may be part of a piscina with a central circle framed by lateral rectangular compartments, known from the maritime villas north and south of Rome illustrated by Lafon. Most date to the Augustan period. On the beach there are remains of the baths and a large cistern, divided into two compartments (Fig. 10). A circular tower was built in Byzantine times on top of the baths, when the villa probably possessed a more strategic significance. More walls are visible on the slope, as the villa was set upon on terraces nested in the semicircular shape of the bay. The visible architectural remains spread out about 100 x 30 m.

21. Another maritime villa was found in Lovreĉina bay on the south side of the island of Braĉ. The famous early Christian complex was built near the villa. 22. There is a maritime villa on the island of Sv. Klement (St. Clement), the biggest island in the Pakleni archipelago (Pakleni otoci), situated about 3 km west of the town of Hvar on the island of Hvar. The remains have been located along the shore, on the edge of a fertile field. Parts of the villa seem to be submerged, as the sea level rose about 2 m. since antiquity. The name of the bay – Soline –indicates the existence of Roman salt works here, which have been confirmed in medieval documents. The villa covers an area of 2500-3000 m2.41 23. Despite its great extent, the remains of a villa at Šćedro south of Hvar are not well explored. There is evidence, however, of a piscina vivaria. 24. On the promontory in front of Sreser on Pelješac Peninsula, there is a spacious villa on the most picturesque part of the coast. The rooms facing the sea have been explored and some of them have mosaic floors. The area belonged to the Narona ager. Nearby, at the foot of the Janjina hill-fort, is another villa in which an inscription was found mentioning Publius Anius Aper and Publius Anius Tiro from the Tribus Tromentina of Narona. Both were decuriones and quattuorviri in the colony of Narona.42 The villa at Sreser is located in the so-called “Small Sea” (Malo more) between Pelješac and the mainland. Well protected in a quiet bay, it had strategic importance for the mooring of boats and control of navigation toward Narona. In the vicinity of the villa there are fertile lands and vineyards that still provide excellent varieties of grapes today.

19. The villa in Piškera Bay near Neĉujam on the island of Šolta (the bay's name derives from piscina) had a large fish pond (piscina vivaria) in front of it whose remains can still be seen submerged below the surface of the sea. The entire bay was closed by a large wall with an opening in the middle to enable the circulation of sea water. The villa has not been explored.39 It is located in the deepest inlet of Neĉujam Bay, whose name indicates that it is protected from all winds. Neĉujam (“without a sound” in Croatian) was the last mooring site and control point before setting sail into the ports of Aspalathos and Salona. The villa must have had a strategic importance, but it is also connected to the fertile alluvial fields of Donje polje and Gornje polje (“Upper field” (superior) and “Lower field” (inferior) in Croatian) on the island of Šolta (these terms recall the ancient division of inferior and superior) on which grapes and olives were cultivated. The inlet is also commonly called "Diocletian’s fish pond." 20. In the villa built on the northern side of Zlatni rat beach in the town of Bol on the island of Braĉ, a stele has been found representing the sea-god Neptune in relief.40 The villa is situated on one of the most beautiful sandy beaches of the central Adriatic, on the controlling position of the major maritime route along the channel between the islands of Braĉ and Hvar, ending in the

25. There are two island villas on Korĉula and Mljet. The first one is a maritime villa at Lumbarda and its location and masonry are notable. It was located on a promontory, on an elevated, panoramic position, at Lumbarda on the island of Korĉula, between two bays, Bili Ţal and Prţina. Some architectural remains were found along Bili Ţal Bay, which belonged to the harbor and the villa. The site controlled navigation along the Pelješac channel and the route to and from Narona. The villa also sits at the edge of a fertile valley, which is still renowned for its vineyards. The site has been surveyed, but not excavated. The layout shows two rectangular buildings (29 x 25 m. and 27 x 24 m.) connected by a 93 m. long and 4.66 m. wide seafront portico.43 One preserved wall is built in opus reticulatum, a technique rare in the eastern Adriatic and outside of Italy in general (Fig. 11). Lafon discussed the rare appearance of this building technique in maritime villas in the provinces and saw it as an indication of

38

41

39

42

Kirigin and Marin 1989, 123-124. Oreb 1990, 51. 40 Cambi, 2002.

Gaffney et al. 1997, 208. Zaninović 2001, 157. 43 Zaninović 2001, 151.

8

Maritime Villas on the Eastern Adriatic Coast from the 1st to the 6th century.49 Its military function in the 6th century is attested by North African and Phocaean Red Slip Ware and by North African amphorae. Pottery and architectural evidence indicate that several maritime villas, possibly state owned, became fortified settlements in Late Antiquity and probably served as military and flotilla bases and commanders’ posts.

property value and of high position of the original owner in relation to Rome. In Italy, this kind of stonework was commonly used in monumental villas, between the reigns of Augustus and Hadrian. Lafon quotes Torelli’s argument that the use of this technique in the provinces was generally for public architecture; its use in domestic architecture was exceptional.44 We may have at Lumbarda a villa of an equal status to public architecture that appears to have been planned by a Rome-based architect and constructed by Italian masons. We can compare it to the maritime villa in Fornaĉe near Piran.45 Was the “grand cru” of this island or its strategic position the reason for this high-power estate? There may be a connection with Appian’s quote that Octavian occupied Korĉula and the neighboring island of Mljet (the location of another villa) during his campaign of 35-33 BC at which time he killed the inhabitants or sold them into slavery (Illyr. 16).

28. Six nautical miles south of present-day Dubrovnik, was the Augustan colony of Epidaurum. Its Croatian name Cavtat derived from Latin Civitas. The suburban area was covered with vineyards and olive groves until the late 19th century. Two suburban, maritime villas have been located on each side of Epidaurum, one across the bay on the Sustjepan promontory, the other in Tiha bay, 300 m. from the Epidaurum harbor. Both bays are protected from the sirocco and the bora and provide good anchorage. Epidaurum was an important port on the shipping line between the Ionian and Adriatic seas and in the trans-Adriatic network. The site in Tiha bay has never been excavated and the modern construction has obliterated Roman structures, except some massive walls of a cistern on the site of Donji Obod (Sutivan). An inscription was found there in 1547, which honored Augustus’ legate to Illyricum, P. Cornelius Dolabella. 50 A head and fragments of a statue were also found, perhaps of Dolabella himself. The villa has, therefore, been traditionally attributed to him. 51 Some walls and the remains of the harbor are visible in the sea. 52 A villa and perhaps an estate of Dolabella would make sense here, but more as a strategic asset, than an economic one.

26. The villa in the harbor of Ubli on the island of Lastovo was of great strategic importance. A protected bay with deep lateral inlets called Mali lago and Veliki lago (which offered protection from winds of different directions) was suitable for the mooring of ships and even for longer stays, before the last leg of the journey over open seas to the Italian coast. This villa, like the one in Lumbarda on the island of Korĉula and the villa in Polaĉe on the island of Mljet, must have been an important point on the maritime route along the eastern Adriatic coast (longitudinal route) as well as the trans-Adriatic route. It was probably the seat of a high-ranking Roman official. The villa in Ubla is located on the edge of fertile fields, at the entrance to a narrow valley. It is only partially explored. A sizeable Late Antique settlement was built on the villa site, featuring an early Christian church.46

29. The villa on the Sustjepan promontory was partially excavated in the early 1970’s. It spread over three terraces with porticoes on the first and second. Along the shoreline were remains of a cistern, storage rooms and a mole.53 These would indicate that some agricultural production occurred on the site, although none has been confirmed. Thirteen inhumation burials of the mid-late 6th century were found within the walls of the lower portico (Fig. 13).

27. The next site is in the same general area, on the north side of the island of Mljet, facing the Pelješac channel. In this case, safety rather than control governed its location at the bottom of a deep bay, its entrance protected by a line of small islands. There are two maritime villas in the bay: an early imperial villa and a late imperial one. The village is now called Polaĉe, from Latin palatium. The early villa has scattered buildings and only parts of the baths with mosaics have been investigated.47 There was a creek flowing into the bay, which would have supplied water to the villa, the baths and perhaps a piscina. The later villa, built in the 5th century, is a compact, two-story, cross-shaped building with polygonal corner towers (Fig. 12). Some of the walls are preserved as high as 20 m. 48 Documentary evidence tells us that in AD 489 king Odoacer gave the entire island, then an imperial estate, to his high official Pierius as a pay-back for his loan. Pierius was the likely builder of the villa, whose suggested function was as a hunting lodge. Underwater finds in the harbor demonstrates the luxurious character of the site

30. Another villa in the territory of Epidaurum, at Mlini, is located near the fertile land of Konavli. Amongst its remains are elements of monumental architecture, but further archaeological investigations are necessary. 54 The finds include marble architectural components, mosaics, and coins of Galerius, Maximian, Constantine I and Constantine II. IV. Discussion. Our research of the maritime villas in the eastern Adriatic region was conditioned by the uneven nature of archaeological exploration and publication throughout this territory. There is a significant difference between the levels of investigation in Histria and in 49

Brusić 1988, 139-142. Faber 1966, 26. 51 Zaninović 1988, 95. 52 Faber 1966, 25. 53 Zaninović 1988, 93. 54 Zaninović 1988, 97.

44

50

Lafon 2001, 239-41. 45 Stokin 1992, 79. 46 Zaninović 1995, 92; Jelić Radonić 2001, 199. 47 Zaninović 1990, 730. 48 Fisković 1999, 63.

9

Begović - Schrunk Dalmatia. The layouts of the villas in Histria are, for the most part, well published, while the villas in Dalmatia have rarely been excavated to any extent and are generally identified by their standing remains. Their ground plans have not been published. At present, only five monumental villas have been identified in Dalmatia. The available evidence also indicates difference in ownership. In Histria, the colonial elite, also the owners of large agricultural estates, were the builders of maritime villas when they developed economies of scale. In Dalmatia, the building of luxurious maritime villas is most likely connected with high-ranking military and administrative officials. The villas in both areas had multiple and mixed functions, but the production of agricultural cash crops (for the villa’s supply and for market) and the control of strategic sea routes were prevalent. The basic function of every maritime villa, however, is the seasonal stay of the owner and the enjoyment of otium at a pleasant seaside retreat. For this reason, many villas had piscinae vivariae in front of the coast (Katoro, Loron, Val Bandon, Brioni Verige and the Ribnjak Bay, Medulin Viţula, the Stari Trogir Bay, Mala Proversa on Ugljan, Neĉujam on Šolta, Šćedro south of Hvar). Piscinae vivariae of smaller dimensions and of a particular layout were actually aquaria for keeping special kinds of fish and other attractions, and were not used to keep fish for consumption or processing. For this purpose large fish ponds were kept and, in some cases, entire bays were walled off (Val Bandon, Brioni – Ribnjak, Neĉujam). Smaller, specially constructed vivaria served primarily as decorative attractions. They had separate chambers for keeping different kinds of fish (Katoro, Loron, and Brioni). The piscina vivaria of the villa at Katoro was a semi-circle, with a separation wall in the middle. The piscina vivaria of the villa at Loron had three chambers. The one in Verige bay on Brioni had several bigger and several smaller rectangular chambers connected by channels, probably with partitions that enabled the opening and closing of channels. The movement of fish could, in any case, be controlled.

writes about the difficulties of the owners of such villas, their anger and irritability, and their broken sleep burdened with worries. He also writes about villas so large that they cover the sea itself. “You erect your monument of marble and spread your palaces on the shores of Baiae” (Lib. II, Car. XVIII). “The owners of large estates have hundreds of worries, and the builders of large villas by the sea often try to flee from their problems in vain”. Finally, Horace concludes: “Not even the unruly sea can bring peace to him who desires too much” (Ode XVIII). V. Conclusion. In their book about the maritime villa at Loron, the authors tried to determine the size of the estate that such a villa occupied and concluded that maritime estates may have extended for several kilometers along the seashore.55 A large number of villas situated in the vicinity of Roman urban centers (at approximately one day’s travel), i.e. around Aegida, Parentium, Pola, Iader, Salona and Narona, confirm the view that rural potentates were at the same time the urban elite. 56 The fate of the maritime villas in Late Antiquity was diverse. Due to their monumental architecture, many assumed new functions, but with no less luxury. Production facilities such as fullonicae were attached to some maritime villas (e.g., Barbariga, Verige on Brioni or Fornaĉe near Piran), while others were transformed into Late Antique settlements or maritime military bases on the vitally important routes along the Adriatic (Katoro, Castrum – Verige on Brioni, Viţula near Medulin, Ubli on Lastovo). Pottery finds and architectural remains support the thesis that several maritime villas, probably those that became imperial possessions, served as military and naval bases and seats of military commanders in Late Antiquity. Other maritime villas attained in that same period their full splendor, e.g. Polaĉe on Mljet. Much remains to be done to explore the known sites and elucidate the fate of these extraordinary architectural creations.

Many of the villas were luxuriously outfitted, so much so that in some of them we find floors executed in the technique of opus scutulatum – a combination of marble slabs cut in various geometrical shapes and mosaic (Val Bandon, Viţula near Medulin). By their position, we differentiate maritime villas on peninsulas and in harbors. By classifying the architectural units, we can differentiate portico-type and peristyle-type villas, as well as combinations of the two. Monumental façades dominate the seashore. In the inner spaces a playful need for handpicked luxury reflects an Epicurean philosophy of life and an affinity for refined spatial arrangements, oftentimes very unconventional. Every villa is practically a unique creation. Sometimes they have luxury contents such as libraries, palaestrae, temples, baths, such as the villa on Brioni islands. The vaults, columns, capitals, luxurious floors (of marble and mosaic) are practically a “must” of the villa’s decoration.

REFERENCES Abbreviations Izdanja HAD društva, Zagreb

Izdanja

Hrvatskog

arheološkog

Obavijesti HAD - Obavijesti Hrvatskog arheološkog društva, Zagreb Prilozi IAZ - Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu, Zagreb VAMZ - Vjesnik Arheološkog Muzeja u Zagrebu, Zagreb

A maritime villa was of great value and demanded extraordinary expenditure to be built. In this vein, Horace

55 56

10

Tassaux, Matijašić, Kovaĉić 2001, 355. Whitaker 1990, 111.

Maritime Villas on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

BEGOVIĆ DVORŢAK, V. (1990), Antiĉka vila u uvali Verige na Brijunima, VAMZ XXIII, Zagreb, 97-110.

D'ARMS, J. H. (1970), Romans on the Bay of Naples, Cambridge.

BEGOVIĆ DVORŢAK, V. (1993-94), Rezidencijalni kompleks u uvali Verige na Brijunima: Hramovi, VAMZ 3.s. XXVI-XXVII, Zagreb, 25-45.

DE FRANCESCHI, C. (1924), Raccolta dei documenti medievali di Pirano1. Parenzo. DE FRANCESCHINI, M. (1999), Le ville romane della X Regio (Venetia et Histria), Rome.

BEGOVIĆ DVORŢAK, V. (1995), Rezidencijalni kompleks u uvali Verige na Brijunima: primjer ekstrovertirane maritimne vile harmoniĉno uklopljene u krajolik, Histria Antiqua 1, Pula, 47-53.

DŢIN, K. (1995), Spomeniĉki nalazi i projekt ekoarheološkog parka Viţula kod Medulina, Histria Antiqua 1, Pula, 73-78.

BEGOVIĆ, V. and I. SCHRUNK (1999-2000), “Villae rusticae na Brijunskomotoĉju,” Opuscula archaeologica 23-24, 425-439.

FABER, A. (1966), Prilog topografiji ilirsko-rimskog Epidaura, Opuscula Archaeologica 6, Zagreb, 25-38.

BEGOVIĆ, V. and I. SCHRUNK (2001), “Preobrazbe rimskuh vila na istoĉnom Jadranu u kasnoj antici i ranom srednjem vijeku (Transformations of Roman villas on the eastern Adriatic coast in late classical antiquity and the early middle Ages),” Prilozi IAZ, Zagreb, 157-172.

FABER, A. (1998), Rimsko naselje u Murteru, Izdanja HAD 19, Zagreb, 97-122.

BEGOVIĆ, V. and I. SCHRUNK (2002), “Rimske vile Istre i Dalmacije, I dio: pregled lokaliteta (Roman villas in Istria and Dalmatia I),” Prilozi IAZ, Zagreb, 113-130.

FISKOVIĆ, I. (1996-97), Jesu li Polaĉe na Mljetu bile sijelo vladara Dalmacije?, Prilozi IAZ 13-14, Zagreb, 6182.

BEGOVIĆ, V. and I. SCHRUNK (2003), “Rimske vile Istre i Dalmacije, II dio: tipologija vila (Roman Villas in Istria and Dalmatia, Part II: Typology of Villas),” Prilozi IAZ, Zagreb, 95-111.

FISKOVIĆ, I. (1999), “Jesu li Polaĉe na Mljetu bile sijelo vladara Dalmacije,” Prilozi IAZ (Zagreb), 61-82.

FADIĆ, I. (1986), Diklo kod Zadra, villa rustica, Arheološki pregled 26, Ljubljana, 90-91.

FONTANA, F. (1993), La villa romana di Barcola, Studi e ricerche sulla Gallia Cisalpina, 4, Rome.

BEGOVIĆ, V. and I. SCHRUNK (2004), “Roman villas in Istria and Dalmatia, III: maritime villas, Rimske vile Istre i Dalmacije, III dio: maritimne vile,” Prilozi IAZ, 123-164.

GAFFNEY, V., KIRIGIN, B., PETRIĆ, N., and VUJNOVIĆ, N. (1997), Archaeological Heritage of Hvar, BAR Intl. Ser. 660, Oxford.

BEGOVIĆ, V. and I. SCHRUNK (2007), The Brioni islands: Past, Architecture and Cultural Heritage, Zagreb.

GLUŠĈEVIĆ, S. and BOLŠEC FERRI, N. (2003), Izvješće o podmorskim arheološkim radovima u Katoru kod Umaga, Obavijesti HAD XXV:1, Zagreb, 114-120.

BEZECZKY, T. (1998), The Laecanius amphora stamps and the villas of Brijuni, Vienna.

GLUŠĈEVIĆ, S. (2006), Proizvodnja amfora Dressel 6B u Novalji na otoku Pagu, Production of Dressel 6B Amphorae in Novalja on the island of Pag, International Archaeological Symposium, Pula, Summaries of Reports, 53-54 and 141-142.

BOLONIĆ, M and ŢIC, I. (1977), Otok Krk kroz vjekove, Zagreb. BOLŠEC FERRI, N. (2003), Zaštitno revizijsko arheološko istraživanje Sepomaja 2003, Muzej grada Umaga, Umag.

GNIRS, A. (1902), Aus Südistrien, JÖAIBeibl 5, 159166. GNIRS, A. (1911), Baudenkmale aus der Zeit ostromischen Herrschaft auf der Insel Brioni Grande, Jahrbuch für Altertumskunde, Wien, 75-97.

BRUSIĆ, Z. (1988), Antiĉka luka u Polaĉama na otoku Mljetu, Izdanja HAD 12, Zagreb, 139-151. CAMBI, N. (2002), Antika, Zagreb.

GNIRS, A. (1915), Forschungen uber antiken Villenbau in Sudistrien, JOAIBeibl 18, 99-164.

CARRE, M. –B., KOVAĈIĆ, V., MARCHIORI, A., ROSADA, G., TASSAUX, F. and ZABEO, M. (2006), Loron-Lorun, Parenzo-Poreĉ, Istria. Una villa maritima nell'agro parentino: la campagna di ricerca 2005., Histria Antiqua 14, 261-281.

JELIĆ RADONIĆ, J. (2001), Rimsko naselje u Ublima na Lastovu, Izdanja HAD, Zagreb, 197-220.

11

Begović - Schrunk JURKIĆ GIRARDI, V. (1979), Scavi in una partedella villa rustica romana a Cervera Porto preso Parenzo, Atti Centro Ricerche Storiche di Rovigno, Rovinj, 427-438.

STOKIN, M. (1992), Naselbinski ostanki iz 1. st. pr. n. š. v Fornaĉah pri Piranu, Arheološki vestnik 43, Ljubljana, 79-87.

JURKIĆ GIRARDI, V. (1981), “GraĊevinski kontinuitet rimskih gospodarskih vila,” Histria Historica 4/2 (Pula),70-105.

SUIĆ, M. (2003), Antički grad na istočnom Jadranu, Zagreb (2nd updated edition). TASSAUX, F. (1982), Laecanii. Recerches sur une famille sénatoriale d’ Istrie, Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome, Antiquité 94, 227-269.

KIRIGIN, B. and MARIN, E. (1989), Arheološki vodič po srednjoj Dalmaciji, Split. LAFON, X. (2001), Villa maritima, Rome.

TASSAUX, F. (1983-84), “L'implantation territoriale des grandes Familles d'Istrie sous le Haut Empire romain,” Atti Dei civici musei di Storia ed Arte di Trieste 13/2, 193-229.

LIPOVAC VRKLJAN, G. (2006), Keramiĉarska radionica u Crikvenici, Ceramics Workshop in Crikvenica, International Archaeological Symposium, Pula, Summaries of Reports, 64-65 and 153.

TASSAUX, F. (1998), “Apports recents de l’epigraphie a l’histoire economique et sociale de Brioni,” Epigrafia romana in area Adriatica (Macerata),77-99.

MATIJAŠIĆ, R. (1998), Gospodarstvo antičke Istre, Pula.

TASSAUX, F., MATIJAŠIĆ, R. and KOVAĈIĆ, V. (2001), Loron (Croatie), Bordeaux.

MEDER, J. (2003), Podni mozaici u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb. MORTEANI, L. (1885), Della città di Pirano, Archeografo Triestino n. s. 11, Trieste, 223-343.

VERZAR BASS, M. (1986), Le transformazioni agrarie tra Adriatico nordorientale e Norico, in Giardina, A. (Ed.), Società Romana e impero tardoantico. Le merci, gli insediamenti, Rome, 647-883.

OREB, F. (1990), Prethistorijsko, antiĉko i starokršćansko razdoblje na otoku Šolti, in Mihovilović, M. A. (Ed.), Otok Šolta, Zagreb, 47-67.

WHITTAKER, C. R. (1990), The consumer city revisited: the vicus and the city, JRA 3, 110-118.

SCHRUNK, I. and BEGOVIĆ, V. (2000), Roman estates on the island of Brioni, Istria, JRA 13, 253-276.

ZANINOVIĆ, M. (1988), Villae rusticae na podruĉju Epidaura, Izdanja HAD 12, Zagreb, 89-100.

SCHWALB, H. (1902), Römische villa bei Pola, Wien. ZANINOVIĆ, M. (1990), Liberov hram u Polaĉama na otoku Mljetu, Arheološki Vestnik 41, Ljubljana, 725-732.

SOREN, D. and W. AYLWARD (1994), “Dazzling Spaces,” Archaeology July-August 1994, 24-28.

ZANINOVIĆ, M. (1995), Villae rusticae u pejzaţu otoka i obale antiĉke Dalmacije, Histria Antiqua 1, Pula, 86-96.

STARAC, A. (1994), Carski posjedi u Histriji, Opuscula archaeologica 18, Zagreb, 133-145.

ZANINOVIĆ, M. (2001), Antiĉke podjele zemljišta na Korĉuli i Pelješcu, Izdanja HAD, 20, Zagreb, 147-160

12

Maritime Villas on the Eastern Adriatic Coast FIGURES

Figure 1. Map of the eastern Adriatic with the sites of maritime villas. 1. Fornaĉe, 2. Katoro, 3. Loron, 4. Sorna, 5. Barbariga, 6. Dragonera, 7. Brioni, 8. Valbandon, 9. Banjole, 10. Viţula, 11. Selce near Crikvenica, 12. Njivice on the island of Krk near Fulfinum, 13. Zubovići on the island of Pag, 14. Muline on the island of Ugljan, 15. Supetarska draga on the island of Rab, 16. Crvena luka near Zadar, 17. Murter, 18. Stari Trogir, 19. Neĉujam on the island of Šolta, 20. Zlatni rat in Bol on the island of Braĉ, 21. Lovreĉina on Braĉ, 22. Soline bay, St. Klement, near the island of Hvar, 23. Šćedro island south of Hvar, 24. Sreser, 25. Lumbarda, 26. Ubli on the island of Lastovo, 27. Polaĉe, 28. Tiha, 29. Sustjepan, 30. Mlini.

13

Begović - Schrunk

Figure 2. Maritime villa Katoro (Matijašić 1998).

Figure 10. Maritime villa, Bay of Stari Trogir (Kirigin, Marin 1989, according to Jelić).

Figure 14. Maritime villa Sorna (Jurkić Girardi 1981).

14

Maritime Villas on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

Figure 3. Maritime villa Loron (Tassaux, Matijašić, Kovaĉić 2001).

15

Begović - Schrunk

Figure 4. Maritime villa Barbariga (Schwalb 1902).

Figure 5. Valbandon maritime villa plan (Gnirs 1911, Matijašić 1998).

16

Maritime Villas on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

Figure 6. Verige, plan of the maritime villa and ideal reconstruction (Begović Dvorţak 1994).

17

Begović - Schrunk

Figure 7. Maritime villa on the peninsula Viţula near Medulin (Dţin 1995).

Figure 8. Maritime villa on the site Muline on the island of Ugljan (Suić 2003).

18

Maritime Villas on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

Figure 9. Maritime villa on the island of Murter (Faber 1998).

19

Begović - Schrunk

Figure 11. Maritime villa Lumbarda on the island of Korĉula (Zaninović 2001).

20

Maritime Villas on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

Figure 12. Maritime villa in Polaĉe on the island of Mljet (Fisković 1999).

Figure 13. Maritime villa on the peninsula of Sustjepan, plan and photo (Zaninović 1988).

21

THE EMPEROR AND THE CITY: A CASE STUDY ON THE LINK BETWEEN HADRIAN AND PHILIPPOPOLIS, THRACE Ivo Topalilov (University of Shumen, Bulgaria)

Abstract. This paper reviews evidence of one or two visits by Hadrian to the Thracian city of Philippopolis. This author indicates that depsite a lack of literary evidence for this emperor‟s permanence in Philippopolis, the extent of building during Hadrian‟s reign, evidence of games in honor of Antinoos and statues of Sabina all point to at least one visit to the city in the 120‟s or early 130‟s AD.

I. Introduction. “Indeed, no Roman emperor devoted as much personal attention to cities throughout the empire as did Hadrian, except perhaps Augustus himself” writes M. Boatwright and it seems she is quite right.1 The comprehensive study she has made on the link between the emperor Hadrian (AD 117-138) and the cities in the Empire shows that more than 210 cities were affected by his favor. It is not by chance that Hadrian was commemorated on the coins as „restitutor‟ of the provinces. His influence is found in different aspects, such as the change of the city‟s status. The emperor‟s intervention in the daily life of towns involved the appointment of high magistrates, priesthoods and curators, land attribution, the determination of boundaries, the remission or exemption of taxes, the organization of games and festivals, conferring titles and names, as well as impressive building programs. Building programs, which were indeed common, may have consisted of major engineering projects and new construction, completion of previously initiated work, renovation and decoration of older buildings and complexes and so forth.2 The study reveals that most cities on Boatwright‟s list received just a token of the emperor‟s favors, which may or may not be simply due to scanty evidence. The list could be augmented with the names of other cities for which we currently have no proof of any emperor‟s presence or benefits.

to reveal, if possible, the true nature of Hadrian‟s benefactions to the city, which were the grounds for its prosperity for over the next century and half. It seems that these changes were of consequence for the city, especially when one considers that the only commemorative arch in Philippopolis was devoted to Hadrian. Before we begin our analysis of the given facts, it is necessary to mention that until this moment we do not have concrete historical proof of the emperor‟s visit to Philippopolis, as we do for other cities, especially those in the provinces in Asia Minor.3 The numismatic data and the epigraphic material, however, indicate Hadrian‟s travels through Thrace during both of his eastern provincial tours in AD 124-125 and AD 128-132. The primary sources do not mention Hadrian‟s visit in Philippopolis, but Bulgarian scholarship based upon epigraphic and numismatic data accepts the thesis that during his first provincial tour Hadrian passed through Thrace at which time he renamed the indigenous settlement Uscudama after himself, Hadrianopolis, and then continued north to the military base Cabyle and then to Durostorum and Tomis.4 During his second provincial tour, on his way back to Rome, it is presumed on the basis of ADVENTVS type coins that the emperor visited Thrace once again.5 This coin type of AD 134-138,6 combined with epigraphic evidence of the erection of the basilica in Pautalia, devoted to Hadrian in AD 135 as well as the establishment of the new borderline between Thrace and Lower Moesia in AD 136, clearly reveals his route from Athens to the north at the limes.7

II. Hadrian and Philippopolis. One of these centers is the primary city in Thrace - Philippopolis. The grounds for such an assumption lie in the sudden change that occurred in the urban development of the city when one compares the city under Trajan to that of Antoninus Pius‟s time. In fact, such change is clearly observed not only in Philippopolis, but also throughout Thrace, which makes some scholars believe that the cities received consecratio during Hadrian‟s time. It is, therefore, the aim of this paper to combine the study of various sources (e.g., archaeological, epigraphic and numismatic) in order 1 2

3

Galsterer-Kröll 1972. Юрукова 1987, 11-12; Велков 1991, 14; Колева 2005, 10; Weber 1904, 57, 148; Henderson 1923, 84, 283; Vladkova 2002, 32. 5 Birley 2000, 145. 6 Mattingly 1966, clxxi-clxxii. 7 Бешевлиев 1952, 60-63; IGBulg. IV, № 2057; Топалилов 2005, 94. 4

Boatwright 2000, 12. Cf. Boatwright 2000.

23

Topalilov

Map. 1. Province of Thrace with major cities (after R. Ivanov (ed.), 2002 - Early and Roman Byzantine cities in Bulgaria, vol. 1, Sofia). Despite these indications, there is no direct evidence that the emperor passed through Philippopolis. The funeral stela of M. Ulpius Statius (Fig. 1), a soldier in equites singulares Augusti found in Philippopolis suggests that Hadrian did indeed have a sojourn in the city.8 M. Ulpius Statius, the emperor‟s horseman, died in Philippopolis during Hadrian‟s reign; therefore, it is quite likely that the death occurred during a visit by Hadrian.

Philippopolis, a metropolis of the Roman province of Thrace and, therefore, the seat of the provincial assembly (êïéíόí ô™í Иραê™í), was also affected by those reforms. The change of the city‟s status was clearly demonstrated by the most widely used propaganda medium of the time – local coinage. The Latin title of the emperor on bilingual coins minted during the reigns of Domitian and Trajan was exchanged with a Greek title. On the reverse of the new coins, the emperor‟s title is simply recorded ÁÄÑÉÁÍÏΣ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΣ (Fig. 2).11 This seems to indicate that during the reigns of Domitian and Trajan the responsibility of minting local coinage was entrusted to the central Roman government, represented by the provincial governor, while beginning with Hadrian‟s reign, the minting of coinage was transferred to the local city authorities.12

One of the most important reforms of Hadrian‟s rule was the unification of all the provinces and ethnicities within the Roman Empire through the doctrine of PATRIA.9 In order to achieve this, the emperor undertook major reforms in urban as well as provincial life. We have already mentioned that a major part of his reforms affected more than 210 cities in the empire. The reforms of the provinces were not of less importance, since their goal was to encourage local autonomy in different aspects.10 For example, we can point out the giving of local communities the right of self-governing, with the forthcoming privileges and obligations. These reforms also affected Thrace where the first symptoms of organized urban life appeared.

Hadrian‟s deeds and accomplishments lead some scholars to believe that Philippopolis gained its civic status after the Roman administrative norms and rules during Hadrian‟s reign.13 This thesis is doubtful due to the fact that the tripartite political organization of the polis with the advisory council (вïõëÞ), assembly (ä\ìïò) and phylai, is recorded in Philippopolis on inscriptions dating

8

AE 2001, 01751, Dis Manibus/ [M(arco)] Ulpio Statio / eq(uiti) sing(ulari) Aug(usti) / M(arcus) Ulpius Silvanus / frater heres f(aciendum) c(uravit); Герасимова, Мартинова 1994, 29-32. 9 For this doctrine, see mainly Perowne 1976, 54, 67-76. 10 Boatwright 2002, 37ff.

11

Мушмов 1924, 213-214. See Лозанов 2002, 234-235. 13 Лозанов 2002, 238. 12

24

The Emperor and the City – Hadrian in Philippopolis to the time of Domitian and Trajan.14 As a matter of fact, the earliest evidence of one of the major civic institutions may date as early as the 3rd century BC.15 Bearing in mind that the Romans usually preserved the pre-existing institutions they found in the cities of the Greek East and only later established new, more loyal ones,16 it is unlikely that the political organization of a new polis was established during the time of Hadrian: the city already had its institutions. In fact, written sources and a statue dedicated to Domitian in AD 88 indicate that these preexisting institutions allowed Philippopolis to become a metropolis of Thrace prior to the reign of Hadrian.17 As to its civic status, Philippopolis as a peregrine city with preRoman institutions automatically accepted the status of civitas stipendiarae.

inscriptions found in Philippopolis mention tabularius provinciae as well as commentaries provinciae Thraciae,24 as the latter exercised control over the tabularius.25 The earliest mention of tabularius provinciae is on the funeral stela of Titus Aelius Euphrosynus, who, according to his stela, was a freedman of the emperor (Fig. 4) .26 Modern scholars accept the notion that augg. lib in this stela should be developed as Augg(ustorum) lib(erto), which means that Titus Aelius Euphrosynus had become a freedman in the period AD 140-161, when Antoninus Pius was Emperor and M. Aelius Aurelius Verus was Caesar. According to L. Botoucharova, it was exactly during this time when Titus Aelius Euphrosynus was appointed as tabularius provinciae.27 If the proposed date is correct, this means that during Antoninus Pius‟s rule the institution of tabularius provinciae had already been established in Philippopolis.

The importance of self-governing local authorities as a result of these reforms led to certain changes in the topography of the city. The archaeological excavations in Plovdiv show that a huge reconstruction of the northern part of the main city square (agora) took place. This consisted of erecting the city council building (bouleuterion), whose façade was embellished by marble Corinthian capitals dated to the second decade of the 2nd century AD.18

As mentioned above, at the beginning of Hadrian‟s rule, a major reconstruction campaign was carried out in the northern part of the agora, serving as the new administrative centre of the city. Here, with the construction of the city council, a second building was erected which is generally interpreted as a library.28 The grounds for such an assumption lie in the specific planning of the buildings, which have a surrounding marble path and niches in the walls. Libraries were not the only structures planned in this manner, however, and similar architectural schemes can be found in archive buildings (tabularium). These observations coupled with the fact that archives should be situated on the main square allow us to put forward the thesis that the building discovered on the north side of the agora was not a library, but an archive.29 It is also worth mentioning that while there is no historical evidence for the existence of a library or a librarian in Philippopolis, we do have evidence of a tabularius provinciae. It is reasonable to speculate that the institution of tabularius provinciae was established in Hadrian‟s time amongst his many administrative reforms within the province.

Аs emphasized by B. Gerov, the Romans paid special attention to the establishment of a privileged circle in society which the imperial administration relied upon when necessary.19 Such an organization remained very close to the emperor and his administration was regarded as the so-called “Sacred Gerusia” (^ såρ@ ãåρïõóЯα). This group was responsible for erecting statues of the emperor and the nobility, new construction and renovations, as well as organizing celebrations and religious rites connected with the Imperial cult.20 In fact, the only known statue of Hadrian in Philippopolis was set up by a gerusiast(s) (Fig. 3).21 Paleographical features as well as the emperor‟s title show that the statue was erected during the early reign of Hadrian, demonstrating that the Sacred Gerusia was established during Hadrian‟s time.22 It is noteworthy to mention that the establishment of this institution in other cities in the empire generally coincided with an emperor‟s presence.23

Simultaneously a vast building program had begun. It comprised not only the construction of the main buildings of the city, but changed radically the urban topography of Philippopolis. Among the major urban structures constructed or renovated at this time were the agora, an aqueduct, a bath complex, streets, a stadium and an honorary arch. These monuments will not be discussed here in detail; however, it is worth noting that several of these projects were completed during the reign of

It is possible that at this time in Philippopolis, some other institutions were established, not related to civic life, but rather to provincial life in Thrace. The questionable institution is that of the tabularius provinciae. The 14

Шаранков 2004, 204. IGBulg. III, 1, 879. 16 Dmitriev 2005. 17 Sharankov 2005, 241-242; Топалилов 2007. 18 Димитров 2009. 19 Геров 1980, 105-107. 20 Шаранков 2004, 205. 21 IGBulg. III, 1, 1046 : [ΑˆôïêρÜôïρα êαЯóαρα èåï‡ Τραéα]íï‡ Рαρèéê[ï‡ õsόí]/[ èåï‡ Νέρïõα õsωíόí, Τραéαí{í] ‘Αäρéαí{í Óåâáóô[{í]/[------------------------------ãåñ]ïõóéáóô../.YI; N. Sharankov (2004, 203) suggests that IGBulg. III,1 , 1047 belongs to this inscription; Gerassimova-Tomova 1987, 245; Шаранков 2004, 203. 22 Шаранков 2004, 203-204. 23 Oliver 1941, 4ff; Oliver 1989, 401-413. 15

24

Kalinka 1906, № 374 Ботушарова 1968, 43-45. 26 D (is) M(anibus)/ T(ito) Aelio Aug(ustorum; usti) lib(erto) Eu/phrosyno tabula-/rio provinciae Thra-/ciae. Aelia Parthen-/ice coiugi karissi-/mo et dulcissimo/ aram posuit 27 On the freedmen of Antoninus Pius, see Weaver 1972; Ботушарова 1968, 45. 28 Вачева 1992, 36; Мартинова 2006, 275 сл. 29 See Gros 1996, 207. 25

25

Topalilov Hadrian‟s heir, Antoninus Pius. For instance, in Hadrian‟s time the construction of an aqueduct began, which brought water from the Rhodopa Mountains 22 km away.30 Hadrian‟s aqueduct, possibly a component of the PATRIA doctrine, encompassed a smaller, pre-existing aqueduct;31 the enlargement probably reflects a growing population. Because of the vastness of the project it was completed during Antoninus Pius‟ time and commemorated on local coins where the arches of the bridge were depicted. Personifications of two river gods were presented on other coins.32 The building of the new aqueduct allowed the construction of Roman thermae in Philippopolis, which have been partially excavated.33

was found in close proximity to the arch (Fig. 6). It is clear that this is the beginning of the emperor‟s title in a votive inscription that would have read Αˆôï [êρÜôïρα êáЯóáñá]. Paleographically, the diagonal hast of the „A‟ and the two small hastae of the „Y‟ as well as the shape of letters are parallel to the official Trajanic inscriptions of Philippopolis.

Similarly, we note changes in the road system whereby the old gravel roads were replaced with improved ones composed of large sienite slabs with drainage and waterpipes beneath.34 This construction project was initiated in Hadrian‟s time, as attested by the latest coin found in the lower level,35 and was completed during the reign of Marcus Aurelius.

The written sources (Cass. Dio LXIX, 11; Script. Hist. Aug., Hadr., XIV, 5-7; Aur. Victor, De Caes., 14, 7-9; Eus. Hist. eccl., IV, 8) clearly reveal the attachment of Hadrian to the young boy from Bythinia who was ideal for his beauty and after his death became the symbol of self-sacrifice in the name of love. A city with his name was built and he was pronounced at first as a hero, and later as god, and celebrated with games in the Greek East. A plaque found in Philippopolis shows that similar games, in our case Áíôéíýåéá Tí Öéëéððïðüëåé, were held here and that the disciplines included athletic events requiring a stadium.40

Not only was Hadrian honored with an arch, but also with special games dedicated to Antinoos. Our knowledge of these games is based on a marble plaque with his image depicted and the inscription: Áíôßíïïí añωα – the hero Antinoos (Fig. 7).

One of the projects completed during Hadrian‟s lifetime was the new architectural decoration of the main square where repairs were made to some of the older Dorian capitals and new Ionian style capitals made of marble were added.36 Another structure erected during the reign of Hadrian was the stadium. Until recently, the exact date of the construction has been under much discussion,37 but the games Áíôéíýåéá Tí Öéëéððïðüëåé that took place through to AD 136 provide a terminus ante quem for the construction of the stadium.

It is worth mentioning that Antinoos is presented as a hero rather than the widely spread θεόν, which demonstrates that the games in Philippopolis were organized shortly after his death in AD 130 when he had not yet been declared a god. Knowing that the cult to Antinoos flourished during the period AD 134-138, the Philippopolis games were likely organized prior to AD 134 by local authorities or the provincial assembly of the Thracians.

Until this point we have discussed the various benefits that Philippopolis gained during Hadrian‟s probable visit(s). The archaeological excavations, epigraphic data and sculpture, however, also show how the city expressed its gratitude to the emperor. The foremost expression of gratitude is an honorary arch in the NE district of the city. Situated on via diagonalis, the arch later became the main gate of Late Antique Philippopolis (Fig. 5).38 The arch itself belongs to the tripylon type, but only the lower part is preserved. Despite this, we can conclude that the arch was richly decorated with statues in niches, semicolumns, capitals, friezes/architraves and cornices. The architectural decoration dates the construction of this monument in the second decade of the 2nd century AD.39 A fragment with a single-line inscription reading ΑΥΤΟ

It appears that the cult to Antinoos gained great popularity in Philippopolis and he was honored a second time with games during the later part of Hadrian‟s reign. Antinoos is represented again on a local coin minted for the adopted son of Hadrian, Lucius Aelius Caesar (AD 136-137), but this time as a god (Fig. 8).41 In some cities where this cult gained a large following, as it had in Matineia, such games were organized every four years. The marble plaque of Philippopolis dates soon after his death, but the aforementioned coin is a bit later, indicating that games similar to the ones in Matineia were also organized in the Thracian city. If the second ones took place during the time of Lucius Aelius Caesar as the coin suggests, we can assume that the first ones were held here in AD 132-133.

30

Цончев 1938; for the uncovered section of the aqueduct, see Топалилов 2009; for this type of aqueduct, dated to the 1st and first half of the 2nd centuries, see Biernacka-Lubańska 1973, 145-146 ff. 31 Кесякова 1983, 72. 32 Колев 1966, 77-78. 33 Цончев 1940, 129 сл. 34 Кесякова 1993, 92; Кесякова 1994, 196. 35 Кесякова 1977, 59. 36 Djambov, Mateev 1983, 285-289; Джамбов, Матеев 1979, 52; Матеев 1993, 65; Кесякова 2004, 17; 37; Димитров 2009. 37 Матеев 1971, 136; Ботушарова 1977; Tsontchev 1947, 40-41; Вагалински 2000. 38 Botucharova, Kessiakova 1980, 267, fig. 4-5; Кесякова 1993, 85-86, обр. 3-6; Кесякова 1999, 93-94, обр. 115. 39 Димитров 2009.

As a consequence of Hadrian‟s benefits to Philippopolis we might expect the development of the imperial cult in the city. Archaeological excavations show that a temple of the Imperial cult was built on the agora at this time, 40

Шаранков 2004, 164-168. The coin is published in Мушмов 1924, 214 и табл. ІІ, № 22, who identified the image as Apollo. For the interpretation that the image is of Antinoos, see Шаранков 2004, 167. 41

26

The Emperor and the City – Hadrian in Philippopolis of an honorific arch,50 the beginning of large-scale urbanization and so forth. This clearly shows his intentions based upon the PATRIA doctrine. We might assume that during his journey the aforementioned M. Ulpius Statius died in Philippopolis. Moreover, the organization of games dedicated to deified Antinoos, the use of small portraiture and the minting of coins in the local monetary atelier for Lucius Aelius Caesar are good grounds to propose a second visit by the Emperor to Philippopolis in the period AD 135-136.

despite the fact that the institution of Bρ÷éåρåэт already existed during the time of his predecessors. On the other hand, it seems that the newly established “Sacred gerusia” was also practicing the Imperial cult. The “Sacred gerusia” decorated the lodge dedicated to the emperor and the high ranking Roman magistrates in the province at their own expense.42 The section of the “loving the emperor” (öéëïêαéóÜρωí) was placed next to the lodge.43 As some other epigraphic monuments reveal, öéëïêαéóÜρωí could be regarded as an epithet of magistrates and organizations responsible for practicing the Imperial cult.44

REFERENCES

Except for the emperor himself, some other members of the imperial family were also honored by statues in Philippopois, namely Hadrian‟s wife, Sabina. Two marble heads of the empress have been found so far. The first one represents the empress as a goddess45 (Fig. 9) following the official propaganda in women‟s fashionable portrait practices, while the second one belongs to the group of private portraiture (Fig. 10).46 The former was found near the stadium and may have belonged to the decoration of this building together with a statue of Hadrian, as the closest parallel of this head from Perge shows,47 while the latter was found near the eastern gate of Philippopolis.

BIERNACKA-LUBAŃSKA, M. (1973), “Iconographic sources for the history of Roman aqueducts in Northern Thrace,” Archaeologia Polona XIV, 315-329. BIRLEY, A. (2000), “Hadrian to the Antonines,” in Cambridge Ancient History, volume XI. The High Empire, AD 70-192, Cambridge. BOATWRIGHT, M. (2000), Hadrian and the cities of the Roman Empire, Princeton, N.J. DMITRIEV, S. (2005), City government in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, Oxford.

It is suggested that both marble heads should be dated soon after AD 128 and they are regarded as a consequence of the emperor‟s visit in Thrace.48 As for Sabina‟s head, which belongs to the group of private portraiture, we suggest that this results from the popularity gained by the imperial family in Philippopolis at this time. Until now these are the only known statues of Sabina found in Thrace.49

DŽAMBOV, H. and M. MATEEV (1983), “Eléments de la décoration architecturale de l‟agora et du forum de Philippopolis,” Pulpudeva 4, Sofia, 284-290. GALSTERER-KRÖLL, B. (1972), Untersuchungen zu den Beinamen der Städte des Imperium Romanum, Epigraphische Studien 9, 44-145. GERASSIMOVA-TOMOVA, V. (1987), “Die Administration der Städte in Thrakien während des 1.-3. Jhdts. u. Z. (im Gebiet des heutigen Bulgarien),” Terra Antiqua Balcanica II, 239-246.

III. Conclusion. Analyzing the data of the archaeological excavations, epigraphic monuments, numismatic data, sculptures and architectural decoration of the buildings in Philippopolis, allows us to suggest a clear connection between the emperor and the city in both directions. This study shows different aspects of that link, which resulted in Philippopolis becoming a modern Roman city. We can even claim that other construction projects of such a great scale were not carried out in Philippopolis until the reign of Constantine I, despite the flourishing of the city during Severan times when it was fully renovated. Part of the data also indicates that Hadrian visited the city during his first provincial tour (AD 124-125). As a result, we propose the establishment of the “Sacred gerusia” as well as the dedication of a statue of the emperor, the erection

GRIMAL, P. (1961), Les villes romaines, Paris. GROS, P. (1996), L’architecture romaine du début du III siècle av. J.-C. à la fin du Haut-Empire, Paris. HENDERSON, B. (1923), Hadrian AD 76- 138. The life and Principate of the Emperor, London. HØLTE, J.M. (2005), Roman imperial statue bases from Augustus to Commodus, Aarhus University Press (Aarhus Studies in Mediterranean Antiquity VII). IVANOV, T. and R. IVANOV (1983), “Aedes thensaurorum von Philippopolis,” Pulpudeva 4, Sofia, 190-196

42

ôáìéåэïíôïò Bî(éïëïãωôÜôïõ)/РïëõãÞρïõ ’ΑëåîÜ-/[í]äñïõ Tê ô™í êïéí™í/ ô\ò såñAò ãåρïõóЯα(т)./åˆôõ÷™т. 43 Шаранков 2004, 199. 44 Шаранков 2004, 199. 45 Tsontchev 1959, 27, no. 35, pl. XII, fig. 35; Колева 2005, 7-8. 46 Колева 2005, 8-9. 47 Tsontchev 1959, 25, no. 32, pl. X, fig. 32; Колева 2005, 9. 48 Колева 2005, 9-13. 49 Колева 2005, 7-13.

MATTINGLY, H. (1966), Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, vol. III. Nerva to Hadrian, London.

50

27

Hølte 2005.

Topalilov OLIVER, J.H. (1941), The Sacred Gerusia, Hesperia Supplement VI, Baltimore.

la necropole est de Philippopolis, Bulletin of the museums of South Bulgaria].

PEROWNE, S. (1976), Hadrian, Westpoint, Connecticut. ГЕРАСИМОВА-ТОМОВА, B. (1985), “Филипопол и гвардията на римските императори,” в: 100 години Народен Археологически музей- Пловдив, том ІІ, Пловдив, 91-95 [V. Gerassimova-Tomova, Philippopolis and the Roman imperial guards, in 100 years of Archaeological Museum-Plovdiv, vol. II].

SHARANKOV, N. (2005), “Unknown Governors of Provincia Thracia Late I-early II century AD,” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 151, 235-242. SPEIDEL, M. (1965), Die equites singulares Augusti. Begleitruppe der römischen Kaiser des zweiten und dritten Jahrhunderts, Bonn.

ГЕРОВ, Б. (1980), “Земевладението в Римска Тракия и Мизия (І-ІІІ в.),” ГСУ ФКНФ LXXII, 2, София [B. Gerov, Der Besitz an Grund und boden im römischen Thrakien und Mösien (1.-3. Jh.), Annuaire de l‟Univeriste de Sofia. Faculte des letters classiques et modernes].

TSONTCHEV, D. (1947), Contributions à l’histoire du stade antique de Philippopolis, Sofia. TSONTCHEV, D. (1959), “Momuments de la sculpture romaine en Bulgarie mériodinale,” Latomus XXXIX, 541.

ДЖАМБОВ, X. and M. МАТЕЕВ (1979), “Форумният комплекс на Филипопол,” Археология 3, 47-56 [Hr. Dzambov, M. Mateev, The Forum of Philippopolis].

VLADKOVA, P. (2002), “The Earliest Nicopolis ad Istrum,” in The Roman and Late Roman city, Sofia, 3034.

ДИМИТРОВ, Здр. (2009), “Развитие на коринтския ордер във Филипопол през римската епоха,” Годишник на Археологическия музей- Пловдив XI [Zdr. Dimitrov, The development of the Corinthian order in Philippopolis during the Roman period, Annual of the Archaeological Museum-Plovdiv (under press)].

WEAVER, P.R.S. (1972), Familia Caesaris. A Social Study of the Emperor’s freedmen and slaves, Cambridge. WEBER, W. (1904), Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichsprägung des Kaisers Hadrianus, Leipzig.

KEСЯКОВА, E. (1977), “За градоустройството на Филипопол през римската епоха,” Археология 2, 51-60 [E. Kessjakova, The urbanization of Philippopolis during the Roman period].

БЕШЕВЛИЕВ, B. (1952), Епиграфски приноси, София [V. Beševliev, Epigraphische Beiträge, Sofia]. БОТУШАРОВА, Л. (1968), “Три документа за историята на римския Филипопол,” Археология 2, 4354 [L. Botoucharova, Three documents on the history of Philippopolis].

КЕСЯКОВА, E. (1983), “Акведуктите на Филипопол,” Археология 1-2, 63-76 [E. Kessjakova, The aqueducts of Philippopolis]. КЕСЯКОВА, E. (1993), “Нови данни за градоустройството на Филипопол,” Известия на музеите в южна Блъгария XVIII, 79-97 [E. Kessjakova, New data about the urbanization of Philippopolis, Bulletin of the museums of South Bulgaria].

БОТУШАРОВА, Л. (1977), Амфитеатърът на Филипопол, Пловдив [L. Botoucharova, L‟amphithéatre de Philippopolis, Plovdiv]. ВАГАЛИНСКИ, Л. (2000), “Още веднъж за стадиона на Филипопол,” Известия на Националния исторически музей 11, 135-141 [L. Vagalinski, Once again about the stadium of Philippopolis, Proceedings of the National Museum of History].

КЕСЯКОВА, E. (1994), Градоустройственото развитие на Филипопол -В: Поселищен живот в древна Тракия, III, Ямбол, 192-204 [E. Kessjakova, The urban development of Philippopolis, Studies on settlement life in ancient Thrace].

ВАЧЕВА, Кр. (1992), “По въпроса за булевтериона на Nicopolis ad Istrum,” Археология 2, 32-38 [Kr. Vacheva, On the question on the bouleuterion of Nicopolis ad Istrum].

КЕСЯКОВА, E. (2004), Агората на Филипопол, ГАМП ІХ, 2, 9-74 [E. Kessjakova, The Agora of Philippopolis, Annuairy of the Archaeological Museum – Plovdiv].

ВЕЛКОВ, В. (1991), Надписи от Кабиле- в: Кабиле, т. 2, София, 7-53 [V. Velkov, Inscriptions de Cabyle, in Cabyle, vol. 2, Sofia].

КОЛЕВ, К. (1966), “Монетите като извор за историята на Пловдив,” -В: Археологически проучвания за историята на Пловдив и Пловдивския край, Пловдив, 56-84 [K. Kolev, The coins as a source for the history of Plovdiv, Archaeological studies on the history of Plovdiv and Plovdiv region].

ГЕРАСИМОВА, B. and M. МАРТИНОВА (1994), “Нови данни за източния некропол на Филипопол,” Известия на музеите в Южна България, 20, 27-40 [V. Gerassimova and M. Martinova, De nouvelles donnes sur

28

The Emperor and the City – Hadrian in Philippopolis КОЛЕВА, M. (2005), “Портретна пластика от Хадриановата епоха от днешните български земи. Официални портрети,” Проблеми на изкуството 4, 314 [M. Koleva, Portraiture during the Hadrian‟s time in present Bulgarian lands. Official portraits, Art Studies Quarterly].

Topalilov, Aelia Pautalia, in Proceedings of the Museum of History Kyustendil, vol. X]. ТОПАЛИЛОВ, И. (2007), “Отново за Tiberius Claudius Sacerdos Iulianus, procurator provinciae Thraciae,” Bulletin of the Stara Zagora Museum of History, vol. II, Stara Zagora, 256-260 [I. Topalilov, Once again on Tiberius Claudius Sacerdos Iulianus, procurator provinciae Thraciae].

ЛОЗАНОВ, И. (2002), “Бележки върху развитието на Филипопол в ранната история на римска Тракия (І в.първата четвърт на ІІ в.),” Годишник на Софийския университет, Исторически факултет, сп. Археология 3, 231- 244 [I. Lozanov, Notes on the urban development of Philippopolis in the early history of Roman Thrace (1st and early 2nd c. AD), Annuaire del‟Universite de Sofia, Faculte d‟Histoire- Studia Archaelogica].

ЦОНЧЕВ, Д. (1938), Приноси към старата история на Пловдив, София [D. Tsontchev, Contributions to the ancient history of Plovdiv]. ЦОНЧЕВ, Д. (1940), “Новооткрита римска баня в Пловдив,” Годишник на Пловдивската Народна Библиотека и Музей, 129-156 [D. Tsontchev, A newly discovered Roman Bath in Plovdiv Annuaire de la Bibliothèque nationale à Plovdiv].

МАРТИНОВА, M. (2006), “Библиотеката при агората на Филипопол,” - в: Поселищен живот в древна Тракия V, Ямбол, 275-283 [M. Martinova, The library on the agora in Philippopolis, Studies on settlement life in ancient Thrace].

ШАРАНКОВ, H. (2002), “Паметник на култа към Антиной във Филипопол,” Годишник на Департамента Средиземноморски и източни изследвания І,164-168 [N. Sharankov, A Monument of the cult of Antonoos in Philippopolis, Annual of the Department „Mediterranean and Eastern studies‟, New Bulgarian University].

МАТЕЕВ, M. (1971), “Стадионът на античния Филипопол,” ГНАМП VІІ, 135-151 [M. Mateev, The stadium of ancient Philippopolis, Annuairy of the Archaeological Museum – Plovdiv]. МАТЕЕВ, M. (1993), Древният Филипопол, Пловдив [M. Mateev, Ancient Philippopolis].

ШАРАНКОВ, H. (2004), “Свещената герусия във Филипопол,” Годишник на Департамент Средиземноморски и източни изследвания ІІ, 198-208 [N. Sharankov, The Sacred Gerusia in Philippopolis, Annual of the Department „Mediterranean and Eastern studies‟, New Bulgarian University]. ЮРУКОВА, Й. (1987), Монетосеченето на градовете в Долна Мизия и Тракия (І- ІІІ в.), Хадрианопол, София [J. Jurukova, The Coinage of the cities in Lower Moesia and Thrace (I-III AD), Hadrianopolis, Sofia].

МУШМОВ, H. (1924), “Античните монети на Пловдив,” ГНБМП за 1924, 181-289 [N. Mouchmov, Les monnaies antiques de Philippopolis, Annuaire de la Bibliothèque nationale à Plovdiv]. ТОПАЛИЛОВ, И. (2005), “Alia Pautalia,” Известия на Исторически музей- Кюстендил, Х, 93-99 [I.

29

Topalilov FIGURES

Figure 1. Funeral stele of M. Ulpius Statius.

Figure 3. Base of a statue with dedication to Hadrian.

Figure 2. Coin of Hadrian with Greek legend.

30

The Emperor and the City – Hadrian in Philippopolis

Figure 4. Funeral stele of Titus Aelius Euphrosynus.

Figure 5. Remains of dedicatory arch along via Diagonalis.

31

Topalilov

Figure 6. Fragment of dedicatory arch with inscription AYTO.

Figure 7. Marble relief with dedication to Antinoos.

32

The Emperor and the City – Hadrian in Philippopolis

Figure 8. Hadrianic coin with reference to Lucius Aelius Caesar.

Figure 9. Bust of Sabina as goddess.

Figure 10. Bust of Sabina.

33

EARLY CHRISTIAN IMPORTS AND LOCAL IMITATIONS OF IMPORTED GOODS IN THE TERRITORY OF THE CENTRAL BALKANS Olivera Ilić (Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade) Abstract: This paper discusses Early Christian objects imported from various parts of the Late Roman Empire. The majority of the objects originate in the east: Asia Minor, Syria or Egypt, whereas a smaller number of them were manufactured in some of the western centres of manufacture. The products originating from Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine and Egypt were obtained by the eastern sea route, via the Aegean Sea, whereas the objects manufactured in Italy or Dalmatia arrived by the western route, mostly by way of the Adriatic Sea.

I. Introduction. There is not a lot of reliable data from the period of Diocletian regarding the appearance and spread of Christianity in the region of the central Balkans. Therefore, the existence of Christian communities from that period remains in the domain of assumptions. This territory came into contact with the new religion at a later time than the southern part of the Balkans, where Christianity had been present ever since the time of the apostles. According to the New Testament, the first Christian communities were found in larger towns, which implies that the beginnings of Christianity on the Balkan peninsula should first be sought in the large urban centres spread across the southern part of the peninsula.1 This phenomenon was characteristic of the entire Mediterranean region so that one can speak of Christianity as "the religion of the towns".

By the edict of the emperors Constantine and Licinius (AD 313), the so-called Edict of Milan, the new religion was accepted in the Roman Empire, becoming later on, during the reign of Gratian and Theodosius I (AD 379 and 383), the state religion of the Empire. At its very beginning, the Christian church adjusted its organization to the administrative structure of the state, so that the capitals of the Roman provinces became, at the same time, the seats of episcopates, and the organization of the church itself was subject to the political divisions of the provinces. The rise and fall of ecclesiastic life in the central Balkans from the 4th until the 7th centuries was directly linked with the volatile political circumstances that the provinces of the prefecture of Illyricum were exposed to.

At the beginning of the 4th century, Diocletian’s persecutions of Christians, legalized by the four edicts issued for that purpose, produced countless victims on the territories belonging to the provinces of northern Illyricum (Praefectura praetorio per Illyricum).2 These persecutions serve as evidence of the existence of a strong ecclesiastical organization in the central Balkans at the beginning of the 4th century. Most Christian martyrs recorded either in the sources or in the tradition were associated with the larger urban centres of this region (Singidunum, Naissus, Ulpiana).3

II. Early Christian Imports and Imitations in the Central Balkans. Even though research in the field of Early Christian archaeology in the region of the central Balkans began at the end of the 19th century,4 significant results have only been obtained in the last few decades. Larger urban agglomerations have been researched (Sirmium, Singidunum, Viminacium, Romuliana, Naissus, Ulpiana, Aquae, Remesina etc.) as well as the fortifications along the Danube frontier (Roman Limes) and those further into the interior (Map 1).5 Unfortunately, it is impossible to include the entire corpus of archaeological material in this short paper. Therefore, it is necessary to make a selection of the finds,

1

The New Testament contains epistles of the apostle Paul dispatched to the Christian communities in the towns on the south of the Balkan peninsula: one to Philip in Macedonia, two to the Thessalonica Christians, two to Corinth, Ahaya and one to apostle Titus on the island of Crete. Epistles 16, 9-12; 17, 1-14; 19, 21-22; 20, 1-2. 2 With the administrative division of the Roman Empire in the 4th century, this area fell within the eastern part of the Empire, that is, within the northern part of the Illyricum (Praefectura praetorio per Illyricum) that extended from the Danube in the north, to Macedonia in the south, from the Drina river and the Bay of Kotor in the west, to the River Vit in Bulgaria, in the east, with the provinces: Moesia Prima, Praevalis, Dardania, Dacia Ripensis and Dacia Mediterranea. G. Ostrogorski, Istorija Vizantije, Beograd 1959, 55-56; S. Ferjanĉić, The Prefecture of Illyricum in the 4th Century, Mélanges d'histoire et d'épigraphie, Belgrade 1997, 231-239. 3 R. Popović, Rano hrišćanstvo na Balkanu pre doseljenja Slovena, Beograd 1995, 64-67, 74-80, 94-101.

4

A. Evans, Antiquarians Researches in Illyricum IV, Westminster 1883; M. Valtrović, Starohrišćanski sarkofag naĊen u Beogradu, Starinar III, Beograd 1886, 70-71; Idem., Starohrišćanski mrtvaĉki kovĉeg naĊen u Beogradu, Starinar VIII, Beograd 1891, 130-142; Idem., Dobri pastir, Starinar VIII, Beograd 1891, 109-130. The first research of Sirmium in the second half of the 19th century, and of its ancient Christian monuments, particularly the remains of St. Sinerot basilica, was described by: Miroslav Jeremić, Kultne graĊevine hrišćanskog Sirmijuma, Sirmijum i na nebu i na zemlji, Sremska Mitrovica 2004, 43-75. Idem., Adolf Hytrek et les premières fouilles archéologiques à Sirmium, Starinar LV, Beograd 2006, 115-131. 5 So far, approximately 290 objects have been discovered in the territory of Serbia and Montenegro which can be classified as Early Christian according to their function or decorative content.

35

Ilić which are sometimes misinterpreted, or published in local journals with which scholars from abroad are insufficiently familiar.

refers to the comes sacrarum largitionum of that time, who was in service from AD 539-542.9 There are many chalices of similar shape which are, based on the control stamps or style of manufacture, assigned to the 6th and the beginning of the 7th centuries. In the Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore, there are specimens which form part of collections of silver vessels found in Hama, Syria.10 It is believed that the silver chalice found together with a strainer, which is now kept in the St. Ana museum in Jerusalem, also comes from Hama.11 The chalice contains a votive inscription in Greek with the names of donors, as well as the control stamps warranting the quality of silver that the vessel was made of. So far, approximately fifty silver vessels have been discovered as independent finds, belonging to the St. Sergio church in Kaper Karaon near Hama. The official stamps on them indicate that they were most likely manufactured in Constantinople and arrived, by means of trade, in the hands of wealthier members of the local Syrian community, who donated them to the church. The contribution of believers, members of church community and pilgrims was, along with the income from the church property, one of the main sources of income for the church, and it was used for the purposes of renovation and artistic decoration. Many of these objects can be accurately dated to the middle of the 6th century, due to the presence of control stamps or inscriptions with the names of donors.

The scale and intensity of Christianization is confirmed by recent archaeological discoveries which have brought to light a series of Early Christian finds manufactured in workshops throughout the Empire, which were imported into the provinces of northern Illyricum. They are not great in number nor very diverse, but they undoubtedly denote the economic and religious connection between the central Balkans and the rest of the Late Roman Empire. Along with the imported material, there are a substantial number of products from local workshops, most of which imitated the original products that usually came from the eastern part of the Empire. Among the Early Christian imported objects, the first ones that should be mentioned are those used in liturgical rites: liturgical vessels, spoons used during the Eucharist, procession crosses, censers, reliquaries and ampullae. These finds, in their own way, indicate the economic state of the church community they belonged to. They were carefully concealed during the attacks of barbarian tribes whose incursions on the borders of the Empire became more frequent, particularly in the 5th and 6th centuries. When it comes to liturgical vessels, the collection of silver vessels from Viminacium, which became the capital of the province Moesia Primae at the end of the 3rd century, is an extraordinary find. From the 4th century, Viminacium was also the seat of an episcopate. We are familiar with the names of two bishops – Amantinus, who participated in the Council of Serdica in AD 343, and a certain Kyriacus Mysiae, who is believed to be from Viminacium.6 The prosperity and significance of this town in the 4th and 5th centuries is demonstrated, among other things, by the collection of silver vessels found successively in the territory of the town under different circumstances.

The chalice from the Museum of St. Ana church in Jerusalem12, the chalice from the Dumbarton Oaks Collection13 and the one from the British Museum14 also belong to the Hama treasure. Compared to the objects originating in the East, our specimens seem rather modest in both manufacturing technique and decorative themes; however, based on all these analogies, it can be concluded that the Viminacium chalice-shaped vessels show distinctive features in style and elegant form. It can be said they are a version of the new type of vessels created by blending the existing forms originating in the East with the local tradition of the 5th and 6th centuries.

This collection includes five almost identical silver chalices with an elegant conical foot (Fig. 1.1-5).7 All five of them have a cup in the shape of a smaller hemispheric bowl with a groove for the lid, two of which have been preserved.

Another object to be mentioned is the fragment of a silver chalice with a hollow shaft-like foot which originates from Naissus, the administrative, economic and cultural centre of the province Dacia Mediterranea (Fig. 2). Its

The profile of the foot of the silver chalice found at the site of Riha, near Aleppo, Syria, 8 currently in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, is very similar to the foot of the Viminacium silver vessels with a lid. The control stamps on this chalice enabled E.C. Dodd to date it quite precisely to AD 542 due to the presence of a hexagonal monogram of Justinian and Peter, which most likely

9

E. C. Dodd, Byzantine Silver Stamps, Washington 1961, 69, cat. 8. The silver collection discovery from the Hama region in northern Syria contains chalices, strainers, ladles and spoons used in liturgical rites. Silver foils used to cover church furniture, fans and lamps were somewhat scarce. The official stamps on them enabled a quite accurate dating. M. Mundell Mango, Silver from Early Byzantium, the Kaper Koraon and Related Treasures, (The Walters Art Gallery), Baltimore 1986, 68-73, fig. 1-2. 11 Cradle of Christianity, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem 2000, Eds. Y. Israeli, D. Mevorah, Catalogue of the Exhibition, Jerusalem 2000, 88. 12 M. Mundell Mango, Silver from Early Byzantium, 135-137, fig. 27/14. 13 Ibid., fig., 138-140, 28/1-4 14 Ibid., fig., 141-143, 29/1-4. 10

6

J. Zeiller, Les origines chrétiennes dans les provinces danubiennes de l’Empire romain, Roma 1967, (rp. edition Paris 1918), 149. 7 J. Kondić, Ranovizantijsko srebro, u I. Popović (ur.), Antičko srebro u Srbiji, Beograd 1994, 330-332, kat. 277-281. 8 M. Ross, Catalogue of the Byzantine and Early Mediaeval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, vol. I, Washington 1962, no. 9, pl. X.

36

Early Christian Imports and Local Imitations of Imported Goods – Central Balkans relief decoration consists of a sequence of plastic stripes set at the bottom and at the top of the foot, and decorated by pseudo-granulation, pseudo-tordition and ajouring. Furthermore, a rich colour effect was achieved by gilding and by inserting niello paste in the cavities. On the outside of the foot there is a Christogram. The specimen is of high quality, and shows the extraordinary skills of the manufacturer, who was most likely from an eastern workshop. Since the conditions under which it was discovered are unknown, it can, based on its style of manufacture, be approximately dated to the Late Roman period between the 4th and the first half of the 5th centuries.

Typical of the Late Roman period are the widely used small silver vessels in the shape of a calotte bowl with decoration consisting of a sequence of beads soldered to the edge of the rim. This earned them a distinctive name in literature Schüssel mit Kugelrandverzierung. A small silver vessel belonging to this type originates from Viminacium (Fig. 3.1). A subsequently engraved Christ’s monogram on the bottom of the foot indicates the Christian attribution of this bowl.

Map 1. Distribution of early Christian objects in northern Illyricum.

37

Ilić

An identical specimen was discovered in Kerch in the Crimea – Panticapaeum, which is dated to the 4th or early 5th centuries.15 Another bowl of the same type represents part of a collection of silver vessels from the area of Latakiya in Syria, which is kept today in the Art Museum in Cleveland, Ohio.16 A find similar to those mentioned above comes from Palmyra, and is now kept in the National Museum in Berlin.17

Empire, and are usually associated with eastern workshops. Silver spoons are an important part of the requisites used in liturgical rites. Five specimens have been discovered on the territory of the northern Illyricum, out of which four almost identical specimens originate from Viminacium (Fig. 4.1-4). The specimen which differs somewhat in its decorative content was found at Gamzigrad (Felix Romulina) (Fig. 4.5). The Viminacium spoons form part of a collection which also contains the two previously mentioned silver vessels (Fig. 3.2 and 3.4).

The stamp on this vessel, as well as that on another very similar vessel kept in the History Museum in Moscow, 18 enables it to be accurately dated to the last quarter of the 4th century. Based on all these analogies, the Viminacium bowl could also be set within the same time frame. Even though these vessels were found in famous collections of the period, and over a wide territory ranging from Britain to the eastern Mediterranean, they are mainly associated with eastern workshops of the Late Roman Empire.

All the finds belong to a type called Desana, named after a collection found in Desana, Italy. 22 A distinctive feature of these spoons is that they have a small disc, between the bowl and the handle, which usually contains various engraved Christian symbols or inscriptions. Thus, the specimens from Viminacium contain an engraved monogram in ligature, which can be read as either AENEAS, or as a variant, AENEVS.23

The rich collection of vessels from Viminacium contains several types of silver vessels whose Christian attribution is quite certain. Among them two shallow bowls with a horizontally profiled thick rim stand out (Figs. 3.2 and 3.4). On the outside of the foot, on two opposite sides, there is an impressed rectangular seal with a Latin cross. On both ends of the longer arm, the letters B and Z are impressed. The letter Z is most likely the beginning of the acclamation ZESES, which is a Greek equivalent for VIVAS, which is rather common in Early Christian inscriptions.19

The spoon from Gamzigrad (Felix Romuliana) is also made of silver. Unlike the Viminacium specimens, the decorated part is the bowl, and it contains a Christian symbol in the form of a stylized embossed christogram. This kind of monogrammed cross was used from the second half of the 4th until the end of the 5th centuries. The spoons played a particularly significant role during the Eucharist rites in church, and they have a number of close or distant versions throughout Europe and the Mediterranean. They have mostly been dated to the period between the 5th and 7th centuries.24

The inventory of the Late Roman bowls with a high conical hollow foot also includes a deep bowl with a thick rim, also found in Viminacium (Fig. 3.3-3a.). The arms of the cross end with the letters C (top) Z (bottom), A (right), O (left). This kind of monogrammed cross was typical of the Byzantium of the 6th century, and usually contained personal names.20 The monogram could be read as +ZOCA. It is a personal name quite common in Late Roman onomastics, and typical of the lower social classes. Therefore, it can be said that its presence on this Early Christian monogram is quite commonplace. 21 Bowls of similar shape, bearing monograms in shape of a cross, have been found in various parts of the Roman

An exceptional find, unique within the Balkan peninsula, originates from the area of Kuršumlija, which was, according to the Tabula Imperii Romani25 a bordering region between the provinces of the Dacia Mediterranea and Dardania. It is a bronze censer with religious scenes done in relief (Fig. 5.1-3).26 The censer is divided into 22

K. Simoni, Srebrna žlica iz Siska, Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu XXI, Zagreb 1988, 80; This well-known Ostrogoth collection contains, among other finds, 18 silver spoons, out of which 12 are of the Desana type. The collection is dated back to the period between AD 500 and the first half of the 6th century. 23 For the name AENEAS (Αινεας) on the Early Christian inscriptions cf. E. Diehl, op. cit., 4027. 24 V. Milojĉić, Zu den spätkaiserzeitlichen und merowingischen Silberlöffeln, Bericht RGK 49, Mainz 1970, 111-133. In his extensive study of silver spoons, the author presented numerour specimens originating from the entire Eropean continent, with all the possible combinations of decorative content and inscriptions. M. Mundell Mango, Silver from Early Byzantium,118-127. 25 Tabula Imperii Romani, K-34 Sofija, Ljubljana 1976, 11 and the maps. 26 The censer was donated to the St. Nedelja church in Pepeljevac Village by an unknown donor. We can only assume that it belonged to one of the churches in the Kuršumlija area, and that it was preserved to this day by chance. The censer was written about by: M. Ljubinković-

15

Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Silbergefässe aus der Staatlichen Ermitage Leningrad, Berlin 1978, 134, Dok. No. 2, Abb. 42. 16 M. Mundell Mango, The Archaeological Context of Finds of Silver in and beyond the Easterm Empire, Acta XIII Congressus Internationalis Archaeologiae Christianae, Pars II, Cittâ del Vaticano - Split 1998, 214, fig. 12. 17 E. C. Dodd, op. cit., 231, cat. 81a. 18 Ibid., cat. 82b. 19 There are numerous Early Christian monuments bearing the acclamation ZESES, or its Latin equivalent VIVAS. Cf. E. Diehl, Inscriptiones latinae christianae veteres, Berolini 1961, 458. 20 Monograms in shape of a cross appeared in the period of Justinian I and were used throughout the entire 6th cenutry. Cf. E. C. Dodd, op. cit., 15 ff. 21 E. Diehl, op. cit., 4029.

38

Early Christian Imports and Local Imitations of Imported Goods – Central Balkans three ornamental belts. The central belt consists of images from the Life of Christ, cast in relief, containing scenes such as: the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Nativity, the Annunciation to the Shepherds, the Baptism and the Crucifixion (Fig. 5.3). Censers with similar shape and dimensions, bearing similar images of Christ’s life have been found at a large number of sites, both in the Mediterranean area and further within the European continent. A substantial number of them originated in Egypt, Syria, eastern Turkey, southern Russia and the Caucasus, and central Asia.27

censer, a polycandelon, a lamp stand and mushroomshaped knob from a staff (Fig. 6.1-4). The censer is made of bronze; it is hexagonal in shape with simple decoration, and it rests on three legs which end in lion paws. Censers of this type with similar decoration have been discovered at a large number of sites throughout the Late Roman Empire, which leads to the conclusion that there was a sort of consistency in their manufacture, which, in turn, undoubtedly indicates the existence of isolated manufacturing centres, in Egypt most likely, from where they were distributed to the other parts of the Empire.30

Even though they are not identical in form, the relief decoration containing images from Christ’s life is similar in both composition and style, which indicates their common origin. The selection of scenes from the censers is almost identical to those on the pilgrim ampullae used to carry oil from Jerusalem, or consecrated earth from sites related to Christ’s passion. Therefore, based on the iconographic analysis of the images in relief, it is a more or less accepted belief that the origins of these types of censers and ampullae should be sought in the SyrianPalestinian artistic environment, namely, within the context of the art intended for pilgrims to the Holy Land.28

Reliquaries were objects of particular significance to the religious life of Christian communities in the early centuries of Christianity. Research so far has shown that most of the reliquaries in the shape of Roman sarcophagi should be ascribed to the eastern Mediterranean manufacturing circle. A high concentration of such finds occurs in southeast Europe and Asia Minor, and are dated between the 4th and 6th centuries.31 The region of neighbouring Bulgaria should be particularly emphasized, since a total of 35 reliquaries of various shapes, materials and manufacturing styles have been found there; thus, making it a unique region, not only in the southeast part of Europe, but in the entire Mediterranean region, as well.32

There is still no consensus on the dating of this type of censer. Unlike the ampullae, which are a rather homogenous group of objects and can be dated with confidence to the period between the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 7th centuries, the censers can differ substantially in both form and ornament, which indicates that they were manufactured over a longer period of time, beginning from the 6th century all the way to the Middle Ages.

They are mostly decorated with various Christian images or symbols, and often even inscriptions with the names of apostles or saints, as in the case of the reliquary from Gradina na Jelici near Ĉaĉak in central Serbia (Fig. 7.1). S(an)c(t)i Petri, S(an)c(t)i Pauli + S(an)c(t)i i Iohanni) Another object of particular value to the early Christian cult is the silver reliquary from the Niš area.33 The reliquary has the usual form in the shape of a sarcophagus with a double-sloped lid (Fig. 7.2). The reliquary was set on a stone pedestal and covered with an ellipsoid marble slab. It contained preserved remains of ashes and carbonized bones. Since reliquaries are believed to have appeared between the 4th and 7th centuries, our reliquaries can approximately be set within the same chronological frame.

In the case of the Pepeljevac find, there are images in relief which are rather close to the art of Byzantium of the 6th and 7th centuries. It is difficult, however, to believe it was manufactured in the Holy Land and, when compared to analogous specimens, is more likely to be a replica of Syrian-Palestinian originals. Since it is quite similar to the finds of Egyptian provenance, our censer can be classified as a product from the turn of the 7 th to 8th centuries.29

An ampulla (eulogia vessel) made of baked clay originates from Cariĉin Grad. The ampulla was cast in a mould and contains figure images in bas-relief on both

The Gamzigrad (Felix Romuliana) censer is a part of a larger collection which contained, in addition to the

30

Rom und Byzanz, 49, kat. 39; Dj. Mano-Zisi, Stukatura u Stobima, Zbornik radova Narodnog muzeja III, Beograd 1962, 103, sl. 3. 31 H. Buschhausen, H. Buschhausen, Die spätrömischen Metallscrinia und frühchristlichen Reliquiare I, Katalog, Österr. Akad. d. Wiss., Komiss. für Byzantinistik, Wiener byzantinische Studien IX, Wien 1971, 286-315. Taf. C12-C26. 32 A. Minchev, Early Christian Reliquaries from Bulgaria, 4th – 6th Century AD, Varna 2003, 1/ff. For comparison, only 12 specimens have been found in Asia Minor , including Constantinople. 33 Lj. Zotović, Nekropole spaljenih pokojnika na teritoriji Gornje Mezije, Leskovaчki zbornik VIII, Leskovac 1968, 19-29; I. Nikolajević, Sahranjivanje u ranohriшćanskim crkvama na podruчju Srbije, Arheološki vestnik 29, Ljubljana 1978, 678-693; S. Drĉa, Applied Arts and Crafts, in D. Srejović (Ed.), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, Beograd 1993, 341, cat. 152; J. Kondić, op. cit., kat. 284.

Ćorović, Stara kadionica iz okoline Kurшumlije, Muzeji 5, Beograd 1950, 70-86. 27 So far approximately 95 censers of this type have been discovered; A. Gonosová, Ch. Kondoleon, Art of Late Rome and Byzantium, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond 1994, 276, note 6. 28 Ibid., 275-276 ; Rome und Byzanz, hrsg. von R. Baumstark, Katalog zur Ausstellung des bayerischen Nationalmuseums, München 1998, 4045, kat. 29, 30. 29 D. Bénazeth, L’art du métal au début de l’ère chrétienne, Musée du Louvre, Catalogue du département des antiquities égyptiennes, Paris 1992, No 11270, 11709, 11710. Even though it was chronologically set in the 7th and the beginning of the 8th centuries, we believe that this censer should be included in the article, considering that it represents a replica of Byzantium censers of 6th and 7th centuries.

39

Ilić sides (Fig. 8). One of them shows the standing image of a bearded man holding a long Latin cross in his right hand, and an object difficult to identify, a book perhaps, in his left hand. According to C. Metzeger, it is an image of Christ, considering the attributes it holds, the cross and the book, although the nimbus is missing. There is yet another interpretation according to which this is an image of one of the apostles, an evangelist or a saint.34 The opposite side contains an image of Oranta with a halo. The ampulla was used frequently, clearly deduced from the worn relief surface on both sides.

plate, contains images of a man, a woman, and a child engraved in the mid section of a golden foil (Fig. 9.1-1a). Above the figures, there is an inscription in Latin VIVAS IN DEO. This kind of gilded glass is typical of the western part of the Late Roman Empire. Scholars believe that the most common, if not the only, place in which the objects were manufactured was Rome.39 On the other hand, it is believed that smaller medallions and glass bottoms were manufactured in Trier, another great provincial centre of glass manufacture.40 The flourishing of this technique is associated with the 3rd and 4th centuries.41

The specimen from the Art Museum in Princeton, New Jersey is very close to the iconography of our ampulla. 35 The front side of the ampulla contains an image, which corresponds to the relief from Cariĉin Grad – a standing figure holding a cross and a book. The reverse side of the ampulla contains a human figure similar to the one on the other side of the ampulla from Cariĉin Grad, and it also cannot be clearly identified.

Apart from the objects mentioned above, which were used in liturgical rites or served the Christian cult in other ways, there is an entire array of objects which formed a part of church inventory, and which were also, to a large extent, imported from various parts of the Empire. These include polycandelons (Fig. 10.1-3), lamp stands (Fig. 11.1-2), and lamps (Fig. 12.1-6). This kind of find originates from both the larger urban centres and in the fortifications along the Danube and the interior of the peninsula. A particularly large number of objects derive from Cariĉin Grad (Iustiniana Prima), which can be explained by its significance as an ecclesiastic centre, namely, the seat of an archdiocese, as well as by the systematic research of the locality which started at the beginning of the 20th century. The presence of the ecclesiastic inventory indicates the existence of nearby Christian temples, which have mostly been confirmed.

A considerable number of ampullae, which bear no clear reference to their origin, make up the inventory of various European museum collections, and of private collections, as well.36 It can be noticed that the images on most of the ampullae form a sort of a pattern, and that the figures portrayed a lack of artistic expression, so that they actually represent a rough craft product. They were manufactured in large quantities between the 4th and 6th centuries in workshops set up in the vicinity of important Christian centres devoted to the cult: in Palestine, Syria, Egypt and Asia Minor.37 The ampullae can be said to have met the spiritual needs of a myriad of pilgrims who visited the Holy Land.

Moreover, various objects, whose shape and decoration indicate their Christian character, but which were intended for secular purposes, could also be obtained on the trade routes in various parts of the Empire. Among them were jewellery – necklaces (Fig. 13), bracelets, earrings, rings, fibulae (Fig. 14) and clasps. The provenience of such items is generally in the larger urban centres, particularly the specimens of luxurious manufacture.

The shape and figural images of Christian content cast in relief, indicate that the origin of the ampulla from Cariĉin Grad is in the workshops of Asia Minor. Its presence in Cariĉin Grad, an ecclesiastic centre in the heart of the Balkan peninsula whose history is associated with the 6th century, also places it chronologically into the period of Justinian.

III. Conclusion. Obtaining all these objects, intended either for the cult or for secular purposes, was possible due to the existence of trade routes which connected the region of the central Balkans to important centres of manufacture in Asia Minor, the Middle East and Egypt, and to Dalmatia and Italy in the west. There were two main trade routes used to exchange miscellaneous merchandise during the Late Roman period. The Eastern sea route went along the eastern part of the Mediterranean and Aegean Seas to Thessalonica, and from there, over land, across the Balkan peninsula to Viminacium, the

From the territory of Prahovo (Aquae), one of the Episcopal centres in the province of Dacia Ripensis, originates the base of a glass vessel manufactured in the fondi d’oro technique.38 This fragment, most likely of a 34

Ch. Metzger, Une Ampoule à eulogie du type d'Asie Mineure, Caričin Grad I, Belgrade-Rome 1984, 158-160. 35 The object arrived in the collection as a gift, without any clear reference to the origin of the find; v. Ch. Metzeger, op. cit., 160, fig. 170, 172. 36 Rome und Byzanz, 102-104, kat. 101, 102, 103; Cradle of Christianity, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem 2000, Eds. Y. Israeli, D. Mevorah, Catalogue of the Exhibition, Jerusalem 2000, 202. 37 В.Н. Залесская, Група свинцовьіх ампул-эвлогий из Фессалоники, Советская археология 3, Москва 1980, 263-269. 38 The terminology for the gilded glass bases is not agreed upon to this very day. Since the 17th century, there were various names for them: vetri cimiteriali, fondi d'oro, fonds, dorées, Zwischengoldgläser, Goldgläser, gold glasses, gold-sandwich glasses, gilded glasses. The term fondi d'oro is not generally used nowadays, not even in the country that produced it. Since it has become common in our literature, we shall continue to use this terminology in the article.

39

B. Migotti, Pozlaćena stakla sa Štrbinaca kod Djakova, Djakovo 2003, 16. 40 N. Cambi, Neki kasnoantiĉki predmeti od stakla s figuralnim prikazima u Arheološkom muzeju u Splitu, Arheološki vestnik 25, Ljubljana 1976, 141. 41 A. Cermanović-Kuzmanović, Pregled i razvitak rimskog stakla u Crnoj Gori, Arheološki vestinik 25, Ljubljana 1976, 175-190; J. Rankov, Kasnoantiĉko stakleno dno radjeno u tehnici fondi d'oro, Zbronik Narodnog muzeja XI-1, Beograd 1983, 85.

40

Early Christian Imports and Local Imitations of Imported Goods – Central Balkans capital of the Moesia Prima province. The Western route went along the Adriatic Sea and Dalmatia all the way up

to Singidunum, and further northwest across Pannonia Secunda and Savia to Aquileia (map 2.).

Map 2. Main Roman trade routes in the 4th and 6th century. The products originating in Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine and Egypt were obtained via the Eastern route, whereas those manufactured in Italy and Dalmatia were obtained via the Western route. There were numerous products manufactured and distributed from the centres geographically much closer to the Balkan peninsula than the mentioned locations. Those are, above all, the most important paleo-Byzantine centers – Constantinople and Thessalonica, from where the merchandise would usually travel by trade routes across Thrace and Macedonia (Via militaris). Finally, we can conclude that the number and diversity of the imported Early Christian objects indicates the existence of a strong and well organized Christian church. The episcopates of the northern Illyricum (Singidunum, Viminacium, Aquae, Naissus, Ulpiana, Remesina) played a very important role in that sense as early as the 4th majority of the imported material came from.

emperor Justinian I from AD 535, the newly-founded church district was not canonically dependent on the older ecclesiastic centres, but had the nature of a fully autonomous and independent church organization whose jurisdiction consisted of the entire territory of northern Illyricum and the eastern part of the province Pannonia Secunda.43 The new archdiocese thus became the new administrative and spiritual centre of the region. At the end of the 6th and beginning of the 7th centuries, however, with the invasion of the barbarian tribes, particularly the Avars and Slavs, the relatively long process of Christianization of the largely Romanized indigenous population was interrupted in its final stages with the destruction of the Prefecture of Illyricum, and consequently its quite wide-spread and solid ecclesiastical organization.

The provinces of northern Illyricum particularly gained in importance in the 6th century, when a new archdiocese, Iustiniana Prima,42 was founded. By the Novel XI of the

the localization of Iustiniana Prima was given by: F. Barišić, Dosadašnji pokušaji ubikacije grada Justinijane Prime, Zbornik Filozofskog fakuteta VII-1, Beograd 1963, 127-140; v. V. Popović, Grĉki natpis iz Cariĉinog Grada i pitanje ubikacije Prve Justinijane, Glas SANU CCCLX vol. 7, 1990, 53-108. 43 F. Barišić op. cit., 130-131; R. Popović, op. cit., 71, note 29.

42

It is generally accepted that Cariĉin grad can be identified with the First Justiniana (Iustiniana Prima). The most complete review regarding

41

Ilić MIGOTTI, B. (2003), Pozlaćena stakla sa Štrbinaca kod Djakova, Djakovo.

REFERENCES BARIŠIĆ, F. (1963), Dosadašnji pokušaji ubikacije grada Justinijane Prime, Zbornik Filozofskog fakuteta VII-1, Beograd, 127-140.

MILOJĈIĆ, V. (1970), Zu den spätkaiserzeitlichen und merowingischen Silberlöffeln, Bericht der RömischGermanisschen Kommission 49, Mainz, 111-133.

BAUMSTARK, R., ed. (1998), Rome und Byzanz, Katalog zur Ausstellung des Bayerischen Nationalmuseums, München.

MINCHEV, A. (2003), Early Christian Reliquaries from Bulgaria, 4th – 6th Century AD, Varna.

BENAZETH, D. (1992), L’art du métal au début de l’ère chrétienne, Musée du Louvre, Catalogue du département des antiquities égyptiennes, Paris.

MUNDELL MANGO, M. (1986), Silver from Early Byzantium, the Kaper Koraon and Related Treasures, (The Walters Art Gallery), Baltimore.

BUSCHHAUSEN, H. (1971), Die spätrömischen Metallscrinia und frühchristlichen Reliquiare I, Katalog, Österr. Akad. d. Wiss., Komiss. für Byzantinistik, Wiener byzantinische Studien IX, Wien.

MUNDELL MANGO, M. (1998), The Archaeological Context of Finds of Silver in and beyond the Easterm Empire, Acta XIII Congressus Internationalis Archaeologiae Christianae, Pars II, Cittâ del Vaticano Split, 207-252.

CAMBI, N. (1976), Neki kasnoantiĉki predmeti od stakla s figuralnim prikazima u Arheološkom muzeju u Splitu, Arheološki vestnik 25, Ljubljana, 139-157.

NIKOLAJEVIĆ, I. (1978), Sahranjivanje u ranohrišćanskim crkvama na podruĉju Srbije, Arheološki vestnik 29, Ljubljana, 678-693.

CERMANOVIĆ-KUZMANOVIĆ, A. (1976), Pregled i razvitak rimskog stakla u Crnoj Gori, Arheološki vestnik 25, Ljubljana, 175-190.

OSTROGORSKI, G. (1959), Istorija Vizantije, Beograd.

ISRAELI, Y. and D. MEVORAH, eds. (2000), Cradle of Christianity, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.

POPOVIĆ, R. (1995), Rano hrišćanstvo na Balkanu pre doseljenja Slovena, Beograd.

DIEHL, E. (1961), Inscriptiones latinae christianae veteres, Berolini.

POPOVIĆ, V. (1990), Grĉki natpis iz Cariĉinog Grada i pitanje ubikacije Prve Justinijane, Glas SANU CCCLX vol. 7, 53-108.

DODD, E.C. Washington.

(1961),

Byzantine

Silver

Stamps, RANKOV, J. (1983), Kasnoantiĉko stakleno dno radjeno u tehnici fondi d'oro, Zbronik Narodnog muzeja XI-1, Beograd, 85-89.

DRĈA, S. (1993), Applied Arts and Crafts, in D. Srejović (ed.), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, Beograd.

ROSS, M. (1962), Catalogue of the Byzantine and Early Mediaeval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, vol. I, Washington.

FERJANĈIĆ, S. (1997), The Prefecture of Illyricum in the 4th Century, Mélanges d'histoire et d'épigraphie, Belgrade, 231-239.

SIMONI, K. (1988), Srebrna žlica iz Siska, Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu XXI, Zagreb, 79-86.

GONOSOVÁ, A. and Ch. KONDOLEON (1994), Art of Late Rome and Byzantium, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond.

Spätantike und frühbyzantinische Silbergefässe aus der Staatlichen Ermitage Leningrad, Berlin 1978.

KONDIĆ, J. (1994), Ranovizantijsko srebro, u I. Popović (ur.), Antičko srebro u Srbiji, Beograd, 65-67.

Tabula Imperii Romani, K-34 Sofija, Ljubljana 1976. ЗАЛЕССКАЯ, В.Н. (1980), Група свинцовьіх ампулэвлогий из Фессалоники, Советская археология 3, Москва, 263-269.

LJUBINKOVIĆ-ĆOROVIĆ, M. (1950), Stara kadionica iz okoline Kurшumlije, Muzeji 5, Beograd, 70-86. MANO-ZISI, D. (1962), Stukatura u Stobima, Zbornik radova Narodnog muzeja III, Beograd, 155-180.

ZEILLER, J. (1967), Les origines chrétiennes dans les provinces danubiennes de l’Empire romain, Roma, (rp. edition Paris 1918).

METZGER, C. (1984), Une Ampoule à eulogie du type d'Asie Mineure, Caričin Grad I, Belgrade-Rome, 158160.

ZOTOVIĆ, L. (1968), Nekropole spaljenih pokojnika na teritoriji Gornje Mezije, Leskovački zbornik VIII, Leskovac, 19-29. 42

Early Christian Imports and Local Imitations of Imported Goods – Central Balkans FIGURES

Figure 1. Collection of silver chalices. Viminacium.

Figure 2. Fragment of silver chalice. Naissus.

43

Ilić

Figure 3. Silver bowls. Viminacium.

Figure 13. Gold necklace. Bela Stena, Castrum Octavum (near Belgrade).

44

Early Christian Imports and Local Imitations of Imported Goods – Central Balkans

Figure 4. Silver spoons. Viminacium, Felix Romuliana.

45

Ilić

Figure 5. Bronze censer decorated with scenes from the Life of Chist. Kursumlija.

Figure 6. Bronze polycandelon, lamp stand, censer and knob from a staff. Felix Romuliana.

46

Early Christian Imports and Local Imitations of Imported Goods – Central Balkans

Figure 7. Silver reliquaries. Gradina na Jelici, Naissus, Felix Romulina.

Figure 8. Ampulla (eulogia vessel). Cariĉin Grad.

47

Ilić

Figure 9. Glass bottom manufactured in the fondi d’oro technique. Aquae.

Figure 10. Bronze polycandelons. Cariĉin Grad (?), Felix Romuliana, Pirot.

48

Early Christian Imports and Local Imitations of Imported Goods – Central Balkans

Figure 11. Bronze lamp stands. Unknown site, Felix Romuliana.

Figure 14. Bronze fibula decorated by gilding, with a Christ’s monogram. Belgrade (?).

49

Ilić

Figure 12. Bronze lamps. Smederevo, Despotovac, Beograd, Bujanovac.

50

WESTERN GERMANIC TRIBES AND THE ROMANIZATION OF CENTRAL EUROPEAN BARBARICUM Artur Błażejewski (University of Wrocław, Poland)

Abstract. The process of the Romanization of Barbaricum is usually taken as the effect of direct contact between the Roman Empire (Italia and Roman Provinces) and various Barbarian tribes. The role of the “Amber Route”, “Pontic Route” and local exchange in the border zone are well known. The influx of pottery, especially terra sigillata vessels and some types of wheel-made ceramics, Roman military equipment, bronze vessels, Roman glass, clothing and brooches into Barbaricum have received much attention. In the light of recent studies, however, this process should be understood more as the result of ideas and imports transferred via different ports of trade. The role of the Germanic tribes of the Rhine and the Weser rivers basins also seems to be very important. From the Roman point of view the people living in these regions were half-civilised barbarians. The tribes of “deep” Barbaricum were probably distant relatives, changed by the strange customs and structures of the Empire.

One of the main concerns of archaeological studies focusing upon the area of Barbaricum during the period of Roman cultural domination is exchange between the Roman and the Barbarian world. Naturally, the tradition of this research is much older than the date of publication of Wheeler‟s well-known study (1955).

territory). Perhaps even more important for the process of Romanization was the enlistment in military service of entire Germanic tribes as well as of smaller bands and individuals.4 These people frequently spent long periods of time in different corners of the Empire, far from their homeland. They became familiar not only with Roman military techniques, but also with technical culture, crafts, medicine as well as language, local customs in different provinces and towns, various religions and forms of worship. If they lived to complete their service in the Roman army (which cannot have been often) these men often went back to their tribes, clans and families. We may imagine that they brought with them many achievements of Roman culture. It is quite likely that these men belonged to or joined the highest ranks of their society, and that some of them came from more prestigious clans, as indicated by quite a number of known cases.5

The territory of Barbaricum may be divided into zones of „Roman influence‟ depending on the degree of intensity of impact exerted by imperial culture reflected in the archaeological record. The very term „Roman influence‟, commonly used in archaeology (Polish archaeology in particular), is rather vague and does not do justice to the complexity and diversity of the culture of the Empire which, after all, was never a monolith. 1 The process of Romanizing the barbarian peoples is generally understood and presented as the effect of direct contact of entire tribes or their individual representatives with the Empire. Several different forms of this exchange are taken into consideration. Trade exchange is quite naturally the foremost.2 More lively in the area closer to the limes, its impact gradually lost some of its impetus as the distance from the Roman borders increased. Trade exchange proceeded largely along established and effective communication routes. In Central Europe the principal of these was, of course, the amber route.3

The local barbarian elites and Rome (more accurately, representatives of Roman central or provincial authority) also entered into contact of political nature. Despite obvious connections involving trade and making war, this form of exchange may be viewed as a distinct phenomenon. Political contacts frequently resulted in decisions on making war or peace, or on favorable development of economic exchange. Not infrequently, they helped normalize relations after prolonged armed conflict, e.g. the Marcomannic wars.

Another opportunity for exchange between Romans and barbarians was offered by warfare. Many campaigns and skirmishes were waged along the limes, barbarians made raids on the Empire, the Romans made deep incursions into Germanic territory (and during the early period even went as far as to establish new provinces in the conquered

Whatever the case, on the scale of the entire territory of Barbaricum, Romanization (with all the reserve which this term must be treated) affected first the upper ranks of

1

See Weiss in this volume. E.g., Domański 2009. 3 Wielowiejski 1970; 1980; Woźniak 1996. 2

4 5

51

Wolters 1991. Bemmann 2003.

Błażejewski barbarian societies,6 and only later touched other members of the tribe. The process was especially intensive as has already been said, in areas bordering the limes. Also affected were tribes who benefited from having a trade route on their territory7 or were considered to be of special importance for Roman foreign policy.8

It is worth considering the role of this substantial degree of Romanization of the Batavi in their contacts with their Germanic brethren farther inland, namely the Suebian tribes on the Elbe. Influence exerted by tribes of the Rhine-Weser area on the territory occupied by Hermunduri has its place in literature of the subject – the Hermunduri were, as Tacitus notes, loyal allies of Rome. The described exchange is well reflected by archaeological evidence from Thuringia, presented convincingly some time ago by R. von Uslar.10 Also known is the question of the emergence in the same area of large centers of wheel-turned pottery, particularly, Haarhausen.11 Despite conflict, confirmed in Roman historical sources between the Rheinish Chatti and the Hermunduri, provoked to a great extent by the political activity of the Empire, we have legible traces of the effects of transmission to the east of achievements of Roman culture accompanied by Rheinish-Weser elements.

In discussing the issue of the Romanization of Germanic societies, I wish to focus especially on a phenomenon which seems to have been more or less overlooked in past studies. I refer here to the transmission of the Roman cultural model and of concrete objects, produced on the Italian Peninsula or the provinces, from the substantially Romanized zone far into the German hinterland, by barbarians themselves. In Polish archaeological research, for many years evidently held under the „spell‟ of the amber route, considered as almost the only connecting route to Mediterranean civilizations, this oversight is especially evident. Rather than focusing on the role of tribal elites or tribal leaders, I propose to consider the question of transmission of various patterns of Roman culture to a specific area by entirely external factors, i.e. ones not associated with the local social and settlement structure.

There is also evidence that the impact of this exchange was felt in areas farther east, i.e., by tribes settled in the valley of the Odra river. I believe that a good point of departure to approach this question is a short article by C. Pescheck (1938). This author has postulated that Rheinish-Weser elements were present in the culture of Vandals in Silesia, or, to use a more current terminology, in the western zone of the archaeological Przeworsk Culture.

So far the most frequently described case of this type of impact is the influence of the polity of the Marcomanni and Quadi on peoples settling the territory between the line of the Sudetes and the Carpathian mountains during the early Roman period. Established in what is today Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia, the Marcomanni and Quadi owed their prosperity to their role as intermediaries in exchange between Italia, Noricum, Pannonia, on the one hand, and the tribes of Central European Barbaricum, on the other. We have here a classic case of partitioning the region under Roman influence: Italian and provincial culture models (and also various classes of objects: tools, vessels, ornaments etc.) were adopted by the Marcomanni and the Quadi and, once adopted and occasionally modified to suit local tastes, penetrated to societies farther north.

More recent research certainly confirms the striking claim made by C. Pescheck. Archaeological sites found in the western outlying area of Przeworsk Culture exhibit a number of interesting traits. For one thing, they have produced pottery which in its ornamentation is strikingly similar to ceramics known from the Rhine and the Weser. The pottery with nipple-ornament, most probably imitating Roman glass and bronze vessels, is the best example of this phenomenon (Figs. 1-3). It should be noted at the same time that this type of „western German‟ pottery occurs in grave deposits and at settlements which also have produced quite a number of Roman imports, i.e. fragments of glass and bronze vessels (Fig. 4), Samian ware, as well as a smaller quantity of other types of more elegant Roman ceramics.12 Finally, it is striking that inventories containing the described forms are associated with grave deposits in which beyond any doubt the body had been cremated on the site (Fig. 5). This would make the burials an intepretatio barbarica of sorts of bustum features,13 noted in different areas on the Roman limes, on the river Rhine in particular.14

I propose to dwell at more length on a less well discussed zone of Germanic settlement, namely the area between the Rhine and the Weser rivers, which was settled by Chatti, Cheruscii and Batavi, cultures that were especially influenced by Roman culture. These tribes had come under probably all forms of contact. Let us just consider that practically all the male members of the Batavi entered auxiliary units of the Roman army. The well known episode of their uprising further underscores their substantial role in internal affairs of the Empire. 9

Of course, one could ascribe the presence of such numerous imports to the impact of the amber route. 10

Von Uslar 1938: 169-173; 1977. Duńek 1992. 12 Błażejewski 2007a: 50-94; 2008: 105-106. 13 Błażejewski 2007a: 21-33; Błażejewski 2007c: 213215. 14 Struck 1993; Witteyer 2000: 321.

6

11

E.g., its effect being the rise of the so-called „royal‟ burials; Carnap-Bornheim 2000. 7 E.g., the Danish isles; Lund Hansen 2000. 8 E.g., the case of the Hermunduri. 9 Brunt 1960. 52

Western Germanic Tribes and the Romanization of Central European Barbaricum Bohemia, as the cemetery at Opočno18 and many settlements in Moravia.19

However, it is my belief that this solution is undermined by a more detailed analysis of chronology of the Przeworsk assemblages containing imports. Most groups apparently date from phases B2/C1 and C1a in the relative system developed for the region, 15 e.g. approximately the period when imaginably the Marcomannic wars (AD 166-180) had disrupted regular trade exchange along the amber route. The recent book of M. Olędzki describes many problems of this time in barbarian Europe very well from a chronological point of view.16 The latest imports, dated to phase C2 (i.e., most probably 3rd-4th c. AD), suggest some continuity of the tradition of exchange. In addition, Przeworsk sites with Rheinish-Weser elements and Roman imports have a latitudinal distribution in the valley of the Barycz river, a tributary of the Odra. This suggests that the imported goods spread across the region in a W-E direction, rather than a S-N route, the latter is obviously the direction associated with a trade route running from the mountains of south Poland to the Baltic Sea.

Additional studies are needed to gain a better understanding of the various aspects of exchange maintained between the tribes on the Rhine and the Weser on the one hand and inhabitants of SW Poland on the other. It is certain that they will contribute to a fuller picture of Roman – barbarian exchange. REFERENCES BEMMANN, J. (2003), “Romanisierte Barbaren oder erfolgreiche Plünderer? Anmerkungen zur Intensität, Form und Dauer des provinzialrömischen Einflusses auf Mitteldeutschland während der jüngeren Römischen Kaiserzeit und der Völkrewanderungszeit,” in A. Bursche, R. Ciołek (eds.), Antyk i barbarzyńcy. Księga dedykowana Profesorowi Jerzemu Kolendo w siedemdziesiąta rocznicę urodzin, Warszawa: Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 53-107.

Another important point is that Roman imports noted in western Przeworsk Culture grave assemblages tend to occur in graves exhibiting western traits (western Germanic and provincial Roman) and in graves containing Rheinish and Weserian pottery, rather than in deposits more consistent in their form and grave goods with local styles.

BŁAŻEJEWSKI, A. (2007a), “Kultura przeworska a reńsko-wezerska strefa kulturowa,” Studia Archeologiczne 39. BŁAŻEJEWSKI, A. (2007b), “Rzym i Chattowie. Konflikty na limesie nadreńskim i ich konsekwencje w Barbaricum,” Antiquitas 29, 269-277.

Of course, it would be naive to claim that these western Germanic elements appeared in the drainage basin of the Odra in their „pure form‟. Some had been subject to modification and have been noted in context with „local‟ pieces (Fig. 6). Even so, their „western‟ character is undisputable and is additionally supported by their association with the already noted striking quantity of imported items.

BŁAŻEJEWSKI, A. (2007c), “Les traditions du rite du feu chez les Germains de l‟Est à l‟époque romaine,” in V. Kruta, G. Leman-Delerive (eds.), Feux des morts, foyers des vivants. Les rites et symbols du feu dans les tombes de l’Âge du Fer et de l’époque romaine, Revue du Nord, Hors serie, Collection Art et Archéologie 11, 209-215.

One possible, although perhaps rather provoking, explanation of the described phenomena registered in an area so distant from the Roman limes is that an unknown group had migrated east from the Rhine area to Odra basin. Based upon chronological determinants described earlier, this would have happened during the period of population shifts possibly triggered by the Marcomannic wars.17

BŁAŻEJEWSKI, A. (2008), “Roman Period Wheelthrown Pottery Finds from the Barycz River Valley. Imported or Local Products?” in A. Błażejewski (ed.), Ceramika warsztatowa w środkowoeuropejskim Barbaricum, Wrocław: Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 105-110. BRUNT, P.A. (1969), “Tacitus on Batavian Revolt,” Latomus 19, 494-517.

Pottery exhibiting Elbian (Suebian) traits, also present in the discussed Przeworsk grave inventories, could indicate the route taken by this migrating group (or groups?). Most probably the people would have come from beyond the Sudetes mountains, i.e., not directly from the west and the Middle Elbe (Fig. 7). This is suggested by finds of strikingly similar assemblages known from NW

CARNAP-BORNHEIM, C.V. (2000), “Freund oder Feind? Überlegungen und Thesen zum König von Muńov,” in J. Bouzek, H. Friesinger, K. Pieta, B. Komoróczy (eds.) Gentes, Reges umd Rom. Auseinandersetzung – Anerkennung – Anpassung, Brno: Archeologický ústav Akademie Věd České Republiky Brno, 59-66. DOMAŃSKI, G. (2009), “Mitteleuropa als Wirtschaftspatner des Imperium Romanum,” in A.

15

Godłowski 1970. Olędzki 2008. 17 Błażejewski 2007a: 141-149; 2007b: 275. 16

18 19

53

Pleinerová 1995: 101-102. Droberjar 1997: 93-94.

Błażejewski Morillo, N. Hanel, E. Martín (eds.) Limes XX. Roman Frontier Studies, vol. 1, Madrid: Ediciones Polifemo, 199-213.

Bevölkerungsstruktur und Sozialgeschichte. Archäologische Schriften des Instituts für Vor- und Frühgeschichte der Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz 3, 81-94.

DROBERJAR, E. (1997), “Studien zu den germanischen Siedlungen der älteren Römischen Kaiserzeit in Mähren,” Fontes Archaeologici Pragenses 21.

USLAR, R. (1938), “Westgermanische Bodenfunde der ersten bis dritten Jahrhunderts nach Christus aus Mittelund Westdeutschland,” Germanische Denkmäler der Frühzeit 3, Berlin: Walter De Gruyter & Co.

DUŃEK, S. (1992), “Römische Handwerker im germanischen Thüringen,” Weimarer Monographien zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte 27.

USLAR, R. (1977), “Zu einer Fundkarte der jüngeren Kaiserzeit in den westlichen Germania libera,” Prähistorische Zeitschrift 52, 121-147.

GODŁOWSKI, K. (1970), The Chronology of Late Roman and Early Migrations Periods in Central Europe, Kraków: Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego.

WHEELER, M. (1955), Rome Beyond the Imperial Frontiers, London: Penguin Books.

LUND HANSEN, U. (2000), “Southern Scandinavia – Limes – The Roman Provinces. Problems in 3rd Century Europe,” in R. Madyda-Legutko, T. Bochnak (eds.), Superiores Barbari, Kraków: Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 229-240.

WIELOWIEJSKI, J. (1970), Kontakty Noricum i Pannonii z ludami północnymi, Wrocław: Ossolineum.

OLĘDZKI, M. (2009), Czas przemian. Barbaricum między Bałtykiem a środkowym Dunajem w dobie wojen markomańskich, Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego.

WITTEYER, M. (2000), “Grabgestaltung und Beigabenausstattung in der Gräberstraße von MainzWeisenau,” in A. Haffner, S. v. Schnurbein (ed.), Kelten, Germanen, Römer im Mittelgebiergsraum zwischen Luxemburg und Thüringen, Kolloquien zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 5, 319-344.

WIELOWIEJSKI, J. (1980), Główny szlak bursztynowy w czasach Cesarstwa Rzymskiego, Wrocław: Ossolineum.

PESCHECK, C. (1938), “Wandalische Keramik des 2. bis 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. in ihren Beziehungen zu den Westgermanen,” Germania 22, 108-114. PLEINEROVÁ, I. (1995), Opočno. Ein Brandgräberfeld der jüngeren und späten Kaiserzeit in Nordwestböhmen, Kraków: Wydawnictwo i Drukarnia‚ Secesja„.

WOLTERS, R. (1991), “Der Warenund Dienstleistungsaustausch zwischen den Römischen Reich und dem Freien Germanien In der Zeit des Prinzipats – Eine Bestandsaufnahme – Teil 2,” Münstersche Beiträge zur Antiken Handelsgeschichte 10, 78-132.

STRUCK, M. (1993), “Busta In Britanien und ihre Verbindungen zum Kontynent Allgemeine Überlegungen zur Herleitung der Bestattungssitte,” in M. Struck (ed.), Römerzeitliche Gräber als Quellen zur Religion,

WOŹNIAK, Z., ed. (1996), Kontakte längs Bernsteinstraße (zwischen Caput Adriae und Ostseegebieten) in der Zeit um Christi Geburt, Kraków: Oficyna Cracovia.

54

Western Germanic Tribes and the Romanization of Central European Barbaricum FIGURES

Figure 1. Germanic vessels with „nipple‟-ornamentation of pyramidal form: 1 – Obrowiec, cemetery, 2 – Tarnowiec, settlement, 3 – Opatów, cemetery, 4, 5 – Zugmantel, Roman castellum, 6 – Baldersheim, settlement. 1-3 – Poland, 4-6 – Germany (after Błażejewski 2007).

55

Błażejewski

Figure 2. Germanic vessels with „nipple‟-ornamentation of 1 – Spicymierz, cemetery, 2 – Chobienia, cemetery, 3 – Zugmantel, Roman castellum,4 – Berge, settlement, 5 – Konopnica, cemetery, 6 – Mierzyn-Grobla, cemetery, 7 – Mardorf, settlement, 8 – Unterhaid, settlement. 1, 2, 6 – Poland, 4, 5, 7, 8 – Germany (after Błażejewski 2007).

56

Western Germanic Tribes and the Romanization of Central European Barbaricum

Figure 3. Germanic vessels with „nipple‟-ornamentation of flat form:1, 2 – Radosław, cemetery, , 3 – Miłochowice, cemetery 4 – Wymysłowo, cemetery, 5 – Roszków, cemetery, 6 – Niezgoda, settlement, 7 – Niezgoda, cemetery, 8 – Kocina, cemetery, 9-12 – Zugmantel, Roman castellum. 1-8 – Poland, 9-12 Germany (after Błażejewski 2007).

Figure 4. Roman miniature bronze lamp from cemetery at Niezgoda, Lower Silesia, Poland, urn grave 440 (after Błażejewski 2007).

57

Błażejewski

Figure 5. Cremation grave of bustum type from cemetery at Niezgoda, Lower Silesia, Poland (feature 426). 1 – layer of ash, charcoal and black humus, 2 – layer of dark gray humus with ash, 3 – light gray sand with ash, 4 – white sand (after Błażejewski 2007).

58

Western Germanic Tribes and the Romanization of Central European Barbaricum

Figure 6. Diagram of cultural changes and ideas transfer from Rhine-Weser zone into deep Barbaricum.

59

Błażejewski

Figure 7. Regions of Rhine-Weser-Germanic Culture: A – Rhine-Weser zone, B – Thuringia, C – NW Bohemia, D – south Moravia, E – Poland – western zone of Przeworsk Culture (after Błażejewski 2007).

60

ROMAN OR BARBARIAN? PROVINCIAL MODELS IN A SARMATIAN POTTERY CENTER ON THE DANUBE FRONTIER Valéria Kulcsár (Szeged University, Hungary) and Dora Merai (Central European University, Budapest)

Abstract. Valéria Kulcsár and Dora Merai discuss pottery manufacture in an area of Sarmartia in close proximity to the Roman military city/municipium of Aquincum. The authors explicate the results of recent archaeological work at Üllő, the largest known Sarmatian settlement to date, which shows evidence of about 50 pottery kilns. Kulcsár and Merai indicate the adoption of Roman pottery types by Sarmatian potters and suggest that the adjacent area of Sarmatia was indeed a component of Aquincum’s hinterland.

I. Introduction. As a result of preventive archaeological activity by Hungarian authorities, the largest known Sarmatian settlement was excavated at the village of Üllő, southeast of Budapest. Nearly 50 pottery kilns with other attributes of ceramic workshops were unearthed. The investigation of the settlement, conducted within an area exceeding 30 hectares, revealed about 8000 features and a large amount of pottery, the product of the local workshops. The overwhelming majority of the pottery fired in the kilns consisted of gritty, gray cooking pots, the shapes of which strongly resemble types manufactured in the European provinces during the Late Roman period. The rest of the material consists of typical Sarmatian pottery: gray, wheel-made vessels and a relatively small number of hand-made ceramics.

II. Cultural background. The first Sarmatians, the Jazygian tribe migrated to the Great Pannonian Plain (currently eastern Hungary, western Romania and northern Serbia), in the 1st century AD, at about the same time that the Romans founded Pannonia. After subsequent waves of nomadic migration from the Eastern steppe region, the portion of Barbaricum neighboring with the Roman province became increasingly populated. The presence of allied Sarmatians and Germans at the Danubian border represented a serious threat for the Roman Empire; however, while there was intermittent warfare, there were many peaceful periods of trade. Several attempts have been made to reconstruct trade routes by mapping Roman objects found in Barbaricum (primarily terra sigillata and coins). Most of the roads connected the provinces of Pannonia and Dacia, which were separated by the Sarmatian territory (Fig. 3).1 This was the manner in which communication was maintained between the western part of the Empire and Transylvania, the location of important gold and salt mines.

The excavations explored roughly one-fifth of the whole settlement, whose location was identified during field surveys. Judging from this, it becomes clear that the results of the excavation are subjective, because they represent only a part of the settlement. The pottery kilns are scattered across the excavated areas (Fig. 1), embedded into the multitude of features: rows of semisubterranean houses, traces of wooden edifices, ovens, wells and storage pits later used for disposing garbage. The features were enclosed by a system of ditches which cumulatively measure more than 500 meters. It is likely that many more pottery kilns lie buried in the unexcavated areas of the site.

One of the reconstructed trade routes led from the Pannonian capital, Aquincum to the estuary of the rivers Tisza and Zagyva (modern-day Szolnok) and further into Dacia. We have two pieces of evidence indicating that this road may have extended into the territory of Üllő: 1) Medieval roads usually followed the tracks of ancient ones; starting from the Arpadian Age (11th-13th century) there is information regarding a road leading from Pest to Szolnok that crosses Üllő and corresponds to the modern road M4 (E60).2 2) Information from the first half of the 20th century on findings of stamped bricks and Roman (?) pillars in the territory of the present village may refer to a Roman building, possibly a road station, situated in the center of the settlement.3

A special geo-political feature of this Sarmatian settlement is its proximity to the Roman limes/ripa, namely the Danube River, which flows just 15 km away. Therefore, the site in question lies along the border between the Roman province of Pannonia (i.e., western Hungary) and Barbaricum, the territory of Sarmatian tribes.

1

Gabler–Vaday 1986, Abb. 21. Györffy 1998, 499, 505, 506. 3 Soproni 1958, 42. 2

61

Kulcsár - Merai As to the character of trade, in all probability this was a typical colony–parent state relationship, whereby the Romans exported luxury goods (table pottery, glassware, attributes of costume and fashion) and received agricultural products from Sarmatian Barbaricum. As a result of this relationship, traces of Roman influence can be observed in the archaeological record of the Sarmatian cemeteries and settlements.

each of which was found in the central part of this particular area. The periods AD 200-220/230 and AD 220/230-260/270 can be distinguished by two other groups of datable terra sigillata (represented by 86 and 75 pieces). It was not possible to establish a specific date for the rest of the sherds, which carry a general date of AD 150-260/270. When comparing the occurrence of locally produced gritty pottery and the terra sigillata fragments found in the features of the area labeled “southern” (S), hypothetically designated as the “earlier” area of the site, it turns out that only two of the 70 pieces belonging to the time span of AD 200-220/230 were found in a feature that contained gritty ware as well. Thus, for the abovementioned reasons concerning the way kiln waste was scattered in the areas of the production, it seems that the workshop activity began after these decades. However, when making the same comparison with features containing terra sigillata from the period between AD 220/230 and 260/270, there were 23 instances out of 60 in which gritty ware was found (38%). On the other hand, there are pits with mid-3rd century terra sigillata, but without any kiln waste right next to a pottery kiln in this part of the settlement.6 Terra sigillata finds suggest that the pottery production most probably began during or following this period (Table 1).

This cultural impact of the Empire is especially apparent in Sarmatian sites situated close to the limes and the suggested trade routes. Geological analysis of the numerous (building?) stone material found at the Üllő site has shown that it was imported not only from the neighboring Buda Hills, but also from the hills north of Lake Balaton, namely, from the heart of the province of Pannonia.4 The quantity of Roman painted pottery and terra sigillata is exceptionally high in comparison to other sites of Sarmatian Barbaricum. Some unusual types of Roman imported pottery – e.g. a so-called Spruchbecher (a variety of pottery produced in Augusta Treverorum/Trier) – and a piece of Roman plaster with a fragment of a sun dial5 refer to the vicinity of a Roman edifice, perhaps the suggested road station near the modern village of Üllő. The provincial influence is also represented by most products of the local pottery workshops in Üllő, including several forms of a gritty ware imitating Roman ones, such as jugs with a spouted rim, Faltenbechers, and lamps, which will be treated in detail below.

The number of coins (i.e., the other most important source for absolute dating) is relatively low compared to the dimensions of the excavated site. Only 23 coins were found in the settlement features (and 18 in the surrounding cemetery units), the temporal distribution of which is represented in Table 2.7 Each of the coins from the first half of the 3rd century was found in the “southern” sector of the excavated territory where the concentration of terra sigillata sherds was high and that of gritty pottery was relatively low. 8 However, five more coins turned up here from the years AD 260-275, as well as one from the 290s. The fact that a coin minted by Gallienus (AD 260-268) occurred in the fill of a pit containing misfired pottery deriving from the nearby kiln, reinforces the absolute dating suggested by the spatial analysis of the terra sigillata finds, namely that the workshop activity began during the second half, probably after the second third of the 3rd century.9 Based on the absolute dating of the features that pre-dated the pottery workshop and of those contemporary with the gritty ware production in the area characterized by a concentration of terra sigillata, the site appears to have been inhabited in the second half of the 2nd century with continuous

III. Chronology of the site. The archaeological material from the Üllő site is uniform. Of the 8200+ features identified by researchers, about 7200 contained some sort of datable material, including gritty pottery typical of the Late Empire in association with ca. 5600 archaeological features. Concerning the spatial distribution of the finds, in one relatively large area of the site the concentration of the gritty pottery is conspicuously lower or missing altogether (Fig. 2, section S). Because pottery and kiln waste unavoidably gets mixed into later fills, it is unlikely that this area of the site existed parallel with or followed the activity of the pottery workshops. Indeed the relative lack of gritty sherds in the area indicates that this part of the site pre-dates the Late Sarmatian settlement specialized in pottery production. The occurrence of any gritty pottery in the area is due to the presence of three pottery kilns, the waste of which was introduced into the nearby features that were still open at that time. The discovery of Roman imports in this area offer clues to translate the relative chronological observations into an absolute chronology. The overwhelming majority of terra sigillata sherds – 740 pieces out of 757 – were found here, on one-tenth of the excavated territory. With the exception of three 1st and early 2nd century fragments, most date between the mid-2nd century and AD 270. 44 pieces can be more precisely dated to the 2nd century, 4 5

6

We thank Friderika Horváth for the definition of the terra sigillata finds. 7 We thank István Dinnyés for the definition of Roman coins. 8 A 2nd century coin comes from another part of the settlement, but is similar to other contemporary, good quality silver coins. It has no dating value in Sarmatian Barbaricum where money issued in this period was in continuous use through the 5th century. 9 This composition of coins is unusual for Sarmatian Barbaricum, where the average number of mints following the Severan Age radically dropped. Numismatic finds of the Üllő site will need a special study.

Kalmár–Kulcsár–Patay 2008. Determined by Ádám Szabó.

62

Roman or Barbarian – Sarmatian Pottery Center on the Danube Frontier

occupation through the 3rd century. The population started to deal with gritty ware production after the second third of the 3rd century.

bearing of the shaft of the wheel on which the vessels were shaped. The most conspicuous of the finds related to earthenware production is the huge quantity of kiln waste: a high concentration of potsherds and misfired pottery. Moreover, some characteristics of the filling, such as burnt soil, layers of carbonized organic materials and ash deposits, suggest that a given feature operated or was filled contemporaneously with the production of earthenware. Based on these observations and the spatial arrangement of various features, it is possible to identify some forms that regularly appear in the vicinity of the pottery kilns, to relate them to a certain phase of the workshop activity, and to describe some common characteristics of the workshops (Fig. 4).

As mentioned above, 98% of the terra sigillata sherds were concentrated within just one-tenth of the excavated territory. Most of the pieces that turned up on the rest of the site are the products of Rheinzabern (AD 150260/270) or Westerndorf (AD 180-220/230) workshops. It is not possible to establish a more precise date within the course of their activity. The explanation for the fact that terra sigillata is nearly absent on the rest of the site is probably that this part of the settlement was inhabited in a period when terra sigillata was no longer imported into Sarmatian Barbaricum. This presumption is supported by the absolute dating suggested by the coins: one from the AD 270s, two from the turn of the 4th century on the western section of the site, and two from the 4th century in the northern section (Fig. 2). The easternmost corner of the excavated part of the site revealed a relatively separate unit of the settlement with one coin from the late 3rd century and one from the 4th century. The 4th century dating is reinforced by the presence of 4th century Roman glazed ware, 10 glazed mortaria,11 late 4th century double-sided, semi-circular and Marosszentanna type bone combs, 12 and 4th-5th century barbarian pottery like Murga-type jugs found also in those features that can be directly related to earthenware production.13

Large, irregular pits most likely served as clay extraction pits; the clayey yellow subsoil allowed strip-mining. It is not possible to decide, however, whether such extraction pits situated within the settlement served as the source for the raw material of earthenware production. It is possible that the local loam was used to pug the walls of houses, kilns and other settlement features, whereas the clay used by the potters was transported from somewhat further. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to suppose that they did not go too far to procure the resources necessary to manufacture the huge quantity of vessels. According to the results of an archaeometric investigation (microscopic petrography) of the grey gritty ware and the local subsoil, it is most probable that the Sarmatian potters of the site used local clay from the area of Üllő.14 The large, irregular pits were often incorporated into the very heart of the workshops. Once the compact subsoil was extracted, the pits were utilized as the stokeholes of the pottery kilns, with the flue having been cut into the side of the already existing slope. In some cases other phases of workshop activity like preparing the clay and shaping the vessels may have taken place in or near these large pits as the archaeological finds suggest. In general, the irregular slopes that remained after the clay was extracted provided a large area that was more protected than the open surface and could be utilized for several purposes related to the workshop activity.

It can be concluded that potters of Üllő started to produce the Roman type gritty ware following the 220/230s, probably in the late 3rd or at the turn of the 4th century. Based on the above mentioned, characteristically midand second half of the 4th century finds, it seems that the workshops were still active in the second half of the 4 th century. The terminus ante quem of the settlement is determined by a series of Hun-period graves from the second third of the 5th century, which overlie the Sarmatian settlement and cemetery features. This means that the settlement – or at least certain parts of it, e.g. the southern and easternmost sector – was abandoned by Sarmatian potters at this time.

Water is also an essential raw material for earthenware production. Long ditches that meander throughout the excavated site may theoretically have served to transport water to the places of use. The differences in elevation of the surface in the area are, however, so slight that, at least presently, it is not possible to reconstruct the direction of the presumed flow. A further problem is raised by the chronological relation between the individual ditches and the relation between the ditches and the workshop features: in many cases the former proved to belong to a previous phase of the settlement rather than part of the pottery kilns. It can be stated, however, that at least some of the ditches may have had a role in transporting water

IV. Workshops and the structure of the settlement. The 48 pottery kilns that have been unearthed in different areas of the site clearly define the settlement as the location of earthenware production. There are, however, further phenomena that contribute to identifying those features that were related to the potters’ activity. Examples of the raw material were found in the fills, in the form of refined clay balls. A characteristic type of tool for pottery manufacture turned up in features near the kilns: a socket made of stone that served as the 10

Nádorfi 1992, Taf. 1. Bánki 1992. 12 Bíró 1994, 127. 13 Tejral 1985, 141. 11

14

We thank Veronika Szilágyi (Hungarian Academy of Sciences) for the petrographic analyses of gritty pottery samples.

63

Kulcsár - Merai to the pottery workshops. Wells were the other source of water for the settlement; deep cylindrical pits were revealed in groups, clustering in those areas where probably the level of the groundwater was more easily accessible. The chronological relation of the wells to the activity of the workshops is also ambiguous, as the filling of most wells lack those finds and layers that could be directly related to the pottery production.

for chronology, as the material finds from the Üllő site is more or less uniform, even amongst superimposed features. Observations of the fills can also be utilized in the chronological analysis. Thus, at certain parts of the settlement it is possible to identify features that pre-date the workshop activities; most often, however, this is not the case. Although the sequence of the use of kilns within the workshops has already been clarified in some cases, the chronological relation between the workshops is one of the major research questions upon which the detailed analysis of the finds and fills of all 8213 features may shed some light.

Most activities including the preparation of raw materials, drying, soaking, levigating and washing the clay probably took place in the area of the workshops, although it is difficult to define the exact location. Features like longitudinal pits or short, relatively deep ditches may have fulfilled such functions, and oval pits attached to semi-subterranean houses too. Parts of the irregular clay extraction pits may also have been utilized for preparing the clay. Prepared clay could have been stored in pits, thousands of which have been excavated throughout the site, although this is just one of the possible functions they could have served.

The spatial units, the so-called workshops, show some different characteristics concerning the number, the structure and the standard of the kilns themselves, the accessory features that can be related to various stages of the earthenware production, and to the volume of the production of the same kind of gritty ware. One of the most ambitious workshops is situated in the northernmost part of the excavated site with three large, solid, wellconstructed pottery kilns that functioned one after the other. Features testifying similar fire-related activity, like smokers and various types of ovens were grouped close to the kilns where fuel was probably accumulated. Judging by the amount of kiln wasters the activity of this workshop must have been characterized by a high volume of production. In the case of two other spatially distinct workshops, there was only one large kiln that had been used for a long time as the traces of renovations suggest – the kiln had four stokeholes in both cases. The quantity of kiln waste in the nearby features, 10,000 potsherds, reflects an intense scale of production.

It is not possible to identify the exact place of throwing pottery within the workshop based on the remains. The stone bearing of the wheel’s shaft most often, although not exclusively, turned up in semi-subterranean houses and in the above mentioned, relatively deep, longitudinal pits. Traces of subterranean wooden huts have been observed in the form of rows of postholes in the vicinity of the kilns. These may have been used to prepare and dry the vessels, protecting them against the rain and direct sunlight. As already mentioned, the workshops were scattered over the excavated site. There are no distinct areas that can be unequivocally defined as conspicuously and exclusively designated to dwelling functions; rows of semisubterranean houses are situated relatively close to and within the workshop areas. The fact that the houses often contain a high amount of kiln waste in the fills suggests that they do not represent a separate chronological phase of the settlement. It is more probable, that the workshop areas served also as the place of habitation, as ethnographic examples demonstrate, too: some of the houses may have served as dwellings; others, together with roofed outdoor constructions, served as the place of various stages of pottery production.15 The role of subterranean buildings in the settlement cannot be estimated, but the few examples observed during the excavation suggest that their existence should not be neglected when reconstructing the life of the settlement. Furthermore, the function of smaller or larger sections of the site may have changed in time as well.

A different system of production is reflected by groups of smaller kilns that were either functioning contemporaneously or one after the other. When renovating a kiln, a second stokehole was often provided, and it is also common for a second kiln to be heated by the same stokehole. The kilns are medium-sized or small (whereby the diameter of the chamber floor of large kilns was 150-180 cm, medium-sized kilns 100-150 cm and small kilns below 100 cm); some show traces of long term use, while others are hardly even burnt out. The volume of production varied. This “experimental” approach characterizes a large workshop that consisted of seven fully operational kilns with an eighth one that was never used. The later had collapsed during its preparation. Large clay extraction pits were utilized as the stokeholes of the kilns, ovens and smokers, thus resulting in spatially continuous systems only a part of which functioned contemporaneously. When they ceased using one kiln, they filled it and its stokehole with waste material; therefore, a large amount of kiln waste has been unearthed from these abandoned features. This economical approach characterizes the whole site: once they had extracted the subsoil, they tried to utilize the large pit that was created in as many ways as possible; finally, the kiln waste was deposited there. It

The superposition of the archaeological features certainly indicates chronological differences; the number of such cases is, however, relatively low as compared to the overall number of features. They do not provide a base 15

Rice 1987, 184-187.

64

Roman or Barbarian – Sarmatian Pottery Center on the Danube Frontier

seems that they did not transport the waste, but either filled the nearby larger features that were open and abandoned, or accumulated the waste on the surface right near the kilns. In most of cases, after the end of the activity of the workshop, most potsherds were reintroduced into the firing pit of the kiln as fill. A similar example of thrift is reflected by the kilns themselves: once the craftsmen produced a pottery kiln, they often chose to renovate it several times. This led to a variety of different kiln forms. Even when constructing a new kiln, it was characterized by an innovative and experimental approach that sometimes led to conspicuously unsuccessful structures.

perpendicular to the stokehole and a 15-20 cm thick section of the subsoil was left that horizontally separated the pit for the firing chamber and the firebox. This section of the clayey subsoil served as the chamber floor, as they bored holes through it for the ascending heat (Figs. 7, 9, 11). A fortuitous discovery presents this stage of the preparation, namely one of the Üllő kilns collapsed during the process of its construction by the Sarmatian potters and, thus, was never used. When the structure of the floor of the firing chamber was cut in the manner described above, its surface was plugged, together with the upright wall of the firing chamber. Sometimes they applied a layer of clay on the lower surface of the firing chamber floor as well as the interior of the firebox. When this construction was well burnt out, it could steadily bear the kiln load.

V. Pottery kilns. The Üllő kilns belonged to the class of updraft kiln structures whereby the firebox was situated under the firing chamber and the heat moved upward through a slotted platform that served as the floor of the chamber. The plan of the kilns is round with one exception. The fire was lit and maintained via a stokehole situated sideways. The kiln could have been loaded through the open top, which had a temporary covering, probably a domed roof of clay or large sherds; gases escaped through the opening of the top.16

The main advantage of this technology was that it was relatively simple to prepare and the end-products were stable and serviceable kilns. The precondition was to find a sort of subsoil that was clayey enough to be carved, to bear itself and to be burnt like clay. However, it was obviously not possible to renew a kiln chamber floor cut this way. The opportunity to fix any damage resulting from workshop activity was limited, and after a certain degree of destruction, the floor of the firing chamber finally went to ruin. Nevertheless, during the excavations, we observed that the Sarmatian potters kept on using the kilns even when the chamber floor had been seriously damaged. They found a way to replace the original one carved into the subsoil, and to separate the firing chamber and the firebox with a new one of completely different structure. According to the archaeological observations, seven pottery kilns had been renovated at least once, while seven others were probably renovated. Some characteristics of the method of renewing the kilns have been identified.

About 50% of the 48 pottery kilns had only one operational phase, meaning the kiln was abandoned by the potters after the kiln chamber floor was damaged. The only large pottery kiln whose entire chamber floor has survived is unique in terms of its form and structure as well, having a square-shaped chamber floor supported by a central post (Figs. 5, 10). Another kiln has a domed chamber floor without a permanent support. The excavation team observed traces of a temporary support consisting of organic material, such as twigs or reeds, which perished when the clay chamber floor was being burnt out.17 By this time, however, the thick earthen dome had become a self-supporting structure. The chamber floor of two kilns that were smaller than these, and possibly a third one, did not have a central post. Instead, they were loaded all around on the upright wall of the kiln. In the pit dug for the kiln to be built, a shoulder was carved at the planned level where the firing chamber and the firebox were to be separated, and an earthen chamber floor was placed on this shoulder (Fig. 6). Chamber floors built like this probably provided some sort of temporary support; however, no traces have been observed.

Of fourteen renovated kilns, eleven originally had a chamber floor that was cut into the subsoil in the manner described above. When a kiln was irreversibly damaged, the remains were cut back and only a narrow shoulder was left all around the wall of the kiln. The second, renewed floor of the firing chamber was modeled in clay; it was then laid on the shoulder related organically to the kiln wall, both having been part of the subsoil. Thus, this structure could serve as a stable support for the second chamber floor, or, in the case of particularly large kilns, it was complemented with a central post made of stones, clods of burnt clay and kiln waste (Fig. 8 a-d). The impressions of a temporary support made of organic material were observed in some kilns, which reinforced the clay chamber floor until it was steadily burnt out. The surface of the firing chamber floor was covered with a layer of pug, which continued onto the wall of the firing chamber as well, encrusting the whole surface of the original layer. This original, first layer of pug was always

Most of the kilns – at least 19 and possibly three others – were constructed in a peculiar manner for the Üllő potters. First, a pit was dug for the firing chamber and the large, adjacent stokehole; the distance corresponded to the length of the flue. The firebox was carved 16

Rice 1987, 159-160. The impressions of the building material of the support have not been analysed yet. 17

65

Kulcsár - Merai found behind the new floor of the firing chamber, clearly indicating the two building periods of the structure.

period kilns in Barbaricum represent the so-called La Tène type with a so-called tongue support dividing the firebox and the flue into two parts. Another widely spread method of supporting the chamber floor is a central pillar built of different materials (clay, clay mixed with pottery and bricks, tegulas etc.). These sorts of constructions (types A and B by Henning – Henning 1977, Abb. 5-6) are common in Roman period pottery manufacturing centers all over Europe. The ones without any support (type C by Henning – Henning 1977, Abb. 7) are much rarer. There are examples of kilns without support both within the Empire and in Barbaricum.18 Kilns of similar construction have been surveyed in Pannonia 19 and Moesia.20 A small number are known in German Barbaricum21 and Nitra in present day Slovakia. 22 None of these examples characterize a particular period. It seems to us that each pottery workshop – whether Roman or Barbarian – has many special, local features and Üllő is no exception.

One or two of the renovated kilns had a first chamber floor that was not cut into the subsoil, but was modeled of clay and laid on a shoulder carved into the wall of the kiln. When it was damaged, they followed the regular method, as is attested by the pug layers on the kiln wall: the original chamber floor was cut back to a narrow shoulder, and the second, renewed one was supported on that. Whether the original floor of the firing chamber was cut into the subsoil, or modeled in clay, the renewed kiln chamber floor was always situated higher than the former one, so as to provide a statically stable structure. Parallel with this, the firebox was also elevated in order to avoid the creation of an increasingly ample room extending from the firebox to the kiln load to be heated, which would certainly not have been economical. Thus, either a new opening of the firebox was created in the same stokehole on a higher level, or a completely new stokehole was dug on the other side of the kiln. The upper edge of the opening was always joined at the level of the lower surface of the chamber floor. A distinct layer of filling at the bottom of the firebox of some renovated kilns indicates that the firebox was filled or left to be filled up to the floor of the new opening (Fig. 8e) The inner volume of the firebox, therefore, became the same as it was originally; it was only raised as much as the elevation of the floor of the kiln chamber required. Two large kilns had even four stokeholes that functioned one after the other, and the ones that were already abandoned were utilized to dispose the kiln waste.

VI. Products. As indicated above, the most characteristic products of the Üllő workshops were pots made of coarse, gritty clay. They are represented by Late Roman shapes with similar forms of profiled rims and proportions. Roman pots are of somewhat better quality, have thinner walls and were sometimes decorated with patterns that almost never appeared on Barbarian pots. The shape of the vessels is relatively uniform; the variations are manifest in the proportions and in the modeling of the rim. There are two basic types of pot rims: everted ones and profiled ones shaped so that lids could be well fitted (Fig. 17). Other types of pottery were produced in a much more narrow scale. Lids and bowls follow the pots in quantity; jugs and strainers belong to rare types of the Üllő gritty ware. Lamps imitate mostly Roman forms. Funnels represent unique shapes in Sarmatian pottery (Figs. 12, 13, 14). There are special forms reflecting direct Roman influence, like a number of Faltenbecher vessels in a peculiar way made of gritty clay (Fig. 15). So called clay cauldrons (Fig. 16) recall the idea of a rare type of Sarmatian pottery usually found in the southern part of the Hungarian Plain. 23

To sum up, the Üllő site is characterized by a predominance of kilns with a chamber floor that was carved into the subsoil. According to the archaeological observations, 25 of the 48 kilns were undoubtedly prepared according to this method, while eight other kilns may have also been created in this manner. There were, however, three kilns (and probably two more) that, unlike the dominating type, got a chamber floor that was previously modeled of clay, and then laid on a shoulder along the cylindrical or conical wall of the chamber. The chamber floor of a large kiln had a thick central post as support (Fig. 10); in another one the slotted platform was laid on a temporary vegetal structure that was later burnt up. A tendency toward experimentation is manifest in the methods of renovating the damaged kilns. The remains of the collapsed kiln chamber floor were utilized as the foundation of the new and steady structure; this was complemented by thick layers of clay and central posts in some cases. Several factors including the size of the kiln, the degree of damage, and the consistency of the subsoil determined the solution applied.

The pots are essentially symmetrical. The ridges and grooves on the body and the shaping of the rims suggest that they were modeled on a relatively fast turning wheel. Moreover, the bottoms of the bases bear concentric striations produced by cutting the vessels off while the wheel was still turning. As mentioned above, a component of the wheel, namely the stone bearing of the shaft, was found in several cases. The petrographic analysis of the sherds has, however, shown that the pots 18

We are grateful to Halina Dobrzańska who kindly consulted us on the question. 19 (Salla/Zalalövő – Varga 2007, 141; Budapest–Aquincum, Nagyszombat u. – Vámos 2002; Aquincum, Gázgyár – Póczy 1956, 103. 20 E.g. Hotnica – Sultov 1969; Novo Selo – Mitova-Dţonova 1959. 21 E.g., Cífer-Pác – Kolník 1975. 22 Brezinová 1999. 23 Vaday 1980-81.

The special feature of most Üllő kilns is that the chamber floors had no support at all. Having reviewed kiln technology in this region we assume that most Roman

66

Roman or Barbarian – Sarmatian Pottery Center on the Danube Frontier

were not wheel-thrown, but were manufactured using the coiling technique.24 The stone sockets found at the Üllő site could belong to tournettes or hand wheels that, though lacking the flywheel, can be rotated rapidly enough to produce the same rilling as if the vessel was wheel-thrown.25 The pots must have been first modeled with the coiling technique and then finished on a potter’s wheel.

turned wheel – was different from the wheel thrown pottery of the provincial workshops, even though the endproduct looks very similar. A similar phenomenon was observed at the Thuringian site of Haarhausen, where a Barbarian pottery workshop situated close to the limes produced ceramics that largely suited Roman tastes. Germanic potters – similar to their Sarmatian counterparts in Üllő – constructed peculiar kinds of kilns, obviously experimenting in order to find the optimal form.33

These kinds of gritty pots, characterized by rilling on the body and profiled rims suitable for placing lids on them, are widely represented among the products of Pannonian provincial workshops in the late 4th and first half of the 5th centuries.26 The type of vessels in question also became widespread in other Danubian and Balkan provinces: Moesia27 and Noricum.28 These pots were dated mostly to the 4th century.

The individual workshops distinguished at the Üllő site differ with regard to their spatial organization, and the size and structure of pottery kilns. The structure of the various workshops reflects a difference in technology and work organization (e.g., large kilns permit improved fuel economy, but their construction requires a higher level of skill compared to small kilns). Therefore, the variety of kilns indicates that the workshop units might have been created and run by different members or families of the local community.

The same situation is noted in Barbaricum during Late Roman times (i.e., 4th-5th centuries), including the Germanic sites of Moravia29 and Przeworsk sites in Little Poland.30 Gritty pots are also known on the eastern fringe of the Germanic world at the settlements of the Marosszentanna-Černiakhov Culture in the Ukraine and Romania.31 Scientific examinations revealed that potters from both Üllő and Zofipole crafted their coarse vessels with a combination of the coiling technique and use of a potter’s wheel to draw the initial shape upwards and to make the form more regular. 32

The chronological relationship between these workshop units within the 100-150 years defined by the duration of earthenware production in the excavated site is problematic; thus, it is difficult to reconstruct the scale of production. The uniformity of the products – grey gritty pots – clearly indicate that the settlement was specialized to supply the demand of a market. The fact that of the 600,000 potsherds unearthed 12,000 fragments represent the bases of individual pots entitles us to use the term “mass production”. We are not able to define the life-time of individual kilns, but, based upon their structural characteristics, we suggest that they were used only for a short period of time. Considering that these numbers pertain to the waste of individual kilns and that it was still worthwhile for the local Sarmatian potters to manufacture pottery despite a great percentage of “wasters”, the absolute quantity of products can be estimated as considerable, even if distributed to the already defined maximum term of the craft activity.

VII. Conclusion. The Üllő pottery center with its dominant, but relatively rare kiln type, and characteristic products, widespread in the Late Empire both in the Roman provinces and in Barbaricum, appears to represent a partly Romanized, but still Barbarian industrial pattern. Romanization could be due to the closeness of the province of Pannonia and, possibly, Roman presence in the vicinity (i.e., the aforementioned road-station). The geo-political situation of the settlement gave its inhabitants an opportunity for direct contact with the province. Roman influence is especially intense compared to the other parts of Barbaricum. At the same time, the Üllő pottery center did not seem to imitate subserviently the Roman way of building kilns. As we pointed out above, Sarmatian potters showed a propensity for experimentation and innovation. Their technological choice – the coiling technique combined with a hand-

Summarizing the observations on the technological features of the Üllő pottery center, we can assume that color, material and shape of the products represent, in most cases, cultural interactions with the Roman Empire. Potters from Üllő must have supplied a wide range of clients considering that at Late Sarmatian settlements excavated in the vicinity, gritty ware of Üllő type was richly represented. Moreover, gritty pottery, evidently produced also by other workshops became widely spread in the whole Hungarian Plain in the period in question. 34

24

See footnote 14. Rice 1987, 129, 134, fig. 5: 8, 132. 26 E.g., Leányfalu – Ottományi 1991, 12-13; Ottományi 2008. 170-171 with further references. 27 E.g. Hotnica – Sultov 1969, 17-23. fig. 10: a, ţ. 28 E.g., Favianis/Mautern – Pollak 1993, 60-61. Taf. 14: 103 with further references. 29 Velké Nĕmčice, Uherčice – Tejral 1985, 140-141, Abb. 20: 2-7. 30 Igołomia – Dobrzańska 1990; Zofipole – Dobrzańska 2000, fig. 19, 20; Dobrzańska 2003. 31 Bratei – Zaharia 1971, 271, fig.1: 2; Mogoşani – Magomedov 2001, 47, fig. 24: 17. 32 Dobrzańska–Piekarczyk 1999-2000, 107-108. 25

33

Dušek 1992, 67. For the illustrations, we thank Benedek Érdi and Sándor Péter Zoltán (site maps), János Jakucs (drawings), Linda Szászvári (photos). 34

67

Kulcsár - Merai REFERENCES BÁNKI, Zs. (1992), “Beiträge zum pannonischen spätrömischen glasierten Siedlungsmaterial,” in P. Kovács (ed.), Glasierte Keramik in Pannonien, Székesfehérvár, 36-44.

MITOVA-DŢONOVA, D. (1959), “Pešč za keramični proizvedenija ot Novo Selo, Vidinsko,” Arheologija 1959.1, 79-80. NÁDORFI, G. (1992), “Glasierte Keramik in den spätrömischen Gräberfeldern Pannoniens,” in P. Kovács (ed.), Glasierte Keramik in Pannonien, Székesfehérvár, 45-51.

BÍRÓ, M. (1994), The Bone Objects of the Roman Collection, Catalogi Musei Nationalis Hungarici, Series Archaeologica II, Budapest. BREZINOVÁ, K. (1999), “Brezinová, Klára: Töpferöfen aus Nitra,” Antaeus 24, 116-126.

OTTOMÁNYI, K. (1991), “Késő római kerámia a leányfalui őrtoronyból [Die Keramik von Burgus in Leányfalu],” Studia Comitatensia 22, 5-144.

DOBRZAŃSKA, H. (1990), Osada z późnego okresu rzymskogo w Igołomi, woj. Krakowskie, Kraków.

OTTOMÁNYI, K. (2008), “Késő római – kora népvándorlás kori településrészlet Biatorbágyról. [Ein Siedlungsteil von Biatorbágy aus der späten Römer und frühen Völkerwanderungszeit],” Archaeológiai Értesítő 133, 133-197.

DOBRZAŃSKA, H. (2000), “Ośrodek produkcji ceramiki “siwej” z okresu rzymskiego w Zofipolu [Das Produktionszentrum der kaiserzeitlichen “grauen” Keramik in Zofipole],” in J. Rydzewski (ed.), 150 lat Muzeum Archeologichnego w Krakowie, Krakow, 37-68.

PÓCZY, K. (1956), “Die Töpferwerkstätten von Aquincum,” Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae VII, 73-138.

DOBRZAŃSKA, H. (2003), “Zofipole koło Krakowa – ośrodek produkcji ceramiki i rezervat archeologiczny z piecami garncarskimi (III-IV w. n.e.) [Zofipole near Cracow – pottery production centre and archaeological reserve with kilns (3-4 cent. AD)],” Materiały ceramiczne 2, 47-79.

POLLAK, M. (1993), Favianis/Mautern, Wien.

Handwerker

Grabfunde

aus

RICE, P.M. (1987), Pottery Analysis. A Sourcebook, Chicago.

DOBRZAŃSKA, H. and J. PIEKARCZYK (1999-2000), “Ultrasonic testing of ceramic vessels of the Roman Period from the production centre at Zofipole,” Acta Archaeologica Carpathica XXXV, 89-111. DUŠEK, S. (1992), Römische germanischen Thüringen, Stuttgart.

Spätantike

SOPRONI, S. (1958), “Pest megye régészeti emlékei III,” in D. Dercsényi (ed.), Pest megye műemlékei II, Budapest, 35-49.

im

SULTOV, B. (1969), “Novootkrit keramičen centar pri s. Hotnica ot rimskata i starobalgarskata epoha [Un centre de production de céramique nouvellement découvert près du village Hotnica de l’èpoque romaine et vieuxbulgare],” Arheologija 4 (Sofia), 12-24.

GABLER, D. and A. VADAY (1986), Terra Sigillata im Barbaricum zwischen Pannonien und Dazien, Budapest. KALMÁR, J., V. KULCSÁR, R. PATAY, Az ÜllőVecsés ásatási területek kőanyagának ásvány-kőzettani jellege (in preparation).

TARI, E., V. KULCSÁR, D. MÉRAI et al. (2008), “Pressed Towards New Approaches: intra site and interdisciplinary analysis of a Late Sarmatian Pottery Center at Üllő (Motorway 0),” CAA 2008.

GYÖRFFY, Gy. (1998), Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti földrajza IV, Budapest.

TEJRAL, J. (1985), “Spätrömische und völkerwanderungszeitliche Drehscheibenkeramik in Mähren,” Archaeologia Austriaca 69, 105-145.

HENNING, J. (1977), “Entwicklungstendenzen der Keramikproduktion an der mittleren und unteren Donau im 1. Jahrtausend u.Z.,” Zeitschrift für Archäologie 11, 181-206.

VADAY, A. (1980-81), “Késő szarmata agyagbográcsok az Alföldön [Spätsarmatenzeitliche Tonkessel von der Tiefebene],” Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve 1980-81: 1, 31-42.

KOLNÍK, T. (1976), “Rimska stanica v Cíferi-Páci (výskum 1975). Römische Station in Cífer-Pác (Grabung 1975),” Archeologické výskumy a nálezy na Slovensku v roku 1975, Nitra,. 134-140.

VÁMOS, P. (2002), “Fazekasműhely az aquincumi canabae déli részén. [Töpferwerkstatt im südlichen Teil der Canabae von Aquincum],” Archaeológiai Értesítő 127, 5-87.

MAGOMEDOV, B. (2001), Černjakhovskaja kul’tura. Problema etnosa, Lublin.

68

Roman or Barbarian – Sarmatian Pottery Center on the Danube Frontier

ZAHARIA, E. (1971), “Données sur l’archélogie des IVeXIe siècles sur le territoire de la Romanie. La culture Bratei et la culture Dridu,” Dacia XV, 269-287.

VARGA, G. (2007), “Római kori hombárok Zalalövőről [Roman storage jars from Zalalövő],” Communicationes Archaelogicae Hungariae, 141-174.

Table 1. Chronological and spatial distribution of terra sigillata finds (based on the report by Friderika Horváth) Section Northern Section

Eastern Section

Western Section

Amount 5

Workshop

Amount

Rheinzabern Westerdorf

2 3

Rheinzabern Westerndorf Pfaffenhofen

4 1 1

Rheinzabern

2

Group

Between Eastern and Southern Section

Southern Section

Dating

6 230–260/270

2 IIc

Between Western and Southern Section

Amount

1

11 Northern Italy

1

Flavian Age – Trajan/Hadrian (69–138 AD) 80–130/140

Southern Gaul Rheinzabern Rheinzabern/Westerndorf Westerndorf Pfaffenhofen

2 1 1 2 4

Rheinzabern Pfaffenhofen

1 1

Southern Gaul Southern Gaul?

4 1

80–130/140

Central Gaul Central Gaul? Central Gaul /Rheinzabern

3 1 1

140–180/190

Rheinzabern

298

230–260/270

2

230–260/270

728

I Ia Ia–IIa Ia–IIIa Ia–IIIc

69

3 5 1 2 1

150–170/180

Kulcsár - Merai Ib Ib–IIa

24 5 1

II

Rheinzabern? Rheinzabern/Westerndorf Rheinzabern/Westerndorf ? Westerndorf

Southwest from Western Section

Total

IIa IIa–b IIb IIc IIc–IIIa III

14 1 3 4 1 1

IIIa IIIb

10 1

Comitialis Helenius Comitialis– Helenius

60 67 1

Pfaffenhofen Pfaffenhofen?

48 10

Rheinzabern Westerndorf Westerndorf/Pfaffenhofen

1 2 1

758

Table 2. Presentation of numismatic evidence.

1

Soldier-Emperors (AD 235-284)

12

Hadrianus

AD 117-138

1

Severus Alexander

AD 222-235

1

AD 252-253 AD 260-268 AD 268-270 AD 268-273 AD 270-275 1st half 270’s

1 6 2 1 1 1

Gallienus Claudius II Aurelianus

70

180–210/220 200–220/230

230–260/270

4

Severan Age (AD 193-235)

220/230– 260/270

323

6 18

1

170/180– 220/240

6 5 4

Westerndorf? Westerndorf/Pfaffenhofen

Antonine Age (AD 117-192)

170/180–200

Roman or Barbarian – Sarmatian Pottery Center on the Danube Frontier

Tetrarchy (AD 284-313)

Constantinian Dynasty (AD 305-363)

4th century

4 Diocletianus Diocletianus

2nd third 290’s AD 294-298 AD 293-305

1 2 1

Constantius II Constantinus

Ca. AD 330 AD 310-320 AD 330-335

1 1 1

3

2

71

Kulcsár - Merai FIGURES

Figure 1. Map of the site indicating the pottery kilns.

Figure 2. Map of the site with the areas treated as “southern” (S), “eastern” (E), “western” (W), “northern” (N).

72

Roman or Barbarian – Sarmatian Pottery Center on the Danube Frontier

Figure 3. Trade routes in the Sarmatian Barbaricum (after Gabler–Vaday 1986, Abb. 21).

Figure 4. A detail of the site map with one of the workshop areas.

73

Kulcsár - Merai

Figure 5. Scheme of construction phases of a kiln with central support.

Figure 6. Scheme of construction phases of a kiln with shoulder support.

74

Roman or Barbarian – Sarmatian Pottery Center on the Danube Frontier

Figure 7. Scheme of construction phases of a kiln with a chamber floor cut out of the subsoil.

75

Kulcsár - Merai

Figure 8. Phases of the renovation of the kilns.

76

Roman or Barbarian – Sarmatian Pottery Center on the Danube Frontier

Figure 9. Section and ground plan of a kiln with a chamber floor cut out of the subsoil (feature 2092).

Figure 10. Section and ground plan of a kiln with a central pillar (feature 103).

77

Kulcsár - Merai

Figure 11. Section of a kiln with a chamber floor cut out of the subsoil (feature 2567).

Figure 12. Gritty pots, lids and funnel.

78

Roman or Barbarian – Sarmatian Pottery Center on the Danube Frontier

Figure 13. Gritty jugs and bowls.

Figure 14. Various types of gritty ware.

79

Kulcsár - Merai

Figure 16. Fragment of a clay cauldron.

Figure 15. Fragment of a Faltenbecher.

Figure 17. Some characteristic types of gritty pots.

80

ROMANS AND BARBARIANS: SOME REMARKS ON CULTURAL CONTACT, INFLUENCE AND MATERIAL CULTURE Eduard Krekovič (Comenius University, Bratislava, Slovakia)

Few societies live in isolation, devoid of any contact with their neighbors. Inter-cultural contact is, therefore, typical for most communities, and mutual influences are a matter of course. However, what meanings might the word “influence” have? Traditional archaeology, especially in the Central European region, used to employ this term frequently to define cultural development owing to external factors. This tendency was initiated as a result of the work of G. Child who significantly influenced the previous generation of Central European archaeologists: In turn, Child was influenced by the diffusionist models to a certain degree, himself. It seems that in the development of archaeological theory, diffusionist and evolutionist models alternated, as K. Kristiansen observed.1 In fact, Kristiansen discerned an approximately fifty year cycle in this alternation. Evolutionism was prevalent after 1850 and it again became dominant about 100 years later. It is a rather schematic classification based on certain extremes, but it may contain some truth. With the emergence of the “new” Processual archaeology in 1960’s, a turn has occurred. The dynamics of cultural development was explained, for the most part, by internal factors or evolution. According to the Processualists, the term “diffusion” did not contain sufficient information and only implied contact without any concrete characteristics.2 Diffusion could not be refused on the whole, of course. If its existence has been proved, we should try to understand forms and mechanisms of the contacts.

products that might prove some specific cultural influence that the Romans had on the Germans. I will consider wine (as far as drinking wine might be regarded as a “cultural” influence) and cosmetics. Within the territory of the Roman Empire some types of bronze vessels (for instance, buckets, sets of ladles and strainers as well as jugs) have been associated with the drinking of wine. It has been assumed that their presence in Barbaricum proved that the inhabitants were drinking wine, which must have been imported there. Within the territory of southwestern Slovakia, which I have investigated, the importation of wine has not been demonstrated as no amphorae have been discovered. However, the absence of amphorae does not mean that wine could not have been transported there in different containers (for instance, in wooden barrels).3 Moreover, hundreds of bronze vessels or their fragments have been found there, which might indicate wine-drinking. The so called “princely graves”, in particular, contain whole sets of such vessels together with some kinds of glass vessels or silver vessels used for drinking. The elite of German society were connected with the imitation of Roman customs, in this case wine drinking. People of this rank were buried in small inhumation cemeteries. Yet bronze vessels have been found in large cremation cemeteries as well, where the rest of the population was buried. Written sources concerning feasts of the warrior retinues organized by chiefs might indicate that the bronze vessels would most likely be found in weapon graves. I have analyzed finds from three major cremation cemeteries on the territory of south - western Slovakia situated in close proximity to each other – Abrahám, Kostolná and Sládkovičovo.4 Bronze vessels have been found in 106 of 393 graves (approximately 27%). The cemeteries differed somewhat, but we can state that bronze vessels were not characteristic only for weapon graves. The gender of the deceased could not be safely identified in the majority of cases. Nevertheless, it is certain that bronze vessels have been found in the graves of men, women, as well as children.

Peaceful interaction between the Roman Empire and barbarian society to the north of the Danube is certain. It has been proved, in the first place, by a strong distribution of Roman products throughout this territory. Nevertheless, it is difficult to say in what way and to what degree these items influenced barbarian technology. For instance, it has been demonstrated that the potter’s wheel was first used by the Germans approximately 200 years after the Romans became their neighbors. For the most part, however, the barbarians did not imitate Roman goods. Native agricultural production does not bear any significant signs of Roman influence either. In terms of technology, therefore, Roman influence manifested slowly and only began to be noticeable when barbarian societies achieved a more sophisticated economic level. In the present contribution I will deal with Roman 1 2

As this analysis did not bring conclusive results, I concentrated on the Roman glass vessels and glazed

Kristiansen 1998, 37. Renfrew 1975, 21.

81

3

Tchernia 1986.

4

Kolník 1980.

Roman and Barbarians: Some Remarks on Cultural Contact ceramic vessels which have been found in some graves. Similar to the vessels in the graves of elite, they served for wine drinking, in particular. The number of such vessels was less: eight graves contained ceramic vessels and ten graves contained glass ones. These vessels have been found only in graves containing bronze vessels. Still, they were not limited to the weapon graves – that is, men’s graves – but have also been found in women’s graves. All of these graves can be classified as being wealthy in the context of the cemeteries: the very presence of the bronze, glass and glaze vessels provides good reason for that.

In this connection it is important to note that, for the most part, the vessels were sometimes only represented by very small fragments. I do not think this was only caused by the process of cremation. Perhaps, in some cases, there were no whole vessels in the pyre. Perhaps if the intact vessel was not available, the fragments might have been put in the grave because they symbolically represented the whole vessel (pars pro toto). As for the other invisible imported commodity – cosmetics – so far it can only be hypothesized that the small glass flagons (i.e., balsamaria and unguentaria) found within Barbaricum were popular due to their content, that is, aromatic oils and perfumes. It is rather improbable that they were imported empty. Supposedly, they were sought by Germanic women and, therefore, they should be found in women’s graves. However, there have only been a few finds so far and only one female grave from the considered cemeteries contained a small flagon. Such results have been caused by the difficulties in identifying gender of the deceased buried in cremation graves. If this hypothesis is confirmed, it will prove Roman cultural influence on the barbarian society also in the use of cosmetics. This is probable, especially in the case of populations that inhabited the areas near the Roman boundaries.

Interpretation of the mentioned facts is not easy, however, and I offer three solutions: 1) If we accept the connection between the bronze vessels in graves and wine drinking, then wine was drunk by a significant part of the population buried in the considered cemeteries (approximately the quarter), including women and children. 2) If we limit observations to the graves containing bronze vessels, in association with imported drinking (ceramic or glass - in no case both) vessels, the number of “alcoholics” dramatically decreases. Eight graves (4 men and 4 of uncertain gender) contain ceramic beakers and ten contain drinking glass vessels (5 men, 2 women, 3 uncertain). These graves do not significantly differ from other graves, so we cannot explain why those particular graves contain the mentioned vessels.

REFERENCES DOMŹALSKI, K. (2003), “Central Italian lead-glazed vessels beyond the northern borders of the Roman Empire, RCRF Acta 38, 181-190.

3) The interpretation connecting bronze vessels in graves with wine drinking by the German elite only (chiefs and their families) seems the most probable one. Although warriors might have participated in the feasts organized by the chiefs, bronze vessels or drinking vessels in cremation cemeteries were not limited to the weapon graves. This fact might be related, rather, to the availability of those vessels. The trade of Roman wares was directed mainly to the barbarian power centers. Trade was controlled by the chief who secured his power in this way. He could not collect unlimited wealth, however, because he was bound by the rule of redistribution. The social organization of the Germans can be characterized as a chiefdom, implying that the chief had to redistribute commodities coming to the center, either as goods, or as booty. Most commodities were obtained by warriors, a fact reflected in burials. Bronze vessels in the graves of women and children might have been a sign of belonging to the elite, or that they had relations with warriors. Thus, it was not necessarily related to wine drinking as such.

KOLNÍK, T. (1980), Römerzeitliche Gräberfelder in der Slowakei, Bratislava. KRISTIANSEN, K. (1998), Europe before history, Cambridge. RENFREW, C. (1975), “Trade as action of distance: questions of integration and communication,” in J.A. Sabloff and C.C. Lamberg-Karlovsky (eds.), Ancient civilisation and trade, Albuquerque, 3-59. TCHERNIA, A. (1986), Le vin de l’Italie romaine. Essai d’histoire economique d’après les amphores, Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 261.

83

Roman and Barbarians: Some Remarks on Cultural Contact FIGURE

Figure 1. Map of central Europe with Abrahám, Kostolná and Sládkovičovo (after K. Domźalski 2003, p. 181, Fig. 1).

83

THE ROMAN-AGE SETTLEMENT AT CSENGERSIMA–PETEA AND POTTERY WORKSHOPS FROM THE UPPER TISZA BASIN Robert Gindele (Satu Mare Museum of History and Art, Romania) and Eszter Istvánovits (Jósa András Múzeum. Nyíregyháza, Hungary)

Abstract. This paper demonstrates evidence of pottery production zones in four areas of Barbaricum during the period when Rome controlled Dacia (2nd and 3rd c. AD): in the Upper Tisza Basin next to the limes of Dacia Porolissensis, in the micro-region of the Middle Someş river, on the Bereg plain and on the valleys of the Hernad and Torysa rivers in eastern Slovakia. Two varieties of kilns were common (one with a central post and one with a median wall) in addition to a few irregular types. A key question focuses upon the notion of Roman influence on pottery production, both in terms of the configuration of the two common kiln types and the varieties of pottery manufactured at the native centers. The authors conclude that the Romans had a strong technological and stylistic influence that extended deep into Barbaricum.

I. The settlement at Csengersima–Petea. The archaeological site of Csengersima–Petea is situated in a plain traversed by the traces of the former meanders of the Erge brook. A good idea of how the ancient landscape looked can be made on the basis of military maps from 1783-1785.1 Before the bonification of the plain between the rivers Someş and Tisa, this was crossed by many brooks creating meanders between areas with higher terrain and forming lower, more flattened areas which were flooded repeatedly by the two main rivers. According to the map of 1783-85, the Erge brook crossed a higher area on an East-West direction, at a distance of about 8 km to the North of the winding course of the Someş River. The inhabitants of the Roman age settlement dug their houses, fountains and house annexes into the clayey earth of the higher terrain on both banks of the brook in antiquity, which probably had a swampy valley about 30-40 m wide.

Five workshops were identified, four of which had one kiln and one with two pottery kilns. These workshops are located in the western part of the excavated area, forming two groups. The first group (southern group) is made up of workshops 704 and 1697-1700, each with one kiln with a support post. The distance between the two workshops is just 1-2 m. At about 50 m from the first group of workshops are three others (northern group), in an arch-shaped arrangement. These workshops are at a distance of 20-25 m from each other. Two have one kiln apiece with a support wall and one has a kiln with a post and a kiln with a support wall. It is hard to discern if there are chronological differences between the two workshop groups. A difference is noted by their construction: the southern group has kilns with support posts and among the northern group three out of four have support walls. It is difficult to assess if the pottery discovered in the fill of the workshops after their abandonment offers any information about pottery production. It is very likely that these constructions sunken into the earth were filled in shortly after use. This is also indicated by pottery fragments discovered in these complexes. In the pottery workshops at Csengersima–Petea wheel-made pottery clearly predominates. Only a few pottery fragments discovered were coarse and hand-made; fine, black, handmade pottery was not found. Wheel-made stamped pottery was found in the fill of each of the five workshops in varying numbers. In workshops 704 and 1065 there is less stamped pottery and a higher proportion of smooth pottery; in workshop 1300 there is more stamped pottery. At present we cannot state that this represents chronological differences among the workshops. Rough pottery is present in large quantities in every pottery workshop.

It is probable that an important road traversed the area of the settlement, crossing the plain north of the Someş River. The 18th century maps show the existence of a lower area between the Someş River and the micro-area of the settlement, the only road west of the area of the modern city of Satu Mare traversing in the proximity of the investigated area. The route of the medieval road overlaps with the one we suggested.2 During the salvage archaeological excavations undertaken when the crossing point of the RomanianHungarian frontier at Csengersima–Petea was being rebuilt in 1998-1999, more than 1000 Roman period complexes were uncovered, including several pottery workshops.

In the micro-area of the Csengersima–Petea customs zone, several Roman age settlements have been

1

Szatmár Vármegye, map XXIX, col. 13, sect. 2 Maksai 1940, 9, Skizz 2.

85

Gindele - Istvánovits investigated on the Romanian side. At Lazuri–Lubi Tag a 1378 m2 surface area was researched,3 at Satu Mare– Pădurea Noroieni survey excavations were carried out in 1972.4 The intensity of habitation in the Roman age is reflected in the results of the surface research in the outskirts of the village of Császló in Hungary, at a distance of about 10 km from the site at Csengersima– Petea, where in 18 out of 40 discovery spots, Roman age traces are present.5 At Satu Mare-Farms 2.4 two kilns have been investigated, each having a kiln with a median wall, fuelled by the same service pit.6 At Lazuri–Râtul lui Bela ten kilns with median walls have been uncovered, but we do not have information about the service pits.7

author of the research. The closest gray stamped pottery finds were uncovered during field walking in the area of Apa,11 from the northern terrace of the Someş river meadow, about 10 km south of the settlement in Medieşu Aurit–Şuculeu. Bearing in mind the small distance and the same geographical micro-region, it is difficult to suppose that these products did not make their way to Medieşu Aurit-Şuculeu. We currently assume that either the pottery production stopped during the large scale production of stamped pottery or there was a hiatus in production for this period. It is a difficult problem, but we cannot simply exclude the non-assimilation of Roman technology. It is very likely that the concept of mass production and spread of stamped pottery was introduced into the Upper Tisza Basin in phases C1b-C2. The exact date of the use of these kilns is not clear. In complex no. 635 at Petea– Csengersima, a bronze bolt fibula (type Almgren 158), made from a single piece, was found in association with stamped pottery. In the micro-region of Satu Mare-farms 2-4, stamped pottery was not produced in the kilns with a median wall. Clues about the date of production in this place are offered by a fibula similar to the Almgren 158 fibula from complex no. 635 of Petea–Csengersima.12 The date range of this type is too broadly defined: in the western region of the Przeworsk culture it dates between the 2nd and the middle of the 5th century,13 while in Pannonia its introduction is attested to the 3rd century.14

II. Pottery workshops from the Plain of the river Someş. In the settlement at Petea–Csengersima the first phase of habitation is characterized by the great quantity of archaic Dacian and Germanic pottery and the absence of stamped pottery. The phase without stamped pottery at Csengersima–Petea is datable to the first half of the 2nd century, based upon a strongly molded, bronze fibula, whose body is ornamented with lines in a zigzag pattern. 8 During the Marcomannic wars and at the end of the 2nd century (B2-C1) the archaic aspect of the pottery is maintained. The date may be indicated by a gold pendant.9 At present we do not have any information about pottery made on the potter’s wheel in the 2nd century from the micro-area of the settlement at Csengersima–Petea. Medieşu Aurit–Şuculeu is the only production center we know of to the north of the Someş River that produced pottery on a potter’s wheel. Thirteen kilns have been studied with the dimension of the diaphragm varying between 160 cm and 260 cm. These dimensions may be explained by the character of the products. The number of storage jars is much greater than that found in the other pottery workshops; the workshops at Medieşu Aurit probably specialized in the production of storage jars. The kilns at Şuculeu have double fire channels and median walls.

In the micro-area of the settlement at Csengersima–Petea, at Lazuri–Râtul lui Bela stamped pottery was no longer being produced in the kilns with median walls, its place being taken by pottery with smoothed decoration in a net pattern and some forms that have analogies in Sântana de Mureş Cerneahov. A date of phase D1 was recently proposed for the pottery production at Lazuri–Râtul lui Bela.15 III. Pottery workshops near the Province of Dacia. At present, it is unanimously accepted that the origins of the production of stamped pottery in the Basin of the Upper Tisa are to be found in Dacia, probably at Porolissum. At Porolissum “the number of stamped pottery is impressive;”16 however, we still do not have clear information concerning this production group. Stamped pottery can be dated to the time immediately following the Roman conquest with large scale production starting from the middle of the 2nd century. The great majority of stamped pottery is datable to the end of the 2nd and the 3rd centuries.17

The character of their construction shows a continuation in tradition from the La Tene period. A service pit probably fuelled only one kiln, but we are not certain that this is the only case because not all of the kilns were systematically researched. The chronological limits of pottery production are difficult to determine. A date of between 2nd and 4th-5th centuries has been proposed.10 Pottery with stamped decoration was not produced in these kilns and the examples of stamped pottery uncovered at the site are probably Roman imports. The lack in the production of stamped pottery may indicate a different chronological date than the one suggested by the 3

11

Matei- Stanciu 2000, 53. Bader 1975, 33-35. 5 Pintye 2008, fig. 1. 6 Lazin 1980; Lazin 1981-82 nr.7. 128. 7 No detailed information. 8 Timoc- Gindele 2006-2007, 186. 9 Istvánovits 2004, 220. 10 Dumitraşcu 1997, 358.

Apa- Grădina Şcolii, Apa- Herbeneaga. Settlemets researched through field walking. 12 Lazin 1980, pl. LXXXI,4. 13 Szydlowski 1979, 27. 14 Vaday 1988-89, 87. 15 Stanciu 2008, 151. 16 Gudea- Filip 1997, 70. 17 Gudea 1980, 111; Gudea- Filip 1997, 72.

4

86

Roman-Age Settlement at Csengersima-Petea and Pottery Workshops from the Upper Tisza Basin A group of workshops has been identified at Zalău in close proximity to the Province of Dacia.18 This group of workshops produced stamped pottery of a type almost identical to Roman wares. The kilns at Zalău–Valea Mâţii–Bazinele Peco and Zalău–Bd. Mihai Viteazu 104106 were built with a central pylon with a diameter of about 1 m. Recently a pottery kiln with median wall was found at Zalău–ISCIP Teodor property.

should also be stressed that besides the identical forms, the ornamental motives and the arrangements are almost identical with the provincial pottery. The motives consist of wavy lines type V.10, curved lines type II.18-30, circles type III.29, vertical lines type I.9, and stylized plants type VI, 17, 18. There are very few forms that are not part of the repertory of the ones found at Porolissum (i.e., stamped brick-colored bowl that imitates a biconical German pot), but even these are decorated with motives and typical provincial combinations. These are local forms, characteristic of the settlement at Bd. Mihai Viteazul and without analogies at other sites. It is very likely that the stamped pottery was produced earlier in the vicinity of the province, along the main commercial route, rather than in the more distant Barbaricum.

A separate analysis of the “micro region of contact” between Barbaricum and the Province is necessary.19 In our opinion this region may have been of flexible dimensions in accordance with the importance of the communication routes that crossed it as well as the commercial and political importance of the Roman cities found at the border. In the case of the Upper Tisa Basin, a difference in the density of settlements is notable along the communication routes in the valleys of the rivers Zalău, Crasna, Barcău and Someş. The greatest concentration of habitations is found along the Zalău River, which was probably the main communication route between the Province and Barbaricum. The regularity of contact with the Province is reflected in the vast number of imports (e.g., fragments of glass cups and provincial pottery for everyday use) at Zalău–Bd. Mihai Viteazu 104-106, and the intensive use of Roman construction materials such as spikes and bricks. The situation is similar in the settlement at Zalău ISCIP, where Roman construction materials have been found in association with stamped pottery with forms, motives and combinations of motives identical to those found at Porolissum.

Very close to the settlement at Zalău–Bd. Mihai Viteazul 104-106 are the ones of Panic–Uroikert and Hereclean– Dâmbul Iazului. The type and character of the complexes of these settlements are different from those of Bd. Mihai Viteazul. In the area of research at these settlements, we assume that there is one chronological level for each settlement based upon the unitary character of the archaeological material. An iron fibula Almgren VI.162 was used to date the finds from Hereclean; the fibula has analogies in the Upper Basin of the Vistula (Przeworsk culture), in grave no. 3 at Chmielów Piaskowy dated to phase C1,22 and in grave no. 75 at Lubowidz in Eastern Poland (Wielbark culture), dated to phase C1a.23 On the basis of this fibula and a strap-end Raddatz J V, Stanciu presumes the finds date to the C1a phase, which ends at the end of the 2nd or early 3rd century.24 At Panic– Uroikert we do not have finds that are precisely datable, but on the basis of the pottery types discovered, it is probable that the two investigated areas of the settlements are chronologically contemporaneous.

At Zalău–Bd. Mihai Viteazu 104-106, the chronological horizon in which stamped pottery is present corresponds to the period of the Marcomannic Wars or somewhat before. The horizon has been dated by a type of iron spur that frequently appears in the first horizon of the graves with weapons of the Przeworsk culture, but which also appear sporadically in the second horizon (B2-C1a phase, with emphasis in the B2 phase).20 The spur was found inside a surface dwelling with a rectangular plan, 8x4 m, and delimited by darker colored soil. Contemporary with the dwelling or of a previous period, a building composed of Roman construction materials was discovered in the context of dwelling no. 4. An intense use of pottery of provincial character is shown by the great percentage of stamped pottery (34% of the fine pottery) and of the coarse pottery (8% of the entire pottery material).

In neither of these settlements is there stamped or coarse pottery. At Panic, the quantity of wheel-made pottery is relatively low and is probably of provincial character. At Hereclean, the situation is similar, but we also have a fragment from a coarse pot and a fragment from a massive storage jar made on the potter’s wheel. The beginning of the settlements with finds almost exclusively characteristic of the Przeworsk culture can be linked without doubt with the population movement in the period of the Marcomannic wars, when German populations are mentioned in written sources next to the limes at Porolissum.25 Bearing in mind the vicinity of these settlements with the one at Zalău–Bd. Mihai Viteazu 104-106, we may assume that in phase C1a stamped pottery was not produced in the northwestern vicinity of Dacia and that the production was only taken up again in phases C1b-C2.

Coarse pottery is also present in the context, hand-made (3%) and fine, black, hand-made pottery (2%), which is characteristic of the Przeworsk culture. In this chronological phase of the settlement the forms of stamped pottery are identical with the pottery from Porolissum (variants STSP 1, STSP 2, STSP 3 1.3.1.9., STSP 10, STSP 13, STSP 15, STSP 16 2.2.3.1.).21 It

22

Godlowski-Wichman 1998, 16, pl. III. Wolagiewicz 1995, 40, pl. XIII. 24 Stanciu-Matei 2004, 762. 25 More precisely Vandals and Viktovalians (Dio 71, 12, Vita Marci 17, 3).

18

23

Matei 1997, Matei- Stanciu 2000, 94, 106. 19 Editor’s note: see Weiss in this volume and De Sena 2010. 20 Godlowski 1970, pl. XXII.15. 21 For the comparison we used the typology of Gudea-Filip 1997.

87

Gindele - Istvánovits IV. Pottery workshops in the Bereg area. The largest known pottery production center in the Upper Tisza Basin is in the Bereg area. Research at Beregsurány– Barátságkert offers information about the number of kilns grouped in a workshop area. In fact, 52 kilns were discovered here,26 while another 50 kilns have been identified with the aid of geophysical techniques.27 At Beregsurány there are kilns with central post,28 while kilns with median wall may simply not have been excavated. The great number of kilns is remarkable, but this is not an isolated case in Barbaricum. At Igolomia on the Upper Vistula, the region of the Przeworsk culture, more than 150 kilns have been unearthed.29

in the region of the city of Košice, at Blazice– Bohdanovce, where three workshops were uncovered. Pottery production at Blazice–Bohdanovce has been dated by the authors to the late Roman period, 4th-6th centuries.34 The number and type of kilns is difficult to determine because many were partially destroyed by agricultural work and, in several cases, it was impossible to establish whether these were simple or pottery kilns. Jurecko describes 23 kilns with a single chamber and 4 with median wall.35 At present, a detailed analysis of the archaeological material is not possible. The shape of the published bowls is similar to the ones from Csengersima– Petea, but pots with polished decorations are more numerous. The pottery production center at Blazice– Bohdanovce can be dated between the 3rd and 5th centuries. A workshop with two pottery kilns attached to the same service pit was investigated in the area of Košice, at Sebastovce–Barca. The diaphragm of one kiln is supported by a central post, while that of the other kilns is supported by wheel-made pottery prefabricates. They have been dated to the first phase of the settlement, in the 1st and 2nd centuries. The fills within the kilns contained hand-made Dacian and Przeworsk pottery as well as brick-colored pottery sherds, and wheel-made with lips having complex profiles;36 there was no stamped pottery. Near the city of Košice, at Trstené pri Hornáde, a complex was unearthed which the author considered to be a pottery kiln with a single chamber. It has been dated on the basis of hand-made pottery sherds to the 2nd century.37 The complex did not contain stamped pottery.

In the neighborhood of Beregsurány, in Ukraine, two kiln groups have been studied: two workshops each with two kilns at Beregovo and six workshops with one, two or three kilns at Luzanka.30 In this region kilns with central post represent the great majority. These kilns were used in the production of stamped pottery and are always present in published contexts. The lower chronological limit of pottery production in the micro-region of Beregsurany-Beregovo-Luzanka31 can be established by comparison with the settlement of Beregsurany–Custom, about 150 m from the area of the kilns. This has been dated to the middle of the 3rd century. In this settlement stamped pottery was uncovered, leading to the presumption that the production of stamped pottery in the micro-region of Beregsurany-Beregovo-Luzanka started after the middle of the 3rd century.32 It is likely that there are chronological differences between these workshops, indicated by the difference in the percentage of stamped pottery: 96% at Beregovo and 10.9% at Luzanka.33

In the valley of the Toryssa River two settlements with pottery kilns have been explored. At Ostrovany two pottery kilns were studied, having different chronological dates.38 Kiln no. 1 has a median wall, a diameter of about 1 m, and was used for the production of stamped pottery. It appears to date to the late 2nd or early 3rd century. Kiln no. 2 is an irregular construction, with a prolonged fire channel and two side channels, which practically forms the firing chamber. There is a round chamber above with a diameter of 2 m where the pots were fired and a service pit with post holes. Polished pottery was produced in this kiln, characteristic of the first age of migrations.

The pottery kilns from Luzanka were built in two manners: either with a central post that supports a diaphragm or with a median wall. The ones from Beregovo VI have a central post. From a chronological perspective there is no clear evidence regarding a simultaneous use of kilns with median wall and the ones with a central post; however, considering that there is no clear chronological difference between these two types of construction and no notable difference between the fills of the kilns, we may assume that the two types of kilns were used simultaneously.

The kiln at Prešov was accidentally discovered. We know only of its existence and do not have data for a more detailed analysis. The authors date it, however, to the late Roman age39 based upon a published plan of the kiln. It has a unique construction for the Upper Tisza Basin with 8 small posts adhering to the wall of the firing chamber that supported the muffle.40

V. Pottery workshops from the East of Slovakia. An area of workshops has been studied on the river Hernad, 26

Csallány 1966 only metioned, later published in Istvánovits 1993. 137-140, pl. III-VI pottery, fibulas, beads, fragments of combs, spur, pottery stamps. We do not have information about the kilns, although Csallány notes that several kilns were fueled from a single service pit. Service pits with only one kiln were also discovered. 27 Kotigorosko 1995, 118 and personal comunication with I.Erdelyi. 28 Istvanovits 1993, 131. 29 Dobrzanska 1990. 30 Kotigorosko 1995, 119. It is very probable that the settlement at Luzanka is actualy the same with the one at Beregsurány- Barátságkert. 31 See the position map of the micro-region in Kotigorosko 1995, fig. 74. 32 Istvánovits 1997, 730. 33 Kotigorosko 1997, 810.

34

Pastor 1961, 107. Pastor mentions a Commodus (180-192) coin and a bronze fibula from the late Roman age from Blazice: Pastor 1965, 95. 35 Jurecko 1981, 169. 36 Lamiova-Schmiedlova 1963, 74. 37 Jurecko 1983, 383. 38 Lamiova-Schmiedlova-Tomasova 1988.95, Lamiova-SchmiedlovaTomasova 1995, Lamiova-Schmiedlova-Tomasova 1999. 39 Lamiova-Schmiedlova 1969, 430. 40 Lamiova-Schmiedlova-Tomasova 1995, Abb. 3.

88

Roman-Age Settlement at Csengersima-Petea and Pottery Workshops from the Upper Tisza Basin VI. The construction of the kilns. An extensive study of pottery production in the Upper Tisza Basin was made in the 1990’s by Kotigorosko,41 who developed a typology on the basis of the construction of the kilns and the support of the diaphragm. Two principal types are distinguishable: with a single firing chamber and with two firing chambers. For the type with two firing chambers the following variants have been established: A) with a central post, B) with a median wall, C) with no support for the diaphragm.

and their association with the second phase of the settlement.

Pottery kilns with a single chamber have been discovered at Blazice and Trstene pri Hornade. The 22 kilns with a single chamber at Blazice, according to the authors, were used simultaneously with those with a median wall.42 The kiln at Trstene pri Hornade is the only one discovered inside the settlement and its fill contained utilitarian hand-made pottery.43 At Blazice the settlement was partially destroyed, in some instances down to the level of the firing platform of the kilns.44 The kilns may have been for household use. Evidence of their use for firing pottery (wasters) is missing at Trstene pri Hornade. In the province of Dacia kilns with a single firing chamber have been uncovered at Napoca (Cluj–Bd. 21 decembrie 1989),45 although some researchers suggest they may have served other purposes.46

Kilns with a median wall have been discovered in the Upper Tisza Basin alongside those with central posts. It is likely that pottery production at Medieşu Aurit–Şuculeu used only kilns with a support wall and can be dated prior to the spread of the Roman influenced kilns with a support post. Bearing in mind the predominance of archaeological finds with the characteristics of Dacian material culture, in the case of the settlement of Medieşu Aurit–Şuculeu we may assume a continuation of pottery production from the previous period. In the 1 st century BC and the 1st century AD kilns with a median wall clearly dominated in the territory of Dacia.53

Although this type of kiln is present in the area of Dacia,48 we cannot assume that this construction technique continued in the barbarian area of the Upper Tisza Basin in the Roman age. It is likely that the kiln type with a central post in the Upper Tisza Basin has its origin in Roman Dacia, where it is attested at Porolissum,49 Tibiscum,50 Ilişua51 and Micia.52

The presence of kilns with a median wall alongside those with a central post is noted in two settlements: Csengersima–Petea and Luzanka. The chronological relationship between these two construction types is difficult to define due to the lack of datable objects. At Csengersima–Petea kilns with a support wall form a separate group within the settlement. One of the workshops has a kiln with a support post next to one with a support wall. At Luzanka two kilns with a support wall are found next to one with a support post within the same workshop.54

Pottery kilns with central posts are present in the vicinity of the Dacian limes at Zalău–Valea Mâţii–Bazinele PECO and at Zalău–Bd. Mihai Viteazu 104-106. Each one is attached to a service pit and were used for the production of stamped pottery. At a distance of about 100 km from the Dacian limes, kilns with central posts have been uncovered at Csengersima–Petea alongside kilns with median walls. These workshops are associated with the production of stamped pottery. At a distance of about 140-150 km from the Dacian limes, in the area of stamped pottery production at Beregsurány–Beregovo– Luzanka, the potters built kilns with central posts, but also used two with a median wall.

Although stamped pottery production can be linked to the use of kilns with central posts, this pottery type was also produced in workshops where the kilns were only of the type with a median wall. Such workshops have been uncovered in the eastern part of Slovakia at BlaziceBohdanovce and Ostrovany. The archaeological material discovered in these complexes does not offer sufficient elements for a clear date, so we cannot state that these are of a later date than those with a support post or that there are differences in its distribution. A pottery kiln with a median wall was recently discovered at Zalău–ISCIP proprietate Teodor.55 This kiln is near the one found at Zalău–Bd. Mihai Viteazu 102-104 and was also used for the production of stamped pottery. Until the archaeological material is published, however, we cannot assume possible chronological differences. We can only state that in the vicinity of the Dacian province stamped pottery was even produced in kilns with a median wall.

At Mala Ratkocve there is a kiln with a central post, an isolated case, indicating the production of stamped pottery. At Sebastovce–Barca two kilns with central posts were attached to the same service pit. The second kiln is composed of wheel-made pottery prefabricates. A similarly built kiln in Dacia, at Tibiscum, dated to the middle of the 3rd century, has its central post made up of tiles and shingles.47 According to the authors, these kilns were used for the firing of stamped pottery. Although this type of find is inside the settlement, it was attributed to the second phase of the settlement. Bearing in mind that the type of kiln with a central post in the Upper Tisza Basin is associated with stamped pottery production, we may assume a later date for the kilns at Sebastovce-Barca

48

Marinescu 2002, 97. Matei 2001 (2002), 173. 50 Benea 1982. 51 Gaiu 2002. 52 Floca- Ferenczi- Mărghitan 1970, 38- 46. 53 Comşa 1985, 172. 54 See general plan in Kotigorosko 1995, 294, fig.75. 55 Băcueţ-Crişan-Matei-Ardelean 2007.

41

49

Kotigorosko 1993, Kotigorosko 1995, 120. 42 Pastor 1961, 106. 43 Budinsky-Kricka 1963, 41. 44 Information due to the kindness of Maria Lamiova Schmiedlova. 45 Ardevan 2001. 46 Rusu- Bolindeţ 2004, 331-332. 47 Benea 1982, 26-34.

89

Gindele - Istvánovits It is likely that subsequent to the use of the kilns at Csengersima–Petea are the kilns with a support wall found at Lazuri–Râtul lui Bela and Satu Mare–Fermele 24. These workshops did not produce stamped pottery; thus, we speculate that the kiln with a median wall at Bolda can be dated later than the stamped pottery production horizon.

VIII. Conclusions. On the basis of the geographical spread of pottery kilns in the Upper Tisza Basin one can observe a grouping of these into four main micro-regions: next to the limes of Dacia Porolissensis, in the microregion of the Middle Someş river, on the Bereg plain and in the valleys of the Hernad and Torysa rivers in eastern Slovakia. At first sight, one might think that these are production centers situated at a distance of about 80-100 km and that they supplied pottery for a geographical area with a radius of about 40-50 km. Our personal opinion is that the geographic layout of these “groups of sites with pottery workshops” actually reflects the stage of archaeological research from between 1960-90, when archaeological digs were carried out mainly in the vicinity of larger cities like Zalău, Satu Mare, Košice, Presov. The research in the Bereg plain is due to agricultural projects carried out in the 1970’s-1980’s by the Soviet Union and the planting of trees in the region of the Hungarian/Soviet customs station. The pottery kilns discovered at Bolda and Malye Ratkovce proves that pottery was produced in other micro-regions as well, not only in those mentioned above.

The use of kilns with a median wall only became widespread in the 4th century. In the territory of the former Dacian Province only this type can be found.56 In the vicinity of the Upper Tisza Basin, in the Sarmatian region, such kilns were discovered at Tiszavasvári– Városföldje– Jegyző tag57 and at Oradea–Salca.58 Pottery kilns with unusual features are found in eastern Slovakia. At Presov the diaphragm is supported by small posts stuck to the wall of the lower firing chamber. A kiln with similar construction was uncovered in the region of Pannonia, at Brigetio, where the diaphragm was supported by 8 small posts “made of clay stuck to the wall of the lower firing chamber and two other (posts) that supported the center of the muffle.”59 These clay posts may have had some role in the firing process. A similar role can be associated with the clay cones with a radial placement on the diaphragm of a kiln with a central post at Ilişua in Dacia.60 At Ostrovany, kiln no.2 had the fire channel extended under the kiln, with two smaller side channels forming the heating space. So it is likely that the diaphragm only covered this channel.

The pottery workshops in the Upper Tisza Basin belong to three main chronological periods. The production center at Medieşu Aurit–Şuculeu belongs to the period before the massive penetration of Roman stamped pottery technology. All the kilns uncovered so far have their firing grates supported by median walls. The fill of the kilns has yielded many fragments from storage jars, handmade pottery, coarse and decorated with appliqué rib with impressed decoration and plastic ornaments. The chronological limits of the pottery production at Medieşu Aurit-Şuculeu are not known precisely, while it is only certain that it functioned before the penetration of stamped pottery technology.

VII. The location of the workshops within the settlements. In the Upper Tisza Basin the pottery workshops were placed on the outskirts of the settlements close to water, akin to the situation observed in the province of Pannonia. At Savaria, Brigetio and Aquincum pottery kilns were built in the extramural area, close to water.61 A similar situation was observed in Dacia at Ilişua, whereby the kilns were placed next to the Roman road and some springs at a distance from the military vicus, forming a separate district.62 At Micia the kilns were positioned right next to the Mureş river, on the northern outskirts of the civilian settlement.63

The technological importation of stamped pottery production in Barbaricum to the northwest of the Dacian Province can be dated to the 2nd century in the vicinity of the province at Zalău–Bd. Mihai Viteazu. It is very likely that in the valley of the middle Someş River, at Csengersima–Petea, the production of stamped pottery started later, sometime during the middle of the 3 rd century. It is certain that the construction technology of the kilns, with firing grates supported by a central post, penetrates into Barbaricum next to the northwest of the Dacian Province along with the production of stamped pottery (Beregovo VI, Beregsurany, Male Ratkovce). This does not imply, however, that this kind of pottery was only produced in this type of kiln. Stamped pottery fragments were also found in workshops with kilns with a median wall (Blazice, Csoma, Ostrovany, Zalău–Panic– Proprietate Teodor), in workshops with kilns with a median wall and central post (Luzanka), as well as in cases in which the same service pit was used (Csengersima–Petea). It is probable that kilns with a median wall slowly replaced those with a central post, continuing the production of stamped pottery in this type of kiln as well. Currently, it is difficult to discern the relationship between pottery production in the Upper Tisza Basin and that in the region of the Prezeworsk

The topography of the pottery workshops within the settlement did not change even in the late 4th and first half of the 5th century, when at Bihor, at Oradea–Salca, the kilns where placed on the edge of the inhabited terrace64 and in Transylvania, at Suceag–Oradea, they were situated at the limit of the settlement.65

56

Floca-Ferenczi-Mărghitan 1970, Tab. 2. Istvánovits 1999. 58 Ilieş-Bulzan 2002. 59 Bónis 1975, 71-77. 60 Gaiu 2002, 163. 61 Bónis 1975, 84. 62 Gaiu 2002, 162. 63 Floca-Ferenczi-Mărgitan 1970, 14. 64 Ilieş-Bulzan 2002, 200. 65 Opreanu-Cociş 2002, 228. 57

90

Roman-Age Settlement at Csengersima-Petea and Pottery Workshops from the Upper Tisza Basin culture. The earliest wheel-made pottery workshops found in the region of the Prezeworsk culture to the north of the Carpathian Mountains66 have been dated to phase C1b, but stamped pottery was not produced there on a large scale. The kilns in the Upper Vistula Basin have median walls, whereas the few with a central post were located in the central and western region under this culture’s influence.

which having two chambers and a median wall. Because of the state of preservation of the kilns, we cannot assess how many of the other kilns were used for firing pottery and how many were household kilns. The finds included: hand-made pottery shards: coarse, fine black colored; wheel-made pottery shards: fine, grey, incised decoration, stamped; rough, grey, incised, loom weights, hand mills, bone comb, knife, iron fibula, Commodus coin, AD 180192. Bibliography: Pastor 1960; Pastor 1961; Pastor 1965; Pastor 1970 a; Pastor 1970 b; Lamiova-Schmiedlova 1969, nr.4, 405; Jurecko 1981, 169, 196, fig.2, 197, fig.3; Jurecko 1982.

The character of pottery production probably changed beginning with phase D1. Gradually, stamped pottery disappeared and was replaced by pottery with smoothed decoration. The kilns have median walls that support the firing grate (Lazuri–Râtul lui Bela, Bolda) and irregular constructions appear in western Slovakia (Ostrovany, Presov). After the first migration period, the population density decreased greatly in the Upper Tisza Basin. We do not have archaeological data regarding pottery production either. A lack of archaeological traces is notable until the chronological horizon that corresponds to the second half of the 6th century, reflected in the early Slav horizon “Pişcolt- Lazuri”67 in the Upper Tisza Basin. This “hiatus” may be due to problems related to dating and the lack of research for this particular period; in our opinion it is very improbable that the area was not inhabited during this period.68

4. Bolda–La spini In 1967 a pottery kiln with a median wall was discovered by chance. The finds included a wheel-made bowl and pot fragments, grey and rough. Bibliography: Matei-Stanciu 2000, 36-37, nr. 26 (43). 5. Csengersima–Petea–Határátkelő During salvage excavations undertaken when the Romanian-Hungarian border cross-point at CsengersimaPetea was rebuilt in 1998-1999 over 1000 complexes belonging to the Roman age were uncovered among which 5 were pottery workshops with kilns having median walls and central posts. Wheel-made pottery was found, fine grey and brick-colored, with stamped decoration, smoothed and rough pottery. Bibliography: Istvánovits 2004.

Appendix 1. Pottery workshops in the Upper Tisa Region. 1. Beregovo VI Settlement researched in 1986. Two pottery workshops have been excavated, each with two kilns with a central post to support the firing grate, annexes, rectangular pits with fired walls, several storage pits. Bibliography: Котигорошко 1993, 145-147, Kotigorosko 1995, 118, fig.93.

6. Csoma During the excavation of a 10th century cemetery, a pottery workshop was uncovered with a kiln having a median wall. The archaeological material was poor, but stamped pottery was present. Bibliography: Прохненко 2007. 7. Lazuri–Râtul lui Bela Researched 1974-1981. 10 pottery kilns with median walls were excavated together with several other complexes. The finds included fine pottery, grey and brick-colored, decorated with smoothed and incised motives and rough pottery and only one stamped pottery fragment. Bibliography: Lazin 1980, n. 6, 136; Lazin 1981-82, n.8, 127; Lazin 1995; Stanciu 1995, 145, nr. 17/A; MateiStanciu 2000, 61, nr. 148.

2. Beregsurány–Barátságkert Settlement researched 1965-1969 and 1982-83. 52 kilns were uncovered, probably all with central posts and a few dwellings. The finds consisted of wheel-made pottery, grey, brick-colored, with stamped decoration, incised decoration, smoothed, coarse grey, brick-colored, with incised motives, hand-made pottery, rough, fine black, 80 clay stamps, bronze and iron fibulae, bronze torques, iron spur, limestone bead. It is very likely the same site as Luzanka–Sad Drujby. Bibliography: Salamon 1966, 85; Csallány 1966; Csallány 1969, 38; Bóna 1986, 67-69; Istvánovits 1993, 129-132, fig. III-VI; Istvánovits 1997, 725; Котигорошко 1993, 153; Kotigorosko 1997, fig.3

8. Luzanka–Sad Drujby Researched 1986-1991. 6 workshops were excavated with a total of 14 kilns with central posts and median walls, 11 unfinished kilns, 4 dwellings, 7 annex buildings, 2 hearths, 5 wells, 24 pits with diverse functions. The finds included wheel-made pottery, fine grey and brickcolored, with incised, smoothed and stamped decoration, several loom-weights, a bronze bracelet with bulging ends (?), an axe, several beads. It is probably the same site as Beregsurány–Barátságkert. Bibliography: Kotigorosko 1995, 294, fig. 75.

3. Blažice–Bohdanovce–Dorina Settlement researched 1958-1969. Pottery workshops were uncovered, household kilns, surface and semisubterranean dwellings, pits. 27 kilns were studied 4 of 66

Dobrzanska 1986, 257. Stanciu 1998-99, 161. 68 Bóna 1986, 76. 67

9. Malye Ratkovce

91

Gindele - Istvánovits The existence of a pottery kiln with a central post was noted. The kiln was used in the production of stamped pottery. Bibliography: Kotigorosko 1995, 120.

and the other with a fire grate supported by wheel-made pottery prefabricates. The settlement has two chronological horizons: in the earlier one hand-made pottery dominates, while the later one is characterized by stamped pottery. The author of the research dates the pottery workshop to the earlier phase. Bibliography: Lamiova-Schmiedlova 1963, 64- 75; Lamiova-Schmiedlova 1969. nr.101, 437.

10. Medieşu Aurit–Şuculeu Settlement researched in 1964-1970 and 1995-1997. 10 pottery kilns uncovered, several dwellings and household annexes. The finds included wheel-made pottery shards: fine gray and red; decorated with incised and smoothed motives; rough grey and read. Hand-made course pottery is decorated with plastic motives; fine black pottery is present only by a few fragments. Bibliography: Dumitraşcu-Bader 1967; Matei-Stanciu 2000, nr. 89 (159), 64.

15. Trstene pri na Hornade–bank of Hernad river (a single firing chamber) Settlement researched 1980-1983. The complexes were split according to two levels: between 30 and 80 cm and between 80 and 120 cm. The first level is dominated by concentrations of wattle and daub. In the second level storage pits dominate. Finds in the cultural layer consisted of iron hooks, bronze buckle pieces, a spear tip, knives, beads, an iron sickle, loom weights, a fragment from a bucket, a bronze bolt fibula, a bronze trumpet fibula, a bronze belt, several fragments of terra sigillata, a Faustina dinar 176-180. The author of the research cataloged two pits separated by a wall as being a pottery kiln with a single chamber. Bibliography: Jurecko 1981; Jurecko 1983.

11. Ostrovany–Nad Imunou exception+median wall (stamped) Settlement researched 1983-1992. The finds included dwellings, storage pits, rectangular pits with fired walls, a blacksmith’s workshop, a pottery kiln with a median wall, stamped pottery and one of irregular shape, without stamped pottery and a channel dug in the firing chamber. Bibliography: Lamiova-Schmiedlova-Tomasova 1988, 95; Lamiova-Schmiedlova-Tomasova 1995; LamiovaSchmiedlova-Tomasova 1999.

16. Zalău–Valea Mâţii-Bazinele PECO Settlement researched in 1983. One pottery kiln with a central post was uncovered. Inside the kiln and service pit the finds consisted of wheel-made pottery fragments, fine, grey, decorated with incised and stamped motives and rough pottery fragments. Bibliography: Matei 1997; Matei-Stanciu 2000, 153 (292), 106.

12. Prešov III-exception In 1962 a pottery kiln was discovered. The firing grate was supported by small posts fixed to the wall of the lower firing chamber. Bibliography: Lamiova-Schmiedlova 1969, 430; Lamiova-Schmiedlova-Tomasova 1988, 96; LamiovaSchmiedlova-Tomasova 1995, 122, 127, fig. 3.

17. Zalău–Bd. Mihai Viteazu 104-106 Settlement researched 1974-1983 and 1996. Finds consisted of several dwellings, a pit and a pottery workshop with a kiln with a median wall. Inside the kiln and service pit were fragments of wheel-made pottery, fine grey and brick-colored, decorated with incised and stamped motives. Bibliography: Matei 1980 nr. 1; Matei 1985; Matei 1993; Matei 1997; Matei-Stanciu 2000, 153 (287), 86-102.

13. Satu Mare–Fermele 2.- 4 In 1978-1979 a pottery workshop was excavated having a service pit connected to two pottery kilns with median wall. Several storage pits were also uncovered and a semi-subterranean dwelling. Finds included hand-made pottery, coarse, undecorated; wheel-made pottery, fine grey, with incised and smoothed motives and a stamped fragment and rough grey pottery. Bibliography: Lazin 1980; Lazin 1981-82, nr.7, 128; Stanciu 1995, nr. 23/A, 154; Matei-Stanciu 2000, 75, nr. 215.

18. Zalău–ISCIP proprietate Teodor (median wall – stamped pottery) Settlement researched in 2007. Finds included several pits (probably household pits) and a pottery kiln with a median wall. Fine grey pottery fragments with stamped decoration were also found. Bibliography: Băcueţ-Crişan-Matei-Ardelean 2007.

14. Šebastovce–Barca–Zebes central post+exception Settlement researched 1961-1962. Finds consisted of several semi-subterranean dwellings, post holes: a pottery workshop, with two pottery kilns, one with a central post

92

ca

uit

Roman-Age Settlement at Csengersima-Petea and Pottery Workshops from the Upper Tisza Basin

REFERENCES BÓNA, I. (1986), “Szabolcs-Szatmár megye régészeti emlékei, I,” in Szabolcs-Szatmár megye műemlékei, Budapest, 15-91.

Abbreviations. AAC – Acta Archaeologica Carpathica, Budapest AÉ – Archaeológiai Értesitő, Budapest ActaAntetArch – Acta Antiqua et Archaeologica, Szeged AMP – Acta Musei Porolissensis, Zalău Antaeus – Communicationes ex Instituto Archaeologico Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest Antik Tanulmányok – Antik Tanulmányok Studia Antiqua, Budapest AR – Archeologické Rozhledy, Praga Archaeologia Austriaca – Archaeologia Austriaca, Wien CCAR – Cronica cercetărilor arheologice din România , Bucureşti EphNap – Ephemeris Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca Folia Archaeologica – Folia Archaeologica, Budapest Historia Carpatica – Zbornik Východoslovenského Múzea v Košiciach, Košice Materiale – Materiale şi Cercetări Arheologice, Bucureşti Memoria Antiquitatis – Acta Musei Petrodavensis, Piatra Neamţ Nove obzory – Spoločenskovedy Zborník Vychodného, Slobvenska, Prešov NyJAMÉ – A nyiregyházi Jósa András Múzeum Évkönyve Potaissa – Potaissa. Studii şi Comunicări Muzeul de Istorie, Turda Prace Archeologiczne – Prace archeologiczne, Warszawa–Kraków Revista Bistriţei – Revista Bistriţei, Muzeul Judeţean Bistriţa, Bistriţa SlovArch – Slovenská Archeológia, Bratislava StCom Satu Mare – Satu Mare. Studii şi Comunicări, Satu Mare Študijné Zvesti – Archeologického Ústavu Slovenskei Akadémie Vied, Nitra VP – Východoslovenský Pravek, Košice

BÓNIS, É. (1975), “A brigetioi katonaváros fazekas telepei. Die Töpfereien der Militärstast von Brigetio,” Folia Archaeologica XXVI, 71-92. BUDINSKY-KRICKA, V. (1963), “Sidlisko z doby rimskej a zo zaciatkov stahovania narodov v Presove. Siedlung aus der römischen und der beginnenden Völkerwanderungszeit in Prešov,” SlovArch 11.1, 5-59. COMŞA, M. (1985), “Cuptoare de ars oale din secolele I . e. n. – IV e. n. n regiunile de la est şi sud de Carpaţi. Fours de potiers du I- re s. av. n. . – IV-e s. de. n. . dans les régions l est et au sud des Carpathes,” Memoria Antiquitatis IX- XI, 171- 184. CSALLÁNY, D. (1966), ActaAntetArch 10, 87-88.

“Die

Bereg-

Kultur,”

CSALLÁNY, D. (1969), “Beregsurány,” AÉ 96, 257, nr.49. DE SENA, E.C. (2010), “Porolissum and the late Roman and immediate post-Roman economy of Dacia (AD 225375): pottery evidence,” in S. Menchelli, M. Pasquinucci, S. Santoro (eds.), LRCW III. Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean: Archaeology and Archaeometry. DOBRZAŃSKA, H. (1986), “Problem der Genese der Drehscheibenkeramik in der Przeworsk- kultur,” in Urzeitliche und frühhistorische Besiedlung der Ostslowakei in Bezug zu den Nachbarngebieten, Nitra, 251- 258. DOBRZAŃSKA, H. (1990), Osada z póznego okresu rzymskiego w Igolomi, woj. krakowskie. (The Late Roman settlement at Igolomia. Cracow province), WroclawWarszawa-Kraków-Gdansk-Lódz.

ARDEVAN, R. (2001), “Cuptoare romane de la Napoca. Fours romains de la Napoca,” in: Omagiu profesorului Nicolae Gudea la 60 de ani. Festschrift für Professor Nicolae Gudea Gelegentlich des 60, Geburtstages, Zalău, 319-330.

DUMITRAŞCU, S. (1997), “Omnis Barbaria,” AMP XXI, 305-366. DUMITRAŞCU, S. and T. BADER (1967), Aşezarea dacilor liberi de la Medieşu Aurit (Die Siedlung der freien Daker von Medieşul Aurit), Satu Mare.

BADER, T. (1975), “Contribuţii la cunoaşterea oraşului Satu Mare. Descoperiri arheologice, I,” in: St Com Satu Mare 3, 19-45.

FLOCA, O., I. FERENCZI, L. MĂRGHITAN (1970), Grupul de cuptoare de ars ceramic, Deva.

BĂCUEŢ-CRIŞAN, D., A.V. MATEI, M. ARDELEAN (2007), “Panic, com. Hereclean, jud. Sălaj. Punct: ISCIP, proprietatea Teodor,” CCAR 2006, 217, nr.119.

GAIU, C. (2002), “Grupul de cuptoare de ars ceramică de la Ilişua. Le group de fours cuire la céramiques d´ Ilişua,” in Ateliere şi tehnici meşteşugăreşti contribuţii arheologice (Ateliers et techniques artisanaux contributions arhéologiques). Cluj- Napoca, 161- 170.

BENEA, D. (1982), “Ateliere ceramice de la Tibiscum. Contribuţii la istoria atelierelor de ceramică din sudvestul Daciei. Römische Töpferwerkstätten in Tibiscum,” in Potaissa 3, 22- 41.

93

Gindele - Istvánovits GODLOWSKI, K. (1970), The Cronology of the Late Roman and Early Migration Periods in Central Europe, Prace Archeologiczne 11, Krakow.

KOTIGOROSKO, V. (1995), Ţinuturile Tisei Superioare în veacurile III î.e.n.-IV e.n., Bucureşti. KOTIGOROSKO, V. (1997), “Ceramica ştampilată din regiunea Tisei Superioare (Stamped cermics of the Upper Tisa Region),” AMP XXI, 801- 833.

GODLOWSKI, K. and T. WICHMAN (1998), Chmielów Piakowsky. Ein Gräberfeld der Przeworsk- Kultur im Swietokrzyskie- Gebirge, Monumenta Archaeologica Barbarica 6, Krakow.

LAMIOVÁ-SCHMIEDLOVÁ, M. (1963), “Dve sidliská z doby rimskej na východom Slovensku (Zwei römrzeitliche Siedlungen in der Ostslowakei),” SlovArch XI.1, 59- 85.

GUDEA, N. (1980), “Vasele ceramice ştampilate de la Porolissum. Die in Porolissum erzeugte Stempelkeramik,” AMP IV, 105-145.

LAMIOVÁ-SCHMIEDLOVÁ, M. (1969), “Römerzeitliche Siedlungskeramik in der Südostslowakei,” SlovArch XVII.2, 403-501.

GUDEA, N. and C. FILIP (1997), “Die gestempelten Gefässe von Porolissum.II. Die gestempelten Gefässe aus dem Kastell auf dem Hügel Pomet (Vasele ştampilate de la Porolissum. II. vasele ştampilate din castrul roman de pe vârful dealului Pomet),” AMP XXI, 9-219.

LAMIOVÁ-SCHMIEDLOVÁ, M. and B. TOMÁŠOVÁ (1988), “Osada z doby bronzovej a hrnciarska dielna z doby rimskej v Ostrovanoch, okr.Prešov,” Nove obzory 30, 77-96.

ILIEŞ, C. and S. BULZAN (2002), “Un centru de olărie din secolele IV-V. Cuptoarele de ars ceramică de la Oradea- Salca „Gheţărie” (Un centre de poterie des IVe – Ve siècles les fours céramiques d Oradea– Salca „Gheţărie”),” in Ateliere şi tehnici meşteşugăreşti contribuţii arheologice (Ateliers et techniques artisanaux contributions arhéologiques), Cluj- Napoca, 199-220.

LAMIOVÁ-SCHMIEDLOVÁ, M. and B. TOMÁŠOVÁ (1995), “Töpferöffen von der Wende des 4./ 5. Jahrhunderts in Ostrovany, Bezirk Presov,” in Kelten, Germanen, Römer im Mitteldonaugebiet vom Ausklang der Latene -Zivilization bis zum 2. Jahrhundert, BrnoNitra, 121-127.

ISTVÁNOVITS, E. (1993), “Some data on the history of Upper Tisza Region in the Roman Age,” Vychodoslovensky Právek IV, 127- 142.

LAMIOVÁ-SCHMIEDLOVÁ, M. and B. TOMÁŠOVÁ (1999), “Nálezovy horizont z prelomu doby rimskej a doby stahovania národov na viacvrstzvovom sidlisku v Ostrovanoch (Der Fundhorizont von der Wende der römischen Kaiserzeit und der Völkerwanderungszeit auf der mehrsichtigen Siedlung in Ostrovany),” SlovArch XLVII.2, 75-132.

ISTVÁNOVITS, E. (1997), “Some data on the ethnical and chronological determination of the Roman age population of the Upper Tisa region. Noi săpături arheologice n hotarul localităţii Beregsurány (Comitatul Szabolcs-Szatmăr-Bereg),” AMP XXI, 717-742.

LAZIN, Gh. (1980), “Cuptoare dacice de ars ceramică din sec. II-IV e.n. descoperite la Satu Mare (Dakische Keramikbrenneröfen aus dem III- IV. Jahrhundert unserer Zeit, die im Satu Mare entdeckt wurden),” St Com Satu Mare 4, 133-142.

ISTVÁNOVITS, E. (1999), “Tiszavasvári– Városföldje, Jegyző- tag. A settlement of the 5th century. Hunkori település maradványai Tiszavasváriban, a Városföldjén,” NyJAMÉ XLI, 173- 254. ISTVÁNOVITS, E. (2004), “Settlements of the Imperial Age in the Upper Tisza Region,” ŠZ AÚSAV 36, 219-228.

LAZIN, Gh. (1981-1982), “Ceramica ştampilată din sec. II-IV. e. n. descoperită n nord-vestul României (Stempelkeramik aus dem III- Iv. Jahrhundert unserer Zeit in Nord- Westen Rumäniens entdeckt),” St Com Satu Mare 5-6, 123-135.

JUREČKO, P. (1982a), “Výskum v Trstenom pri Hornáde. Grabung in Trstené pri Hornáde,” AVANS 1981, 138-140.

LAZIN, Gh. (1995), “O categorie aparte a ceramicii din sec. III-IV d.H. descoperită n nord-vestul României (Une categorie a part de la ceramique du III-IV siecle ap.Ch. decouvertes au nord-quest de la Roumanie),” Revista Bistriţei IX, 145-148.

JUREČKO, P. (1982b), “Významné centrum hraničiarskej výroby z doby rimskej na Východom Slovensku (Das bedeutsame Zentrum der Töpferproduktion aus der römischen Periode in der Ostslowakei),” Nové Obzory 24, 97- 113.

MAKSAI, F. (1940), A középkori Szatmár megye, Budapest.

JUREČKO, P. (1983), “Prispevok k riešeniu problematiky osidlenia Východo Slovenska v dobe rimskej,” Historia Carpatica 14, 277- 379.

MARINESCU, G. (2002), “Un cuptor dacic de ars ceramică de la Ciceu- Corabia (jud. Bistriţa- Năsăud). Un four dace pour la cuisson de la céramique à CiceuCorabia (Département de Bistriţa- Năsăud),” in Ateliere şi tehnici meşteşugăreşti contribuţii arheologice (Ateliers

КОТИГОРОШКО В.Г. (1993), “Гончарное производство в Верхнем Потисье ІІІ в. до н.е-IV в н.е.,” VP IV, 143- 156.

94

Roman-Age Settlement at Csengersima-Petea and Pottery Workshops from the Upper Tisza Basin et techniques artisanaux contributions arhéologiques), Cluj- Napoca, 95-120.

PINTYE, G. (2008), “Császló község közigazgatási területének régészeti topográfiája (Archaeological topography of the administrative territory of Császló village),” in Régészeti kutatások Magyarországon (Archaeological investigations in Hungary) 2007, 85101.

MATEI, Al. (1980), “Repertoriul aşezărilor aparţinând dacilor liberi (sec. II-IV e. n.) descoperite pe teritoriul judeţului Sălaj. Verzeichnis der in Kreis Sălaj entdeckten Siedlungen der freier Daker (2- 4 Jh.),” AMP IV, 229243.

ПРОХНЕНКО, I. (2007), “Чомський Археологічний комплекс в «Історичні Студії», Проблеми давньої і середньовічної історії та етнології, Випуск І,” Ужгород, 46- 64.

MATEI, Al. (1985), “Cuptorul pentru ars ceramică cenuşie ştampilată descoperită n aşezarea dacilor liberi de la Panic (Sălaj). A pottery kiln for gray stamped vessels from the free dacian site of Panic, Sălaj district,” AMP IX, 247- 251.

RUSU-BOLINDEŢ, V. (2004), “Câteva aspecte legate de activitatea atelierelor ceramice de la Napoca (Some data concerning the pottery workshops from Napoca),” in Studia Historica et Archaeologica In Honorem Magistrae Doina Benea, Timişoara, 321-344.

MATEI, Al. (1993), “Aşezarea dacilor liberi de la Panic, jud. Sălaj. L habitat des daces libres de Panic, dép. de Sălaj,” Materiale 17.2, 325-327.

SALAMON, Á. (1966), “Észak-Magyarország császárkori történetének kutatása,” Antik Tanulmányok XIII, 84-87.

MATEI, Al. (1997), “Die Töpferöfen für graue stempelverzierte Keramik aus Zalău. Cuptoarele pentru ars ceramică cenuşie ştampilată descoperite la Zalău,” AMP XXI, 367-455.

STANCIU, I. (1995), “Contibuţii la cunoaşterea epocii romane n bazinul mijlociu şi inferior al răului Someş (Contribution to the Knowlege ofthe Roman Imperial Period in the middle and Lower Basin of the Someş River),” EphNap V, 139-227.

MATEI, Al. (2002), “Jac, com. Creaca, jud. Sălaj [Porolissum]. Punct: Pomet,” CCAR 2001, nr. 125, 173177. MATEI, Al. and I. STANCIU (2000), Vestigii din epoca romană (sec. II-IV. p.Chr. în spaţiul nord-vestic al României. Funde der römischen Kaiserzeit (2. –4. Jh. N. Chr.) im Nordwestgebiet Rumaniens, Zalău.

STANCIU, I. (1998-1999), “Aşezarea slavă timpurie de la Lazuri „Lubi tag” jud. Satu Mare (cercetări arheologice din anii 1977, 1993-95). Contribuţii la cunoaşterea secolelor VI- VII în zona Tisei Superioare (Die frühslawische Siedlung von Lazuri „Lubi Tag“ Kreis Satu Mare (die archäologische Forschungen der Jahre 1977, 1993-95). Beiträge zum Kennen der VI- VII Jh. Im oberen Theiss- Gebiet (Zusammenfassung),” StCom Satu Mare XV- XVI, 115- 269.

OPREANU, C. and S. COCIŞ (2002), “Ateliere ceramice din secolul V. p. Ch. descoperite n aşezarea de la Suceag (jud. Cluj). Les ateliers céramiques de Ve si cle apr s J. Chr. decouverts dans l habitat de Suceag (Dep. De Cluj),” in Ateliere şi tehnici meşteşugăreşti contribuţii arheologice (Ateliers et techniques artisanaux contributions arhéologiques), Cluj- Napoca, 227- 268.

STANCIU, I. (2008), “Etapa finală a epocii romane imperiale şi nceputul epocii migraţiilor n Barbaricum- ul din Nord- Vestul României (The final stage of the Roman Imperial Period and the beginning of the Migration in the barbaricum from north- west Romania,” EphNap XVIII, 147- 169.

PASTOR, J. (1960), “Sidlisko v Blaziciach. Le site d habitat de Blažice pr s de Košice,” AR XII, 800-810. PASTOR, J. (1961), “Sidliskový výskum v Blažiciach. Die Forschungsgrabung auf der Siedlung in Blazice,” ŠZ AÚSAV 6, 83-122.

STANCIU, I. and Al. MATEI (2004), “Sondajul din aşezarea de la Bocşa- La Pietriş (com. Bocşa, jud. Sălaj). Contribuţii la determinarea etapei de început a epocii romane imperiale târzii în nord- vestul României “The Bocşa- La pietriş excavation (Sălaj County). Contributions to the determination of the first stage of the late roman imperial period in northwestern Romania,” Orbis Antiquus. Studia in honorem Ioannis Pisonis, Cluj, 755-778.

PASTOR, J. (1965), “Blazice, Bohdanovce i Hranicna pod Koszycami (wykopaliska w latach 1963-1964),” AAC VII, 87-95. PASTOR, J. (1970a), “Archeologicky vyskum Vychodoslovenskeho muzea v rokoch 1967-1968 (Archäologische Forschung des Ostslowakischen Museums in den Jahren 1967-68),” Historia Carpatica 2, 143-187.

Szatmár Vármegye (1783- 1785), Első katonai felvétel, Nyiregyhza, 1998.

PASTOR, J. (1970b), “Výskim Východoslovensko múzea v rokoch 1965-66,” Nove Obzory 12, 211-259.

SZYDLOWSKI, J. (1979), “Die eingliderigen Fibeln mit umgeschlagenem Fuss in Östereich im Rahmen ihres Vorkommens in Mitteleuropa,” Archaeologia Austriaca 63, 21- 29.

95

Gindele - Istvánovits TIMOC, C. and R. GINDELE (2006-2007), “Obiecte de factură romană descoperite la Petea (jud. Satu Mare). Römischer Herkunft Gegenstände von Petea (Kreis Satu Mare),” StCom Satu Mare XXIII- XXIV/1, 185-186.

Geschichte des sarmatischen Barbaricums,” Anteus 1718, Budapest. WOLAGIEWICZ, R. (1995), “Lubowidz. Ein birituelles Graberfeld der Wielbark- Kultur aus der Zeit vom Ende des 1. Jhs. V. Chr. Bis zum Anfang des 3 Jhs. N. Chr.,” Monumenta Archaeologica Barbarica I, Krakau.

VADAY, A. (1989), “Die sarmatischen Denkmäler des Komitats Szolnok. Ein Beitrag zur Archäologie und

96

Roman-Age Settlement at Csengersima-Petea and Pottery Workshops from the Upper Tisza Basin FIGURES

97

Gindele - Istvánovits

Figure 3. Csengersima. Materials from feature 704, pottery kiln.

98

Roman-Age Settlement at Csengersima-Petea and Pottery Workshops from the Upper Tisza Basin

Figure 4. Csengersima. Materials from feature 1065, pottery kilns.

99

Gindele - Istvánovits

Figure 5. Csengersima. Feature 704, pottery kiln.

100

Roman-Age Settlement at Csengersima-Petea and Pottery Workshops from the Upper Tisza Basin

Figure 6. Csengersima. Feature 1065-1066, pottery kilns.

101

Gindele - Istvánovits

Figure 7. Csengersima. Feature 1300, pottery kiln.

102

Roman-Age Settlement at Csengersima-Petea and Pottery Workshops from the Upper Tisza Basin

Figure 8. Csengersima. Feature 1396, pottery kiln.

103

Gindele - Istvánovits

Figure 9. Csengersima. Features 1697-1700, pottery kilns.

104

BARBARICUS PAGUS FERRARIENSIS Szymon Orzechowski (Jan Kochanowski University of Humanities and Sciences)

Abstract. Szymon Orzechowski‟s paper on iron smelting in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains of southern Poland presents a wide and rich array of information. A portion of the paper is dedicated to the Châine de Operation of smelting based upon archaeological evidence and experimental archaeology. The paper delves into the physical and social organization of the industrial areas and the nearby Przeworsk Culture settlements. While not fully conclusive, the paper also considers the relationship of the Przeworsk Culture and the Romans.

I. Introduction. Publius Cornelius Tacitus in his ethnographic treatise entitled De origine et situ Germanorum, known as Germania, described the Germani as dangerous barbarians, eager to fight and pillage who, nevertheless, maintained customs of decency and healthy moral values. The conditions in which they lived were harsh, and their household tools rather simple - not to say primitive. While describing their weaponry, consisting mainly of spears and light javelins, and shields, rarely swords, breastplates or helmets, Tacitus suggests that this was due to a lack of iron (Germania 6). This remark referred to all the Germanic tribes, although there were also people like the Aestii living farther north, who even in battle rarely used iron weapons. They chose to wield wooden clubs instead (Germania 45-46).

funeral inventories of this culture contain a relatively high proportion of iron objects, such as weaponry. Unquestionably, the region of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains was the largest smelting centre operating within the boundaries of the Przeworsk culture, as well as anywhere outside the Roman limes.2 The scale of production suggests that the activity connected with obtaining raw materials and supervising the iron smelting process constituted, together with farming, the foundations of the local economy. The appearance, during the period of Roman influence, of a distinctive mesoregion settlement accompanied by a huge complex of smelting sites indicated the existence of long-lasting and stable social and economic organization in that region. The term pagus ferrariensis (iron people) used in the title of this paper, was borrowed from a Gallo-Roman inscription placed on the votive altar in Asque in the Pyrenees dedicated to the local god Ageio, the patron of local smelters. This seems to be a suitable phrase to characterize the Świętokrzyskie Mountains smelters‟ community.3

The picture of Germania, presented by Tacitus, where iron is a rare and desirable material, stands in opposition to the results of more recent archaeological research which has revealed hundreds of smelting sites spread all over the north - eastern Barbaricum (Fig.1). A particular role in this area of human productivity was played by the populations who, during the Roman period, inhabited the catchment areas of the river Oder and the upper and middle Vistula, associated with the Lugii federation and later with the Vandals. To archaeologists they are known as the Przeworsk culture. In addition to numerous settlements in which iron smelting satisfied local needs, the Przeworsk culture also operated several production centers geared towards the production of large amounts of the material for exportation. The massive smelting centers operating in the area of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains in Western Mazovia and in Silesia appear to have served this function.1

II. Iron slag as the main source in the research of ancient smelting. Iron ore reduction is a complex physical-chemical process which separates iron and waste material, known as slag. In contrast to blast furnace slag, prehistoric slag is characterized by a high iron content of 20-45%, indicating that only up to 20% of the iron contained in the ore was actually extracted. Slag is very resistant to atmospheric and soil factors and, thus, it survives virtually unchanged for thousands of years. Slag is, therefore, the primary and, frequently, the only source to be used for research on prehistoric iron smelting.4

Iron played an important role in the lives of the Przeworsk culture. This is confirmed by their preference for this metal even when producing certain elements of attire, which in other regions were traditionally manufactured with non-ferrous metals. Moreover, the

Cylindrical blocks of slag, often weighing up to 100 kg, are commonly found in arable fields and have been 2

Bielenin 1992; Orzechowski 2007. Beyrie et al. 2001, 46-52. 4 Bielenin 1978, 57-58. 3

1

Orzechowski 2008.

105

Orzechowski stacked in piles along baulks or in farmyards for centuries. With time these stacks have become an inherent element of the Łysogóry landscape (Fig. 2). This behavior is also reflected in the traditional naming of the fields in the region. Huge amounts of slag forming vast clusters called „nests‟ by the farmers created problems for the agricultural development of the area; therefore, generations of agricultural workers have systematically removed the “nests” from the arable land. Paradoxically, slag has actually brought significant profits to the local population. In fact, during the interwar period, particularly from 1926 to 1933, local steel manufactories purchased prehistoric slag on a large scale, treating it as a perfect substitute for ore because of its high iron content. The fact that just one steel manufacturer in Nowy Bytom was able to smelt approximately 100,000 tons of this material confirms the enormous scale of the enterprise. 5

of this type are known in the area of central and eastern Europe, and their introduction is generally associated with the arrival of eastern Celtic tribes (Fig. 4). There is increasing evidence, however, that Germanic peoples played a significant role. The furnace consisted of two basic components: the lower one called the pit and the upper one called the shaft (Fig. 5). The pit was a simple hole dug in the ground, generally 40-45 cm in diameter and no deeper than about 50 cm. Occasionally structures with a diameter up to 6080 cm have been found. Its main function was to catch slag flowing down from the reduction zone. Moreover, at the initial stage of the process it could also support the ventilation system of the furnace through the so-called pit channels. The shaft, or the upper part of the furnace, was built directly over the pit. In the region of our interest it was made from regular clay bricks strengthened with finely chopped straw. It is the only instance of this type of construction elements in the territory of Poland and is associated with the influence from the neighboring Roman provinces. With the assumption that the energy of natural air draft drove the process, this part of the furnace had to be at least 120 cm high. The main function of the shaft was to load iron ore and charcoal in a manner that facilitated its gradual transfer to the reduction zone.

III. Territorial range of the phenomenon. Thanks to systematic inventory work conducted since 1956 by teams under the supervision of Professor K. Bielenin from the Archaeological Museum in Krakow, and since 1988 by the author of this study, the extent of prehistoric metallurgy that occurred in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains can be precisely defined. The area includes the northeast foothills of the so-called Main Range, reaching to the river Kamienna in the north. In the south it borders along the Łysogórskie and Jeleniowskie Range, although in the eastern part bloomery sites have also been found on the southern slopes of those ranges. The eastern boundary of the area is easily defined by the catchment area of the river Kamionka and the upper Opatówka. In the west, the boundary of the area where bloomery sites appear runs near Bodzentyn, along the eastern slopes of the Klonowskie Range. This region consists of a surface area of approximately 800 km², overlapping the northeastern border of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains and the western part of the Sandomierz Plateau. Beyond this region, regarded as the proper metallurgic centre of the Świetokrzyskie Mountains, there are additional enclaves where slag sites occur to the north of the Kamienna, in the region of Mirec, Tychów and Jasieniec as well as further north on the Iłżanka River (Fig. 3).

In the lower part of the shaft there were draft openings which provided air. In the Świętokrzyskie Mountains the openings were fitted with specially prepared „tuyere blocks‟, funnel-shaped tubes. The direct reduction smelting process conducted in this type of furnace was completely different from the currently used technology known as the indirect reduction process. It must be stressed that because of the relatively low temperatures obtained in the slag-pit furnaces, which did not exceed 1250-1300° C., iron reduction by melting the metal was not possible. It must be remembered, that the theoretical melting point for iron equals 1537° C. In this case, reduction meant gradually deoxidizing the oxides contained in iron ore, until metallic Fe was obtained. The principal reduction agent (i.e., the ingredient absorbing oxygen) consisted of carbon monoxide obtained by burning charcoal.9

The first stage of inventory work conducted on the basis of a public survey resulted in the discovery of 5395 bloomery sites in which an estimated 425,000 bloomery furnaces operated.6 More recent surface research indicates that the figures may have been much higher. 7

Iron obtained during such a process was in the form of a spongy, partially contaminated mass, which commonly adhered to the shaft walls below the tuyere openings. In contrast to the presently used blast furnace technology, the metal was directly over the slag, which flowed down to the pit and solidified into a regular cylindrical block. It should be noted that during experimental research, iron sponge could not be separated from slag, and only a conglomerate of slag, charcoal and scattered fibers of metallic Fe could be obtained (Fig. 6). Only after processing, was iron transported to the smiths who transformed it into articles of everyday use.

IV. A bloomery furnace from the Świętokrzyskie Mountains. In the Świętokrzyskie Mountains and most regions influenced by the Przeworsk culture, iron smelting was conducted within features known in the archaeological literature as „slag-pit furnaces‟.8 Furnaces 5

Bielenin 1992, 20-21. Bielenin 1986a; 1992, 190-191. Orzechowski and Wichman 2006, 75-90. 8 Bielenin 1973; Pleiner 2006. 6 7

9

106

Karbowniczek 2006.

Barbaricus Pagus Ferrariensis It has been estimated that to make a slag block weighing about 100 kg, the process required about 200 kg of iron ore and 250-300 kg of fuel.10 In this case, the whole process would have lasted about 24 hours.

structures connected with preparing the materials needed for production. Most frequently there were kilns for producing charcoal, ore calcination furnaces and storage areas for these materials (Fig. 9). As mentioned before, iron obtained in bloomery furnaces required purification. Hearths were used for this purpose wherein iron sponge from the furnace was heated, partially melted, and then forged. Such hearths have recently been discovered in the settlement in Pokrzywnica, site 1 (Fig. 10). The use of the above mentioned methods was confirmed by the occurrence of so-called bowl-shaped slag, whose chemical content differs clearly from that of the slag obtained in furnaces during the process of proper reduction (Fig. 11). The former are characterized by a much higher concentration of Fe2O3. It is assumed that they developed from bloomery slag and the ore recrement which formed on iron sponge during its heating process.16

V. Organization of labor: slag-pit cluster as a production workshop. Large complexes called slag-pit clusters consisted of furnaces used for a single smelting. It is assumed that each slag site registered on the surface is a remnant of one or several such clusters. The research conducted so far has shown that in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains there were two independent production trends realized within the framework of two different types of production workshops.11 The first type was represented by the so-called „unorganized‟ slag-pit clusters, which grouped from a few to several dozen furnaces (Fig. 7). In this case, the spatial arrangement of furnaces does not allow us to define the organization of labor as individual structures were added haphazardly during the production process. Such bloomery ironworks usually operated on the outskirts of settlements and their production was most probably used for satisfying the everyday needs of the local inhabitants. The other trend, aimed at mass production connected most probably with an internal market, was realized by huge, highly specialized bloomery ironworks, known as „organized‟ slag-pit clusters, containing, on average, about 100 furnaces. Świętomarz, site 1, the largest known cluster of that type, contained as many as 231 furnaces.

VI. Raw Materials supply base for the Świętokrzyskie Mountains iron-producing district. Ancient metallurgy from the Świętokrzyskie Mountains also involves a complex, albeit rarely addressed, set of issues connected with the widely understood „natural‟ background of the phenomenon. The basic element of discussion is the raw material base, thanks to which this huge industry developed and functioned here. The scale and the territorial range of the phenomenon prove that iron ore must have been mined locally and the enterprise must have been organized on a large scale. The distribution of smelting sites over such a vast area indicates that ores of various types and origin may have been scattered throughout the Świętokrzyskie Mountains Paleozoic and possibly even on its northeastern Mesozoic boundary.

The characteristic feature of this type of bloomery ironworks is a geometrically organized arrangement of furnaces forming twin sets of so called „stretches‟, separated by a narrow stretch called a „pathway‟ (Fig. 8). Each of the sets/stretches consisted of several rows, each numbering from two to five furnaces. Large „organized‟ slag-pit clusters were usually located outside settlements, sometimes at quite a distance from them. Location was based upon the proximity to the iron ore deposit and easy access to timber for fuel. A medium sized slag-pit cluster used about 18 tons of iron ore, approximately 20 tons of charcoal and could produce about 1.8 tons of iron.12 Bloomery ironworks of such regularity and consequently respected scheme are virtually non-existent outside the region of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains. The analogies of similarly organized slag-pit clusters in Trans-Carpathian Ukraine13 and recently discovered sites in Upper and Lower Lusatia,14 pointed out in the literature, are only partially justified.15 In no place, however, were the rules of organization of production space so consequently respected as in the case of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains slag-pit clusters.

After charting over 500 smelting sites on lithologicaldepositional maps, it has been concluded that production sites were located in certain zones connected with a specific geological substratum. Furnace clusters occur most frequently within Silurian strata, where it was possible to exploit siderites and spherosiderites. The boundary zone between the Silurian and Ordovician periods was a region of particularly intensive mining where limonite, accompanying dispersed mineralization by pyrite, was exploited.17 A significant group of sites is connected with the Devonian rock substratum, particularly with outcrops of the lower Devonian and the transitory zone between the lower and middle Devonian (eifel). The presence of huge groups of sites in the vicinity of Cambrian outcrops also indicates the use of pocket deposits of limonite, located on the boundary of the lower Cambrian and the Cambrian with Ordovician.

Bloomery ironwork did not encompass only bloomery furnaces but also the whole complex of supporting 10

Radwan 1959, 15. Bielenin 1993, 41-42. 12 Bielenin 1992, 189. 13 Bidzilia 1970. 14 Wetzel 1992, 29. 15 Bielenin 1999, 21-24. 11

16 17

107

Suliga et al. 2004, 516. Orzechowski 2002a.

Orzechowski Argillaceous siderite, limonite of the lower Triassic (Rhaetian) and spherosiderites found in the strata of the upper Triassic, were particularly attractive for prehistoric metallurgy because of their fusibility.

absence of typical tuyeres and use of funnel-shaped draft openings as well as the location of furnaces in the areas with high topographic exposure, suggest that metallurgical structures operating here were using natural draft. On the basis of the analysis of the topographic location of a representative sample of sites, a tendency has been observed to locate furnace clusters on slopes with a northern of northeastern exposure. This is rather unusual in reference to traditional elements of a settlement network, but it might suggest deliberately adjusting their location to specific anemometric conditions.

It was also concluded that there was a distinct tendency for the slag sites to be grouped around tectonic dislocations, where hydrothermal deposits of iron hat character were likely to occur, like the deposits of the „Staszic‟ mine in Rudki. Because of the character of the cover loess, which made access to the older substratum difficult, it can be surmised that mining concentrated primarily in the upper part of slopes and local culminations, where cover loess was the thinnest. Smelting sites are, therefore, characterized by a rather unique topographic location with a distinct preference for the plateau zone with which over 90% of all known sites can be associated. The so-called deeper stretches of a plateau were frequently occupied, especially the upper part of the slopes, which provided the best draft conditions.

VII. The supply base of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains metallurgic centre. Earlier research conducted in the northeastern part of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains showed that the area was sparsely inhabited during the period of Roman influence. Until the 1980s, only 30 sites in this area were regarded as potential settlements.19 Thanks to a program of surface reconnaissance conducted in recent years, scientists have located more sites of this type.20 Nevertheless, the number of sites still appears to be too small in relation to the extent of the iron producing zone.

Apart from the single case of Sosnówka (Rudki) where traces of underground ore exploitation have been found, ore was most probably exploited using an opencast method, for which specialized groups of ore miners may have been employed. The character and geological structure of the deposit in Rudki suggest that some of the iron ore obtained here may have come from an open-pit mine.

When analyzing the spatial distribution of settlement sites in the area between the Łysogóry Range and the river Kamienna, where the majority of smelting sites occur, it is apparent that they were unevenly spread; therefore, only a few zones of varying character can be distinguished (Fig. 12). The so-called „pure‟ production zone is located towards the west of the northern slopes of the Łysogóry Range and in the Bodzentyn Valley. Nearly 1500 slag sites and only one settlement (Mirocice, site 6) have been registered within a strip of land 4-5 km wide and 18-20 km long. This could imply that smelting teams used to stay here only seasonally while they obtained raw materials or conducted the smelting process.

Charcoal was another material needed for the reduction process and then for further treatment by the smiths. On the basis of the amount of waste material (slag) produced during smelting, the demand for this material can be very precisely calculated. It was calculated that over 3,300,000 m3 of wood was needed for the functioning of about 700,000 furnaces, which resulted in felling over 82 km2 of forest. However, only the existence of huge settlement/production complexes functioning over a longer period could have caused more long-lasting deforestation. On the north-eastern slopes of the Łysogóry range, despite the large scale of such transformation and due to the seasonal character of production and the lack of permanent settlement, natural restoration of the forest took place fairly quickly. 18

Larger settlement complexes appear only in the central and eastern part of the district, along the middle reaches of the Świślina and Pokrzywianka, the main tributaries of the river Kamienna. Some of them were settlement/production complexes covering many hectares, where numerous bloomery ironworks functioned on the outskirts of the dwelling zone. These settlements also seem to have been the place where raw iron sponge was forged by the smiths to make it ready for further distribution and trade.

Felling vast stretches of forest during a relatively short period of time activated the processes of erosion and denudation which were quite violent in the loess environment. Intensification of linear erosion resulted in the creation of the so-called Holocene terrace step, approximately 5-7 meters high, clearly visible in the river valleys of the Psarka, Świślina and Belnianka.

A significant role in this arrangement was played in the middle zone of the Kamienna River, where numerous cemeteries (Marcinków, Wachock, Starachowice, Chmielów) and rich deposits of coins (Nietulisko Małe, Chmielów, Kunów (?), Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski (?)) have been found. One of the branches of an important trade route joining the portion of the Black Sea along the rivers Dniester and San with an important settlement

A few words should also be said concerning the problem of the technological conditions of the smelting process conducted in the pit type furnaces used in the region. The

19 18

20

Orzechowski 2007, 187-188.

108

Bielenin 1992, 167-175, Tab. 29 Orzechowski 2007, 109-114, Map.5.

Barbaricus Pagus Ferrariensis complex in Greater Poland (Łęczyca, Kalisz) presumably ran along the Kamienna River valley.21 It is assumed that this was the zone of distribution and trade of iron produced by thousands of furnace clusters in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains.22

The northern boundary of the complex in question was very clearly outlined, as it was basically set on the Kamienna River. To the north of the middle course of that river there was distinct „settlement emptiness‟ reaching to the Krępianka and Iłżanka rivers. That area, both in the present and in prehistoric times, seems to have been heavily forested.

The observed disproportions in the size and character of settlements connected with the so-called production zone allow us to surmise that the supply base of the Świętokrzyskie Mountain district encompassed a very broad region. The only area having direct contact with the smelting zone was the vast settlement complex located on the Sandomierz Plateau. Along the upper Opatówka River, this region was joined by a narrow stretch with the smelting settlements zone in the northeastern outskirts of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains, most probably creating one socio-economic body.23

In the west, the area in question is naturally joined with the smelting settlement zone in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains, beyond which stretches a vast settlement-free lowland called the Central Depression. The area devoid of larger settlement complexes reaches as far as the middle and lower Pilica River. The region as defined here is a compact settlement macro-region covering an area of 2400 km2, which encompasses the area approximately overlapping the reaches of the Sandomierz Plateau, but including also the northeastern outskirts of the central and eastern section of the main range of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains. Other settlement complexes, in the north, on the Radomka and lower Pilica rivers, and in the east, in the western part of the Lublin Plateau, and in the southwest, in the area of the Nida Valley, may have remained outside its range despite relatively short distances. The character of this complex, its size and clearly marked boundaries in the form of „settlement emptiness‟, and particularly the high degree of specialization in the field of „black‟ metallurgy, encourage us to consider it to be a unit of superior character, identifiable with a small tribal organism defined by Tacitus as „pagus‟.25

The Sandomierz Plateau has always been an attractive area for settlers. Its outstanding agricultural value is due to the vast complex of fertile loess soil occurring there, the varied lie of the land, its well developed water network, and easy access to an important trade route running along the Vistula River valley. Moreover, the plateau is set on the outskirts of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains region, which is so rich in minerals. In the Iron Age, these areas were intensely settled by the Przeworsk culture. The complex of the Przeworsk settlements created a vast ecumene, encompassing the area between the middle reaches of the river Kamienna and the left-bank tributary of the Vistula, called the Koprzywianka. The sites were densely concentrated along the middle course of the Opatówka and on the lower Koprzywianka. Apart from those, another dense settlement complex worth mentioning was located in the basin of the river Przepaść, a tributary to the Kamienna.

VIII. Chronology of the smelting activities in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains. Despite progress in our research, defining the time in which the Świętokrzyskie Mountains smelting centre functioned encounters serious problems. Production sites were usually located outside the settlements, which resulted in the fact that the former are usually devoid of traditional dating materials in the form of pottery or other objects of everyday use which could serve as sensitive chronological indicators. Commonly occurring slag and other remnants of the metallurgic processing do not allow for dating with the precision required for the Roman period. The chronology of smelting activities is, therefore, based on the results of radiocarbon dating.26 It must be stated, however, that the number of analyses conducted so far is still insufficient (17 dates for 8 sites), and the calibration of dating introduced occasionally leads to confusion and obscures the true picture of the phenomenon (Fig. 13). The results of the research show that the earliest phase of smelting activity in this area is represented by a series of small unorganized furnace clusters dating to the late pre-Roman period. Large complexes of furnaces in organized arrangements functioned mainly in the 2nd century AD. The archaeological evidence suggests that this type of organization was already used by the 1st century and may

The connections between these areas and the settlement/production complex in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains are practically indisputable, although it is difficult to precisely define their range and character. The fertile loess of the Sandomierz-Opatów region may have constituted the main food reserve for the smelting teams working in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains, although the possibility that some of them dwelled in the area even out of season cannot be excluded.24 The eastern boundary of this mesoregion essentially consisted of the Vistula, while in the south the settlements across the valley of the Vistula and the middle course of the Kacanka River joined a small settlement cluster in the Czarna River, separated by a strip of less fertile sandy soil. It is surmised, however, that despite certain isolation, the sites occurring there leaned more towards another settlement zone situated along the middle course of the Wschodnia River, which remains outside the area of our interest. 21

Wielowiejski 1960, 204-205. Orzechowski 2000, 50. Orzechowski 2002, 27. 24 Woźniak 1994, 127. 22 23

25 26

109

Germania, 6, 12, 39; Łowmiański 1970, 132. Pazdur et al. 1981; Pazdur 1990.

Orzechowski have survived until the mid-3rd century. Independently of the organized furnace clusters, the unorganized complexes, which served to fulfill local needs, also developed well into the Roman period.

phases C2 and D make reaching any conclusions even more difficult. The continuation of settlement in the areas in question, at least until the 4th century, is confirmed by pottery finds, mainly storage vessels, and single coins. Recent research conducted at the settlement-production site in Skały indicates that the idea of an organized furnace cluster (type 1X3) may have survived even until the mid-3rd century. It must be noted, however, that such type of organization of labor developed mainly in the 1st and 2nd centuries.

This very general picture of the chronology of metallurgic production in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains is made more precise by the analysis of the accompanying settlements. First of all, there are no clues to allow us to associate this phenomenon with the Halstatt period. The first traces of smelting are associated with the Przeworsk culture, which appeared in that area during the final part of the pre-Roman A1 phase. Most of the early Przeworsk settlements, however, appeared in phases A2 and A3 and were located on the eastern outskirts of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains. It was most probably then that the first furnace clusters started to operate in the region.

Analyzing the chronology of settlements connected with the activity of the Świętokrzyskie Mountain smelting centre, it is worth emphasizing the regularity in its layout. The oldest traces of habitations until the late pre-Roman period are grouped mostly in the eastern part of the district, in the valleys of the right-bank tributaries of the river Pokrzywianka. While moving westward, their number grows distinctly smaller, first in favor of the early Roman and then the late Roman settlement, which decidedly dominated the western part of the district, the area containing the greatest density of production sites.

In the early period of Roman influence a further development of that cluster can be observed and its gradual shift westward towards the Świętokrzyskie Mountain region. Acceleration of the settlement processes took place only at the turn of the early and late Roman periods. It was then that the majority of the cemeteries appeared in the region, dominated by complexes from the transitory stage B2/C1 and phase C1 (Chmielów, Lisów, Mierzanowice, Osieczko, Sandomierz „Krakówka”, Sarnia Zwola, Starachowice, Wąchock, Zawada). It is worth noting that the area of our interest was then under a strong influence from the WielbarkPrzeworsk borderland, reflected by several elements characteristic of the so-called eastern zone of the Przeworsk culture in numerous cemeteries. This was manifested by the presence of certain forms of burial ritual, namely the appearance of inhumation burials, but still a high percentage of cremation burials, and characteristic types of artifacts, such as fibulae of the mixed II and IV Almgren group, eye-shaped fibulae of the Prussian series, and bracelets of the Kamienczyk type.27

The increasing number of production sites to the west and the accompanying zone of occurrence of the late Przeworsk type settlements may indicate that this type of activity was not yet widespread during the late preRoman period. This allows us to connect the enormous complex of production sites making up the so-called pure production zone with the period of Roman influence. IX. Ethnic issues. Establishing the ethnicity of the people inhabiting the territories of Poland at the end of antiquity is a challenging task. Those lands were located on the outskirts of „the Roman world‟ and, so, were not heeded much attention in the written records. The Przeworsk culture which inhabited southern and central Poland have been identified with the Lugii. The name appears for the first time in the work of Strabo (Geographica VII, 1,3), who wrote that the Lugii were dependent on the Marcomannic state of Marbod. The Lugii were also mentioned by Tacitus (Annales XII, 29 n.) and Cassius Dio (Historia Romana LXVII, 5,2). It is believed that the name referred to a union of tribes forming a kind of community or federation (Lugiorum nomen). Tacitus (Germania 43,2) gave the names of five tribes (civitates) belonging to that confederation: Harii, Helveconae, Manimi, Helisii and Naharvali, remarking that he mentioned only the bravest (Fig. 14). The existence of the Lugii was also confirmed by Ptolemeus, who divided them into Lugii-Omani, Diduni and Buri (Geographia II, 10, 11). It is very likely that the founders of the Świętokrzyskie smelting centre either belonged to the above mentioned group of the Lugii tribes, or were dependent on them, but an association with any of the tribes whose names were mentioned by Tacitus or Ptolemeus is not yet justifiable. Ethnic affiliation of the Lugii is still debatable. The hypothesis of a Germanic origin is the most widespread, suggested by the names of particular tribes. More and more frequently, however, the multi-ethnic character of

The development of the Świętokrzyskie Mountain metallurgic centre in that period is clearly confirmed by the high number of Roman imports in the form of coins and luxury objects. The majority of hoards found here, which include about 5100 precisely dated denarii (Nietulisko Małe I, II, Chmielów, Pokrzywianka, Ostrowiec Świętokrzyski (?), Kunów (?)) were deposited between the second half of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century. At the same time such Roman imports as weapons, terra sigillata (workshops in Westerndorf and Pfaffenhofen) and glass vessels arrived here. At present, it is very difficult to indicate the period in which metallurgy in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains collapsed, and it cannot be defined solely on the basis of settlement analysis. Some of the cemeteries mentioned above still existed in the C1b-C2 phases, and the problems with differentiating between the materials from 27

Orzechowski 2007, 79-81, 376 Tab.IV.

110

Barbaricus Pagus Ferrariensis the federation is pointed out, since it consisted of Celtic and Germanic elements, as well as those belonging to local cultures of the early Iron Age. In later records there appears the name of the Vandals who may have constituted one of the elements of the Lugian confederation in the 1st century AD.

The scale of metallurgic production in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains, which definitely exceeded the needs of internal market, indicates the existence of a strong and centralized system of social organization in the region. The question, which has already been asked by S. Woyda in the context of huge metallurgic centers in the Przeworsk culture area, seems to arise again: was it possible for such highly specialized and complex forms of organization of labor to evolve within agricultural communities?32 We must be aware that it required both specialized knowledge of raw material deposits and an expertise in the complex technological processes and systems of organization of labor entirely alien to those communities. Besides, production on such a large scale must have absorbed the time of much of the population, dragging them away from agricultural tasks which constituted the basis of their existence. It is rather difficult to believe that food production was either given up or limited for some time, and that the necessary food supplies were obtained only by means of exchange for the produced iron. Teams of miners, charcoal burners, smelters and smiths engaged throughout the year in preparing raw materials, building furnaces and the proper smelting process, must have been supported by wellorganized agricultural communities providing them with the means to live on.

It is worth mentioning that at the beginning of the 1960‟s a metallurgist, J. Piaskowski, presented a controversial thesis which located the Celtic tribe of the Cotini, known from Tacitus‟ Germania, in the region of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains.28 For this author, the information that those Cotini “…still work in the iron mines” (Tacitus, Germania 43,1) was enough to confirm their connections with the enormous smelting centre discovered in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains, and the only known underground iron ore mine in this part of Europe located in Rudki. The people dwelled in the vicinity of a mountain range which divided Suebia. Accepting such a location for the Cotini, the scientist identified the Askiburgion Mountains, mentioned in the Geografia by Claudius Ptolemeus, with the Świętokrzyskie Mountains and the hills of the Polish Jurassic Highland.29 Not quoting the arguments against this hypothesis, it must be emphasized that most archaeologists and historians utterly rejected the suggestion and identified the above mentioned mountains with one of the Sudetes-Carpathian chains.30 The Askiburgion Mountains are generally associated with the northern borderland of that zone (Karkonosze, Jesioniki, Western Beskids) and the above mentioned Cotini are located in present day Slovakia in the area of the Puchov culture, traditionally associated with the Celts.31

The discovery of thousands of smelting sites which must have operated for at least a few generations suggests that their creation was the result of deliberate decisions issued from a central authority. It is hardly likely that such patterns of production in the form of organized furnace clusters could have been maintained for such a long time in a family-tribal system. The two-row systems of four, three or two furnace clusters may reflect some heretofore unknown social relationships connected with teamwork in large human communities submitted to a certain idea which had been imposed on them. The long period of smelting activity suggests the existence of a stable social and political order.

X. Social aspects of the smelting production in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains. The history of the development of primitive technology is usually anonymous, in contrast to social or political history. Such phenomena are perceived mainly through the technologies used and, particularly, the size and character of production. The contribution of work put in by „ordinary‟ people, whose nameless efforts lie at the basis of all economic enterprises, is rarely noticed. Prehistoric metallurgy of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains is an example of such a research option where the technological context, and particularly the scale of production, obscures the essence and cultural value of the phenomenon which is also a very interesting aspect of social and sociological nature, though rarely approached in literature. The questions concerning who the smelters and smiths from the Świętokrzyskie Mountain were, or what socio-economic mechanisms were fundamental to establishing one of the biggest production centers in barbarian Europe, should define the main research directions for future generations of archaeologists.

Preparing large amounts of input materials, building and operating thousands of furnaces undoubtedly required social division of labor and specialization. We can identify some definite professional groups, for instance in charcoal burning. Most charcoal pits occurred in clusters of 2 or 3, or, in the case of the site in Podchełm 1, clusters of up to 5. This indicates the existence of highly specialized production sites, where the material was produced for a large number of bloomery ironworks. It seems equally difficult to assume that, particularly in the case of the underground mine in Rudki, searching for and excavating large amounts of iron ore with the use of mining technologies was an unplanned or occasional activity. The work required a deep knowledge of the ore deposit structure as well as expert skills needed for building complicated underground safety barriers, known at that period only to the community of Roman specialists.

28

Piaskowski 1961a; 1961b. Piaskowski 1962. Godłowski 1963; Woźniak 1963. 31 Kolendo 1999, 220-222. 29 30

32

111

Woyda 1982, 114.

Orzechowski There is also the problem of forging iron by the smiths which, has not been thoroughly examined yet. One must remember that the Świętokrzyskie Mountains were, first of all, a huge centre of „primary‟ metallurgic production. In the furnace clusters a half-finished product was obtained in the form of raw „iron sponge‟. Final processing was done in the settlements, evidence of which has been recently discovered in Pokrzywnica, site 1. Until now, however, no traces have been found of typical forges producing ready articles in the form of tools, weapon or ornaments. Naturally, they must have been produced, even if only for local needs, and probably not on a large scale. Huge iron producing districts were not simultaneously places of mass manufacturing of ready-made articles. The object of trade was the ready iron bloom in the form of a variety of bars, rods or ingots. It was mostly connected with a thriving product market, where the preferences of potential buyers concerning the shape of the basic assortment of used articles may have differed considerably.

XI. Who was the iron in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains produced for? Being rather cautious in estimating a potential number of bloomery ironworks existing then and the number of conducted smelting processes, we assume on the basis of the most recent discoveries that in the area excavated so far there were approximately 5900 organized furnace clusters and about 2000 unorganized ones. In this case, approximately 555,300 smelting processes were conducted which may have yielded about 11,000 tons of iron.34 It must be stressed, however, that this estimate is certainly understated and may be made more precise only after a thorough inventory has been completed. Nevertheless, postulating a model here seems indispensable, since only in this way can an approximate scale of this phenomenon be defined in economic and trade categories. The claim that the Świętokrzyskie Mountains hosted the largest iron producing district in this part of Europe, gives rise to the question concerning the character of distribution and identification of the markets and potential buyers of the iron produced here. The ongoing discussion resulted in outlining two contrasting points of view. The first implies exportation to the Roman provinces,35 while the other, accepting the conclusions drawn from the assumptions of the so-called „Świętokrzyski metal‟ theory, indicate members of the Przeworsk culture as potential buyers. 36

Unfortunately, we still know very little regarding the life and customs of the smelters and smiths from the Świętokrzyskie Mountains. In the production sites nothing is found bearing evidence of their standard of living or social status. Only further excavation of settlements and cemeteries can shed light upon the issue. Despite intensive excavations conducted recently in the region, only one settlement (Pokrzywnica, site 1) and one cemetery (Sarnia Zwola, site 8) were examined to a satisfying extent.33

It must be noted, however, that the discussion took place mostly in the 1960s, at the initial stages of research. Nowadays, after over 40 years of systematic excavations and surface research, we know far more on the issue. First of all, the view of the chronology of metallurgy in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains has changed. The possibility of iron production continuing during the early medieval period has been unequivocally rejected and limited solely to the period in which the Przeworsk culture flourished. The dating of the organized slag-pit clusters has also been modified from the 3rd and 4th centuries to the 1st, 2nd and possibly the early 3rd centuries. In this context, the cemeteries and monetary deposits from the valley of the river Kamienna have finally found their proper place, contrary to previous opinions. Finally, we now posses a more profound knowledge concerning the settlement and economic supply base of the district.

It must be emphasized, that in the light of research conducted so far, the picture of the communities engaged in iron smelting within the region does not differ dramatically from the standard of living of other populations recognized as belonging to the circle of the Przeworsk culture. Interestingly, neither the settlement inventories nor the discovered cemeteries are particularly abundant in iron which, after all, was mass-produced here. Apart from single cases (Stryczowice, Sandomierz “Krakówka”) no particularly affluent burial complexes have been found, which might bear evidence of significant material disproportions within that community. Nevertheless, it was not a backward or isolated region. The people inhabiting these areas must have had frequent contact with very remote areas. This is confirmed by the presence of numerous Roman imports in the form of coins, terra sigillata pottery, glass vessels, imported weaponry and ornaments. A very significant element, namely the large number of Roman coin hoards, should also be noted. Such a distribution of wealth could suggest that the profits from the iron trade were reaped mainly by the privileged group who organized and controlled this production. Naturally, a share of the profits reached the people directly involved in the production process, which undoubtedly increased their wealth and was also reflected in easier access to luxury goods in the form of a variety of Roman imports.

As far as the question of distribution of the iron surplus is concerned, it should be remembered that the heart of the matter lies in the appropriate grasp of the dynamics of production development, which cannot have remained on the same level throughout the whole period. It is likely that apart from periods of intensive activity there must have been less productive periods, or even temporary abandonment. Considering the constantly changing political situation in this part of Barbaricum, it is difficult to imagine the existence of a socio-economic system 34

Orzechowski and Wichman 2006, 87-88. Radwan 1963, 58; Pleiner 1965, 21; Bielenin 1986b, 142. 36 Godłowski 1966, 102; 1973; Piaskowski 1972, 262-269. 35

33

Orzechowski 2006, 43-62.

112

Barbaricus Pagus Ferrariensis stable enough to ensure the same level and volume of production maintained for a few centuries.

Referring to the possibility of exporting the iron produced here outside the territory of Poland, it must be emphasized that the decisive elements are primarily statistical estimates of the volume of production. When compared with the period during which the district operated and the number of potential local buyers, this does not confirm the need to export iron beyond the domain of the Przeworsk culture. However, as explained above, such an attitude towards the issue may be misleading or even inappropriate, since it assumes a linear and, therefore, mechanical cycle of the development of metallurgy in this area which, for a variety of reasons, was unlikely.

Even the figures confirming mass production, which definitely arouse our imagination, become less convincing when spread over a longer period. The data will have a different impact when we assume that during some periods production was multiplied owing to the appearance of a thriving ready market and favorable economic situation for trading in iron. The key to solving this problem is undoubtedly chronological stratification of particular bloomery ironworks, or even entire production micro-regions. Unfortunately, grasping such minute temporal differences is impossible for the time being. There is, however, a chance to identify the period when distinct intensification and increased production may have taken place which, in our opinion, was associated with the functioning of the organized slag-pit clusters. The appearance of this innovative idea of labor organization confirms the necessity of production intensification. Intensifying production while maintaining the same technology (i.e., a slag-pit furnace used for a single smelting) was possible only by introducing more effective methods of labor organization, reflected by large organized slag-pit clusters which allowed for continuous work. Individual rows consisting of 2-4 furnaces may have been sets operating at the same time. While smelting was conducted in one of these sets, another was being prepared to continue the process after work in the first had been finished. There are doubts, however, regarding whether in agricultural communities there could have evolved forms of organization of labor so markedly different from the encountered stereotypes. We suppose that only the rise of a ready external market for iron may have enforced such solutions.

Paradoxically, factors that induced an increased need for iron were periods of stability and peace and periods of unrest and war. Unhampered development of craft and trade indirectly enforces the development of that branch of productivity, and production of weapons is even more demanding in this respect. Huge amounts of metal are then destroyed, and when there is the tradition of presenting the dead with it, a part ends up buried in the ground in the form of burial gifts. Despite the turbulence that took place at the turn of the early and late Roman periods in the catchment area of the Oder and the Vistula, it seems unlikely that local markets may have prompted the development of mass production. Where, therefore, should we look for prospective buyers for several thousand tons of iron? The area south of the Carpathians was indicated as the main direction of export. Some scholars suggest that consumers were the inhabitants of the region of the Carpathian Basin,38 while others have proposed the areas of the Roman provinces.39 The thesis that the tribes inhabiting the Carpathian Basin were the consumers for the Świętokrzyskie Mountains iron seems especially attractive. This is reflected in the numerous similarities of material culture bearing evidence of close contact of the area with the Przeworsk culture. Godłowski stresses that as far as the metal products are concerned, in the late B2 phase and the beginning of the late Roman period, the MarcomanniQuadi culture of western Slovakia and Moravia show far reaching connections with the Przeworsk culture. 40 According to this researcher, it was more the result of long-lasting cultural and economic contacts than the effect of arrival from the north of small groups of people originating from the Przeworsk culture.41 It should be noted that the area located in the direct neighborhood of the Roman limes and at the junction with Dacian and Sarmatian culture played an essential role in passing cultural impulses from the south into the central European Barbaricum. One can, for example, mention popularizing pottery made on the wheel, storage vessels of the Krausegefässe and probably the fibulas with a bent foot.42 The idea that organized furnace clusters, known in

In the late pre-Roman period, metallurgic activity may have been restricted only to satisfying local needs. In the western part of the region, where most smelting sites are grouped, there are no traces at all of settlements from that period. Moreover, no early Przeworsk culture materials have been found so far within organized furnace clusters. Probably as late as the end of the 1st or the beginning of the 2nd century, there was a definite turn towards mass production. Groups of smelters, who had worked to satisfy local needs, were then involved in a system of labor organization within huge organized furnace clusters, previously unknown in the area. In the light of excavations in Skały and an analysis of other evidence which will be discussed further on, the concept of that system of labor seems to have survived in places even until the mid-3rd century. Therefore, the most prosperous period for the Świętokrzyskie Mountain iron-producing district could have lasted no longer than 100-150 years. Naturally, maintaining the same level of production, even during this period, seems quite unlikely and it must be assumed that there were periods of distinct increase as well as periods of limiting and slowing down the work.37

38

Łowmiański 1963, 325. Pleiner 1965, 21; Bielenin 1986b, 142. 40 Godłowski 1982, 60. 41 Tejral 1970, 203-204, 212. 42 Godłowski 1976, 17, 25. 39

37

Bielenin 1992, 190-196.

113

Orzechowski Trans-Carpathian Ukraine probably in the La Tene period, were also adopted from the circle of late Dacian cultures which the representatives of the Przeworsk culture came into contact with cannot be dismissed.43 Recent research has shown that Novoklinovo was not the only site with an organized furnace arrangement in the region. The furnace cluster of that type was also discovered on site 1 in Human II in Ukraine on the Dnieper River.44 In this case there is no distinct time gap separating the two phenomena; therefore, the idea of organized furnace clusters seems more likely.45 The idea that the use of blocks for building the bloomery furnaces in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains was also borrowed from the south is also plausible. According to Bielenin, this is an example of using types of construction solutions hitherto unknown in other branches of the barbarian economy.

increased local needs a section of production from the large organized furnace clusters remained in the area, to supply the local people driven away by the Gothic tribes. Even if the changes were not so violent and took the form of gradual acculturation, the demand for iron might have been greater in that zone.48 XII. Conclusion. The Przeworsk culture was one of the greatest and longest-lasting phenomena in the history of the central European Barbaricum. Its strength and vitality depended on a variety of political and economic factors. The large metallurgic centers existing in the region of the Przeworsk culture must have constituted an important factor in stimulating its economic and social development. Moreover, the mass production of iron, in addition to profits from its sale, must have required evolving social structures able to manage such great economic enterprises.

If we accept the idea of iron being exported south, then it has to be treated as an response of the local Przeworsk populations to the impulses arriving from the outskirts of the Roman limes, closely connected with the political situation existing in that area. The collection Scriptores Historiae Augustae (Vita Marci 14) reported that the barbarians living on the outskirts of the limes were pressing forward on the peoples inhabiting the borderland, demanding to be let into the Roman territory. This information suggests that in the mid 2nd century, there was some unrest deep in the central European Barbaricum reflected in migrations, the results of which must have been felt on the Danube. 46 In those turbulent times, the demand for iron must have increased; thus, stimulating the increase of production in the region of our interest. It seems, however, that a period of rapid development of metallurgy in the Świętokrzyskie Mountain occurred only after the Marcomannic Wars when the conquered peoples inhabiting the limes zone were cut off from the iron sources in the Roman provinces and the only region producing significant surplus of that material was in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains. Such an approach to this topic allows us to connect with the phenomenon in question both the hoards from the Kamienna River valley and the majority of industrial imports which arrived into the area of our interest after the year AD 180.

Were the Świętokrzyskie Mountains inhabited by a people proficient in smelting, who specialized in producing iron? Much seems to indicate that this was the case. This is confirmed by the enormous scale of activity and the introduction of methods of organizing labor unknown elsewhere as well as the pattern of settlements which created a compact mesoregion identified with the existence of an independent tribal territorial unit. If that were the case, we could speculate that the areas either belonged to the Lugii federation or were controlled by it. As we may never know the name of the peoples, the term “Pagus ferrariensis” will allow us to distinguish the community of Świętokrzyskie Mountain smelters and smiths from other nameless groups.

REFERENCES BALKE, B. (1991), Kultura przeworska w międzyrzeczu Wisły, Pilicy i Iłżanki, Warszawa. BEYRIE, A., J.-M.FABRE, R. SABLAYROLLES (2001), “Les hommes de fer du dieu Ageio,” in C. Domergue, M. Leroy (eds.), Mines et métallurgies en Gaule. Recherches récents, Paris, 46-52.

A particularly dynamic period of development of metallurgy in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains coincided, therefore, with the period of great unrest both in the area of the Roman limes and in Barbaricum. The movement of the Wielbark culture to the southeast, identified with the migration of the Goths, resulted in the migration of the Przeworsk culture from the areas along the Vistula River valley. An increase in the number of burials containing weapons implies that the process did not take place peacefully.47 Therefore, it seems likely that because of

BIDZILÂ, V.I. (1970), “Z ìstorìï čornoï metalurgìï Karpats′kogo uzgir′â rubiežu našoï ery,” Arheologìâ, Kiïv 24, 32–48. BIDZILÂ, V.I., G.A. VOZNESENSKAÂ, S.V. NEDOPAKO, S.V. PAŃKOV (1983), Istoriâ čornoï metallurgìï i metalloobrabotki na territorii USSR (III v. do n.e. – III v. n.e.), Kiïv. BIELENIN, K. (1973), “Dymarski piec szybowy zagłębiony (typu kotlinkowego) w Europie starożytnej,” MA 14, 5–101.

43

Bidzilâ, 1970, 32-48. Bidzilâ et al. 1983, 141. 45 Bielenin 1992, 196-197. 46 Zwikker 1941, 35-40. 47 Godłowski 1985, 147-148; Balke 1991, 52. 44

48

114

Dąbrowska 1981, 120.

Barbaricus Pagus Ferrariensis BIELENIN, K. (1978), “Żużel żelazny jako źródło archeologiczne w relacji żużel – typ pieca dymarskiego i odwrotnie,” PMMAE 25, 53–64.

KARBOWNICZEK, M. (2006), “Teoretyczne podstawy procesu metalurgicznego w starożytnych piecach dymarskich,” in S. Orzechowski and I. Suligi (eds.), 50 lat badań nad starożytnym hutnictwem świętokrzyskim. Archeologia – metalurgia- edukacja, Kielce, 153–161.

BIELENIN, K. (1986a), “Rola wywiadu ustnego w inwentaryzacji archeologicznej stanowisk dymarskich,” MA 23, 283–299.

KOLENDO, J. (1999), “Lugiowie Burowie oraz Burowie. Przyczynek do interpretacji sytuacji politycznej i kulturowej Europy barbarzyńskiej w końcu I wieku i w II wieku n.e.,” in J. Andrzejowski (ed.), Comhlan. Studia z archeologii okresu przedrzymskiego i rzymskiego w Europie Środkowej dedykowane Teresie Dąbrowskiej w 65. rocznicę urodzin, Warszawa, 217–231.

BIELENIN, K. (1986b), Stan i potrzeby badań nad świętokrzyskim okręgiem starożytnego hutnictwa żelaza, 121–146. BIELENIN, K. (1992), Starożytne górnictwo i hutnictwo żelaza w Górach Świętokrzyskich, wyd. 2., poszerzone i poprawione, Kielce.

ŁOWMIAŃSKI, H. (1963), Początki Polski. Z dziejów Słowian w I tysiącleciu n.e., t. 1, Warszawa. ŁOWMIAŃSKI, H. (1970), “Plemiona,” in Słownik starożytności słowiańskich 4, cz.1, Wrocław-WarszawaKraków, 131-137.

BIELENIN, K. (1993), “Nowe materiały do dyskusji nad kwestią eksportu żelaza świętokrzyskiego na tereny Imperium Rzymskiego,” in Miscellanea achaeologica Thaddaeo Malinowski dedicata que Franciscus Rożnowski redigendum curavit, Słupsk–Poznań, 39–46.

ORZECHOWSKI, S. (2000), “Zespół cmentarzysk i bogatych depozytów monetarnych z doliny rzeki Kamiennej a zagadnienie chronologii starożytnego hutnictwa świętokrzyskiego,” in K. Brachy and S. Wiecha (eds.), Między Wisłą a Pilicą. Studia i materiały historyczne, t. 1, Kielce, 35–61.

BIELENIN, K. (1999), “Starożytne hutnictwo żelaza w Górach Świętokrzyskich kilka uwag bardziej ogólnych,” in S. Kukawki (ed.), Szkice prahistoryczne. Źródła – Metody – Interpretacje, Toruń, 197–216. DĄBROWSKA, T. (1981), “Kultura przeworska a kultura wielbarska na Mazowszu i Podlasiu,” in Problemy kultury wielbarskiej, Słupsk, 117-125.

ORZECHOWSKI, S. (2002a), “Zaplecze osadnicze starożytnego okręgu hutniczego w Górach Świętokrzyskich i jego relacje ze strefą produkcyjną,” in Hutnictwo świętokzryskie oraz inne centra i osrodki starożytnej metalurgii żelaza na ziemiach polskich, Kielce, 27–43.

GODŁOWSKI, K. (1963), “W sprawie lokalizacji Kotynów w Górach Świętokrzyskich,” AAC 5, z. 1–2, 91–102. GODŁOWSKI, K. (1966), “Czy żelazo „świętokrzyskie” było eksportowane na teren państwa rzymskiego?,” KHNiT 11, nr 1–2, 97–103.

ORZECHOWSKI, S. (2002b), “Zaplecze surowcowe starożytnego hutnictwa świętokrzyskiego - złoża rud żelaza i potencjalne rejony ich wydobycia,” in A. Grodzicki and M.W. Lorenca Uczniowie Agricoli, Jelenia Góra, 34-55.

GODŁOWSKI, K. (1973), “Das Problem des Exportes von „Eisen aus dem Świętokrzyskie-Gebirge” nach dem Gebit der römischen Provinzen,” APolona 14, 237–254.

ORZECHOWSKI, S. (2006), “Wyniki najnowszych badań na stanowiskach osadniczych i produkcyjnych świętokrzyskiego centrum hutniczego,” in S. Orzechowski and I. Suligi (eds.), 50 lat badań nad starożytnym hutnictwem świętokrzyskim. Archeologia – metalurgia- edukacja, Kielce, 33–73.

GODŁOWSKI, K. (1976), “Strefy kulturowe w okresie rzymskim w Europie Środkowej,” in Kultury archeologiczne i strefy kulturowe w Europie Środkowej w okresie wpływów rzymskich (Materiały z konferencji, Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego nr. 422, Prace Archeologiczne 22, 13-32.

ORZECHOWSKI, S. (2007), Zaplecze osadnicze i podstawy surowcowe starożytnego hutnictwa świętokrzyskiego, Kielce.

GODŁOWSKI, K. (1982), “Północni barbarzyńcy i wojny markomańskie w świetle archeologii,” in Znaczenie wojen markomańskich dla państwa rzymskiego i północnego Barbaricum, Warszawa, Scripta Archaeologica, 2, 48–80.

ORZECHOWSKI, S. (2008), “The region of iron: the Przeworsk Culture iron producing centre in Barbaricum,” in P. and S. Cerw (eds.), Early ironworking in Europe II. Archaeology and experiment, Plas Tan y Bwlch.

GODŁOWSKI, K. (1985), Przemiany kulturowe i osadnicze w południowej i środkowej Polsce w młodszym okresie przedrzymskim i okresie rzymskim, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków, Prace Komisji Archeologicznej PAN, Oddział w Krakowie, nr 23.

ORZECHOWSKI, S. and T. WICHMAN (2006), “Badania powierzchniowe na obszarze świętokrzyskiego centrum hutniczego – próba oszacowania liczby stanowisk produkcyjnych,” in S. Orzechowski and I. Suligi (eds), 50 lat badań nad starożytnym hutnictwem 115

Orzechowski świętokrzyskim. Archeologia – metalurgia- edukacja, Kielce, 75–88.

społeczne u ludności południowej Polski późnolateńskim i rzymskim, MS 6, 7–426.

w okresie

PAZDUR, A., M.F. PAZDUR, A. ZASTAWNY (1981), “Starożytne hutnictwo żelaza na ziemiach Polski w świetle badań radiowęglowych (pierwsza seria analiz),” MA 21, 87–94.

WOYDA, S. (1982), “Głos w dyskusji, (w:) Znaczenie wojen markomańskich dla państwa rzymskiego i północnego Barbaricum,” Scripta Archaeologica 2, 112–117.

PAZDUR, M.F. (1990), “Chronologia bezwzględna starożytnego hutnictwa żelaza na ziemiach Polski w świetle kalibracji radiowęglowej skali czasu,” MA 25, 95–105.

WOŹNIAK, Z. (1963), “O prawidłową Kotynów,” AAC 5, 103–123.

lokalizację

WOŹNIAK, Z. (1994), “Wczesna faza kultury przeworskiej na Wyżynie Sandomierskiej,” in Kultura przeworska, t. 1, pod red. J. Gurby i A. Kokowskiego, Lublin, 127–145.

PIASKOWSKI, J. (1961a), “Starożytne źródła pisane dotyczące Kotynów i ich lokalizacji w Małopolsce,” MSH 4, nr 3–4, 63–81.

ZWIKKER, W. (1941), Studien zur Markussäule, T.1, Amsterdam.

PIASKOWSKI, J. (1961b), “Studia nad lokalizacją starożytnych Kotynów,” AAC 3, z. 1–2, 77–112. PIASKOWSKI, J. (1962), “Lokalizacja Gór Asciburgius (Askiburgion) według „Geografii” Ptolemeusza,” AAC 4, z. 1–2, 311–329. PIASKOWSKI, J. (1972), “Wyroby żelazne kowali świętokrzyskich w okresie późnolateńskim i rzymskim, ich rozpowszechnienie i ocena jakości,” RŚ 3, 245–275. PLEINER, R. (1965), “Przyczynek do problemu metalurgii wczesnohistorycznej i zagadnienia tak zwanego metalu świętokrzyskiego,” KHNiT 10, nr 1–2, 19–42. PLEINER, R. (2006), “Piece typu zagłębionego na terenie Europy w okresie wpływów rzymskich,” in S. Orzechowski and I. Suligi (eds.), 50 lat badań nad starożytnym hutnictwem świętokrzyskim. Archeologia – metalurgia- edukacja, 137–149. RADWAN, M. (1959), “Wzloty i upadki polskiego hutnictwa żelaznego,” Przegląd naukowo-techniczny Akademii Górniczo-Hutniczej w Krakowie, nr 4, seria H, zeszyt 1, 7-40. RADWAN, M. (1963), Rudy, kuźnice i huty żelaza w Polsce, Warszawa. SULIGA, I., S. ORZECHOWSKI, M. GÓRA, W. CIEŚLA (2004), “Żużle miseczkowate ze starożytnego centrum hutniczego w Górach Świętokrzyskich,” Hutnik, 71, nr 10, 512–517. TEJRAL, J. (1970), “K interpretaci severvýhodnych prvku v hmotné kulture moravské oblasti na sklonku starši doby řimske,” Pamatký Archeologické, 61, 184215. WETZEL, G. (1992), “Die Siedlungsgeschichte im Krei Hoyerswerda bis zum Mittelalter,” in Geschichte und Geschichten aus Dörfern und Städten, 22-31. WIELOWIEJSKI, J. (1960), Przemiany gospodarczo116

Barbaricus Pagus Ferrariensis FIGURES

Figure 1. Iron production zones in the Roman period. Black dots: iron-producing districts within the boundaries of the Roman Empire. White squares: iron-producing districts within Barbaricum (Pleiner 2000).

Figure 2. Slag blocks ploughed up by farmers on the slopes of Łysa Góra. Photo K. Bielenin.

117

Orzechowski

Figure 3. The range of occurrence of slag sites in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains. 1. The main area. 2. Enclaves to the north of the Kamienna River. (Bielenin 1977).

Figure 4. The range of bloomery slag-pit furnaces in northern and central Europe with its eastern boundary, and single sites in the Roman provinces and Scandinavia (Bielenin 2006).

118

Barbaricus Pagus Ferrariensis

Figure 5. Theoretical model of a bloomery slag-pit furnace in the Świętokrzyskie Mountains. 1) Input: charcoal (thick fractions), ore (tiny fractions); 2) Tuyere (size and height is still hypothetical); 3) „Direct‟ process zone; 4) Area where iron sponge collected after „direct‟ process; 5) Area where upper part of the slag block filling solidified in the pit; 6) Furnace shaft built from flat tuyere blocks; 7) Ground surface; 8) Layer undisturbed by human activity. (K. Bielenin 2006).

Figure 6. Cross-section of iron sponge obtained during experimental research (Nowa Słupia 1963). Metallic iron (lighter zones) surrounded by slag and charcoal (darker zones) (Mazur and Nosek 1966).

119

Orzechowski

Figure 7. Sample of so-called „unorganized‟ slag-pit furnace cluster (no 5). Pokrzywnica, site 1. (Photo: S. Orzechowski).

Figure 8. Sample of typical „organized‟ slag-pit clusters with double fields (2 x 4). Jeleniów, site 1 (1957) (Photo: K. Bielenin).

120

Barbaricus Pagus Ferrariensis

Figure 9. Reconstructed bloomery ironworks - a furnace cluster - during the archaeological festival “Dymarki Świętokrzyskie”, Nowa Słupia (Photo: T. Bochnak).

Figure 10. Pokrzywnica, site 1. Structure no.168. One of the hearths where iron sponge was heated and forged (Photo: S. Orzechowski).

121

Orzechowski

Figure 11. Samples of bowl-shaped slag from structures accompanying bloomery furnace clusters. Pokrzywnica, site 1 (Photo: D. Czernek).

122

Barbaricus Pagus Ferrariensis

Figure 12. The range of the production zone of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains metallurgic center and its potential settlement base. 1) The so-called „pure‟ production zone on the outskirts of the Łysogóry Range, and smelting enclaves to the north of the Kamienna; 2) The settlement - production zone in the catchment area of the Kamienna; 3) Settlement mesoregion on the Sandomierz Plateau. (S. Orzechowski 2007).

Figure 13. Average figures of radiocarbon dating of the „organized‟ and „unorganized‟ slag-pit furnace clusters and the ancient iron ore mine in Rudki (Bielenin 2006).

123

Orzechowski

Figure 14. The distribution of tribes inhabiting the central European Barbaricum, according to Tacitus‟ Germania (Grane, 2003). Note the Lugii federation in the vicinity of the Vistula River. The drawing of a furnace marks the location of the Świętokrzyskie Mountains iron-producing district.

124

THE BARBARIANS AND ROMAN DACIA. WAR, TRADE AND CULTURAL INTERACTION Coriolan Horaţiu Opreanu (Romanian Academy, Institute of Archaeology and History of Art Cluj-Napoca, Romania)

Abstract. This paper presents a narrative of the comings and goings of native groups beyond the Dacian limes during the Roman period and into the former Roman province following the withdrawal of administration by Emperor Aurelian. The discussion is based primarily upon a review of archaeological evidence with some textual references as well. In the initial phase of Roman occupation of Dacia, the relationship between the Romans and natives (at this time Iazyges) was somewhat hostile but became less so with time. The relationship with other groups, such as the Przeworsk and Wielbark cultures was generally amicable. In the late Roman and post-Roman phases, the latter groups pushed closer to Dacia and even entered the region. The Gepids and Goths were the most recent cultures to enter the region in the post-Aurelian period, inheriting respectively the north and western and the east and southern territories.

I. Initial Roman-native contact in and near Dacia. The Roman province of Dacia created by Trajan in AD 106 (Fig. 1) had, from the beginning, important strategic roles: to separate the barbarian world to the north of the Danube and to avoid potentially dangerous coalitions, which had occurred in the past when the Dacian kingdom united the barbarian tribes between the northern Carpathians and the northern coast of the Black Sea. Trajan’s Dacia kept watch of the Iazyges located on the western Tisza Plain and blocked any of their advances into Transylvania.1

Tisza River, and has the same chronology. It was recently demonstrated that the main concentration of this type of brooch was in Dacia, and not in Pannonia or Noricum.5 This means the items recovered in the area of the Tisza River arrived here from Dacia. The type is essentially absent from the areas of the Przeworsk and Wielbark cultures.6 Moreover, the distribution of Roman 1st century AD golden coins is very similar to the strongly profiled fibulae between the Western Carpathians and the Tisza River7. This evidence strongly suggests that the western plain extending to the Tisza River belonged to the province of Dacia during Trajan’s time.8

In Trajan’s time Dacia had direct contact on the western frontier with the Iazyges, a population with whom the Romans were in conflict, as Cassius Dio recorded.2 Recent archaeological excavations identified a heretofore unknown turf wall and a ditch at Supurul de Sus (Satu Mare county) situated 45 km WNW of the Roman fort/municipality, Porolissum (Fig. 1). The direction of the wall faces south and west, as can be seen on the 5 km sector of investigated recently. The most recent excavations also revealed a possible Roman burgus with an earthen rampart.3 It is very possible that this turf wall belonged to the first defense system of Roman Dacia in Trajan’s time; thus, it may have been raised to protect the Western border against the dangerous neighbors, the Iazyges. This front-line border is suggested by the distribution of the strongly profiled Roman fibulae with a trapezoidal-shaped foot.4 In the Roman Empire this category of fibulae dates to the second half of the 1st century AD and the beginning of the 2nd century. The type also exists in Barbaricum, mainly on the middle

II. Changes under Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. After the crisis of AD 117-119, Hadrian reorganized Trajan’s Dacia (Fig. 2). To secure Transylvania over the Carpathian Mountains and to maintain the separation from the barbarian world, Hadrian withdrew the Roman army from the plain. The territories which remained under Roman rule to the north of the Danube were reorganized: in the northwest, Hadrian probably left the plain, giving it back to the Iazyges. The frontier of the new province Dacia Porolissensis was now on the western Carpathians and the high hills in the northwest at a reasonable distance from the territory of the Iazyges.9 From inner Transylvania and Banat, Hadrian created Upper Dacia and to the southeast Lower Dacia; the eastern plain was now open to the dangerous Roxolani from the north coast of the Black Sea.10

5

Cociş 1995. Andrzejowski 1992, 115-116. Opreanu 1996, Abb. 1. 8 Opreanu 1998, 50-51 9 Opreanu 1998, 51-56. 10 Petolescu 1985; Petolescu 2002, 21-37. 6

1

7

Opreanu 1998, 37-5. Cassius Dio LXVIII, 10, 3. 3 Matei 2004; Matei, Gindele 2006. 4 Opreanu 1996, Abb. 1. 2

125

Opreanu After Trajan’s war and the defense of Dacia against the harsh attacks of the Iazyges and Roxolani at the beginning of Hadrian’s rule, the three provinces of Dacia and the surrounding barbarian world maintained peace until the period of the Marcomannic wars (Fig. 3).

oath when a treaty was concluded and their declarations were equivalent to a written and signed agreement.20 It is also very probable that the governor of Dacia carried on peace negotiations with the barbarians in his own, without asking for the imperial mandatum, as was usual practice.21 The same Sabinianus offered land within Dacia to the 12,000 free Dacians, who were running from their own country. The Roman governor first subdued these tribes, in legal terms issuing a deditio. This was probably followed by a receptio, permission to live on Roman soil.22 It is also very probable that in the western and eastern plains, formerly under Roman control for a while, the Romans offered territory for mixed barbarian groups, with a strong free Dacian component (Fig. 16). The barbarians from these zones had no fortified settlements, no rich graves and no big coin hoards. The only place close to Dacia’s border known for a larger number of Roman silver coins and hoards, dating primarily to the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, is Moldavia. Here, there are also attested several wealthy graves belonging to an elite barbarian family. Roman silver coin hoards in Moldavia represent cash paid by the Romans to maintain the peace, an instrument used frequently in Roman diplomacy.23

Latin written sources record that great movements of the barbarian populations began from the Middle Danube frontier and in the region of the Upper Tisza River, north of Roman Dacia at the beginning of Marcus Aurelius’s reign (Fig. 16).11 Dacia Porolissensis and Upper Dacia were attacked during the first stage of the wars.12 Among the first barbarian populations, which advanced to the Dacian border, were the Buri,13 probably a mixed population of Germanic and Dacian origin.14 Around AD 180 the defeated Buri are attested very close to the Dacian border.15 Another Germanic population recorded in the written sources was the Vandals.16 At the same time, 12,000 free Dacians were refugees from their homeland and the governor of Dacia, Sabinianus, promised them territories inside the province. During the Marcomannic wars the Costoboci also strongly attacked the Roman possessions in the Balkans,17 while, on the eastern plain, situated in front of Lower Dacia, the Roxolani continued to represent a very dangerous neighbor.

III. The aftermath of the Marcomannic Wars. After the Marcomannic wars the barbarian world was deeply changed: some of the new barbarian groups were lodged inside the Empire, while others lived much closer to the Roman frontier. This new situation determined the growth of trade contacts between Roman Dacia and the barbarian territories.24 Along the main roads that enter Dacia from the west and northwest, coming from Pannonia, and from the southeast, making the link with Lower Moesia, appeared the interaction zones.25 The first one had, as focal point, the military frontier center at Porolissum.26 Many barbarian settlements emerged inside these zones, where Roman goods, such as coins, pottery and fibulae, arrived as direct consequence of the frontier trade reestablished by Commodus. This emperor is called Restitutor commerciorum in an inscription found outside a milecastle near Porolissum that oversaw the Roman road which left the province for Barbaricum.27 Our knowledge of the interaction over the frontiers of Roman Dacia is based upon archaeological evidence; however, the chronology and the cultural identity of these regions are still not well known.

War was often combined with Roman diplomacy. We have little written information concerning it. It is obvious that the Roman Empire had a deal with the king of the Costoboci. An inscription from Rome, which is difficult to date, mentions Pieporus rex Coisstobocensis, whose wife Ziais Daca and two grandchildren, Natoporus and Drilgissa, raising a tombstone for him in Latin.18 He was a rex amicus of Rome and his family was considered obsides, sort of political hostages living in Italy and having an advanced degree of Romanization. Another inscription from northern Italy mentions P. Aelius Rasparaganus, king of the Roxolani, probably the individual who dealt with Hadrian during the crisis of AD 117 and later had to escape into the Roman Empire.19 During the Marcomannic wars the Roman diplomatic system was improved. We know that the Buri, after they accepted a treaty with the Romans in AD 178, changed their mind and continued waging war. Having suffered defeat again in AD 180, the governor of Dacia, Sabinianus, obliged them to surrender. Some of the terms imposed by the Romans are known: 1) to secure the return of many Roman prisoners; 2) to reside and breed their cattle no closer than 5 miles to the border of the province; and, 3) to give hostages from the leading families. It is known that the barbarians used to swear an

We have more information concerning the northwestern zone. The limes follows the Meses Mountain, a natural 20

Cassius Dio LXXII, 3, 1; also St. Augustine (Letter 49) “…pax conciliatur iuratione barbarica” 21 The same situation is recorded by an inscription in Northern Africa from AD 245 (IAM 359). 22 Opreanu 1998, 76. 23 Opreanu 1998, 78-79. 24 Gudea 1994, 371. 25 Opreanu 1998, 129-136. 26 Gudea 1989. 27 Gudea 1996, Pl. LXXXV/1.

11

HistAug, Vita Marci 14. 12 Opreanu 1998, 69-70. 13 Kolendo 1999. 14 Pieta 1982, Pieta 1994, 255; Opreanu 1997, 248-249, fig. 4.12. 15 Cassius Dio LXXII, 3, 1. 16 Opreanu 1998, 69-72; Oledzki 1999a; Oledzki 1999b. 17 Opreanu 1994, 206. 18 CIL VI 1801=ILS 854=IDRE I 69 19 CIL V 32=ILS 852

126

The Barbarians and Roman Dacia. War, Trade and Cultural Interaction barrier completed with forts, milecastles and towers and used by the Romans to control the access inside the province. The geography of the region consists of hills and lowlands, which continue till to the Middle Tisza river. The best regions for habitation are the valleys of the rivers Crasna, Someş and Barcău, which represent natural routes linking the northwestern lands to the Transylvanian plateau. Generally speaking, this territory is considered to be the Middle and Lower basin of the Someş river,28 or the Upper Tisza river basin.29 A recent study demonstrates the range of Roman period artifacts discovered at sites in this region of Barbaricum, northwest Romania; however, while general chronological information is presented, there is no historical interpretation.30 The aforementioned repertory contains a total of 296 finds, of which 183 (62%) come from settlements, 18 (6%) derive from tombs, while the remaining 92 objects (32%) represent isolated finds including coins and hoards.31 In order to gain a more complete idea regarding settlement patterns across the whole Upper Tisa river basin, we have to add 200 finds from eastern Slovakia, over 70 in northeastern Hungary and around 120 sites in Transcarpathian Ukraine (Fig. 4).32

Zemplin indicates that the Dacians were integrated with the population of the Przeworsk culture in Eastern Slovakia by the 1st century AD.38 The same population, Dacian and Germanic, seems to exist in the first period of the settlement at Csengersirma (Hungary), between the 1st to the 3rd centuries AD.39 The first barbarian settlements appeared in the “Vorland” of the northwestern sector of the Dacian frontier only in stage B2-C1=C1a, after AD 160.40 At the same time the first barbarian artifacts can be found inside the limes at the Roman forts (Fig. 6-9).41 The area also continued to be inhabited by barbarian tribes in the late Roman imperial period (C1b and C2).42 More important to our present paper is the cultural identity of the populations of the interaction zones in front of the Roman frontier of Dacia. In the transition stage B2-C1 (C1a), the Przeworsk culture populations from southern Poland and eastern Slovakia, moved over the northern Carpathians towards the Upper Tisza river basin.43 The main reason of this movement is considered to be pressure of the Goths from northern Europe.44 The massive penetration of the Przeworsk populations to the southern side of the northern Carpathians took place in the period of the Marcomannic wars (stage C1a). M. Oledzki named this wave the “invasive horizon”.45 The newcomers were of Germanic origin, including the Buri and Vandals attested in the Latin sources. The populations were already mixed and their material culture was influenced by the Celts of the late Puchov culture46 and by the Dacians. This cultural phenomenon was very probably produced north of the Carpathians; for example, in the basin of the river San and in the Lower Beskids mountains in southern Poland (Fig. 4).47 One of the regions of the Przeworsk culture having strong late Celtic and Dacian influences was the Rzeszow region.

The chronology of the habitation from the “Vorland” in the northwestern sector of the Dacian frontier is based mainly upon several fibulae, other metal items and pottery. At the moment there are very few artifacts which can be dated to the beginning of the early Roman imperial period, namely the 1st century and the first decades of the 2nd century AD (stages B1-B2a). There are only a few examples of Roman fibulae of strongly profiled type with a trapezoidal foot at Acâş and Lazuri and Săcuieni33 (Fig. 5/1-4). There are also some early barbarian brooches: for example, from the settlement at Zalău "Bulevardul Mihai Viteazul” there is an Almgren 84 type brooch (Fig. 5/6) 34 and an Almgren III 53 “Augenfibel” type fibula (Fig. 5/5),35 which both date to the 1st century AD. These last two examples were still in use in the eastern zone of the Przeworsk culture (Poland) during the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD,36 indicating that they arrived in the settlement at Zalău later, when the Przeworsk population arrived in the vicinity of the Roman frontier at the transition to the Late Roman period (stage B2-C1, C1a). At the moment, the continuous occupation of sites in northwest Romania by the native Dacian population between the late Iron Age and the early Roman imperial period is not attested archaeologically.37 Evidence from the cemetery at

The same Polish scholar defined a second area, situated in the “Vorland” of the Roman border, as the “settlement zone”.48 It is this area we considered as the interaction zone. There are also Przeworsk finds inside the Roman forts on the Dacian limes, or inside the province, considered to belong to the “penetration zone”. Archaeological materials of barbarian origin from both zones have the same chronology, B2b/C1a, even if they are of different types. As the main category of artifacts found are fibulae, we must stress that the barbarian

28

38

29

39

Stanciu 1995, 139-140. Oledzki 1999a. 30 Matei, Stanciu 2000. 31 Matei, Stanciu 2000, 12-13. 32 Kotigorosko 1995, 110-112. 33 Matei, Stanciu 2000, nr I/1, 27, pl. 336/1; Matei, Stanciu 2000, nr. 79/146, 60, pl. 336/2. 34 Stanciu, Matei 2004, 760, pl. IX/4. 35 Matei, Stanciu 2000, 761, pl. IX/1. 36 Stanciu, Matei 2004, 761. 37 Opreanu 1998.

Budinsky-Krička/Lamiova-Schmiedlova 1990. Istvánovits-Almássy 2003, p. 235-237. 40 Stanciu, Matei 2004 41 Opreanu 1998. 42 Opreanu 2004 43 Oledzki 2001. 44 Oledzki 2008, p.262. 45 Oledzki 1999a, p. 114. 46 Pieta 1982. 47 Madyda-Legutko 2001 48 Oledzki 1999a

127

Opreanu brooches coming from the Roman forts of Dacia (Fig. 69), cannot be identified in the barbarian cemeteries and settlements in the neighboring interaction zone, rather they are identical to those from the Roman forts situated on the Pannonian frontier. There are few bronze brooches belonging to female barbarian clothing, so they were probably worn by the Roman soldiers’ slaves, or concubines taken from the tribes of the Przeworsk culture.49

earlier horizons of the sites. Their main characteristics are the large rectangular wooden houses built on posts, rows of rectangular pits, traces of iron metallurgy and numerous pottery kilns. The wheel-made pottery is primarily a fine, gray variety. An important part of this pottery is ornamented with stamped ornaments. The stamped ornaments and the shapes show a great Roman influence,54 even if the chronology and all the influences are not yet studied. In northwest Romania, there are several settlements around the town of Zalău which belong, very probably, to the Blazice-Bereg culture. One of the most important is the settlement at ZalăuBulevardul Mihai Viteazul, where rows of rectangular pits were uncovered (Fig. 15).55

Barbarian settlements and small cremation cemeteries appeared in the interaction zone at the end of the early Roman imperial period, phase B2/C1 (C1a). Weapons characteristic of the Przeworsk populations, such as the shield bosses, with a spike of Jahn 7a type, or Jahn 9, spurs of Ginalski group E and ritually damaged swords, lance heads and spearheads, are frequently found among funerary assemblages (Fig. 10-12). In the earliest settlements there is only hand-made pottery with Przewosk characteristics.50 Among the main sites to emerge in this period are the settlements of ZalăuBulevardul Mihai Viteazul, Zalău “Farkas domb”, Panic“Uroikert”, Petea-“vama”, Lazuri-Lubi Tag, Medieşul Aurit, Badon, Bocşa, Doh, Hereclean, Berea, Săcueni and the cemetery at Medieşul Aurit. All of these were established as a consequence of the Marcomannic wars, probably with the approval of the Roman authorities of Dacia. Some of them continued to exist in the late Roman imperial period, mainly in C1b, C2 and even C3, at Zalău, Bulevardul Mihai Viteazul, Lazuri-Lubi Tag, Medieşul Aurit (Fig. 13-14).51 Others emerged only in the late Roman period: Valea lui Mihai, Culciul Mare, Satu Mare, Zalău-Valea Mîţii, Curtuiuşeni.52 Soon after the founding of the barbarian settlements in the interaction zone, the Roman cultural influence became stronger and stronger, due mainly to the trade contacts over the frontier. Even if it is still not well understood, an acculturation process obviously took place in this area. Its results can be identified in the second layer of the settlements (C1b-C2), when Przeworsk culture elements almost completely disappeared and a new material culture with Dacian characteristics and strong Roman influences continues. This is called the Blazice-Bereg culture,53 identified in eastern Slovakia, northeast Hungary and, recently, in northwest Romania. In Romania, the early Dacian horizon was not identified within the interaction zone as it has been in other regions. It is possible that the Dacian component of the newly arrived Przeworsk culture was already very strong, or that free Dacian groups brought from the Tisza region, or from other regions in southern Poland or Ukraine, were settled by the Romans together with the Przeworsk tribes (Fig. 16).

The other interaction zone is situated in the Wallachian Plain, in front of the southeastern frontier of Roman Dacia. Even though there have been many excavations done in the past, the chronology of this region is not well established.56 It seems, at the moment, that a similar situation exists like the previous one we have described. There is no serious evidence for dating the barbarian settlements in the early Roman imperial period (B1B2).57 The emergence of the settlements can be dated to the transition period B2/C1.58 The settlements also have a second phase, dating to the late Roman imperial period (C1b-C3). The cultural aspects are dominated by Dacian attributes, but also demonstrate Sarmatian and Germanic elements, all strongly influenced by the Romans. After the Roman province of Dacia was abandoned at the time of Aurelian (AD 271), the cultural aspects of the former interaction zones were not immediately changed. The barbarian settlements continued to exist in periods C2-C3, probably as late as AD 350, while only small groups penetrated the territory of the former province, like the one identified at Şopteriu (Bistriţa-Năsăud county), for example.59 After the arrival from the north of the Gepid tribes around the end of the 3 rd century AD, the cultural situation of the northwestern zone became more complex. The same happened in the southeast, where the Goths settled around the middle of the 3rd century to the northern coast of the Black Sea. After the middle of the 4th century AD, the first settlements having barbarian cultural elements can be identified in the former province of Dacia. This was the beginning of the Migration period.

At the moment, only the settlements of the Blazice-Bereg culture are well-known. Most of them continue from 54

Filip 2008, 32-34. Matei, Stanciu 2000, Anexa 14. Bichir 1984 57 Opreanu 2009. 58 Bichir 1984 59 Marinescu, Miriţoiu 1987.

49

55

Opreanu 1998. 50 Stanciu, Matei 2006, p. 591 51 Opreanu 2004 52 Stanciu 1995. 53 Oledzki 1999c, p. 45-74.

56

128

REFERENCES KOTIGOROSKO, V. (1995), Ţinuturile Tisei Superioare în veacurile III î. e. n.- IV e. n. (perioadele Latène şi romană), Bucureşti. . MACZYNSKA, M. (1998), “Die Fibel als Tracht-und Schmuckelement in der Przeworsk-Kultur,” in J. Kunow (ed.), 100 Jahre Fibelformen nach Oscar Almgren, Wünsdorf, 417-424.

ANDRZEJOWSKI, J. (1992), “Strongly Profiled Brooches with Triangular Foot in the Roman Provinces and in Barbaricum,” in Probleme der relativen und absoluten Chronologie ab Latenezeit bis zum Frühmittelalter. Materialen des III. Internationalen Symposiums, Grundprobleme der frühgeschitchlichen Entwicklung im nördlichen Mitteldonaugebiet. KrakowKarniowicz 3-7 Dezember 1990, Krakow, 111-120.

MADYDA LEGUTKO, R. (2001), “Die Beziehungen zwischen der oberen Sangebiet (östlicher Pohorska-Kleja, E. 2001 Teil der polnischen Karpaten) und den südlichen Gebieten in der Zeit von 1. bis zum 5. Jahr. N. Chr.,” in International Connections of the Barbarians of the Carpathian basin in the 1st-5th Centuries AD, AszódNyiregyháza, 299-310.

BICHIR, G. (1984), Geto-dacii din Muntenia în epoca romană, Bucureşti. BUDINSKY-KRIČKA, V. and M. LAMIOVASCHMIEDLOVA (1990), “A Late 1st Century B.C. - 2nd Century A.D. Cemetery at Zemplin,” SlovenskaArch 38.2, 245-354.

MATEI, A. (2004), “Elemente de fortificaţie romane-val şi şanţ de apărare-descoperite în Barbaricum la Supurul de Sus (jud. Satu Mare). O posibilă frontieră a provinciei Dacia din timpul împăratului Traian?,” in M. Crînguş, S. Regep-Vlascici, A. Ştefănescu (eds.), Studia historica et arheologica in honorem magistrae Diona Benea, Timişoara, 253-261.

COCIŞ, S. (1995), “Strongly Profiled Brooches with Trapezium Form Foot in the Roman Province of Dacia,” Ephemeris Napocensis 5, 93-101. FILIP, C. (2008), Ceramica ştampilată de la Porolissum, Cluj-Napoca.

MATEI, A. and R. GINDELE (2006), “Sistemul defensiv roman din nord-vestul Daciei descoperit prin cercetările arheologice de la Supurul de Sus (jud. Satu Mare) şi pe baza documentaţiei din izvoarele scrise,” in Eugen, S. Teodor, O. Ţentea (eds.), Dacia Augusti Provincia. Crearea provinciei, Bucureşti, 181-206.

GUDEA, N. (1989), Porolissum. Un complex arheologic daco-roman la marginea de nord a Imperiului Roman, Zalău. GUDEA, N. (1994), “Dacia Porolissensis în timpul războaielor marcomanice,” Acta Musei Porolissensis 18, 67-91.

MATEI, A. and I. STANCIU (2000), Vestigii din epoca romană (sec. II-IV p. Chr) în spaţiul nord-vestic al României, Zalău - Cluj-Napoca.

GUDEA, N. (1996), Porolissum. Un complex dacoroman la marginea de nord a Imperiului Roman II. Vama romană. Monografie arheologică. Contribuţii la cunoaşterea sistemului vamal din provinciile dacice, Cluj-Napoca.

MARINESCU, G. and N. MIRIŢOIU (1987), “Die karpische Nekropole von Şopteriu,” in Dacia, N.S. XXXI, 107-118.

ISTVÁNOVITS, E. and K. ALMASSY (2003), “Csengersirma Settlement”, in The Roman Army in Pannonia. An Archaeological Guide of the Ripa Pannonicae (ed. Z. Visy), Pécs, 235-237.

OLEDZKI, M. (1998), “Rollenkappenfibeln der östlichen Hauptserie 37-41 und die Varianten,” in J. Kunow (ed.), 100 Jahre Fibelformen nach Oscar Almgren, Wünsdorf, 67-86.

KOKOWSKI, A. (1999), „Strefy kulturowe w mlodszym okresie przedrzymskim i w okresie rzymskim na luku Karpat. Czesc I-od mlodszego okreso przdrzynskiego do mlodeszego okresu rzymskiego”, in Na granicach antycznego swiata. Sytuacja kulturowa w potudniowowschdniej Polsce i regionach sasiednich w mlodszym okresie przedrzymskim i okresie rzymskim (red. S. Czopek, A. Kokowski), Rzeszow, 1999, 25-44.

OLEDZKI, M. (1999a), “The Upper Tisza Basin in the Roman Period. Remarks on Settlement and Cultural Changes,” in J. Tejral (ed.), Das mitteleuropäische Barbaricum und die Krise des römischen Weltreiches im 3.Jahrhundert, Brno, 1999, 105-136. OLEDZKI, M. (1999b), “Zu den Trägern der PrzeworskKultur aufgrund schriftlicher und archäologischer Quellen,” in Ethnogr.-Archäol. Z. 40, 43-57.

KOLENDO, J. (1999), “Lugiowie Burowie orez Burowie. Przyczynek do interpretacji sytuacji politicznej i kulturowej Europy barbarzyuskiej w koncu i wieku i w II wieku n. E.,” in COMHLAN. Studia z archeologii okresu przedrzymkiego I rzymskiego w Europie srodkowej dedykowane Teresie Dabrowkiej w 65. rocznice wrodzin, Warszawa, 217-231.

OLEDZKI, M. (1999c), “Z problematyki przemian osadniczych i kulturowych na obszarze dorzecza gornej Cisy w wiekach I-IV n. e.,” in S. Czopek, A. Kokowski (eds.), Na granicach antycznego swiata, Rzeszow, 45-74.

129

Opreanu OLEDZKI, M. (2001), “The Prezeworsk Culture in the Upper Tisza basin. An Outline of Problems,” Ethnogr.Archäol.Z 42, 195-210.

PETOLESCU, C.C. (1985), “L’organisation de la Dacie sous Trajan et Hadrien,” in Dacia N. S. 29, 45-55. PETOLESCU, C.C. (2002), Auxilia Daciae, Bucureşti.

OLEDZKI, M. (2008), Czas przemian. Barbaricum miedzy Baltykiem a srodkowym Dunajem w dobie wojen markomanskich, Lodz.

PIETA, K. (1982), Die Puchov Kultur, Nitra, 1982.

OPREANU, C.H. (1994), “Neamurile barbare de la frontierele Dacei romane şi relaţiile lor politicodiplomatice cu Imperiul,” EphemNap IV, 193-220.

PIETA, K. (1994), “Mittel- und Nord slowakei zur Zeit der Markomannenkriege,” in H. Friesinger, J. Tejral, A. Stuppner (eds.), Markomannenkriege. Ursachen und Wirkungen, Brno, 253-261.

OPREANU, C.H. (1996), “Der Westen der römischen Dakien und das Barbaricum in der Zeit Trajans,” Specimina Nova, XII 265-282.

STANCIU, I. (1995), “Contribuţii la cunoaşterea epocii romane în bazinul mijlociu şi inferior al râului Someş,” EphemNap V, 139-226.

OPREANU, C.H. (1997), “Roman Dacia and its Barbarian Neighbors. Economic and Diplomatic Relations,” in Roman Frontier Studies 1995. Proceedings of the 16th International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, Oxford, 249-252.

STANCIU, I. and A. MATEI (2004), “Sondajul din aşezarea de la Bocşa- „La Pietriş” (com. Bocşa, jud. Sălaj). Contribuţii la determinarea etapei de început a epocii romane imperiale târzii în nord-vestul României,” in L. Ruscu, C. Ciongradi, R. Ardevan, C. Roman, C. Găzdac (eds.), Orbis Antiquus. Studia in honorem Ioannis Pisonis, Cluj-Napoca, 755-778.

OPREANU, C.H. (1998), Dacia romană şi Barbaricum, Timişoara.

STANCIU, I. and A. MATEI (2006), “Un cimitir din perioada de început a epocii romane imperiale târzii în nord-vestul României (Badon-„Doaşte”, com. Hereclean, jud. Sălaj),” in C. Gaiu, C. Găzdac (eds.), Fontes historiae. Studia in honorem Demetrii Protase, BistriţaCluj-Napoca, 587-607.

OPREANU, C.H. (2004), “Contribuţie la cronologia epocii imperiale romane târzii în România,” in Studia Historica et Archaeologica. In Honorem magistrae Doina Benea, Timişoara, 283-298. OPREANU, C.H. (2009), “The Chronology and the Cultural Identity of the Interaction Zones over the Frontiers of Roman Dacia,” in Near and Beyond the Roman Frontier, Bucharest.

VADAY, A. (2003), “Kazár Settlement,” in Z. Visy (ed.), The Roman Army in Pannonia. An Archaeological Guide of the Ripa Pannonica, Pécs, 234.

130

The Barbarians and Roman Dacia. War, Trade and Cultural Interaction FIGURES

Figure 1. Roman Dacia and Barbarian neighbors in Trajan’s time.

Figure 2. New organization of Hadrian (Dacia Porolissensis, Dacia Superior, Dacia Inferior)

131

Opreanu

Figure 3. The three provinces of Dacia after the Marcomannic wars (Dacia Porolissensis, Dacia Apulensis, Dacia Malvensis).

Figure 4. Upper Tisa river region and the basin of the river San in Southern Poland.

132

Figure 7. Barbarian Germanic variant of bronze knee brooches from Porolissum. Figure 5. 1-5 Roman strongly profiled bronze brooches: Acâş (1), Lazuri (2,3), Săcuieni (4); 5-6 early barbarian brooches: „Augenfibel” from Zalău (5), Almgren 84 type from Zalău (6) (after Matei, Stanciu 2000).

Figure 6. Barbarian types of strongly profiled bronze brooches: Almgren 92 type from Ilişua (1), Porolissum (2), silver trumpet shape brooch from Ilişua (3). Figure 8. Other barbarian bronze brooches: Buciumi (1), Gherla (2), Gilău (3), Porolissum (4, 6, 7), Soporul de Câmpie (5).

133

Opreanu

Figure 9. Other barbarian bronze brooches: Almgren 43 from Porolissum (1), Almgren 129 from Porolissum (3), Ilişua (2), Porolissum (4, 5), Cluj-Napoca (6, 7silver).

Figure 11. Iron sword and spearhead from Boineşti (1), (after Matei, Stanciu 2000); iron shield bosses of type Zieling E2 and Zieling B1 and handdle from Badon-Doaşte, grave 3 and 4 (2) (after Stanciu, Matei 2006).

Figure 10. Iron spearheads from Medieşul AuritŞuculeu (1); shield iron bosses from Medieşul Aurit-La Leşu, grave 41, Jahn 7a type, Zieling B2c type (2), Boineşti, Jahn 7a type (3) (after Matei, Stanciu 2000).

Figure 12. Iron spur from Zalău (1); iron shield boss of type Jahn 7a from Zalău (2); iron spurs from Medieşul Aurit-Şuculeu (3, 4) (after Matei, Stanciu 2000).

134

The Barbarians and Roman Dacia. War, Trade and Cultural Interaction

Figure 13. Brooches with reverted foot from Medieşul Aurit (1, 2, 3, 4); Hereclean (5)- 1, 2, 5 iron.

Figure 14. Silver brooches type Almgren VII.211, from Zalău (1) and Medieşul Aurit-“La Leşu” (2); Medieşul Aurit-“La Leşu” (4) and Valea lui Mihai (3); silver prestige brooch from Culciul Mare(5).

Figure 15. Plan of the excavation in the settlement a Zalău-Bul. Mihai Viteazul with rows of rectangular pits (after Matei, Stanciu 2000).

135

Opreanu

Figure 16. Map of Roman Dacia and the barbarian neighbors after the Marcomannic wars: 1. Roman towns settlements and forts; 2. free Dacians’ settlements in the western plain; 3. free Dacian-Vandalic settlements in the Lower Somes river basin; 4. settlements of the Buri and free Dacians’ in front of the Roman frontier; 5. free Dacians-Germanic and Sarmatian settlements in the south-eastern Wallachian plain.

136

INFLUENCE AND OBSERVATION: TOWARDS A MORE CONCRETE UNDERSTANDING OF THE ROMAN-DACIAN LIMES Daniel Weiss (University of Virginia)

Abstract. This paper investigates the issue of areas of occupation and influence and the nature of the Roman limes through a case study of the Romano-Dacia military center/city Porolissum. The author discusses the theory behind the territories controlled and influenced by military centers whereby the center‟s Area of Occupation is the tract of land where the military unit is physically located, the Area of Operation is the territory within which the military unit routinely travels, procures supplies, etc., the Area of Influence is a much broader region which the military unit deals with, keeps a watch over and occasionally enters. This latter region will be filled by fully- or semi-independent settlements. The limes is viewed to be more of a passageway than a barrier. Patterns of artifacts, such as pottery and coins, are illustrated in order to define the limits and function of the Areas.

1

entry or departure.5 With the concept of having a concrete border disintegrated, what remains is the need to visualize how the Roman defensive structures operated within a region. This paper re-evaluates the nature of the limes in the region of northwestern Transylvania, using the municipium of Porolissum as its primary point of departure. Topographical analysis provides a more concrete representation of the area in which Porolissum operated. The combination of both on-site research and three-dimensional mapping allows the construction of a geographical framework which can be adjusted to include probabilities as well as possibilities concerning Roman activity in the area. The material record is then placed into the framework in order to study the systems of interconnection in a region that straddles the Roman border. The result is a clearer model of the nature, range and patterns of communication and interaction, as well as the degree of porosity of the limes in northwestern Dacia. In the wider scope, focusing upon the fort as a nucleus in a network of other nuclei avoids generalizations about the frontier and focuses, instead, on the idiosyncrasies of individual areas.

I. Introduction. Roman Dacia was formed in AD 106 following Emperor Trajan‟s successful campaigns against the Dacian king Decebalus (Fig. 1). Unfortunately we do not possess much in the way of written accounts of the wars, only the sparse fragments of Cassius Dio and a solitary sentence from Trajan himself.2 The most detailed accounts are found, not in the written word, but rather the sculpted reliefs that adorn the famous Column of Trajan in Rome as well as the metopes on the Tropaeum Traiani at Adamklissi.3 The deeper story of Dacia, therefore, must be read from the visual, indeed the archaeological evidence. Because of the importance of the army in the conquest of Dacia and the need for that army to remain in order to defend the limes, the greater amount of archaeological research in Dacia focuses on the military.4 More precisely, the bias towards the military is actually towards those warfare-related aspects of the army. Fort placement and construction, troop movements and strategies, and all other aspects of the army on campaign have been analyzed in great detail. Nonetheless, we cannot forget the role the army played as construction unit and road builder, nor can we neglect the importance of the Roman forts as economic centers. We see the campaign- and defense-oriented mentality in this “dotted line in the sand” depiction of the province, where the Romans are on one side of the line and the Free Dacians are on the other. The idea of a linear border is a modern one but limes, for the Romans, designated areas through which one moved and operated, rather than a point of

II. The site of Porolissum. Porolissum was established immediately upon the conclusion of the Dacian Wars. The name is Dacian in origin and the incorporation of Dacian site names into the Roman one was common as at Colonia Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegethusa. During the reign of Hadrian, Dacia was divided into three provinces and Porolissum became the capital of the most northern of the three, Dacia Porolissensis. There were originally two or three wooden camps at the site which were later rebuilt out of stone. Canabae were established to the south and west, with a major, fully planned, civil settlement in the saddle between two hilltop forts (Fig. 2). The town grew enough to become a municipium under Septimius

1

I would like to thank the Zalău Museum of History and Art for all the assistance during the summer excavations, all members of the Porolissum Forum Project and the faculty at the University of Virginia, namely Professors John J. Dobbins and Tyler Jo Smith of the Classical Art and Archaeology Program, McIntire Department of Art and Art History, and Professor Elizabeth Meyer of the Corcoran Department of History for their support. 2 Dacica I: Inde Berzobim, deinde Aizi processimus; Hannestad 149. 3 Rossi 1971; MacKendrick 1975; Florescu 1965. 4 Oltean 2007, 1-10.

5

Isaac 1990, 38; Whittaker 2004, 3. For a summary of the ongoing debate on the nature of the limes see: Wheeler 1993a.

137

Weiss Severus. It received an important visit from Caracalla in 213 which prompted extensive rebuilding and saw continued rebuilding under Gallienus. Numismatic evidence indicates that the town was still in operation after Aurelian‟s withdrawal from the province in 271.

Production centers further afield that had regular trade with the nucleus without daily interaction as well as native settlements likely held in check by the Roman presence determine the Area of Influence. It should be clarified that modern notions are not being applied to the ancient mentality, that is, it is not being assumed that the Romans thought as we did, but rather, modern terminology is being used to identify regions based on very real topography and capabilities of the Roman army. It should also be clarified that the three areas used here are not separate from each other, but rather overlapping and concentric. The Area of Occupation is contained within, and is part of, the Area of Operation. Likewise, both are smaller parts of the Area of Influence.

In the large geographical picture, Porolissum occupies a location at the terminus of the road connecting the major towns in Roman Dacia, at the very limit of the province. The road does not stop at Porolissum, but rather continues northwest through Barbaricum and on to Aquincum, the capital of Lower Pannonia. The presence of a customs station at Porolissum indicates that there was substantial native traffic coming into the empire. In addition to occupying a prominent place on the road, Porolissum also sits on a ridgeline that commands the surest entry point into the Transylvania Plain by way of river. To the northeast, the Someş dips south and then sharply turns north again. The valley in which this great bend occurs lies between the Meseş Mountains to the south and the east Carpathians to the north and east creating a large, relatively flat, passageway into Dacia from the northwest. Even if the rivers which flowed out of the Transylvanian Plain were not sufficient for water transport, the valleys in which they lie are the most trafficable arteries in the region and would have been overseen by the Romans. Simply stated, Porolissum sits at the limit of the Roman province commanding the major throughways coming in and out. The specifics of that position, however, cannot be determined from the large geographical picture. The broader context within the Empire does not explain the origin or variety of goods, nor does it demonstrate the mechanics of the Roman defense system as it copes with possible external threats, trade and communication. In order to establish a more concrete understanding of how the Romans functioned in northwestern Dacia, the areas in which specific activities were either known to take place or viable must be identified and their interrelationships must be understood.

The Area of Influence, therefore, represents the limit of the region of responsibility for the unit. For that reason, the term Area of Influence is used to designate the entire region. It is not, however, a concrete limit. As the areas are analyzed, the level of precision declines the further the distance from the nucleus. The Area of Occupation is the most precise because it has been marked out, in many cases very clearly, by the occupants. The Area of Operation becomes slightly more nebulous, but still defined largely by topographical features and civil settlements. The Area of Influence is the most indistinct and subjective as the conclusions which can be drawn from the evidence move further from the realm of probabilities into that of possibilities. The Areas of Influence, therefore, comprise many factors: topography, population density, resources and their locations, supply and demand, economic framework and so forth. Paths of travel obviously shorten when going over ridges and extend along rivers or highly trafficable valleys. An exceptional distance between a nucleus and a known source of raw materials might extend the reach of influence while impassable regions or regions of heavily concentrated hostility might truncate its extent. Sometimes the area cannot be assessed by the concrete evidence in the region alone. In instances where specific knowledge is lacking, the concrete must be fused with possibilities and probabilities that are evident from our knowledge of other regions and similar situations.

III. Areas of Occupation, Operation and Influence. The region for which any Roman fort was responsible can be broken down into three zones or areas: Area of Occupation, Area of Operation and Area of Influence (Fig. 3). These terms are modifications of modern military terminology concerning offensive and defensive deployment. The Area of Occupation is that area which the unit physically occupies to include forts, auxiliary structures, demarcated precincts and any other feature that designates continuous presence. It is the nucleus of the subsequent areas. The Area of Operation is that area throughout which the unit functions on a quotidian basis. Feasible patrol routes, trade routes with proximate trade centers and immediate agricultural territory all determine the shape and scope of the Area of Operation. The Area of Influence is the area upon which the unit can have considerable effect, although not necessarily continuous.6

IV. Areas of Occupation, Operation and Influence of Porolissum. Porolissum‟s position in the history and geography of Roman Dacia has been briefly stated above. In the large scale view of the Empire, it is easy to see that the fort was both an economic and defensive frontier outpost. How the fort specifically functioned in those roles cannot be seen in the general picture so a more detailed on-the-ground study is necessary. Moreover, the detailed study must extend its limits further than a mere monograph.7 If an Empire-wide study is too general to systems normally under the commander‟s command or control. This entails many factors such as the maximum effective ranges of small arms fire and supporting arms such as artillery and air support. 7 I am referring here to monographs in general, but for the specific monographs on Porolissum see Gudea 1996 and 1998.

6

In modern terminology, it is a geographical area wherein a commander is directly capable of influencing operations by maneuver or fire support

138

Influence and Observation: Towards a more Concrete Understanding of the Roman-Dacian Limes examine the details, then a strict monograph is too focused on the physical location of the site to draw valuable conclusions about the larger regional picture. The study of the Area of Influence of Porolissum provides a medium between the two extremes. By starting with the smallest area, that of occupation, we can move our focus outwards from the site and draw conclusions as to what each area tells us about Porolissum‟s influence in the immediate region.

Operation The limit of a fort‟s Area of Operation is often indicated by an auxiliary structure. Near the edges of Porolissum‟s operational capabilities there are medium forts such as Romita and Romanaşi along the Agrij River, lesser forts on the slopes of hills either covering Porolissum‟s blind spots or placing a unit closer to a path of travel, and there are the watchtowers. A map has been made to show how the forts were linked to the watchtowers by line of sight (Fig. 5). What the diagram fails to show, however, is the real purpose for the fort and the later settlement, that of dominating the surrounding countryside. True, it maintains contact with a defensible ridgeline, but, perhaps more importantly, it commands the valley to the east, and the Agrij river, a major transportation highway into the province. Supporting this premise is the proximity of Tihău to the major fork in the river both in terms of distance and elevation. Further south, the forts of Romita and Romanaşi are placed immediately adjacent to the river. What is more, Romita has direct line of sight contact with Porolissum. River transportation was generally less expensive and easier than land transportation, so it also seems counter-intuitive that the Romans did not exercise control of the other river within their vicinity, which runs in front of and parallel to the watchtower line at the base of the ridgeline.

Occupation The Area of Occupation of Porolissum is easily identified by the surviving ruins of the Roman structures (Fig. 4). The primary structures are the two forts, a large one (226 x 294 m) on the Pomet Hill, which held about 4,000 troops, and a smaller one (66.65 x 101.10 m), likely an auxiliary camp holding about 500, on Citera Hill. 8 Both forts are oriented to the northeast. In the saddle between these two forts was a civil settlement currently under excavation by the Porolissum Forum Project.9 To the southeast of the settlement is the cemetery on the Ursoieşi Hill. Behind the Pomet fort to the southwest is a structure that has been identified as a bath and an amphitheater further down the slope.10 To the west, along the road that passes in front of the Pomet fort and out towards modernday Moigrad, is an area labeled as sanctuary terrace which includes, among others, temples to Jupiter Dolichenus and Liber Pater. At the western end of the terrace is a customs building, the only known example in the Empire.11 All of these structures sit behind an earthen vallum that extends both west and northeast along the ridgeline. The Area of Occupation therefore exists as a semi-circle from extending from the Citera fort to the customs building. It is limited in the north by the vallum and in the south by the slope of the hill as it descends to the Pomet Brook.

The presence of the towers on the ridgeline lead scholars to mark the border here. However, there is a great error in applying to watchtowers a limiting function. The primary function of a watchtower is to observe. While, for defensive purposes, it is desirable to place those observation posts as far out as is feasible in order to increase any advance in warning, their effectiveness is augmented by occupying the highest point in the region. This is supported by the presence of watchtowers as components of the villa complexes in the Hunedoara region and more effectively by the location of the watchtower on the hilltop behind the fort at Tihău. The watchtowers in the network of Porolissum should, therefore, be viewed as an extension of the garrison‟s visibility rather than the limit of its power.

What we can discern from the Area of Occupation has been examined in the monograph. Basic conclusions can be drawn from the layout of the site. The primary entrances of the two forts face northeast. The orientation of the forts and the line of the vallum indicate that the military threat is to the north. The civil settlement sits behind the forts, well protected, and the cemetery sits behind the settlement marking its limit. The bath and the amphitheater are adjacent to the Pomet fort, primarily for use by the soldiers. The amphitheater is fairly small (60 m on the long axis) but suffices as a training area. Moreover, the amphitheater, baths, and temples on the sanctuary terrace are among the first structures visible upon coming through the customs house, placing a very Roman stamp on the town‟s entrance.

Forts and watchtowers are static elements of the Roman military. The units themselves are dynamic and the range of their capabilities as a mobile force must be taken into account when determining its Area of Operation. Much can be learned from military studies in terms of population and interaction, especially when they are coupled with studies of the Roman economy. Such studies provide us with general, and sometimes even specific, information on troop travel capabilities and logistical needs. One particular work of note is Adrian Diaconescu‟s article on Roman tactics.12 In the absence of Trajan‟s own account of the Dacian Wars, Diaconescu has attempted, quite successfully, to determine the logistical considerations of the Roman army by analyzing the spacing of the primary and secondary forts along the major artery in the province, ending at Porolissum. Troop movement, he concluded, played a key role in the

8

These forts were occupied by various units at different periods in the site‟s history. For a full account see Gudea 1998, 4-5, 10-19. 9 Under the direction of Alexandru V. Matei and Eric C. De Sena (www.porolissum.org). 10 For the excavation of the bath and amphitheater see Gudea 1998, 93110. 11 For the inscriptions identifying the structure, see Gudea et al. 1996.

12

139

Daiconescu 1997.

Weiss placement of fortifications. Although the physical advantages of location are more important when it comes to primary fortress placement, movement to and from these fortifications takes a considerable amount of time when the size of the force and all its supporting elements are taken into account.

the way to Şimleu-Silvaniei (Fig. 7). Stamped pottery from Porolissum, as well as a considerable corpus of imitation Roman coins, has been found in the Silvaniei Depression. The distance to Şimleu-Silvaniei is on the edge of the extreme limit of Porolissum‟s maximum Area of Operation. It is more likely that the true distance should be cut in half to account for going out, conducting business, and then returning. This is not to say that there was not constant contact between Porolissum and Şimleu-Silvaniei. The Dacian settlement would have had its own Area of Operation and contact took place where the two met.14 The Area of Operation of Porolissum, therefore, likely reached out to Zalău and Ortelec in the West, or slightly beyond, and up to the ridgeline north of Brebi. To the south and east, the area extended to encompass the Agrij valley beyond Romita, but without reaching much farther than Romanaşi. The latter fort is approximately the halfway point between Porolissum and Buciumi (Fig. 8). Buciumi is a prominent fort but subordinate to Porolissum. 15 Buciumi has its own Area of Operation which either abuts or overlaps that of Porolissum, but it is located closer to the river and served to oversee the valley. Buciumi, therefore, falls within Porolissum‟s Area of Influence.

The evidence of some reliably dated milestones and the Tabula Peutingeriana provide adequate evidence to reconstruct the road system in the province although the distances in the latter are either inaccurate or miscopied. The main roads constructed after the conquest seem to coincide with the main routes used by the army during the wars. What is not indicated initially, but becomes clear later on, is that the path of the conquering army partially dictated the subsequent Roman placement of cities and land use in the province. The major cities are not necessarily founded at the most advantageous location economically, but rather at locations most convenient for troop movement. After amending some distances taken from the Tabula Peutingeriana, Diaconescu suggests a Roman road system based on twelve-mile increments. Twelve miles was the optimum distance for a military march, including baggage train, to cover in a day. The vanguard would set out before dawn and would later establish the camp. Some trains were so long that the new camp would have been under construction before the last of the supporting units left the initial checkpoint. The system works out so that major forts are 72 Roman miles apart, with a secondary point at 36 miles. For example, the major highway through the center of Transylvania is a series of 72-mile increments from Berzobis to Sarmizegetusa to Apulum to Napoca, all of which have secondary forts between them (Fig. 6). Citing passages from Ambrosius and Josephus, Diaconescu argues for a standard Roman practice of a three day march with a fourth-day rest. The secondary points sometimes have the additional function of intersecting other avenues of approach. For example: Tibiscum, the site halfway between Sarmizegetusa and Berzobis is approximately 72 miles from the major Danubian fort of Dierna. This system was simultaneously rational and rigid. While Sarmizegetusa is the major strategic intersection and eventual capital of Roman Dacia, Diaconescu argues that its situation would have been improved if it had been located 18 kilometers east.13

Influence Three key features of the site indicate that an abundance of traffic was coming into Porolissum from beyond the walls: the road, the vallum, and the customs station. The first of these is the road itself which leads from the fort, along the sanctuary terrace and to the gate. While the Roman road may end at Porolissum, the route itself continued onwards into the Silvaniei Depression and further to Aquincum.16 The second feature is a curious area of the vallum where the wall splits and then converges again, forming what has been described as a detaining area. Directly across the road from this area is the customs house. The excavations of the customs house reveal the various goods coming in through the border, primarily raw materials such as grain, wax, honey, cattle, pelts, and unworked metal from the north and west. 17 The Romans are, in turn, exporting salt, luxury ceramics, and manufactured iron and bronze. Although the evidence from the customs station tells us what was coming into the town, it does not tell us from where. The Dacian sites are not mapped beyond the river here. Unfortunately, Dacian and Roman sites are seldom analyzed in conjunction; János Nemeti lamented over ten years ago that, to date, no systematic research from the Roman period of the Craşna and Zalău valleys has been

Projecting Diaconescu‟s conclusions outwards from Porolissum can help determine the capabilities of the army as an active, though not necessarily aggressive force beyond the known boundaries as well as within. If the Roman Army moved 12-15 miles a day, they could easily reach Zalău which is only slightly over 6 miles by road. If the army continued on to their full extension, it could make twice the distance. Now if it is not the army, but rather traders and merchants, traveling by water, unencumbered by armor and not required to build defenses upon arrival, and the daily trek could reach all

14

Part of the future scope of this project is to analyse the Areas of Influence of the Dacian settlements as well as the other Roman forts. 15 Chirilă 1972, 7-12. 16 While no archaeological excavations have been carried out on the road beyond the sanctuary terrace, the topographical analysis of the region indicates that the road continued into the draw that flanks Magura hill to the west. See Gudea, 1998, pl. II.3. 17 Godłowski 1985, 337-386; see Orzechowski in this volume.

13

Diaconescu 1997, 23: If located further east, Sarmizegethusa would have had a more dominant position in the Hunedoara Plain.

140

Influence and Observation: Towards a more Concrete Understanding of the Roman-Dacian Limes conducted, but that is changing.18 Looking toward the customs building, between the watchtowers on the ridge and the fort, is Magura Hill, which was the location of the Dacian settlement prior to 106 (Fig. 9).19 The inhabitants on the Magura moved off concurrently with the Roman establishment of Porolissum.20 Where the inhabitants went is open to speculation, but there are two possibilities. Either the population was absorbed into the Roman settlement or, more likely, they relocated further north. The former option is unlikely because of the hostilities between the Roman and Dacians at the time of Porolissum‟s establishment. When the Romans moved into Dacia permanently, the local inhabitants were forced to move off their hilltop settlements into more manageable and observable locations. In the center of the province it is unlikely that the natives were evicted from the territory entirely, and more likely that they settled nearby outside of the immediate hinterlands of the Roman settlements. Near the edges, however, it is possible that the natives migrated northwards in order to be free of direct foreign rule or were simply expelled. To support this, we have an excerpt from Cassius Dio (73.3) that cites a prohibition against either dwelling or grazing cattle within a five-mile strip adjacent to the Roman holdings in Dacia.21 There is no way to be sure whether the policy was universal, but Tacitus writes under other circumstances about a territorium reserved for soldiers‟ use. Avitus is completely uncompromising when dealing with the requests of the Frisians and the Ampisivarii to settle in that territory, whether or not it was being used. 22 The logistical importance of such an area is apparent for feeding the army, but if it is not being used, then its enforced emptiness is likely a defensive preventative measure.

agreed quantities of grain.25 Tacitus and Dio reveal a high level of imperial regulation of the frontier trade between barbarians and Romans, and although the scope of their observations is the Rhine-Danube region, the penetration of the rivers into northwestern Dacia should have required just as much, if not more, intervention and regulation.26 Qualitatively, we can be certain that the Roman forts operated in a trade network that extended into Barbaricum. Despite any number of references to external peoples attending Roman markets on or beyond the frontier, however, the real problem is quantifying the level at which they contributed to the economy of the Roman settlement. In order to obtain any specifics on Porolissum‟s external trade patterns, the material evidence from the site itself as well as the outlying sites must be examined. It is a formidable task and the picture is never truly complete, but what exists in the material record at least allows us some information on the economy of the fort. V. Porolissum as an economic point. In the general economic sense, Porolissum is best viewed as a consumer. All forts are consumers based on the fact that the complex itself is designed for storage rather than production – storage of men, horses, supplies, etc. Although the extent of consumption is nowhere near that of Rome itself, the logistical needs of the Roman forts as consumers require an examination of the surrounding area. Porolissum did have its own production centers, but we currently do not understand the quantity of agricultural and craft goods produced at Porolissum vs. how much was brought in from its hinterland, including the adjacent area of Barbaricum. The most vital import for the fort was no doubt grain and other foodstuffs. Armies are more often destroyed by starvation than by battle, says Vegetius, and the only remedy is advanced storage of grain.27 In order for Porolissum to have ample grain to feed its garrison as well as a reserve supply, a large acreage under cultivation outside the fort was required. Like any large army in a scarcely populated region, Porolissum required external supplies of grain. 28 It is difficult and often unreliable to ascertain precise numbers on population/acreage ratios. We cannot be positive of how much land was required to grow enough grain to feed the army. Additionally, while we can guess the size of the army by determining the size of the units garrisoned there, there is no sure method for discerning the total population that would have also included logistic personnel, craftsmen, tradesmen, and other peripheral persons. Generally, a comparison can be made to present land usage. The modern village of Moigrad has a population of about 500 people and utilizes the entire ridge and into the surrounding valleys for grain and pasture. The Citera fort alone held 500 auxiliary troops while the Pomet fort held about 4,000. Without the

Expulsion from the vicinity of Roman forts does not by any means exclude interaction. Evidence exists in other parts of the Empire of external peoples bringing in grain, likely for sale.23 If not freely, then goods could have been brought in compulsorily as is the case with the tribute of cattle hides imposed on the Frisians.24 Whether it was on a voluntary basis or by force, the extension of the trade network beyond the frontier was another method of control. By the second century the client kingdoms and buffer states had begun to disappear from the Roman Imperial framework, but that does not negate the presence of buffer zones where the Romans maintained some degree of influence and even control without physically occupying it. In the case of the Quadi and the Marcomanni, a centurion was sent to watch over the markets to ensure that they provided the Romans with 18

Nemeti and Gindele 1997, 607. To avoid confusion, “magura” simply means “my hill” and there are many Maguras throughout Transylvania. Quite often the designation receives an extension derived from the closest known toponym such as Magura Moigrad or Magura Şimleu. The latter is discussed in detail by Pop 2006. 20 Matei, pers. comm. 21 This decree is expressly for the Buri who live to the north and northeast of Dacia, due east of the Free Dacians living near Porolissum. 22 Ann. 13.54-55. 23 OBuNjem 72 and commentary by Marichal 1992. 24 Tacitus Ann. 4.72; Whittaker 2002, 231. 19

25

Dio 72.2.4: siton takton; Whittaker 2002, 231. Ørsted 1985, 258, fn 361. 27 Veg. Epit. 3.3; See also: Caesar Bell. Civ. 1.72.1; Frontinus Strat. 4.7.1; and Ammianus 25.7.4; Monfort 2002, 70. 28 Whittaker 1994, 104. 26

141

Weiss peripheral personnel, the land requirement for the Roman garrison would have been nine times what it is today. 29

coinage. As the Dacian state gradually grew economically, foreign coinage continued to come into Dacia and the area of circulation as well as the amounts grew. This Greek infiltration combined with the export of Dacian salt along the Salt Road which runs through Şimleu and Zalău, created some restructuring in the pattern of Dacian society.34 It was upon these interconnections between Dacia and external points of interest that the Romans mapped their network. A massive influx of Roman Republican denarii took place sometime around 75-65 BC and an incredible number of coin hoards have been found in Romania dating 150-200 years prior to the Roman invasion. 35 In fact, the importance of Roman currency was such that the Dacians began to make exact copies of Roman denarii. The practice is something of an anomaly and creates obvious problems for researchers, but from a historical standpoint it is curious because the Dacians seem to have been hesitant to adopt other Roman practices. Religion, dress and social structure, even if not uniform across the GetoDacian spectrum, seem to have maintained their native characteristics.36 The fiercely unifying reigns of Burebista (ca. 60-44 BC) and Decebalus (ca. AD 85-106) produced a near-xenophobia except in matters that were purely practical: in the 1st century BC, the Roman iron ploughshare replaced that of the Thraco-Dacian type, and by the 1st century AD, the Geto-Dacians were using both Greek and Latin alphabets.37 The adoption of technology, in this case the iron tools, is an inevitable occurrence especially in a society heavily dependent upon agriculture. It has little to do with social norms or way of life, but rather is an improvement on a process. The use of Greek and Latin language, introduced largely with Greek and Roman coinage, indicates participation in an economy larger than the parameters of the culture. Dacia‟s location in relation to the Danube, the Black Sea and the Salt Road places it in the center of economic activity at the time, rather than the periphery, and the conformity of currency to that of the economic giants in the region is highly intuitive, if not inevitable.

The most prominent material needed for Porolissum‟s production centers was clay, of which there was an abundance of deposits along the nearby rivers. The clay samples from the entire region do not differ enough to determine any precise sources, but the product can tell us about its distribution. Porolissum manufactured a distinct type of pottery dubbed sigillata Porolissensis that is routinely found at Şimleu and Panic as well as along the limes at the other forts,30 indicating exported materials and thereby imply imports whether the trade is in cash or in kind. Economic studies of the British frontier have insisted that there was no single economy in place, but rather several existing simultaneously and often operating independently from each other. What the presence of the Romans did was not necessarily demand conformity, but rather integrated the existing networks.31 Another required resource for Porolissum‟s productivity was sponge iron for the production of nails, clasps, tools, and various other items. The Carpathian Mountains were rich in ores which alone made Dacia a profitable acquisition. One of the largest smelting areas was the Maramureş region, specifically around Baia Mare, approximately 85 kilometers to the north of Porolissum (Fig. 10). The distance is roughly the same as the distance between Porolissum and Cluj-Napoca. While it would, perhaps, be the very limit of the Roman Area of Influence in the region, it is certainly feasible that the Romans would take an interest in this resource-rich region and affect the productivity of the peoples in the area. It would not be an isolated phenomenon. Orzechowski has demonstrated the impact of a relatively distant Roman presence on the smelting centers of the Przeworsk culture people operating in the Świętokrzskie Mountains. 32 Despite the emphasis on the Dacian goldmines in the literature, iron remained the single most important resource in the Empire, not just for military weaponry, but also construction and agriculture.33 Not only would it have been profitable, and almost necessary, for the Romans to exercise control over the smelting centers of the Baia Mare region, but the proximity of the region to the Someş River, a known access route into the province, makes it highly probable that they did so.

The large numbers of Roman coins that have been found in the Maramureş region that surrounds Baia Mare further enhances the probability of Roman involvement in those smelting centers.38 Roman coins, both isolated and in hoards, have also been found at several locations outside the limes.39 The coins in the region have a vast chronological range and it has been suggested that a numismatic study may be the next viable systematic approach to understanding the consequences of the Roman occupation of Dacia.40 Mihailescu-Bîrliba has attempted to use numismatic evidence to determine the influence of the Roman troops beyond Porolissum. Unfortunately, although the reasoning is sound and the

Coin Finds Coinage is perhaps the greatest indicator of Roman influence in Dacia even prior to the conquest. After the middle of the 2nd century BC, aspects of Greek religion began to disseminate into Dacia along with Greek 29

The inexactitude of these numbers is apparent, but the scale of the difference is enough to suggest that the Roman occupants needed much more than was immediately present. 30 Gudea 1998, 111-127; in addition to the terra sigillata Porolissensis, imitation Roman denarii have been found, as well as a wheel-thrown pottery production center, indicating the export of Roman technology as well trade items, see esp. Matei 1985. 31 Haynes 2002, 116. 32 Orzechowski in this volume. 33 Pliny, NH 34.41.142; Edmondson 1989, 84.

34

Chirilă and Matei 1986, 112. Lockyear 1995, 85, 95-96. 36 Daicoviciu 1984, 87. 37 For the ploughshare, see: Daicoviciu 1984; for the use of Greek and Latin see Berciu 1978, 49. 38 Berciu 1978, 74. 39 Găzdac 2003. 40 Ignat 1997, 497. 35

142

Influence and Observation: Towards a more Concrete Understanding of the Roman-Dacian Limes conclusions make sense, the method falls short by artificially dividing the region in question into concentric arcs (Fig. 11).41 Basic conclusions can, however, be derived from the information presented. While the map alone does not tell us a great deal about distribution, it is important to note that a larger percentage of the finds dated after the conquest are located closer to the rivers. When the actual value of the coins is taken into account, the value of the coins from the center sections are about equal to each other prior to the conquest (A1=6,149 HS, B1=6,075 HS). Evidently, this region would have been the limited region of influence of the Dacian settlements on Magura and Citera. However, afterwards, the higher value of coins outside the border is in the more distant regions (4,171 HS). Mihailescu-Bîrliba‟s analysis conforms with Dio‟s account of Commodus‟ relations with the Buri and Tacitus‟ description of Avitus‟ regard for the territorium cited above. The coin evidence indicates that the natives displaced beyond the watchtower ridge, but continued to participate in the Roman economic system.

the northern regions of the two provinces, thereby decreasing the perimeter to make it more economical to defend and stabilize the region. Such an assessment, however, arrives from our artificial view of the province from above. By taking a different approach to the use of a map, the unusual shape of the province is explained. Rather than view the province as a region demarcated by a border, it is more appropriate to view the region as a series of connected Areas of Influence (Fig. 6). In the East, there is the Olt river, which also served as a major highway, and in the West, there is the Roman Road which links all of the large cities in the province, beginning on the Danube at Lederata and cutting through Berzobis, Ulpia Traiana (Sarmizegethusa), Apulum, Napoca and finally reaching Porolissum. So in essence, rather than having a boundary marked and then reinforced, the province is really two networks of trade and communication, one by river and one by road, with their peripheries protected. The Western Carpathians are a formidable natural border, but could certainly be overcome via the northern access out of Pannonia. The region between the two provinces was occupied by the Iazyges who farmed the land and raised livestock. Domitian campaigned against the Iazyges but failed to advance beyond the Danube. Trajan made them allies, but the alliance was short-lived: they eventually fought against Rome during the Marcomannic Wars. Despite the brief allegiance commanded by Trajan, the region in question cannot have remained independent solely because of some mutual non-aggression pact as it were, especially in light of the hostilities just prior to Trajan and the return to aggression shortly afterwards. It is seldom the case that one factor carries the total weight of Imperial policy. In the case of Dacia, while the natural mountainous boundary and the political amiability with the Iazyges were factors contributing to the shape of the province, it is the distance and inaccessibility from the pertinent nuclei that made the incorporation of the Iazyges‟ territory unfavorable.

After the conquest, Roman coins, both original and imitation continued to circulate in the region of the Silvaniei Depression. The source is likely Porolissum since the coins have been often found together with stamped pottery from the fort‟s production centers.42 Thomas Burns stated that the uniformity of coinage underscores the permanency of Roman rule both within and without its borders, but rule is a strong word, especially considering that Roman coinage had been circulating in Dacia during a time when Decebalus kept Domitian on the far side of the Danube. 43 Even after the end of the Roman occupation, imitations of Roman coins continued to circulate, perhaps as a status symbol.44 Regardless, the presence of the coins, whether authentic or imitation, combined with the pottery finds outside the province indicate an active participation by the Romans, whether directly or through agents, in the economies of territories that they did not physically occupy.

The concept of analyzing the Roman forts as nuclei in Areas of Influence is supported by the Roman propensity for autonomy.45 Rather than consider the forts as elements contained within a large conglomerate empire, it is better to consider them as individual components with their own networks operating within the greater network of the Empire. Socially, this desire is apparent in the patron-client system, where a prominent citizen sits upon a pyramid of lower status citizens, who provide for their patron in the anticipation of future favors. The patronclient system can take form also in a Roman fort and its relationship to its periphery, where the fort is the patron and its clients are the local farmers, artisans, and

VI. The Network of Dacia. Topographical analysis and the identification of Areas of Influence readily demonstrate the functions of Roman nuclei on a macro scale. Therefore, having examined Porolissum as a nucleus, we must identify it as a component in the overall network of Roman Dacia. On a map, Dacia appears as a curious projection from the rest of the Empire (Fig. 1). It seems counter-intuitive that there should exist an enormous wedge that fell outside of Roman control between Dacia and Pannonia. From a modern strategic standpoint, it would make much more sense to connect 41

Mihailescu-Bîrliba, 1995, 243. Mihailescu-Bîrliba confesses to the problems of the “dots-on-map” method, and the shortcomings of the use of concentric arcs have already been discussed above. The map only generally indicates terrain which can only truly be assessed from a three-dimensional approach. 42 Săşianu 1980, 40-41. 43 Burns 2003, 168. 44 The imitation of Roman coins is an enormous topic that deserves special attention, see Lockyear 2004, 33-74; Crawford 1977, 117.

45

A pertinent example of the desire for autonomy is found in Columella‟s work on agriculture, which essentially describes the ideal farm as entirely self-sufficient. de Re Rustica, especially XI, where he describes the duties of the bailiff, who should be ignorant of nothing and make every effort to avoid the need to go into town. Columella‟s world is, of course, an ideal one which probably never existed in a pure manifestation, but it is certainly reasonable to say that perfect selfsufficiency was the goal.

143

Weiss tradesmen who wish to continue operating in the area under Roman auspices.

VII. Conclusion and Next Steps. The model proposed in this article suggests that the real Area of Influence of Porolissum more closely resembles the modern county delineation than suspected. The Romans themselves did not think in terms of linear borders, but rather thought of the limes as the Frontier Territory, or quite often as a Frontier Road. We have no textual descriptions of one crossing the border, but rather moving within them. 48 A line of watchtowers is a miscue, they are merely auxiliary elements to the territory as a whole. By examining the limits and capabilities of visibility, movement, transportation and influence, a better picture is created of the actual regions in which Roman Forts operated and spread influence. The theoretical maps can be laid out, and then confirmed through the archaeological evidence. The fusion of the concrete evidence with the assessment of possibilities versus probabilities based on similar circumstances from the Empire results in a nebulous perception of the Roman borders. The strict coreperiphery with mutual borders breaks down into a string of interconnected amorphous regions that sometimes operate contiguously. While the physical perception of the frontiers is less tangible, our understanding of those borders becomes more concrete. The convenience of twodimensional depiction of the Roman Empire lessens the awareness of the connectivity of the components of that Empire, whether that connection is physical, as if along a river, visual, as with Porolissum and its watchtowers or Romita, or even an invisible, intangible connection through trade as has been found at Panic.

In a military and political sense, the network of Roman Dacia is created by interconnecting nuclei of disseminated authority. Ulpia Traiana (Sarmizegethusa) and Apulum (Alba Iulia) were the primary centers of the tripartite province. The former was the financial, religious, and legislative center while the latter was the military center and headquarters of legio XIII Gemina, the permanent army of occupation. Both settlements are approximately equidistant from the halfway point of the main road that runs from Lederata to Porolissum. It makes sense that both are centrally located for provincial administration, and that the political center is located closer to the main body of the Empire while the military center is closer to unoccupied territory. From the two centers of Ulpia Traiana and Apulum, the network of Dacia extends to the lesser forts and settlements in the province. If the connections between the locations are designated as simple linear paths of communication, then the map indicates that the range of communication lessens considerably when the communities are off the main road.46 The primary nuclei are capable of, and responsible for, communicating over longer distances along the primary route. When off the main road, the realm of responsibility becomes tighter knit and more immediate. Moving north from Apulum, the next major nucleus is Potaissa, the eventual headquarters of the legio V Macedonia.47 The road then continues on to Porolissum.

Although the Area of Influence, which quite possibly reached to Şimleu-Silvaniei, cannot, with absolute certainty be said to encompass the entire modern county, it is certainly a much greater area than previously believed (Fig. 7). The evidence of Roman coinage and sigillata Porolissensis in this area of Barbaricum is encouraging, but there is still much to be done with the corpus of excavated material.49 The next step, which is currently underway, is the detailed analysis of maps, finds and actual on-site terrain analysis of the region and the settlements within it. Careful analysis of other nuclei will be instructive as it will reveal overlapping Areas of Influence, redundancy and even blind spots in coverage. As the continued research of the region brings forth new information which adds more specificity to the model, it is hoped that this thought process can be applied anywhere in the Empire.

Porolissum is also the capital of Dacia Porolissensis. Its status as capital already suggests a dominance over a larger area than indicated on the map. If the ridgeline of the Meseş Mountains was the true limit of the Roman interest in the area, then a more centrally located capital such as Napoca or Potaissa, would be much more intuitive. As it is, Porolissum appears to be unique because it is a political center incorporated into the defensive system at the very limit of the province it administers. On the surface, these two functions orient Porolissum‟s focus in two different directions: politically, the fort is focused inwards toward the rest of the province while defensively, it is focused outwards into Barbaricum. Porolissum also had a third function as production and economic center. The quality and range of the fort‟s trade network has been revealed by the material evidence to be multidirectional, extending beyond, along and within the borders. The larger view of the Empire and the province show Porolissum at the very edge, but a finer-grained examination of the site itself reveals a more realistic and regional picture of a core center that operated within its own district that extended beyond any protective „frontier‟. 46

It should also be noted that Romula, the capital of Dacia Inferior, is the only capital not on this road, perhaps due a need to have a political center close both to the Danube as well as the Greek colonies along the Black Sea. 47 Barbulescu 1987; Isac 1999.

48

Isaac 1990, 408. Pop 1997: In presenting the Roman period finds from the vicinity of Şimleu-Silvaniei, many of the items are listed as „unpublished.‟ 49

144

REFERENCES GUDEA, N., et al. (1996), Porolissum. Un complex dacoroman la marginea de nord a imperiului roman, 2. Vama romană. Monografie arheologică. Contribuţii la cunoaşterea sistemului vamal din provinciile dacice, Bibliotheca Musei Napocensis 12, Cluj: National History Museum of Transylvania.

BĂRBULESCU, M. (1987), Din istoria militară a Daciei romane, Cluj-Napoca. BARKER, T. and A. SUTCLIFFE, eds. (1993), Megalopolis: the giant city in history, London.

GUDEA, N. (1998), Porolissum: Ausschnitte aus dem Leben einer dakisch-römischen Grenzsiedlung aus dem Nordwesten der Provinz Dacia Porolissensis, Amsterdam: Hakkert.

BERCIU, D. (1978), Daco-Romania, Geneva. BIRLEY, A.R. (1991), “Rome‟s Eastern Frontier,” The Classical Review 41, 411-13. BURNS, T.S. (2003), Rome and the Barbarians, Baltimore.

GUDEA, N., ed. (1997), Römer und Barbaren an den Grenzen des römischen Daciens, Acta Musei Porolissensis 21, Zalǎu: Museum of History and Art.

CHIRILĂ, E. and A.V. MATEI (1986), “Tezarul dacic de la Cehei,” Acta Musei Porolissensis X, 95-117.

HANNESTAD, N. (1986), Roman Art and Imperial Policy, Højbjerg.

CHIRILĂ, E., et al. (1972), Das Römerlager von Bucium, Zalău: Muzeul de Istorie şi Artă.

HAYNES, I. (2002), “Britain‟s First Information Revolution. The Roman army and the transformation of economic life,” in Erdkamp 2002, 111-126.

CONOLLY, J. and M. LAKE (2006), Geographical Information Systems in Archaeology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

HERZ, P. (2002), “Die Logistik der kaiserzeitlichen Armee. Strukturelle Überlegungen,” in Erdkamp 2002.

CRAWFORD, M.H. (1977), “Republican denarii in Romania: the suppression of piracy and the slave-trade,” JRS 67, 117-124.

IGNAT, D. and S. BULZAN (1997), “Roman Imperial period discoveries in the Middle Basin of Barcău river,” in Gudea 1997, 487-523.

DAICOVICIU, H. (1984), “La romanisation de la Province de Dacie,” Acta Musei Napocensis 21, 81-93.

ISAAC, B. (1990), The Limits of Empire. The Roman Army in the East, New York: Oxford University Press.

DIACONESCU, A. (1997), “Dacia under Trajan. Some Observations on Roman Tactics and Strategy,” Acta Musei Napocensis 34.1, 13-52.

ISAC, D. (1999), “Die Entwicklung der Erforschungen des Limes nach 1983 im nördischen Dakien (Porolissensis) in Roman Frontier Studies,” in N. Gudea (ed.) Proceedings from the XVIIth Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, 151-170.

EDMONDSON, J.C. (1989), “Mining in the Later Roman Empire and Beyond: Continuity or Disruption?” Journal of Roman Studies 79, 84-102.

LENGYEL, A. and G.T.B. RADAN (1980), The Archaeology of Roman Pannonia, Budapest.

ERDKAMP, P., ed. (2002), The Roman Army and the Economy, Amsterdam: Gieben.

LOCKYEAR, K. (1995), “The supply of Roman Republican denarii to Romania,” Studii şi Cercetǎri de Numismaticǎ 11, 85-102.

FLORESCU, F.B. (1965), Die Siegesdenkmal von Adamklissi: Tropaeum Traiani, Bonn: Habelt.

LOCKYEAR, K. (2004), “The late Iron Age background to Roman Dacia,” in W.S Hanson and I.P. Haynes (eds.), Roman Dacia: The Making of a Provincial Society, Portsmouth: Journal of Roman Archaeology, 33-74.

GARNSEY, P. and R. SALLER (1987), The Roman Empire: economy, society and culture, London. GǍZDAC, C. (2003), Monetary Circulation in Dacia and the Provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Consantine I (AD 106-337), Diss. Dacicae. Cluj.

LUTTWAK, E.N. (1979), The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire. From the First Century A.D. to the Third, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

GODŁOWSKI, K. (1985), “Przemiany kulturowe i osadnicze w południowej i środkowej Polsce w młodszym okresie przedrzymskim i okresie rzymskim,” Prace Komisji Archeologicznej PAN, Oddział w Krakowie, nr 23, Wrocław–Warszawa– Kraków.

MACKENDRICK, P. (1975), The Dacian Stones Speak, Chapel Hill: North Caroline University Press. MARICHAL, R. (1992), Les ostraca de Bu Njem, Tripoli.

145

Weiss MIHAILESCU-BÎRLIBA, V. (1995), “Some inferences from the numismatic evidence across a Roman frontier segment (north-west of Dacia Porolissensis,” in W. Groenman-van Waateringe (ed.), Roman Frontier Studies, Exeter.

WOOLF, G. (2004), “The present state and future scope of Roman Archaeology: a comment,” American Journal of Archaeology 108, 417-28. ZANKER, P. (1995), Wohngeschmack, Mainz.

MONTFORT, C.C. (2002), “The Roman Supply during the Principate. Transportation and Staples,” in Erdkamp 2002, 70-89. MORLEY, N. (1996), Metropolis and Hinterland. The City of Rome and the Italian Economy 200 BC – AD 200, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. NEMETI, J. and R. GINDELE (1997), “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Careigegend im 2.-4. Jahrhundert n. Chr.,” in Gudea 1997, 599-703. OLTEAN, I. (2007), Dacia: Landscape, Colonisation, Romanisation, London and New York: Routledge. ØRSTED (1985), Roman Imperial Economy. ORZECHOWSKI, S., “Barbaricus pagus ferrariensis” (in this volume). PLEKET, H.W. (1993), “Rome: a pre-industrial megalopolis,” in Barker and Sutcliffe 1993, 14-35. POP, H. (1997), “The repertoire of discoveries from the Roman age beyond the limes on the territory of Sâlaj county (2-4 centuries A.D.),” in Gudea 1997, 457-486. POP, H. (2006), Fortificaţiile dacice din vestul şi nordvestul României, Cluj-Napoca. ROSSI, L. (1971), Trajan’s Column and the Dacian Wars, London: Thames and Hudson. SĂŞIANU, A. (1980), Ancient coinage in western and north-western Romania, Oradea. WHEELER, E.L. (1993a), “Methodological Limits and the Mirage of Grand Strategy: Part I,” The Journal of Military History 57, 7-41. WHEELER, E.L. (1993b), “Methodological Limits and the Mirage of Roman Strategy: Part II,” Journal of Military History 57, 215-240. WHITTAKER, C.R. (2004), Rome and its Frontiers, London and New York: Routledge. WHITTAKER, C.R. (2002), “Supplying the Army. Evidence from Vindolanda,” in Erdkamp 2002, 204-34. WHITTAKER, C.R. (1994), Frontiers of the Roman Empire: A Social and Economic Study, Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press.

146

Pompeji:

Stadtbild

und

Influence and Observation: Towards a more Concrete Understanding of the Roman-Dacian Limes

FIGURES

Figure 1. Map of Roman Dacia (source: MacKendrick 1975: 106).

Figure 2. Plan of the site of Porolissum (source: MacKendrick 1975: 128).

147

Weiss

Figure 3. Diagram of Areas of Occupation, Operation and Influence.

Figure 4. Area of Occupation of Porolissum.

148

Influence and Observation: Towards a more Concrete Understanding of the Roman-Dacian Limes

Figure 5. Lines of sight between the fort and the watchtowers along the Meseş Mountains.

Figure 6. Fort placement along the Roman road from Berzobis to Porolissum.

149

Weiss

Figure 7. Salăj County, Romania.

Figure 8. Overlapping Areas of Operation. Buciumi has more presence on the river, while Porolissum covers the north and beyond the ridgeline.

150

Influence and Observation: Towards a more Concrete Understanding of the Roman-Dacian Limes

Figure 9. Proximity of Magura Hill as seen from the sanctuary terrace in front of the castrum.

Figure 10. Locations of Buciumi, Porolissum, Zalău and Baia Mare. Note the proximity of both Porolissum and Baia Mare to the Someş. Image from Google Earth, May 6, 2010.

151

Weiss

Figure 11. Coin finds in the region of Porolissum. Left: before AD 106; Right: after AD 106 (source: Mihailescu-Bîrliba, 1997, fig. 4.8-9).

152

THROUGH THE LOOKING GLASS: PERCEPTIONS OF ETHNIC AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE ROMAN BALKANS AND BEYOND Eric C. De Sena (John Cabot University) This paper is dedicated to the memory of Peter Cooper.

Abstract. This paper addresses the complex issue of ethnic and national identity in the Roman Balkans during the imperial period. More specifically, the paper explores how natives of the Roman Balkans were perceived by core Romans in Italy and how the natives perceived themselves. The first question is addressed through an examination of literature and works of public and private art from Rome. The second question is investigated by reviewing archaeological evidence outlined throughout this volume and from the province of Dacia where the author has worked extensively in recent years. I. Introduction. One of the benefits of being the editor of a volume such as this one is that you can draw ideas for your own paper based upon the contributions of the other authors and can even change the subject of your paper. As I was editing the other contributions, I was composing an article for this volume based upon my presentations at the two EAA conferences in Cracow and Zadar with the theme of supply patterns in Roman Dacia as discerned by the ceramic and numismatic evidence. At the same time, however, I was engaged in several different, but ultimately related lines of thought. On the one hand, being the 1600th anniversary of the Visigothic sack of Rome under Alaric (AD 410), I have been pursuing research on this phase of Roman history when Romans were struggling to reshape their collective identity. What did it mean to be Roman? Could an ethnic Vandal such as Stilicho, who effectively commanded the western portion of the Empire for 13 years, have known what it meant to be a “Roman”? Moreover, I was in a friendly e-mail debate with a colleague regarding anthropological theory and the directions of classical archaeology today. These two threads combined with teaching the changing perceptions of Roman identity to students in my Roman history class and editing this volume led me to consider how to tie the various papers in this volume together in some manner. I concluded that I should write about the question of social identity in the Roman Balkans and the immediate region of Barbaricum.

populations were viewed by core Romans and how they perceived themselves. Of the several recent volumes and articles focusing upon this theme,2 a contribution by David Mattingly (2004) presents an important model for the study of personal and cultural identities in the Roman provinces. Springing from these concepts, this paper investigates how Roman citizens and non-Roman citizens perceived ethnic groups and national identity. The two essential questions addressed in this paper are: how were the natives of the Roman Balkans perceived by Romans living in Italy? And, how did natives in the Roman Balkans and beyond perceive themselves? The sources of information consist of artistic representations, literature, epigraphy, as well as more mundane elements of material culture, such as common ware pottery. There is a diachronic element to this study in order to demonstrate how perceptions of identity may have changed over time. More than arrive at firm conclusions with this paper, I want to indicate how different bodies of material evidence and texts can be examined and interpreted in the light of these questions, perhaps setting the stage for a broader and deeper study. II. Social Identity Theory. When discussing aspects of identity, sociologists make a distinction between personal and collective or social identity.3 Individuals are, naturally, the unique components of human existence. We are born into the world with a unique genetic code and are raised by parents and/or other guardians. We learn through training (e.g., how to stalk a deer or how to perform a complex statistical operation) and experience (e.g., when we are burned for the first time, we learn how hot fire is). Individuals are versatile and ever-changing; our personal identities are formed by self-views that

The question of cultural and personal identity in the Roman world has indeed been investigated. Within this broad corpus of research, one of most commonly pursued issues concerns the broad notions of “Romanness” and “Romanization”, namely the degree to which the inhabitants of the provinces adopted Roman ways.1 Relatively few studies, however, have sought to investigate how we can understand personal and group identity in a Roman province, namely how the native

2

For example, Wells 1999, Gardner 2002, Bell and Hansen 2008. Stets and Burke 2000 provide a solid overview of this issue and a good bibliography of sociological research.

1

3

For example, Brunt 1976, Millett 1990, Freeman 1993, Keay and Terrenato 1998, James 2001.

153

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions in Ethnic and National Identity emerge and evolve through observation, experience and comparison.

time” involved days or weeks rather than seconds. Unless one had direct experience, perceptions of regions throughout and beyond the Roman world were based upon artistic and literary media as well as hearsay. This section analyzes a sample of public and private art as well as literary accounts in order to suggest how natives of the Balkans were perceived in Italy. The sample is rather limited in terms of the number of works of art and the chronological parameters; however, we can gain some insights into how the natives of the Balkans were characterized in Rome and Italy.

A “society” can be defined as a group of individuals who share a set of common traits, ideas, ambitions and experiences, inhabit a common physical or intellectual/psychological realm, and perform integrated activities. We are sometimes born into a society, but can transition to a different society and also belong to a variety of sub-societies, such as family, friends, religion, interest groups, employment situations, etc. Choice is clearly dictated by factors such as the person‟s ethnic/national origin, upbringing, education, economic and political situations. Even within the most conservative environments, individuals may generally choose their roles and the manners in which others perceive them. Individuals may see things from their own point of view and will negotiate within the group for their position or role. Social regulations dictate the degree to which people act in terms of their own goals and desires vs. the purpose and aspirations of the group. 4 Within the society, individuals have roles and status that differ from context to context – a woman in contemporary western society may be a high-level director, respected by peers and subordinates alike; however, her mother may still treat this woman as a child.

Some of our earliest accounts of natives residing in the Balkans date to the age of Augustus when the phase of Roman imperialism was at its height and the distinction between “Romans” and “non-Romans” was well defined. Pompey the Great had conquered much of the East, Julius Caesar had conquered Gaul, while Augustus consolidated the European provinces, establishing the border of the Empire at the Rhine and Danube rivers. Foreigners were increasingly present in Italy in the form of traders and slaves, yet citizens were citizens and foreigners were foreigners. In his Tristia, the exiled poet Ovid provides a direct account of natives living in Tomis and its environs during the Augustan age, describing in detail the loneliness and despair he experienced during his 10-year exile. The focus of his poems is not the natives per se, but his own existence in Tomis. We must bear in mind that Ovid experienced much harsher living conditions in Tomis than he did in his beloved Italy and this was clearly the low-point of his life; therefore, we must assume that many descriptions are exaggerations and/or poetic embellishments. Nevertheless, Ovid‟s account provides some interesting insights into the appearance and attire of the natives, their farming practices, travel and commerce of the natives, and warfare.

In terms of this paper, I am concerned with two broad forms of “societies”: “Rome” the nation with its 50-60 million inhabitants, and the natives of the Balkans, technically a sub-group (or collective of sub-groups) within the Roman Empire. Archaeologist, Lynn Meskel summarizes the theory of identities well, stating, “There are two levels of operation: one is the broader social level in which identities are defined by formal associations or mores; the other is the individual or personal level where a person experiences many aspects of identity within a single subjectivity, fluid over the trajectories of life. The latter is more contingent, immediate, and operates at a greater frequency, whereas society‟s categories and constraints take longer to reformulate.”5 In our case, the broader social level is represented by “Rome”, whereas the “individual” level is represented by the ethnic groups of the Balkans. Meskel‟s notion works reciprocally whether the individual or society is the subject or the observed: an individual‟s identity may change rapidly, just as an observer‟s perception of that individual may change; on the other hand, perceptions of change in the identity of a society may also shift, but the duration of time required for collective perceptions to change will be longer.

The Sarmatians, a wild tribe, surround me, the Bessi and the Getae, names unworthy of my wit! While the warm winds still blow, the Danube between defends us: with his flood he prevents war. And when dark winter shows its icy face, and the earth is white with marbled frost, when Boreas and the snow constrain life under the Bears, those tribes must be hard-pressed by the shivering sky. The power of Aquilo’s northern gales is such it razes high towers, and blows away the roofs. Men keep out the dreadful cold with sewn trousers and furs: the face alone appears of the whole body. Often their hair tinkles with hanging icicles, and their beards gleam white with a coat of frost. (Tristia III, X, 5-22)

III. Perceptions of Balkan natives in Rome and Italy. Despite the lack of 24-hour live news feeds, the Romans had perceptions of their world which encompassed about two million square miles of land and hosted 50-60 million people. Notices of major events were communicated throughout the Empire, although “real 4 5

…as soon as the Danube’s leveled by dry winds, the barbarian host attacks on swift horses: strong in horses and strong in far-flung arrows laying waste the neighboring lands far and wide. Some men flee: and, with their fields unguarded, their undefended wealth is plundered,

Stets and Burke 2000, 228. Meskel 2001, 189.

154

De Sena the scant wealth of the country, herds and creaking carts, whatever a poor farmer has. Some, hands tied, are driven off as captives, looking back in vain at their farms and homes. some die wretchedly pierced by barbed arrows, since there’s a touch of venom on the flying steel. They destroy what they can’t carry, or lead away, and enemy flames burn the innocent houses. Even at peace, they tremble on the edge of war, and no man ploughs the soil with curving blade. This place sees the enemy, or fears him unseen: the earth lies idle, abandoned to harsh neglect. No sweet grapes are hidden in leafy shade, no frothing must fills the deep wine-vats. This land’s denied fruit, nor would Acontius have an apple to write words on for Cydippe to read. You can see naked fields without crops or trees: a region, ah, that no happy man should enter. This then, though the great world stretches wide, is the place invented for my punishment! (Tristia III, X, 53-78)

luxurious togas. The natives speak languages that appear to Ovid‟s ear as harsh as their physical attributes. They are strong and brash, but do not lack a sense of humor. They herd animals and tend fields and it appears that while each man had a plot of land upon which his family subsists, the great vineyards and groves of the Mediterranean were an alien concept. They reside in crude homes (that cannot be too tall, lest the wind blow away the roofs) and there are citadels to protect the inhabitants from marauders. Marauding was indeed a great threat and Ovid suggests that the more temperate months when the Danube River flowed provided some relief, for the belligerent tribes were not able to cross the river. However, when resources became scarce and the river froze, hostile tribes did not hesitate to raid the more successful settlements, like Tomis. Raids must have occurred year-round, however, if farmers and shepherds tended to their daily activities wearing helmets. Again, we must read between the lines and determine for ourselves which of Ovid‟s descriptions may represent truth and which are poetic embellishments. After all, not everything was bad in Tomis. In fact, in his poems regarding springtime, Ovid writes about a time when the children pursue lively activities that their Italian counterparts might pursue as well:

Innumerable tribes round about threaten fierce war, and think it’s a disgrace to exist without pillage. Nowhere is safe outside: the hill itself is defended by fragile walls, and the ingenuity of its siting. The enemy descends, when least expected, like birds, hardly seen before they’re taking away their plunder. Often when the gates are shut, inside, we gather arrows that fell in the middle of the streets. So the man who dares to farm the fields is rare, one hand grips the plough, the other a weapon. The shepherd plays his reed-pipe glued with pitch, under a helmet, and frightened sheep fear war not wolves. We’re scarcely protected by the fortress’s shelter: and even the barbarous crowd inside, mixed with Greeks, inspire fear, for the barbarians live amongst us, without discrimination, and also occupy more than half the houses. Even if you don’t fear them, you’d hate the sight of their sheepskins, their chests covered by their long hair. Those too, who are thought to descend from the Greek colony, wear Persian trousers instead of their ancestral clothing.

Now laughing boys and girls gather the violets that grow, unsown, born of the countryside: and the meadows bloom with many flowers, and the songbirds welcome spring, untaught (Tristia III, XII, 5-8)6 There are a several examples of Augustan art, which depict Germanic or Balkan natives. The Gemma Augustea depicts two pairs of “barbarians” in the lower register (Fig. 1). To the left, a woman and a bare-chested man are seated upon the ground amidst Roman soldiers who erect a trophy of spolia. The woman sits with her head in her hands, whilst the man looks over his shoulder toward his comrades. They have submitted and are awaiting their fate – perhaps they will survive under the Romans. On the right side of the register, the man and woman depicted will likely suffer a horrific fate: both are being violently restrained (by the hair) by Roman soldiers: the woman appears to have resigned to her fate, the man seems to beg for mercy. These are, however, symbolic captives, personifications of a defeated or subdued population and not representations of essentially real human beings engaging in an activity or event, such as a specific battle or daily life. This was clearly the “official” message or the concept shared amongst Rome elite, since objects like the Gemma Augustea would have only been viewed by a small audience. The Augustus of Prima Porta presents a similar view. The breastplate of this famous statue depicts personifications of west European provinces and, of course, the central image of Parthia handing over the legionary standards lost by Marcus Crassus. The provinces are recognized by the attributes of their attire, but are, like the captives in the Gemma Augustea, impersonal. These are representations

They hold communication in the common tongue: I have to make myself understood by gestures. Here I’m the barbarian no one comprehends, the Getae laugh foolishly at my Latin words. and they often talk maliciously to my face, quite safely, taunting me perhaps for my exile. As is usual they think there’s something wrong about my only nodding no or yes to what to they say. Add to all this that the sharp sword dispenses justice unjustly, and wounds are often dealt in the forum. (Tristia V, X, 15-44) Thus, we are told that the “barbarians” live a harsh way of life. Their appearance is rough, with apparently few opportunities to bathe or trim bodily hair. Their clothing (perhaps equivalent to that of Roman slaves?) consists of wool and leather which must protect them from the long, freezing winters. They wear tunics and trousers, not

6

155

Translation of Ovid‟s Tristia by A.S. Kline (2003).

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions in Ethnic and National Identity of defeated/subdued provinces and populations until recently considered to be hostile threats to the Empire. The fact that these two examples of Augustan art depict captive or subdued populations indicates that not only are the people of the provinces different than Romans, they are inferior to Romans. Similar visions of inferior savages are portrayed in Ovid. How the broad body of Roman citizens and other residents of Rome/Italy may have viewed the native populations of Europe is difficult to understand; however, if we consider that the visual and literary imagery used in Augustan propaganda clearly helped build a nation with common views, we may assume that many citizens shared an us/them attitude with presumptions of superiority.

colors. They are likewise wont to scoop caves deep in the ground, and over them to lay great heaps of dung. Thither they retire for shelter in the winter, and thither convey their grain: for by such close places they mollify the rigorous and excessive cold. Besides when at any time their enemy invades them, he can only ravage the open country, but either knows not such recesses as are invisible and subterraneous; or must suffer them to escape him, on this very account that he is uncertain where to find them. (Germania 16) A region so vast, the Chaucians do not only possess but fill; a people of all the Germans the most noble, such as would rather maintain their grandeur by justice than violence. They live in repose, retired from broils abroad, void of avidity to possess more, free from a spirit of domineering over others. They provoke no wars, they ravage no countries, they pursue no plunder. Of their bravery and power, the chief evidence arises from hence, that, without wronging or oppressing others, they are come to be superior to all. Yet they are all ready to arm, and if an exigency require, armies are presently raised, powerful and abounding as they are in men and horses; and even when they are quiet and their weapons laid aside, their credit and name continue equally high. (Germania 35)

We must jump forward nearly a century before we encounter another abundant group of literature and art. Indeed, the corpus of Roman art until this time rarely depicted “other” populations in an explicit manner and it was not until the time of Trajan‟s campaigns in Dacia and the consolidation of the Empire under Hadrian and Antoninus Pius that the Romans truly encountered and interacted with the natives of central and eastern Europe. Writing in the late 1st century AD, Tacitus acts to some degree as an ancient CIA agent in his Germania, gathering evidence and reporting the attributes and customs of the Germanic populations. Unlike Ovid‟s intentions, the objective of Tacitus was to characterize the native populations with whom the Romans were engaging more frequently in combat and trade. Several excerpts are provided here, presenting the range of Tacitus‟s narratives: on the one hand showing admiration, on the other hand, indicating how backward and hostile some tribes were. In either case, the reader gains a sense that Tacitus (and the Romans) viewed the world as masters.

In wonderful savageness live the nation of the Fenni, and in beastly poverty, destitute of arms, of horses, and of homes; their food, the common herbs; their apparel, skins; their bed, the earth; their only hope in their arrows, which for want of iron they point with bones. Their common support they have from the chase, women as well as men; for with these the former wander up and down, and crave a portion of the prey. Nor other shelter have they even for their babes, against the violence of tempests and ravening beasts, than to cover them with the branches of trees twisted together; this a reception for the old men, and hither resort the young. Such a condition they judge more happy than the painful occupation of cultivating the ground, than the labor of rearing houses, than the agitations of hope and fear attending the defense of their own property or the seizing that of others. Secure against the designs of men, secure against the malignity of the Gods, they have accomplished a thing of infinite difficulty; that to them nothing remains even to be wished. (Germania 46)7

Upon any recess from war, they do not much attend the chase. Much more of their time they pass in indolence, resigned to sleep and repasts. All the most brave, all the most warlike, apply to nothing at all; but to their wives, to the ancient men, and to the most impotent domestic, trust all the care of their house, and of their lands and possessions. They themselves loiter. Such is the amazing diversity of their nature, that in the same men is found so much delight in sloth, with so much enmity to tranquility and repose. (Germania 15) That none of the several people in Germany live together in cities, is abundantly known; nay, that amongst them none of their dwellings are suffered to be contiguous. They inhabit apart and distinct, just as a fountain, or a field, or a wood happened to invite them to settle. They raise their villages in opposite rows, but not in our manner with the houses joined one to another. Every man has a vacant space quite round his own, whether for security against accidents from fire, or that they want the art of building. With them in truth, is unknown even the use of mortar and of tiles. In all their structures they employ materials quite gross and unhewn, void of fashion and comeliness. Some parts they besmear with an earth so pure and resplendent, that it resembles painting and

The accounts of Tacitus remind us of the narratives of early European explorers to the New World, providing information, but often belittling the subjects. Tacitus reports certain common traits amongst all the Germanic tribes: similar dwellings and settlement patterns, similar contradiction between great heroism on the battle field vs. indolence at home, similar religion and moral values. But Tacitus also makes distinctions: some tribes, such as the Chaucians, behave nearly as honorably as the Romans, whilst other tribes, such as the Fenni, are described as quite primitive, as if they have barely emerged from the primordial mud. In addition to this literary account, there 7

156

Translation of Tacitus‟s Germania by Thomas Gordon (1910).

De Sena are also several visual representations of European natives on public monuments as well as in private funerary art in Rome and other localities of Italy.

There are many other battle scenes, episodes of negotiation, flight from the Romans, scenes of imprisonment and death, yet there is nearly always an air of respect and dignity in the portrayals of the natives. They often fall in battle, but are always composed; they may have somewhat downtrodden faces as prisoners of the Romans (XXXIII/XLII-XLIII – Coarelli 47), but the natives maintain their pride and their hope. This is a war memorial: we know the Dacians will fall, but Trajan‟s artists never portray horrible and vicious savages. Instead we witness a population in the process of being overcome by the Romans; we see courageous men and women, at times we see refugees who will survive, but will have to form a new way of life under Roman authority (Fig. 5). The Dacians heroically fight to the end to protect their way of life (CX-CXI/CL-CLI – Coarelli 176) even after their leader, Decebal, takes his own life (CXI/CLII-CLIII – Coarelli 177).

The Column of Trajan, a component of this emperor‟s forum in Rome, was dedicated in AD 113; thus, contemporary with the writing of Germania. The Column bears relief sculpture that spirals from the bottom to the top, recounting the salient episodes of the Dacian Wars (AD 101-102 and 105-106). The relief is about 200 meters long and contains approximately 2500 characters. Naturally, there are many native Dacians represented on the Column, including their leader, King Decebal. The Dacians are clearly depicted as the vanquished population; however, they bear a certain dignity. I.M. Ferris stresses the point that these were clearly not generic barbarians, but the artistic conventions specifically depict the natives as Dacians. 8 The male Dacians are generally bearded and have long, stringy hair; their clothing has a rustic appearance and is generally disheveled. The very first appearance of a Dacian on the Column is on panel XIV-XV/XVII-XIX (Coarelli Tav. 16)9 whereby Roman scouts present a captive before the emperor for an interrogation (Fig. 2). The captive is led forcefully forward – the right hand of the Roman soldier grips the Dacian‟s hair, thrusting the head forward submissively, while the soldier holds the left arm of the native behind his back. The native is strong in body and looks upward in awe at Trajan. It is difficult to determine if this captive will reveal any information that could help the Romans.

In significant contrast to the more honorable treatment of Dacians in the Column, is a representation of Dacians in the so-called “Great Trajanic Frieze” embedded into the central passageway of the Arch of Constantine (Fig. 6), but originally commissioned by Hadrian for the Forum of Trajan following the latter‟s death. In the “Great Trajanic Frieze” Trajan is gloriously riding a horse, helping his soldiers to cut down barbarians. The Dacians are rendered in a more horrific manner than on the Column of Trajan – about to be slain, beheaded, trampled beneath horses. As Ferris indicates, however, there are several considerations.10 First, Hadrian commissioned this work for Divine Trajan in order to glorify his adopted father, but also likely to help establish his own authority. How better to summarize the exploits of Divine Trajan in a single “snapshot” than to show him routing his enemy vigorously on horseback, just as so many kings and princes of the past had been portrayed. In fact, the front legs of the horse are elevated over the back of a fallen Dacian, not so much in a gruesome manner of trampling one‟s enemy, but in the manner of an apotheosis. We do have to admit that although this frieze is closer to the captives of the Julio-Claudian period, there is a strong message of trampling the dishonored Dacians.

Just 6-7 scenes later, we view the first battle (XVIIIXIX/XXIV – Coarelli Tav. 23) and the Romans are victorious (Fig. 3). Dacians lay dead or dying below the feet of the Roman soldiers. Two Roman soldiers proudly hold the heads of Dacians they have slain. The decapitated natives have closed eyes – the eyes of one Dacian are closed tightly and has a strained face, the other appears to be sleeping. One dead native lying on the ground is well-composed in terms of posture and dress, despite having been slain. There is, however, a small group of Dacian soldiers holding their own (Fig. 4), breaking through a line of Romans (XIX-XX/XXIVXXV – Coarelli 24). They are fighting with the same determination as the Romans, albeit with more rudimentary weapons and armor. The Romans, who literally have Jupiter behind them about to thrust a lightning bolt at the Dacians, will win the battle, but the Dacians are fighting bravely for their homeland. At the rear of their formation, natives care for their fallen comrades in a very humane manner. In the aftermath of the battle (XX/XXV – Coarelli 25) the Romans burn a Dacian village, while a small group of native men retreat with expressions of dismay. They appear determined that the Romans will not have the better of them.

Situated between the Pantheon and the via Lata, the Temple of Divine Hadrian was constructed within a decade of this emperor‟s death (AD 138) by Antoninus Pius. The temple, which is well preserved on one side, was decorated by a series of more than 30 panels which alternated between military spolia (9 preserved) and personifications of the provinces (21 preserved). In addition to his artistic and architectural pursuits, Hadrian was a great administrator who re-organized the provinces and sought to visit each and every territory for administrative and personal reasons (see Topalilov in this volume). Of the 21 panels known today, some of which are on public display at the Capitoline Museum and the Palazzo Massimo branch of the Museo Nazionale Romano, a few clearly pertain to our area of interest. The panels are sculpted in Italian marble from the region of

8

Ferris 2000, 65. For convenience, I refer to the scheme of Filippo Coarelli‟s volumes on the Column of Trajan and the Column of Marcus Aurelius. 9

10

157

Ferris 2000, 74-75.

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions in Ethnic and National Identity Luni, stand about 12 feet tall and, as with all personifications of land units, the figures are female. One of the two panels in the Palazzo Massimo depicts the province of Thrace (the other is generally considered to represent Egypt, but in this author‟s opinion is another central European province).11 Thrace stands frontally with her head tilted left (Fig. 7). Her face is rendered in good classical style: her large eyes are set somewhat apart, her nose extends with no transition from her forehead, she has full, but somewhat pursed lips and a strong, broad jaw and chin. Her shoulder-length hair is unkempt. Thrace wears an ankle-length dress that exposes her right breast. She wears a tasseled mantle that recalls wool, fastened at her right shoulder by a circular fibula. She holds a bunch of grain stalks and a small fruit akin to a rose hip in her right hand and an upturned Thracian sword in her left hand. Like many of the provinces, she is barefoot. The identification of the panels in the courtyard of the Capitoline Museum is more problematic because there are fewer attributes as obvious as a Thracian sword; therefore, I will not discuss any in particular. When we consider these panels, however, what messages were being expressed and how would viewers in Rome have perceived the provinces?

series of panels whose provenience is uncertain, but whose iconography reflects more closely the Trajanic and Antonine art and the attitude of Tacitus discussed until now. Three marble panels carved in relief in the main stairwell of the Capitoline Museum and the eight panels at the top of the Arch of Constantine in Rome are generally considered to derive from the same context. All eleven panels pertain to an architectural-artistic complex related to Marcus Aurelius, perhaps a triumphal arch erected for his triumph in Rome celebrated in AD 176. It is the common dimensions, artistic style and the narrative sequence that suggests a common provenience. Of the eleven panels four depict European natives. One of the three Antonine panels in the stairwell of the Capitoline Museum depicts two Danubian natives pleading for their lives (clementia) before the Emperor (Fig. 8). The two bearded men are on their knees with upturned faces and upraised hands. They wear wellmaintained, long-sleeved tunics and could even pass for Romans. The soldiers surrounding the pair pay little attention to the natives, but Marcus Aurelius, although moving determinedly forward upon his horse, graces the Danubian men with a gesture of his right hand. In the socalled Rex Datus scene on the south side of the Arch of Constantine (Fig. 9), we see a man with well-kept wavy hair, a nicely trimmed beard and elegant clothes standing before the Emperor and facing a group of Roman soldiers. The tassels falling from the edge of his mantel are the tell-tale signs of a “barbarian”. This is not any old barbarian, he is princely, now a vassal king of Rome who has surrendered and come to terms with Marcus Aurelius. He has he saved his own life and the lives of his people and has maintained his elevated rank within his society. Even the Romans surrounding him greet him with respect. The scene of the “prisoners” on the Arch of Constantine (Fig. 10) depicts a pair of natives (distinguished by their rustled hair and tasseled clothing) being brought before the Emperor. We only see the head of the one near the center – he looks up at the Emperor, almost in awe. His hair is swept backwards as if by a strong wind and his face, too, appears to be stuck by the radiance of the Emperor. The second prisoner standing with his hands tied behind his back and being guided by a Roman legionary soldier appears more withdrawn. He does not yet know his fate, but if we think that they are being led one-by-one in front of the Emperor, perhaps he too will be gracefully spared and uplifted by the Emperor. In the “Submission” scene, one native male appeals to the seated Emperor as he holds a fearful youth. Again we see hope and fear in the natives, but ever optimistic, I think hope will prevail with Marcus Aurelius on the throne. The men are representatives of a defeated population, who engaged the Romans in the Marcomannic-Sarmatian Wars. As in the Column of Trajan, the natives are considered with respect, although they have been subjugated. They will live; they will be able to continue their lives, albeit under the firm domination of Rome.

First, we should be impressed that the provinces were depicted on such a prominent work of architecture as the Temple of Divine Hadrian. The Temple was in a highly visible location on the Campus Martius and the scale of the figures made them very readable. Although many of the faces and manners of dress are similar, the viewer perceives that the inhabitants of the Empire were quite diverse. The diversity, however, is quite subtle – generally elements of clothing or manners of fastening clothing as well as attributes held in the hands of the women, suggesting unity within the Empire. Landmasses were generally portrayed as being female in antiquity and this is another subtle message. Despite the beauty of the figures, their grace (even the more militaristic provinces suggest femininity) and a certain dignity, they are females, which in antiquity meant (among many things), submission. The slightly downward-facing heads might either be perceived as a symbol of submission or simply an artistic mechanism to allow the viewer to see these figures eye-to-eye (they would have been placed about 30 feet above the ground, after all). The provinces and the provincial natives were clearly perceived in Rome to be part of the Empire, but I think there was still the lingering Augustan notion of the periphery serving the core, like the diverse vines of the nearby Ara Pacis that ultimately spiral toward the central leaves. Perhaps the Empire was not yet a fully-integrated ethnic melting pot, but the people of the provinces (including the Balkans) were viewed as having a strong role in the greater Roman system. The reign of Marcus Aurelius was transitional in many ways and, in fact, we see two very different portrayals of Balkan natives displayed in public art. I will begin with a

The depictions of the same Germanic/Balkan people on the Column of Marcus Aurelius, situated along the via Lata in Rome (adjacent to the Temple of Divine Hadrian)

11

The pomegranite and olive branches she holds suggests a central European province on the Mediterranean, such as Dalmatia.

158

De Sena forth.12 There are so many variables, the author admits, that it becomes nearly futile to pursue this avenue of research. The question, however, is intriguing, although we need to find a realm between individual cases and gross generalization. In this section, I will review some of the papers in this volume for insights and will also extrapolate from my observations at the Roman city of Porolissum in Dacia.

are of a different character. The artistry and mood of this column are very different from the Column of Trajan as well as the Antonine panels. There is considerably more action and emotion in the Column of Marcus Aurelius and the Danubian populations are treated in a more grotesque manner. Unlike the earlier column, the first time we encounter natives on the Column of Marcus Aurelius, we see death. In Coarelli‟s scene VIII (Fig. 11), there are two barbarians being interrogated before the emperor (just as in the Column of Trajan); however, below their feet are a pair of very dead comrades (is this before and after the interrogation?). Scene XVII is a representation of refugees, women and children huddled together amidst Roman troops and before the emperor, awaiting their fate. There is a great difference between the dignified Roman troops and the poor, displaced refugees. Several scenes later is a battle depicting fighting and fallen natives and in scene XX, a native woman who flees with a child is pulled back by the hair by a Roman soldier (Fig. 12). Fighting, death, prisoners, disgrace – these are the recurring images of the Danubian natives on the Column. They are the enemies of Rome, perhaps rightly so since the Marcomannic-Sarmatian Wars endured for more than a decade before Marcus Aurelius sought a peace. The barbarians wreaked havoc on Rome, pushing well over the border of the Empire and sacking cities such as Aquileia in the process. We should also bear in mind that Commodus is given credit for the Column and not Marcus Aurelius. The inscription on the plinth refers to the Divine Emperor; thus, the depictions reflect the attitude of Commodus rather than his father.

A good starting point of discussion is portraiture, an indicator of the manner in which the provincial elites of the Roman Balkans perceived, or, at least, presented themselves. Scholars have demonstrated that such portraits (living and funerary) reveal that the majority of provincial elites portrayed themselves with “Roman” attributes whereby men wore formal clothing and often mimicked the current hair and facial traits of the emperors and women frequently modeled their hair and dress after the trends set by ladies of the imperial court.13 Quite a number of men and women, however, proudly displayed “ethnic” attributes – perhaps an item of adornment or dress indicating their homeland; thus, whilst the natives emulated the “core Romans” and adopted Roman customs, they also maintained some of their ethnic qualities. In this regard, Madsen reminds us, “the elite inhabitants of the Bithynian and Pontic cities…were not exposed to as great an influence from Latin language, Roman religion or other Roman customs, norms and values. Except for the Roman colonies… cultural influence from Rome was counterbalanced by the continuity of (local) institutions and traditions… (The inhabitants) are unlikely to have adopted Latin as their daily language, to have practiced religion according to Roman traditions or to have defined Rome as their Patria. It is also equally unlikely that the population in the province(s) felt they had a shared historical past with the population of Rome, just as it is not very likely that they saw themselves as Roman in any ethnic sense of the word.”14 The author suggests that the indigenous populations displayed loyalty to Rome and an affiliation with Romans, but did not fully adopt Roman ways. Instead they sometimes imitated the perceived behavior of the Romans.

In addition to the diverse attitudes toward the defeated peoples, there is another great difference between the iconography of the two Columns, namely the increased role of auxiliary soldiers (Fig. 13). Auxiliary troops were an important division of the army, even under Augustus; however, despite the fact that they are indeed depicted on the Column of Trajan, the legionaries are depicted far more prominently. On the Column of Marcus Aurelius, legionary troops are present, but the auxiliary forces play a greater role. The auxiliary troops hailed from all corners of the Empire and are distinguished from their legionary counterparts by their facial features, armor and composure (or lack thereof). The auxiliary troops represent, in a way, civilized barbarians, and, in fact, it is frequently difficult to distinguish Roman auxiliary troops from the natives they are fighting. Auxiliaries were clearly an integral component of the Roman Army and of “Rome” itself by this time.

This notion is supported by an assessment of the paper in this volume by Vlasta Begović and Ivančica Schrunk. These scholars offer some insights into the realm of the elite who resided along the coast of Histria and Dalmatia. Maritime villas are found throughout the Mediterranean and their nature is similar from one place to another over time. There is always a difficulty in establishing the ownership of villas; however, of the ten examples catalogued in Histria, the authors suggest that several belonged to the colonial elite. Alternatively, the authors propose that the twenty villas documented in Dalmatia were owned by Roman officials. The villas often have

IV. How did natives of the Balkans perceive themselves? In 2004, David Mattingly developed a model for understanding how natives may have expressed their identity in the provinces, using Roman Britain as a case study. Based upon a review of studies focusing upon ethnic identity during the Roman period, Mattingly suggests that while we can certainly discuss the issue, there are many variables, including status, wealth, location, form of administration, the degree to which Rome asserted her presence, religion, gender and so

12

Mattingly 2004, 10-11. There are many articles and books on the subject of provincial art and portraits. I cite Martin Henig‟s (1995) monograph, especially chapters 4 and 5, as a good example of how art was used to express concepts of identity in a Roman province – in this case Britain. 14 Madsen 2009, 83-84. 13

159

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions in Ethnic and National Identity long histories and ownership clearly would have changed hands. Many of the villas were indeed established in the early Imperial period when the Romans were absorbing territory and Roman Senators transplanted themselves into new, potentially economically beneficial areas. Attesting to this, about 20% of the villas have pottery, amphora, and/or brick stamps in association with them with the names of noble Italian families. Several of the villas produced agricultural goods, such as wine, and ten of the villas are characterized as having had large piscinae vivariae, implying surplus production. Only one villa is clearly associated with a non-Italian, namely the villa near Polače, which the Ostragothic king Odoacer gave to an ally Pierius in the late 5 th century. While interesting, this information does not clearly indicate ownership. The relative homogeneity of the villas is, though, important. Assuming that several villas were owned by natives of Histria and Dalmatia, perhaps at least by the 2nd century AD, we can observe that these local elites desired to build their seaside estates in the manner of Italian elites. The plans and interior decoration (attested by mosaics) are similar to villas found in various areas of the western Mediterranean; thus, an indication that at least some proportion of Histrian and Dalmatian elites presented themselves as “Roman”.

not imitate Roman goods. Native agricultural production does not bear any significant signs of Roman influence either. In technology, therefore, Roman influence manifested slowly and only began to be noticeable when barbarian societies achieved a more sophisticated economic level.” Like the “American Indians” more than a millennium later, the native European populations were not interested in “civilizing” their culture. They extracted resources or produced craft goods that could earn coin from the Romans, but there was little interest in Rome other than an economic one. Dacia presents difficulties in the sense that we know more about the Roman population of the province than the native one. In the immediate aftermath of the Trajanic Wars, we hear reports that the Dacians were driven out of their homeland and that their territory was occupied by Roman soldiers (legionararies, but primarily auxiliary forces) and colonists.15 This question is still subject to debate; however, scholars are aware that “Free Dacians” settled just beyond the borders of the Empire and entered Roman territory gradually as the province of Dacia became more stable. Researchers based at the Salaj County Museum of History and Art have unearthed many native settlements located within 20 miles of the Roman limes.16 This corpus of recent research reveals that the lifeways of the Romans‟ immediate neighbors did not change significantly despite contact with Porolissum. The nature of houses and settlements remained unchanged as did general social organization and customs (for example, there is no evidence of Roman religious practice in this area of Barbaricum). Scholars do, in fact, note some changes in the artifact assemblage, namely the spread of wheel-thrown pottery and Roman pottery forms as well as the adoption of other Roman-style implements, such as fibulae.17 Indeed, the natives were manufacturing some of their pottery for the market in Roman Dacia, at Porolissum, for example, where the author of this article works. The Dacian wares in Barbaricum are always reduced and it is assumed that many of the reduced wares discovered at Porolissum were manufactured in Barbaricum.18 In short, the Free Dacians retained their traditional identity, while cooperating with the Romans and only adopting aspects of Roman culture that they perceived could be beneficial from an economic point of view.19

On the other hand, the papers in this volume by Błażejewski, Gindele/Istvánovits, Kulcsár/Merai, Krekovič, and Orzechowski recount similar stories of natives who inhabited the regions adjacent to and beyond the borders of the Roman Empire. The three papers based upon ceramic analyses and the one paper on metallurgy suggest that while there was indeed contact between the Romans and the natives of the Pannonian Plains, the lower Someş River valley and the region of the Vistula River valley, Roman influence was minimal. The natives adopted some technological knowledge (e.g., the potter‟s wheel, more sophisticated kilns, more efficient iron smelting techniques) and, with regard to pottery, some stylistic traits of the Romans. The influence of Rome was not at all deep, most demonstrably observed through the nature of native settlements. One can appreciate how the settlements in the Vistula region were still configured as they had been for centuries – small huts/houses constructed of perishable materials – seeing that the distance to the border of the Roman Empire was rather great, ca. 170 miles. Similar settlement patterns, however, are noted just outside Aquincum and in the lower Someş River valley in proximity to Porolissum. For example, Kulcsár and Merai describe “rows of semi-subterranean houses, traces of wooden edifices, ovens, wells and storage pits” at the Sarmatian site of Üllö, located just 15 km from the limes of Roman Pannonia. Orzechowski indicates that despite contact in southern Poland with the Romans, “the picture of the communities engaged in iron smelting within the region does not differ dramatically from the standard of living of other populations recognized as belonging to the circle of the Przeworsk culture.” Krekovič writes, “it has been demonstrated that the potter‟s wheel was first used by the Germans approximately 200 years after the Romans became their neighbors. For the most part, however, the barbarians did

In addition to native Dacians and Roman citizens, a large segment of the population residing in Roman Dacia were legal residents of Rome, but were not Roman citizens, namely the auxiliary troops. Legions were stationed permanently in Apulum and Potaissa as well as at Colonia Ulpia Traiana during its earliest phase. While legionary detachments were stationed elsewhere, the vast majority of the soldiers based in Dacia were auxiliary forces. Stamped bricks and tiles indicate that the 15

Ellis 1998 Pop 2006a and 2006b and Opreanu in this volume. 17 Negru 2003. 18 See De Sena 2010. 19 Cf. Terrenato 1998. 16

160

De Sena local resources were invested in the 2nd century to upgrade the city and, thus, attempt to integrate the city and its inhabitants more firmly into the Empire. While the inhabitants may not have automatically become as cultured as an Italian urbanite, there must have been a sense of greater association with Rome from this point on.

auxiliaries in Dacia hailed from all parts of the Empire, including Gaul, Hispania, Thrace and Syria. As noted in section III above, auxiliary troops were differentiated from legionary soldiers in Imperial art. In fact, they are sometimes difficult to distinguish from Dacian and Germanic natives. Again, using Porolissum as an example, a small number of inscriptions mentioning specific cohorts and a large number of tile stamps are indicative of the ethnic origin of the troops.20 Funerary stele, religious dedications and military diplomas from Porolissum indicate that the auxiliary soldiers and their families generally maintained their original names, sometimes with an adopted Latin name (Table 1). Small figurines from Porolissum and Apulum may be a further indicator of the expression of ethinicity: male and female figurines bearing a necklace with a crescent moon-shaped pendent may derive from Germanic or Syrian iconography, for example (Fig. 14).21 Interpretation of the stamps is more problematic. On the one hand, soldiers may have been distinguishing themselves in terms of ethnic origin, especially if we consider that the style of the stamps differs from cohort to cohort. On the other hand, the stamps may simply reflect a manner of keeping track of the quantity of bricks and tiles being manufactured by a cohort without any latent messages of ethnicity. The auxiliary soldiers clearly co-existed with people/soldiers of different ethnicities, yet it is difficult to determine the specific relationships. Military experiences tend to bond men; therefore, while each soldier may have viewed himself as hailing from one part of the Empire or another, they were serving Rome and each other.

V. Conclusion. This paper has explored the issue of how the natives of the Roman Balkans and beyond were perceived by core Romans and how they viewed themselves in terms of ethnic and national identity. The first analysis, based primarily upon public art in Rome and the writings of Ovid and Tacitus, suggest that perceptions of the central European natives changed over time from being considered as subjects or curious savages in the Augustan Age to dignified adversaries during the reign of Trajan. At the time of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, the natives were clearly portrayed as diverse from core Romans, but were considered to be an integral part of the Empire. A similar attitude of Rome as an ethnic melting pot was maintained into the reign of Marcus Aurelius; however, the Marcomannic-Sarmatian Wars fed attitudes of hostility toward the “barbarians” beyond the Roman limes. Auxiliary troops, who represented civilized natives, are more prominent in official art at this time, indicating an attitude of acceptance of Rome‟s multiethnic population. Clearly, public art does not provide such keen insights into how the entire population of the Urbs and Italy perceived the natives of the Balkans. The works of art reflect the attitude of the patrons and, while these media would have been reinforced by triumphal processions, public addresses and spectacles or literature, we cannot be sure how deeply accepted the messages were by the general populace. Passers-by may not have so much as glanced at the Columns and Triumphal monuments as they led their lives in Rome, let alone stopping and pondering over the figures.

Finally, Ivo Topalilov‟s article is also interesting from the viewpoint of “national pride” and helps support the proposed situation at Porolissum. The city of Philippopolis was clearly a Roman city in the sense that it was located within the confines of the Empire. The city is located near the head of the Hebros River valley and was a hub along a trade route between the Black Sea and Naissus and was also connected to the Danube River via a road leading to Oescus. This city of several thousand inhabitants was not a major metropolis, yet when the Emperor Hadrian passed through the city once, or perhaps twice, the local elites carried out a major program of urban renewal, not only in the public center but throughout the city. Topalilov indicates that this building campaign significantly altered the character of the city. Hadrian and his successor Antoninus Pius apparently invested in some of the building, including an aqueduct. Therefore, we are presented with a somewhat remote provincial city that was “Roman” in the sense of being a component of the Empire, but was still urbanistically and culturally underdeveloped at the time of Hadrian. Some combination of Imperial funding and

The natives of the Roman Balkans and the adjacent area of Barbaricum (i.e., Hungary, Slovakia, Poland and Romania) also perceived themselves in a small variety of manners. Many native elites and other socially ambitious inhabitants of the provinces displayed Roman attributes in terms of appearance and behavior, which is discerned by a review of portraiture and, to some degree, housing. Togas and Antonine beards could not mask all ethnic features and some natives chose to wear ethnically characteristic items of clothing or adornment. Most natives both within and outside the Empire were not interested in becoming Roman and continued their traditional practices of craft production, agriculture and forms of housing. This is not readily apparent in the archaeological record of the Empire with the exception of some pottery types. A review of artifact assemblages and settlement patterns in Barbaricum, however, even at sites in close proximity of Aquincum and Porolissum, indicates that the native populations only adopted minor attributes or techniques from the Romans insofar as they could obtain modest economic benefits.

20

The Epigraphische Datenbank Heidelberg (http://www.uniheidelberg.de/institute/sonst/adw/edh/index.html.en) lists 71 inscriptions found at Porolissum, which mention 34 individuals who resided in this city. 21 This line of research is being conducted by Ms. Neville McFerrin (University of Michigan); the figurine discovered at Porolissum was from a late secondary deposit; one male figurine was discovered in a tomb at Apulum (Apulum 2007 catalogue).

161

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions in Ethnic and National Identity The Roman Empire was miraculous in terms of the extent, solidity and duration of its existence. What began as an oligarchic republic that controlled the western and central Mediterranean basin developed into a highly democratic and ethnically diversified state. The Romans would always seek to maintain their system of values (e.g., justice, valor, piety, self-sufficiency); however, in the Republican and early Imperial periods Romans were ethnically Italian and there was a great distinction between citizens and non-citizen natives. By the Severan period “Roman” no longer implied Italian origin and, in fact, much of the Late Roman ruling class hailed from all corners of the Empire. Even common folk must have felt a deep connection to Roman tradition and culture after two or three centuries of Roman rule. People were often proud of their homelands and, thus, maintained, their ethnic attributes, including names, clothing, items of adornment, local gods, etc. Like the vines on the Ara Pacis, these diverse groups formed the Empire. Indeed this is one of the chief factors that led to the greatness of Rome: common vision and attitudes, while accepting diversity and change.

FERRIS, I. M. (2000), Enemies of Rome: Barbarians through Roman Eyes, Stroud. FREEMAN, P.W.M. (1993), “Romanization and Roman material culture,” J. Roman Archaeology 6, 438-445. GARDNER, A. (2002), “Social identity and the duality of structure in late Roman-period Britain,” J. Social Archaeology 2.3, 323-351. HENIG, M. (1995), The Art of Roman Britain, University of Michigan Press. JAMES, S. (2001), “Romanization and the peoples of Britain,” in S. Keay and N. Terrenato (eds.), Italy and the West: Comparative Issues in Romanization, Oxbow Books, 187-207. KEAY, S. and N. TERRENATO (eds.), (2001), Italy and the West: Comparative Issues in Romanization, Oxbow Books. MADSEN, J.M. (2009), Eager to be Roman. Greek Response to Roman Rule in Pontus and Bithynia, London: Duckworth.

REFERENCES MATTINGLY, D. (2004), “Being Roman: ex pressing identity in a provincial setting,” J. Roman Archaeology 17, 5-25.

Apulum 2007. Descoperă Arheologia Urbana (2008), Muzeul Naţional al Unirii, Alba Iulia.

MESKEL, L. (2001), “Archaeologies of Identity,” in I. Hodder (ed.) Archaeological Theory Today, Polity Press, 187-213.

BELL, S. and I.L. HANSEN (2008), Role Models in the Roman World: Identity and Assimilation, University of Michigan Press.

MILLETT, M. (1990), The Romanization of Britain: an Essay in Archaeological Interpretation, Cambridge University Press.

BRADLEY, K. (2004), “On Captives under the Principate,” Phoenix 58.3-4, 298-318. BRUNT, P.A. (1976), “The Romanization of the local ruling classes in the Roman Empire,” in D.M. Pippidi (ed.), Assimilation et résistance à la culture grécoRomaine dans le monde ancien, Les Belles Lettres and Editura Academiei (Paris and Bucharest), 161-173.

NEGRU, M. (2003), The Native Pottery of Dacia, BARIS 1097.

COARELLI, F. (1999), La Colonna Traiana, Editore Colombo.

POP, H. (2006a), “Descoperile dacice de la Şimleu Silvaniei,” in H. Pop, I. Bejinariu, S. Băcueţ-Crişan, D. Băcueţ-Crişan, D. Sana, Z. Csók, Şimleu Silvaniei I. Istoricul Cercetărilor, Editura Mega (Cluj-Napoca), 6796.

PIRSON, F. (1996), "Style and Message on the Column of Marcus Aurelius," PBSR 64: 139-179.

COARELLI, F. (2008), La Colonna di Marco Aurelio, Editore Colombo.

POP, H. (2006b), Fortificaţile dacice din vestul şi nordvestul României, Editura Mega.

DE SENA, E.C. (2010), “Porolissum and the late Roman and immediate post-Roman economy of Dacia (AD 225375): pottery evidence,” in S. Menchelli, M. Pasquinucci, S. Santoro (eds.), LRCW III. Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean: Archaeology and Archaeometry.

RYBERG, I. S. (1967), Panel Reliefs of Marcus Aurelius, New York. STETS, J.E. and P.J. BURKE (2000), Identity Theory and Social Identity Theory, Social Psychology Quarterly 63.3, 224-237.

ELLIS, L. (1998), “„Terra deserta‟: population, politics and the [de]colonization of Dacia,” World Archaeology 30.2, 220-237.

WELLS, P. (1999), The Barbarians Speak: How the Conquered Peoples shaped Roman Europe, Princeton University Press. 162

De Sena

FIGURES

Figure 1. Gemma Augusta, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Inv. IX A 79 (source: ArtStor).

Figure 2. Column of Trajan, Rome (photo De Sena). 163

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions in Ethnic and National Identity

Figure 3. Column of Trajan, Rome (photo De Sena).

Figure 4. Column of Trajan, Rome (photo De Sena).

164

De Sena

Figure 5. Column of Trajan, Rome (source Coarelli 1999, 133, Tav. 89).

Figure 6. “Great Trajanic Frieze”, Arch of Constantine, Rome (photo De Sena). 165

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions in Ethnic and National Identity

Figure 7. “Thrace” from Temple of Divine Hadrian, Rome. Museo Nazionale Romano: Palazzo Massimo (photo De Sena).

166

De Sena

Figure 8. Aurelian “Clementia” panel: Capitoline Museum (photo De Sena).

167

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions in Ethnic and National Identity

Figure 9. Aurelian “Rex Datus” panel, Arch of Constantine, Rome (photo De Sena).

168

De Sena

Figure 10. Aurelian “Prisoners” panel, Arch of Constantine, Rome (photo De Sena).

169

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions in Ethnic and National Identity

Figure 11. Column of Marcus Aurelius, Rome (photo De Sena).

Figure 12. Column of Marcus Aurelius, Rome (photo De Sena).

170

De Sena

Figure 13. Column of Marcus Aurelius, Rome (photo De Sena).

Figure 14. Terracotta figurine, Porolissum Forum Project 2008, Tr. 10, Acc. No. 213 (photo De Sena)

171

Through the Looking Glass: Perceptions in Ethnic and National Identity Table 1. Residents of Porolissum mentioned in inscriptions.

Name

Other information

Aelia Ca [---]

Wife

Type of inscription Funerary

Aelius Thema[---]

Centurion / decurio coloniae

Funerary

Aelia Ia[nuaria?]

Funerary

Ael[i---] Veri[---]

Funerary

Aur[reli---]

Funerary

Ael[i---]

Daughter of Valerius

Funerary

[V]alerius

Father of Aelia

Funerary

Ael[ia] [---]sin[a]

Wife of Marcus Coceius Alexander

Funerary

M[arcus] Co(ce)ius Alexander

Funerary

Ostilia [---]

Centurion / augur municipii Septimii / husband if Aelia [---]sina Daughter (?) of Ostilius

Ostil[ius] [---]ta

Father (?) of Ostilia

Funerary

Eustin(a)e Afri

Wife of Aurelius Iustinus

Funerary

A[urelius] Iusti(nus)

Centurion / Husband of Eustina Afri

Funerary

[Aureli]us

Veteran soldier – lived 85 years

Funerary

[--- P]asser

Signifer (standard bearer)

Funerary

Ael(ia) [---] Aurelius [---]

Funerary

Funerary Miles of Numerus Palmyrenorum

Funerary

[--- Au]r(elia?) Sabina

Funerary

Au[relius]

Funerary

[---]a

Daughter of [---] Nice

Funerary

Bebeia [Eu]ty[c]h[iea]

Wife of Aelius Maenema

Funerary

(A)el(ius) Maenema

Husband of Bebeia Eutychiae

Funerary

[Ius]tiniae [E]utychiae

Wife of Livius Rufus

Funerary

[L]ivius Rufus

Husband of Isutinia Eutychia

Funerary

Aelia Nice

Mother of Aelius Victor and Aelia Mammutio

Funerary

Ael[ius] Victor

Son of Aelia Mammutio / grandson of Aelia Nice

Funerary

172

Reference AE 1983, 0855 AE 1979, 0495 AE 1979, 0496 AE 1979, 0497 AE 1979, 0498 AE 1979, 0498 AE 1979, 0498 AE 1979, 0499 AE 1979, 0499 AE 1979, 0500 AE 1979, 0500 AE 1974, 0549 AE 1974, 0549 AE 1971, 0389 AE 1971, 0389 AE 1971, 0389 AE 1971, 0389 AE 1971, 0389 AE 1971, 0389 AE 1971, 0390 AE 1971, 0391 AE 1971, 0391 AE 1944, 0048a AE 1944, 0048a AE 1944, 0048b; AE 1977, 0663 AE 1944, 0048b; AE 1977,

De Sena

Aelia Mammutio

Daughter of Aelia Nice / Wife of Aelius Vitalianus (?)

Funerary

Ael[ius] Vitalianus

Augur / husband of Aelia Mammutio (?)

Funerary

Eufemus

Funerary

Hamasaeo Alapatha

From Palmyra

Military diploma

Titus Flavius Saturninus

Centurion of Legio V Macedonica

M(arco?) Ulpio Victore

Procurator provincia porolissensis

Religious dedication Religious dedication Religious dedication Religious dedication

Flavius Mar[…] Valerius Them[…]

Veteran decurio municipii

173

0663 AE 1944, 0048b; AE 1977, 0663 AE 1944, 0048b; AE 1977, 0663 AE 1944, 0049 AE 1925, 0076; AE 1935, 0003; C.I.L. 16, 00068 AE 1980, 0755 AE 1980, 0755 AE 1979, 0487 AE 1971, 0387