The Roman Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia [1 & 2] 1440838089, 9781440838088

Table of contents :
Cover
About the pagination of this eBook
The Roman Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1
Halftitle Page
Series page
Title page
Copyright page
Dedication
Contents
Preface
Acknowledgments
Introduction
Chronology
Cities
OVERVIEW ESSAY
Alexandria
Antioch
Aquincum
Athens
Caesarea Maritima
Carnuntum
Carthage
Colonia Agrippina
Constantinople
Corinth
Ephesus
Jerusalem
London
Lugdunum
Mediolanum
Mogontiacum
Ostia
Petra
Pompeii
Ravenna
Rome
Split and Salona
Thessalonica
Trier
Government and Politics
OVERVIEW ESSAY
Aediles
Auspices or Augury
Bureaucracy
Calendar
Censor
Circus
Comitia
Consilium
Consul
Corporations
Curatores
Currency Systems
Cursus Honorum
Dictator
Equites
Grain Trade
Law Courts
Manumission
Pontifex Maximus
Praeses (Roman Governors)
Prisons
Propaganda
Punishment
Roman Law
Roman Law, Evolution of
Senate
Taxation
Treason Trials
Vestal Virgins
Vigiles
Groups and Organizations
OVERVIEW ESSAY
Alamanni and Juthungi
Bacchus, Cult of
Celts
Christians
Dacians
Desert Tribes
Family Names
Freedmen
Germanic Tribes
Gladiators
Huns
Isis and Osiris, Cult of
Jews
Mauri
Merchants
Mystery Religions
Parthians
Persians
Picts
Slaves
State Religion
Traders
Vandals
Visigoths
Individuals
OVERVIEW ESSAY
Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius (64–12 BCE)
Agrippina the Elder (14 BCE–33 CE)
Antoninus Pius (86–161 CE)
Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE)
Aurelian, Lucius Domitius (ca. 215–275 CE)
Caesar, Gaius Julius (102–44 BCE)
Caligula (12–41 CE)
Claudius (10 BCE–54 CE)
Cleopatra (69–30 BCE)
Constantine (285–337 CE)
Constantine, House of
Diocletian (ca. 244–313 CE)
Domitian (51–96 CE)
Hadrian (76–138 CE)
Jesus (ca. 4 BCE–29 CE)
Latin Fathers of the Western Church
Livia Drusilla (58 BCE–29 CE)
Marcus Aurelius (121–180 CE)
Nero (37–68 CE)
Palmyra, House of
Sejanus, Lucius Aelius (20 BCE–31 CE)
Severan Dynasty (193–235 CE)
Theodosius, House of
Tiberius (42 BCE–37 CE)
Trajan (53–117 CE)
Valentinian, House of
Valerian (ca. 193–260 CE) and Gallienus (218–268 CE)
Vespasian, Titus Flavius (9–79 CE)
Institutions
OVERVIEW ESSAY
Alimenta
Annona
Burial Clubs
Census
Civitas
Client Kings
Colonies
Delatores
Diocese
Language
Mansio (Road System)
Markets
Marriage
Mints
Officials
Priests
Provinces
Provincial Capitals
Provincial Law
Public Health and Sanitation
Public Works
Regulations, Business
Regulations, Commercial
Religion
Sacrifices
Index
The Roman Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 2
Halftitle page
Series page
Title page
Copyright page
Dedication
Contents
Key Events
OVERVIEW ESSAY
Actium, Battle of (31 BCE)
Adrianople, Battle of (378 CE)
Antonine Plague
Augustan Settlement
Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion (69 CE)
Boudicca Rebellion (60 or 61 CE)
British Conquest
Carausius Rebellion (286–293 CE)
Council of Nicaea (325 CE)
Dacian Wars (101–102 and 105–106 CE)
Diocletian Persecutions (303–311 CE)
Edict of Milan (313 CE)
Edict of Toleration (311 CE)
Fires
Floods
Jewish Rebellion, First (66–73 CE)
Judea Provincial Disruption
Julia Conspiracy (2 BCE)
Milvian Bridge, Battle of the (312 CE)
Piso Conspiracy (65 CE)
Pre-Diocletianic Persecutions
Price Edict (301 CE)
Sack of Rome (410 CE)
Teutoburg Forest, Battle of the (9 CE)
Third-Century Political Chaos
Third-Century Social Chaos
Thirty Tyrants
Vesuvius Eruption (79 CE)
Year of the Five Emperors (193 CE)
Year of the Four Emperors (69 CE)
Military
OVERVIEW ESSAY
Antonine Wall
Auxiliaries
Catapults
Cavalry
Centurions
Cohort
Command
Defensive Policy
Exploratores, Speculatores, and Frumentarii
Hadrian’s Wall
Legion
Legionary Camps
Legionary Deployment
Legionary Officers
Limes
Masada, Siege of (73/74 CE)
Navy
Order of Battle
Praetorian Guard
Provincial Treatment
Recruitment and Service
Roads and Projects
Siege
Tactics
Training
Triumph
Uniforms
Weapons
Objects and Artifacts
OVERVIEW ESSAY
Aqueducts
Ara Pacis
Catacombs
Clothing
Coins
Colosseum
Gardens
Imperial Fora
Inscriptions
Literature
Machines
Marble Quarries
Mausoleums
Mines
Mosaics
Paintings
Palaces
Papyri
Ports and Harbors
Pottery
Sculpture
Ships
Theaters, Odeons, and Arenas
Villas
Votive Offerings
Primary Documents
1. REPUBLICAN FIRE BRIGADE UNDER CRASSUS
2. CURSUS HONORUM
3. CALENDAR
4. JULIUS CAESAR’S FUNERAL
5. ROMAN PRAYER
6. AUGUSTUS’S FIRE BRIGADES
7. DISPOSITION OF FORCES UNDER AUGUSTUS
8. VARUS AND THE GERMAN WARS
9. AUGUSTUS’S LOOKS
10. TREASON TRIALS UNDER TIBERIUS
11. GERMANICUS CONQUERS THE GERMANS
12. THE PISO AFFAIR
13. THE THRACIAN WAR
14. PERSECUTION OF CULTS
15. TIBERIUS’S RELATIONS WITH AGRIPPINA
16. SEJANUS AND THE POWER OF THE PRAETORIAN GUARD
17. TIBERIUS’S DEPRAVITY
18. CALIGULA’S CRUELTY
19. FLOODING OF THE TIBER RIVER
20. NEW TAXES
21. LEGAL COURTS
22. CLAUDIUS’S PUBLIC WORKS
23. THE GRAIN SUPPLY
24. FOREIGN RELATIONS
25. GAMES
26. NERO’S PUNISHMENT OF CHRISTIANS
27. WARS IN BRITAIN
28. FIRES IN ROME
29. NERO’S PRIVATE HOUSE
30. NERO’S SINGING
31. PRAETORIAN GUARD
32. CIVILIS REBELLION
33. URINE TAX
34. SIEGE OF JERUSALEM
35. SIEGE OF MASADA
36. ERUPTION OF MOUNT VESUVIUS
37. DOMITIAN AS A GOD
38. A FEMALE GLADIATOR
39. EDICT OF TOLERATION
40. CONSTANTINE AND THE CHI-RHO
41. EDICT OF MILAN
42. BATTLE OF ADRIANOPLE
43. CITY OF ALEXANDRIA
44. CITY OF JERUSALEM
Selected Bibliography
About the Author
Index

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The Roman Empire

Recent Titles in Empires of the World The Persian Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia Mehrdad Kia The Spanish Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia H. Micheal Tarver, editor, Emily Slape, assistant editor The Mongol Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia Timothy May, editor The Ottoman Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia Mehrdad Kia

THE ROMAN EMPIRE A Historical Encyclopedia Volume 1

James W. Ermatinger

Empires of the World

Copyright © 2018 by ABC-CLIO, LLC All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Ermatinger, James William, 1959- author. Title: The Roman Empire : a historical encyclopedia / James W. Ermatinger. Description: Santa Barbara, California : ABC-CLIO, 2018. | Series: Empires of the world |   Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017042054 (print) | LCCN 2017042431 (ebook) | ISBN 9781440838095  (ebook) | ISBN 9781440838088 (set : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781440849077 (vol 1 : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781440849084 (vol 2 : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Rome—Encyclopedias. Classification: LCC DG16 (ebook) | LCC DG16 .E76 2018 (print) | DDC 937/.0603—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017042054 ISBN: 978-1-4408-3808-8 (set) 978-1-4408-4907-7 (vol. 1) 978-1-4408-4908-4 (vol. 2) 978-1-4408-3809-5 (ebook) 22 21 20 19 18  1 2 3 4 5 This book is also available as an eBook. ABC-CLIO An Imprint of ABC-CLIO, LLC ABC-CLIO, LLC 130 Cremona Drive, P.O. Box 1911 Santa Barbara, California 93116-1911 www.abc-clio.com This book is printed on acid-free paper Manufactured in the United States of America

For my parents, Amy Alma Ermatinger (1926–2003) and Alexander Eugene Ermatinger (1925–2009) who always encouraged me to follow my own path and who always supported me in my decisions

Contents

VOLUME 1 Preface xv Acknowledgments xvii Introduction xix Chronology xxxi Cities 1 Overview Essay 1 Alexandria 4 Antioch 6 Aquincum 9 Athens 12 Caesarea Maritima 14 Carnuntum 16 Carthage 18 Colonia Agrippina 20 Constantinople 22 Corinth 24 Ephesus 26 Jerusalem 28 London 31 Lugdunum 33 Mediolanum 35 Mogontiacum 36 Ostia 38 Petra 41 Pompeii 43 Ravenna 45 Rome 48 Split and Salona 51 vii

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Thessalonica 53 Trier 55 Government and Politics 59 Overview Essay 59 Aediles 62 Auspices or Augury 64 Bureaucracy 66 Calendar 68 Censor 70 Circus 72 Comitia 75 Consilium 77 Consul 79 Corporations 82 Curatores 84 Currency Systems 85 Cursus Honorum 88 Dictator 90 Equites 92 Grain Trade 94 Law Courts 96 Manumission 99 Pontifex Maximus 101 Praeses (Roman Governors) 103 Prisons 105 Propaganda 107 Punishment 110 Roman Law 112 Roman Law, Evolution of 113 Senate 115 Taxation 118 Treason Trials 120 Vestal Virgins 122 Vigiles 124 Groups and Organizations 127 Overview Essay 127 Alamanni and Juthungi 129 Bacchus, Cult of 131 Celts 134 Christians 136 Dacians 139 Desert Tribes 142

Contents |

Family Names 144 Freedmen 146 Germanic Tribes 148 Gladiators 150 Huns 153 Isis and Osiris, Cult of 155 Jews 157 Mauri 159 Merchants 160 Mystery Religions 163 Parthians 165 Persians 167 Picts 169 Slaves 171 State Religion 173 Traders 175 Vandals 176 Visigoths 178 Individuals 183 Overview Essay 183 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius (64–12 BCE) 187 Agrippina the Elder (14 BCE–33 CE) 189 Antoninus Pius (86–161 CE) 191 Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE) 193 Aurelian, Lucius Domitius (ca. 215–275 CE) 196 Caesar, Gaius Julius (102–44 BCE) 198 Caligula (12–41 CE) 200 Claudius (10 BCE–54 CE) 203 Cleopatra (69–30 BCE) 205 Constantine (285–337 CE) 207 Constantine, House of 209 Diocletian (ca. 244–313 CE) 212 Domitian (51–96 CE) 214 Hadrian (76–138 CE) 216 Jesus (ca. 4 BCE–29 CE) 218 Latin Fathers of the Western Church 220 Livia Drusilla (58 BCE–29 CE) 223 Marcus Aurelius (121–180 CE) 225 Nero (37–68 CE) 227 Palmyra, House of 229 Sejanus, Lucius Aelius (20 BCE–31 CE) 231 Severan Dynasty (193–235 CE) 233 Theodosius, House of 235

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Tiberius (42 BCE–37 CE) Trajan (53–117 CE) Valentinian, House of Valerian (ca. 193–260 CE) and Gallienus (218–268 CE) Vespasian, Titus Flavius (9–79 CE)

238 240 242 244 246

Institutions 249 Overview Essay 249 Alimenta 252 Annona 254 Burial Clubs 255 Census 257 Civitas 259 Client Kings 260 Colonies 263 Delatores 265 Diocese 267 Language 268 Mansio (Road System) 271 Markets 273 Marriage 275 Mints 278 Officials 280 Priests 283 Provinces 284 Provincial Capitals 286 Provincial Law 288 Public Health and Sanitation 290 Public Works 292 Regulations, Business 294 Regulations, Commercial 296 Religion 298 Sacrifices 301 Index 303 VOLUME 2 Key Events Overview Essay Actium, Battle of (31 BCE) Adrianople, Battle of (378 CE) Antonine Plague Augustan Settlement Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion (69 CE) Boudicca Rebellion (60 or 61 CE)

1 1 5 8 10 12 14 16

Contents |

British Conquest 19 Carausius Rebellion (286–293 CE) 21 Council of Nicaea (325 CE) 23 Dacian Wars (101–102 and 105–106 CE) 26 Diocletian Persecutions (303–311 CE) 28 Edict of Milan (313 CE) 31 Edict of Toleration (311 CE) 33 Fires 34 Floods 37 Jewish Rebellion, First (66–73 CE) 38 Judea Provincial Disruption 41 Julia Conspiracy (2 BCE) 44 Milvian Bridge, Battle of the (312 CE) 46 Piso Conspiracy (65 CE) 48 Pre-Diocletianic Persecutions 50 Price Edict (301 CE) 52 Sack of Rome (410 CE) 54 Teutoburg Forest, Battle of the (9 CE) 56 Third-Century Political Chaos 59 Third-Century Social Chaos 61 Thirty Tyrants 64 Vesuvius Eruption (79 CE) 66 Year of the Five Emperors (193 CE) 68 Year of the Four Emperors (69 CE) 71 Military 75 Overview Essay 75 Antonine Wall 77 Auxiliaries 80 Catapults 81 Cavalry 84 Centurions 86 Cohort 87 Command 89 Defensive Policy 91 Exploratores, Speculatores, and Frumentarii 93 Hadrian’s Wall 95 Legion 97 Legionary Camps 99 Legionary Deployment 101 Legionary Officers 103 Limes 104 Masada, Siege of (73/74 CE) 107 Navy 110 Order of Battle 112

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Praetorian Guard 114 Provincial Treatment 116 Recruitment and Service 118 Roads and Projects 120 Siege 123 Tactics 125 Training 127 Triumph 129 Uniforms 132 Weapons 133 Objects and Artifacts 137 Overview Essay 137 Aqueducts 140 Ara Pacis 142 Catacombs 145 Clothing 148 Coins 150 Colosseum 153 Gardens 155 Imperial Fora 157 Inscriptions 159 Literature 162 Machines 164 Marble Quarries 166 Mausoleums 168 Mines 170 Mosaics 171 Paintings 173 Palaces 176 Papyri 178 Ports and Harbors 180 Pottery 183 Sculpture 185 Ships 188 Theaters, Odeons, and Arenas 190 Villas 192 Votive Offerings 195 Primary Documents

197

  1. Republican Fire Brigade under Crassus

197

  2. Cursus Honorum

198

 3. Calendar

199

Contents |

  4. Julius Caesar’s Funeral

200

  5. Roman Prayer

201

  6. Augustus’s Fire Brigades

202

  7. Disposition of Forces under Augustus

203

  8. Varus and the German Wars

203

  9. Augustus’s Looks

204

10. Treason Trials under Tiberius

205

11. Germanicus Conquers the Germans

206

12. The Piso Affair

207

13. The Thracian War

209

14. Persecution of Cults

212

15. Tiberius’s Relations with Agrippina

213

16. Sejanus and the Power of the Praetorian Guard

214

17. Tiberius’s Depravity

215

18. Caligula’s Cruelty

216

19. Flooding of the Tiber River

216

20. New Taxes

217

21. Legal Courts

218

22. Claudius’s Public Works

220

23. The Grain Supply

221

24. Foreign Relations

221

25. Games

223

26. Nero’s Punishment of Christians

225

27. Wars in Britain

226

28. Fires in Rome

230

29. Nero’s Private House

233

30. Nero’s Singing

235

31. Praetorian Guard

237

32. Civilis Rebellion

237

33. Urine Tax

239

34. Siege of Jerusalem

240

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35. Siege of Masada

242

36. Eruption of Mount Vesuvius

243

37. Domitian as a God

246

38. A Female Gladiator

247

39. Edict of Toleration

248

40. Constantine and the Chi-Rho

249

41. Edict of Milan

251

42. Battle of Adrianople

253

43. City of Alexandria

256

44. City of Jerusalem

259

Selected Bibliography

265

About the Author

271

Index 273

Preface

This work seeks to provide readers with a quick guide on various topics associated with the Roman Empire. Exploring a variety of areas such as cities, government, organizations, individuals, institutions, key events, military, and objects, individuals can plan a course of study on Roman imperial life and history. Each area has an introduction showing the interconnections between the various entries, of which there are about 25 topics in each section. Each entry gives an in-depth analysis of the topic, related areas in the encyclopedia, and further readings, both in print and on the Internet. The different sections are meant to not only stand alone but also intersect with each other. The section “Cities” not only explores individual sites such as Carnuntum, Carthage, London, Ostia, and Thessalonica but also shows their importance to the Roman world and their impact on Roman society. The section “Government and Politics” provides entries that deal not only with offices such as consul or praeses (Roman governors) but also systems such as corporations, prisons, and the circus. This section also examines the important functions of the government from taxation to currency. The section “Groups and Organizations” describes the various entities that impacted Roman society and history both within the empire, such as merchants, slaves, and traders, and also outside the Roman Empire among groups that impacted Rome, such as Germans, Huns, and Vandals. Included in this section are religious groups such as Jews, Christians, and worshippers of Bacchus and Isis. The section “Individuals” examines the lives of important Romans during the imperial period. Beginning with Julius Caesar, who firmly established the concept of imperial power, and Augustus, who fully developed the role of emperor down to the reign of Theodosius, who established the last great imperial dynasty, this section attempts to place the history of the Roman Empire within the context of the people who made an impact on Rome and its future. The section “Institutions” provides the reader with a variety of entries focusing on all aspects of Roman rule, from burial clubs and commercial regulations to provinces and provincial law. This section deals with business and commercial regulations as well as sacrifices and religion. The section “Key Events” explains the setting for many of the important acts that shaped Roman imperial history. Starting with the Battle of Actium, which allowed xv

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Rome’s first emperor, Augustus, to achieve control, down to the Battle of Adrianople, which witnessed the death of an emperor and the beginning of the end for the Roman Empire, this section attempts to provide the impact of events on Roman history and society. The section “Military” examines the development of military policy, from Rome’s defensive policy and military structures such as Hadrian’s Wall to the position of legions and Rome’s military fighting capabilities. In addition, Rome’s treatment of provincials as well as the soldiers’ training and projects are presented. The section “Objects and Artifacts” presents material remains that exemplify Rome and its society. In addition to literature and the arts, materials such as clothing, coins, ships, and votive offerings are examined. Many of these items would be seen regularly by Roman inhabitants, and their remains allow us to understand Roman society and its people. The different sections in conjunction with the chronology of important events during the Roman imperial period, the introduction examining why this period is so crucial to modern society, primary documents that give examples of how Romans viewed themselves, and a general bibliography of modern sources, both print and electronic, allow for a complete view of the ancient Roman Empire as the first truly great multicultural, multiethnic, and geographically diverse empire. This work offers insight into what Roman society was like based on literary, art, and archaeological remains and how the Roman Empire has impacted modern society and history.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the staff at ABC-CLIO for their patience and help throughout this project. In particular, I would like to thank Patrick Hall, development editor, for his helpful suggestions and edits in making sure that what I said is really what I meant. I would also like to thank my wife Mona, who constantly supported me as I worked on this project and did not become too annoyed with the organized chaos of books and papers around my chair in the living room as I researched and wrote.

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Introduction

The Roman Empire can be divided into five periods roughly corresponding to imperial dynasties. These include the Julio-Claudians (31 BCE–67 CE), Flavio-Antonines (69–192), Severan-era of chaos (192–284), Tetrarchic-Constantinian (284–364), and Valentinian-Theodosian Collapse (364–476). While not distinct periods, they are marked by dynasties that continually reinvented the Roman ideas until its final collapse in the fifth century.

THE JULIO-CLAUDIANS The Roman Empire was established by Octavian (Augustus) in the period after the civil wars of the first century BCE. With his uncle Julius Caesar’s assassination in 44 BCE, the young Octavian ultimately won the civil wars against Antony and established the principate. The chief events during this first period was the creation of the empire under Augustus, an expansion of the empire’s territory to its optimal area that would define future periods, the establishment of the imperial government and its apparatus, and an ambitious building program that transformed the city of Rome. What led to Octavian’s success was his ability to read the political whims of Rome, his uncanny realization and perception of what the Romans would accept, his excellent administrative prowess, his ability to appoint capable subordinates, and his longevity. These attributes allowed him to establish a new system so that when he died no one could remember what the republic was like. His successor, Tiberius, continued his plans and again with his longevity allowed for the new order to take permanent hold. The Julio-Claudians maintained their power based on the loyalty of the army to the family of Augustus. During this period Augustus embarked on a policy of expansion incorporating nearly the entirety of the Roman state as known, with some later additions. Under his reign the Danube region was conquered, the small kingdoms in Asia Minor and Judea were either added to the state or fully controlled by Rome, Egypt was conquered, Africa along the Mediterranean was added to old Africa (Tunisia), Spain and Gaul were pacified, and Germany was incorporated into the empire. Augustus planned to Romanize Germany from the Rhine east to the Elbe and had even conquered most of the region when his army was wiped out in 9 CE, ending his eastern expansion. The period saw a xix

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gradual smoothing out of the empire through the acquisition of client kingdoms, especially after Augustus, to the natural boundaries of rivers, mountains, deserts, and seas. During the reign of Claudius there was the conquest of Britain, the only sizable acquisition after Augustus by the Julio-Claudians. The Julio-Claudian period saw a decrease in the power of the old aristocracy. While many of the families had been destroyed or weakened during the chaotic last century of the republic, there was still during the early imperial period a strong enough faction that required Augustus to be sensitive to their position. He did not wish to alienate them as his uncle had done but instead wanted to incorporate them into his new political system. This called for him to ensure their continued position of honor even without any real political power. Augustus realized that it was important to not promote his position outwardly over any previous republican office and instead to work within the system. During the reign of the Julio-Claudians, power was soon concentrated in the hands of the emperor and his bureaucracy, manned by imperial freedmen. The imperial bureaucracy was necessitated by the emperors continually undertaking many of the functions of government. These undertakings often occurred because the initiatives were new and created by the emperors or because the former system either did not work or had broken down. In some instances, such as the collection of taxes, the emperor revised the system to abolish the former corrupt system, which had penalized and abused provincials. This period also witnessed a period of prosperity brought on by the end of the civil wars; while Italy recovered, so too did the provinces, which now shared in the new peace and prosperity of the empire. The chief events of the Julio-Claudian period were the establishment of the empire by Augustus and its further entrenchment by Tiberius, the chaotic reign of Gaius (Caligula), restoration and bureaucratization under Claudius, and the end of the dynasty after the erratic reign of Nero. From 44–31 BCE Octavian consolidated his power in the west, where he used the talents of his general Marcus Agrippa in defeating Sextus Pompey, the youngest son of Pompey the Great who had controlled the western Mediterranean. Octavian pacified Gaul and then moved into the Balkans, defeating the tribes near Illyricum before defeating Marc Antony at Actium in 31 BCE. With his victory and the subsequent deaths of both Antony and Cleopatra in Egypt, Octavian returned to Rome in triumph in 30 BCE. This period witnessed Octavian brutally dealing with his enemies, from participating in the proscriptions in 43 BCE and the execution of the assassins of Julius Caesar to his seizure of lands and money needed to pay his army. After his victory at Actium, Octavian did not initiate too many purges but did order the execution of Julius Caesar’s son by Cleopatra while saving her children by Antony and even raising them in the imperial household. In 27 BCE Octavian announced his retirement and planned giving all of his power to the state, which was soon rejected by his allies in the Senate, and he now took on the name Augustus and, as he put it, took no new powers. In reality, he now moved from the quasi-legal position of military monarch to a system sanctioned by the Senate for power held through traditional offices outwardly but securely in place with a supporting army.

Introduction |

His power now secured, Augustus settled the affairs of the empire and ruled without much opposition, although when conspiracies arose they were dealt with quickly until his death in 14 CE. His successor Tiberius, his son-in-law and adopted son, already 56 years old, added further stability, since he was well known in the military and was a capable administrator. While his rule was at time chaotic, never really giving direct wishes to the Senate and allowing the rise of Sejanus and the Praetorian Guard, for most of the populace he was able to extend the prosperity of peace begun under Augustus. When Tiberius died in 37 CE at the age of 77, the state was fairly secure with a full treasury. His successor Gaius, or Caligula, produced a chaotic scene that bankrupted the state, and with his assassination in 41 his uncle Claudius became emperor. Claudius restored the sanity and expanded the empire by annexing the provinces of Thrace, Noricum, Pamphylia, Lycia, and Judea and completing the annexation of Mauretania begun by Caligula. Claudius also began the conquest of Britain in 43 CE. As with the other Julio-Claudians he continued the public works program, especially building a new harbor at Ostia. With his death in 54, his nephew Nero became emperor. Although erratic, Nero does not seem to have been insane like Caligula. Rather, Nero desired to enjoy the seat of power without dealing with the responsibilities. He believed himself an artist. His period was marked by the continual rule of the imperial bureaucracy of imperial freedmen. During the first five years of his rule the state functioned well, with Nero currying favor with the populace by reducing taxes and ensuring the grain supply. A great fire in Rome in 64 destroyed large sections of the city, with Nero being suspected of starting it since he took over the devastated region near the Forum and built his private estate, Domus Aureus. To deflect criticism, he blamed the Christians for the fire and ordered them persecuted. His rule was also marked by wars in the east against Parthia, a rebellion in Britain, and the First Jewish Rebellion in Judea. A rebellion by the army in Spain in 68 forced Nero to commit suicide when he lost the support of the army elsewhere. With his death the Julio-Claudians came to an end and showed that the emperor (now Galba) did not have to reside in Rome or be a relative of Augustus. This inaugurated a new era, the Flavio-Antonine period from 69 to 192.

THE FLAVIO-ANTONINES This second era of Roman imperial history involved two major dynasties, the Flavian, composed of Vespasian and his sons Titus and Domitian, and the adoptive period known as the Antonines, with the emperors Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius and his natural son Commodus ruling. With the assassination of Commodus the empire was thrown into another civil war, ending with the advancement of Septimius Severus. Whereas the Julio-Claudians were known for their formation of the empire and the establishment of most of the practices, the Flavio-Antonine period saw the empire moving into a well-organized and operating government. Vespasian brought about a stabilizing influence after the chaos of Nero and the Year of the Four Emperors. With the First Jewish Rebellion nearly over, Vespasian left his son Titus in command of the army besieging Jerusalem while he moved to Rome to establish his

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control. Vespasian soon realized the extent of Nero’s damage on Rome’s society, especially the drain of the treasury and the rising debt. Vespasian instituted several new taxes and policies to control spending and bring about a revival in the Roman economy. At the same time his generals in Judea and Germany extinguished the civil wars and rebellions that had occurred during the end of Nero’s reign. The chief events of the Flavian period were the defeat of Civilis in Germany, the fall of Jerusalem, the eruption of Mount Vesuvius and the destruction of Pompeii, the Dacian Wars, and the rebellion of Saturninus. When Vespasian’s followers seized Rome, they still had to deal with other areas of disruption. In Germany the Romanized vassal Civilis rebelled against Rome; his tribe, the Batavians, defeated the two legions stationed in Germany. Ostensibly Civilis indicated that he was siding with Vespasian, but it became clear that he desired to break away from Rome. After this success all of Gaul broke into rebellion, but soon bickering by the different tribal leaders allowed Vespasian’s lieutenant Cerialis to defeat Civilis in several battles and come to terms with him. It appears that Civilis won some rights for his tribes but then disappeared from history. The fall of Jerusalem in 70 CE marked a virtual end to the First Jewish Rebellion and began the Jewish diaspora. The Temple was burned, probably on purpose, and the city’s inhabitants were killed or enslaved. The Jews were now forced to pay their temple tax to Rome. During the short reign of Titus, the major event was the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 CE leading to the destruction of Pompeii. During Domitian’s reign the Dacians

Introduction |

caused trouble for Rome, and although Domitian attempted to subdue them he was forced to make peace with them after a legion was wiped out. The peace treaty was seen by many Romans as ignoble and may have led to the rebellion of Saturninus, governor of Germany, which Domitian was forced to put down, leaving Dacia intact. Although the rebellion failed, it showed some of the problems faced by Domitian and his foreign policies. This period also saw the shift in construction programs in Rome away from the private buildings of Nero to the public works of Vespasian. The propaganda was important. Whereas Nero had a private lake, a garden, and a new palace (the Golden House), Vespasian began to transform these into public spaces. The lake, with its nearby colossal statue of Nero, was drained and turned into an arena, the Flavian Amphitheatre, with the colossal statue dedicated now to Helios or Apollo and soon becoming synonymous with the arena, having its name, Colosseum, from the term “colossus.” Begun in 72 by Vespasian, it was dedicated in 80 by his son and successor Titus. The private garden was now turned into the Temple of Peace in 71. Finally, the Golden House (Domus Aureus) was buried, and the Baths of Titus were built in 81; Trajan would build his more extensive baths next to them some 20 years later. These examples show how the Flavians desired to move away from the private to the public and also show the difference between the corrupt Nero, who built structures for only his use, to the new dynasty, which opened the area to all. With Domitian’s assassination in 96 CE a nearly peaceful transition occurred with Nerva (96–98), the first of the adoptive emperors. His proclamation by the Senate prevented civil war from breaking out, but his refusal to execute Domitian’s assassins angered the army, which was loyal to Domitian, forcing Nerva to seek a solution. Although he was old and childless, he was seen as a safe choice because many knew that he would die soon and could not be succeeded by his family. A year after Nerva assumed the throne the Praetorian Guard took him hostage, demanding that he turn over the assassins, which he was now forced to do. Although allowed to live he was powerless, and so in October 97 he adopted the general Trajan, who had the prestige and power to control the situation as his heir and caesar. On January 1, 98, Nerva suffered a stroke and on January 28 died, allowing for a peaceful transition for Trajan (98–117). With his accession Trajan became known as the greatest emperor, perhaps an exaggeration but not by far. A leading soldier who had supported Domitian in an earlier coup, Trajan did not immediately move on Rome but instead toured the Rhine and Danube frontiers to ensure the troops’ loyalties. He also executed the Praetorian Guard commander who had held Nerva hostage. Upon Trajan’s arrival in Rome his position was secure, but he did not institute any purges of the Senate. He did not follow Domitian’s practice of preferring equestrians for offices and instead attempted to soothe the Senate by including them in his plans. Successfully winning over the Senate, Trajan now embarked on a series of wars first in Dacia and then in the east against the Parthians. Successfully defeating the Dacians in two wars, he brought into the Roman Empire the region north of the Danube in modern-day Romania. His campaigns in the east were not lasting, since Judea rebelled again and he died returning from Parthia to

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handle the Jews. Childless, Trajan had adopted his nephew Hadrian (117–138), who now became emperor. Unlike Trajan, the new emperor was not warlike and gave up the eastern territories recently won. Hadrian did, however, spend a considerable time in the provinces touring them and making sure the frontiers were well manned and fortified. He was often accused of abandoning Rome. During his reign the great wall, Hadrian’s Wall, was constructed in northern Britain. The Second Jewish Rebellion (132–136) broke out during his reign, resulting in the further destruction of Jerusalem and ultimately leading to the city of Jerusalem being called Aelia Capitolina. Hadrian, also childless, adopted Antoninus and in July 138 died. Antoninus (138–161) peacefully assumed the imperial power. Unlike his predecessor, Antoninus did not venture far from Rome, one of the reasons why the Senate refused to initially give Hadrian divine status; they ultimately relented and deified Hadrian. Antoninus’s reign did not produce much military activity, with minor areas and border disturbances predominating. He did advance northward in Britain and had a turf wall, the Antonine Wall, constructed, but it was abandoned due to long supply lines through barren lands. His reign was viewed as the most peaceful time in the Roman Empire. He was a capable administrator, and his fiscal policies allowed for the treasury to be expanded without new taxes. His death in 161 allowed for his adopted son and son-in-law, Marcus Aurelius (161–180), to peacefully become emperor. Marcus Aurelius had to contend with troubles in the east and on the Danube. In the east, Rome waged war with Parthia from 161 to 166 during which time Rome was successful, but the returning army brought back the plague, which devastated Rome’s population. In 166 he faced new troubles along the Rhine and Danube, with a series of Germanic tribes invading. The major tribes, Sarmatians and Marcomanni along the Danube, caused the most trouble, resulting in a costly war that was never finished. Marcus Aurelius died in 180 in Vienna. Unlike the earlier emperors who all died without sons, Marcus Aurelius had a son, Commodus (180–192), who now ascended to the throne. Commodus’s reign was relatively peaceful militarily but had almost continuous political strife. He was beseeched with political conspiracies and became known for his cruelty in putting down rebellions and plots. In 192 he was assassinated by members of the imperial household, which once again threw Rome into chaos. The Flavio-Antonine period witnessed the culmination of the development of the imperial bureaucracy whereby the state took over most of the functions previously controlled by either private individuals or offices within the palace run by imperial slaves and freedmen. These bureaucratic offices were now supervised by equestrian or senatorial officials and manned by slaves or freedmen. The offices often allowed individuals to receive honors and awards and helped them in fostering future positions. The major difference between the Julio-Claudian and Flavio-Antonine periods was that the offices became standardized and continued as offices during future periods, not as the personal domain of individuals. This change allowed for the state to ensure consistency across the stage. While it increased the size of the bureaucracy, it also probably cut down on favoritism, corruption, and nepotism. During the Flavio-Antonine period there was also the expansion of public architecture within the city of Rome as well as other cities, which received more utilitarian

Introduction |

structures. During this time the imperial fora were completed with Vespasian’s Temple of Peace, Domitian’s Forum Transitorium, and Trajan’s Imperial Forum. Trajan also constructed his markets near his forum, and while at Ostia, Rome’s port, he enlarged the harbor built by Claudius 50 years earlier. Hadrian constructed several temples, as did Antoninus Pius. In the provinces there was the construction in cities of numerous utilitarian works often paid for by the emperors.

THE SEVERAN ERA OF CHAOS With the assassination of Commodus, Rome entered into another tumultuous year, the Year of the Five Emperors, resulting in Septimius Severus winning the throne. The chief events during this period was the establishment of an open military monarchy, a renewed period (in the early era) of expansion, an unstable succession and civil war, and a disruption of the social and economic networks in the empire. The next century, known as Severan-Chaos, can be distinguished by a series of dynasties: Severan and Valerian, with numerous pretenders, usurpers, and military generals constantly vying for power. The first half witnessed the strong rule of Septimius Severus followed by his son Caracalla. Septimius had learned that the real power lay in the army, so he lavished it. He successfully fought in the east against the Parthians and in Britain, where he died in 211. His son and successor Caracalla ruled until 217. He spent only his first year in Rome and afterward campaigned in the east. This practice soon became common, with many of the successive emperors living and working away from Rome. Caracalla fought on the Rhine and strengthened its forts and moved to the east to deal with Parthia. After successes in 216 he planned another assault but was assassinated in 217. After a brief rule by Macrinus, his praetorian prefect, Caracalla’s cousin, Elagabalus, was made emperor by the army but was controlled by his grandmother and mother. His reign was full of scandals and religious strife and the wanton unbridled life of a 14-year-old. In 222 his grandmother promoted her other grandson Alexander, and the Praetorian Guard executed Elagabalus and his mother. Alexander, only 13 years old, would rule until 235. During his rule he and his advisers attempted to restore order and peace after his cousin’s chaotic rule. In foreign policy he had to deal with the Persians who had defeated and replaced the Parthians in the east. Although the Roman armies faced continual setbacks there, he was able to maintain control of the weak army and survived a coup. In 234 he was forced to fight the Germans, who had crossed into Roman territory. Instead of fighting them due to his weakened army he bribed them, an act that made him seem weak in his army’s eyes. He was then assassinated in 235 by the army. What followed was a series of emperors ruling briefly, only about 5 years or less, for the next 20 years. In 253 Valerian became emperor and together with his son Gallienus attempted to hold back the onslaughts of the Persians. In the east the Persians defeated Valerian in 260, who perhaps died soon after or remained a prisoner, while Gallienus now ruled until 268 and attempted to hold back the Germans. During Gallienus’s rule central power controlled only Italy and some of the surrounding areas, while foreign enemies and internal rebels held other parts. Gallienus was assassinated trying to reassert Roman control from breakaway provinces. For the next 15 years a series of

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emperors from the Danube region slowly regained control. Although most died from assassinations, they were able to secure the frontiers and regain control over most of the empire. In 284 the last of these rulers, Carus, was assassinated in the east, and his successor, Diocletian, began the fourth period, or the Tetrarchic-Constantinian era. This Severan-Chaos period had at the beginning a series of public architectural accomplishments such as the Baths of Caracalla. Most of the building projects were continuations of earlier works or repairs. In the provinces the major focus was on defense. Throughout this period the frontiers were strengthened when possible, and many of the cities in the interior had walls for defense, including Rome with the new Walls of Aurelian. The constant changeover of rulers did not allow for any cohesive planning, and projects often took years to complete due to the political and economic upheavals. During this time the economy suffered from debasement of the coinage, increases in taxes and forced exactions, and accompanying inflation.

THE TETRARCHIC-CONSTANTINIAN ERA With the accession of Diocletian, Rome entered into a new period when the empire continued its internal control and military reforms. The next period saw the chief events in the reestablishment of central control, the formal division of regions ruled by coemperors, the persecution of Christians followed by the triumph of Christianity over paganism, and the movement to a religious-political state that laid the foundation for the future development of Europe and the east. Diocletian quickly realized that to put an end to internal rebellions and to hold back the foreign attacks, he needed coemperors. A year after coming to the throne in 284, Diocletian elevated a fellow general, Maximian, to coemperor, giving him control of the west. Maximian dealt with a rebellion in Gaul and fighting the Germans on the Rhine while Diocletian continued to exert control in the east. In 293 Diocletian elevated two more generals to vice emperors, Constantius and Galerius, creating the tetrarchy. These four men continually fought against internal and external forces until 301, when the empire was at peace from internal rebellions and foreign attack. In 303 Diocletian and his colleagues launched an attack on Christianity, the Great Persecutions, attempting to eradicate the sect. In 305 Diocletian, together with an unwilling Maximian, retired, while the vice emperors become coemperors and then elevated two new vice emperors. Using adoption instead of dynastic rule produced a period of civil war until 313, when Constantine, the son of Constantius, became sole emperor in the west, with Licinius controlling the east. In 324 Constantine defeated Licinius and became master of the whole Roman world. During his rule he reformed the army, creating a strong mobile cavalry force, and recognized Christianity as the state religion. In 337 with Constantine’s death, three of his sons inherited the empire. While the three quarreled at times and ultimately one, Constantius II, survived, the House of Constantine successfully kept the empire whole and secure. In 361 Constantius II died and left his nephew Julian in charge. Julian attempted to reestablish paganism and conquer Persia, failing at both and dying in Persia in 363. With his death the empire once again devolved into chaos until Valentinian assumed command the next year.

Introduction |

During the Tetrarchic-Constantinian period the empire was firmly controlled by generals and the army. They used not only the power of the military but also the socioreligious development of absolute, godlike powers to create and maintain their political hold. In their building programs large monumental structures were erected, provincial cities were strengthened, and military structures fortified the frontiers. For nearly 80 years the empire was at peace, with only temporary outbreaks of civil war. While the Christian persecutions existed in the east, they ended after about 8 years, and Christianity became the official religion.

THE VALENTINIAN-THEODOSIAN COLLAPSE The final era, the Valentinian-Theodosian Collapse (364–476), covers the period from the death of Julian to the collapse of the Roman Empire in the west. This period saw the attempt by the Romans to maintain a unified empire in the face of attacks from the northern Germanic tribes, the rising power of generals over the central government controlled by weak emperors, the breakup of the western empire into the beginnings of medieval Europe or Germanic kingdoms, and the east becoming the Byzantine state. When Valentinian took over in 364 he inaugurated the new era. A capable general, he ruled from 364 to 375 and successfully held the frontiers safe in the west. He campaigned across the Rhine and Danube frontiers and was seen as the last of the great rulers in the west. Valentinian defeated numerous tribes and constructed a series of forts along the frontier. He appointed his brother Valens coemperor, who controlled the east from 364 to 378. Valens’s initial act was to maintain control against usurpers, which he did, ultimately winning in 366. In the following years he campaigned against the Goths across the Danube, and although he was successful, the treaty cut off manpower for Valens. He then moved quickly in 369 from the Danube to the east to deal with the Persians. For the next few years Valens attempted to solve the eastern problem, but rebellions and disagreements with client kings prevented him from solving the issues. He learned that his brother Valentinian had died in 375 from a stroke and that Gratian, Valentinian’s son, had assumed control in the west. Valens soon learned that the Goths were being displaced by the Huns and had migrated across the Danube into Roman territory. Violence broke out, and Valens, who desired to have the Goths in his army, now had to face a Gothic invasion. In 378 he failed to wait for his nephew to arrive with reinforcements and was defeated at Adrianople. Gratian, now sole ruler, realized that he could not control the east and the west and promoted a general, Theodosius, to command in the east and to clear the area of Goths. While Gratian helped in the removal of the Goths, he was faced with discontent in the west and in 383 was defeated by a usurper and assassinated. Gratian’s brother, Valentinian II, a coruler in the west, ruled from Milan during this period. With Gratian’s death Valentinian fled to the east, where Theodosius helped him reassert his control in the west; in return, Valentinian’s sister, Galla, became Theodosius’s wife. The reality was that Theodosius was the de facto ruler, and in 392 Valentinian was murdered. Theodosius dealt with usurpers and controlled the Roman Empire until his death in 395. He

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had already appointed his sons Arcadius in the east and Honorius in the west as his corulers and successors. Arcadius ruled until his death in 408; a weak ruler, he was controlled by his ministers. His brother ruled the west until 423. During Honorius’s reign Rome was sacked by Alaric in 410, while Honorius ruled from Ravenna. By now the empire declined in the west through a series of rulers controlled by German generals. By 476 the Roman Empire in the west ceased to be controlled centrally, and the rulers were not Roman; they were German. In the east Arcadius’s son Theodosius II ruled from 408 to 450 and restored much of the region. He was known for compiling the laws into the Theodosian Law Code. By now the east was its own entity; although they called themselves the Roman Empire, they are better known today as the Byzantine Empire. During this period the primacy of Christianity emerged, and the Roman state endorsed Christianity not only as its official religion but also as the only religion. During this period paganism was outlawed, and the Christian Church struggled with internal religious conflict between Orthodoxy and Arianism in the east. Culturally the church continued its preeminence in art and architecture. The history of the Roman world was one created and sustained by the military. The upheavals between the different periods usually came about due to military rebellions. The Roman world continually went from strong periods controlled by strong emperors to weak periods when usurpers challenged the central control. The empire continued to hold out during this period and was able to survive successfully due to the bureaucracy and the military. In the end with the military controlled by German generals, the idea of a Roman emperor did not matter. Further Reading Arnold, William T., and E. S. Bouchier. 1974. The Roman System of Provincial Administration to the Accession of Constantine the Great. 3rd ed. Chicago: Ares Publishers. Bowersock, G. W., Peter Brown, and Oleg Grabar, eds. 1999. Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Burckhardt, Jacob. 1949. The Age of Constantine the Great. London: Routledge. Bury, J. B. 1922. A History of the Roman Empire from its Foundation to the Death of Marcus Aurelius. London: J. Murray. Ferrill, Arther. 1986. The Fall of the Roman Empire: The Military Explanation. New York: Thames and Hudson. Frend, W. H. C. 1984. The Rise of Christianity. Philadelphia: Fortress. Henderson, Bernard W. 1969. Five Roman Emperors: Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, A.D. 69–117. New York: Barnes and Noble. Jones, A. H. M. 1964. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic, and Administrative Survey. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Luttwak, Edward. 1976. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire from the First Century A.D. to the Third. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. MacMullen, Ramsay. 1963. Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Introduction | Millar, Fergus. 1977. The Emperor in the Roman World, 31 BC–AD 337. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Rostovtzeff, M. 1957. Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire. 2nd ed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Scullard, H. H. 1982. From the Gracchi to Nero: A History of Rome from 133 B.C. to A.D. 68. 5th ed. London: Routledge. Stambaugh, John E. 1988. The Ancient Roman City. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

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Chronology

59 BCE 58 BCE 58–49 BCE 49 BCE 47 BCE 44 BCE 43 BCE 42 BCE 31 BCE 27 BCE 4 BCE 5 CE 9 CE 14 CE 29 CE 37 CE 41 CE 43 CE 54 CE 55 CE 64 CE 68 CE 69 CE 70 CE

Consulship of Julius Caesar. The First Triumvirate is created, consisting of Caesar, Pompey, Crassus. Free grain is provided for Romans in the city of Rome. Caesar is in Gaul. Caesar crosses Rubicon, starting a civil war, and captures Ilerda, Spain. Caesar elevates Cleopatra to the throne of Egypt and returns to Rome. Caesar is murdered on March 15, starting a civil war. The Second Triumvirate is established with Octavian, Antony, and Lepidus. Cicero is murdered. The Roman poet Ovid (43 BCE–17 CE) is born. Battle of Philippi and the defeat of Brutus and Cassius by Octavian and Antony. Battle of Actium, the victory of Octavian over Antony and Cleopatra, the end of civil war. Octavian changes his name to Augustus and establishes the empire. Birth of Jesus. Seneca (5–65), Roman philosopher and adviser to Nero, is born. The defeat of Varus in the Teutoburg forest and the end of Roman expansion. Death of Augustus. Tiberius becomes emperor. Crucifixion of Jesus. Death of Tiberius. Caligula becomes emperor. Murder of Caligula. Claudius becomes emperor. Invasion of Britain. Death of Claudius. Nero becomes emperor (last of the Julio-Claudians). Tacitus (55–120), Roman historian, is born. Great fire at Rome. Death of Nero. Year of the Four Emperors. Vespasian (Flavians) is made emperor. Suetonius (69–140), Roman historian, is born. Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, son of Vespasian. xxxi

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79 CE 81 CE 96 CE 98 CE 106 CE 117 CE 138 CE 161 CE 180 CE 192 CE 211 CE 217 CE 222 CE 236 CE 253 CE 270 CE 284 CE 306 CE

313 CE 325 CE 361 CE 378 CE 379 CE 395 CE 410 CE

Titus becomes emperor. Eruption of Mt. Vesuvius destroys Pompeii and Herculaneum. Domitian becomes emperor (last of the Flavians). Assassination of Domitian. Nerva is made emperor. Death of Nerva. Trajan, his adopted son, is made emperor. Dacia is made a province after two wars. Death of Trajan. Hadrian, his adopted son, is made emperor. Death of Hadrian. Antoninus Pius, his adopted son, is made emperor. Death of Antoninus. Marcus Aurelius, his adopted son, is made emperor. Death of Marcus Aurelius. Rome is at the height of its power and expansion. Death of Commodus and civil war leading to accession of Septimius Severus in 193. Death of Septimius Severus. His son Caracalla succeeds and murders his brother Geta. Death of Caracalla. Elagabalus succeeds in 218 and rules until 222. Severus Alexander becomes emperor and rules until 235, when he is assassinated; 50 years of instability follow. The Persians overthrow the Parthian Empire, establishing the Sassanid Empire. Valerian (d. 260) and son Gallienus (d. 268) attempt to keep the empire together. Barbarians and Persians invade, and internal civil war ensues. Aurelian (d. 275) completes the restoration of imperial territory, defeats Palmyra under Zenobia in 273, and restores Gaul in 274. Accession of Diocletian, who establishes the tetrarchy in 293, persecutes Christians in 303, and retires in 305. Elevation of Constantine. During his reign there is civil war. Constantine is victorious at the Milvian Bridge in 312 over Maxentius and defeats Licinius, reuniting the empire in 324. Constantinople is dedicated in 330, and Constantine dies in 337. Edict of Milan legalizes Christianity. Council of Nicaea. Julian becomes emperor and tries to restore paganism but dies in the Persian War in 363. Battle of Adrianople. The Visigoths defeat Emperor Valens, who dies. Theodosius becomes emperor. The empire is divided into the east under Arcadius and the west under Honorius. Rome is sacked by the Visigoths under Alaric. Britain is abandoned by Rome.

Chronology |

415 CE 429 CE 453 CE 455 CE 476 CE

The Visigoths establish a kingdom in Spain. Vandals under Genseric establish a kingdom in Africa. Attila the Hun dies. Vandals sack Rome. Odoacer deposes the last Roman emperor, Romulus Augustulus, in the west.

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OVERVIEW ESSAY The Roman Empire was a cosmopolitan world composed of numerous urban centers with varied histories. Some of these sites were ancient even before the foundation of Rome itself, while others were established by the Romans as outposts or colonies. Many of the Roman sites were originally mere native settlements that Rome took over and expanded into their cities. Many Roman cities throughout the empire had a profound impact not only on the local population but also on Roman society as a whole. Roman cities featured a standard layout. This included a central forum where the two major roads intersected, creating a public square where the government and market functioned. This square had a basilica, or large hall, for assemblies and general civic meetings; a curia, or building dedicated for the local government to meet and conduct business (often the basilica and curia were the same); temples to the deities, the largest being for the city’s chief deity; and a market for the commercial transactions. Cities often had structures for entertainment such as a theater (an import from the east), amphitheater, or arena, which Rome exported throughout its empire; bath complexes, another Roman-attribute export; and numerous utilitarian structures. Some vanished during the Roman period, while others developed and expanded more after their fall such as basilicas, which became the great medieval churches. In the east the Greek cities had a rich history before Rome took over the region. Many of the great cities of the east flourished under the Romans. Here Rome did not have to establish any type of civic organization, city planning, or political structure. Instead, the governors were more interested in ensuring the peace and prosperity of the cities. Athens, Antioch, Alexandria, Caesarea Maritima, Corinth, Ephesus, Constantinople, and Thessalonica and, to a lesser extent, Petra, Carthage, and Jerusalem were models of these Greek cities. Athens, an ancient and revered city, did not regain its great political life and independence that had existed during the fifth century BCE, but it became an educational and artistic center where many Roman elites sent their sons to be educated. Also in Greece the great city of Corinth, which Rome destroyed in 146 BCE, was now reestablished under the emperors as an administrative center and flourished as the chief city in Greece. The city of Thessalonica in northern Greece was founded in the Hellenistic age (336–31 BCE) and became a chief port for the region in the northern Aegean Sea and later as an administrative center and even an imperial

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capital. The ancient city of Ephesus continued to flourish under the Roman Empire as a commercial and political center, attesting to its ideal location on the coast of Turkey. The city of Constantinople became the new capital for the Roman Empire when Constantine established it in 324 as the “New Rome.” Newer cities in the east were the Hellenistic centers of Antioch (300 BCE) and Alexandria (331 BCE). Both were established during the period of Alexander and his successors. Antioch became the chief city of Syria and for nearly five centuries was the linchpin to controlling access to the east. In the later Roman period it became an imperial capital and oversaw the administrative functions, including the defense of the east from the Persians, for the entire region. Alexandria was established by Alexander the Great and his successors; the Ptolemies used it as their capital to control not only Egypt but also the Mediterranean trade. When Augustus defeated Antony and Cleopatra in 31 BCE, he inherited the city and the province, making it part not of the Roman Empire but instead of his own personal domain. While this may be mere hyperbole, it was nevertheless a crucial province on which the emperor kept a close eye because it supplied the region’s army and the city of Rome with grain. The city was also known as a center of learning, with its great library. Alexandria also had large populations of Greeks and Jews, which often resulted in social, civil, and political discord especially in the first century CE. Also in the east was the Greek-style city of Caesarea Maritima built by Jewish king Herod the Great to not only give his kingdom an economic center and port but also show his allegiance to Rome and secure its support. This support was necessary because his nation’s greatest city, Jerusalem, an ancient city already established for over a millennium, was anti-Greek and Roman. Another native city incorporated into the Roman Empire in the second century CE was Petra (in modern-day Jordan), which was known as an important caravan city trading with Arabia and Rome. Most of these eastern cities did not have large numbers of Latins, unlike the west, which meant that although Rome introduced their architecture and other attributes, it could not change the ethos of the societies, since the population structure and composition did not change. In North Africa the city of Carthage, destroyed in 146 BCE by the Romans, which ended the Punic domination of the western Mediterranean, was located on a strategic site commanding the western Mediterranean trade and power. The Romans quickly realized its strategic importance and established a colony there shortly after its destruction during the Roman Republic. During the imperial period the city became one of the chief cities in the western part of Africa and a center of learning, religion, and administration. As the largest city in North Africa, Carthage became one of the most important economic and cultural centers of the Roman Empire. Other cities such as Trier, Mogontiacum, Colonia Agrippina, Carnuntum, and Aquincum were military sites that Rome established to control and protect the frontiers. These camps then grew into Roman cities and provided the region with a Romanized anchor in the region. In Germany on the Rhine frontier several cities grew up around the military camps. These included Mogontiacum, or Mainz, and Colonia Agrippina, or Koln, two chief military sites that held the Rhine frontier.

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These sites originally grew up as legionary centers for the protection of Germany and Gaul. In their rear was the provincial capital Trier, which was not only important for the administrative control of the region but also became an imperial mint and capital. Along the Danube and behind the mountains to the south were several key cities. Again like Gaul and Germany, many of these grew up as military sites and soon became civilian and political centers. Carnuntum on the Danube near Vienna was a key military center protecting the region and was recognized as an administrative center. Some cities including Split, Lugdunum, and London were local communities that Rome augmented and became important cities in the provinces and districts. In Northern Europe many of the cities were originally native settlements that Rome took over in its march to conquest. In Britain the chief city was London, which initially was not the capital but merely a native trading spot on the Thames River. It soon became a military center and by the middle of the imperial period was the capital in the south of England. Across the channel were the provinces of Gaul and Germany. Gaul had numerous cities, but Lugdunum, or Lyon, quickly became an important political center and civic hub. Located in the center of the region, it was a natural site for economic and political interactions. In Dalmatia (modern-day Croatia), a region that Rome only pacified during the reign of Augustus, the city of Split on the Adriatic coast became important in the late empire as the retirement home for Emperor Diocletian. During the Middle Ages it was a place of refuge for the region and shows how Roman fortifications continued to be used during the post-Roman period. Finally, cities such as Mediolanum, Ostia, Pompeii, Ravenna, and Rome were ancient cities in Italy that continued to be important in the imperial age. Italy had a series of cities that show differences in their function and history. Rome, of course, was the center of the empire. It had a long and glorious history, and its surviving monuments show how important the city was to the emperors. It would be the capital until Constantine moved the capital to Constantinople in 324 CE. Rome’s nearby port, Ostia, became crucial to Rome’s survival during the empire, as the great grain ships provided the capital with needed supplies. After the empire the city fell into disuse and was lost until the modern era, when excavations show how the city was laid out and organized. Unlike Pompeii, which had been destroyed and covered by ash all at once, Ostia fell into disuse and was lost gradually. Pompeii and the nearby cities were destroyed by Mount Vesuvius, and its sudden end has allowed the city to be preserved much as it was in 79 CE. Mediolanum (modern-day Milan) was originally a colony that grew during the Roman period to become a linchpin in the north. Its great walls and palace made it an important imperial capital beginning in the third century CE. By the late empire it was more important than Rome in the west. To the east located in a marsh lay Ravenna, which in the fourth and fifth centuries became Rome’s last capital because of its defensive position. The Roman Empire was composed of cities, which allowed it to have an urban setting. But most of the empire was still rural so that these cities often were nothing more than islands of culture in seas of farmlands. While the cities contributed to the economic vitality of the empire, they were often in a precarious position. This position can

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be seen in their rapid decline in the later empire, and by the Middle Ages many of them were mere villages. Further Reading Gates, Charles. 2011. Ancient Cities: The Archaeology of Urban Life in the Ancient Near East and Egypt, Greece, and Rome. 2nd ed. Abingdon, Oxon, UK: Routledge. Hanfmann, George M. A. 1975. From Croesus to Constantine: The Cities of Western Asia Minor and Their Arts in Greek and Roman Times. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Jones, A. H. M. 1971. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. 2nd ed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Wacher, J. S. 1997. The Towns of Roman Britain. 2nd ed., fully revised. London: Routledge.

Alexandria The large and important city of Alexandria was founded by the Macedonian conqueror Alexander the Great in 331 BCE. When Augustus defeated Antony in 31 BCE and Egypt became part of the Roman world, it was the largest city in the Mediterranean and was the gateway to Egypt and its riches. The city became the most important commercial center in the eastern Mediterranean and was the hub for trade not only for Egypt but also from Africa, India, and Asia through Egypt. The wealth of Egypt allowed the city to continually grow and prosper. The city had ethnic and religious disturbances due to the large concentration of Jews and Greeks. In the late empire the city became a center for Christianity. The city lay on the Mediterranean coastline and the Nile Delta, which allowed for supplies from the interior via the Nile River to be transported throughout the Roman Empire. In addition to grain, wheat, and barley, Egypt’s main export, items such as marble, linen, wool, papyrus, and exotic items from India that arrived on the eastern Egyptian coast were transported overland to the Nile and then to Alexandria, where they were shipped across the Mediterranean. The city acted as one of the key linchpins for trade and commerce for the empire. In addition, Alexandria was the key administrative center for Egypt. Alexandria became the intellectual center of the Roman Empire. During the late Ptolemaic and early Roman imperial age the city, with its libraries, became the center of learning and the arts. In the later imperial age, it was the center of Christianity in Egypt and the last stronghold of pagan philosophy, producing an intellectual struggle over religion that Christianity won. The end result was violence against paganism. Due to its easily defensible position, the city held the gateway to Egypt. The population of Alexandria was large, with 180,000 male citizens for a total population between 250,000 and 500,000, with some scholars even projecting 1 million inhabitants (Delia 1988, 275). While it is hard to determine the exact population, it is clear from all ancient accounts that the population stood at or just below that of Rome

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and later Constantinople. The biggest issue facing the population was the constant struggles between the Greeks and the Jews. Several riots and attacks on both sides existed during the first two centuries CE. In the late third century CE the Romans had to contend with native rebellions, including the disruption occurring under Diocletian that forced him to besiege the city for nearly eight months. The city lay on a strip of land, with Lake Mareotis in the south, the Mediterranean in the north, the Libyan Desert to the west, and the Nile Delta to the east for protection. In the north there were several islands that made up Alexandria. These included the large island of Pharos in the west, connected to the mainland with a causeway, the Heptastadium, with the town of Posidium on the western tip and Myrmex on the east. To the east lay two small islands; one had the famed lighthouse called Pharos at the entry into the Great Harbor (naval), and on the east of the harbor was the peninsula Lochias. These sites created a protective breakwater for the outer edge of the Great Harbor and provided natural defenses for the city. The water south of Pharos, with the causeway or Heptastadium on the east and the mainland on the south, formed the Old Harbor (commercial), or Portus Eunostus. The gate in the east, called the Gate of the Sun or Canopia Gate, had its counterpart in the west, the Gate of the Moon, where the Heptastadium joined the mainland, with the city laid out in a grid system. A Nile canal ran along the southern side of the city between Lake Mareotis and the city and then ran north into the Portus Eunostus. Originally the ancient Egyptian city of Rhacotis lay where Alexandria was established. There were five districts in the city named after the first five letters of the Greek alphabet. Two of these letters corresponded to the Jewish quarter. The city had three major areas: the Brucheum or Greek quarter, the Jewish quarter, and the old Egyptian section or Rhakotis. The Brucheum formed the region where the royal palaces of the Ptolemies existed. It lay on the coast of the Great Harbor and had two distinct districts. Landmarks included the Great Theater, the Timonium, and the Museum or Library; this district held the Greeks. To the east of this region in the northeast section of the city lay the Jewish quarter, which was a joining of two districts into one quarter. And to the west of Brucheum lay the Rhakotis, where the Egyptians resided. There were two main colonnaded streets that intersected at the Soma, or resting place of Alexander the Great. When a ship entered the Great Harbor, the passengers could see many of the great monuments laid out before them in Alexandria. On the northeast side of the town where the Lochias promontory stood, the royal palaces lay. On the shore of the Great Harbor was the Great Theater, once used by Julius Caesar as a fortress, and close by was the Poseidon, or Temple to the Sea God. The Timonium was built by Marc Antony and lay on a small peninsula jutting out into the Great Harbor. Also along the coast were the Emporium (market) and Apostases (Magazines), and west of the Timonium to the Heptastadium were the docks, or Navalia, where ships anchored. In the city proper behind the Emporium was the Great Caesareum, with two great obelisks (now in London and New York), a temple that later was converted into the Patriarchal Church. Also inland were the Gymnasium and the Palaestra in the eastern part of town. The Temple

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Pompey’s Pillar in Alexandria, Egypt. Built about 300 CE by Emperor Diocletian, it commemorated Diocletian’s conquest of the city after it had rebelled. It had nothing to do with Pompey the Great, with whom it is often associated. The pillar is the largest Roman triumphal column outside of Rome and Constantinople. (Library of Congress)

of Saturn, whose location is not exactly known, was also inland. The Mausoleum of Alexander, the Soma, lay in the center of town at the intersection of the two main streets. The Museum and its associated Library were in the same area as the Theater, but its site is unknown. The Serapeum, or Temple to Sarapis, stood in the west of the city near Pompey’s Pillar, a column erected in 300 CE to commemorate Diocletian’s siege of the city that had no relationship with Pompey the Great. On the eastern point of Pharos was the Great Lighthouse begun by Ptolemy I and completed by his son Ptolemy II Philadelphus. It was the prototype of all lighthouses and was a tower of solid limestone destroyed in an earthquake in the fourteenth century where the Heptastadium, a temple to Hephaestus, connected to the island of Pharos.

See also: Groups and Organizations: Isis and Osiris, Cult of; Jews; Mystery Religions; Individuals: Augustus; Caesar, Gaius Julius; Cleopatra; Institutions: Provincial Capitals; Key Events: Actium, Battle of; Primary Documents: Document 43 Further Reading Delia, Diana. 1988. “The Population of Roman Alexandria.” TAPA 118: 275–292. Forster, E. M. 1922. Alexandria: A History and a Guide. Alexandria: W. Morris. Fraser, P. M. 1972. Ptolemaic Alexandria. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Watts, Edward Jay. 2006. City and School in Late Antique Athens and Alexandria. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Antioch Developed during the Hellenistic period after Alexander the Great, Antioch was renowned in the east as the finest city, the “fair crown of the Orient.” It was one of

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the largest cities in the empire, rivaled in the east only by Alexandria, and during the Roman era the city became the strategic capital and outpost against the Parthian and later Persian east. At the crossroads of the commercial routes in the east, Antioch and its harbor Seleucia Pieria, 16 miles away, traded in luxury goods, spices, books, clothing, and leather goods. The city under the Seleucids had become cosmopolitan. Former Macedonian soldiers settled by Seleucus, the native population living in their separate quarters apart from the Macedonians and Greeks, and the large Jewish community who had likewise served in Seleucus’s army all resided here. When Rome conquered the region, the western Latin influences arrived, and in the early first century Christianity took root. The city during the empire often acted as an imperial capital for emperors and usurpers due to its strategic position. The Orontes River ran through the city, with a branch encircling a small island; this island had the fortress, the circus, and the stadium and had several bridges connecting the island to the rest of the city. Antioch provided the east toward Persia with the major linchpin of protection and administration. Beginning with Augustus, the city became the administrative capital and chief city for the entire east. Roman emperors, beginning with Augustus and Tiberius, lavished the city with buildings. The city became a center of learning. Germanicus, heir to Tiberius, died there in 19 CE. Trajan resided in Antioch during his travels to the east and helped rebuild the city after an earthquake. Julian in the later empire resided here when he attempted to restore paganism. The city was heavily Christian and rebuffed Julian. The city was also a center of the arts, as seen in the great number of mosaics. The city became a political magnet for emperors and would be emperors in the eastern empire. This often led to disastrous results. Pescennius Niger in 193 proclaimed himself emperor here, and with his defeat by Septimius Severus in 194 the city lost its independent status. The city became the natural capital in the east. Libanius in the fourth century gave a description of the city in an oration. The roadway was broad, 30 feet wide, and made of Egyptian granite flanked on both sides by a twin-column walkway, each 30 column feet wide and two stories with a roof. This street ran north to south, was two miles long, and allowed the breeze to rush through the city, bringing welcome relief in the summer. The colonnades provided shade in the summer and cover from rain in the winter, allowing shops and street merchants to set up their wares in a great indoor mall. On the far end of each colonnade, the walls of houses and buildings were situated opening up onto the colonnade. Built by the Julio-Claudians, the great street ran north to south, was shaded during the day, and had side routes running 90 degrees off the main thoroughfare. These roads ran west toward the mountain or east toward the river and intersected other main roads at intervals. Since the city had been laid out by the Seleucids in the new model of city grid planning, these intersections produced city blocks, allowing for agora or fora, equivalent to modern squares, and produced more markets that were not restricted to one type of goods as in other ancient cities (Libanius and Downey 1959). Unlike in Rome where people had to go from region to region if they planned on shopping for more than one item, in Antioch they could purchase several items in the

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same square. In addition, Antioch had public street lighting, unique in antiquity, which allowed the city to remain a vibrant social scene well into the night. Like many of the large cities in the east, Antioch had a large number of soldiers garrisoned there. This contributed to the constant interaction between soldier and civilian, not seen in the west where soldiers tended to be garrisoned in remote regions. Where streets intersected, public fountains existed that allowed women, children, and slaves to fill their water containers, fed by aqueducts, bringing a plentiful supply of water into the city and even into private houses. The side streets formed uniform city blocks, with the more important streets being colonnaded as well. Coming along the main street, one would arrive at a square where a column with a statue of Emperor Tiberius stood. Here a colonnaded side street went to the Orontes River, with a large island in the middle. The plaza to the right along the street had a large nymphaeum with a handsome marble facade with water gushing into a large basin. Across a stone bridge is the island, which possessed one of the oldest quarters of the city protected by its own wall and joining the city at five bridges. The streets here were laid out on a grid pattern, with two main streets intersecting in the middle of the island. Here the square had four monumental arches, each marking the way to the four quarters of this inner city. One quarter had the old public baths, which would later be demolished by Constantine, and in turn the famous octagonal “Golden House” church was built. On the outer side of the island across the baths stood the great palace built by Diocletian before 298, which later emperors then used when they visited the city and commanded the eastern armies. Like the traditional Roman military camp, the palace was divided by two streets, creating four quadrants. The area was filled with apartments for the emperor and his guards and slaves, possessed baths and an oval track, and occupied nearly a quarter of the island. In another quarter of the island by the palace the hippodrome, with an arena 1,600 feet long, one of the largest in antiquity, provided entertainment since the early Roman period. The remaining part of the island had villas, baths, gardens, and pleasant avenues away from the hustle and bustle of the city. The cities held the Olympic Games every leap year; the games were of great importance. To the west of the great plaza another street ran toward the mountain, which Emperor Valens later incorporated into a new forum. By the late empire buildings already existing were the temples to Ares and Athene dated from the Hellenistic era, while Julius Caesar built a basilica, the Caesarium, similar to his work in Alexandria. It had an open court with two statues, one to the Fortune of Rome, the other to Caesar. Trajan added a triumphal arch; Commodus built two exercise grounds for the great Olympic Games (Xystos and the Plethrion), a temple to Olympian Zeus, and a restored old Temple of Athene, all of which stood near the Tower of the Winds containing the Horologium, or public clock, built by Vespasian. The governor’s headquarters stood opposite the bath of Commodus. On the bank of the Orontes lay the oldest part of the city behind the riverfront wall, with the agora covering four city blocks along the river ready to receive goods and passengers from cargo barges and boats making their way upstream from Seleucia. Nearby

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were the Hellenistic temples and government buildings as well as the ancient Christian church where Paul preached in the street called Singon, near the Pantheon. Seleucus had established the Temple of Zeus in this region as well. Statues dotted this region, such as the bronze figure of Athene erected by Seleucus and the great Tyche or Good Fortune of Antioch, which was copied throughout the eastern empire. On the main street between the city and the mountain lay Epiphania, the quarter built by Antiochus IV Epiphanes (174–164 BCE). The Epiphania contained the new agora with the bouleuterion (council chamber), which would hold the meetings of the Senate. The Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was built by Antiochus IV, as was a new aqueduct bringing water from the Daphne in the south. The district also had the theater built into the mountainside where it curved, creating a natural hemicycle with numerous statues, especially the figure of Calliope erected by Trajan. Farther south near the gate leading to Daphne existed the Jewish quarter with the Kenesheth Hashmunith, the synagogue containing the Maccabean martyrs, Eleazer, the seven Maccabean brothers, and their mother. The southern gate, or the Gate of Cherubim, led to Daphne, named for the supposed bronze statues of Cherubim erected by Titus after the destruction of the temple in 70 CE. The city of Antioch became the center for successive rulers who controlled the east and launched military campaigns against the Parthians and later the Persians. Its strategic position gave Rome control over the entire region, and its economic position guaranteed that trade between Rome and the east would pass through this city and to the rest of the Roman world. See also: Groups and Organizations: Parthians; Persians; Individuals: Constantine, House of; Diocletian; Palmyra, House of; Institutions: Provincial Capitals; Objects and Artifacts: Palaces Further Reading Downey, Glanville. 1962. Antioch in the Age of Theodosius the Great. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Kondoleon, Christine. 2000. Antioch: The Lost Ancient City. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Libanius and Glanville Downey. 1959. Libanius’ Oration in Praise of Antioch (Oration XI). Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society.

Aquincum The Roman city of Aquincum, modern-day Budapest (capital of Hungary), lay in the province of Pannonia. A fortress and nearby town grew up on the right bank or, as the Danube has turned south, the western bank, and became an important hub for the road network from all directions. Originally the Eraviscis, a Celtic tribe but under Illyrian culture, controlled the region before Rome conquered Pannonia. The Roman military

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camp at Obuda, or Old Buda, was manned by auxiliaries under Tiberius (14–37 CE) if not earlier. Under the Flavians the camp was now garrisoned by a legion, and during the reign of Trajan it became the capital of Lower Pannonia, probably in 106 CE. Near the military camp a civilian settlement (canabae) had grown up as a separate entity. This community, two miles from the military camp, became the commercial center for Aquincum. The settlement was then raised to municipium by Hadrian in 124, showing its growth and importance, and finally in the late second or early third century, probably under Septimius Severus, it achieved the status of colony. Severus was known for improving the roads in this region, and this may have afforded him the opportunity to raise its status. During the second and third centuries Aquincum became one of the key places in the Roman defenses for the Danube region. The city’s position was ideal for the raising of troops to strike across the Danube north of the fortress. The city became a strategic center for emperors, many of whom from Domitian to Valentinian visited the city. Domitian and Trajan increased its importance by transferring legions from the Rhine frontier to here in the late first–early second centuries CE. Marcus Aurelius used the city as one of his bases against the Marcomanni and wrote some of his work Meditations there. As a military center, the city often housed more than its normal garrison of one legion, resulting in a temporary increase in population and the associated issues resulting from an increase in soldiers: crime, inflation, unruliness, and construction. Due to the high number of soldiers and its crucial position on the Danube, the city became more cosmopolitan than other camps. There were two fortresses facing one another, Trans-Aquincum on the right bank and Contra-Aquincum on the left bank of the Danube. These fortresses provided the city with key defenses against the northern tribes. A provincial palace, probably built by Hadrian in 107 CE during his time as governor, provided for administrative oversight and was opposite Obuda, or the military camp. The palace may have been built on the island between the two branches of the Danube. The city was overrun by northern marauders in 260 but was able to recover. During the fourth century the city was constantly attacked by the Sarmatians even though Valentinian I had strengthened the Danube defenses. Twenty years later in 395 the legion was transferred to Gaul, and the city was then abandoned by the Roman administration while the local population fended for themselves. The city of Buda developed from the legionary camp in Trans-Aquincum, while the city of Pest developed from the fortress Contra-Aquincum. Excavations uncovered the legionary commander’s second-century residence, which is in front of the main fortress gate, and a bathhouse has also been uncovered. A military amphitheater nearby provided the soldiers with entertainment. There was another civilian amphitheater near the cannabae that provided civilians with opportunities for gladiatorial contests. The city had walls and paved streets, with aqueducts bringing in potable water. Sewers were constructed to remove waste from the city and deposit it into the Danube. The area around the civilian settlement also has the remains of a basilica, the important civil building; several bathhouses, a meat market, and a trade corporation office have also been uncovered. As with other towns, excavations have

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uncovered rows of shops for merchants, houses and villas of varying economic stratus, gladiators’ barracks, and waterworks. The religious sites excavated so far include the temples to Mithras and Fortuna, both of which were common for military sites. Three Christian churches were built over pagan temples. The remains of the Forum Basilica and extensive public baths off the main east-west road have been uncovered. These baths were constructed in standard Roman fashion. The remains show the booth where individuals paid their entrance fee and then the dressing rooms where items could be left, usually at the bathers’ own risk. There were then the cold-, lukewarm-, and hot-water rooms where the bather progressed and could also be given a massage or exercise. The floor and walls were heated by a hypocaust system and were supported by columns, creating a hollow cavity where warm air could be piped through. The water was from a nearby medicinal spring, which probably shows why the baths were constructed there. Near these baths was a great market hall, and farther to the east is another bath complex that had a swimming pool (21 by 15 feet, or 6 by 4.5 meters). Interestingly, a large house with rooms opening from a colonnaded courtyard was adjacent, and this bath complex may have been owned and operated by its wealthy owner. The house had a large mosaic floor depicting wrestlers. There was also a temple to Mithras, the light god from the Near East; worship of Mithras spread among the military and was common in Pannonia. The temple was built like a cave, reminiscent of the stories of Mithra and his dwelling place. The civilian amphitheater had a 53-meter-long elliptical arena that could probably hold about 5,000 spectators. This amphitheater was in addition to a military one that was built in the second century and was one of the largest outside of Italy, with an arena 89 meters long and holding 13,000 people. The ruins of the cages for holding the wild beasts are still extant and show their heights and shapes. The city also contained another bath complex where the heating area is still extant, as are the hot and cold water pools. Mosaics exist in the city and attest to the high-quality craftsmanship from Italian masters in the province. The population of the city and the surrounding area probably numbered at least 30,000, based on the size of the civilian amphitheater and the general layout of the city. The military garrison undoubtedly made up a large percentage of the city’s male population. See also: Groups and Organizations: Alamanni and Juthungi; Germanic Tribes; Huns; Vandals; Visigoths; Institutions: Provinces; Key Events: Dacian Wars; Military: Legionary Camps Further Reading Aquincum Museum and Archaeological Park. n.d. http://www.aquincum.hu/en/. Cumont, Franz Valery Marie. 1903. The Mysteries of Mithra. London: Kegan Paul. Translation. http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/mom/index.htm. Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

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Athens The great city of Athens and its associated harbor, the Piraeus, had a long and distinguished history of politics and law. The city’s greatest period was the classical age during the fifth century BCE. The major monuments on the acropolis, the Parthenon, the Erectheum, and the Temple of Athena Nike as well as the Temple of Hephestion below the acropolis were built during this time. Many of the other monuments were destroyed by the Roman general Sulla when he took over the city in 87 BCE. Athens was rebuilt and became a city where wealthy Romans such as Cicero sent their sons for education, usually finishing school. Athens became a favored city of certain emperors, notably Nero and Hadrian. Nero exempted the city and all of Greece from paying taxes, while Hadrian gave the city money to help fund and build different monuments and buildings. Some of the buildings constructed during this time included the Agrippeia, or the Odeon of Marcus Agrippa, a large two-story covered auditorium seating over 1,000 spectators; the library of Titus Pantaenus; and the Tower of the Winds in the agora. Julius Caesar and Augustus funded the rebuilding of the agora. This area was a large open space surrounded by a colonnade. The main entrance was the west gate, the Gate of Athena Archegetis, and a secondary one on the east led to a public latrine and the Tower of the Winds. The Tower of the Winds, or the Horologium of Andronikos of Kyrrhos, is a tall octagonal building designed by the astronomer Andronikos as an elaborate water clock, sundial, and weather vane. Its name is derived from the eight winds, personified on the eight sides. It seems to have been built in the second century BCE. The Arch of Hadrian was erected over the road from the acropolis to the Olympieion and was built in 131 CE, in honor of Hadrian’s visit to the city that year and his many contributions to Athens. Hadrian had visited Greece both before and after the construction of the arch, and it should probably be seen as a celebratory structure for the emperor. The Library of Hadrian, a modified version of the Temple of Peace of Vespasian, stood just north of the agora, at the foot of the acropolis. The library was a walled structure with a marble entrance from the west and columns in front and on either side of the entrance; its other walls were made of limestone. It had a series of rooms on the eastern wall that housed books and had reading rooms and lecture halls. An important benefactor was Gaius Julius Antiochus Philopappos, a member of the royal family of Commagne, which Vespasian seized in 72 CE; the benefactor’s tomb near the acropolis probably indicates his wealth and munificence to Athens. Built into the southern side of the Acropolis was the Roman theater of Dionysius, where plays were performed for the populace. Nearby stood the Odeon of Herodes

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Atticus (161 CE), a covered theater that allowed for more intimate productions. Hadrian completed the Temple of Olympian Zeus below the Acropolis that had been started and stopped in the sixth and second centuries BCE but was abandoned. Athens retained its position as the intellectual capital of the Greek world. Romans such as Cicero and Horace studied there during the late republic. During the early empire a young Roman aristocrat was expected to study in Athens. Emperor Julian favored Athens, and its philosophical schools continued to be a magnet for scholars and students until Justinian closed them in 529. The city was sacked several times during the Roman period. During the republic in 88–86 BCE, the city supported Mithridates against Rome. When Sulla pushed Mithridates out of Greece, he sacked and destroyed part of the city due to their pleading about their glorious past. Sulla replied that he was there to punish rebels, not revel in their ancient history. The city was rebuilt and prospered during the first two centuries of the empire. In 267 CE the city was sacked by the Heruli from the north. The Athenians under the historian and general Dexippus put up a heroic attempt but failed. After the city was sacked, the Athenians began to rebuild but were not able to restore the city to its previous greatness. Associated with the city was its harbor, the Piraeus, that allowed Athens to trade and interact with the rest of the Mediterranean world. The harbor was built during the sixth and fifth centuries BCE and provided Athens with protection and power during its classical age. After its defeat in the Peloponnesian War in 404 BCE the harbor walls were destroyed and then rebuilt during the next century. Although its commercial primacy was replaced, the Piraeus was still crucial to the eastern Mediterranean trade. In 86 BCE Sulla again destroyed the harbor defenses, and afterward the protection of the port lay in the hands of Rome. While the port did not provide a military position for the Roman fleet, it did allow the city of Athens to see a revival in trade and commerce during the early Roman imperial period. The port of Athens was eclipsed by other Greek cities, but it still maintained some place in commercial activity until 395 CE, when the Goths again destroyed the city and the harbor. The city of Athens continued to be a place of learning and philosophy during the Roman period. During the late empire the city was still held in prestige as an intellectual city but not as a political or economic center as before. See also: Government and Politics: Law Courts; Institutions: Provinces; Objects and Artifacts: Literature Further Reading Hoff, Michael C., and Susan I. Rotroff. 1997. The Romanization of Athens: Proceedings of an International Conference Held at Lincoln, Nebraska (April 1996). Oxford, UK: Oxbow Books. McGregor, James H. 2014. Athens. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Watts, Edward Jay. 2006. City and School in Late Antique Athens and Alexandria. Berkeley: University of California Press.

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Caesarea Maritima After Augustus won his victory at Actium (31 BCE) and defeated Antony and Cleopatra in Egypt, his ally, king of Judea Herod the Great, who supported him against the Egyptian queen, was rewarded with enlarged territory and favored status. Herod then associated his rule with Augustus by building a Hellenistic city on the Mediterranean coastline, Caesarea Maritima (meaning “City in Honor of Caesar on the Shore”), named in honor of Augustus Caesar and one of four colonies for exRoman soldiers from Syria. The city was 70 miles northwest of Jerusalem and was on the ancient anchorage known as Strato’s Tower, taken from the name of a Sidonian king. During the Persian and Greek period it was an anchorage for the trade from the Levant to Egypt. The city would become one of the chief cities in the east and would become the administrative capital of the province of Judea under the Romans. It was known as Caesarea Maritima to honor Augustus and distinguish it from other towns named Caesarea. Built between 25 BCE and 13 BCE, the city featured a harbor capable of handling as many ships as Athens’s Piraeus. As the region did not have any natural harbors, Herod began the construction of an artificial harbor consisting of two man-made jetties or moles extending out into the sea. The northern mole was 275 meters long, while the southern mole was 500 meters. The two moles enclosed a total area of 100,000 square meters, or nearly 40 acres, and was the largest artificial harbor built at that time. The ancient harbor, able to hold more than 300 ships, was even larger than the current harbor. These moles, or breakwaters, were made of lime and pozzolana, a type of volcanic ash, set into underwater concrete. Herod imported the pozzolana from Pozzuoli, Italy, and it was mixed with lime and kurkar, or sediment limestone. The mixture was then put in place probably for the northern mole by sinking double-sided boxes into place and filling them with the underwater concrete and for the southern mole by sinking barges filled with the mixture due to its increased size and natural wave motion. The moles would then sit in place, allowing structures to be built on top. The city had a theater that could seat over 3,000 people and faced the sea on the southern side of the island. An awning could be put in place to shade the viewers, who probably brought their own cushions for comfort. This is the theater where King Herod Agrippa mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles (chapter 12) died when he was about to be proclaimed the Messiah during the time of Claudius. On a promontory jutting out into the waters of Caesarea Maritima was the palace build by Herod the Great. The remains show the place where the large swimming pool with a statue once stood. Paul may have been imprisoned in the palace, as recounted in chapter 23 of the Acts of the Apostles. The freshwater Olympic-size pool was probably supplied from the aqueduct that Herod built to supply the city with potable water. The city did not have a good source of local water, a common problem for cities on the Levant. Without rivers, streams, or springs close by, the city would not be able to grow using

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only rainwater collection. The city became famous for its grain and date palms, both requiring water. To solve all of the water issues, Herod and his successors built two aqueducts from the southern slopes of Mount Carmel to bring water from the springs located there. In addition, the city had an amphitheater for public spectacles, a common attribute for Roman cities. There was a hippodrome that could seat 20,000 spectators and provided horse and chariot races. Most cities did not have the resources for such an amenity, and Herod gave his new capital this fine public work. There was a large temple to Augustus, something that would endear Herod to the emperor but not to his Jewish subjects. In fact, Herod carefully avoided making Jerusalem a Greco-Roman city and instead concentrated on Caesarea Maritima as a way to honor Rome. The city’s growth from trade, both by sea and on the main caravan route from Tyre to Egypt, allowed the city to attract a cosmopolitan group of residents. The city was populated by both Jews and Hellenized Gentiles, resulting in a polyculture. The Jews continued to zealously worship one God while challenging Herod and his successors over pagan idols. Rome took over direct control of the city in 6 CE, and it became the administrative capital, with soldiers stationed there. Pontius Pilate definitely made it his administrative capital (26–36 CE), and it may have occurred even earlier. Caesarea Maritima became a prominent Christian center. Peter baptized the first Gentile, Cornelius, a centurion, there, while Paul was imprisoned there later. Caesarea Maritima was the lightning rod that provoked the First Jewish Rebellion (66–73 CE), when the synagogue was desecrated and 20,000 Jews were massacred. Vespasian made Caesarea Maritima his headquarters for the assault on Jerusalem, and it was here that he was hailed emperor. Titus, the victor of Jerusalem, condemned 2,500 Jewish captives to fight in its amphitheater to celebrate his brother Domitian’s birthday. During the second and third centuries, Caesarea Maritima became even more prominent in Christian development. It had a bishopric by the second century, and Origen, the Christian scholar, founded a school there in the third century. At the end of the third century Pamphilius created a library at Caesarea second only to that in Alexandria. His pupil Eusebius would become a church historian, recording the events in Palestine, as well as a biblical geographer. The city continued to be an important site during the late Roman Empire and the Byzantine Empire. With the arrival of the Arabs around 640, the harbor disintegrated and began to silt up. See also: Groups and Organizations: Jews; Institutions: Client Kings; Key Events: Jewish Rebellion, First; Military: Masada, Siege of; Provincial Treatment Further Reading Netzer, Ehud, and Rachel Laureys-Chachy. 2008. The Architecture of Herod, the Great Builder. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Raban, Avner, and Kenneth G Holum. 1996. Caesarea Maritima: A Retrospective after Two Millenia. Leiden: Brill.

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Carnuntum Originally a Roman Army camp, Carnuntum became one of the key military sites on the Danube. The name was derived from the Celtic name Karn (Cairn). Carnuntum was Tiberius’s base or camp of operations in 6 CE against Marobodus and the conquest of Germany. Amassing 12 legions, Tiberius planned to move against the German king and his kingdom in Bohemia, but a rebellion in Pannonia forced Tiberius to abandon his plan. During this time he created Carnuntum as a winter military camp to house over 40,000 men. Carnuntum was situated 25 miles downstream from Vindobona (modern-day Vienna) and at the crossroads of two major roads, the old Amber Road to and from the Baltic Sea to the city of Aquileia in Italy and the river road along the middle Danube and on the border of the provinces Noricum and Pannonia. During Augustus’s reign the camp was in Noricum, a province he created in 16 BCE encompassing the headwaters of the Danube. The legionary camp measured 1,500 by 1,200 feet. The legionary base was then transferred to the province of Pannonia under Tiberius and then when Pannonia was divided became part of Upper Pannonia, or Pannonia Superior, under Trajan, who also made it the capital, and it became the permanent camp for the Legio XIV Gemina for the rest of its history. It would become the key military site for the middle Danube stretch. Hadrian would then raise the status of its civilian settlement from canabae to municipium. Marcus Aurelius made the city his headquarters from 172 to 174 during his strikes against the Marcomanni. He wrote the second book of Meditations while residing in the legionary camp. After the death of Marcus’s son, Emperor Commodus, the governor of Upper Pannonia, Septimius Severus, was hailed as emperor in Carnuntum in 193, and he then raised the city to colony status. The city was the base for the usurper Regalianus in 260–261, and he minted coins from there. Diocletian made it a crucial legionary base for the defense of the Danube. After his retirement the city hosted a conference in 308, when the empire was undergoing a civil war. The altar to Mithras that was set up at this time for the conference still exists. The establishment of the altar may point to the strong prevalence of Mithras in the army and the imperial family. The city had three distinct areas: the military camp, the military city (canabae), and the civilian town west of the camp. The military camp was on the high ground near the river. Due to the irregular terrain of the ground it had an irregular shape, a rhombus, but still had the typical camp structures of wall, trench, and a regular interior layout. Outside and close to the military camp below the walls, unusual in most military sites, was an amphitheater, the only military settlement structure whose remains survive. Of importance was the Roman gladiator school, Ludus Magnus, which covered over 3,000 square yards and was located nearby. The remains, mainly foundations, have allowed it to be reimagined and indicate that along with the nearby amphitheater there were a courtyard, training grounds, and a bath complex. The school was near the wall and had an open field to allow for horse or chariot races. The civilian city was about

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2 kilometers running east to west and 1.5 kilometers north to south. Remaining structures include three altars to Mithras and a temple to Jupiter Dolichenus. A large palace with walls on two sides and open colonnades on two other sides was built originally in the second century, but much of what remains is from the fourth century. The city had another amphitheater built under Hadrian’s rule, which was larger than the military camp’s and could seat 13,000 spectators. Its large size attests to the city’s population and center for trade. The military settlement had a large forum and amphitheater as well as strong walls. The civilian settlement nearby also had a larger amphitheater and a huge gate, the Heidentor, meaning “pagan gate.” The gate was actually a monumental triumphal arch built by Constantius I between 354 and 360 to celebrate his victories over the Germans; when the city was abandoned and fell into ruins, it was the only structure left, and the medieval inhabitants believed it to be a tomb for a pagan giant. Nearby was a building complex enclosed by walls and porticoes. The largest structure, 440 by 350 feet, was probably part of the governor’s palace and contained an impressive audience hall. Diocletian appears to have rebuilt much of the city during the early 300s as part of his general policy of revitalizing the empire and frontiers. An earthquake occurred in the latter part of the fourth century, resulting in extensive damage especially to public buildings, which were not able to be rebuilt. This was probably the beginning of the end, when the city’s population declined extensively. The archaeological material shows that it ceased to exist around 400, when the region was overrun by the Germans. The city continued to be inhabited until the fifth century albeit at a lower level. By 375 the city was in shambles when Valentinian I arrived to attack the Germans. According to the contemporary author Ammianus Marcellinus, Valentinian found it abandoned and in disarray (Ammianus Marcellinus and Rolfe 1963, History 30.5.2). He restored the city, but 20 years later during the next wave of invasions it was again destroyed. See also: Groups and Organizations: Alamanni and Juthungi; Dacians; Huns; Vandals; Visigoths; Individuals: Marcus Aurelius; Institutions: Provinces; Key Events: Dacian Wars; Military: Legionary Camps Further Reading Ammianus Marcellinus and John Carew Rolfe. 1963. Ammianus Marcellinus. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Ludwig Boltzmann Institute. “School of Gladiators Discovered at Roman Carnuntum, Austria.” http://archpro.lbg.ac.at/press-release/school-gladiators-discovered-roman -carnuntum-austria. Morgan, James. 2014. “Roman ‘Gladiator School’ Recreated Virtually.” BBC News, February 26, http://www.bbc.com/news/science-environment-26359012. Visy, Zsolt. 2003. The Ripa Pannonica in Hungary. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó.

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Carthage After the Romans destroyed the city of Carthage in 146 BCE, ending the Punic Wars, the site lay abandoned for several years. Although a colony was authorized in 123 BCE under the tribune Gaius Gracchus, its charter was revoked even though some colonists had already settled there. Part of the reason for its initial floundering was the threat that Carthage posed to Rome only a few years earlier. A century after its destruction, in 44 BCE Julius Caesar authorized a new colony for the Roman urban poor (the proletariat). Although part of the colony was displaced during the following civil wars down to 31 BCE, Augustus reinforced the colony by sending veterans there in 29 BCE. The site lay on the peninsula of the Bay of Tunis and was supposedly founded in 814 BCE by residents from Tyre in Lebanon. The city would be Rome’s political, economic, and military nemesis for over a century until its destruction. During the Augustan age the poet Virgil wrote his epic Aeneid, where his spurning of Carthage’s queen Dido created the enmity between Rome and Carthage. The city’s strategic importance led to its revival under the Roman Empire.

Ruins of thermal baths in Carthage, present-day Tunisia. Originally Rome’s arch enemy, Carthage’s destruction in 146 BCE allowed Rome to achieve its empire. In 122 BCE, Rome established a colony on the ancient site which grew into one of Rome’s premier imperial cities, and a center for Christianity by the fourth century CE. (Shutterstock)

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Carthage became one of five chief cities of the empire together with Alexandria, Antioch in Syria, Ephesus in the east, and Lyons in the west. These five cities rivaled only Rome in population and importance. Together with Alexandria and Ostia, Carthage became one of the chief ports of the Roman Empire. As with Alexandria, Carthage sent the fruits of Africa to Ostia, Rome’s port, and supposedly fed the city of Rome for eight months of the year, with Alexandria contributing the grain for the remaining four. The city was the economic center of Africa, and grain and olive oil were transported there to be loaded on ships for the rest of the Mediterranean. By the mid­ empire era Carthage was the second- or third-largest city of the Mediterranean with over 300,000 inhabitants (Grimal 1983, 138). After its reestablishment the city became the political seat for North Africa. During the first and second centuries CE the public buildings erected were concentrated on the traditional center, the Hill of Byrsa, with a capitol or main temple to Jupiter and a forum. These standard architectural accoutrements were hallmarks of Roman towns. The Romans would generally preserve the layout of the former Punic town. The city was the center of the Roman roads in the region running along the coastline and from the interior. These roads allowed goods to be transported from the rural farms and villas in the countryside to the chief city for loading onto ships sailing away from Africa. The city was laid out in an orthogonal grid system, allowing for the traditional Roman buildings to be assembled in the city center. The city was the seat of government during the empire, with the governor holding power there with a detachment, or cohort, from the Third Augustan Legion. The region’s financial administrator, the proconsul, likewise had an urban cohort from Rome’s police corp. Septimius Severus, who was from Africa, exempted the city from taxation. Carthage had an imperial mint at various times during its history. The city hosted the arrival of Emperor Maximian in 298. As one of the tetrarchs under Diocletian, Maximian had completed his campaign from southern Spain across the Strait of Gibraltar and east along the interior of North Africa through the mountains. His arrival heralded a new peace in Africa from the desert tribes. The city in 308 became the seat of power for Domitius Alexander and his attempted break with Maxentius. During the second century CE, the city became a center for Christians in North Africa. By the time of Diocletian, it had become a bishopric. After the persecutions of Diocletian two factions arose, those who followed the Church of Rome and its officers in Carthage and those who followed Bishop Donatus Magnus. During the persecutions the governor of the region had been lenient to most Christians, not punishing them if they handed over their scriptures as a sign for repudiating their faith. Some Christians agreed, and the texts were handed over, while others handed over nonscriptures as a ruse, and many objected and did not. Those who had handed over the texts were called traditores. The followers of Donatus, called Donatists, believed that those who had handed over the books were sinners and should be punished. Drawn from the poorer classes, these rigorists held that the church could not tolerate the sinners. When a new bishop, Caecilian, was consecrated by someone who had supposedly handed over some books, his opponents consecrated a short-lived rival and then Donatus.

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The followers not only argued against Caecilian’s consecration but also argued that the sacraments, such as marriage, received from one who had handed over the books were not valid. This had tremendous repercussions for Roman society after Christianity was legalized, in particular if the children born from these “invalid” unions were legitimate. While Pope Miltiades sent a commission to North Africa in 313 and found against the Donatists, and while ruling the sacraments were valid even if they were performed by a sinner, the Donatists continued to exist, calling themselves the true church. They continued to be a strong force during the next few centuries until the arrival of the Arabs. In the late empire, 429 CE to 533 CE, Carthage was the capital of the Vandal kingdom. Carthage was retaken by the Byzantines and continued to have predominance in North Africa until the city was destroyed in 692 by the Arabs. See also: Government and Politics: Grain Trade; Groups and Organizations: Christians; Desert Tribes; Individuals: Caesar, Gaius Julius; Latin Fathers of the Western Church; Institutions: Provinces; Provincial Capitals; Key Events: Diocletian Persecutions; Objects and Artifacts: Mosaics Further Reading Brent, Allen. 1983. Cyprian and Roman Carthage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. “Carthage.” n.d. Livius.org, http://www.livius.org/articles/place/carthage/. Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Rives, J. B. 1995. Religion and Authority in Roman Carthage from Augustus to Constantine. Oxford, UK: Clarendon.

Colonia Agrippina Colonia Agrippina, or Cologne (Koln), is situated on the left (south) bank of the Rhine River in Germany. Originally it was a camp founded by Agrippa in 38 BCE when he settled the German tribe Ubii, at their request, from the right bank; the tribe then formed the native town. The town was called Oppidum Ubiorum. It was located in Lower (northern) Germany and held two legions until the reign of Tiberius. Augustus erected the Ara Ubiorum (Altar of the Ubii) and allowed for the worship of the German tribes from the area, although its remains have not been found. After his death the Altar to Augustus and Rome, a center for the imperial cult, replaced the Ara Ubiorum. The area also became one of the centers for the planned invasion and conquest of greater Germania. This lasted until 9 CE, when Varus was defeated and greater Germania was abandoned. From 9 to 30 CE the site was a garrison for the nearby Legion I Germanica and Legion XX Valeria Victrix. These legions mutinied when Augustus died and promoted

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Germanicus, who was able to dissuade them and remain loyal to the new emperor, Tiberius. Germanicus’s daughter Agrippina the Younger was born there in 15 CE, and as Emperor Claudius’s wife, she convinced him to make it a colony in 50 CE, now called Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (Colony of Claudius and Altar of the Agrippinians). This allowed the oppidum to become a colonia and have more privileges. A wall about 25 feet high and 8 feet thick surrounded the city and was rebuilt during the third century; its remains are visible today. The troops in Colonia elevated Vitellius as emperor in 69 CE during the Year of the Four Emperors. Near the town was the headquarters of the Classis Germanica, the German fleet. The fleet patrolled the Rhine River and ensured that the Germans across the Rhine did not make raids between the forts controlling the river. The fleet could also send reinforcements quickly when needed. When the Roman troops went with Vitellius to Italy to fight Otho for control, the Batavians in early 69 CE attacked Colonia Agrippina and compelled the local natives to side with them; when Rome had regained the initiative and was winning, the tribes returned to Roman control when the Batavians attempted to tear down the city’s wall. The inhabitants murdered the Germans in the city and then burned those outside the walls after getting them drunk. Under the Flavians, Colonia Agrippina became the capital of Lower Germany, or Germania Inferior, when the province of Germania was divided into two separate provinces of Lower and Upper Germania under Domitian. The city was the chief trade and industrial center for the Rhineland and continued to prosper. One of the chief industries was glassware production, which was exported throughout Western and Northern Europe. The city suffered several attacks and considerable damage during the third century. Not only was the city subjected to constant barbarian attacks, but civil wars also inflicted their cost. In 260 Saloninus Caesar, the second son of Gallienus, held command of the region and was advised by his general Silvanus. The governor of Lower Germany, Postumus, rebelled against Gallienus and besieged the city. He captured it and executed the two leaders and established a breakaway Gallic Empire. For the next decade the secessionist empire controlled the Rhine and was ultimately brought back into the Roman Empire under Probus in 276. The city continued to be a key center under the later empire. An aqueduct was built that brought over 20,000 cubic meters of water per day. Upon becoming a colonia, the city lost its military garrison, and the troops were transferred to other bases. The city, however, continued to house a squadron of the Rhine fleet. In 310, Constantine built a bridge over the Rhine here, with Castellum Divitia (Deutz) protecting it on the right bank of the river. In 355 the city witnessed another convulsion when Silvanus rebelled for 28 days and then the Franks captured the city, holding it for a year until Julian pushed them out. A century later the Romans withdrew their troops, and the city was occupied by the Franks; in 463 their king Childeric made it his residence. The colony had an orthogonal plan, and the civilian town grew steadily during the first century, perhaps reaching a population of about 30,000 to 45,000. The population probably declined during the third century and ultimately declined probably in half by the fourth century. While the city was the capital of Lower Germany, it should be noted

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that this division was artificial and that the inhabitants and the region were part of Gaul rather than Germania. Excavations have recovered several important structures. The main Roman street, Cardo Maximus, has been identified as the Hohestrasse, and two whole areas have been discovered. The military headquarters, the praetorium, has been excavated. In addition, bathhouses have been identified as well as temples to Jupiter Capitolinus, Mithras, and Mercury-Augustus. Also nearby was a Roman house with the Dionysiac floor mosaic; a second-century wall covering has also been unearthed. At Mugerdorf, three miles away, is one of the best-preserved Roman villas. A large section of the Roman walls still exists, and its irregular outlines show how the Romans adopted their military structure to correspond to the natural terrain. A harbor existed, and a large pedestal monument may be the lighthouse for the harbor and was ultimately included in the city’s wall. See also: Groups and Organizations: Alamanni and Juthungi; Germanic Tribes; Individuals: Agrippina the Elder; Caligula; Tiberius; Institutions: Colonies; Provinces; Key Events: Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion; Teutoburg Forest, Battle of the; Military: Legionary Camps; Limes Further Reading Fischer, Thomas, and Marcus Carl Trier. 2014. Roman Cologne: The Historical City Guide. Cologne: J. P. Bachem Verlag. Grimal, Pierre. Roman Cities. 1983. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. La Baume, Peter. 1967. Colonia Agrippinensis: A Brief Survey of Cologne in Roman Times. Cologne: Greven. MacKendrick, Paul Lachlan. 1970. Romans on the Rhine: Archaeology in Germany. New York: Funk and Wagnalls.

Constantinople The ancient city of Byzantium, later named Constantinople and then Istanbul, was originally established as a Greek colony on the European side of the Bosporus in Thrace. The promontory has a natural harbor on the north, the Golden Horn; the Propontis or Sea of Marmara in the south; the Bosporus Straits to the east; and the plains facing the west. The original city was built on the easternmost part of the seven hills in the region. The city was ideally located to control the fishing of tunny migrating from the Euxine (Black) Sea to the Mediterranean as well as the grain trade coming from southern Ukraine. This location also allowed access to the trade routes going to and from the western cities of Asia Minor, the Syrian and Lebanon coastlines, and the rich trade from Egypt. When the city came under Roman control in 150 BCE whereby it was a free city that paid tribute to Rome, it was considered a strategic center that could provide the straits

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protection and prevent migration into Syria from the Thracians and Goths. The city remained independent until the late second century CE. Although it backed the forces against Septimius Severus in 196, who won and punished the city by destroying its buildings and defenses, he soon realized that it was too strategic and had it rebuilt with an even larger circumference defensive walls. During this period Caracalla initiated games called Antoninia Augusta after him. After Diocletian abdicated in 305, the city found new power when his successors Licinius and then Constantine realized its strategic importance. Constantine decided that due to its location controlling the land routes to and from Asia and Europe, its excellent harbor, the control of the straits, and its location on the natural trade routes with the Black and Mediterranean Seas, it would become his new capital. In 324 he announced that this “New Rome,” now called Constantinople, would become the capital. Although he indicated that it would be second to Rome, in reality he planned on it replacing the ancient capital. In 330 he formally inaugurated the city as Constantinople. After six years of construction and enlargement, Constantinople was a Christian city without pagan temples. Although the city had extensive pagan art “liberated” from ancient pagan temples, it also had Christian churches. Since it soon became a large city as Constantine had hoped, he introduced a free grain distribution like that in Rome. His son Constantius II in 340 introduced its own Senate and created a mirror bureaucracy of Rome, including one of the two consuls being appointed in the city and the new capital having its own prefect of the city in 359. In 425 the city received a university that controlled all higher education in the city and was where the Senate appointed its professors. Valentinian I gave the east to his brother Valens, who ruled from the city and adorned it even more. The city also became important in religion, with its bishop ranking behind Rome in the Christian world. This ranking was due to Constantinople’s political position, as it did not have a history of earlier church councils. Theodosius I (379–95) erected a monumental gateway, the Golden Gate, with three arches. The central archway, the largest, was a triumphal arch used only for the emperor. Theodosius II (408–50) erected the great walls of the city, replacing Constantine’s, that now doubled the city’s perimeter. They were erected in 413 and then doubled again in 447 and still stand. There were seawalls as well in the north and south, and together the defensive walls contained over 400 towers. The city reached its zenith under Justinian I (527–565) with a population of about half a million before being hit by the plague, which wiped out nearly half the city. The city continued as the capital of the east until, 1453 when it fell to the Ottoman Turks and was renamed Istanbul. Most of the remains are from the late period, since the early Greek period had been destroyed and constantly overbuilt. Although Septimius Severus created a hippodrome that Constantine enlarged, little remains of it. There are ancient texts that describe many of the buildings that Constantine and his successors undertook, but again there are few archaeological remains. Constantine built a forum that had a large porphyry column in the middle and placed on top a statue of himself; although the statue is gone, the column, called the Burnt Column, still stands. He built near the central forum a new Senate house and enlarged the hippodrome. He erected a new palace for himself,

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the Great or Sacred Palace, where rulers lived for the next millennium. Most of his churches do not remain. The city successfully served as the administrative center for the eastern empire, or Byzantine Empire, until its fall in 1453. The city remained a crucial node for commerce and a military position for the next five centuries. The city is still the chief center in Turkey, with a foot in both Europe and Asia. See also: Government and Politics: Grain Trade; Senate; Individuals: Constantine; Constantine, House of; Theodosius, House of; Objects and Artifacts: Palaces Further Reading “Constantinople.” n.d. Livius.org, http://www.livius.org/articles/place/constantinople -istanbul/constantines-city/. Downey, Glanville. 1960. Constantinople in the Age of Justinian. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Harris, Jonathan. 2007. Constantinople: Capital of Byzantium. London: Hambledon Continuum. Herrin, Judith. 2007. Byzantium: The Surprising Life of a Medieval Empire. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. O’Donnell, James Joseph. 2009. The Ruin of the Roman Empire: A New History. New York: Harper Perennial.

Corinth Corinth lay on the isthmus that connected mainland Greece in the north to the Peloponnese in the south. The site was on a narrow strip of land with good water, natural springs, and fertile lands for grain production and excellent naval facilities and was location for trade both in the west via the Gulf of Corinth to the Ionian Sea and the east with the Saronic Gulf, which connected to the Aegean Sea. Corinth had a long and rich history of pottery industry and traded with the rest of the Mediterranean world. The city exported local grain from the Peloponnese and the isthmus as well as clothing, marble, and wine. Corinth imported goods from overseas, which it then traded within Greece for such items as precious stones, foodstuffs, slaves, and clothing, especially from Egypt and the east. The Greek city of Corinth was destroyed in 146 BCE, with the site remaining virtually deserted until 46 BCE, when Julius Caesar refounded the city as the “colony of Corinth in honor of Julius (Caesar).” By the mid-first century CE when the Christian missionary Paul visited the city, it was flourishing. Paul’s visit in 51/52 CE established Christianity there. Corinth continued to grow and be the major administrative center for Greece during the next few centuries until troubles on the northern frontier necessitated the movement of the administrative capital to Thessaloniki and Serdica. By the fourth century the city suffered natural disasters and sackings, leading to its demise.

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When Rome reestablished the city it created a Roman city rather than re-create the ancient Greek city. This included the construction of Roman attributes for the city such as a forum and baths. Many of the Greek structures were also established, such as a gymnasium and theater. The Temple of Apollo built in 550 BCE, with 6 columns on the facade and 15 on the long sides, survived the destruction in 146 BCE. The Romans created a large forum, the Temple to Octavia (Augustus’s sister), a bath, the Temple to Asclepius or the Asklepeion, stoas, gymnasium, odeons and associated theaters, fountains, the Bema where Paul preached, and a propylaea or monumental gate coming from the north or Lechaeum. The major road, or the maximus, ran north to south, and located on the east side were the baths and a series of markets; on the west side of the road were meat and fish markets, the north market, and the north stoa, and on the west side were the theater and odeon. In the central part of the city on this major road was the Peribalos of Apollo facing the east side, and the basilica and temples to Apollo and Hera stood on the west side. This main road went under a gateway into the agora, which was situated east to west with a temple to Poseidon in the southwest corner. Moving south through the agora was the Bema and stoa and finally the south basilica. On the west side of the city was the temple for the imperial cult of Octavia. The Peirene Fountain dates from the sixth century BCE. Additions were added by Herodes Atticus in the second century CE. Located above was the Acro Corinth, the defensible site of ancient Corinth overlooking the main city. While the defenses were not needed in the early empire, by the late empire when Greece was subject to invasions, the Acro Corinth became a site for refugees. The city was located almost two miles inland from its port of Lechaion, and the town of Kencheai, a harbor six miles to the east, allowed access to the Saronic Gulf. Corinth therefore controlled the north-south route from the mainland to the Peloponnese. During the Roman period the city reestablished its position in trade and economy, especially through shipping. As the capital of Achaea, or Greece, it held a strategic political position that further helped its economy. The city soon became the site for Roman visitors, and a coin from the reign of Nero celebrated his arrival (adventus) and speech (adlocutio). Nero made an attempt to cut a canal through the isthmus to further enhance trade, but it was never completed. The city received imperial favors, and buildings were erected that enhanced its trade, such as a lighthouse at Lechaeum and a new harbor at Cenchreae. They city had numerous cults and monuments that are known through their inscriptions. Corinth suffered from the barbarian invasions in 268 CE when the Heruli overran Greece. In addition, there were earthquakes in 365 and 375 that increased the damage already done by these invasions. In 395 Alaric and his Visigoths sacked the city again, and in 521 another earthquake destroyed the city. The effects were witnessed by the historian Procopius, and there would be another earthquake in the sixth century CE. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Jews; Mystery Religions; Institutions: Provincial Capitals

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|  The Roman Empire Further Reading Engels, Donald W. 1990. Roman Corinth: An Alternative Model for the Classical City. Chicago: University of Chicago. MacKendrick, Paul Lachlan. 1962. The Greek Stones Speak: The Story of Archaeology in Greek Lands. New York: St. Martin’s. Murphy-O’Connor, J. 2002. St. Paul’s Corinth: Text and Archaeology. 3rd revised and expanded ed. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. Schowalter, Daniel N., and Steven J Friesen. 2005. Urban Religion in Roman Corinth: Interdisciplinary Approaches. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Divinity School.

Ephesus Ephesus, an ancient town on the coast of Turkey, Asia Minor, was known for its commercial and religious center. During the preclassical era Ephesus was situated at the delta of the Cayster River, which provided an excellent harbor. The problem with the site was that since the Mediterranean does not have tides, the silt from the river was not able to be cleared. This continual deposit of silt ultimately clogged the harbor and destroyed its usefulness during the Roman imperial era. The shoreline moved progressively west so that the city is some seven miles inland. Traditionally the city was founded either by the Amazon warriors or by colonists from Athens led by Androclus, son of the Athenian king Codrus, who drove out the indigent population. The city was therefore populated by invaders and was most likely established as a Greek city during the great period of Greek migrations or colonization during the seventh century BCE. By the seventh century BCE the city’s coins display the earliest inscription of any coin, stating “I am the badge of Phanes.” The identification is uncertain and may refer to a wealthy merchant named Phanes or may be an attribution to Apollo-Phanes. The city defended itself from Cimmerian invaders from southern Russia in 650 BCE but was forced to accept the rule first of Croesus and then of Cyrus of Persia. During the Ionian rebellion of 495 its inhabitants slaughtered the inhabitants of Chios, their nearby commercial rivalries. Ephesus joined the Athenian Empire in 454 BCE, paying tribute to Athens, but joined the Spartans in 412 BCE against Athens and its allies. They were ceded to Persia by the Spartans in 387 BCE, and then in 335 BCE Alexander the Great controlled the city after his victories over the Persians. Lysimachus, one of Alexander’s generals, reestablished the city in 294 BCE and began to promote it as a center of trade, leading to its wealth and prosperity. The city issued the cistophori, or silver tetradrachms, before 200 BCE. After the Romans defeated the Seleucides in 189 BCE, they handed the city over to Pergamum, and then Ephesus received its freedom from the last monarch, Attalus III. The city retained its freedom when Rome took it over and made it the capital of the province of Asia. Ephesus joined the other cities under Mithridates VI of Pontus and massacred its Roman citizens in 88 BCE. Sulla, the Roman general, inflicted heavy punishments on the city. During the pre-Roman period the city was relocated about a

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mile inland due to the harbor beginning to silt and creating a marsh, which resulted in disease. The new city flourished and ultimately grew to become the empire’s fourthlargest city. While its population is not known exactly, some estimates put it at about 200,000 inhabitants, although it was probably less. The city continued to rival Pergamum as the most important city in the region and became the residence of the emperors’ financial agents, or procurators, in the province. The Christian missionary Paul was involved in protests here, as described in the Acts of the Apostles and his letter to the Ephesians. The city was damaged by the Goths in 262 CE when they raided Asia Minor, but by then the harbor had silted. One of the major highlights of Ephesus was its religious history. The Temple of Artemis, or Diana, rebuilt after the Persian era, became one of the seven wonders of the ancient world. The temple, no longer standing, was larger than the Temple to Athena or the Parthenon at Athens. The Temple of Artemis became the host for a system of religious development. The temple had a vibrant religious trade system. There were memorials or reconstructions of the temple in silver and probably other mediums such as clay that were made and distributed. In the Acts of the Apostles, Paul was involved in a conflict with the local silver makers who built models of the Temple of Artemis as votive gifts; he was accused of preaching ideas that would harm the sale of

Ephesus, in Asia Minor (present-day Turkey), was an ancient Greek city which prospered under Roman control. One of the largest cities, it served as the center of trade and commerce for the eastern Mediterranean due to its location on important roads and a good harbor. (Corel)

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silver memorials. During the Gothic invasion the temple was devastated, and the city was forced to rebuild the temple. The temple was then destroyed around 400, when paganism was ultimately outlawed. The city was laid out with the road from the harbor entering in the western wall. The road led to the commercial agora, or theater, with a nearby road called the Priest Road to another agora and then to the Eastern Gate. The surviving monuments are among the most impressive and show the extent of Ephesus and its power. The straight West Road was paved with marble and had colonnades lining it so that it formed an impressive entry into the harbor. The road was crossed by the Marmorean Way, which led south to the Library of Celsus and the Temple of Isis, while the gymnasium and the stadium were located to the north. Nearby was the great theater where Paul fought with the crowd. The street of the Curetes leads up the valley to the plateau south of the Pion Mountain and had the town hall, an odeon, the Temple of Hadrian, and the Heroum of Titus Julius Celsus Polemaeanus, a consul in 92 CE, which was then converted into a library as well as a nymphaeum, or fountain complex. The region had a whole series of private houses and a public bath of Varius, which had important floor mosaics that have been discovered. Ephesus was an important city in the development of Roman power and trade in Asia Minor. The city was built around the Temple of Artemis and had an ideal location on the trade routes. Although the harbor would silt up over the years, the city prospered for most of Roman rule. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Jews; Institutions: Provincial Capitals; Objects and Artifacts: Villas Further Reading “Ephesus.” n.d. UNESCO, http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1018. Friesen, Steven J. 1993. Twice Neokoros: Ephesus, Asia, and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family. Leiden: Brill. MacKendrick, Paul Lachlan. 1962. The Greek Stones Speak: The Story of Archaeology in Greek Lands. New York: St. Martin’s. Murphy-O’Connor, J. 2008. St. Paul’s Ephesus: Texts and Archaeology. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. Rogers, Guy MacLean. 1991. The Sacred Identity of Ephesos: Foundation Myths of a Roman City. London: Routledge. Starkweather, Helen. 2008. “Exploring Ancient Ephesus.” Smithsonian Magazine, January, http://www.smithsonianmag.com/travel/exploring-ancient-ephesus-11753958/.

Jerusalem Jerusalem was the historical center for the Jewish people and the capital of the Jewish kingdom beginning with David. Conquered successively by the Babylonians,

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Persians, and Greeks, it once again became the capital of a restored Israel in the second century BCE. Maintaining its strategic importance, the city once again flourished under the rule of Herod the Great. Rome took over the city and province of Judea after Herod’s son Archelaus’s exile in 6 CE. The city was situated on a high hill commanding the area and was a natural defensive position. The most important features during the first century CE were its temple and nearby fortress, the Antonia, both built by Herod the Great. The city also had a defensive wall and witnessed two great destructions during a period of 70 years culminating in the loss of the Jewish religious center. The First Jewish Rebellion (66–73) witnessed the destruction of most of the city, including Herod the Great’s rebuilt Temple. The second rebellion, the Bar Kokhba Revolt (132–136), was probably caused by the building of the Temple of Jupiter on the site of the old Jewish Temple. The Romans brutally suppressed the Jews and forced many to flee Judea permanently. The greatest monument in first-century CE Jerusalem was the Temple. A fourthcentury description of Jerusalem indicated that there were two large pools on each side of the temple made by Solomon (Stewart 1887, 589). Farther in the city were two twin pools with five porticoes where the sick were allowed to bathe. A high tower also existed and may have been part of Fortress Antonia. The city had large subterranean reservoirs for water. In the fourth century two statues of Hadrian were placed near the temple, and nearby was a stone where Jews came every year and anointed it and would rend their garments. A house reported to be of Hezekiah, the king of Judah, also stood. Solomon’s original Temple had been destroyed, and Herod the Great rebuilt it on the same general plan. Josephus provides a description of the temple complex, an imposing and dominating structure; it represented all of Jerusalem (Josephus and Whiston 1988, Antiquities 8.95–98 for Solomon, 15.396–402 for Herod). It was built on a series of terraces and was said to be about 750 feet in size. For a Hellenized monarch, the Temple allowed Herod to show his Jewish pride and compete in a Greek world. For the people, it was the center of their religious life and became part of a renewed pride in their nation. The temple complex was surrounded by walls with gates for crowd control and later safety. The walls inside facing the Temple had double porticoes on three sides and on the south side a triple portico that protected the individuals. The porticoes were 25 cubits (37.5 feet) high with mosaic pavements and cedar roofs. These porticoes allowed access to the Gentile Court on either side of the centrally placed Temple. The Temple wall had a warning sign or inscription that Gentiles were not to enter. The Temple rising on the platforms became the dominant feature in Jerusalem and was the tallest structure except for the Antonia Fortress, situated on the southwest corner. Built by Herod in commemoration of Marc Antony, the fortress provided security, but its construction, height, and purpose angered the Jews, and it became a focal point of resentment, a symbol of Roman domination, and a spot for protest. Before the rebellion, under Nero it became the flashpoint for rebellion. Outside of Jerusalem was Mount Sion, and on the left below in a valley beside the wall, are the pool of Siloam with four porticoes and another large pool nearby.

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According to legend, the spring that fed the pool ran for six days and nights but on the seventh day and night was silent. Going up Sion was the house of Caiaphas, the high priest, and in the fourth century a column stood where Jesus was supposedly beaten with rods. In this region was David’s palace and one of the seven synagogues that once existed, the others plowed over after the rebellions under Nero and Hadrian. As one exited the wall of Sion toward the gate of Neapolis, there stood the praetorium of the governor where Pontius Pilate tried Jesus. Farther on the left is a small hill called Golgotha, nearby is a vault where Jesus’s body lay, and under Emperor Constantine a basilica was built. Going from Jerusalem to the east is the Mount of Olives separated by the Valley of Josaphat where there were vineyards and palm trees. There were two tombs, one for the prophet Isaiah and the other for Hezekiah, king of the Jews. At the Mount of Olives there existed after Diocletian another basilica ordered by Constantine and nearby the small hill where Jesus was said to have prayed. The city of Jerusalem was large and, although the center for the Jewish religion, was cosmopolitan. It was a commercial center for the region and became one of the key crossroads for the Roman east. Its strategic position ensured that the population was well supplied and that information flowed in and out. With a large Jewish population in nearby Parthia and later Persia, the information between the two great empires flowed, as witnessed by the story of the Magi. The city remained the religious center of Judaism until its destruction in 70 CE during the First Jewish Rebellion. For five months until August 70 CE, Titus, son of Emperor Vespasian, took the city, destroyed the Temple, and enslaved the population. The city was rebuilt by the Romans, who forbade Jews from living in the city (probably not accurate and more apocryphal), now renamed Aelia Capitolina as a colony built by Hadrian. The city would continue to be an important locale during the late Roman period. See also: Government and Politics: Roman Law; Groups and Organizations: Christians; Jews; Individuals: Augustus; Caligula; Hadrian; Vespasian, Titus Flavius; Institutions: Client Kings; Provinces; Provincial Law; Religion; Sacrifices; Key Events: Jewish Rebellion, First; Judea Provincial Disruption; Military: Masada, Siege of; Primary Documents: Document 34; Document 44 Further Reading Furneaux, Rupert. 1972. The Roman Siege of Jerusalem. New York: D. McKay. Goodman, Martin. 2007. Rome and Jerusalem: The Clash of Ancient Civilizations. 1st U.S. ed. New York: Knopf. Josephus, Flavius, and William Whiston. 1988. The Works of Josephus: Complete and Unabridged. New updated ed. Peabody, MA: Hendrick Publishers. Levine, Lee I. 2002. Jerusalem: Portrait of the City in the Second Temple Period (538 B.C.E.–70 C.E.). Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, Published in Cooperation with the Jewish Theological Seminary of America.

Cities | Stewart, Aubrey, trans. 1887. Itinerary from Bordeaux to Jerusalem: “The Bordeaux Pilgrim” (333 A.D.). Annotated by C. W. Wilson. London: Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society. Wilkinson, John. 2006. Egeria’s Travels. Oxford, UK: Aris and Phillips.

London London, or Londinium in the province of Britannia, was founded on an area without a pre-Roman oppidum, or settlement, after the initial conquest in 43 CE during Claudius’s reign. A wooden drain has been excavated and dated by dendrochronology (treering dating) to 47 CE, its probable foundation. The Romans built their city on the left bank of the Thames River where the river could be forded by a bridge, first made of wood. This is the first point where people could ford the river and move north or south. London would soon become the center of trade during the height of the Roman period. Although it was not a military site, it was the center of trade and contact between the north and the south. Due to its position it became the largest city in Britain by 100 CE and had become the provincial capital. Like other Roman towns, London was designed with an orthogonal street plan just north of the river docks near the bridge. It appears that at first there were four insulae, or residential blocks, each 240 feet by 480 feet. These original settlements were just south of the forum, which measured about 500 square feet. For comparison, the forum’s east-west basilica was only half that of Rome’s basilica Julia in the Roman Forum. The total size of the city was only about one square mile with a fort on one of the hills. The city garrison fled with most of its inhabitants during the rebellion of Boudicca in 61 CE. The governor, Suetonius Paulinus, realized that he could not defend the city with his limited forces and ordered the garrison troops to leave accompanied by any civilians; those who remained, mainly women and the old, were slaughtered. At first it was not the provincial capital, which was Camulodunum, modern-day Colchester, in Essex in the east. After the destruction, the city was rebuilt and made into a larger town that soon flourished. The city became the provincial capital by the end of the first century CE. The second-century wall enclosed an area of about 300 acres with a population of close to 45,000. The city was visited by Emperor Hadrian, and its basilica and forum were the largest north of Italy. Shortly after his visit another fire destroyed much of the city, and although it was rebuilt it was never as large or prosperous. The new city had a garrison fort built into the second-century wall in the northwest corner and was manned by either an auxiliary cohort or a detachment from one of the legions. The wall known as the London Wall was built during the time of Septimius Severus and his successors between 195 and 220 CE. The wall was built on the landward side safeguarding the harbor, which was the most important feature for the Romans due to its trade connection. Historians have wondered as to why the city now had a wall when it was far removed from the north. It is possible that the wall allowed for a psychological safety net for the inhabitants, since invasions in the north may have been exaggerated or pronounced. It

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could also have been built to safeguard the city from internal civil war, which had happened early in Septimius’s reign. The four gates in the north and west known as Bishopsgate, Aldgate, Newgate, and Ludgate corresponded to the roads to Colchester, Lincoln, Wroxeter, and Silchester. The city was important, since it guarded the entrance to the north and was the hub for the major roads in the south and east of Britain. The city may not have been politically crucial in its early history, but Tacitus remarks that the city was frequented by merchants and businessmen (Tacitus 1956, 14.33). This contact allowed the city and ultimately the province to receive goods from Gaul and to ship wares to the continent. Roadways established at the time of its foundation show seven roads radiating outward. From the southeast, one road ran from Dover via Canterbury to London. This road then reemerged from London and ran north by northwest to Wroxeter and is now known by the Anglo-Saxon name Watling Street. The Great Road ran from London northeast to Colchester, the original capital. From London to Lincoln ran Ermine Street north; the Devil’s Highway ran west over a series of bridges to Silchester. A road ran southwest to the cemeteries, and Stane Street ran from Chichester in the south on the English Channel north. The city was known for its numerous buildings including an amphitheater, which housed its gladiatorial games; numerous villas; and the governor’s palace. Beginning in the 160s after the fire, the city’s population declined. It has been postulated that the city suffered from the plague and never restored itself. Also, with Rome abandoning further conquest after Hadrian, it is possible that the province no longer saw an increase of new colonists and soldiers as before. The city’s economy may have also suffered due to the province now becoming more settled. The city’s economy was revived by the military activity of Septimius Severus. The city served as the capital of Carausius’s breakaway empire from Rome and was captured by Constantius Chlorus in 297. His victory was commemorated on a gold medallion showing Constantius riding into the walled city with its name above the turrets and a woman kneeling in homage. The city received a new bath around 300 and remained an imperial mint in the early fourth century. Britain was divided into four provinces in 296 CE, and London most likely became the capital of the diocese of Britain. The city had numerous villas around the region and point to a renewed period of economic activity. During the second half of the fourth century the town began to decline, and by 410 when Rome abandoned the island, the city had shrunk in population and prosperity and was left to fend for itself. See also: Groups and Organizations: Picts; Individuals: Claudius; Nero; Institutions: Client Kings; Provinces; Provincial Capitals; Key Events: Boudicca Rebellion; British Conquest; Carausius Rebellion Further Reading Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Merrifield, Ralph. 1969. Roman London. New York: Praeger.

Cities | Tacitus, Cornelius. 1956. The Annals of Imperial Rome. Translated by Michael Grant. Baltimore: Penguin. Wacher, J. S. 1997. The Towns of Roman Britain. 2nd ed., fully revised. London: Routledge.

Lugdunum Located in the southeast central part of Gaul, modern-day Lyon, or Lugdunum, developed into a major administrative center during the Roman era, ultimately being the location of an imperial palace and a mint. The city, whose name means “fortress or hill of the god Lugus,” was founded in 43 BCE by Lucius Plancus. In the second century CE it had a population of 50,000 to 100,000. The city lay on the confluence of the Rhône and Saône Rivers on the heights overlooking both rivers. Under Augustus the city became the capital of Gallia Lugdunensis. It was the center for the road system in Gaul and the seat of the provincial council of 60 Gallic communities. It is probable that this council was a holdover from the pre-Roman period. The city was also the center for the cult of Rome and Augustus, which is shown on his coinage depicting the two Gauls. The only archaeological remains of this altar are two Egyptian granite columns. The earliest population had several thousand inhabitants, mainly ex-soldiers or veterans of Julius Caesar’s army. The city was strategically located for the expansion east into Germany. In addition, it was a regional center with a mint established in 15 BCE and produced coinage for the next three centuries. Strabo indicates that it was second to Narbo in population, and Seneca the Younger boasted of its importance and magnificence (Strabo, Jones, and Sterrett 1931, 4.3.2; Seneca, Annaeus, and Gummere 1920, Letter 91). The aqueduct of the Gier was the first of four aqueducts built to supply water. The city had a great temple by 19 CE as well as an amphitheater. Emperor Claudius, born there in 10 BCE, constructed a fountain honoring his victory over the British and enhanced the city with a bridge across the Rhône River. A fire devastated Lyon during the reign of Nero. During the Year of the Four Emperors, 68–69, it supported rival groups to the nearby neighbor Vienna, resulting in conflict between the two cities over longstanding grudges. In the second century CE the city grew even more to a population of about 200,000. In addition to its water supplied with four aqueducts, there were fountains, baths, at least two banks, and manufactory systems for pottery, metalworking, and clothing. The town was run by a senate of decurions that included questors, aediles, and duumvirs. The city was protected up to the time of Caligula with a cohors urbana. The city’s population grew in part because of the influx of immigrants from the east due to commercial activities. These immigrants brought many of the new pagan cults that flourished. The city was also involved in persecutions of the Christians in 177.

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The city received trade from the Saône and Rhône Rivers, and a company of boatmen was established in the city. The boatmen were able to transport supplies and especially dominated the wine and oil trade. The right bank of the Saône had the largest concentration of warehouses, granaries, and shipbuilding groups. As a major commercial center, its population included residents from Italy, Spain, Greece, Turkey, and the east as well as Gallic natives. In 197 CE the city was involved in the civil wars between Septimius Severus, whose son Caracalla was born there, and Albinus, with the former winning in a battle northwest of the city, and Clodius Albinus, who made his capital in Lugdunum and then committed suicide. In the third century the city was in the breakaway state of Postumus and was a mint for his kingdom as well as for others such as Laelian and Marius in 268. The city continued to function as a mint during the fourth century. Lugdunum declined in power and prestige during the fourth century when the regional capital moved to Trier (Augusta Trevirorum) and remained the capital of the small province of Lugdunensis Prima. Although it was smaller, it still had a mint and a state-run wool factory for uniforms. The city layout included an odeon, a covered auditorium, a theater, two fora, and the Temple of Cybele on the main hill, with the circus located to the north of the hill. To the south was the Saône River with a port, across the river was the amphitheater, and to the west of the city was the Rhône River with an island, called a cannabae, where merchants and townspeople lived. Evidence of bronze foundries, potteries, and glassmaking factories as well as a port has been discovered on the cannabae. The theater of Lugdunum built under Augustus in 16–14 BCE was the oldest in Gaul. Under Tiberius’s reign an amphitheater was built and enlarged later by Hadrian where Christians were martyred in 177. The Altar of Rome and Augustus was later converted into a Temple of Rome and the Augusti by Hadrian, who also enlarged the Old Augustan Forum and built the odeon, while his successor Antoninus Pius built the second forum. Near the old forum was the temple to the Capitoline Triad, honoring Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. There were other shrines, to Cybele, Mercury, Mars, and Matres Augustae, a river goddess. Around the region are numerous villas including the Villa of the Mosaics, a peristyle frescoed villa of Egnatius Paulus. It bears the name “Mosaics” because of its polychrome floor with 91 panels. They city was taken over by the Burgundians in 470. See also: Groups and Organizations: Celts; Individuals: Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius; Diocletian; Institutions: Mints; Provinces; Provincial Capitals Further Reading Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, and Richard M. Gummere. 1920. Seneca Epistles, 66–92: With an English Translation. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Strabo, Horace Leonard Jones, and J. R. Sitlington Sterrett. 1931. The Geography of Strabo. London: Heinemann.

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Mediolanum Mediolanum, or Milan, was a large city in northern Italy. It was important especially in the late empire, since it became the seat of government in the late third century, lasting until the early fifth century. It was also an important strategic center, as it allowed for quicker contact with the Rhine and Danube frontiers than did Rome. In addition, Mediolanum became one of the chief religious centers. Founded in 600 BCE by the Celtic Insubres, for four centuries the town was Celtic until 222 BCE, when Rome conquered the region and the Insubres submitted to Rome. Mediolanum soon became an important road hub for the region, leading into the Alps and beyond. During the late republic the city obtained Latin rights, granting citizenship to its annually elected officials. In 49 BCE it obtained the status of municipium when the region was given Roman citizenship. The city continued to expand and during the reign of Hadrian was made a colony. Mediolanum became the chief city of northern Italy. The major roads from the northern provinces of Gaul, Raetia, and Illyricum met in the city. This became the major roadway hub for routes going to and from northern Italy. Due to the city being located just off the Alpine slopes, it took on significance in controlling entry into the rest of Italy by the German tribes. Gallienus changed the defensive system of the northern Roman frontier when he created a large mobile cavalry army stationed here. The force could move rapidly to any of the hot spots in Gaul, Raetia, or Illyricum without the need to create more troops. While the force could move quickly it could not hold all of the regions, since there were not enough troops. In 259 he defeated the Alamanni outside the city. His general Aureolus rebelled, but Gallienus defeated him, although he in turn was assassinated and power passed to Claudius II Gothicus, who continued the practice of housing the large cavalry army. The city soon became an imperial mint and supplied coinage for the entire region. When Italy was divided into several provinces, Mediolanum became the capital of Aemilia-Liguria. In 286 CE, Diocletian’s coruler Maximian made Mediolanum into the capital of Italia Annonaria, or the region of Italy that supplied grain to the city of Rome. He also made it the imperial center for western Italy, even supplanting Rome as the seat of power. During the later empire Mediolanum became the seat of one of the four praetorian prefects. During the early fourth century the city became a Christian center. Emperors Constantine and Licinius met here in 313 and issued the Edict of Milan, which formerly recognized the Christian religion. The next year its bishop traveled to the Council of Arles, and the city soon became one of the chief ecclesiastical centers of the west. The city formerly became the capital of the western empire when Valentinian I and Valens formally divided the empire. The city became crucial in the struggle between the Catholics and Arians when its bishop, Ambrose, fought against Arianism and paganism. Ambrose also engaged in a contest of wills against Emperor Theodosius I when the emperor massacred civilians in Thessalonica. The emperor ultimately did penance and submitted to Ambrose.

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Mediolanum’s population grew steadily under the empire as its political and military importance grew. By the late empire the city had a population of about 100,000, when the city reached its zenith. Large herds of swine were bred in the forests around the city, since the pigs liked acorns. The area around the city not only supplied grain but also exported produce to Rome. The city was laid out in a rectangular plan. Under Augustus, there was a theater and an amphitheater inside a stone wall. The city was renowned for its schools under his reign. The defenses dating from the republican period were crucial for its protection, since it was close to the northern frontiers. In the late third century under Emperor Maximian the wall was enlarged, with remains still existing. The city had a palace and an imperial mint in the late third century. A 24-sided tower, the Torre di Ansperato, was constructed so that the city’s fortifications could encompass the palace quarters as well as the baths and circus. Maximian used Mediolanum for his capital, where he built a large imperial palace complex with service buildings; nearby was the forum. He also built a large circus, 470 by 85 meters, for horse races and built the Baths of Hercules, his patron god. A basilica was then added. There was also an amphitheater in the south, while in the north was a theater. The city had baths built by Constantine. The new wall had 24 towers with a monumental entrance with twin towers. By the end of the fourth century the city would reach its height. The poet Ausonius describes the city with ancient temples, while at that time Christian churches were being constructed. The city had at least five major churches built, many with mosaics. When the city was besieged by the Goths in 402, the capital was moved to a more defensive city, Ravenna, and Mediolanum lost its prestige and power. Mediolanum fell in 452 to Atilla the Hun and finally to Odoacer the Herulian in 476. See also: Groups and Organizations: Huns; Individuals: Diocletian; Theodosius, House of; Institutions: Colonies; Mints; Provincial Capitals Further Reading Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. McLynn, Neil B. 2014. Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital. Berkeley: University of California Press. Noyes, Ella. 1926. The Story of Milan. London: J. M. Dent. Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Mogontiacum The city of Mogontiacum, or Mainz, was the capital of Germania Superior, or Upper Germany, located on the Rhine at the confluence of the Main River. The Romans

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established the city as a military camp under Drusus, stepson of Augustus and brother of Tiberius, as early as 13 BCE. The city is opposite the Main River, which flows east to west, joining the Rhine. The name “Mainz” comes from Mogontiacum, from the Celtic Mogons or Mogounos, a local god soon worshipped by the Romans, and either meant “the great one” or “the mighty one.” Due to its strategic position at the confluence of the two rivers, Mogontiacum became an important military and commercial site. The original camp was the jumping-off point for the invasion of Free Germany by Drusus in 15 BCE. The region commanded important routes east into Germany and was part of the natural thoroughfare used for millennia. When Drusus died in 9 BCE, his brother Tiberius erected in the camp a funeral monument, or cenotaph, an empty tomb or a monument erected in honor of a person, since his ashes were returned to Rome. The wooden camp built under Drusus was rebuilt with stone during Nero’s reign. The army camp was about half a mile from the Rhine, and a Roman bridge crossed the river to Kastel, a fort on the opposite bank. Kastel was located just upstream (south) of the Main River and not only provided protection for the bridge but also commanded the confluence of the two rivers. The camp was home to various legions throughout Roman history: the XIII Gemina and XVI Gallica under Augustus and Tiberius, the XXII Primigenia and IV Macedonica during the reigns of Claudius and Nero and the Year of the Four Emperors (68–69), and by the late empire the XXII Primigenia and VIII Augusta. By the late empire the legions were not located in the town anymore but nearby. In addition, Mogontiacum was a naval base for the Classis Germanica, which patrolled the Rhine and Main Rivers. On January 1, 69 CE, the two legions rebelled against Galba, the new emperor who had recently replaced Nero, and proclaimed their governor Vitellius, a favorite of Nero, as emperor. The legions were soon followed by the troops in Colonia Agrippinensis. When the troops followed Vitellius south into Italy, the local leader, Civilis, attacked the Colonia Agrippinensis, destroying it and other strongholds north to the sea. Domitian, son of Vespasian, rebuilt the wooden legionary camp with stone. The new stone fortress became the jumping-off point for the attack into Free Germany against the Chatti, a strong German tribe on the frontier. Domitian built the bridge and fortress across the river at Kastel to protect the crossing. In 89 his governor Lucius Saturninus rebelled, and with his defeat the two legions were separated. When Domitian divided Germania into two distinct provinces in 90 CE, Mogontiacum became the capital of Upper Germany, or Germania Superior. The city was in the northern part of the province. Severus Alexander used the city as his base for amassing a large army to attack Germania. He constructed a pontoon bridge, later replaced by a stone bridge shown on a lead medallion, and crossed into Germania. His troops murdered him in 235 after he attempted to pay off the Germans. Mainz was raided by the Alamanni in 260, which resulted in the abandonment of the right bank. The city was part of Postumus’s Gallic Empire (260–269), but when his own lieutenant Laelianus rebelled and was defeated, Postumus refused to allow his troops to loot the city, which caused them to assassinate Postumus. Maximian, Diocletian’s coruler, used Mogontiacum as his base of operations against the Alamanni and Burgundians in 286–288.

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The city, or canabae, grew up around the fort in a disorganized fashion, with a river port that aided in the commercial growth of the city. The visible remains now existing include some of the third- and fourth-century walls, part of the aqueduct, and the Roman theater, the largest north of the Alps. The city was not organized into a municipality until the late empire, probably under Diocletian around 300 CE; an inscription shows that it was a civitas, and under Valentinian it was a municipium (Grimal 1983, 182). The city now became the command center for the Dux Moguntiacensis, the military center for the Rhine. The city was also in the fourth century an important Christian center with a bishopric. When the Germans and Vandals crossed the Rhine in 406, Mogontiacum was the first major city to fall. The city was looted, and its inhabitants who took refuge in the Christian church were massacred. The Burgundians took over the city shortly thereafter. An important road ran from Cologne in the north through Mainz and then south to Augst on the left bank of the Rhine. During the period when the right bank of the Rhine was under Roman control, 75–260 CE, there was a parallel road from Mainz to Augst. Like Cologne, which had a road running west to Trier, so too did Mainz. A Roman spa, Aquae Matticae, modern-day Wiesbaden, was used by troops from Mainz for recreation and rest. The city was supplied with water via an aqueduct. The Romans introduced the cultivation of grapes and the manufacturing of wine. The city became an important commercial center for the region beyond the Roman frontier to the east. The city had a monument or altar to Drusus and became a popular pilgrimage site during the empire for an annual festival. See also: Groups and Organizations: Alamanni and Juthungi; Germanic Tribes; Institutions: Colonies; Provinces; Military: Legion; Legionary Camps; Limes Further Reading Elbe, Joachim von. 1977. Roman Germany: A Guide to Sites and Museums. Revised and enlarged 2nd ed. Mainz: P. von Zabern. Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Ostia Ostia was the commercial center for Rome, and its power rested with the merchants. As the commercial hub for Rome, Ostia became a cosmopolitan city, and its inhabitants were often in direct contact with individuals throughout the Roman world. Ostia, the port of Rome, also known as Portus, had facilities for the outfitting and building of ships. These large facilities could hold eight bays for ships and were used to store wood, metal, canvas, and other building supplies. The Romans protected the entrance to the

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Ruins of Ostia Antica, around Rome. Ostia was the port for the capital, Rome, communicating with nearly every region of the empire. The city became important for Rome’s international trade and commerce, especially after successive emperors enlarged its harbor. Goods were transported from Ostia to Rome up the Tiber River. (Marcello Botarelli/Dreamstime.com)

harbor by constructing great moles. The northern mole was 5,000 feet long, while the southern one was around 4,300 feet long; the moles acted like great arms encircling the water and allowed the port to be enlarged and protect ships harbored there. Claudius had the two moles built to encompass about 170 acres, but the area was not completely safe, since storms could still wreak havoc. In between the two moles built by Claudius was the great lighthouse, or Pharos. Built on a man-made island constructed of a large ship used to transport an obelisk, the lighthouse was probably 130 feet tall and could be seen from 20 miles away. Trajan enlarged the port, ensuring the safety of most of the ships; he added a smaller harbor inland that was in a hexagonal shape, covered about 100 acres, and communicated with the outer harbor built by Claudius. The problem facing future generations was the silting up of the two harbors by the Tiber River. When Rome fell, the maintenance could not be continued. By the twentieth century the harbor had disappeared, and the shoreline extended into the sea by two miles. From the harbor a channel 147 feet wide connected to the Tiber allowed ships to sail to and from Rome; paralleling the Tiber was a straight channel to provide faster service to the city for the grain boats. Amphorae for storing and shipping wine from overseas arrived in port and then were taken by barge up the Tiber to Rome. Wine merchants in Ostia arranged for the distribution of wine throughout the region. An example of merchants’ power can be seen in the Forum of Corporations, the principal center of trade for Ostia, built during the time of Augustus. The merchants

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could sell numerous products in the open-air market or forum. Merchants gathered here to sell and trade from all regions of the empire. The wall-enclosed forum measured 328 by 262 feet and had 61 rooms, each measuring 13 by 13 feet, that opened to the forum, with wooden walls separating each other. Being so small, they could not hold the goods but instead held samples or pictures for the traders, a sort of showroom. The rooms were organized by region or produce, but most were from Africa as shown by the mosaics displaying the product or region that probably acted as signs to attract and inform visitors. This forum also housed the six guild divisions serving the 40 guilds. These divisions were grain shipping, commerce, transport, trades, civil service, and cults. The forum had a temple to Annona Augustus in the center celebrating the abundance of supplies by Emperor Augustus. The temple was not only used as a religious center but, as with all temples in Rome, was a place to conduct business transactions. In addition, there was another temple complex in Ostia in the form of a triangle, perhaps in connection to Venus since it had temples to Cybele and Bellona and a shrine to Attis, all associated with Cybele, worshipped universally. Another important industry in cities was bakeries, and Ostia has evidence indicating that the commercial bakeries were quite large, having a ground floor anywhere from 2,000 to 5,000 square feet. This is seen where the floor was made of basalt blocks, since animals brought the grain into the delivery room and deposited it. Wooden pipes allowed the grain to flow into the mill room, where animals powered the nine millstones; the kneading bowls, also made of volcanic stone like the millstones, were then powered by slaves using both fixed and movable blades. In many of the rooms water basins were also located. It appears that in the late republic and the early empire the number of inhabitants served was proportional to the number of millstones, about 100 per millstone. In Ostia the number of millstones was greater, and the size of bakeries was larger. Ostia also had a fullonica (dry cleaner) at the Bath of Mithra, where piping led from a public urinal into a nearby vessel in a two-room fullonica, where urine was collected and used for dry cleaning. Vespasian had instituted a “urine tax” presumably on the fullers who collected urine from the baths and urinals to be used in their profession; they also used fuller’s earth (creta fullonica) as a detergent for difficult stains. The city of Ostia was a vibrant center for Rome during the imperial age and acted as Rome’s entry and exit to the greater Mediterranean world. The city, with its tenement houses, shops, and buildings, often well preserved, provide a view of an ancient cosmopolitan city. See also: Government and Politics: Corporations; Grain Trade; Senate; Individuals: Augustus; Caesar, Gaius Julius; Claudius; Trajan; Institutions: Annona; Burial Clubs; Public Health and Sanitation; Regulations, Business; Regulations, Commercial; Objects and Artifacts: Imperial Fora; Mosaics; Ports and Harbors; Ships Further Reading Boin, Douglas. 2013. Ostia in Late Antiquity. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Cities | Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Hermansen, Gustav. 1982. Ostia: Aspects of Roman City Life. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press. Meiggs, R. 1973. Roman Ostia. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Petra The ancient city of Petra provides a good example of how a local city that existed for centuries was incorporated into the Roman Empire and modified and then abandoned with its monuments intact due to changes in trade and natural disasters. Located in modern-day Jordan, Petra was positioned on the road coming north from the Red Sea and from Damascus in the south. To the west the main road ran to Gaza, and to the east the road led across the desert to the Persian Gulf following the caravan routes. The city grew because of the inhabitants’ ability to collect and channel the water in this region, creating an oasis in the desert. Petra was a Nabataean city established probably around 315 BCE and is possibly mentioned during an attack by Antigonus, one of Alexander the Great’s generals. The Nabataeans originally came into the region of Petra after the Jewish exile to Babylon when the original inhabitants, the Edomites, migrated into the Judean grasslands. The Edomites lived in the region for nearly a millennium, and the place was known in biblical times and associated with the tomb of Aaron, Moses’s brother. Petra appears to have been known also as Sela, which was also a site farther north. The confusion may be that Petra overtook Sela as the terminus of the caravan route, and the name was transferred to Petra. Some of the archaeological remains are the various types of rock tombs imitating Egyptian, Near Eastern, Greek, and Roman cultures. The Hellenistic monarchs, both Seleucid and Ptolemaic, exerted control over the Nabataean locals and controlled the economic power for centuries. When the Hellenistic kingdoms were weakened and both Ptolemaic and Seleucid kingdoms were not able to control the region, Nabataean political and cultural power came into the forefront. Power reached its height under Aretas III, who ruled from 87 to 62 BCE. Nabataean power during the rule of Aretas III Philhellene included the conquest of Damascus as well as northern Jordan, southern Syria, and part of Arabia. The conquest of Damascus in 85 BCE from the Seleucids now propelled Petra into the larger political world of the Near East. It was during this time that the mints in Damascus struck the first Nabataean silver coins. His conquest also allowed Aretas to bring Greek culture, especially architecture, back to Petra, as witnessed by the change in tombs and other civic structures such as the theater, cut from the rock wall and looking out over the royal tombs. Aretas led an invasion against Jerusalem and for several months besieged the city until the Roman general Marcus Aemilius Scaurus ordered him back to Petra.

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Fearing a Roman invasion by Scaurus, Aretas acquiesced, knowing that he could not withstand a conflict with Rome. He was attacked by the Jewish king Aristobolus and was defeated, and then Scaurus decided to follow up with an invasion of Petra where the Roman general attempted to take Petra but failed due to the terrain and harsh country. During the early first century CE the ruler Aretas IV defeated Herod Antipas after Aretas’s daughter, the first wife of Herod Antipas, fled to Aretas due to Herod’s plan to divorce her and marry Herodian. Rome continued to exert control over the Nabataeans and ultimately limited their power to Petra and the economic control of the caravan routes. In 106 CE Emperor Trajan sent the governor of Syria, Aulus Cornelius Palma Frontonianus, to conquer Petra and the region and create a new Carved buildings at Petra, near the Dead Sea in Jordan. The city was noted for its importance as a province, Arabia Petraea, or Aracaravan stopover from Arabia to the Mediterranean. bia, with Petra as its capital. Conquered by Rome under Emperor Trajan in 106 When the last king, Rabbell II, CE, it continued its commercial importance during died after ruling from 70 to 106 the imperial period. (Corel) CE, the Legion III Cyrenaica moved north from Egypt and seized the capital. The Legion VI Ferrata moved from Syria into the northern city of Bostra. While the native dynasty was extinguished, the city still prospered, and the Romans constructed the Petra Roman Road, the main thoroughfare in Petra. The Roman period reached its height under Emperor Alexander Severus, when its coinage came to an abrupt end. It was probably at this time that the Sassanid Persians attacked and disrupted the region, allowing Palmyra, farther north, to become the chief trade city. Petra was further disrupted in the great earthquake of 363 CE and never recovered. The Romans garrisoned the city with the Legion III Cyrenaica. The governor would spend his time not only here but also in the province’s port of Aqaba on the Red Sea. The region was important for controlling the rich caravan routes from the Persian Gulf and ensuring that nomadic raiders did not reach the rich region of Judea.

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Petra was abandoned after the Arab conquest and for the most part forgotten. The city’s architectural heritage and monuments show the development of Romanization, the process of local culture being influenced by Greco-Roman style to create a hybrid of local and Roman. See also: Groups and Organizations: Desert Tribes; Traders; Individuals: Palmyra, House of; Institutions: Provinces; Key Events: Third-Century Political Chaos Further Reading Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Taylor, Jane. 2002. Petra and the Lost Kingdom of the Nabataeans. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Pompeii The ancient city of Pompeii, existing since the sixth century BCE, is best known as the city buried by the volcanic eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 CE. The disaster that covered the city with ash preserved the city and its layout, seemingly frozen in time, and has allowed modern observers to examine how people lived during the first century CE. Pompeii lay on an abundant and fertile plain that provided the city with natural resources, especially agriculture. The city was captured by various groups and cities during the early Roman period and by the time of the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE) had become allied with Rome. Pompeii remained allied to Rome during the war with Hannibal. The city sided with the rest of Campania in the Social War and in 80 BCE was captured by Sulla, and land from the city given to his veterans. With the rise of Augustus and the peace that followed, Pompeii began to flourish once again. The region became a destination for wealthy Romans, who now established their villas and country estates nearby. During the early empire the city’s population grew to approximately 15,000, and the city began to see renewed construction. In 20 BCE Augustus’s right-hand man Agrippa constructed a spur of the aqueduct in Naples to Pompeii and other surrounding cities. The line emptied into a castellum, or tower, from which water was then piped into the various parts of the city. This water allowed for the amenities of the city and contributed to its growth and stability. During this period the infrastructure of Pompeii was enlarged and included the construction of the amphitheater, which provided the city with entertainment. The palestra, or wrestling school, was located near the amphitheater and was used for exercise and included a covered colonnade porch. In addition, there was a swimming pool or natatorium here. The city had an aqueduct that provided water to over 25 fountains, four public baths, and a sizable number of private houses (domus) and businesses. When water became scarce, the Romans could shut down the water

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The interior of the caldarium, with a view of the marble labrum (basin), located in the Forum Baths of Pompeii, Italy. Pompeii, destroyed during the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 CE, gives a detailed view of life in a Roman city. One of the important aspects of Roman daily life was the hot baths, which were not only used for hygiene, but for socializing as well. (Allan T. Kohl/Art Images for College Teaching)

supply first to the baths, since they were not needed for survival, then to the private houses and businesses, leaving the public fountains supplied, since they were needed by a large number of the population. This arrangement ensured that the city’s population was constantly supplied with water. The layout of the city followed the normal grid pattern of most Roman cities. What makes Pompeii remarkable is that the city’s preservation exists without the disturbances and changes that have happened to most cities. The major streets, the decumanus and cardo, ran perpendicular to each other and converged near the Stabian Baths. The cardo ran from Mount Vesuvius through the Vesuvius Gate through the city and out the Stabia Gate. The decumanus ran from the Marina Gate, where the Suburban Baths were located, past the Temple of Venus and the Basilica to the Forum; it then exited the Forum and ran by the Stabian Baths, intersected the cardo, and ran through the city and out the Sarno Gate. A parallel road to the decumanus, the Via Nola, ran from the opposite end of the Forum through the city, by the Central Baths, and out the Nola Gate. Paralleling the cardo in two areas were two streets, the first, the Via Mercurio, which ran from the north side of the city near the Vesuvius Gate through the northern region of the city to the Via Nola, where the Forum Baths and the macellum (market) were located. The second road parallel to the cardo ran in the east just south of the Via Nola, intersecting the decumanus, running just past the palestra, and exiting

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the city at the Nocera Gate. This street created the region that included the palestra and the amphitheater in the southeast quadrant of the city. The city had other public buildings located in various districts. In the southwest quadrant, formed where the cardo and decumanus intersected, were the Temple of Isis, the large theater, the small theater or odeon, and the gladiator barracks. In the western part of the city there were two regions, the northern, which had private residences, and the southern, which had the Forum, the macellum, the Temple of Jupiter, the Suburban Baths, the Temple of Venus, the Basilica, and the Temple of Apollo. This area formed the political center of the city. Throughout the city were numerous shops, houses, and businesses. Pompeii should probably be seen as a typical urban community during the early imperial period. Its size was probably larger than most cities but did not approach the magnitude of many of the large cities that surrounded the Mediterranean. Pompeii prospered because of its proximity to Rome and the rich Campanian plain. Since it was in southern Italy, it was able to benefit from imperial and senatorial patronage. The luxurious villas that grew up around the city attest to the region’s wealth and desirability. See also: Groups and Organizations: Gladiators; Individuals: Vespasian, Titus Flavius; Institutions: Public Works; Key Events: Vesuvius Eruption; Objects and Artifacts: Imperial Fora; Gardens; Mosaics; Paintings; Papyri; Villas; Primary Documents: Document 36 Further Reading Beard, Mary. 2008. The Fires of Vesuvius: Pompeii Lost and Found. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Rowland, Ingrid D. 2014. From Pompeii: The Afterlife of a Roman Town. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Ravenna In northeastern Italy in the region of Cisalpine Gaul on the Bedesis River lay the city of Ravenna. A crucial city during the empire, it was surrounded by canals, streams, and marshes that proved invaluable in the defense of the city. The Etruscans gave the city its name, and evidence from the sixth to the fourth centuries BCE attest to its inhabitation. Local legend had it that the city was originally founded by the Thessalians, Veneti, and Umbrians. The latter took over the city and its important harbor from the Etruscans. After the Gauls ravaged northern Italy, the city came under control of the Boii tribe

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until Rome pushed them out. The city was originally built on log piles on islands in the marshes. During the Roman period it was an important naval base and due to its geography became the capital of the western Roman Empire in 402. Since it was better defended than Milan and had a good harbor for connection with the east, Ravenna remained the capital for the next century. The Romans made Ravenna a crucial city on the Via Popillia, built in 132 BCE, that linked Aquileia in the north with Ariminum, or Rimini. As with the other towns in Cisalpine Gaul, they received Roman citizenship in 90 BCE. The city sided with Marius against Sulla in 82, and Julius Caesar used it as his base against Pompey and the other republicans in his civil war when he crossed the Rubicon River. Julius Caesar is also credited with establishing a gladiatorial school or training facility in the city. The city was a municipium. Octavian (Augustus) in his wars against Sextus Pompey and Antony used Ravenna as his headquarters for his Adriatic fleet. Octavian built a four-mile canal, the Fossa Augusta, to carry water from the Po River to his new harbor, Classis, two miles from the city on the coast. It appears that the fleet commander was the superior of the magister of the municipium, seemingly placing it under direct control of Rome. The city soon prospered as a commercial center, with sailors from Dalmatia and Thrace creating an influx from the Balkans. The city’s location allowed for the region to prosper, with the manufacturing of linen and the exportation of timber, fish, and wine as well as asparagus from the Po River. The wine from Ravenna in the first century CE was well known and cheap. The city was crucial in the course of history for several periods. Tiberius used it to house hostages, Arminius’s son and Maroboduus from the Cherusci and Marcomanni, respectively. The city housed the Adriatic Fleet during the empire and supported Vespasian against Vitellius, which promoted the downfall of the latter. In the later empire the city became a defensible capital due to its geography. The harbor, although silting up, still housed the fleet until the Byzantine period. Since the harbor’s silting strengthened the city’s defensive position, in 404 CE Honorius moved the capital from Milan, or Mediolanum, to Ravenna. The city became the capital until the abdication of Romulus Augustus in 476 and would continue to house the kings Odoacer and Theoderic as well as Byzantine governors after Justinian’s conquest in 534 until taken by the Franks in 751. With canals, marshes, streams, and the silting of the harbor, Ravenna was nearly impregnable. There were temples to Jupiter, the chief Roman deity, as well as to Apollo and Neptune, god of the seas. In addition, the ancients refer to a theater, an amphitheater, and a circus, all common attributes of a Roman city. As a port, the city contained a lighthouse, and freshwater was provided by an aqueduct built by Trajan. During the imperial period, the city was laid out in a grid fashion. After the capital was moved, the city had a renewed period of building prompted by the mother of Valentinian III (425–455), Galla Placidia, who is said to have had built the Church of the Holy Cross in 425 in cruciform; her mausoleum, which had an imperial tomb and a martyr’s chapel, is thought to contain the remains of Galla, her husband Constantius III (421), and her half brother Honorius (395–423), although the three sarcophagi that exist

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Mausoleum of Galla Placidia in Ravenna, Italy, 425–430 CE. Ravenna was an important naval base during the Roman Empire, and later became the residence of the emperors in the fifth century. This mausoleum celebrates the daughter, sister, and mother of Roman emperors. (Valeria Cantone/Dreamstime.com)

in the structure are not positively identified. The Orthodox church is an octagonal building with a dome and like the mausoleum was adorned with richly colored mosaics by the leading Constantinople artists. Other churches were built after Justinian’s conquest. The artificially constructed military harbor Classis lay two miles away. The region south of the old harbor mainly contained cemeteries, but by the second century CE a town had grown up. Augustus chose the site wisely, since it was originally in a lagoon surrounded by marshes and impregnable from land. Originally the base facilities were built on wooden stilts, and later wooden beams were used. Finally in the second century CE bricks were added. Without access to freshwater the port was potentially in danger, but this was solved by Trajan’s aqueduct. During its height the fleet was supposed to have had 250 ships, which commanded the eastern Mediterranean. When the city and port suffered from the chaos of the third century, the port became less important and began to silt up. When Ravenna became the capital, the city of Classe from the port began to experience growth as well. By the late fourth century the port city was surrounded by a wall for protection. The port continued to supply Ravenna with grain, and the warehouses there were pivotal in Ravenna’s safety and survival. The fleet’s main areas of operation were the Adriatic and Aegean Seas, but it did patrol the western region to Spain and was used to put down a slave revolt in Brindisium. The fleet would decline in importance

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during the early fourth century but experienced resurgence in the late fourth century as the eastern empire recognized its importance. See also: Individuals: Theodosius, House of; Institutions: Public Works; Objects and Artifacts: Mausoleums Further Reading Deliyannis, Deborah M. 2010. Ravenna in Late Antiquity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. “Early Christian Monuments of Ravenna.” n.d. UNESCO, http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/788. Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Sivan, Hagith. 2011. Galla Placidia: The Last Roman Empress. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Rome The ancient city of Rome housed anywhere from 1 million to 1.5 million inhabitants during its height. While its mythological founding occurred in 753 BCE by Romulus, archaeological remains indicate that it had been inhabited for nearly 10,000 years, with Bronze Age villages (1500 BCE) on each of the great hills. The city grew in importance during the republic (509–33 BCE) especially after defeating Carthage in the three Punic wars (264–146 BCE). The city was ideally located on the land routes crossing the Tiber River where it was navigable to the Tyrrhenian Sea. The city controlled the lucrative salt trade from the nearby salt flats and the tribes in the north. With the establishment of the empire, the city of Rome became synonymous with the empire. It was the seat of power and home to the emperors for the next three centuries. When Constantine moved the capital to Constantinople in 324 CE, Rome lost some of its prestige, but it was still viewed as the traditional capital. When the city was sacked in 410 by the Visigoths, many believed that the world would come to an end. With the end of the Roman Empire the city became the seat of the Christian religion, and its power rested mainly with the popes. The city during Roman imperial times was impressive in size and beauty. Emperors continually expanded the city with monuments to not only glorify themselves but also the empire they ruled. Although fires and floods destroyed parts of the city, they also allowed for urban planning and development. The city, although housing nearly 1 million inhabitants, was still manageable, with individuals being able to walk from the one side to another in a few hours. This physical size allowed a visitor in, for example, 300 CE traveling on the east side of the Tiber to have seen docks and the theaters of Marcellus or Balbus before passing through the imperial fora with its temples, basilicas, and

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record houses before viewing the Colosseum rising from the remnants of Nero’s private lake and then reaching the baths of Diocletian and then the Praetorian Camp at the city’s edge. These monuments encompassed over 500 years of history. Although the empire was initially laid out haphazardly due to the physical constraints of the hills, valleys, and river, emperors attempted to provide a coherent system of urban organization built on the reforms of Augustus. Augustus established 14 regions of Rome, laid out geographically from the north to the south along the river and inland from the Vatican (west) to the east. These included the Campus Martius (IX region), Via Lata (VII), Temple of Peace (IV), and Alta Semita (VI) in the north. In the center the Circus Maximus (XI) lay along the river south of the Campus Martius, while the Forum Romanorum (VIII) and Palatinus (X) lay in the center south of the Temple of Peace and to the east lay the Esquiline (V) south of the Alta Semita, with the region Isis and Serapis (III) just south of the Esquiline. Moving downstream past the Circus Maximus stood the Aventine (XIII) region alongside the river, with the Piscina Publica (XII) inland and central south of the Palatine and with the Caelian Hill (II) and Porta Capena (I) farther east, south of Isis and Serapis. Therefore, regions I, II, III, V, VI, VII, IX, and XIV (on the opposite bank) were all outside the old republican Severan wall of the fourth century BCE, while the Aurelian wall of 270 CE enclosed all 14 districts. One could cross the river from region XIV on the right bank to the city proper by several bridges. These regions each had their own flavor, which added to Rome’s distinction and influenced the inhabitants’ lives. The Tiber River runs north to south before reaching Rome’s port, Ostia, 15 miles away and the open sea. Traveling downstream, the right bank contains the Vatican and Janiculum Hills and the Trans-Tiberim region, or modern-day Trastevere, Augustus’s 14th region. During the imperial age Hadrian’s mausoleum, modern-day Castel San Angelo, and numerous tenement houses were located here, primarily as a residential quarter. The left or eastern bank of the Tiber had originally constituted Rome’s early boundary and later contained Augustus’s other 13 regions. Augustus’s 14 regions became the wards for city planning and safety during the empire. From the far north sailing downstream, a visitor would see on the left bank in the north Augustus’s mausoleum rising up, with pine trees covering the concrete core; Domitian’s stadium, now the Piazza Navona; and the Pantheon, located in the Campus Martius and rebuilt by Hadrian. Farther downstream lay the Portico of Octavia, Augustus’s sister, with the nearby theater of Marcellus commemorating her son and then the still-extant round temple to Hercules with the arch of Janus in the background just past the Capitoline Hill, Palatine Hill, and Circus Maximus before the Aventine Hill rises sharply toward the sky. Rome was always known for its fabled hills, which provided protection but also contributed to the spread of disease, since water running into the valleys often collected, forming marshes that allowed mosquitoes to breed and promoting malaria, a disease marked by recurring chills and fevers from which Rome never rid itself until the modern age. By the time of Augustus most of the marshes had been drained and converted into the city proper, home to the urban poor, crowded and cramped, while the hills remained the religious and political centers, providing sites for wealthy homes.

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The mausoleum of Emperor Augustus in Rome, built in 28 BCE for his and his family’s remains. The tomb served not only as the final resting place for the ashes of emperors from Augustus to Vespasian, but also as a symbol of imperial power with its high circular corridors and central sepulcher. Augustus had erected columns carved with images of his accomplishments (now lost but preserved elsewhere) to display his power and prestige and to convey that Rome was the center of power. (Edimur/Dreamstime.com)

Augustus’s 14 regions were each divided into associated districts or wards (vici), which contained local shrines, and each had two superintendents, freedmen elected by the ward’s inhabitants who oversaw 48 quartermasters, providing supplies for the vici. With Rome’s growth, the need for water was tremendous. By Augustus’s time and throughout the imperial period, Rome was well supplied with water. In fact, not until the twentieth century would Rome again have the quantity and quality of water that ancient Rome possessed. While rainwater and wells provided some of the needs, most of Rome’s water supply came from the aqueducts. The city was protected by a series of walls beginning in the republican period until the late empire that kept Hannibal (218–204 BCE) at bay, when Aurelian built upon the early walls in 274 CE. The city nevertheless saw the ravages of civil war both during the republic, with generals such as Sulla (80 BCE), Julius Caesar (49 BCE), and Octavian (42 BCE) in command, and the empire, such as during the Year of the Four Emperors (69 CE) when the city was taken by Roman soldiers. After each event the city was rebuilt and monuments were erected. The city witnessed a continual growth in infrastructure especially in the supplying of grain to the inhabitants. Rome began to lose its prestige during the third century when emperors were away fighting on the frontiers and with civil war. By the time of Diocletian (300 CE) the emperors were no longer residing in Rome, and the city was being governed by other officials. By the end of the fourth century the city’s governing power passed to the Christian bishop

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(pope), who now attempted to run the city. This can be seen when Pope Leo I negotiated with Attila the Hun and saved the city in 452. When the city was sacked in 410 and 455 the infrastructure was severely damaged, resulting in services such as food supplies, water, and sewage being curtailed. This resulted in the shrinkage of the city’s population. During the next millennium the city would be centered on the Catholic Church, and its population was only about a tenth at the most of the population during the imperial age. See also: Government and Politics: Bureaucracy; Circus; Grain Trade; Law Courts; Pontifex Maximus; Senate; Vestal Virgins; Vigiles; Groups and Organizations: Gladiators; State Religion; Individuals: Augustus; Nero; Institutions: Alimenta; Annona; Markets; Mints; Public Health and Sanitation; Public Works; Religion; Key Events: Augustan Settlement; Fires; Floods; Milvian Bridge, Battle of the; Sack of Rome; Military: Praetorian Guard; Roads and Projects; Objects and Artifacts: Aqueducts; Ara Pacis; Catacombs; Colosseum; Imperial Fora; Mausoleums; Palaces; Sculpture; Primary Documents: Document 19; Document 28 Further Reading Casson, Lionel. 1998. Everyday Life in Ancient Rome. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Connolly, Peter, and Hazel Dodge. 2000. The Ancient City: Life in Classical Athens & Rome. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Favro, Diane G. 1996. The Urban Image of Augustan Rome. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Split and Salona On the Dalmatian coast lie two cities close together and linked politically and historically, Salona and Split. Salona was originally the major city, with Split a few miles later being the suburb. Under the late empire the two cities switched in importance, with Split dominating due to its fortifications. The Illyrian city of Salonae, or Salona, was a coastal city on the Dalmatian coast and originally a fortress for the Delmatae, a tribe in the region. The city would serve as a base of operations for the Romans, who occupied it under Lucius Caecilius Metellus Delmaticus against the Delmatae in 118–117 BCE. The city was then lost to the local natives and was reconquered by the Romans in 77 BCE. The city sided with Julius Caesar against Pompey and after the civil wars was raised to the status of a Roman veteran colony, Martia Julia, after Octavian (Augustus) campaigned there in 33 BCE. The large province of Illyricum became

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crucial for Augustus’s planned campaign against the Germans, but the rebellion in 6 CE forced him to deal with the rebels and in 9 CE after his victories prompted him to divide the province into Pannonia and Dalmatia, with Salonae being the capital of the latter. The city was well positioned as a hub for the communications from both the Adriatic and the roads leading along the coast and into the interior. The Romans would reinforce the colony under Claudius, and during the reign of Marcus Aurelius the city walls were strengthened to protect it from possible incursions. The city walls ultimately ran over two and one half miles and had at least 90 towers, which were rebuilt under the reign of Marcus Aurelius and refortified under Theodosius II. Some of the towers were reshaped in the sixth century with triangular additions to further enhance their security. Nearby the ancient city of Salona is the modern-day city of Split, where in the late empire in 305 Diocletian established his retirement fortress. The city became an important Christian center in the fourth century. The city was in the western part of the empire when it was divided until the death of Honorius in 423, when the eastern emperor, Theodosius II, occupied it and sent an army to Italy to place Valentinian III on the throne at Ravenna. The penultimate emperor of the west, Julius Nepos, fled to the city in 475 and ruled as the last western emperor there until his death, when the city passed into the hands of Odoacer, king of the Herulians and ruler of Italy. When the city of Salona was attacked in the sixth and seventh centuries its inhabitants fled to the nearby city of Split (five miles away), with its fortress/villa of Diocletian becoming its core. The city of Split possessed the usual accoutrements of a Roman city, a forum, a theater, and an amphitheater that was built into the city’s wall, several public baths, the senate house (curia), basilica or public meeting house/law courts, and an aqueduct. The best-preserved baths, called now the Great City Thermae, lay in the eastern part of the city and were built in the late second or early third century probably during the time of Marcus Aurelius. This bath complex rivaled many of the great baths in Rome in size, and many of these structures have provided remains so that it is possible to describe the city. The Roman poet Lucan said that it was an elongated city, and the remains of the structures show how large it was (Lucan 1969, 4.404). The city later had several Christian churches that were quite large and grand, including a three-aisled cathedral built around 400 CE. The church built by the bishop Sympherius and his nephew Hesychius was one of the most important churches in the region. Split, once a suburb of Salonae, became the dominant city in the late third century. The claim to fame here was Diocletian’s palace, which he constructed for his retirement. It was laid out like a fortress or military camp, and Diocletian, who had risen through the ranks, would have been comfortable and familiar with its layout. The palace was more like a city, with walls on three sides and with the final (western) side facing the open sea. The wall was studded with towers that protected the city/palace. The palace/camp was divided into four parts, including military barracks, public offices, and private quarters. It was a geometrical square and served as both a fortress and a villa. The south side overlooked the sea and was 600 feet long, while the north with

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its main entrance was 575 feet long. The east and west sides were 720 feet each. The north, east, and west walls had gates with octagonal towers. The main gates on the east and west side and the porta aurea on the north side made it an axial colonnade. Entering the north, the main street divided the residence block into two with guard quarters on either side. The southern half had the temple to Jupiter on the west side, and the emperor’s mausoleum in the east flanking the street, leading to the vestibule and into the three-bayed pediment arched columnar facade great hall, or Aula Palatina (throne room), which was flanked by the emperor’s apartment overlooking the sea. The south front of the throne room looked over the Adriatic Sea and had a huge windowed gallery and was flanked by two square towers. So strong was the palace that in the seventh century the population of Salonae retreated into the palace walls to escape the Avar and Slav invasions. The palace became the foundation for the medieval town of Spalato. See also: Individuals: Diocletian; Institutions: Provinces; Objects and Artifacts: Villas Further Reading Frothingham, Arthur L. 1910. “Salona”: Roman Cities in Italy and Dalmatia. New York: Sturgis and Walton. “Historical Complex of Split with the Palace of Diocletian.” n.d. UNESCO, http://whc .unesco.org/en/list/97. Lucan. 1969. Lucan: The Civil War (Pharsalia). Translated by J. D Duff. London: W. Heinemann. Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Wilkes, John J. 1969. Dalmatia. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Thessalonica The city of Thessalonica was established by Cassander of Macedon in 315 BCE in honor of his wife, Thessalonice, the daughter of Philip II of Macedon and half sister of Alexander the Great. She earned her name from her father when his army defeated the Greek Phocians on her birthday with the help of Thessalonian horsemen from her mother’s country. The city was strategically located on the coastline at the head of the Thermaic Gulf and gave Macedon access to the northern Aegean Sea. Along with the capital of Pella, Thessalonica became one of the chief cities; it had autonomy and retained its own city council under the Macedonian kingdom. The city was protected by the Chalcidice Peninsula and soon replaced Pella’s harbor, which had silted up. With the defeat of Macedon, Rome controlled the region after 168 BCE, when the Macedonian kingdom was destroyed and divided into four client protectorates, with Rome establishing a garrison at Thessalonica under a praetor. The city became the capital of the Second Macedonian Region, one of the four protectorates. After the Fourth

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Macedonian or Achaean War in 146 BCE, Rome created the provinces of Achaea and Epirus out of the old Macedonian kingdom, and Thessalonica became the capital of the new Macedonia-Achaea Province. The Romans recognized the importance of Thessalonica as a thoroughfare between the east and the west. It was on the Via Egnatia, the main road from Dyrrachium on the Adriatic in modern Albania to Byzantium, later Constantinople and now Istanbul. This allowed for trade goods and troops to flow between the east and the west. The road connected Italy and therefore Rome with Greece and Asia. Thessalonica also lay on the north-south road from the Balkans through the Margus and Axius River Valleys. As the southern terminus, Thessalonica allowed for goods from Greece and the Balkans to be exchanged. After the Battle of Philippi in 42 BCE when Marc Antony and Octavian defeated the assassins of Julius Caesar, Marc Antony declared it a “free city” for its help. This allowed the city to be self-governing and to have a degree of autonomy. The Christian missionary Paul visited the city at least twice, in 50 and 56 CE, and addressed the new Christian community in his Epistles to the Thessalonians. The Christian community grew and became a node for further missionary activity in the Balkans and Greece. The city’s prosperity continued to grow, and the city’s mint produced an abundant coinage supply, especially devoted to the local Pythian Games. During the reign of Trajan Decius (249–251) Thessalonica was elevated to a Roman colony, and its coinage displayed four temples associated with the imperial cult. Like the earlier coinage the coins were struck in Greek and not Latin until the reign of Gallienus (253–268). During the mid-third century CE Thessalonica was attacked by the Goths and, like other cities in the region, was vulnerable until the restoration of the frontiers in the late third century. During the reign of Diocletian (284–305) the city once again came to the forefront, now as one of the major imperial capitals. Diocletian’s caesar, Galerius, made Thessalonica his capital, and it became one of the key mints of the Roman Empire. The city became Constantine’s base for his naval attack on Licinius in 324. Theodosius I (379–395) used the base as his operations for the campaigns against the Germans on the Danube. After Diocletian, Thessalonica became a leading religious center. In 380 Theodosius issued the Edict of Thessalonica, which attacked paganism and the followers of Arianism. Theodosius also became involved in a major massacre in the city in 390 when his military commander, the Visigoth Butheric, was lynched by a mob for failing to stop the pillaging and outrages of his troops. Theodosius announced a special show in the hippodrome and invited the city’s population, where he then massacred between 7,000 and 15,000 of them. His action resulted in his excommunication by Ambrose, the bishop of Milan, who forced him to do penance. In the late empire Thessalonica replaced Sirmium as headquarters for the praetorian prefect of Illyricum. The prefect was one of four who helped administer the empire. Thessalonica rose from the bay into Mount Khortiatis and was created on an orthogonal plan. Remains have been identified, and some buildings are extant, including a Hellenistic temple to Serapis as well as a gymnasium. During the Roman Empire extensive building occurred, including the colonnaded agora and expensive

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villas with large mosaic floors. During Diocletian’s reign, or the First Tetrarchy, his caesar Galerius built a new palace. Excavations have uncovered two large halls of his residence; one is octagonal with apse niches (recessed half-dome hemispherical vaults inserted into a wall), while the other, rectangular, forms the vestibule of the great colonnaded processional street. This street was flanked by the hippodrome, the one where Theodosius massacred the civilians. The triple-domed Arch of Galerius, celebrating his victory over the Persians, stood at the crossroad of the great processional street and another important street. The street also led up to Galerius’s circular mausoleum, although he was buried at Romulianum, his birthplace, because Licinius refused to allow him to be buried in Thessalonica. This mausoleum became a Christian church. Like the creation of Thessalonica as Diocletian’s capital, so too the move from Sirmium to Thessalonica of the praetorian prefect ushered in a new phase of building and development. A new palace for the prefect was constructed, new walls were built, and new baths and private homes were erected. Several churches were now built, including the two-aisled basilica known as the Akheiropoietos dedicated to Theotokos or the Virgin Mary. Many of the churches have exquisite mosaics. The city continued to be an important center for the Byzantine government and church. See also: Individuals: Diocletian; Institutions: Provincial Capitals Further Reading Donfried, Karl P. 2002. Paul, Thessalonica, and Early Christianity. Grand Rapids, MI.: William B. Eerdmans. Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Vakalopoulos, Apostolos E. 1963. A History of Thessaloniki. Thesnike: Institute for Balkan Studies.

Trier Augusta Trevirorum, or Trier, is located in Germany on the Moselle River. Trier was originally a settlement of the Treveri tribe during Julius Caesar’s invasion that gave him cavalry but also resisted his power. The town grew during the time of Augustus, who in 16 BCE refounded the city, and it became the regional center during the later Roman period. It was ideally located, with mountains protecting it and as a hub for three roads, to Colonia Agrippinensis (Koln) on the Rhine, Confluentes (Koblenz), and Mogontiacum (Mainz). The town is the oldest city in Germany. Trier was the regional administrative center for the Rhine frontier. It was the headquarters of the fiscal officers for Gallia Belgica and, although no troops were stationed there at first, was the headquarters for the military commands of Upper and Lower Germany. The city, although a civilian community, was a supply center for the military

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district due to its strategic location. It had a native school of sculpture and was a center for the manufacturing of pottery. Valerian and Gallienus refortified the city, and Gallienus minted coinage from there in 257 CE, which began the city’s rise to become one of the chief mints of the Roman Empire. Postumus in 260 established the city as his capital, where he housed his Praetorian Guard in his breakaway Gallic Empire. Although the city was behind the Rhine frontier, it was attacked during the third century, causing severe disruption. The attacks by the Alamanni and Franks in 275 CE led to the city being heavily damaged. At this time the walls were secured, and as it became the regional capital the city grew. The city was revived during the reign of Diocletian, when his coruler, Maximian, used the city as his base of operations for attacks against the Germans in the late 280s. Launching a series of raids into the lands across the Rhine River, Maximian was able to restore the frontier and use Trier as his base of operations for his invasion of Britain to squash the separatist movement by Carausius. Although he failed, the city provided Maximian with a safe base of operations for future campaigns. When Diocletian created the tetrarchy in 293, the two new emperors, called caesars, were distributed to the east and west. Maximian received Constantius as his caesar, who now used Trier as his capital. From here he invaded the German lands across the Rhine and attacked Carausius in northern Gaul and Britain. Constantius began a building program in Trier that was augmented by his son and successor, Constantine, who used Trier as his capital until 313 and then again in 328 when he supervised military campaigns against the Alamanni. His sons and successors visited Trier quite often, and the city was loyal to the House of Constantine during the civil wars. Under Valentinian I (364–375) the city was made his headquarters for his campaigns against the Germans. His son Gratian was at Trier when his father died. In the late empire with 80,000 people, Trier was the capital of the province of Belgica Prima and also the seat of power for the prefecture of Gaul, which encompassed all of Western Europe. The city became a major Christian center and during the fourth century had several state factories for military arms, clothing, gold, and silverware. The city was sacked in 407 by the Vandals and then immediately afterward by two attacks from the Franks. Ultimately the Romans moved their regional capital from Trier to Arles, and Trier was sieged by the Franks in the late fifth century. The city had several important buildings by the fourth century, including a palace, a mint, a basilica, baths, and a wall. In the late period there were three baths including the imperial baths. The famous Porta Nigra, or Black Gate, was three stories tall and is the best-preserved Roman gate north of Italy. The basilica Aula of Constantine was the official audience hall for the governor. The basilica Aula Palatina was built at the beginning of the fourth century. It has the largest extant hall of antiquity, measuring 67 meters long by 26 meters wide and 33 meters high. It was part of the imperial palace complex and had other buildings associated with it, including a fore hall and a vestibule. It had a heating system for the floor and walls, or a hypocaust system. The current cathedral of Trier dates back to the Roman era. A Roman amphitheater was also located in the city and was capable of holding over 5,000 spectators, and nearby was a circus for horse racing. Crossing the Moselle River was the bridge built in the second century,

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which is the oldest bridge north of the Alps still used. The baths included the Barbara Baths, built in the second century and later incorporated into a castle. They measured 787 by 557 feet. The layout of Trier had the road from Mainz entering the northern gate, or Porta Nigra. In the center of the town where the two main streets crossed was the forum. To the west lay the Moselle River with the stone bridge, built in the second century CE. Near the bridge were the Baths of St. Barbara. East of the forum on the main route were first the imperial baths, then the circus, and finally the amphitheater at the east wall. Between the Porta Nigra and the imperial baths lay the basilica that was the palace. South of the imperial baths was the sacred precinct with its temple. On the banks of the Moselle River were the city’s horrea, or warehouses. Trier was an important imperial city throughout the Roman period and became the strategic center for northwest Germany. Its position allowed Rome to monitor the region and promote Roman culture. As a trade center, Trier was vital for the connection between the Roman west and German east. See also: Institutions: Provincial Capitals; Key Events: Third-Century Political Chaos; Military: Legionary Deployment; Limes Further Reading Grimal, Pierre. 1983. Roman Cities. Translated and edited by G. Michael Woloch. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. “Roman Monuments, Cathedral of St Peter and Church of Our Lady in Trier.” n.d. UNESCO, http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/367. Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Wightman, Edith Mary. 1970. Roman Trier and the Treveri. London: Hart-Davis.

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Government and Politics

OVERVIEW ESSAY The government and political nature of the Roman Empire encompassed a wide range of programs and offices throughout its five centuries of rule. Many of these were holdovers from the Roman Republic and were modified to fit the new realities of a monarchy, while others were new creations to handle situations that arose and led to chaos during the late republic. The first emperor, Augustus, laid the foundation for many of these changes, as he had lived through and seen the problems that arose in the late republic. In addition, many of the attributes of Roman life had a direct impact on the government and political life of the empire. Many of these attributes were traditional programs and provided continuity with the former republican system. The old Roman Republic offices continued but now as part of the imperial power system. While the cursus honorum (the path of offices a Roman would progress through) still existed, many of the offices were now used in the provinces to help govern, such as quaestors (financial officers) who kept the provincial treasury. The emperors now determined the candidates who would stand for election to prevent a return to the late republican chaos when nobles competed, often violently, with one another. The emperors also wanted to ensure that favorites were rewarded and yet keep the nobles placated. Aediles (officials in charge of games and markets) were still important, since they provided for the Circus and gladiatorial games, usually operated by favored corporations—individuals who created a private company of gladiators and hired them out to the emperor, nobles, and cities, incurring all of the risks but keeping the profits— or by imperial gladiators who were sponsored by the emperor and received favored status for the production of the games. This office and its associated activities were crucial to the pacification of the urban crowd to prevent riots. As the empire matured, the need for more entertainment became more crucial. Peace required that the people were entertained by games and pacified with goods. Going along with the games was the continual reliance of the dole (the distribution of grain to the citizens paid and operated by the emperor), which necessitated the grain trade bringing in supplies from oversees by corporations acting for the state. The aediles also ensured that the markets were operated in a fair fashion and that the official weights and measures were adhered to. Another republican office that continued was the consulship, but now instead of two consuls elected there were often multiple consuls, two serving together for shorter times with more individuals holding office for shorter periods, often only three 59

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months each. The office became more and more symbolic and less political but allowed the nobles to still show that they were honored with this magistrate. The holder then often became a political appointee for another position. The consulship was often a reward for a distinguished career for an equestrian and allowed him to become a senator and rise in rank to the senatorial class. This was also reflected in the office of censor (one who counted the citizens), once the highest honorary office a Roman might hold, since it came about only every five years. The office ceased by the end of the first century CE, with the emperor then assuming its duties. In part, the censor’s decline in importance occurred due to the extension of Roman citizenship to wider groups. A republican office eliminated after the death of Julius Caesar (100–44 BCE) was that of dictator (an official with supreme control of laws who could not be overridden), which although often advanced for other emperors by their sycophants was never revived, but its memory continued in the minds of the early Roman emperors. The old Senate continued to exist, but by the end of Augustus’s reign its influence and power had decreased dramatically, often with many senators being promoted by later emperors as rewards for support. Likewise, the old comitia (assembly of the people) experienced a decrease in power and influence, while the emperors’ consilium, or privy council, became more important. The government and its change resulted in a concentration of power in the hands of a few. The old nobility, still important, lost its privileged hold on power. Additionally, there were new positions added to the Roman bureaucracy that allowed for the smooth running of the state. The office of curator (an overseer or manager) became important for carrying out imperial plans especially in the provinces. The bureaucracy grew from a family operation at the beginning of Augustus’s rule with his slaves and freedmen to a sophisticated professional service operated by equestrians overseeing a complex set of offices by the time of Trajan, a century and a half later. In addition, the position of praeses (a term for governor often not from the magistrates) supplemented the consuls and proconsuls, the traditional magistrates who were sent out as governors for provinces. In the provinces there was a change in the taxation systems, moving away from the dreaded republican publicani (publicans) to native provincial officers working for the imperial government. The republican publicans (tax collectors) had a reputation for fleecing the provincials to make a profit. Part of the impetus was to create a fair system of tax collection and not allow for as many abuses, which had occurred earlier and led to violence in the late Roman Republic. This in turn meant that the systems of Roman law and provincial administration were changed. Provincials now possessed certain rights and the ability to receive a reprieve from harsh situations, while Romans still dominated the local provincials, where the natives often had the ability to send grievances to Rome of the provincial governor, prompting some reforms and help. The senators were still the most important social class for the new government, although they were not exclusive. The equites saw their position improved, as they were now often in charge of imperial offices and were seen by emperors as more trustworthy due to their social position, lower than that of senators. It was assumed, at least in the first two centuries, that equites were not competitors for the position of emperor, whereas senators were, meaning that equites were seen as more trusted.

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The imperial system also witnessed changes in the currency systems, which over time became more standardized. By the end of the third century the old provincial mints, often from native cities, ceased their production of native coins. Imperial mints located throughout the empire provided the necessary coinage. The change in coinage allowed Roman emperors to create a unified currency. The mints controlled by the emperor promoted the central state over local control. Likewise, the emperors modified the law courts to make them more efficient. This often led to the accusation that they were under imperial direction, especially when it came to the treason trials during the reign of Tiberius. The courts were also moved to the provinces, where Roman culture and concepts of law extended to the conquered regions. These in turn allowed for Rome’s greatest social structure to move throughout the west, making a lasting impact. Roman institutions such as the vigiles (night watchmen), who patrolled the streets and acted as firefighters, came into existence during the early empire. This group supplemented the Praetorian Guard and allowed for Roman law and punishment to be meted out. This was important, since the Romans did not have prisons as long-term solutions to crimes. Religion continued to be crucial to the Roman emperors. This included their control of the calendar as reformed by Julius Caesar and the role of emperor as chief priest who undertook the auspices. In connection with religion was the continued importance of the vestal virgins, which even the emperor did not challenge. The Romans constantly extended their citizenship to other groups and inhabitants. One group where Rome extended citizenship was through granting Roman rights to freed slaves. The Romans from the early republic granted freedom to slaves, bringing them into their society. The system of manumission, or the freeing of slaves, was periodically changed but remained a necessary system for bringing new blood into the social systems of the empire. The political system that ran the government became more structured over time and allowed for the government to run more efficiently. An unintended consequence to this system was that the emperors after Augustus became less involved or invested in the running of the state machinery, letting subordinates take over. Although the early emperors were often accused of having their freedmen control the bureaucracy, they were at least subject to the direct involvement of the emperors and could more easily incur their wrath. The imperial political system begun by Augustus continued for nearly 500 years in the west and 1,500 years in the east. Many of the programs and ideologies instituted by the Romans, both good and bad, continue even to this day. Further Reading Ando, Clifford. 2000. Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press. Arnold, William T., and E. S. Bouchier. 1974. The Roman System of Provincial Administration to the Accession of Constantine the Great. 3rd ed. Chicago: Ares Publishers. Harries, Jill. 2012. Imperial Rome, AD 284 to 363: The New Empire. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.

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|  The Roman Empire Jones, A. H. M. 1964. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic, and Administrative Survey. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Levick, Barbara. 2000. The Government of the Roman Empire: A Sourcebook. 2nd ed. London: Routledge. Mennen, Inge. 2011. Power and Status in the Roman Empire, AD 193–284. Leiden: Brill.

Aediles Under the Roman Republic the office of aedile was in charge of maintaining the public buildings and roads, policing the markets to ensure fairness, and presenting games for the entertainment of the public. Originally there were four aediles, two aediles elected from the plebeian class and two from either the plebeians or patricians, called curules, or who had imperium as signified by their ceremonial chair; the term came from the chair, or curule sella, they sat on. This latter group was designated as magistrates, since they were elected by the Roman people and not just the plebs, as were the other two. They were created to help the tribunes of the plebs in the early republic, traditionally in 494 BCE, with the curules added in 367 BCE. Julius Caesar added two more plebeian aediles, bringing the total to six. One of the aediles’ tasks, especially the curules, was to put on the games. Since this was done from their own families’ pocket, it often could result in financial hardship for the families. Their desire, of course, was to curry favor with the populace so that they could later win election to the office of praetor or consul and recoup their fortunes through administration of a province or through military conquest. While not essential for the election of other offices, it often became a way for individuals to get their name out, especially in relation to the games and if they were well planned and attended. The aedile did not have a lictor, an individual who carried the fasces composed of rods and an ax allowing for punishment, as did the the consul and praetor, but could wear the purple-bordered toga. The aediles could also decide Roman law cases that did not come under anyone else’s jurisdiction and could issue edicts for public safety. With Julius Caesar (100–44 BCE), two more aediles were created to oversee the grain trade for the city of Rome, bringing the total from four to six. With the increasing need for foreign grain due to the rise of the city’s population, it was crucial for the state to have individuals solely responsible for the importation of the grain, especially from Egypt and North Africa. Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE) took over many of the powers of the aediles, especially in terms of religious function, and transferred the games and building programs to the office of praetor. The newly established prefect of the city (praefectus urbi) took over regulations concerning business, and the grain commissioner (praefecutus annonae) now had oversight of the grain supply. Ultimately the aediles only had control over the baths and prostitutes, regulating both for moral behavior. The decline in the prestige and power of the aedile after Augustus reformed the office and ultimately led to individuals no longer desiring to seek election to the position,

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resulting in emperors being forced to appoint them. By the third century CE the office seems to have disappeared in Rome. Julius Caesar can be seen as an example of an individual who used the office for his further political career. Born a patrician, Caesar could not be one of the two plebeian aediles so he ran and was elected as one of the curule aediles. He used this position to repair some of the public buildings in the forum, undertook road work, and, most important, gave great games in honor of Jupiter in September 65 BCE. Caesar brought in 320 pairs of gladiators, which gained him the people’s favor but frightened many in the Senate to the point that they carried a bill limiting the numbers. In the provinces the office was more important, since local town leaders vied for power. Here, without an emperor, the republican offices of aedile, quaestor, praetor, and consul, although called different names, still functioned. The aediles were especially important in ensuring that the local markets were kept under close watch. The office, like other town offices, seemed to have been elected annually. In the Greek east they were called agoranomos, coming from the term “agora,” meaning the market. An ancient term, it probably corresponded to the aedile, and the two during the Roman Empire were seen as the same. Originally meant as a market inspector, during the Roman period the individual’s scope expanded to being a public benefactor, putting on games and festivals similar to the aedile in republican Rome. The office required the individual to pay for the games and the running of the office from his own estate and therefore became a liturgy. Since the cost was often exorbitant, the individual was expected to only be in the office for a year and by the end of the empire often only for six months. The individual not only ensured that merchants charged a fair price and used approved measures but also sold and bought food for the market to keep prices down. This practice often required him to buy the food at a high price and sell it at a low price during times of need, thereby losing money. While the two functions, market inspector and aedile, were often carried out by the same person, they could also be separated and held by different people; this was especially true during the late empire, when an individual was a market inspector for a year but only exercised the aedile functions of giving games or supplying food for six months due to the expense. After Diocletian (244–311 CE), the office seems to have been replaced, at least in title, by the prefect or, in Greek, eparch. This individual was still in charge of the market and public works but was a salaried person and was no longer required to pay for the upkeep and expenses out of his own pocket. This in turn tied the local communities even more to the central administration and further extinguished the local selfdetermination that had existed earlier. While the individuals and how they carried out these functions had changed, the basic charge of the office had not. The local community no longer had to find someone from the town to carry out the office; they of course still carried the burden of paying for it through higher taxes and corruption. See also: Government and Politics: Cursus Honorum; Individuals: Augustus; Primary Documents: Document 2

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|  The Roman Empire Further Reading Foster, Benjamin R. 1970. “Agoranomos and Muhtasib.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 13(2) (April): 128–144. Freeman, P. 2009. Julius Caesar. New York: Simon and Schuster. Gwynn, D. M. 2012. The Roman Republic. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Auspices or Augury The Roman government operated not only as a legislative and organizational structure but also within the constraints of religious mores and practices. The Romans believed that the gods directly intervened in their lives and influenced their destiny. According to Roman beliefs, the way the gods intervened and influenced their lives was often hidden and needed to be understood by interpreting the communications the gods sent. This communication was interpreted by certain priests who practiced augury. This practice occurred when priests observed the flight of birds, or omens, and then determined what they meant. When the priest or augur interpreted these signs he was “taking the auspices,” which then allowed him to make known the message from the gods. An example of taking the auspices was when Romulus and Remus were debating the foundation of Rome. Remus saw 6 vultures and Romulus saw 12, meaning the gods favored Romulus. In the early republic until 300 BCE only patricians could hold the four augurs, which gave them immense power over the people; this power was broken in 300 when a law was passed increasing the number of augurs by five and stipulating that all five had to be plebeian. Augury was not the same as astrology. In astrology the individual attempted to discern the future about someone from the constellations, while in augury it was an attempt to discern the will of the gods. While the two seemed similar, augury was seen as an act that was or was not going to be influenced by the gods, while astrology was viewed as an attempt to influence the future or alter it. Augury was therefore passive about the future—one was just trying to view what the gods planned—and astrology was potentially an attempt to change the future. In early Roman history probably going back before the establishment of Rome, the practice of observing the flight of birds, the earliest example of augury, was not peculiar to Rome and was practiced by other tribes. It was seen in other societies in Italy but not seemingly by the Greeks. It was necessary for the Roman magistrate to take the auspices so that the gods favored their actions. The gods did not communicate their desires like the Greek oracles; rather, through the flight of birds the gods indicated whether they approved or disapproved of the magistrate’s actions. The augur therefore had to interpret the signs correctly or else there could be a tragedy. If the signs were not favorable, then the passage of laws, elections, and even wars or battles were delayed until they became favorable. The augurs kept records of past natural events and disasters, which allowed them to consult previous auspices so that their current interpretations could be assayed and a correct interpretation made. While the augurs had tremendous

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influence by interpreting the flights of birds, they did not have the final say on whether the action took place. Of course, if the magistrates or generals did not listen to the augurs and the result was disastrous, the magistrate could be held liable and potentially prosecuted if the case was severe enough. The augur selected a part of the sky, using a wand to make the observation, called a templum. He pitched a tent (also called a templum) if outside the city of Rome; if inside the city walls, he would go to the consecrated site on the Capitoline Hill, the Arx. The augur sat in silence without interruption and awaited the sign. This silence meant not only the absence of talking but also anything that was distracting. If something rendered the auspices invalid, it was called vitium. The augur then observed the sign, and if it was favorable (nuntiatio) the act could proceed; if not, or obnuntiatio, then all business ended. There were several different types of auspices, including signs from the sky such as thunder and lightning, said to be from Jupiter, and signs from birds, either by singing or by flight, with the latter more important. These two types were the most important and probably represent the state function, while others included the feeding of chickens, an auspices taken by generals where a cage of chickens were kept and before battle were released to see if they ate bread or grain spread out before them. If they ate, the auspices for battle were good, but if not then the battle should be avoided. Another form of auspices was examining animals not used for state affairs, and other signs such as sneezing or stubbing one’s toe were viewed as personal auspices for luck or not. At the end of the republic the office of augurs became more tied to and controlled by the priestly class. When Augustus became pontifex maximus he added to his power and prestige by becoming the head of Rome’s religion, including the control of the augurs. The power of augurs and auspices continued under the Roman Empire. Associated with the augurs was the haruspex, who practiced divination. These individuals examined the entrails of animals, especially the livers and intestines of sacrificed sheep and chickens. Unlike the augurs who probably did not derive from the Etruscans, haruspices represented one of the branches associated with the Etruscans, seemingly similar to the history of the haruspex in the Ancient Near East. Although haruspices were not priests, they nevertheless had extensive power in determining the course of action by politicians and generals. As time developed both branches became more interconnected and did not necessarily remain confined to just the observation of birds or examiners of entrails. Even the Stoics argued that if there were gods they would want to ensure man’s future and so would want to communicate with humans to show them their plan. To oppose this view would have implied that the individual was an atheist, an unbeliever in the gods. See also: Government and Politics: Pontifex Maximus; Groups and Organizations: State Religion; Institutions: Religion; Sacrifices Further Reading Potter, David. 1994. Prophets and Emperors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

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|  The Roman Empire Smith, William. 1875a. “Augurium.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman /Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Augurium.html. Smith, William. 1875b. “Haruspices.” In A Dictionary of Green and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman /Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Haruspices.html.

Bureaucracy During the Roman Republic the bureaucracy can be seen as a combination of magistrates along with their staff and corporations contracting with the state. The magistrates, including quaestors, aediles, praetors, consuls, and censors, all had some staffing, which helped oversee their offices’ bureaucracy and handled routine reports and receipts. Most of these individuals were probably state slaves. The corporations were those that won contracts from the state to provide a service, the major one being tax collecting, or the publicani. These individuals, while private contractors, would pay the state the negotiated amount and then collect the revenue from the provincials. The bureaucracy was then enhanced by governors of provinces who had a staff, which they brought with them when traveling out to a new province. In essence, the governors were responsible for their own care and expenses. The bureaucracy during the republic was therefore small and manageable. When Augustus established his empire in 27 BCE, one of the first tasks he undertook was the reform of the tax collecting system making it less of a private corporation and now a state agency. This was done to correct abuses but transferred to the state the cost and personnel needed to collect the taxes. This was further refined by having local individuals from the indigenous towns and cities employed to collect taxes. A second erosion of the republican bureaucracy occurred with Augustus’s professional army. The standing imperial army became part of the bureaucracy by collecting tribute, policing the frontiers and markets, transporting requisitions, and dispensing justice. While the entire army should not be seen as a bureaucracy, it did have positions that supported and supplemented the civilian bureaucracy. The final innovation of Augustus was the regular use of slaves and freedmen in the imperial palace that became the imperial bureaucracy. These individuals worked in the offices directly under the control of the emperor such as the grain commission, the archives, and the provincial administration. Loyal to the emperor and his family, the imperial freedmen became head of important departments and confidants of the emperor. The freedmen exercised and amassed great power and wealth. Emperor Claudius (10 BCE–54 CE) transformed the organ of state government from private to state functioning by establishing distinct offices, although they were controlled by freedmen. The freedmen continued in this role of controlling the bureaucracy until the time of Vespasian. With the end of the Julio-Claudians with Nero’s death in 68 CE, the bureaucracy was transformed from control by the imperial freedmen to the equestrian and senatorial orders. While the underlings continued to be slaves and imperial freedmen, the

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minister in charge was now a member of the ruling elite, usually equestrians, who was often installed as a way to reward an official or curry favor with a group. These individuals now used the bureaucracy as a way to increase power for themselves and their families, which was nothing new, and to build a power bloc within the imperial bureaucracy and the army for possible future gains, including aspirations of imperial designs. Emperor Hadrian absorbed the imperial treasury into the central bureaucracy away from the imperial household. Although this resulted in an increase in the central bureaucracy, it did not necessarily increase the number of bureaucrats, since they were now transferred from the household to the state. With the advent of Septimius Severus in 193, who distrusted the local Roman Senate and the Italian power base, the arrival of provincials began. Here the bureaucracy was once again changed from Italian to provincial power. At the same time, the process of splitting up the large provinces into smaller and more manageable geographic units began. From the time of Septimius Severus down to Diocletian a century later, the number of provinces went from 28 to about 100. This resulted in a threefold increase in the number of top officials and their immediate administrative team. It is probable that the number of lower local officials did not increase dramatically, since they continued to be based in the local cities, towns, and regions. The increase in staff, however, was not a significant increase in the total percentage across the empire. It is possible to give a rough estimate of the size and nature of the bureaucracy during the later empire. After Diocletian it seems that there were probably about 30,000 bureaucrats spread throughout the central government and the provinces. These were divided between the governors’ staff overseeing the provinces and those in the central government not only in the capitals but also disbursed throughout the provinces. While many of these came from families connected with the prevailing emperor, many of them also came from the provincial elites. These elites formed the power bloc in the local communities and were often the very wealthy. These individuals ultimately controlled access to power at the provincial or imperial level. The connections within this group were significant, since they did not tend to change when a new emperor occurred; rather, they continued their function and power with succeeding emperors. The Roman bureaucracy was transformed from a small private endeavor into a large multifunctioning organ of the state. Formulated on the model of the army with its hierarchy, the bureaucracy ensured the functioning of the state apparatus by its control over the population through tax and military policies. The bureaucracy also allowed the state to construct roads and public buildings, maintain public works, and promote trade and economic opportunities. What is remarkable about the Roman bureaucracy was its size. While Roman critics in literature and legal codes complained about the size and growth of the imperial bureaucracy, evidence shows a different picture. It is estimated that after the time of Diocletian the size of the bureaucracy approached about 30,000. If that number was increased to 60,000, it would only represent about 0.1 percent of the population out of a total of 60 million inhabitants. Modern-day Houston has about the same number of government employees, 68,000 for a city of 2.1 million.

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See also: Government and Politics: Equites; Law Courts Further Reading Kelly, Christopher. 2004. Ruling the Later Roman Empire. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Wallace-Hadrill, Andrew. 2011. “Roman Empire: The Paradox of Power.” British Broadcasting Company, February 17, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans /empire_01.shtml.

Calendar The Roman calendar constantly changed during the republic due to the changing variations from a purely agrarian society to a more urban and international component. When Rome was merely a small village alongside the Tiber River that engaged in agriculture, the calendar reflected the various seasons. The calendar supposedly created by Romulus had 10 months without the winter assigned to any months (61 days), which resulted in a year of 304 days. The calendar began in March and ran through December

Pre-Julian (Julius Caesar) calendar with days marked by letters A–H as well as NON for Nones (7th day of the month) and EIDVS for Ides for the 15th day. The Roman calendar originally had only ten months and required continual manipulations. This calendar is held at the National Roman Museum. (Lev Tsimbler/Dreamstime.com)

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(meaning the 10th month), with January and February absent. These months were added by King Numa (traditionally around 700 BCE), which meant that the months Quintilis (meaning “5th”; later changed to July in honor of Julius Caesar in 44 BCE), Sextilis (corresponding to “6th”; later changed to August in honor of Augustus in 8 BCE), September (referring to “7th”), October (referring to “8th”), November (meaning “9th”), and December (referring to “10th”) did not correspond to their new position of 7th through 12th. This new calendar now had 355 days. To make up for the difference between the solar year of 365 1/4 days and the lunar year of 355 days, an additional or intercalary month was added. This likewise was not perfect, since the year was based on the term of office for the magistrates and the pontifex maximus (chief priest), who decreed the year and could alter the political year by adding or reducing the time due to the insertion or not of the intercalary month. This month was added after February 23, the end of the religious year, had 27 days (22 new days and the 5 remaining days from February), and was often called Mercedinus. Julius Caesar as pontifex maximus decided to fix the calendar, since it had become out of sync with the year 46 BCE, having 446 days. He decided in favor of the Egyptian calendar, which was based on the inexact reckoning of the year being 365 days with a periodic extra day added to take into account the true solar year. When Caesar altered the calendar he added the days to the end of the month so that he did not have to alter other days of the calendar months. The original starting day for the year was March 1, which continued to be the start of the political year even after the change in months and reckoning changed the calendar year to January 1. This system often produced differences between the political and diurnal calendar, since a consul took office on March 15 and his term ran until the following March 14, which would be over two calendar years. The days of the months were also regulated, and this depended on the length of the month. In a typical year there were three classifications of months, the long months of 31 days corresponding to March, May, July, and October; the short months of 29 days corresponding to January, April, June, August, September, November, and December; and the month of February, with 28 days. In the long months the 1st day was the kalends, the 7th was nones, and the 15th was the ides. In this system the days between the kalends, nones, and ides were numbered in a way counting down to these significant days of the month and were reckoned as days “before” the kalends, nones, and ides. The traditional 2nd through 6th days of the month were labeled the “5th through 1st” day before the nones. Likewise, the traditional 8th through 14th days of the month were labeled the “7th through the 1st” days before the ides, and the 16th through 31st were the “16th to the 1st” days before the next month’s Kalends. In the short months the 1st day was again the kalends, the 5th was the nones, and the 13th was the ides. In these months, the traditional 2nd through 4th days were labeled the “3rd to 1st” days before the nones, the 6th to the 12th days were the “7th to the 1st” before the ides, and the 14th to the 29th days were the “16th to 1st” days before the next month’s kalends. For February with 28 days it was the same as the short months, with the period from the 14th to the 28th days of the month being called the “15th to the 1st” days before the kalends of the next month. When there was an intercalary month, February would have 23 or 24 days, with the kalends, nones, and ides the same as February,

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with the 14th to the 23rd or 24th days being 9 or 10 days before the kalends of the next month. The intercalary month has the same days as February, with the time after the ides, the 14th to the 27th days, being the 14th to the 1st days before the kalends of March. In addition, certain days during the month, marked by a letter, were classified as days on which business or political events could be held. A day on which legal action could occur was marked “F,” meaning fastus, while a “C” or comitialis meant that the Roman assembly could meet, and “N” or nefastus meant that official government business or legal cases could not be held or heard. The Romans did not have a typical week, such as that of the Semitic east of Babylon or Judea. Instead they had the nundina, which meant the week when the market was held every eight days. This regularity allowed individuals to come to the towns for buying and selling goods. The nundina cycle was established in the republic and used exclusively until the early empire. Beginning with the Julian calendar the Semitic week became popular, and the two existed side by side. With Christianity using the Jewish (Semitic) week, its dominance began to supplant the eight-day market cycle so by the time Constantine adopted Christianity, the seven-day week was common. The calendar was an important mechanism for the reckoning of time. The earliest form was the term ab urbe condita, meaning “from the establishment of the city,” supposedly by Romulus in 753 BCE. Republican historians used it to show the evolution of Rome. This system was also used with the year of the consuls where the two consuls were mentioned. Finally, the Romans adopted the year of the emperor, such as the 15th year of Emperor Tiberius. These systems allowed the Romans to record their history. See also: Individuals: Augustus; Caesar, Gaius Julius; Primary Documents: Document 3 Further Reading Feeney, Denis C. 2007. Caesar’s Calendar: Ancient Time and the Beginnings of History. Berkeley: University of California Press. Rüpke, Jörg. 2011. The Roman Calendar from Numa to Constantine: Time, History, and the Fasti. Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley-Blackwell. Smith, William. 1875. “Calendarium.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman /Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Calendarium.html.

Censor The censors were in charge of taking the census, supervised public morality (especially for the Senate), and oversaw certain parts of government finances. During the empire the office of censor ceased to be the regular elected magistrate it had been under the republic. The major difference between this office and other magistrates under the empire was that the others continued to be held at regular intervals and maintained their scope of duties, even if there was no election and just appointment by the emperor. The

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censor’s position, while now infrequently mentioned and held, nevertheless did not cease, but its duties and titles were taken over by the emperor. Augustus in 22 BCE had two senators elected to conduct the census, while Claudius had the elder Vitellius be his cocensor and Emperor Vespasian had his son Titus be his colleague. The office of censor had a rich and important history. While the office was initiated by Servius Tullius, Rome’s sixth king, and was within the memory of the early historians and not legend, it was abolished at the start of the republic, and its duties were assumed by the two Roman consuls. From 509 to 443 BCE the consuls conducted the census and other duties. The office was restored in 442 BCE with the election of two patrician censors who served for five years, as did the next two, but in 433 BCE the length of office was changed, with the two censors serving for the first 18 months. The following three and half years there were no censors. The office would continue until 22 BCE, although during some periods the census was not taken. The patricians exclusively held the office until 351 BCE, when plebeians were allowed to be elected. The lustrum, the five-year period from one election to the next, actually referred to the purification rites of the people after the census had been taken. Originally if one of the censors died another would be chosen as a replacement, just as in the case of the consuls; however, in 393 BCE when the Gauls invaded and sacked Rome and one of the censors died, the Romans decided that it was a sign of bad luck. From then on whenever one censor died the other resigned, and two new censors were elected. The censor was the highest in dignity of the regularly held magistrate positions. It was seen as a sacred magistrate, and individuals who held this office were given reverence, considering that during a five-year period there were 10 consuls but only 2 censors. The only office given higher status was the ancient office of dictator. Dictators were accorded the curule seat traditionally made of ivory and originally indicating that the holder had imperium. Since the holders of this office were so rare, their funerals were held with great reverence and pomp. The census was the most important duty for the censors, as it was the counting of citizens, meaning males. Held in the Campus Martius, originally outside the city walls, it was on the parade ground. A public building, the Villa Publica, was constructed there in 435 BCE and became the center for the census. It held the official records and allowed the census to be consulted to ensure that an individual was a citizen. It was also the place where the armies were levied, since the census records indicate those capable of bearing arms. The census was taken according to tribes, with each one being assembled separately before the censors, sitting in their curule chairs. The paterfamilias appeared for his family and gave an account of himself, his family, and property owned by the family subject to the census as the censors had decreed. There was a set formula, with the individual giving his full name and that of his father, if a freedman his patron, age, if married his wife’s name, and his children’s names and ages. He then gave a value of their property. Guardians represented orphans and single women. The censors then recorded the land owned by the family, followed by cattle and slaves. The censors were also in charge of policing the morals of Roman society. Since they could exclude individuals from the citizen rolls, especially on grounds of immoral acts, this aspect of their job created fear and dread. The term used in the republic was

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regimen morum (regulating the morals), and in the empire the terms cura morum (supervision of morals) or praefecta morum (command of morals) were used. They could be given a censorial mark, or infamia, which was not absolute, as the next censors could restore the person to rank. The person could receive it for private immorality such as celibacy, dissolution of marriage or betrothal in an improper way, or other family abuse. They could receive it for a public disgrace such as a magistrate behaving improperly, misbehavior toward a magistrate, perjury, or cowardice as a soldier. Or finally, they may be engaged in an occupation or career seen as inappropriate. The final area was their control of certain state finances. These included the letting out or auctioning of tax contracts to the highest bidder, expending public money for things such as roads, aqueducts, repair of temples and public buildings, and new public facilities; these were given to the lowest bidder. During the empire the emperors assumed the role of censor. While some such as Augustus, Claudius, and Vespasian undertook the role actively and commemorated it, others probably took the action through other offices. It is clear that in the provinces a regular census took place. While it may not have been every five years, records exist showing that a counting of residents took place, and even a record of land quality was occasionally done. The emperors also had the right to ensure the morality of the state and could purge the Senate of members who were selected inappropriately (whatever that meant), and they were of course in charge of controlling the public finances. One of the most important changes that Augustus made was the tight control on tax collection. The censors, then, did not completely vanish under the empire even if the office was assumed by the emperors. See also: Government and Politics: Cursus Honorum; Senate; Institutions: Census; Primary Documents: Document 2 Further Reading Brunt, P. A. 1971. Italian Manpower, 225 BC–AD 14. London: Oxford University Press. Ligt, L. de, and Simon Northwood. 2008. People, Land, and Politics: Demographic Developments and the Transformation of Roman Italy, 300 BC–AD 14. Leiden: Brill. Smith, William. 1875. “Censor.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts /secondary/SMIGRA*/Censor.html. Suolahti, Jaakko. 1963. The Roman Censors: A Study on Social Structure. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia.

Circus The circus became a popular form of entertainment in ancient Rome. The races pitted charioteers from competing teams, often backed by various wealthy politicians including the emperor, who raced not only for profit but also for fame. Originally

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Fourth-century CE relief showing a chariot race in the circus. The circus was used not only for chariot races, but for gladiatorial games as well. Events in the circus continually grew with the need to entertain the populace during the empire. The largest, the Circus Maximus, could hold nearly 200,000 spectators. (Allan T. Kohl/Art Images for College Teaching)

the races were not common, with the early race called the ludi circenses. King Tarquinius Priscus reportedly took an enemy town and organized games centered on fights, or probably gladiators and races such as the circus or just horse racing, to commemorate his victory. The races were held in the valley between the Palatine and Aventine Hills overlooking the Tiber River where later the Circus Maximus was built. The name “circus” arose to describe an individual “standing around” or because of the general circular pattern. The Circus Maximus, however, was not the only place in ancient Rome where the races were run; another such place was the Circus Flaminius. Reportedly Tarquin built the Circus Maximus as a permanent structure with seats cascading like a theater, allowing for a better view and more in a smaller area. According to tradition, when Tarquin built the circus each of the 30 curiae had their own section, but the plebs were not permitted to sit there until the distinction in the republic was removed. To counter this practice the Circus Flaminius was constructed for the plebeians. Contrary to popular belief, the Colosseum built by Vespasian was not used for chariot or horse racing, since

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it was too small and a continuous curve made it cumbersome for racing. During the empire the popularity of the circus increased, as emperors could routinely provide the funding for the races. This was done in part to distract the populace from their loss of political freedom, maintain passivity among the populace, and distract the public from other issues. The races only increased throughout the imperial age, lasting even until the fall of the western empire in 476 CE. The circus had several structures and components. Like in a theater, there was the cavea, or the oval seating with the seats rising upward and termed gradus, sedilia, and subsellia. The Romans protected these seats from the racing course with a wall. The course had two longitudinal branches, which allowed for acceleration, and two sharp curves at either end. The seats at the far end of the starting gate were interrupted by an island or platform reserved for the patron of the races or other dignitaries. On the opposite longitudinal side near the starting point with the horse stalls stood another raised platform during the empire for the emperor’s box, allowing him to see the beginning and end of the race. Between the two longitudinal lanes and separating them was an island that ran about two-thirds of the course; it was a raised podium called the spina (spine). On both ends were three wooden cylinders called metae (goals), while in between on the spina lay two great obelisks; at the far end away from the starting point stood another two columns that had seven balls or eggs (ova), raised one at a time to show the number of laps completed. At the end opposite the stables stood another two columns with seven dolphins, the sign of Neptune, the god of horses, probably serving the same function and added for symmetry. The carceres, or stables for the horses, was located at the starting point, which did not have seats, and was considered the opening of the U-shaped layout. The vaulted stalls, probably 12 in number, were closed with a gate, which was opened simultaneously at the given sign by the armentarii. The stalls were not arranged in a straight line across the track, since those directly in front of the far longitudinal way would have a distinct advantage; rather, the stalls were curved so that at the far end they were closer to the spina, with the distance equal to that of the near stall, similar to modern track races where a staggered start exists. In addition, this right side or far end of the track (looking from the stalls) was widened so that the initial jockeying could occur. There was a portico that ran on the outside of the structure to provide shade and allow shops to sell goods. On top there were also refreshment shops for the race attendees and the area within the portico were the vaults, which supported the seats where the local prostitutes were allowed to conduct their business. The circus featured different types of games. The first or main event was the cursus, or races with chariots being pulled by either two or four horses. The four factions, teams, or companies represented the four seasons, designated by colors: green for spring, red for summer, blue for autumn, and white for winter. The chariot driver stood with the reins around his back, allowing him to put his weight on either side while guiding his horses; danger, however, could occur if the chariot broke, since it would have dragged the driver, potentially killing him. The driver therefore had a small knife to cut the reins to free himself and hopefully prevent his death. The doors opened, and the chariots went to a white line ready to start; the mappa (cloth), similar to a modern

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racing flag, was dropped, and the race began. A typical day had 25 races, each seven laps long, which provided individuals ample time for enjoyment and betting. In addition to the races, there were fake fights on horseback, the ludus troiae; fake battles between cavalry and infantry, the pugna equestris et pedestris; the certamen gymnicum (Greek games), which were for athletes; hunts called venatio; and the naumachia (naval battles), usually held near a river where a pit could be dug or on a lake. These games allowed a large number of people to be entertained for a small charge or even free. This allowed the average person distractions from the mundane hardships of life. See also: Groups and Organizations: Gladiators; Objects and Artifacts: Colosseum; Primary Documents: Document 25 Further Reading Auguet, Roland. 1972. Cruelty and Civilization: The Roman Games. London: Allen and Unwin. Harris, H. A. 1972. Sport in Greece and Rome: Aspects of Greek and Roman Life. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Humphrey, J. H. 1986. Roman Circuses: Arenas for Chariot Racing. Berkeley: University of California Press. Smith, William. 1875. “Circus.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts /secondary/SMIGRA*/Circus.html.

Comitia The biggest constitutional change between the republic and the empire was the elimination of the assemblies as true legislative bodies. During the republic the comitia (assembly) of the Roman people was when the people assembled to elect their magistrates. While emperors constantly paid lip service to their election by the people, the assemblies no longer were a factor in politics. The assemblies, however, played an important role in the development of the empire, since they laid the seeds of discord in the civil wars and allowed Augustus to defeat his rivals after the civil wars. The Roman Republic was divided between the Senate, magistrates, and the popular assemblies. While this division usually worked and kept the government entities in balance, the ultimate authority always rested with the assemblies, since they could make or unmake the magistrates and ultimately could go over the Senate. The people had the ultimate say in who would be the magistrates as well as in capital punishment and declarations of war and peace. The assemblies formed the system of direct democracy, with the presiding magistrate having complete control over the process. The people did not vote for representatives who in turn voted on specific laws or magistrates; rather, they used a system whereby each citizen voted on the law or

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magistrate. An early assembly organized around the 30 chief patrician families was the comitia curiata. Although most of its power was transferred shortly after its establishment in the early republic, it did retain control over the clans in judicial matters during the empire. The comitia populi tribute (tribal assembly) was composed of the 35 tribes, and each tribe had one vote. Voting within the tribe determined how it would vote. The tribal assembly would elect the quaestors, military tribunes, and curule aediles. The tribes were not ethnic organizations but instead were originally based on geography, but once one was in a tribe, that person’s descendants, regardless of where they now lived, remained in the same tribe. When voting, the tribes chose the order by lot. Most of the original power of the comitia curiata in determining magistrates was assumed by the comitia centuriata (meaning “assembly of the centuries” or “military assembly”). The assembly was organized around centuries (originally it was organized with citizens in groups of 100) based on class, with each century varying in size depending on wealth and class. The original assembly had 193 centuries, with the power firmly controlled by the aristocrats. Since they elected the magistrates, they had power to control the political future in terms of not only yearly officials but also entry into the Senate. The centuries voted one by one in each class, and once a majority of the 193, or 97, voted in favor of a law or magistrate, the voting ended without the remaining centuries being allowed to cast their vote. The patricians were divided into the 80 senators and 17 equites, meaning that when they voted as a bloc, which they did most of the time, the lower classes were effectively shut out. In 241 BCE the number of lower centuries was increased so that now there were 373 centuries, and the power shifted to the plebeian class. This remained until Augustus transferred all of the comitia centuriata power to the Senate in 27 BCE. These assemblies allowed the Roman Republic to maintain democracy but one protected from the mass hysteria of the radical democracy seen in Athens. During the last century of the republic, 133–27 BCE, the popular assemblies often created political havoc with their actions. Tiberius Gracchus (166–133 BCE), as tribune of the people, in 133 BCE successively pushed through his controversial land reform after the popular assembly removed a fellow tribune and voted against the wishes of the Senate. His brother Gaius (154–121 BCE), also as tribune of the people, in 123–122 BCE likewise used the assemblies to move power away from the Senate. The general Gaius Marius (157–86 BCE) used the assemblies to change the requirements of the Roman Army and therefore opened military service to those without the property qualifications. Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138–78) attempted to reduce its power, but that was only short-lived, and under the late republic the assemblies continued to elect officials until Augustus removed their power in 27 BCE. Sometimes the assemblies would turn violent, such as during Gaius Gracchus’s reelection campaign when some senators started a riot. Other times the assembly demanded military action, such as against Jugurtha in Africa when Marius was put in command or when Sulla was given command by the Senate against the Bithynian king Mithridates in the east, only to have Marius stir up the assemblies and win the right to fight against Mithridates. This resulted in Sulla marching on Rome with a Roman army

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and carrying out a coup against the will of the people. In many ways this was the end of the republic. Julius Caesar used the assembly to his advantage against Pompey in the civil wars in 49 BCE, and ultimately with Caesar’s victory the assembly made him dictator. When Marc Antony tried to crown Caesar king, the urban mob, not specifically the assemblies, protested, and Caesar renounced the attempt. After Caesar’s assassination the assembly gave power first to Brutus, then to Antony, and ultimately to Octavian (Augustus), who would win the final conflict in the civil wars. The assemblies lost their power in part because of their instability. They would often change sides from one group to another, causing chaos. The crowd was easily moved to change their minds, and this caused uncertainty. While the urban mob continued to influence events in Rome after the move of the assemblies’ powers to the Senate and ultimately the emperor, the people no longer had the power to enact legislation or elect their magistrates. The powerlessness of the assemblies meant that the emperors through their guards were the ultimate power, not the people. See also: Government and Politics: Senate; Individuals: Augustus Further Reading Cameron, Averil. 1993. The Later Roman Empire, AD 284–430. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Millar, Fergus. 1977. The Emperor in the Roman World, 31 BC–AD 337. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Smith, William. 1875. “Comitia.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts /secondary/SMIGRA*/Comitia.html.

Consilium The consilium, the advisory council to the magistrate in the Roman Republic, continued with some changes into the empire. Originally it started out as the Roman general’s advisers. Since the magistrates or consuls were generals under the republic, the consilium was seen as a council of advisers in matters of war and this perception perhaps also spread to the domestic political side. The original councilors were those individuals attached to the consuls, such as the military tribunes, quaestors, legates, and centurions. In other words, these were the individuals who had extensive experience, such as centurions and legates, who had commanded armies and soldiers before, or were members of the senatorial rank appointed by the Senate, such as tribunes and elected junior officials, including quaestors. The council would provide the general with information, opinions, and options for his campaign. This council should be viewed as a group that gave advice to the commander, who could accept it or reject it. The cohors amicorum was the group of friends who accompanied the commander and acted as his bodyguard and staff and could also command one of his legions.

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The political council of the magistrate during the republic should probably be seen more as the advisers needing to get legislation passed. Most of these advisers seem to have been family members who had experience in the Senate. Typically, these individuals had already held the office of consul and could help influence the Senate. These two functions continued to operate in the republic and were taken over by Augustus when he established the empire. The origins for this group lay in the paterfamilias, who would call the magistrate’s family members into a discussion concerning some issue for the family. Most of the magistrates were familiar with this body and probably had served on it. The consilium principis retained the republican nature by having a group of councilors who could advise the emperor. Their number varied but seems under Augustus to have been about 15 to 20 and rotated every six months. They most likely were individuals drawn from the Senate and had administrative experience, and stepson and future emperor Tiberius served as a councilor as well. This group was ultimately replaced by a second group drawn from the friends of the emperor. Over time the group included jurists who probably had experience in Roman provincial law and could advise the emperors on the various administrative functions and judicial precedents throughout the various regions. This first group created by Augustus was drawn from the political structure that already existed. Clearly he would be a permanent member, while the others, a quaestor, a praetor, a consul, and 15 senators, were chosen by lot and seem to have created the business agenda to go before the Senate. It is probable that Augustus wanted such a body to ensure that his legislation would be advanced and that he could kill any legislation he did not desire before it went to the Senate floor. During his reign there was still a tremendous amount of emotion and desire to continue the old political families who wanted to control the government. By having various magistrates and senators on the committee, Augustus could say that he was still retaining the old political structure and families without giving them any power. This group could try to persuade him to change the legislation without him having to go through a potentially embarrassing debate in the full Senate. It appears that this body continued until about 26 CE under Tiberius, when it was then abandoned. By then the empire had been firmly established, and the Senate was without real power. The second group of councilors was more important; this was the body that advised the emperor on matters of state. These may be seen more properly as amici principis, or friends of the emperor. Although they were not necessarily the same as the consilium principis, they probably came to dominate the latter. This group was the emperor’s real advising body. Made up of close friends and individuals with great experience, they could advise the emperor; the advice did not have to be followed, but at least it was available. It too had its roots in the republic, where magistrates and governors were known to have close friends who could advise them. Governors typically traveled to their provinces with a group of friends/advisers. This group would continue throughout the imperial age. Some of the amici became comites, or advisers who traveled with the emperor when he went abroad. The comites were probably similar to the republican cohors amicorum.

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The third group was probably an official body of jurists and councilors who could help the emperor on matters of state. These would have included his official secretaries, military commanders, treasury officials, and other ministers who were needed to run the state. While some members may have included senators, it is probable that by the end of the first century CE they were not numerous. The amici were probably included at some level, since many of the officials were probably his friends. This group was the official apparatus that ran the state and could be called upon for help. While in some ways the most visible, they may not have been as powerful as the amici principis, which had the ear of the emperor at all times. Depending upon how powerful the emperor was, the formal council may have had more or less power than the amici. The consilium should therefore be seen as a fluid group that gave the emperor advice and helped run the government. Augustus originally used it as a way to placate the Senate and the old families who desired power but had effectively been blocked. The real council was the group of trusted friends whom the emperor could always call upon. See also: Government and Politics: Bureaucracy; Equites Further Reading Crook, J. A. 1955. Consilium Principis: Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Johnston, Pamela D. 2008. The Military Consilium in Republican Rome. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press. “Praetorian Prefect.” n.d. Livius.org, http://www.livius.org/articles/concept/praetorian -prefect/.

Consul The consul was the highest magistrate normally elected during the Roman Republic. Although the dictator outranked the consul in power, it was not a normal magistrate position and was only called upon in times of great emergencies. The two consuls were the political, religious, and military leaders during their year in office. They could bring legislation to the people and block actions with their use of the veto. During war the consuls normally commanded two legions each and were given areas of operation, usually the most urgent and dangerous. Their power was superior to that of the other magistrates (praetors, quaestors, and aediles), and they had the right to address the Senate. These powers and responsibilities made the office highly desirable for Roman families. Whenever an individual held the office of consul, he had 12 lictors who carried the fasces, the bundle of rods and an ax denoting their authority, and acted as bodyguards. If an individual was the first member of his family to be elected consul, such as Cicero, he had the classification of novus homo (new man) signifying that he had broken into that exclusive role.

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During the republic there was keen competition between the families for election to the consul. One of the most intense elections pitted Cicero against Catiline in 64 BCE. Cicero was victorious, and Catiline, who felt cheated, engineered an attempted coup. Attempting to overthrow the conservative Senate, Catiline and his army were defeated. Cicero, who exposed the plot, was declared savior of the nation. The office of consul continued throughout the republic to be the most important magistrate position for which a Roman normally hoped. For those consuls successful on the battlefield there often awaited wealth from the conquered foes. Consuls had the right to retain a set percentage of the booty, and many such as Aemilius Paullus became wealthy with their conquests Bust of Roman statesman, philosopher, writer, and over foreign enemies. lawyer Cicero, who served as consul in 63 BCE. The With the assassination of Julius consulship, although now mainly ceremonial, was still Caesar, who moved beyond the highly sought after by the Roman elites, and those traditional election of consul to wishing to become members of the ruling class. the office of dictator, the consular Emperors used the office to reward their supporters. election once again became cru(BertrandB/iStockPhoto.com) cial. During the end of the republic the strong men, first Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus in the First Triumvirate and then Octavian, Antony, and Lepidus in the Second Triumvirate, planned the consular elections years in advance. They carefully manipulated the roster so that either they or their supporters became consuls. With the struggle between Octavian and Antony these offices became important for the propaganda war. In the end with Octavian’s victory the office of consul began to change. Octavian, now Augustus, held the consulship from 31 to 23 BCE; this produced tensions between the new emperor and the other families. Needing to somehow ensure their goodwill so that a rebellion such as the one he led would not break out among these ancient and proud families, Augustus changed the character of the consulship. While outwardly the office and duties remained the same, Augustus altered and scaled the power and nature of the position by nominating the candidates and determining how long they served. The emperors now began to draw up a list of possible consuls and after picking his choices forwarded them to the people for their election.

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In addition, Augustus began to regularly use the suffect consuls; this was an ancient system where originally if a consul died in office a replacement was elected for the remainder of his term. Augustus now had the ordinary consuls be elected and stay in office for only three to six months before they resigned and the suffect consuls were elected. Often these suffect consuls served only three months before they resigned and another batch was elected. This allowed the emperors to provide rewards to the families who felt disenfranchised with the new political system, elevate members of the equestrian rank, and create a pool of officials to serve the empire. Often the emperor was the ordinary consul for only a month before he resigned and was used to introduce an individual into public life. The reality of the consular power under the emperors was very restricted. While they still retained the right to sit in the Senate and convene it, the consuls’ imperium was inferior to that of the emperor’s and so was subservient to him. The consuls often now became more important in running the city of Rome. They were expected to put on games for the public, which helped placate the urban mob. The consuls continued their function as administrators of justice. They could summon and arrest individuals and served as president of the Senate. Many of the consuls were then appointed as governors of provinces, especially the provinces of Africa and Greece and others that did not have military forces. During the high empire, until 200 CE, the consuls were often from the leading equestrian families, which the emperors were promoting. These individuals now became senatorial and allowed for the emperors to begin to reform the Senate with new men and families. By the late empire the office of consul even began to be populated by provincials. During the third-century crises many of the emperors came from regions outside of Rome, especially the Balkans. These emperors now elevated men from these regions, again as rewards and to help support the emperors’ cause. With the appointment of provincials the office became more diverse, although many Italian families complained of the new members who were driving them out of their traditional offices. The fourth century and beyond saw the office dominated by the emperors with few suffect consuls. This probably shows an attempt by the emperors to not only dominate the political landscape but also elevate their own legitimacy. The office would continue throughout the Byzantine period (a term coined after the fall of Constantinople in 1453 and usually viewed as encompassing the period from 330 to 1453), usually with the emperor alone holding the office. See also: Government and Politics: Bureaucracy; Cursus Honorum; Senate; Individuals: Augustus; Primary Documents: Document 2 Further Reading Bagnall, Roger S., Alan Cameron, Seth R. Schwartz, and Klaus Anthony Worp. 1987. Consuls of the Later Roman Empire. Philological Monographs of the American Philological Association, no. 36. London: Scholar Press. Beck, Hans. 2011. Consuls and Res Publica: Holding High Office in the Roman Republic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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|  The Roman Empire Lintott, Andrew. 2004. The Constitution of the Roman Republic. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pina Polo, Francisco. 2011. The Consul at Rome: The Civil Functions of the Consuls in the Roman Republic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Corporations Corporations existed in some aspect in ancient Rome. At its simplest system was the idea of a business run by a private citizen, usually the paterfamilias, or head of the family. This enterprise may have employed family members, slaves, and freedmen who assisted in running the business. At a higher level a corporation might be a collection of individuals, each with their own business, who came together in a common enterprise. Here each entity acted as a private entrepreneur pursuing a common business goal. A corporation might be a body organized around a specific goal, such as a burial society. Finally, a corporation could be a state- or city-backed entity that had powers to conduct commercial or legal transactions. Roman corporations did not exist in the same fashion that modern business entities function and operate. The hallmark of a modern corporation is that there is limited liability, entity shielding, direct agency, and continuity. Limited liability protects the owner’s personal assets from the company’s creditors, while entity shielding acts in the same way for the company, shielding its assets from the owner’s creditors in varying degrees, from protecting the assets absolutely to intermingling. The idea of direct agency is that in the name of an owner an individual can act for the company, while continuity deals with the concept that ownership can be transferred and can continue even without the original owner. While some of these ideas existed in ancient Rome, many were not possible due to the legal settings of the individual owner. For the Romans, the business owner typically was a citizen who was personally liable for the actions of the company. With his death the company typically ended, although in reality his son(s) could take it over, but in this instance it was seen as a new company. Also, the individual and his company were all seen as belonging to the individual’s personal estate. This meant that the limited liability and entity shielding normally did not occur. There was no concept of direct agency whereby an agent acted for the company; instead, in Roman law an individual who desired to have someone else act for him had to obtain from that person the transference of property. There was, however, one way the Romans could get around this idea, and that was by having a slave, other noncitizen, or even family member be a co-owner and using the peculium. The peculium was an asset often assigned to a slave for his own personal use; it was also used as the amount a paterfamilias had to have to guarantee transactions from slaves and family members. In some ways it can be seen as a bond that creditors could sue for. Using slaves as coowners allowed for continuity of the business. These concepts of ownership (the slave’s master), the managers (slaves), assets (peculium), and business allowed for a concept similar to that of a modern corporation. This type of corporation also allowed for

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limited liability and entity shielding, since the slave was seen as the owner and thereby protecting the master’s assets. This concept was not practiced in law or de jure but instead was a de facto creation of a corporation. This concept of a corporation would not change until after the seventeenth century. This change occurred due to the traditional sense of what a business was. Until the seventeenth century it was seen as a personal extension of a family and not a societal entity. In addition, there was little movement in the idea of accounting. There was no concept of creating modern assets and liabilities; instead, the focus was on cash held and owed. In addition to this concept of private corporations, Roman law did allow several types of corporations. These other entities had the right to enter into contracts and were seen as permanent bodies. One type of an endowment or charitable trust was held by towns for the benefit of individuals, or the so called alimentia, which gave rise to the later post-Roman period when the church could enter into contracts to help or be helped by individuals. Towns and the people of Rome or the state (emperors) themselves could enter into contracts and accept property. They also had the right to manumit, or free, slaves. Finally, there were the collegia (sing. collegium), organizations that had a specific goal or program. The collegia were not corporations in the modern sense but rather organizations set up to carry out specific functions. During the republic many of them were political bodies often supporting a particular candidate. This led to a series of riots in the late republic and helped exacerbate the civil wars (49–30 BCE). During the early empire there was a common fear of these entities, and the emperors controlled them tightly, usually not allowing them to exist except in specific types. The most common type was the burial club, which could exist provided that the members met only once a month for the payment of dues. Most of these clubs met to celebrate their benefactors and were social events. It appears that after 100 CE, clubs were no longer held in great suspicion. Since they could accept donations and enter into specific contracts for their members, they were seen as corporations. After 100 CE the empire was firmly entrenched, and there was little need for fear since most collegia had become part of the machinery of the government and society. But these clubs were actually set up around promoting the interests of the group they represented. For example, if the burial club was for the bakers, it not only was created for commemorating the death of a baker but was also intended to help bring them all together so they could influence local leaders. See also: Groups and Organizations: Merchants; Institutions: Markets; Regulations, Business; Regulations, Commercial Further Reading Abatino, Barbara, Giuseppe Dari-Mattiacci, and Enrico Perotti. 2011. “Depersonalization of Business in Ancient Rome.” Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 31(2), http://papers.ssrn .com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1526993. Abbott, Frank Frost. 1911. The Common People of Ancient Rome: Studies of Roman Life and Literature. New York: Scribner.

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Curatores Curatores were public officials during the Roman Empire charged with overseeing various offices. Established by Augustus in 6 CE, they became the bureaucrats of the government and were often in charge of public works or operations that benefited the public good. At first they were established in Rome but soon after were extended into the other provinces. Some chief curatores were in charge of the grain, aqueducts, games, public works, and roads and in Rome the 14 districts. The curatores in charge of grain, curatores annonae, provided an important function for the city of Rome. Established by Augustus to ensure that the grain supply ran smoothly, they were often at the forefront of keeping the peace. If the grain supply was threatened there could be riots and public outrage, forcing the emperor to face panic or a rebellion. These individuals would buy the grain from merchants and wholesalers and then sell it to the populace at a greatly reduced rate. They were not required to use their own money; rather, they received funds from the government to buy and transport the grain to Rome. Associated with the grain in Rome were the curatores aquarum, individuals in charge of maintaining the aqueducts. These individuals made sure that the aqueducts were maintained and repaired, including cleaned out when necessary; that the pipes were used only for legitimate purposes; and that the distribution to various parts of the city ran smoothly. They had a staff of 2 lictors, showing their authority, as well as 3 public slaves, a secretary, and other individuals. They had models and plans of the entire system. By the end of the first century CE under Trajan, the staff had risen to 460 individuals. These individuals were divided into groups that handled the pipes and valves, the holding tanks both inside and outside the city, the management of laborers to ensure that their work was done properly, the removal and replacement of pavers after the pipes underneath were repaired, and the repair of the structures when needed. These individuals helped with the 14 aqueducts in Rome, of which 9 were constructed during the empire, most before Septimius Severus. The curatores ludorum were in charge of the public games. These individuals were usually of high rank and gave the games for the emperor. It is probable that many of them were expected, if not required, to pay for the games themselves. Most would have desired to curry favor with the emperor, so their willingness was seen in their undertaking of this expensive task. They were also in charge of the maintenance and upkeep of the arena. The curatores operum publicorum had charge of maintaining the public works, or buildings, in the town. Under the republic they were the aediles and censors, while in the empire these curatores would negotiate with the contractors for building and repairing the structures. It appears that in the provincial towns they were expected to pay for some if not all of the repairs or construction. The curatores viarum were best noticed, since they were responsible for the construction and maintenance of roads throughout the empire. They would record their acts with milestones, often recording the name of the emperor.

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Finally in Rome were the curatores regionum, those in charge of the 14 districts in the city. They acted as police officers in their districts and were charged with preventing crimes and disorder. Each district had two officers, called curators, and they had a group of slaves and militia in order to keep the peace. One of their tasks was to bring individuals accused of extortion before the prefect of the city. There were other curatores who had as their mission different tasks throughout the city of Rome or other Roman towns. In the provinces, the curatores seem to have been instituted during the second century. In Africa they seem to have appeared around 190 CE. The individuals who held the office at first came from the local senatorial families. It was not uncommon for individuals to hold the office several times throughout their career. The positions of senatorial rank continued for over a century until the time of Constantine, when they seemed to come from the lower ranks. Those appointed to the job seem to have come at first from outside the province but later came from the province itself. This was common early during the empire to accord persons of rank from Italy to act as provincial overseers. There are examples of men who held the office of curatores in towns other than their own in their home province. By the time of Constantine the office seems to have been held by individuals from their own town. Up until the time of Constantine the curatores were honored in an inscription by the town. It seems that until then these individuals were of high rank and early on from outside the province. They were often seen as patrons of the community whose contributions were not onerous to them. Like at Rome, they are known to have supplied grain, repaired and maintained buildings, and constructed temples. The curatores are also recorded in literature for keeping the peace, such as during Diocletian’s persecution. See also: Government and Politics: Bureaucracy; Praeses (Roman Governors) Further Reading Lucas, Christian. 1940. “Notes on the Curatores rei Publicae of Roman Africa.” Journal of Roman Studies 30, Part 1: 56–74. Smith, William. 1875. “Curatores.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts /secondary/SMIGRA*/Curatores.html.

Currency Systems The Roman monetary system was based initially on the intrinsic value of the metal used in coins. Unlike modern societies where the stated or extrinsic value is higher than the intrinsic value of the metal, the Roman system until the third century CE was tied to the size, percentage, and weight of the coin. The Roman republican monetary system originally was based on the cast bronze coin called aes (meaning “bronze”), at

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one pound per coin; the Romans then termed their reformed bronze coins as as (plural asses). This changed so that by the time of the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE) the standard silver coin, denarius, was equal to 10 asses, now reduced in size and weight to only one-twelfth of its former weight. By the end of the republic the denarius was worth 16 asses but was rarely struck after 150 BCE until Augustus revived it. By the end of the republic Augustus had settled the monetary affairs that had gone out of sync during the last century of the republic and also reformed the coinage in 24 BCE, setting the standard for the next three centuries. Augustus introduced the gold aureus, struck at 40, to the Roman pound, which Nero changed to 45 to the pound and Caracalla 50 to the pound. Throughout its history Rome would not debase the gold coin with other metals. The silver denarius, at a ratio of 25 denarii to the aureus, was struck at 84 to the pound under Augustus which Nero changed to 96 to the pound to keep the same ratio with gold. The brass sestertium (HS) had a ratio of 4 HS to the denarius or 100 to the gold aureus, while the bronze as had a ratio of 16 to the denarius

Silver denarius of Octavian (Augustus), the main coin of the Roman Empire. The denarius was equivalent to a daily wage for a laborer. Rome’s currency included gold, silver, and bronze, with gold reserved for imperial rewards, silver used for commercial transactions, and bronze for everyday life. Ultimately, the silver coins were continually debased with bronze until they disappeared and were replaced solely with gold and bronze. (Yale University Art Gallery)

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and 400 to the aureus. Another major change that Nero introduced in the silver coinage was the addition of about 10 percent copper, a debasement, which later emperors continued. During the third century CE the silver denarius radically changed from 90 percent silver to a low amount of only 5 percent. To deal with inflation, the emperors would also change the size of the coin. The best example is the double denarius, or antoniniani, that originally was valued at 50 denarii but was not twice the size of the denarius, only one and a half the size. In other words, the state was moving toward a modern system where the extrinsic value exceeded the intrinsic. Here a coin was valued 25 percent higher than its intrinsic value. By the time of Diocletian in 284, the silver coin had all but disappeared, becoming instead a bronze coin of higher value. Diocletian reformed the system, reverting it back to Nero’s era with a reduced-weight aureus struck at 60 coins to the pound and valued at 1,000 denarii, a silver coin called the argentius struck at 96 to the pound and valued at 100 denarii, and a bronze coin worth 20 denarii. Constantine would reduce the gold and silver coins’ weight, and his successors would continually devalue the silver coins until they disappeared for good. Ultimately the denarius ceased to be a coin and instead became a unit of value unrelated to an actual coin. Coins were originally minted at Rome under the control of the Senate during the republic; the mint was organized and run by the tresviri monetales, three men who oversaw the production of coins struck in the Temple of Juno Moneta. The first bronze coins were cast in two molds, since it was too heavy to use dies to strike the blanks. Later the blanks were cast in open molds and struck using a pair of dies, the obverse and reverse. While hot, the blanks, or flans, were taken from the furnace molds and placed on the obverse die (pile), which was on an anvil, and the upper or reverse die (trussel) was struck with a hammer. The dies were engraved in intaglio so that when they were struck the image was raised on the coin. While the dies could strike a large number of coins (estimates are that a die could strike 10,000 blanks), the exact number of production is not known. Given the large number of obverse and reverse types known, it is conceivable that the number of coins struck was exceedingly large. Rome was the location of the mint during the republic, which was augmented by Capua during and after the second century BCE. The generals in the last century, during the civil wars, had their own mints, which they carried with them. These coins were struck for the armies as pay. When Augustus reestablished order, the main mint was at Rome, with an additional mint opening at Lugdunum (Lyon) in Gaul in 10 BCE. Many of the old Greek cities in the east continued to mint their own civic coins well into the third century CE. These mints produced subsidiary bronze coins used for local commerce. By the time of Diocletian the city mints had disappeared, and only the imperial mints remained. The mints in operation under Diocletian included Rome, Ticinum in northern Italy, Lugdunum in Gaul, Trier in Germany, London in Britain, Aquileia in the northern Balkans, Siscia and Thessalonica in the southern Balkans, Heracleia, Serdica, Nicomedia and Cyzicus in Asia Minor, Antioch in the east, Alexandria in Egypt, and Carthage in Africa. These mints supplied the Roman world with the necessary coins needed to pay the troops and ensure commerce. Archaeological evidence shows

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that some areas were occasionally not supplied with coins from the central government and made their own. While they might be seen as forgeries, in some cases they can be counted as substitute coinage. Roman coinage during the empire continued to be dynamic, using a variety of preexisting coinage. It is clear that most coins were not demonetized, although in some instances there were changes in value. Even coins issued by usurpers appear to have continued to be used alongside imperial coins. See also: Cities: Rome; Institutions: Mints Further Reading Burnett, Andrew. 1987. Coinage in the Roman World. London: Seaby. Harl, Kenneth W. 1996. Coinage in the Roman Economy, 300 B.C. to A.D. 700. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Howgego, C. J. 1995. Ancient History from Coins. London: Routledge. Metcalf, William E. 2012. The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Coinage. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Reece, Richard. 1970. Roman Coins. London: Ernest Benn.

Cursus Honorum As the republic developed and political offices or magistrates were added, it was normal for a progression of offices to become standardized, called the cursus honorum. The normal ascendancy for offices was quaestor-praetor-consul-censor; if someone was elected aedile and/or tribune of the plebs, it occurred after the position of quaestor. While there was flexibility and offices could be skipped, this pattern became the normal ladder for most. An extraordinary office was the dictator, which was recommended by a consul and approved by the Senate. This single individual held office for six months, and his acts could not be challenged or undone. This office was rarely used but allowed the Romans an option in cases of extreme danger. The cursus honorum became a hallmark of the Roman political process. The imperial cursus honorum developed from the path established during the republic. By midrepublic, 300–150 BCE, the full path had existed whereby an individual began his career in the military and then at about age 30 stood for election to quaestor. This office served as the accountants and paymasters for the state and the army. Sulla increased the number elected to 20 and put the age at which they could stand for election at 30 in 70 BCE; Julius Caesar increased their number to 40, while Augustus lowered the age to 25. After the quaestor the Roman might stand for election as tribune of the plebs or aedile. The tribune arose from the plebs’ need to protect themselves from the patricians. Originally 2, the number rose to 10, and the tribunes were protected by the plebs, since they were considered sacrosanct, meaning that they could not be harmed. The tribunes could nullify or veto laws and decisions by the consuls, praetors,

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and quaestors. During the empire beginning with Emperor Augustus, emperors received the power of the tribune, which allowed them to be sacrosanct and to veto laws and propose legislation. Instead of tribune, the young man might stand for election as aedile. The original two plebeian aediles were responsible for the markets, checking that proper weights and measures were used and that peace in the city of Rome was maintained, taking care of the public works such as temples, and organizing the plebeian games. The number of aediles increased to four with the introduction of the patrician curule aediles, who also protected the markets but, more important, organized games. Julius Caesar added two more who oversaw food distribution and supplies for the city. Ultimately all of the aediles were expected to put on the expensive games. The success of these games often determined whether the individual could move up. Although neither tribunes nor aediles were required to be elected to praetor, those positions often guaranteed selection, especially if the candidates were equally matched. So, how one was remembered for his games might prove to be the difference with the populace. Originally the praetor handled the legal proceedings in Rome so as to reduce the work of the consuls. By the end of the First Punic War (264–241 BCE) there were 2 praetors, the praetor urbanus and praetor peregrinus. The praetor urbanus remained in Rome at all times and dealt with legal and religious issues; he had great latitude with regard to his interpretation of the laws. In civil cases he appointed a judge, decreeing what the penalty should be if in favor of the plaintiff; in criminal cases he appointed the judges to determine guilt or innocence. With an increase in their numbers in the late republic, they were assigned to the different types of criminal courts. The second praetor, praetor peregrinus, administered justice to foreigners and became responsible for diplomatic missions and military commands. As Rome expanded, another 4 praetors were added who acted more like the praetor peregrinus. By the late republic the dictator Sulla added 2 more, bringing the total to 8, and Julius Caesar added another 8, bringing the total to 16. The consul was the most important normal magistrate, and there were only two. The consuls, like the praetors, held imperium, or the right to command an army. The consuls could also veto the other magistrates. The consuls were the chief religious officers of the state, or judges, and on the battlefield they had the power of life and death over a citizen for military issues that could not be challenged. During the republic the Romans elected two censors every five years who served for the first 18 months of the five-year period. These magistrates counted the number of citizens, assessed their property, and kept the morals of the state intact. The Romans viewed this office as the height of a politician’s career, since it was a difficult office to be elected to. The final office was that of dictator, in which one individual had ultimate control and could not be vetoed. Since this power was so great, his office was limited to just 6 months. Julius Caesar had himself declared dictator for life. After his assassination the office of dictator was abolished. During the empire the position of magistrate continued to be held, but now magistrates were appointed by the emperor. The emperors often held the office of consul in addition to being tribune (or holding its power). The emperors used the offices to

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reward and promote individuals into the government. One of the results was using these offices to bring provincials into the Roman political system. See also: Government and Politics: Aediles; Censor; Consul; Dictator; Senate; Primary Documents: Document 2 Further Reading Curchin, Leonard A. 1990. The Local Magistrates of Roman Spain. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Feig, V. R. 2012. Roman Elections in the Age of Cicero: Society, Government, and Voting. New York: Routledge. Lintott, A. W. 2009. The Constitution of the Roman Republic. New York: Oxford University Press.

Dictator The Roman dictatorship was an ancient office established during the republic. Although it was abolished after the assassination of Julius Caesar in 44 BCE, its legacy became an important factor in the future of the Roman Empire and how the emperors viewed themselves and the office. The office of dictator is connected to the title of princeps, which the early emperors used to describe their position. During the republic, in times of stress the Roman Senate would occasionally create the office of dictator, a temporary official who had absolute authority over the state in order to protect it. The Roman Senate passed a senatus consultum authorizing the creation of a single dictator to serve no more than six months. He could relinquish his command earlier but could not continue the command unless it was reauthorized by the Senate. Since the normal magistrates had a duality, the idea that there were at least two colleagues to keep a check and could therefore veto each other’s actions, the office of dictator was different. With only one dictator there could be no veto, and hence his decisions were final. Typically the office was used during times of military problems with a specified enemy or during some kind of social upheaval. Once appointed, the dictator’s command, or imperium, was higher than the other magistrates. He could institute new laws that lasted until his time in office ended. He did not have to consult with the Senate or get its approval, unlike the consuls. Since there was no appeal of his decisions, he had absolute power in both military and judicial affairs. Although the tribune of the plebs still held office, it appears that their ability to veto his actions did not exist, unlike their ability to veto acts by the consuls. The dictator’s power was therefore absolute. The laws that he introduced could also be voted upon by the people after his term and become part of Roman law. What also distinguished the dictator from the other offices is his impunity. A magistrate in office could not be held liable for his acts during his tenure in office. Once he left that office, however, and his power ceased, he could be tried for his actions; in other words, a criminal complaint could be made. An example of this is seen in the complaint made against Cicero that forced him

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to leave Rome and go into exile. The dictator was different. He and his acts were not liable for prosecution, and he did not have to account for his actions. Early in the republic there were instances when the office was used, especially during the period from 500 to 200 BCE when there were nearly 90 cases of a dictator being appointed. This meant that nearly one in three years had a dictator, even if their appointment was brief. After 202 BCE there was a gap for nearly 120 years before Sulla reinstituted the office in 81 BCE. Unlike previous dictators appointed for war or to make elections, settle the peace, or ensure an end to pestilence, Sulla was tasked with making laws and settling the Roman constitution; in other words, he was charged with making peace after the nearly 50 years of civil war. This time, however, there was no time limit; it was not set for six months as before. Sulla held this office for a year before retiring and dying soon after. Julius Caesar became dictator in 49 BCE, then for the next four years became dictator for a year, and finally in 46 BCE became dictator for life. When Caesar was assassinated in 44 BCE, his ally and consular colleague Marc Antony proposed a law that passed outlawing the dictatorship. Augustus would be offered the office and title but declined. This does not mean that Augustus was powerless; instead he opted for a political veneer, which allowed him to have the power without the odious title. Augustus learned from Julius Caesar’s debacle. One of the reasons why Caesar was assassinated was that his holding the office of dictator made him look like a king. In fact, Antony had even offered him the title of king, only to have the crowd jeer him, forcing Caesar to make a public display of Lucius Cornelius Sulla, dictator for one year—in 81 refusing the title. Caesar was as- BCE. Known for his march and attack on Rome with an army, he set the standard for the next 50 years of sassinated soon after. Augustus Roman strongmen, culminating with Octavian understood that the power of the (Augustus). Julius Caesar held the office of dictator, mob had to be respected. His solu- and after his death it was abolished. Later, Augustus tion was to hold the power of refused the offer of the office, instead choosing the the tribune and consuls, therefore title princeps. (Ridpath, John Clark. Ridpath’s History giving him the right to veto, of the World, 1901)

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introduce laws, and hold imperium without the issue of holding the potentially odious title of dictator. Augustus instead opted for the title of princeps. The word means “first citizen,” and that is what Augustus wanted everyone to believe he was, just the first among equals. The ancient term princeps senatus was given to the first member of the Senate to speak; he was “first among equals” in the Senate. In 27 BCE the title was given to Augustus, and he found it advantageous; since it was a traditional title, it was devoid of negative sentiments such as rex (king) and dictator. The title was then used by emperors after him until the time of Diocletian and Constantine, although any pretense that there was equality between emperor and others had been dropped. While in theory the title of princeps and in essence the empire would vanish with Augustus’s death, the Romans had long tired of the civil wars, and the ready source of competition had vanished. Although Augustus did not have a biological heir, he did have a steady successor, Tiberius, his stepson who likewise could help him in his administration of the empire. Although his rule was marred by internal strife, Tiberius’s long reign added to the empire’s security and a continuation of the princeps. The office of dictator then set the stage for the establishment of the empire and the title of princeps because it allowed for the concentration of power in one hand. While the title may have been odious, the usefulness of its office was not lost on Augustus. His ability to combine the power in a series of offices without having to resort to the negative image of dictator shows his great ability in controlling the situation and keeping himself in power. See also: Government and Politics: Cursus Honorum; Individuals: Augustus; Caesar, Gaius Julius; Primary Documents: Document 2 Further Reading Golden, Gregory K. 2013. Crisis Management during the Roman Republic: The Role of Political Institutions in Emergencies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lintott, Andrew. 2004. The Constitution of the Roman Republic. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sumi, Geoffrey S. 2005. Ceremony and Power: Performing Politics in Rome between Republic and Empire. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Equites During the Roman Republic there existed different groups that overlapped in the social order, producing a fluid mixture in the upper echelons of society: the equites, or knights, who had a property qualification of 100,000 denarii; the senatorial order, which came from the equestrian order and held seats in the Senate, who had a property qualification of 250,000 denarii; and the patricians, who were from the ancient nobility during the regal period. The patrician order was hereditary, passing through the male line, and over time the families dwindled. The senatorial order was not hereditary, since

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entry into the Senate was achieved by election to the higher magistrates (consul and praetor), while the equestrian order was hereditary. The equites were at first responsible for the senior leadership in the military and were those individuals who could afford to keep a horse, hence the need for their property qualification. In 218 BCE a law was passed that placed a further divide between the senatorial order and the equites; now senators were forbidden to engage in commercial activities outside of agriculture. This law effectively meant that senators were not permitted to engage in extensive amounts of commerce and that nonsenatorial equites were the only elites who could legally engage in commerce. While many senators violated this law, especially by setting up their freedmen, slaves they had set free, as their agents, the law and practice in the end created two groups of important individuals, senators involved in politics and equites involved in business. This division only intensified during the next two centuries, with the equites becoming more involved in business transactions and the rewards from large-scale trade, while senators became involved in farming and politics. One area where the equites were quite noticeable was the collection of taxes, the publican system. Here knights who owned corporations for the collection of taxes would bid on tax collections for a province and if they won (highest bid) would provide the amount to the state first and then collect the money, plus their profits, from the provincials. When Augustus became emperor, he formalized what had been occurring for the past few centuries. The senatorial order was given permanency and hereditary status with a minimum property qualification of 250,000 denarii, and the equites, often referred to as the equestrian order, although ceasing to be a political force became de facto a hereditary class but, unlike the senatorial order, not by law. The senatorial order filled the most senior positions, while the equestrians filled the midlevel posts. The equestrian order, being the larger, soon became the pool for the Roman bureaucracy. It was typical for the equestrian to start his career in the city of Rome before moving on to a military post in the provinces and then returning to Rome or being posted to a province as an administrator. Augustus further expanded the equestrian order by allowing anyone who met the property qualification of 100,000 denarii to be called an eques. While these individuals could be called equestrian, they were not officially entered into the ordo equites; only those whom the emperor admitted into the order and their sons could be called equites. The latter group only numbered a few thousand from Italy, while the former, composed of other Italians and provincials, had probably 30,000. Equestrians who had the property qualification, 250,000 denarii, and were elected to a magisterial office to enter into the Senate could with the permission of the emperor become a senator, or the emperor himself could elevate someone to the Senate but usually only during exceptional times, since the emperors did not wish to go above the 600-member mark for the Senate. Typically, equestrians from a province started out in their hometown or province serving as a priest or administrator and then moved into the Roman military. Their command would be in charge of the auxiliaries. Their service here would be about 10 years before they could become known or eligible to serve in a more senior position. One of the top positions eligible for an equestrian was governor of Egypt. Augustus had

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feared giving this post to a senator, since its position and wealth could harm the empire if it had broken away, and the new emperor feared that senators, many still eager for political power, might rebel against him and control its resources. After Emperor Claudius, the equestrians became the chief bureaucrats leading the government agencies. While the military and administrative route was the most common way for equestrians to rise under the empire, other routes were still open. One of the chief routes was financial. While Augustus had stripped many of the equites from their tax collecting power, commercial activity was still crucial. Many of the equites became involved in large-scale trade, especially the grain and wine trades. These activities allowed them to amass great riches from commercial endeavors. A second way for equites to advance outside of the military route was through administrative leadership. During the time of Vespasian and his successors the equites who occupied these high offices received large salaries. They were soon differentiated by the size of the salary. For example, the centenarii made 100,000 sesterces, or 25,000 denarii, the ducenarii made 200,000 (50,000 denarii), and the trecenarii made 300,000 (75,000 denarii) yearly. These titles begin to occur in the second century CE. During the late empire the role of equestrians was expanded even more. This occurred first because the emperors coming to power after 200 CE were mainly from the provinces and distrusted the Italian power base, especially the senators, and because of the natural occurrence that these men came from the equestrian order themselves. This newfound power further enhanced the provincial equestrians who controlled the military. Diocletian and Constantine further enhanced the equestrian order by promoting men based on capability rather than on hereditary rights. This type of promotion favored the military equestrians, who had shown themselves worthy of distinction due to action, rather than the traditional senatorial families. See also: Government and Politics: Equites; Law Courts; Institutions: Provinces; Provincial Law Further Reading Boissier, Gaston. 1970. Cicero and His Friends: A Study of Roman Society in the Time of Caesar. New York: Cooper Square. Devijver, H. 1989. The Equestrian Officers of the Roman Imperial Army. Amsterdam: J. C. Gieben. Mennen, Inge. 2011. Power and Status in the Roman Empire, AD 193–284. Leiden: Brill. Talbert, Richard. 1996. “The Senate and Senatorial and Equestrian Posts.” Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. 10. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Grain Trade With a population of about 1 million inhabitants, it is estimated that by the time of Augustus Rome needed 660 million pounds (300 million kilograms) of grain, with each male receiving about 881 pounds (400 kilograms) per year, or 60 modii. Italy could not

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grow enough grain, mainly wheat, to provide the necessary food supplies. Since the second century BCE, Rome relied on the importation of grain, wine, and olives as major foodstuffs for the city and the surrounding area. By the end of the republic the Romans were importing at least half of their needs if not more. Most of the grain came first from Sicily and then Africa and finally Egypt. Realizing the importance of the grain supply and that Egypt alone provided nearly half the amount, Augustus decreed that senators, still ambitious and desiring power, were forbidden from entering the province unless allowed by the emperor. The Romans created a system to provide grain to the inhabitants called the Annona. The supply of grain from overseas required not only a large number of ships for the voyage to Italy but also a steady supply of barges to bring the grain from the coastal ports of Puteoli and later Ostia. This required a complicated system of transport both to Italy and then upriver to Rome. The merchants had to deal with the voyage from Rome to Egypt, which only took a few weeks, but then had to manage the return voyage loaded with grain against the winds, taking a few months. Normally the grain supply and distribution worked in the market context. While the emperors did attempt to ensure that the market did not see high prices and they did purchase grain in times of surplus to sell during times of scarcity or interruptions, they normally desired the merchants to handle the markets. From Ostia the shops in the marketplace forum where business was conducted indicate that goods were not stored on-site since the shops were too small; rather, samples existed so that the goods could be seen but not bought. This provided the corporations with an information market, with the goods being bought or sold and then delivered later. Clearly the merchants in Rome and Ostia could not be present at the sites of embarkation to oversee the buying of the grain from its source and at Rome/Ostia when numerous ships from several regions arrived carrying the grain. The merchants had to rely on their agents, who could purchase the grain at opportune times and prices, store it, and then get it ready to ship. Given that a merchant might have several agents throughout the Mediterranean, this required coordination, the exercise of good judgment, and the ability to act quickly when needed. While laws and customs normally made senators unable to engage in trade, in reality through fake corporations and agents, usually ex-slaves, they owned and operated shipping companies. Most of the large corporations were run by the equestrian order, which numbered probably about 5,000 individuals, or wealthy freedmen. Sometimes these individuals acted alone and set up their own companies, but many organized together, forming a corporation or limited partnership. The record-keeping requirements were extensive. Ship captains presented papers attesting to their cargo and destination. In addition, they must have had paperwork showing at which berth they were to drop anchor. Finally, they needed paperwork to leave the harbor after unloading. The major problem with the system was distance and time needed to communicate. With several weeks or months, depending on the season, needed to provide information back to Rome, many of these agents were left on their own. If the price was too high in Egypt, if a ship sank before reaching the supplier, or if a ship loaded with grain left Africa and soon afterward sank, it would take time for the information to reach Rome. Often when the information reached Rome it was convoluted, wrong, or

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incomplete and could cause panic. The agent could also skim profits off the top or provide inferior products, and this must have been expected, since the Roman merchants would not have been immune to the practice. To help secure against these acts, the merchants could rely on several situations. First, the agent probably had a close relationship to the merchant, perhaps even an exslave. Second, the merchant could rely on multiple agents who competed against each other and informed on each other, providing a type of competition. Finally, the merchant had legal rights and could sue if the product was not up to par or if the price was too high. The legal penalties could be quite high and often favored the merchant, especially since the final product, the grain, could be examined. Some documents relate that the seller provided a sample to the agent claiming it to be free of contamination, and it was put into an amphora and sealed. Only when the merchant received it and broke the seal and compared the sample to the load could the contract be considered complete. This protected the merchant and the agent. These receipts were complicated and show how much grain was shipped, who originally owned it, its condition, when the harvest took place, and more. Merchants were also known to attempt to defraud the central government by claiming that ships were being used for the grain trade, guaranteed by the state, only to use them for other trade goods. In essence the merchants were paid twice, first for the nonexistent grain and second for the actual goods. The Prefect of the Grain was charged with investigating such acts and punishing the guilty. To protect against theft, the merchants often entrusted the loading and unloading of grain not to the agents but instead to the guilds that supplied workers. The guilds were made responsible for ensuring safety and were probably paid on the number of sacks deposited on a ship or in a granary rather than the amount carried out. Since the guilds could police themselves, they could ensure the quality of work. See also: Government and Politics: Equites; Cities: Ostia; Groups and Organizations: Merchants; Institutions: Alimenta; Markets; Regulations, Commercial; Objects and Artifacts: Ports and Harbors; Ships; Primary Documents: Document 23 Further Reading Erdkamp, Paul. 2009. The Grain Market in the Roman Empire: A Social, Political and Economic Study. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Garnsey, Peter. 1988. Famine and Food Supply in the Graeco-Roman World: Responses to Risk and Crisis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rickman, G. 1980. The Corn Supply of Ancient Rome. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Law Courts Roman law focused on the delivery of justice and punishing the guilty. The Romans always held out that their system of justice was removed from the emotions of Athens’s

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The modern carved relief on the main altar of the Dominican Church of St. Paul in Berlin shows Paul’s trial before the governor Festus. The local city or province was responsible for the initial trial of a Roman citizen. Although having great freedom of action, cities and provinces treated Roman citizens differently. In Paul’s case, as a Roman citizen he could appeal to the emperor and bypass local jurisdiction. (Jozef Sedmak/Dreamstime.com)

democracy or the capriciousness of an Oriental monarch. With few exceptions, Roman law required that prosecution was a private affair, with a Roman citizen bringing an action against another citizen before the courts. Roman law had the prosecutor not only presenting the evidence but also creating a show for the jury. The citizen prosecutor first brought his charge before the urban praetor and then the jury. The defense in turn presented its case usually not only to show how the accused was not guilty but also to blame someone else. Both sides hoped to persuade the jury not only with the evidence but also with the emotion of their plea. Rome did not have professional lawyers who argued the case receiving compensation; rather, the plaintiff and defendant consulted advocates, who could even make speeches. The Romans also carried this system to the provinces. The process first involved having the delator, or accuser, submit written charges along with the signatures of the witnesses (subscriptores) to the praetor in court, where the accused had to be present before a jury, or questiones. The accuser or prosecutor and witnesses, up to 48, signed affidavits that they were telling the truth, and any perjury could be met with fines. The defense could question the witnesses and even make

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speeches attacking their character, veracity, and position. Unlike modern courts, there were no procedural means for objections, and everything and anything was fair game for both the prosecution and the defense. After examining witnesses and statements made by both sides, the jury voted, requiring only a simple majority to decide the case. While modern juries have 12 individuals, Roman juries had numerous judges. The prae­tor would then deliver the jury’s verdict. If the accuser won, his lawyer would receive compensation; if the accuser lost, he was thought to have brought a false charge, or calumnia, and was fined. After a verdict was reached, a penalty was then determined. As with other societies, both ancient and modern, one’s status often became a major factor in determining the severity of the penalty. Prosecutors usually demanded a severe penalty, death for serious crimes such as murder or treason if the victim was a citizen. But cases varied depending on the issue. If the accused admitted guilt for or was found guilty of killing another citizen’s slave or farm animal, the accused paid fair compensation. In early Roman law and often continued into the provinces, if someone maimed another person, then the same thing should happen to him unless the two parties came to an agreement, usually a payment to the defendant. In the arena of politics the social standing of the different classes was seen. If a poor individual committed murder, death was usually proscribed, while a senator or eques was usually allowed to go into exile, having his property seized. Other crimes carrying the death penalty included arson, burglary, maladministration, and even possession of poison. While modern societies have prisons, the Romans throughout their period did not have prisons. Instead, Roman prisons were merely holding cells preventing the accused from fleeing until a trial could be arranged. Once an individual was found guilty, the punishment was carried out immediately and normally without appeal. If death was proscribed, then it would be carried out after a short delay, allowing the accused time to get his or her affairs in order; if banishment, the individual was taken away immediately. Banishment could be passive, going into exile, or active, being sent to the mines or quarries, similar to premodern prisons. Often the accused patrician or elite would forego a trial and flee into exile or commit suicide to save the family’s estate or name. One of the best examples of how the Roman judicial system worked was Cicero, who was well known for convincing jurors with his ability to present his evidence, even when he was lying, to help his client. In 52 BCE Cicero defended his friend Titus Annius Milo, who was accused of killing his enemy Publius Clodius Pulcher. Cicero’s speech Pro Milone defended Milo, a praetor seeking the office of consul, who was charged with murdering his political enemy Clodius, the former tribune and henchman of Julius Caesar, on the Via Appia. Cicero stated that the fight began with Clodius’s slaves attacking Milo’s party, with Clodius being wounded and ultimately dying. Milo initially declared that he was only acting in self-defense. The prosecution effectively argued that Milo was a cold-blooded murderer. The witnesses and speeches caused the crowds on both sides to become violent and forced the de facto leader in Rome, Pompey, to have armed guards around the court to prevent any violence. After four days of effective prosecution speeches and testimony, Cicero began his delivery to turn the crowd and, more important, the jury to Milo’s favor.

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Cicero’s speech did not contest that Milo had killed Clodius but instead argued that the killing was not only self-defense but was also in fact best for the state. Cicero even argued that the time of day was in dispute, even though everyone knew differently. He argued that Milo was in a carriage with his wife and was away from Rome on official business, so he could not have been a cold-blooded murderer as the prosecution contended; Clodius, however, was riding a horse near his own villa away from Rome, so he was clearly setting a trap, something that other writers discount. Cicero then relied on Clodius’s previous reputation, being corrupt, accused of incest with his sister, and dressing as a woman to sneak into a festival, while Milo protected the state as a friend of Pompey who feared Clodius and his gang. Cicero even made the claim that during times of war, laws do not have to be followed, something that would personally haunt him. The speech not only argued that drastic times called for drastic measures but is also a good example that facts were not always crucial in a prosecution or defense. Cicero, however, failed to get an acquittal for Milo, losing 38 to 13 in votes due to the pro-Clodius crowd intimidating Cicero, Pompey wanting a conviction, and the number of witnesses against Milo. The speech was considered one of Cicero’s best even though he lost. Milo was was condemned and allowed to leave to go into exile at Massilia (Marseille), where afterward he was convicted of bribery, violence, and unlawful association. See also: Government and Politics: Roman Law; Roman Law, Evolution of; Treason Trials; Individuals: Sejanus, Lucius Aelius; Tiberius; Institutions: Provincial Law; Primary Documents: Document 21 Further Reading Gaertner, J. F. 2007. Writing Exile: The Discourse of Displacement in Greco-Roman Antiquity and Beyond. Leiden: Brill. Kolbert, C. F., trans. 1979. Justinian: The Digest of Roman Law. London: Penguin Classics. Rutledge, Steven H. 2001. Imperial Inquisitions: Prosecutors and Informants from Tiberius to Domitian. London: Routledge. Smith, William. 1875. “The Roman Law Articles of Smith’s Dictionary.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope .uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary/SMIGRA/Law/home.html.

Manumission Manumission is the freeing of a slave and was practiced differently in Roman than in preindustrial America or Europe. Unlike other societies, Roman manumission created a new class of citizens, the freedman. Further distinguishing the Romans from other societies was that freed slaves had full citizenship, and their descendants could hold office. Manumission allowed the Roman state to bring in new blood while at the same time controlling the makeup of the group. This procedure allowed the Romans to bring in who they wanted piecemeal without the prospect of bringing in large numbers, such

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as a foreign tribe, en masse. Manumission in the Roman world followed three types: vindicta (by the rod), census, and testamentum (through a will), with each having different aspects of freeing a slave, including the process in which a slave could be freed, who could do it, the rights of the freed slave, and the rights of the slave’s descendants. Vindicta was the traditional and probably the original form of manumission whereby the owner presented the slave to a magistrate explaining why he desired to free the slave, and then the owner declared him free. The magistrate would then confer freedom upon the slave. Census was the second form of manumission. Here the master took his slave to the censor, a magistrate elected every five years, who enrolled him on the citizen roll. Presumably the slave purchased his own freedom or the master gave him enough financial backing to have the money available. In other words, the manumitted slave needed money to qualify in order to be on the citizenship roll. The third way, and under the empire the major form for a slave to be manumitted, was by a will, or testamentum. Freedom could be direct—that is, the master in his will chose to set the slave free—or by a testator (heres), indicating that the master wanted his successor to set the slave free. The master was liable for a tax of 5 percent. If the heres refused to set the slave free, the slave could make a legal application and compel the heres to set him free. In each of these circumstances manumission was personal. Under the empire several laws were enacted to limit manumission. Augustus enacted the Lex Aelia Sentia in 4 CE, which prevented anyone under the age of 20 from manumitting a slave or a slave under the age of 30 from being manumitted unless by vindicta. For those with more than two slaves the Lex Furia Caninia in 2 BCE set a limit on the number of slaves a master could set free and only through testamentum. If a slave was owned by multiple individuals all had to approve, or the one who set him free had to pay the just price for the slave to the others. The reason for these laws was to prevent owners from freeing slaves who were old or infirm and becoming a burden on society. Manumission had always created a bond between the master, the patronus, and the slave, now the libertus. The slave, once freed by a citizen, became a member of his family, or gens. The manumitted slave put on a toga, a symbol of being a citizen; shaved his head; and put on the pileus, or the cap of a freedman. The status of the freed slave depended on the status of the owner and what conditions, if any, existed. A freed slave owned by a noncitizen did not become a Roman citizen but instead like his owner was a noncitizen. Likewise, a slave who had been in chains or was branded or a gladiator when freed could not become a citizen but instead became a foreigner. If, however, the slave had not been subject to the conditions above, he could be a citizen, or one with Latin rights. To be a citizen, the slave had to be over 30 unless freed by the rod, vindicta, in the presence of a council that was convinced that the slave was worthy of manumission; if over 30 this was not required. Also, the slave had to be manumitted by one of the three legal fashions. If the individual did not fall into the above category, especially age, the manumitted slave was enrolled as a Latin whereby he could not make or receive anything under a will or be appointed a guardian. The Romans had several reasons to manumit their slaves, in particular to grant them the rights of citizenship. The first would have been benevolence, for example, a trusted

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household slave who had served the master faithfully over the years such as a bailiff on the estate, well known by the master and perhaps even becoming the master’s friend or confidant. Here manumission was usually done through a will, or testamentum. Slaves working in the fields could not expect manumission. The master may have had a commercial reason for freeing a slave. The freedman may have been industrious, and the master may have wished to set him up in business. This gave the former master some advantages; if the enterprise soured, the master would not be liable for the freedman’s losses, unlike if he was a slave. Another option was that the master would pay the slave a peculium, which could be used to buy his freedom; if the slave was industrious and willing to help his master, this fund allowed him to purchase his freedom, and he would be beholden to his master. It is known that women were often given their freedom after they had produced a certain number of children (replacements) who survived over a certain age. Nearly everyone in Roman society would have known either a manumitted slave or the slave’s master. See also: Groups and Organizations: Slaves; Institutions: Marriage Further Reading Bradley, K. R. 1987. Slaves and Masters in the Roman Empire: A Study in Social Control. New York: Oxford University Press. Hopkins, Keith. 1978. Conquerors and Slaves: Sociological Studies in Roman History 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Smith, William. 1875. “Manumissio.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman /Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Manumissio.html.

Pontifex Maximus During the republic, the priests’ power lay in politics; under the empire this power all but evaporated. The pontiffs, like before, had power over marriages, adoptions, burials, and ceremonial events, but even here they were curtailed by the emperor and his bureaucracy. Their power lay in their ability to speak for the gods and the harkening back to previous periods as well as their influence. What made the emperor more pivotal to the religious life was that he now spoke for and to the Roman people. Whereas during the republic the priests were seen as separate from the political offices, now during the empire the emperor, as the political and religious leader, had brought about the union of politics and religion. When Augustus became emperor he did not immediately assume the office of pontifex maximus, or chief priest, since it was already occupied by Marcus Lepidus, his former triumvir and later enemy whom he kept under house arrest. With Marcus’s death in 12 BCE, Augustus became pontifex maximus, as did every future emperor. The emperor’s power as chief priest allowed him to argue that he was directly in communication

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with the gods in order to keep the peace between the gods and humans. One of his chief duties was being in charge of the Roman calendar and determining when the intercalary month occurred. At this point the political and religious power was united, something unseen in the republic. Since the emperors now were the chief priests, they effectively ruled by the will of the gods and could direct the religious life of the empire. When the emperors were deified after their death they became part of the heavenly pantheon, which further increased the importance of the religious life and the emperors. This new union did not mean that the old Roman religion was eliminated. On the contrary, Augustus sought to increase its position and importance. Most of the priesthood classes remained in power and under control of the powerful, patrician, or plebeian families. In all cases the emperor was nominally in control while usually leaving the actual running of the state religion to the bureaucracy, and only when needed on ceremonial occasions did he assume the power and role of the chief priest. In addition to those above there were the flamines, one for each of the gods, and the salii, or priests who continued the old customs of processions and ceremonial war dances. The power of priests continued throughout the Roman period, since they were linked to the imperial family and power. What was now crucial was that the emperor had direct access to the priestly class and could dictate policy. One ancient republican holdover was the Sibylline Books. These were a set of prophecies that had come to Rome from Asia Minor during the monarchy, then housed at Cumae. The Cumaean Sibyl offered the nine books to Tarquinius the Proud, who refused to buy them because of their exorbitant price. The Sibyl burned six books before Tarquinius agreed to pay them. The books were brought to Rome and kept in the Temple of Jupiter Maximus. They remained in Rome until they were burned by Stilicho in 405 CE because they were pagan and against the Christian god. When the city was attacked by the Visigoths in 410, many of the old senators, still pagan, believed that the destruction of the city was caused by the ancient pagan gods against the city and the empire. Augustus transferred them from the Capitoline (i.e., Temple of Jupiter) to the Palatine (Temple of Apollo Patrous), which tied the emperor and religion together. He ordered them to be recopied for preservation. Tiberius reviewed them as well and rejected many of the prophecies, saying that they were not original (Cassius Dio Cocceianus 1990, 54.17). The priests who kept the Sibylline Books were originally viewed as crucial to the Roman state. Under the monarchy the priests kept these secret books, which foretold of future events and calamities. By the late republic they were virtually anachronistic. They were housed in the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline. After a fire in 83 BCE when the books were destroyed after lightning struck the temple, duplicates previously made were kept in the rebuilt temple. Most Romans now viewed them as nonsense, and even Cicero claimed that they were a joke. The emperors continued to use them when convenient. When the Tiber River flooded during the reign of Tiberius some of the senators suggested that the emperor consult the prophecies, but he declined since he felt that the secrets should remain private. During the early empire the authors Virgil and Ovid during the Augustan age recounted that the Cumaean Sibyl, a mortal, helped the Trojans and future Romans. The books were then consulted in the late third century

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when the Romans were faced with continual turmoil and by Maxentius when he planned to fight Constantine. Julian asked if he should attack the Persians in the 360s, and they responded that he should not (Ammianus Marcellinus and Rolfe 1963, 23.1.7), which he ignored, and he died at their hands. The verses were often quoted by Christian writers, but many that they used to justify the Messiah were found to be clear forgeries. The verses that were collected after they were burned by Stilicho were probably a mixture of authentic prophesies and forgeries. One such were the Sibylline Oracles from late Roman Alexandria, which were made by Jewish and Christian authors who used the ancient Sibylline Books as their archetype. See also: Government and Politics: Auspices or Augury; Groups and Organizations: State Religion; Institutions: Religion; Sacrifices Further Reading Ammianus Marcellinus and John Carew Rolfe. 1963. Ammianus Marcellinus. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Cassius Dio Cocceianus. 1990. The Augustan Settlement: Roman History, 53–55.9. Translated by John Rich. Warminster, UK: Aris and Phillips. Mitchell, R. E., and R. S. Howarth. 2010. Hearsay, History, and Heresy: Collected Essays on the Roman Republic by Richard E. Mitchell. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias.

Praeses (Roman Governors) During the early empire Augustus instituted a series of reforms that allowed for the management of the state and its resources. The management of the provinces fell to the Roman governors, who often had a variety of titles denoting their magisterial position or position from the emperor. Augustus followed the earlier republican system. During the republic the governors were usually consuls, praetors, ex-consuls (proconsuls), or ex-praetors (propraetors). These individuals were from the senatorial class. Typically, provinces that were minor and more at peace were governed by propraetors, while those on the frontiers with more possibility of warfare were governed by proconsuls. Since the praetors and consuls held imperium, or the right to command an army, their continuation as propraetors and proconsuls allowed their imperium to continue as well. Minor provinces had governors often styled as procurators who were directly appointed by the emperor. It is possible that these governors were usually equites and not senators. Typically the proconsuls had legions, whereas the propraetors had garrison troops or militias. Roman governors, regardless of their distinction, had nearly unlimited power in their province. Under the early empire, especially after Augustus, the senators who governed provinces were now usually classified as praeses, which was more of an honorary title accompanied with the official title of governor, or legatus augusti. The term praeses became the standard term for governors, regardless of their class, senatorial or equestrian, by the time of Diocletian.

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Augustus became governor of all the military provinces when he established the empire. The Senate maintained nominal control of certain provinces or senatorial provinces where all but one, Africa, did not have legions, but even here Augustus’s power was superior to the senatorial governors. Since Augustus could not be in every province, he appointed legates to act for him. This practice had begun under Pompey when he appointed a legatus (legate) to govern Spain while he remained in Italy. Augustus and his successors had absolute control over who would be appointed legate; these legates were lower in rank than other governors (propraetors, proconsuls) since they were technically agents of the emperors. When a province had only one legion it was typically governed by a legate who had the power of propraetor and not only governed but also commanded the legion. In provinces with more than one legion, each legion was commanded by a propraetor, and the governor commanded as proconsul since consular imperium was higher than praetorian imperium. As proconsul, the governor controlled the province as well as all of the legions located within it. They served anywhere from one to five years depending on the location, the issues, and the emperor. For nonimperial or senatorial provinces, the Senate made appointments from either propraetors or proconsuls but who were all styled proconsuls. With the exception of Africa, where a legion was based to protect the province from mountain and desert tribes, the senatorial provinces did not have legions. While Augustus and later emperors could appoint the governors of these senatorial provinces, they usually let the Senate have some leeway. Since troops were not located in these provinces, there was little chance of rebellion. Augustus initially decreed that there would be 10 senatorial provinces, with 2, Asia and Africa, governed by senators with proconsular imperium serving usually only one year and eight provinces governed by senators as propraetors serving for about three years. Augustus continued with the tradition of appointing governors from the senatorial class but now opened it up to others from the equestrian order. As with most of his reforms, Augustus attempted to continue this practice of the republic outwardly while changing the real practice according to his wishes to suit the needs of the growing bureaucracy and empire. In the early empire equestrian governors of minor provinces such as Judea, Noricum, Thrace, and the Mauretanias were classified as procurators and usually were governed by equestrians who commanded small military forces. These provinces were often located in sensitive areas and needed special control. Since most of these were formerly client kingdoms, the emperors did not want to impose too many Roman troops. Once a province was settled and assimilated into the Roman Empire, the province could become either an imperial or senatorial province governed by either a propraetor or a proconsul. In a procuratorial province, the governor or procurator was appointed directly by the emperor and could serve any length of time he desired. Originally the governors of these small recently conquered or bequeathed provinces were called prefects under Augustus, since they commanded small detachments of troops. The title was changed to procurator in the mid-first century CE. Since the procurators were not magistrates, they did not have imperium; hence, their power existed as an extension of the emperor’s power.

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As the empire developed, the term praeses began to be used for governors in general, especially during the Antonine and Severan period. During Septimius Severus’s reorganization most of the provinces were now governed by men termed praeses. Diocletian and Constantine used the term praeses for a class of provincial governors, which included consulares, correctores, and praeses. Although praeses was now used as a general term for all governors, their role was reduced to collecting taxes and administering justice, while the command of troops was transferred to new officers, usually styled as dux. See also: Institutions: Provinces; Provincial Law; Key Events: Judea Provincial Disruption Further Reading Millar, Fergus. 1977. The Emperor in the Roman World, 31 BC–AD 337. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Smith, William. 1875. “Provincia.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts /secondary/SMIGRA*/Provincia.html.

Prisons Ancient prisons differed from modern structures. In the modern world prisons serve to hold the accused before trial and if convicted to house the individual so as to prevent him or her from interacting with other members of society. Ancient prisons, on the other hand, did not serve this second purpose. Evidence from the first millennium BCE shows that prisons were not places of punishment but instead were holding places before a trial or an execution. If convicted, an individual in antiquity was usually fined, received physical punishment such as a whipping, or was sentenced to labor such as in the mines, quarries, or galleys, or was exiled or in extreme cases executed. Ancient prisons had a long history dating to the beginning of collective societies. An Assyrian document has the symbol meaning “house of darkness,” which probably means a prison, referring to an enclosed space. The Mosaic Law does not proscribe the sentence of imprisonment, and in Genesis the story of Joseph imprisoned in Egypt referred to the period before he was to be judged. During the time of Socrates in fifthcentury BCE Athens there was a structure facing the civic center and called “The People’s Thing,” measuring 132 feet by 55 feet and containing eight square cells. The cells, including a washroom, opened off a central hallway. It was here that Socrates would have been housed before he drank his poison to commit suicide. In most of the ancient world prisons served mainly to house prisoners before their trial, which could be months and even years, and as places to carry out execution. Rome during the republic functioned in the same way. The Mamertine Prison had two parts, an anteroom belowground reached by stairs, and the actual prison below this

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entrance room. During the time of the monarchy, the fourth king Ancus Marcius ordered the construction of the prison in Rome below the Capitoline Hill. The prison was basically a room in the ground 12 feet below the surface with a hole that prisoners and food were lowered through. This prison itself was 6.5 feet tall by 30 feet long and 22 feet wide. The sixth king, Servius Tullius, ordered a room constructed above to be the entrance to the dungeon. There was a gate that led to the Cloaca Maxima, the great sewer where the bodies were thrown after execution. The prison was dark and filthy without a clean water supply. In some towns the prisons were under the main square, where refuse, rain, and waste could run into the prison, creating a room full of pestilence. The Mamertine Prison, on the northeastern slope In addition to these holding of the Capitoline Hill. It was used as a holding cell until cells as prisons, there were other the prisoner was executed. Rome’s prisons were merely types that developed. Another temporary holding places until a sentence was carried form of prison similar to the holdout. If an individual was incarcerated for a long period, ing cell was house arrest. Importhey usually spent that time doing hard labor in mines tant prisoners might be allowed and quarries. (Ciolca/Dreamstime.com) to stay in a private house with a guard. Apparently this is how the missionary and apostle Paul was held while in Rome, as mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles. For those who were convicted of a crime, there were sentences that resembled prison but technically were not. A person convicted was usually now a slave. The person may have been sentenced to the gladiatorial schools, for example. In Pompeii in the School of the Gladiators there were two cells where slaves or prisoners were chained to a wall as well as ankle stocks to hold inmates. This may be a prison, but if so it was to secure a slave rather than to serve as a place of perpetual punishment. Villas were known to have holding pits, almost a prison, where slaves were locked up to prevent them from running away. While in essence a prison, they were not designed as a place of punishment but rather to secure the slave. Some criminals might be sentenced to mines or quarries. These were harsh conditions where they worked underground digging for minerals, rocks, etc. Their lives were miserable, without any real hope of freedom. While technically not prisoners since they had been declared slaves or lost

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their rights, the reality was that they were prisoners, since they had no legal recourse for appeal or retrial. Another sentence for guilty individuals was service on the galley ships. Often an individual was sentenced for a set period of time but usually died before then. Like the mines, galley ship service was viewed as a form of punishment. In the provinces most inhabitants were not Roman citizens and could not avail themselves of the rights of Roman citizenship, including appeal to the emperor. Provincials who were convicted of crimes were fined, beaten, sent to the mines, or executed. Again, there was no concept of prison except as a holding cell until either the trial or the sentence. Serious crimes, such as insurrection against the state, were usually punished by execution. Often the local authorities, non-Roman, were allowed to carry out punishment provided it was not the death sentence. If a person’s death could potentially spark a riot, the authorities might keep the accused in prison until it was either safe to execute or release the person. This appears to have been the case for John the Baptist, since he had been arrested and detained but not put on trial. When Herod Antipas executed him it may have been after a quick trial, and the story of his wife’s daughter Salome dancing and asking for John’s head after Herod promised her anything may have been apocryphal or to divert blame. Roman prisons were not the end of the sentencing process for prisoners. Rather, they should be seen as temporary holding cells for those awaiting trial or execution. The Romans did not have plans to hold people for long periods of time. While the mines and quarries might be seen as prisons, the Romans would have argued that they represented punishment in the form of work. Perhaps this characterization has little consolation or meaning, but from a legal standpoint it is quite different from modernday incarceration. See also: Government and Politics: Punishment; Roman Law; Roman Law, Evolution of Further Reading Hillner, Julia. 2015. Prison, Punishment and Penance in Late Antiquity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Smith, William. 1875. “Carcer.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts /secondary/SMIGRA*/Carcer.html.

Propaganda The advent of the imperial period brought about a direct change in how individuals viewed the ruling elite and how the ruling elite desired to be portrayed. In modern periods the term “propaganda” has been used to show a government’s or individual’s attempt to portray themself. It usually has a negative connotation due to its use by individuals in the twentieth century. The usual view is that the information is biased and used to promote one side. For the Roman Empire this concept can be seen in the plans

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or programs developed by the emperors to promote their own views. The best example is Augustus. When he took over in 27 BCE as sole master of the Roman Empire, Augustus set about creating a new political system. He was keenly aware that his uncle, Julius Caesar, had failed in convincing the Roman people and elites to support his planned view of becoming a king, similar to the kings of Hellenistic (post–Alexander the Great) Greece. Caesar’s assassination convinced Augustus that he could not outwardly attempt to create such a system. Instead, Augustus created his own political system. He then attempted to show that his power rested on a variety of traditional precedents, even though he was a military dictator. The first aspect of Augustus’s propaganda was to portray himself not as a king or dictator like Julius Caesar but rather as an individual magistrate given power by the constitution. This included his being “elected” as consul for the first decade of his power. He later dropped holding this office regularly since it did not allow other individuals to have access to it, and he may have thought that it created a monopoly on its position, leading to complaints. He had already received the protection of the tribune in 36 BCE in which his personage was protected, and in 23 BCE he received the power of the tribune, which gave him the right to propose legislation and veto proposals. This was done when he abandoned the office of consul, which gave him that power as well. His propaganda showed him counting the years he held tribunician powers, and this was continued by his successors. He desired to retain control over the military, so in 27 BCE he was given special commands (proconsular imperium) over frontier provinces. This had been done previously in the republic, and he would not claim any new office. These two positions, tribune and proconsular imperium, effectively allowed him to rule Rome while not creating any new political office. Even his title of princeps was an ancient title accorded to the oldest member of the Senate. In 12 BCE Augustus also became pontifex maximus, or head of the state religion. All of these positions played into Augustus’s propaganda of restoring the republic. To complement this political propaganda, Augustus claimed four virtues that he believed embodied his rule: virtus (courage), clementia (clemency), pietas (piety of the gods, or duty), and iusititia (justice). He not only advertised these on his coins and monuments but also clearly stated them in his accomplishments (Augustus 2009, 34.3). He stated in his acts that in his sixth and seventh consulships (i.e., 28–27 BCE) he gave up power and that the Senate decreed that he be called Augustus and ordered that a shield be placed over the Senate house inscribed to his virtus, clementia, iusititia, and pietas. He further stated that he was no greater than anyone else, and although he exceeded others in influence, he had no greater power than others. This of course was absurd, for in reality he was above everyone, and all knew it, but it points to how he carefully scripted his position. He could claim these virtues, since by his military command, virtus, he had extinguished civil war; after the war he did not take part in the mass punishments of the losers, hence his clementia; he restored justice by ensuring that the laws were carried out in accordance with best practice, or iustititia; and his duty and protection of the gods was carried out, or his pietas. These virtues were also displayed on his coins, showing the same ideas.

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Augustus continued the use of propaganda through his art. His Altar of Peace showed not only his pietas but also his familial respect. Here the emperor showed how he and his family respected the ancient gods and that with the establishment of peace and his safe return, the gods had made Rome prosper. Other art and architecture show the power of the emperor. The magnificent buildings showed not only the new prosperity of the empire but also the strength and magnitude of the emperor’s abilities. The large structures indicated that Rome could create such immense structures, and at the same time they overawed visitors. In the area of coinage, the emperors exploited their power. While the debate exists over Relief of “Italia” on the Ara Pacis Augustae (Altar of whether the emperors consciously the Augustan Peace) built by Augustus in 9 BCE to determined which images to put celebrate his return from Spain. The shrine promoted on their coins and whether they the rule and family of Augustus. Monuments, statues, realized that they were trying to and public works were used by emperors and leading make a statement, it is clear that individuals to extol their generosity and show their the images often related to events power. (Allan T. Kohl/Art Images for College Teaching) depicted in the emperor’s life and reign. In his rise to power, Augustus (then Octavian) associated himself with Julius Caesar and his divinity. On the reverse side of contemporary coins is a portrait of Julius Caesar with the legend “Divus Julius” (Divine Julius), while on the obverse is a portrait of Octavian with the legend “Divi Filius” (Son of the Divine). The statue of Augustus known as the Prima Porta, which portrays the emperor in military garb (his virtus), holding his right hand up toward the gods (his pietas) and being barefoot and ready for battle, was reminiscent of Apollo (his favorite) and his divinity. Augustus now seems to make a connection between the gods and himself. Finally, the Augustan propaganda is seen in Virgil’s Aeneid about the wanderings of Aeneas and his son Julius (Augustus’s ancestors) from Troy to Italy. The literary work here and in other authors’ works show how Augustus is descended from the great heroes and his connection with their great deeds. The propaganda of Augustus was probably the most complete plan by an emperor to show his position in Rome. Whether individuals believed him is not known; all emperors tried to explain their position for the populace.

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See also: Government and Politics: Currency Systems; Individuals: Augustus; Institutions: Mints; Objects and Artifacts: Inscriptions; Literature; Papyri; Sculpture Further Reading Augustus. 2009. Res Gestae Divi Augusti: Text, Translation, and Commentary. Translated by Alison Cooley. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lange, Carsten Hjort. 2009. Res Publica Constituta: Actium, Apollo, and the Accomplishment of the Triumviral Assignment. Leiden: Brill. Welch, Kathryn, Anton Powell, and Jonathan Barlow. 1998. Julius Caesar as Artful Reporter: The War Commentaries as Political Instruments. London: Duckworth. Whitby, Mary. 1998. The Propaganda of Power: The Role of Panegyric in Late Antiquity. Leiden: Brill.

Punishment When Rome became master of the Mediterranean world, the Romans imposed their concept of justice and punishment. The Romans differentiated the concept of justice and punishment depending on an individual’s status. Roman citizens possessed rights that could not be taken away, and they were allowed to appeal to the emperor. Indigenous free noncitizens were usually under their local jurisdiction, provided the death penalty was not involved and as long as the crime was not against Rome. Finally, slaves were completely under the control of the masters. Under the republic the Romans held that law was a private matter except in cases of patricide and arson, where the state brought forward new cases. During the empire it was common for the state to actively intervene when the case was considered treason or insurrection. Once the trial was over, the form of punishment was delivered. As with other societies, it was often the individual’s status that determined the penalty. For example, if one killed another’s slave or farm animal, compensation was often determined. If, however, it was murder, common individuals were usually sentenced to death, while those from the upper class were allowed to go into exile and their property was seized. Roman standard trial procedures had the individual arrested either by the local officials or an agent of the emperor. Sometimes they were interrogated immediately, but usually they were put in jail or under house arrest, guarded by a soldier, a public officer, or even another citizen. Confinement to a public jail, where the sexes were not segregated, was not punitive; this was merely a holding place where the accused waited to be charged. Although jail time was to be limited, it was a means of punishment and torture. While in prison, one could suffer from the stocks, the irons, and, of course, hunger and thirst. The stocks were meant not only to prevent movement but even to cause strains and ruptures. Since sexes were not segregated, the risk of rape was great. Most were not put into the dark holes or bowels of the prison but instead lived in the public prison, where communication, via bribes, existed and guests could bring them food

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and clothing. After time in jail the accused was tried, usually at first by the local magistrate, who could not order capital punishment but could order torture. After this initial investigation the local official would take the accused, along with the records, to the provincial governor, where the real trial took place. The provincial governor or judge was seated on an elevated chair surrounded by soldiers, officials, clerks, and reporters looking down on the accused. The provincial governor could order torture, although torture was rarely used before the third century on free citizens. Torture technically was illegal if a full confession was made. But as time went on, torture became a means of punishment instead of information gathering. After judgment, the accused could suffer, from least to most severe, banishment (exiled but without loss of rights), transportation (forced imprisonment to an inhospitable region or beyond the empire with loss of rights), penal servitude, or death. Many suffered banishment, deprived of neither rights nor property, which was the least severe. Transportation was more severe, almost seen as capital punishment since the accused were treated as convicts and sent to inhospitable islands, where they could be punished. Many died due to the harsh nature. Even worse was penal servitude, whereby one was sent to the quarries and mines. Scourged like penal slaves and branded on the forehead, they worked in harsh conditions bound by rings on their ankles to prevent them from running away. Finally, one could be executed, with means ranging from the least degrading such as beheading to most degrading, such as by the cross or being staked and set upon by beasts. Citizens and later upper-class individuals, or honestiores, were beheaded, while those without citizenship and later from the inferior ranks, or humiliores, were staked or thrown to the beasts, and slaves were crucified. Those to be beheaded knelt down and were decapitated by a sword. Later emperors used other means such as oil, pitch, a red-hot iron stool, roasting on a grill, and burning one slowly. Throwing the accused to the beasts was meant as a show on a public holiday. Typically the accused were on a raised platform at the mercy of the beast to provide better viewing. In later times drowning, being tied and thrown into the sea or, with a millstone around the neck, being throw into a river were also used. Others were enclosed in a skin with other animals: snakes, monkeys, dogs, or even all, and thrown into the water. The most common form of execution for slaves and provincials was crucifixion. The accused were tied to cross beams and left to suffer, often for days, before drowning from the fluid accumulating in their lungs. If the Romans wanted to hurry up death they would break the legs of the accused to prevent them from pushing themselves up to alleviate the drowning. After the rebellion of Spartacus in the first century BCE the triumvir Marcus Crassus is said to have crucified thousands of slaves along the Appian Way. During the empire it was common to send criminals to mines to work, where they usually had a short life expectancy. Working deep in the earth, these prisoners could not expect to live long, and even if they survived they would be badly maimed or crippled. Another common form of punishment was being sold as slaves on the open market. During the empire criminals were punished without any regard for rehabilitation. This was meant to be a public event to dissuade others from doing the same crime. Appeals were rare, only for citizens, and little time was allowed for defense.

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See also: Government and Politics: Delatores; Law Courts; Prisons; Roman Law Further Reading Bauman, Richard A. 1996. Crime and Punishment in Ancient Rome. London: Routledge. Mousourakis, George. 2015. Roman Law and the Origins of the Civil Law Tradition. London: Springer. Robinson, O. F. 1995. The Criminal Law of Ancient Rome. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Strachan-Davidson, J. L. 1912. Problems of the Roman Criminal Law. Oxford, UK: Clarendon.

Roman Law Roman law developed in distinct phases throughout Rome’s history. Moving from monarchial rule, where the kings, at least in their minds, had complete legal power to the republic with the development of precedent law, to the empire, with the combination of both and ultimately the return of sole legal power, Rome developed a variety of practices and procedures in dealing with legal matters. By the late republic the Romans had a system of tradition and formulas that they used in the courts and in proceedings. Roman law used both oral and written traditions. During the early republic oral tradition held until the mid-fifth century, when the first written laws were composed in the Twelve Tables. After this both written and oral procedures were used. The praetor, the second-highest elected official, was in charge of adjudicating the laws. Upon entering office, the praetor issued his edict indicating how he would enforce the laws and proceed with cases. The edict allowed for continual flexibility and moved away from the old formulaic system to produce a set of laws for the protection and benefit of the people. The next praetor was not bound by the laws and rules of the previous magistrates. While they did not technically produce laws, the praetors’ edicts often supplemented or corrected earlier laws. The praetors continuously used the best parts of previous edicts and supplemented them with their own ideas. An example of late republic law involved the senator Cicero, who often took cases for the public good. He was known for his oratorical abilities to persuade juries to convict his enemies or acquit his clients. This system was parallel to the civil laws that developed, which proceeded originally from the law of family, or paterfamilias. When Augustus became emperor, he began to concentrate legal power into his hands. The emperor through his ability to appoint praetors and judges could therefore control the legal systems. The period during this imperial age until the mid-third century saw the development of the full legal system developed by the jurists. This was seen where jurists gave private opinions to people who requested legal advice, helped praetors compose their edicts, and gave examples of formulas used in court proceedings. Many of the jurists worked in the imperial bureaucracy and helped the emperors draft their legal views. By the beginning of the second century the jurists had created a

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standard praetor edict used in future edicts indicating which cases would be heard and for which ones he would hear a defense. The edict therefore was the compilation of legal precedents and became a compilation of the laws creating a standard textbook or law code. During this time the jurists developed the idea that legal matters could be divided into persons, things, and actions. By the end of the third century the concentration of power had firmly shifted to the emperor. During this time the legal system moved with the emperor and was away from the capital. The emperor was the capital, and wherever he was, that was where the legal system was located. With this concentration, legal power shifted away from a system in which the emperors attempted to continue the procedures of the republic but ensure that they held control behind the scenes to a system in which the emperor ruled by fiat. Roman law had thus come full circle since the monarchy, when the king had complete power to a republic with continual evolution, to the late empire, when the emperor now had complete control. In the area of civil law, the Romans used the concept of precedents as well. Private law was based on the idea that an individual could demand restitution or damages from another individual. The Romans used the system of lay judges, who would decide on the merits of the cases during the republic but had no real training. In addition, under the republic the winner had to collect from the loser without any help from the state. During the empire this was changed to a system in which a magistrate who had complete control of the procedure replaced the lay judges. The magistrate determined what could be introduced as evidence, and this allowed for more flexibility. The judgment now allowed for easier collection, as the magistrate had the power of his office to enforce the decision. Both praetor and civil laws were collected by the late jurists under Emperor Justinian. This law code, the Corpus Juris Civilis, or Body of Civil Law, was issued from 529 to 534 CE. The code became the standard law code for future generations in Europe. See also: Government and Politics: Praeses (Roman Governors); Punishment; Roman Law, Evolution of; Treason Trials; Individuals: Sejanus, Lucius Aelius; Tiberius; Primary Documents: Document 21 Further Reading Justinian and C. F. Kolbert. 1979. The Digest of Roman Law: Theft, Rapine, Damage and Insult. Middlesex, UK: Penguin. Potter, D. S. 2006. A Companion to the Roman Empire. Malden, MA: Blackwell. “Roman Legal Tradition and the Compilation of Justinian.” n.d. The Robbins Collection, School of Law, University of California at Berkeley, https://www.law.berkeley.edu /library/robbins/RomanLegalTradition.html.

Roman Law, Evolution of The evolution of Roman law from the monarchy, the republic, and finally into the imperial age focused primarily on private actions. While under the republic there were a

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few instances of public prosecution, mainly patricide and arson, most actions were private. This required an individual to bring the suit and attempt to obtain a conviction. The individual had to prepare for the case either by presenting the argument himself or by having an advocate who would argue the case. Initially the law was based on custom and was controlled by the pontiffs or religious leaders, who were from the patricians or the elites. Since the laws were not written down, they could be interpreted by the pontiffs for their own gain. The plebeians, or the nonelites, began to clamor for laws to be written down. In 451 BCE the plebeians forced the patricians to act on their demands, and a commission of 10 men was elected to write down the customary laws, not create new laws, so that all would know what the laws were. While the laws written on the Twelve Tables, or stones, were destroyed in 390 BCE during the invasion by the Gauls, it was so ingrained in the Roman mind that individuals such as Cicero were required to memorize them. The Romans, after coming into and conquering regions of the Mediterranean, had to deal with rules and laws governing not only Roman citizens but foreigners as well. The Romans developed the ius gentium, or law of nations, which reflected ideas common to all people. This required a continual expansion and interpretation of legal ideas first formulated in the laws of the Twelve Tables. During the empire the emperors were often required to give judgments on cases from individuals that did not fit into the traditional legal process. In addition, emperors often issued new laws or constitutions that had far-reaching ramifications, such as the expansion of universal citizenship to all freeborn inhabitants. Finally, in 534 CE the eastern emperor, Justinian, collected all of the laws, constitutions, and decisions into a code that set down previous precedents. The praetors were the magistrates in charge of handling the execution of the laws. If a party claimed to have been wronged, he would seek relief from the praetor. If there was no precedent, then the individual could seek a court trial to resolve the matter. The praetor when elected would issue an edict dictating how his term of office would be handled. Originally there was one praetor who handled the legal issues for citizens. Later another praetor was elected to deal with foreigners. The laws were also those written down, such as the Twelve Tables and praetor edicts, and those unwritten, such as the traditions of the Roman constitution. Other types of written laws included the senatus consultum, which although they were not laws but rather sentiments of the Senate, could be given a force of law if enacted by the magistrate. The emperors had constitutiones principum, or laws written down by the emperor, and finally responsa prudentium, or prudent responses by jurists. These latter two were used only by the emperors. The constitutiones principum became the chief type of imperial legislation. Emperors would enact them for either local regions or for the whole empire. They might be an edict that the emperor gave and had full force of law, and in fact after Hadrian only the emperor could alter or create an edict; mandata, which were given to subordinates such as governors on how to rule a region; rescripta, or responses given to questions from officials or private individuals on matters of law; and decreta, or decisions given by the emperor sitting as a judge. Augustus allowed for the use of responsa prudentium, which continued during the first two centuries but then lapsed by the beginning of the third

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century. In addition, numerous commentaries were written by jurists to explain how the Roman law was to be interpreted and enacted. During the empire the distribution of justice fell to the imperial governors and officials. The previous trial system brought the plaintiff and defendant before a judge, negotiating the issue through verbal actions; during the empire, the matter was settled at a trial before a magistrate, not a judge, in a more informal setting, with documentary evidence presented and where the magistrate had full discretion at what was admissible or not. The magistrate then decided the fate and pronounced his verdict before the individuals and gave it in writing. In addition, the victor could now ask the court to apply the remedy, whereas previously he was responsible for seeing it carried out, which often required further court actions. For example, if a payment was to be made to the plaintiff, instead of him enforcing the act he could ask the magistrate to seize the defendant’s property and sell it at auction if the defendant did not immediately pay. The Roman legal system in the empire shifted away from favoring only Italians to being applied more evenly among the provincials. This was done for a number of reasons. First, Italians were no longer the only Roman citizens; as citizenship expanded into the provinces and ultimately the entire Roman world, magistrates could not favor Italians. Second, many of the emperors after the first century came from the provinces; this meant that they now understood that the power differential between the Italians and provincials had disappeared. Finally, the economic power shifted or at least moved away from Italy to the provinces; this meant that individuals in the provinces often had better standing than the Italians. This shift does not mean that the poorer inhabitants fared better—quite the contrary, since they were still placed at a disadvantage. What became more evident was that wealth, regardless of where it was, still dominated. See also: Government and Politics: Law Courts; Roman Law; Treason Trials; Institutions: Provincial Law; Primary Documents: Document 21 Further Reading Buckland, William Warwick. 1921. A Textbook of Roman Law from Augustus to Justinian. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Harries, Jill. 1999. Law and Empire in Late Antiquity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Long, George. 1875. “Lex.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, edited by William Smith. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Lex.html. Nicholas, Barry. 2008. An Introduction to Roman Law. Revised ed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon.

Senate During the Roman Empire the traditional Senate changed drastically from its powerful position during the republic. While it once held nearly complete power, under the empire it was reduced to approving decrees that the emperors placed in front of the Senate.

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A processional frieze showing members of the Roman Senate, from the Ara Pacis Augustae (Altar of Augustan Peace). The Senate became only an advisory board, and although greatly diminished in power, being a senator still held prestige during the empire. Ultimately, the Senate became a governing board for the city of Rome and the province of Italy by the late third century CE. (Francesco Cantone/iStockphoto.com)

Whereas during the republic the Senate was able to advance, delay, or even stop proposals, during the empire it was relegated to the sidelines. This process occurred due to the civil wars of the first century BCE, when the factions that wrestled for control were depleted and strained and the ultimate victory of Augustus, whose long reign and concentration of power eviscerated the Senate, occurred. At the time of Julius Caesar there were roughly 900 senators, many of whom had obtained power through bribery and unsavory means. Augustus reduced the strength to 600 senators by revising the roles and ejecting members seen as not meeting the moral dignity of the office. Included in the ejection were those who were of low birth and did not meet the property qualifications. He decreed that a senator had to be a citizen born free and have a property qualification of 250,000 denarii. Augustus further reformed the system by controlling the election of magistrates. Under the republic, entry into the Senate could occur with the election of the quaestor, a financial officer. This continued, but Augustus now decreed that only those of senatorial rank could be elected quaestor unless the emperor decreed otherwise. This created a de facto system in which only sons of senators could normally stand for office and become senators. For individuals not of senatorial rank, the emperors could allow them

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to run for office and become senators in this fashion, or the emperor could appoint an individual directly to the Senate by decree. In all of these instances the emperors controlled access to the Senate directly. Each year the Senate’s roll was revised, with new members added and those who had died or no longer met the requirements removed. In addition, the rank of the senators was given with the emperor first, followed by the consuls, then praetors, former magistrates, and so forth. Those the emperors appointed usually outranked those who had held office. During the Senate meeting the emperor sat between the two consuls and was accorded the right to not only speak first but also interrupt at any time. The consuls then had the right to speak and then the senators in order of rank or seniority. Since the emperor normally controlled the election to magistrate and other offices, senators quickly learned that it was in their best interest to vote in favor of the emperor’s plans. If they did not wish to support the emperor’s plans, they often just missed the Senate meeting that day. With 600 members, it was rare to have a large number, more than 200, attend any given meeting. The meetings were held in the Curia Julia, rebuilt by Julius Caesar. The Senate, however, could meet in any sanctified area including temples and shrines. Julius Caesar was assassinated in the Theater of Pompey, since it had a shrine attached to it. The Senate during the early empire took over the powers of the assemblies through its decrees, or senatus consultum. While the Senate could theoretically enact tax laws and regulate religious holidays and festivals, this was always at the approval of the emperor. The Senate normally gave assent to honors and celebrations, including putting on games. The Roman assemblies during the early empire also lost their power over the criminal system, which was now transferred to the Senate. During these criminal proceedings the consuls and praetors presided over the trials, and the senators became jurors. Although there was no appeal from the Senate decision, the emperor could pardon the individual. The Senate also had the power to review trial and court proceedings from provinces under their control. The Senate had the power to deify or condemn the memory of an emperor. While the Senate normally was asked for its approval of the new emperor, this really was a formality, since the army usually elected the emperor. The role of senators began to increase with Vespasian, as he transferred to them commands and magistrates in provinces. In addition, he supplanted the freedmen, who had been favored in running the bureaucracy previously, with the equestrian order. This change allowed for more advancement for the equestrians. The Senate became a pool for officials serving in the provinces and in the bureaucracy, which allowed for the state to continue functioning. See also: Government and Politics: Consilium; Consul; Cursus Honorum Further Reading Cameron, Averil. 1993. The Later Roman Empire, AD 284–430. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Millar, Fergus. 1968. The Roman Empire and Its Neighbours. 1st American ed. New York: Delacorte.

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Taxation Emperor Augustus revamped the tax system in an attempt to regularize it and ensure not only that the state had enough revenue to support the government but also that the system was not too cumbersome or burdensome. During the republic the tax system developed so that private corporations, the publicani, paid the state for tax rights in the provinces and then went into the provinces and collected the taxes. Collections over the contracted amounts became their profit, and the corporations were known for harsh methods and overcollection. Governors could temper the tax collectors but were often bribed by the corporations to not interfere. During the civil wars not only were regular taxes collected, but the armies moving across the Roman lands also exacted what they needed. As a practice, the Romans did not increase tax rates for a particular tax; rather, they would create a new tax in order to increase revenue. This led to a proliferation of different kinds of taxes even though each one might be small percentages or amounts. Augustus now attempted to regularize the taxes and enacted reforms to eliminate abuses. He replaced the publicani with a system whereby the local population paid taxes to the local administration, which then forwarded them to Rome. In most provinces the local population paid taxes to local citizens, who were paid by the state. These individuals were still styled publicani and were often viewed as traitors, since they collected taxes for Rome from their own people. This practice allowed the Romans to shift the immediate anger away from them to the locals. In addition to the local tax collectors, the Romans also collected tolls, duties, and taxes using the military. These were often nothing more than shakedowns, but the state did receive income, especially from merchants crossing into and out of Roman territory. The biggest reform Augustus instituted was the regularization of the two major taxes, the poll and land taxes. These were the primary taxes that ran the empire. The poll tax was levied on residents, with Roman citizens often exempt from paying; the land tax represented the productivity of the land and should therefore be seen more properly as an income tax. Each tax varied according to the region and past history. The poll tax in some regions was levied on all inhabitants regardless of gender or age, while in other regions it was only levied on males over the age of 12. This variation probably reflected the region’s prior tax policy before being incorporated into the Roman state. Most likely the government decided what the tax liability for each region was, and the tax amount was paid by dividing the total by the number of taxpayers. For regions where the tax was levied on all inhabitants, the amount paid by individuals would be less than for regions where the tax was levied on only males over a certain age. In the end the Romans collected the same amount regardless of how it was divided. The land tax was assessed not only on the amount of land but also on what was grown—grain, olives, vines—or pasture and its productivity. From the ancient sources such as Egyptian papyri it appears that the local inhabitants could petition to have their tax rates reduced if the land was laying fallow, if the land was harmed from disaster, or if the type of crop changed.

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The total rate for both of these taxes probably approached 5 percent of the gross domestic product. In order for the taxes to be collected it was necessary that each region had a census. The purpose of the census was to count the number of inhabitants and provide such information as other family members and to determine the amount and type of land they owned. An inhabitant who did not own land typically did not have to pay the land tax but would have had to pay the poll tax. It appears that in some provinces individuals living in cities did not pay the poll tax either, but this may not have been universal. In addition to these major taxes there were other taxes that the Romans levied. One type was the portoria, or custom and import/export taxes. These were collected on the value of goods and were assessed when they arrived in a province or port. The amount seems to have been 1.5 percent of the value when they were transported within the empire and about 10 percent when imported/exported from the empire. The tax was probably paid at the end of the journey when the goods were finally unloaded for sale. Augustus also instituted a 4 percent sales tax on the sale of slaves. Originally the tax was paid by the buyer, but Nero transferred it to the seller with the result that slave merchants raised the price of slaves. Augustus also instituted a tax when a slave was set free, or manumitted; the 5 percent tax was based on the fair market value of the slave. Augustus also instituted a 5 percent inheritance tax for estates above a certain threshold when left to nonfamily individuals. Augustus finally instituted a 1 percent sales tax on auctions. The estate and auction taxes were created to pay for the veterans’ pension fund. The Romans accepted taxes either in money or in kind. The latter was used especially in provinces that grew large amounts of grain such as Africa and Egypt. During the third century CE when inflation ran rampant and the Romans devalued their coinage so that former silver coins with 90 percent silver now became silver-washed coins with only 5 percent silver, the value changed dramatically so that former tax amounts were now minuscule. To counter this, the Romans then created new taxes instead of raising tax rates or amounts. The Roman tax system underwent another radical change when Diocletian attempted to reform the system probably in 286 or early in his rule and return to Augustus’s main premise of two taxes, a poll tax and a land tax. This reform eliminated many of the ancillary taxes that grew up and provided stability for another century. See also: Institutions: Provinces; Provincial Law; Primary Documents: Document 20; Document 33 Further Reading Hopkins, Keith. 1980. “Taxes and Trade in the Roman Empire (200 B.C.-A.D. 400).” Journal of Roman Studies 70: 101–125. Jones, A. H. M. 1964. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic, and Administrative Survey. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Schmitz, Leonard. 1875. “Vectigalia.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Edited by William Smith. John Murray: London. Available at http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Vectigalia.html.

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Treason Trials During the empire individuals accused of treason faced a different situation than during the republic. Instead of treason against the state or against the Romans, there was now the threat that charges of treason could be brought forward if the treason involved the emperor, his family, other notables, and even those dead. The trials were most elaborated by the ancient Roman historian Tacitus, who wrote during the early second century CE about events a century earlier during the reign of Tiberius, Rome’s second emperor. Tacitus gives vivid accounts of the trials, and many follow his condemnation of Tiberius as the instigator of treason trials. The charge of treason, or majestas, had its roots in the ancient republic when someone was charged with perduellio, which meant being a public enemy who bore arms against the state. This could extend to giving aid and comfort to the enemy. The guilty could be executed or banished. During the first century BCE the term was changed to majestas. While Tacitus in his accounts of Tiberius indicates that only one set of laws of majestas existed, there were in fact four different laws that had existed before Augustus. In the early republic the charge of perduellio was brought forward by a delator, who could be anyone. In return for bringing charges of malice or treason against someone, the delator would receive part of the fine or estate of the accused. In 100 BCE a new law of majestas was approved that complemented perduellio. Majestas was broader in scope, meaning that the perduellio was part of it but not the other way around. The new law was aimed specifically at military commanders and high-ranking officials who failed in their duty, not just those who had acted in ill will toward the state as perduellio. In 81 BCE the dictator Sulla combined the two into one, now being just majestas, and he established a separate commission of consuls and magistrates to run the courts. Sulla’s new law was broad, but the penalty was only exile, not death, with the guilty party choosing his place of exile without losing his property. Julius Caesar amended the law by explicitly prohibiting the death penalty, but now exile was obligatory even though previously a fine sufficed. At the end of the republic and the beginning of the empire Augustus enlarged the scope of majestas with a new law, the Lex Julia. This law set the stage for all future trials, since the law now made it illegal to slander the emperor and other notable men and women even if they were dead. The first recipient was Cassius Severus, who had written scandalous verse against many and was exiled in 8 BCE. In addition, Augustus transferred the courts to the Senate, which meant that the emperors could hear the deliberations and that the votes were not secret, with each senator not only being required to give his vote openly but having to explain why he cast his vote for one verdict or another. In addition, they were now prosecuting their own order. It appears that Augustus had enacted these new laws but was reluctant to use them openly. He achieved his desired effect by having the threat of law espoused. The Senate continued to revise the rules, and they often became more complicated. In the early reign of Tiberius, 14–15 CE, a series of trials took place that set the standard of what was considered treasonable. Tiberius seems to have resurrected the actual prosecution of majestas in terms of the old republic; citizen accusers would

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prosecute those who acted to harm the state, such as a defecting soldier or a citizen bent on destroying public order. One of the first charges was levied against Appuleia Varilia, Augustus’s grandniece, who was accused of slander against Augustus, Tiberius, and his mother Livia (Augustus’s wife). The Senate then added a charge of adultery. Tiberius ordered the last charge to be separated, and then he indicated that the words uttered against him and his mother were not to be addressed. He then acquitted Appuleia Varilia, setting the precedent that uttering remarks was not treasonous. He even argued against libel. Tiberius acquitted individuals who impugned the divinity of Augustus. There were, of course, treason trials that were more directly related to crimes against the state, especially attempted assassinations and coups. Of the 52 people brought up on treason trials during Tiberius’s reign (22 years), half were acquitted, and 4 innocent people were executed due to the rashness of the Senate, not the emperor. Most of the treason trials in Rome during the imperial age centered on individuals who attempted to supplant the emperor. Augustus, for example, had to deal with several attempts. Early in his reign after his victory over Antony, Aemilius Lepidus the Younger, son of the triumvir and later enemy of Augustus, attempted to kill the emperor and failed. In 26 BCE Cornelius Gallus attempted to glorify himself by bringing about accusations of attempting to supplant the emperor; Gallus committed suicide upon his return to Rome. Fannius Caepio, Murena Varro, and others in 23 BCE formed a conspiracy to assassinate Augustus but were discovered, condemned, and executed. Gnaeus Cornelius Cinna Magnus, grandson of the great Pompey and Cinna, and Magnus’s wife Aemilia Lepidus, granddaughter of the triumvir Lepidus, were involved in a conspiracy against Augustus in 16 BCE; after their discovery they were pardoned by Augustus, and Magnus in fact served loyally as an adviser. This was the last documented case of a conspiracy against Augustus. Later emperors were not so fortunate. Caligula was assassinated by Cassius Chaerea, while Claudius, his successor, was said to have been poisoned by his wife Agrippina (sister of Caligula). Domitian, the last Flavian, was assassinated by individuals attached to his household, probably out of fear. Commodus, the son of Marcus Aurelius, was assassinated in 192 in his bath. Many emperors must have feared for their lives due to the very real possibilities of treason plots and assassinations. While many treason trials were probably contrived, many were also legitimate concerns. See also: Government and Politics: Law Courts; Roman Law; Roman Law, Evolution of; Individuals: Sejanus, Lucius Aelius; Tiberius; Institutions: Delatores; Provincial Law; Key Events: Julia Conspiracy; Piso Conspiracy; Primary Documents: Document 10 Further Reading Colunga, Isaac J. 2011. “Untangling a Historian’s Misinterpretation of Ancient Rome’s Treason Laws.” Journal of Jurisprudence 9: 11–36. Levick, Barbara. 1999. Tiberius the Politician. Oxford, UK: Routledge. Tacitus, Cornelius. 1956. The Annals of Imperial Rome. Translated by Michael Grant. Baltimore: Penguin. Available at http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/historians/tacitus /tacitus6.html.

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Vestal Virgins Unlike most women, the vestal virgins were legally held in high regard. They were unique in Roman society, since unlike other women the vestal virgins could own property and make a will and were not under the power of their father. These rights were in part due to their position as the protector of the hearth and home. The vestal virgins were responsible for the family, and as such this gave them tremendous power. The history of the vestal virgins stretched back to King Numa Pompilius, Rome’s second king. He created the College of the vestals, which had two members. This was then increased to four and ultimately six. The chief vestal was called vestalium maxima (greatest of the vestals) and ran the college. The vestals were selected before puberty and took the vow of celibacy during their 30-year career. Once their career was completed they were free to marry, often with the pontifex maximus (chief priest) acting as the father of the bride and arranging a marriage with a nobleman. The marriage was often seen as a sign of good luck, since a vestal virgin would bring such luck to a family. Whereas other women were expected to marry and produce children, the vestal virgin was excused from such social customs and restraints. During the empire the vestal virgins continued to hold their high status. They were given honors by Augustus as those of a woman who had borne three children. They traveled in a covered carriage proceeded by a lictor with the right-of-way, and their personage was sacrosanct, meaning they could not be harmed. Augustus gave them a place of honor at Temple of the Vestal Virgins in the Roman Forum, as the theater and public games. They reconstructed by Julia Domna, wife of Emperor could give testimony in court Septimius Severus, ca. 200 CE. The Vestal Virgins without an oath and could hold were in charge of the family and hearth, and kept the property and make a will, somesacred fire. In addition, the Vestal Virgins kept thing other women could not do, important documents such as emperors’ wills and and they could even bequeath deeds. They were held in honor throughout the property to a woman, something imperial period until paganism was outlawed in 394 some men could not even do. They CE. (Allan T. Kohl/Art Images for College Teaching)

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also were the keepers of wills and important state documents. Their position here was so important that emperors would give their wills to the vestal virgins as a matter of habit. If they met a condemned prisoner or slave they could demand that individual be set free just by touching the person. And upon their death their ashes could remain inside the city wall, like emperors’ remains. With these privileges came responsibility. The vestal virgins were in charge of the sacred flame, and if it went out a vestal virgin was examined for incompetence or breaking her vow of chastity. If it was incompetence she could be whipped, and if she had broken her vow of chastity she was subject to being buried alive. Around 90 CE Emperor Domitian ordered the chief vestal, Cornelia, to be buried alive, and she went to her grave with grace and decorum. Pliny the Younger described her mannerism in a letter and was convinced that she was innocent of the charge of being unchaste. To ensure the chastity of the vestal virgins, no man was allowed to approach the house or temple at night, and no man could pass over the threshold of the Atrium at all. The only male who could approach the vestal virgins was the pontifex maximus, or chief priest. Most of the vestals did not retire and reenter the world. This was in part due to their prestige, power, and wealth. The order received regular gifts from the emperors and other wealthy individuals. Their prestige can be seen in the fact that even the empress was obliged to sit with the vestals at the theater and the games. Since they could ride in horse-drawn carriages even in Rome, their power was superior to all other women. They even had their own stables so as not to have to rely on others. Their importance can be seen in how during times of crises, such as during civil wars, they often acted as ambassadors for the opposing side. For example, in 69 Vitellius attempted to have the vestals intercede for him with the arrival of Vespasian’s army, to no avail. As holder of the sacred flame during the empire, the Temple of Vesta was viewed as the imperial house and hearth due to its close connection with the emperor and his power. This connection gave the vestal virgins an important connection with the imperial family. They were keepers of the emperors’ wills and were in charge of helping keep the morals of the imperial family. Augustus had the vestals included in all of the major celebrations and religious ceremonies. Since the republic and continuing during the empire, at least the early period, they were not only held in awe and wonderment but were also seen as having magical powers. During the late empire the vestal virgins were still held in awe and continued to receive the rights of maintenance and a public pension. So great was their reputation and magical power that when the niece of Theodosius I, Serena, walked into the House of Vesta and took a string of pearls from the statue and put them on herself, the old vestal matron put a curse on her. Serena afterward suffered from nightmares. Theodosius I in 394 CE officially disbanded the College of the Vestal Virgins and closed their house. The last vestal matron, Coelia Concordia, stepped down and retired. She supposedly converted to Christianity and 12 years later died. For the Romans the vestal virgins were seen as the keepers of the family and hearth. They were viewed as mothers of the state and promoted the well-being of the nation. See also: Government and Politics: Pontifex Maximus; Groups and Organizations: State Religion; Institutions: Priests; Religion; Sacrifices

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Vigiles Fires were the most dangerous threat facing the city, since they could quickly spread. After a fire in 23 BCE, Augustus created a fire brigade of 600 slaves, commanded by an aedile. This solved much of the inefficiencies of the city’s voluntary public response units. In 7 BCE Augustus divided the city into 14 districts, or regiones, and 256 vici, and the slaves were commanded by a vicomagistri. When another fire broke out in 6 CE Augustus created the vigiles urbani, or city watchmen, adopted from the model used in Alexandria and consisting of 7,000 men. The city of Rome during the republic did not have a public fire or police force. When danger occurred, it was left mainly to the local inhabitants on the street or city blocks to fend for themselves. Some attempts were made to create a fire force, the most famous being slaves organized by Marcus Licinius Crassus, the triumvir in the 60s BCE who was known for his wealth. His slaves arrived at the home of wealthy Romans when it was burning, and only after Crassus had the individual pay him or perhaps agree to let Crassus buy the property at a cut rate would his slaves extinguish the fire. Begun in 6 CE, Augustus used the 4 percent sales tax on slaves to fund the new force, paying the salaries and making contributions to the imperial treasury for pensions. Formulated on the military model, the commander, or praefectus vigilum, of the force was an equestrian who commanded seven cohorts of 1,000 men each. Each cohort was responsible for 2 of the 14 districts in Rome and was commanded by a tribune. These cohorts were divided into seven centuries each, 70–80 men strong and commanded by a centurion, similar to the legionary forces. Of the 49 centuries in the vigiles, 4 were detached from Rome, and 2 each were sent to the harbor cities of Ostia and Portus for four months’ duty. As the city grew in population, the cohorts were doubled in size in 205 CE to a total of 2,000 men per cohort. Originally the men were quartered in private homes, but later they had their own barracks, or excubitoria, which probably could hold a century at one time in each of the 14 regions. It seems as if each cohort was divided between the 2 regions under their command, with one command house for each cohort for 2 regions. Some known barrack sites exist. The First Cohort was in the Campus Martius on the east side of the Via Lata (modern-day Via Del Corso), the Second Cohort was on the Viminal Hill, the Fourth Cohort was located near the Baths of Caracalla, and the Fifth Cohort on the Caelian Hill was near the church S. Maria in Domnica. The other cohort barracks are not securely known. The men who enlisted were at first freedmen who did not have full citizenship rights (although their children would). There were apparently issues with raising recruits, since Emperor Tiberius in 24 CE granted the vigiles full citizenship and a bonus after

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six years of service. By the second century as the distinction between citizen and noncitizen continually disappeared, citizens could enroll in the units. Their main duties were to fight fires and patrol the city streets, especially at night, to keep the peace. Each cohort was equipped with firefighting equipment. Each man had a bucket, or spartoli, made of rope and sealed with pitch to carry water. The units had pumping machines, or siphons, which were pulled by horses to deliver water to the unit. The men formed bucket brigades to pour water on the fire, and they may have even used chemicals such as vinegar-based acetum to extinguish the fire. If the fire was caught in time these measures would have been successful, hence the need to have the units spread throughout the city. But often the fire was too large to put out by these primitive firefighting methods, and the only solution was to let it burn itself out while preventing it from spreading. To prevent the spreading of the fire, the vigiles tore down the structures using hooks and even catapults, or ballistae. The Romans enacted building codes to prevent the spread of fire by limiting building height and construction material and even requiring every home to have buckets of water for fire prevention. The second duty of the vigiles was to act as a police force. During the late republic individual politicians whipped up support by their followers often into mobs who attacked their opponents. This often led to full-scale riots and destruction. To counter this Augustus had the vigiles also act as a police force with the authority to arrest troublemakers. Their typical duty was to patrol the streets at night to watch for drunkards, thieves, and runaway slaves. For serious crimes the individual was handed over to the Urban Cohorts or the Praetorian Guard. The cohortes urbanae were the police force established by Augustus to counter the Praetorian Guard and keep the peace. There were three cohorts of six centuries comprising 500 men in each cohort. Their number was increased to four cohorts by Vespasian. While the vigiles could handle the local petty crimes, the Urban Cohorts were called upon for serious riots. They were commanded by the city prefect. The men were legionaries and received higher pay than the normal soldiers but not as high as the Praetorian Guard. The two units, vigiles and Urban Cohorts, then acted as an effective force to combat the major problems facing the city of Rome. These men were able to ensure that the city was protected from the normal fire and policing issues. When a serious fire such as the one in 64 CE arose however, these units could not stop the spread of the conflagration and could only provide help to the victims. See also: Government and Politics: Prisons; Punishment; Individuals: Augustus; Key Events: Fires; Military: Prae­torian Guard; Primary Documents: Document 1; Document 6; Document 28 Further Reading Baillie Reynolds, P. K. 1926. The Vigiles of Imperial Rome. London: Oxford University Press. Lanciani, Rodolfo. 1898. “The Police and Fire Department of Ancient Rome.” In Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Available at http:// penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places/Europe/Italy/Lazio/Roma/Rome /_Texts/Lanciani/LANARD/8*.html.

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OVERVIEW ESSAY The Roman Empire was composed of different groups with specific purposes for/or influence on the Roman state. There were external groups or powers that dealt politically or militarily with Rome, usually in a hostile fashion; there were internal groups associated with religion, commerce, and families. Groups often interacted with one another and also often shaped Roman policies. Interaction among internal groups could be tumultuous, such as with the Christians, or advantageous, such as with merchants and traders. The Romans usually viewed external groups with suspicion, concerned that they would attack the empire. Externally, Rome was constantly faced with neighbors who often threatened Rome either outright through military invasion or through influencing other groups to harass and pressure Rome. The northern region of the empire faced different tribes, from the Celts, who originally inhabited Gaul, and their descendants on the British Isles as well as the Picts to the Dacians, who were an independent kingdom in Dacia or modern-day Romania. In Germany there were the German tribes such as the Alamanni, originally encountered by Julius Caesar, and latecomers such as the Vandals and Visigoths as well as the Huns who pushed them farther westward when they migrated from Mongolia. On the British island, the British tribes were mainly Celts and Picts who had established themselves on the island nearly a millennium before Rome’s arrival and had developed a complex tribal system. With their invasion and conquest, Rome came into contact with the tribes and ultimately pacified the southern region, or modern-day England, but not the northern Picts, who resided in Scotland. Failure to conquer the island led to continual attacks that tied up scarce manpower. On the mainland in Gaul and Germany the Romans initially dealt with the Germans, who had numerous tribes and confederations. Many of these tribes were absorbed into Rome by Julius Caesar, while many others lay outside Roman territory in Free Germany. One such major confederation during the empire was the Alamanni. Like other groups, they were a conglomeration of tribes. Along the Danube another tribe to form a nation that harassed the Romans was the Dacians, who were ultimately conquered by Rome under Emperor Trajan after nearly two centuries of contact with Rome. These two groups were later replaced by the Visigoths and the Vandals as the major threats who moved into the Germanic region during the third century, followed by the Huns in the fourth century. These latter three groups, with several offshoots, ultimately paralyzed the state, bringing it to ruin and establishing the Germanic kingdoms. 127

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In the east, Rome faced a series of groups that were organized as kingdoms and tribes. The Parthians had been Rome’s perennial enemy for over two centuries in the late republic and the early empire before being replaced by an even more dangerous threat to Rome, the Persians. Both kingdoms had their origins in the successors of Alexander the Great’s native population and now exerted strong influence in the region both militarily and diplomatically. These organized kingdoms were often joined by local desert tribes who harassed the Romans and, alternatively, provided both sides with a buffer zone not controlled by any side; the tribes were often free to raid and harass both empires. In Africa during the early empire the Mauri were a strong group of tribes centered in the Atlas Mountains that perennially gave Rome trouble. Again they were never truly conquered, but for most of Rome’s history they only attacked in marauding raids. Internally, Rome was faced with a myriad of social groups that influenced its society. There were different religions that challenged the state religion and the Roman emperor and the priesthood, both of which sought to maintain the balance between the gods and the people. While the state religion was the official religion headed by the Roman emperor and the ancient priesthood, there were the mystery religions that promised personal rather than community salvation through a system of enlightenment. These included the Egyptian religion based on Isis and the Greek import of the god Bacchus. The state religion was more about appeasing the gods so they would not harm the state rather than about helping individuals and was based more on formulaic expressions than on beliefs. The state religion did not address the personal questions of morality, salvation, or individual expression and redemption. The mystery religions often attempted to give people an outlet for personal salvation that the Roman state religion could not. Those who worshipped Bacchus or the Greek Dionysius believed in the eastern arrival of pleasure and salvation as a way to obtain peace. Likewise, the worship of Isis from Egypt attempted to satisfy the concept of rebirth and eternal happiness, where the individual had immortality. Most of these religions had different levels of salvation, often associated with paying initiation fees, and allowed for an individual to believe in multiple gods. The religion of the Jews was an ancient monotheistic belief that Rome recognized as unique. Unlike the followers of other religions who were polytheistic, Jews were not required to worship the gods of Rome. Their offshoot, Christians, also were monotheistic but did not enjoy the same protection and privilege as the Jews. Christian believed in salvation through following their teacher exclusively. Within the Roman Empire there were groups associated with commerce and the family. Traders provided the necessary middlemen needed for trade and commerce. The traders moved bulk goods across vast distances necessary for the army and cities of the empire. Resulting on a large scale, the trade economy brought the empire closer together. Rome through these men and corporations made the empire both international and interconnected. Joined with the merchants or those involved in the selling of goods, Rome had a flourishing commercial system spanning the empire. A central component of the empire was the family. Under the republic, the father was the ultimate authority. But a family in addition had several groups associated with it. At the lowest level were the slaves, who had no power. They were under the control

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of their masters. If they were freed, they became part of their master’s household but on a different social layer. These freedmen were citizens but were closely related to their former master’s family. They took the family name, which identified their social and political status and allowed them entry into the Roman state. This practice potentially gave the family a large number of clients. Although this was not as important during the empire as it was during the republic, it was still a major social factor. The groups in Rome were established in such a way as to contribute to its growth and power. The groups were often interconnected, with foreign tribesmen becoming Roman and being incorporated into the state. The evolution of many of these groups changed Roman society from Italian to provincial and allowed for a heterogeneous empire. Further Reading Butcher, Kevin. 2003. Roman Syria and the Near East. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum. MacAdam, Henry Innes. 2002. Geography, Urbanisation and Settlement Patterns in the Roman Near East. Aldershot, Hampshire, UK: Ashgate/Variorum. Mukhtar, Muhammad Jamal al-Din, and UNESCO. 1981. Ancient Civilizations of Africa. London: Heinemann Educational Books. Myers, E. A. 2010. The Ituraeans and the Roman Near East: Reassessing the Sources. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Naylor, Phillip Chiviges. 2009. North Africa: A History from Antiquity to the Present. Austin: University of Texas Press. Roymans, Nico. 2004. Ethnic Identity and Imperial Power: The Batavians in the Early Roman Empire. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Sartre, Maurice. 2005. The Middle East under Rome. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Wolfram, Herwig, and Rogers D. Spotswood Collection. 1997. The Roman Empire and Its Germanic Peoples. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Alamanni and Juthungi During the second century CE a melding of preexisting Germanic tribes probably took place. This synergy allowed the formation of larger tribes now based on geography in addition to ethnic or historical characterization. While the Alamanni were Germans, the Juthungi appear to be Gothic originally from the steppes of Russia and descendants of the Scythians. The two tribes then coalesced into a larger tribe. The Alamanni lived south of the Chatti tribe in the Main River region and are first mentioned in 213; the Alamanni probably absorbed the Chatti, an ancient tribe from the time of Augustus. From the literary sources, some of which are questionable, Emperor Caracalla’s actions provoked the Alamanni, who remained enemies of Rome. The Alamanni continually attacked the Roman heartland from the now lost Agri Decumates between the Rhine and Danube.

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Emperor P. Licinius Valerianus (Valerian) faced the full fury of the Germanic invasions in the mid-250s. The Goths and Alamanni devastated the Danube region, while the newly formed Franks struck across the lower Rhine in 256. The former undermanned Hadrianic defenses fell into disarray. Valerian, needing a colleague and general to help stabilize the empire, raised his son Gallienus to the rank of Augustus. Gallienus defeated the Alamanni on the Rhine in 254–256 and became supreme ruler of the west when his father left in 256 to face the Persian king Shapur. Unfortunately, the situation deteriorated. The Franks gained a firm hold in Gaul, while the Alamanni broke through the Danube garrisons and invaded Italy. The Alamanni now raced toward Rome but were met by Gallienus, who defeated them near Milan in 258 or 259. While the sources indicate that 300,000 Alamanni were defeated, the number was probably much smaller. More important, the move by the Germans showed that even the heartland of Italy, with its defenseless towns such as Milan, was now in danger. The move also indicated that Rome had now lost the Agri Decumates, the defensive wedge between the Rhine and Danube, for good. After Gallienus’s assassination, Marcus Aurelius Claudius, the new emperor, completed the restoration of the empire begun by Gallienus by first checking the Alamanni at Lake Garda or in the Battle of Lake Benacus in 268 or early 269. The battle shortly after Gallienus’s death is not well known, but it probably took place following Rome’s loss of its leader. Hoping that the new emperor would be distracted, the Alamanni once again invaded northern Italy but lost at Lake Garda. Two years later they returned and faced Rome’s new emperor, Aurelian. Aurelian was on the Danube fighting the Vandals when in the winter of 270 the Alamanni and Juthungi invaded Italy. The Roman emperor moved from Pannonia after learning that the town of Placentia had been sacked. With Aurelian moving toward the city, the Germans ambushed the Romans, who had been marching for several days and were exhausted. In the Battle of Placentia, Aurelian failed to initially stop them. The road to Rome was open, and with no army near the city it appeared that the capital might be sacked. Panic now spread throughout Italy, and the loss led to two short rebellions. At the Battle of Fanum Fortunae near the Metaurus River nearby the city of Fano, Aurelian caught up with the Germans, who were forced to fight with the river at their back. When the Romans broke the German line, many of them retreated into the river and drowned. The Juthungi asked for safe passage back to their homeland, but Aurelian refused. The Germans marched north on the Via Aemilia, and in northern Italy at Ticinum Aurelian struck. The Battle of Ticinum took place on the open plain, and laden with their plunder, the Alamanni and Juthungi were destroyed. The victory helped Aurelian recover some of his luster after his initial defeat in the Battle of Placentia. The result of this invasion was the building of the Aurelian Wall around Rome, since the invasion had shocked the inhabitants of Rome. Several years later Emperor Probus was able to regain the Rhine and the upper Danube from the Franks and Alamanni. For nearly 30 years there was peace between the Romans and the Alamanni. During the tetrarchy in 298 the Alamanni attacked the city of Lingones (Langres) in eastern Gaul. Constantius was able to defeat them but only after a harrowing escape in the initial onslaught, being pulled up by ropes to the

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rampart. In the same year he defeated them again farther south in modern-day Switzerland near Lake Constance at Vindonissa. These victories secured the Rhine frontier from the Alamanni for nearly 50 years. During the civil war after Constans’s assassination by Magnetius in 350, the Rhine army had been depleted. This allowed the Franks and Alamanni to attack the region, capturing a large number of Romans who were now led back into German territory to work in the fields. Constantius II, who had defeated Magnetius, drove the Alamanni out of Raetia back into Germany in 354. The civil wars over the past five years had left the region in chaos. Constantius now dispatched Julian as his caesar. In 356 at the Battle of Durocortorum (Reims), Emperor Julian was defeated. Julian marched into Cologne, where his troops rebuilt the walls, and he negotiated a peace treaty with the Franks, knocking half of the German forces out of battle. Regaining his forces, Julian marched out the next year and in the Battle of Strasbourg met the Alamanni again. He led half of his army through Gaul, while the other half moved from Raetia. The two pincer movements caught the Alamanni in a trap, but two-thirds of the army retreated into Italy, leaving Julian with a small force. The Alamanni were concentrated near Strasbourg, where Julian and his troops were protected. Julian moved out and attacked the Germans and won a decisive victory. Ten years later Valentinian I defeated another incursion in the Battle of Solicinium in 368 in southwestern Germany. The final struggle in the west during the fourth century was the Battle of Argentaria in which Gratian defeated the Alamanni, marking the end of the tribe as a major independent threat to Rome. The Alamanni battled Rome for nearly two centuries, causing the Romans to expend an extensive amount of energy and resources to defend the frontiers. Throughout their history the Alamanni continually attacked Rome, forcing it to expend a considerable amount of resources and energy until their final defeat. Afterward the Alamanni were absorbed by other tribes. See also: Groups and Organizations: Celts; Germanic Tribes; Individuals: Aurelian, Lucius Domitius; Valerian and Gallienus; Key Events: Third-Century Political Chaos; Military: Legionary Camps Further Reading Drinkwater, J. F. 2007. The Alamanni and Rome (213–496). Oxford: Oxford University Press. King, Anthony, and Rogers D. Spotswood Collection. 1990. Roman Gaul and Germany. Berkeley, University of California Press. Todd, Malcolm. 2004. The Early Germans. 2nd ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

Bacchus, Cult of No god represented the common perception of the Roman Empire more than the Roman god Bacchus, also known as the Greek god Dionysius. Dionysius was also associated with the original Roman god Liber, who was assimilated into the existing

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Scene of Bacchic procession, or the worship of the god Dionysius on a Roman tomb from the early third century. The worship of Dionysius (or Bacchus) grew during the Roman Empire to become one of the premiere mystery religions. (Allan T. Kohl/Art Images for College Teaching)

Roman god Bacchus. This perception is closely linked to the view of some emperors who were seen as revelers and hedonists. Bacchus was different from the other traditional Olympian gods, since unlike the brooding and vindictive Olympians he was jovial and ecstatic. For the general public, the worship of Bacchus gave them freedom in a world full of regimen and order. His early history is sketchy, and since his worship dealt with parties, jovial times, and ecstatic worship, not the material of the warrior espoused in early Rome, he was often ignored. He was said to have the gift of prophecy, and later stories had him descending into Hades to bring back his mother. In Greek and Roman mythology, the story of Bacchus has him as the son of Jupiter (Zeus) and the mortal Semele. Juno (Hera), Jupiter’s wife, jealous of his philandering, convinced the naive Semele to pressure Jupiter to visit her in his godly form, knowing that his godly form could not be handled and that she would be consumed by fire. Saving the fetus, Jupiter implanted it in his thigh. When Bacchus was born he was given to Semele’s sister, who later was driven mad by Hera. Bacchus was then raised by nymphs from Mount Nysa, hence his Greek name Dio (Zeus) Nysius (Mount Nysa), or Dionysius. In Roman art and literature, Bacchus was portrayed as effeminate and slightly portly, with thick hair, and normally drunk, the symbol of a partier. His pictures had him holding a bunch of grapes, a cup of wine, or the thyrsus (a rod with ivy at the top). His companions, called the Bacchi, were Satyrs, Sileni, Maenads, and Bassarids. Since drinking produced an alternative picture, his cult was known for its masks, which could hide or transform one’s true self. This merged his cult with that of drama. As the god of the vine, Bacchus is credited with its introduction throughout the known world. His cult was not universally accepted and was often persecuted but

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flourished in part due to the consumption of wine and the ecstatic behavior that often followed. In mythology his enemies suffered horrible defeats. In these legends the victims were torn apart by their relatives, usually female, who had been made mad by the god. Most festivals merely centered on the cultivation and fermentation of grapes, although some ecstatic worship existed where the followers seized a wild animal, ripped it apart, and ate the meat raw (sparagmos), since they believed that this would give them Bacchus’s power. Bacchus in Roman mythology was known as Liber, one of the plebeian triad, and his arrival in Rome, a triumphal procession, was called the Triumph of Liber. Bacchus’s Liber association made him popular with Rome’s most disadvantaged and populous group, the urban poor. In Roman history an incident involving Bacchus during the republic was the Bacchanalia in 186 BCE, which showed the fear that the Roman elites had of this cult. A hostile source, Livy writing under Augustus and probably reflecting that age and suspicion as well, indicated that the cult was introduced by a lowly Greek who offered profane sacrifices (Livy 1976, 39.9–19). The cult was not officially sanctioned, and Livy said that it spread secretly among the poor, the plebeian class, women, and weak or effeminate men who had fickle minds, and even affected the upper class. Again, his charge may have also represented what was happening in Rome two centuries later. Livy’s account was a moral commentary on society and, given the laws that Augustus had enacted, probably showed how the new emperor was restoring the moral fabric. Livy stated that Bacchus’s priestesses urged their followers to break social customs, including sexual rites. They supposedly even engaged in ritual murder against their opposition. Livy’s dramatization has a servant betraying the group and reporting it to the Senate, whose quick thinking saves the day. Livy’s excited account may not quite fit the facts. The cult was not new and had existed in Italy for decades, being known and practiced openly. The Senate passed a decree that did not ban the religion, since that might incur the wrath of the god, but instead put it under tight control even if the reported 6,000 people executed were hyperbole. The Senate’s reformed cult eliminated the orgiastic ceremonies and limited initiates to only five and only with the permission of the praetor. The reformed religion was nothing like the previous one but still represented the ideas of the plebeian class. The rite continued throughout the empire, since it gave an outlet for the people to enjoy themselves under a system that controlled their lives. As a favorite of the Romans, especially wealthy youths, Bacchus was often emulated. He became a favorite theme on many pieces of art, portrayed as a youth, often inebriated, engaged in orgiastic rite, or as an animal. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Isis and Osiris, Cult of; Mystery Religions; State Religion; Institutions: Religion; Sacrifices Further Reading Beard, M., S. Price, and J. North. 1998. Religions of Rome: A History, Illustrated. 2 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Celts The British native tribes that Rome came into contact with during the late republican period and into the early empire were descendants of the Celts. While the term “Celtic” refers mainly to the language, it has also become synonymous with the tribes that inhabited the regions of Gaul (France), Britannia (Britain), and Iberia (Spain). These tribes had linguistic and ethnic similarities, but by the time Rome came into contact with them they had divided and developed into their own separate tribes. The Romans had first come into contact with the Celts as early as 390 BCE when the Gauls sacked Rome. Later during the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE) the Gauls fought on the side of Hannibal against Rome. From 200 BCE to 100 BCE and with sporadic outbreaks later, the Romans conquered the Celts in Spain, bringing them into the Roman Empire. During the first century BCE the Roman general Julius Caesar conquered Gaul and brought the Celts there into the Roman Empire. In the first century CE the Romans conquered Britain, bringing the Celts there under their power. The various tribes known as Celts can be divided into three major groups based on geography. The Iberian or Spanish Celts had two major groups: the earliest tribes, who pushed toward present-day Portugal, often called Lusitania by the Romans, and the newcomers from Gaul who resided in central and eastern Spain and were called Celtiberians. The Romans spent numerous campaigns reducing Spain and the Celts. The second geographical group was Gaul. The Celts emerged in Gaul around 500 BCE as the western branch of the La Tene culture and soon established themselves west of the Rhine River. They had spread south into Italy during the fourth century BCE and even into Asia Minor during the third century BCE. After the Second Punic War, Rome was able to drive them back across the Po River and during the next century and a half continually eroded their power in Gaul, culminating in Julius Caesar’s victory. The tribes lived in villages, had coinage, and developed trade associations throughout the region. The last group, probably the oldest, was in Britain. Whether the Celts arrived in Britain as invaders in the seventh century BCE or as a general migration pattern before is unknown. They were different from the Celts in Gaul so that the Romans referred to them as Britons, not Celts. Nevertheless, they had similarities in language and culture. Julius Caesar’s commentary on his Gallic Wars provides the earliest surviving record of Roman views of the Gallic tribes. His writings clearly show a region populated by various tribes that were held in a loose confederation. They rallied under Vercingetorix,

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a chieftain of the Arverni tribe, who united the Gauls against Rome and ultimately lost at Alesia in 51 BCE. Some of the major tribes Caesar interacted with included the Helvetii who invited Caesar into Gaul, the Belgae in northeast Gaul, the Aedui in the Saône and Loire River Valleys, the Eburones in northeast Gaul, and the Tungri in eastern Gaul. Caesar’s victories were so complete that Gaul became one of the chief provinces in the west, providing Rome and its armies with supplies and tax revenues. Caesar attempted two invasions of Britain without much success, and it was left to Emperor Claudius in 43 CE to invade southern Britain with four legions. In 60–61 CE Britain rebelled under Boudicca, but after her defeat Rome continued its advance, reaching Scotland during the time of Antoninus Pius when a wall was established marking the height of Roman conquest. It was soon abandoned, and the earlier Hadrian Wall became the terminus of Roman rule. The Celts were also known for their religion, based on Druidism. Little is known about it, as there are no surviving texts, archaeological sites, or accounts written by followers. Julius Caesar described the Druids as the chief priests and lawgivers of the Celts. They apparently believed in reincarnation and in addition to animal sacrifice practiced human sacrifice on occasion, although some scholars dispute this assertion.

The native Celts in Britain were conquered by the Romans during the time of Emperor Claudius. Boudicca, queen of the Iceni tribe, raised a rebellion in 61 CE, and with her defeat and death the Celts were conquered. This modern statue commemorates her struggle for independence from Roman rule. (Claudiodivizia/Dreamstime.com)

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The first-century CE writer Pliny the Elder wrote that they worshipped the sacred oak tree and mistletoe (Pliny the Elder 1938, 16.5). By his time the Druids had been repressed under the orders of Emperors Tiberius and Claudius. Their priests seem to have been male, and there was an oral transmission of secrets from one generation to the next. It is apparent that Tiberius and Claudius viewed the Druids as equivalent to sorcerers and magicians; it is also possible that Claudius ordered the Druids repressed because of his invasion of Britain and did not want to fight a religious war in Gaul while his army was across the English Channel. During the revolt of Boudicca the governor, Suetonius Paulinus, was absent from her region fighting the last Druid stronghold on the island of Mona (Anglesey) in northern Wales. Julius Caesar indicated that the Druids’ center was in Britain and that that they were not found in Germany, east across the Rhine (Caesar 1982, 6.13–21). He stated that the Druids taught the young men to recite their texts and believed that when one died the soul was transferred to another. He further relayed that they had a keen interest in astronomy and the natural world. Caesar also mentioned the practice of human sacrifice, usually carried out on criminals, but some modern scholars dispute this charge, saying that Caesar desired to make them appear barbaric and therefore an enemy of Rome. But most agree that his general description of Druid society was based on fact, since other writers who either were present or had direct interaction with those who had seen the Gallic society could contradict him on this point and did not. The Celts were an important group of tribes who inhabited Western Europe during the late republic and early empire. Their influence created a culture that was not only stable and wealthy but also provided the region with stability. While their inability to form a cohesive central government allowed them to be conquered by Caesar, their society continued into the Roman-Gallic culture of the empire. See also: Groups and Organizations: Germanic Tribes; Picts; Individuals: Caesar, Gaius Julius; Key Events: British Conquest Further Reading Caesar, Julius. 1982. The Conquest of Gaul. Translated by S. A. Handford and Jane F. Gardner. London: Penguin. Frere, Sheppard Sunderland. 1987. Britannia: A History of Roman Britain. 3rd ed. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Pliny the Elder. 1938. Natural History. Translated by H. Rackham. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Christians Christianity, an offshoot of the Jewish religion, had its basis in the teachings of Jesus, a Jew executed by the Romans under Pontius Pilate in Judea around 30 CE. Jesus’s followers viewed him as the Messiah, or Anointed One, prophesied about in their religion.

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During the early part of their history, the first 20 years, the followers of Jesus attempted to convert their fellow Jews, preaching that Jesus was the Messiah. The Jewish leaders constantly attempted to silence the followers, sometimes using violence. One of the Jewish persecutors was Saul of Tarsus, who around 50 CE became a convert, changing his name to Paul. His conversion and subsequent teaching centered on bringing the message of Jesus to non-Jews, or Gentiles, and that converts did not have to become Jewish first to follow Jesus. This new message put Paul at odds with the original followers of Jesus, and a council at Jerusalem was held. In order for Gentiles to convert to Judaism, it was required that they undergo circumcision, a painful operation for adults that many did not desire. In addition, there were other nontheological issues, including dietary restrictions, fasting, and ritual rules that may not have been welcomed by Gentiles; but lifting the ban on pork, traveling on the Sabbath, and no longer needing to travel to Jerusalem and the Temple were. As the new sect grew, it began to develop its own tenets and rules, further altering its relationship with Judaism. One of the key theological changes was that Jesus was seen as God and not just as a prophet. But with this change Christianity was placed in a precarious situation. As long as Christianity was viewed as a Jewish sect, its followers were viewed as bound by the rules of Judaism, which gave them certain protections. The Romans tolerated Judaism due to its ancient history, and Jews were not seen as atheists. The Romans traditionally promoted toleration of other religions as long as they in return were tolerant of Rome’s gods. Since Jews worshipped only one god to the exclusion of others, it potentially put them in conflict with Rome. But Rome had granted the Jews favored status in their early contacts, around the time of the Maccabees in 170 BCE. Christianity then could rely on this protection until the 50s CE, when it broke away from Judaism. With this break Rome no longer viewed Christians as Jewish and no longer gave them protection or tolerated their practices. Rome thought that Christians could now worship Roman gods since they were not Jewish. Since Christians rejected this view, they were placed outside of Rome’s toleration and could be liable for persecution. Emperor Nero, perhaps influenced by his wife Poppaea, whom the contemporary author Josephus indicated may have been a secret Jewish proselyte, blamed the Christians for the great fire in Rome. The Christians were now viewed as non-Jewish atheists and were eligible for persecution. Christianity spread during this early period through Asia Minor, Syria, and Greece and even to Rome. During the first century of Christianity’s existence Rome did not deal much with it except for the brief persecution under Nero and occasional outbreaks related to Jewish conflicts. When Judea rebelled under Nero in the late 60s CE and was finally crushed by Vespasian and his son Titus, Christianity moved even further away from Judaism. The Christians were officially viewed as atheists but were not necessarily hunted down and persecuted. Any persecution during the second century CE seems to have been local and not as a result of imperial ideology. During the third century when the Roman chaos erupted there was a desire to blame the troubles Rome was subjected to as internal abandonment of traditional Roman values. Christians were now targeted and persecuted. Several persecutions, although brief, directly impacted Christianity and how Christians viewed themselves. The first general persecution occurred when

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Mosaic from Curium, Cyprus, third century CE, showing a gladiator about to kill a Christian. Until the fourth century, Christianity was outlawed as a religion and persecutions periodically erupted. Christianity featured not only monotheism, but exclusivity, often angering local pagan populations which believed in accepting all religions. (katatonia82/iStockphoto.com)

Maximus Thrax, emperor from 235 to 238, persecuted the clergy; the first general persecution throughout the empire affecting all inhabitants was under Decius, ruling from 249 to 251, when individuals had to prove their sacrifice to the Roman gods. The final persecution occurred under Diocletian in 303 and is often referred to as the Great Persecution until the Edict of Toleration in 311, when Galerius, the last persecutor, on his deathbed decreed that Christians would not be persecuted. It appears that Galerius realized that the persecutions were not effective and were potentially counterproductive. The edict indicated that Christians could now worship without fear of persecution. Afterward the new emperors Constantine and Licinius decreed that Christianity was a recognized religion and that its treasures confiscated during the persecutions were to be restored. What set the Christians apart from other religions were their views of the afterlife and the concept of personal salvation. Christianity viewed the afterlife based on how well people lived their lives on Earth in addition to believing in Christ; as a moral philosophy it was not based on wealth and power. Christians could point to Jesus’s sayings indicating that it was difficult for a wealthy man to enter Heaven and that the poor, not the rich, are destined to succeed. This concept was in direct opposition to most other religions, which based admittance into the afterlife on how important, powerful, or

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wealthy one was. In addition, Christianity taught that eternal happiness could not be bought such as in the mystery religions but instead could only be achieved through personal actions. Unlike Roman Olympian religion, salvation was not a collective concept but instead was individualistic. The final aspect of early Christianity was the impending end of the world. Although common in all religions, early Christianity (30–90 CE) took on a more pressing demand or outlook due to the historical nature of Jesus, who had promised that he would soon return and bring about the final judgment. During the first century CE after Jesus’s disappearance (according to Christians his ascension into Heaven), many Christians believed that he would physically return, which would herald the end of the world. For many of the early Christians there was an expectation that this end would occur in their lifetime. In the First Jewish Rebellion during the late 60s CE many believed that the time had come, especially since there were sayings purported to have come from Jesus talking about the destruction of the Jewish Temple. When the world did not end and the First Jewish Rebellion was suppressed, Christians had to alter their concept of the end of the world. Some still continued to believe that it would come soon, while others began to explain that the end of the world had two meanings: the physical end of the world and the spiritual end of the individual. See also: Groups and Organizations: Mystery Religions; Individuals: Jesus; Latin Fathers of the Western Church; Key Events: Diocletian Persecutions; Pre-Diocletianic Persecutions; Primary Documents: Document 26; Document 39; Document 41 Further Reading Benko, S., and J. J. O’Rourke. 1971. The Catacombs and the Colosseum: The Roman Empire as the Setting of Primitive Christianity. Valley Forge: Judson. Lunn-Rockliffe, Sophie. 2011. “Christianity and the Roman Empire.” British Broadcasting Company, February 17, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans /christianityromanempire_article_01.shtml. Mattingly, H. 1967. Christianity in the Roman Empire. New York: Norton.

Dacians The modern-day country of Romania was formerly the province of Dacia and before that the kingdom of Dacia. The Dacians had long been known by the Greeks and Romans. They were often called Getae, and the names Dacian and Getae were used interchangeably. They were also related to or part of the Thracians. The Dacians spoke a language similar to that of the Thracians and occupied an expanded region from Serbia to the Ukraine and from the Danube to southern Poland. The original inhabitants of the region were Indo-Europeans who continually intermixed with various groups that migrated through the region. By the Iron Age the proto-Thracians had developed into the Dacians in the west and the Thracians in the east and south. There were several

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different subgroups of Dacians, those who were Thracian, while others had Sarmatian (Persian), German, and Celtic influences. This heterogeneity reflected the region’s position as a crossroad for migrations. Ptolemy, writing in the second century CE, listed 15 tribes that occupied Dacia, 12 of which were Dacian and 3 of which were Celtic. These tribes had formed the Dacian society and influenced how its politico-military organization developed. With Roman conquest, many of the Dacians fled to the north and east into the region that Rome called Free Dacia. Here the major tribe that developed was the Carpi, a group of tribes associated with the Thracians and probably a subgroup of the Dacians. These were tribes in modern-day Moldavia and Wallachia that were not conquered by Trajan and afterward began to exert a new political union. The Dacians began to develop their own distinct culture around 500 BCE, made possible by their rich resources, especially metal. The creation of industries allowed for the region to develop some types of centralized cooperation among the various tribes. By 150 BCE the Dacians were able to end the domination of the Celts, who had entered the region around 300 BCE. These Dacian tribes, however, did not normally unite into a political system. The union of the tribes occurred only sporadically and was caused by the personality of the leaders; the two great leaders were Burebista and Decabal. Burebista was able to unify the Dacian tribes and rule them from 82 to 44 BCE. While he was able to bring the tribes together, this was more in line with the Hellenistic kingdom model whereby the central monarch had military power but weak political control over the regions. He built a series of stone fortifications on the high ground to allow for better defense. From this central region he led conquests of the nearby countries; along the middle Danube he defeated the Boii in 60 BCE. From 55 to 48 he led attacks along the Black Sea coastline, subjugating the tribes and cities there. In 48 Burebista sided with Pompey against Julius Caesar. Caesar had once contemplated attacking Dacia and Burebista in 58 BCE instead of Gaul because of the reputed gold in the kingdom. After the defeat of Pompey, Caesar seems to have contemplated the conquest of Dacia again before moving east to deal with the Parthians. Caesar’s death saved Dacia for the time being; Burebista, however, was assassinated shortly after Caesar’s assassination for much the same reason. The tribal aristocracy began to fear Burebista’s power and movement toward a centralized state. With his assassination his kingdom dissolved back into the local tribes, producing at first four and then five major tribal powers. During the next generation the Romans continued to advance along the Danube region at the expense of Dacian tribes. One of Augustus’s generals, Marcus Licinius Crassus, defeated the Bastarnae, a mixture of Dacian and Sarmatian tribes, even killing their king in single combat. During the remainder of the first century CE the Dacian tribes continued to play regional tribal political roles. Beginning in 87 CE, Decebal began his rule. He was probably associated with the nominal Dacian king Duras, who had defeated Domitian’s generals in an earlier war. It appears that Duras ceded power to Decebal and retired to one of the palaces in the capital, Sarmizegetusa. Decebal was able to defeat the legions of Domitian, led by the general Fuscus, in an ambush, which allowed Duras to crown Decebal king. Domitian’s generals were able to

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The Dacians, led by their king Decebal, as seen in this modern statue in Romania, battled the Romans under the emperors Domitian and Trajan, who finally defeated Decebal and absorbed his kingdom into the Roman Empire in 106 CE. The Dacians were one of several Thracian tribes which existed in the Danube River region facing Rome. (Busoniu Catalin-Mihai /Dreamstime.com)

counter, but needing troops elsewhere, Domitian agreed to a peace treaty and paid Decebal an annual subsidy. This allowed Decebal to consolidate his power and build fortifications. In 98 Emperor Trajan arrived on the Danube and began war preparations. These resulted in the First Dacian War (101–102) that saw the defeat of Decebal, who nevertheless inflicted heavy losses on Trajan, and the acceptance of a Roman treaty, which required Decebal to give up lands to Rome. After a short respite Decebal began a new offensive in going after the tribes, which allied themselves to Trajan, and in 105 preemptively attacked the Roman Empire. He attacked Rome’s frontier at several points in guerrilla warfare, taking Trajan by surprise. In 105–106 Trajan attacked with the intention of destroying the kingdom. Decebal was defeated, hunted down, and killed by the Romans, who decapitated him and sent his head to Trajan. The Dacians continued to occupy the region during Roman rule. Two centuries later when the Romans abandoned Dacia under Aurelian, many of the inhabitants had

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become Romanized and remained behind. These inhabitants then merged with their former tribal kinsmen, the Carpi, and reestablished Dacian rule along the Danube. See also: Groups and Organizations: Germanic Tribes; Individuals: Domitian; Trajan; Institutions: Client Kings; Key Events: Dacian Wars Further Reading Bennett, Julian. 2001. Trajan: Optimus Princeps. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Burns, Thomas S. 1991. A History of the Ostrogoths. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Goffart, Walter A. 2006. Barbarian Tides: The Migration Age and the Later Roman Empire. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Millar, Fergus. 1968. The Roman Empire and Its Neighbours. 1st American ed. New York: Delacorte.

Desert Tribes In the east, Rome faced desert marauders in Syria, Arabia, Egypt, and North Africa. Although occasionally disrupting provinces, these tribes never constituted a major threat to the empire because of their disconnected geographical regions. Their disruptions usually occurred in the agricultural regions, around watering holes. The major tribes that Rome faced were the Saracens and the Blemmyes. In Arabia, the Saracens constantly raided the region east of the Jordan River. Ptolemy (100–170 CE) in his geography used the term to describe the region in the northern Sinai Peninsula as well as a tribal group living nearby in Arabia (Ptolemy et al. 1932, Book 5). The two being so close together probably had a common origin, one being the tribe, the other being the area they were originally inhabiting in the Roman Empire. Other authors also mention the Saracens as living in the mountains and enslaving people, which was probably a reference to their marauding behavior. Several ancient authors mention the Saracens in relation to the region around Arabia and the Sinai Peninsula. By the late third century they were noted for their military prowess and attacks on the Roman Empire (Retsö 2003, 505–506). They seem to have used heavy cavalry and were incorporated at times in the Roman military, although the term may have applied to the style of cavalry and not actual tribesmen. During the fourth century they were used by both Romans and Persians in their armies and may have been allies or, more likely, mercenaries. Although never presenting a serious threat to the empire, their rapid strikes forced Rome to place mobile and therefore more expensive troops in the region. Control of roads and oases thus dictated Rome’s defensive policy. Known since the fourth century BCE, the Blemmyes lived in the south of Egypt in the region that Rome called Nubia and Kush. In the early empire Strabo, the geographer, described them as living in the Eastern Desert around Meroe and as peaceful people (Strabo and Roller 2014, 17.1). They apparently began to enlarge their sphere of influence during the third century CE, when Rome was weakened by internal strife. By

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250 they were attacking Egypt, forcing Emperor Decius to personally strike against them and push them back. Zenobia, the queen of Palmyra, nominally an ally of Rome, in 272 used the Blemmyes to help her in her bid to become dominant in the east. Although they took the Thebais in Egypt, they were ultimately defeated in 279–280 when the Romans crushed them. Diocletian gave up southern Egyptian land to the allied nomadic tribes, the Nobatae, in order to create a buffer zone against the Blemmyes around the Nile at the first cataracts in 298. The Nobatae most likely also came from the Eastern Desert and probably were the traditional enemies of the Blemmyes. With the movement of the borders north, Diocletian created a secure defensible site while using the traditional warlike character of the tribes to maintain distractions and dissension among them outside of the empire’s territory. When Rome conquered North Africa from Carthage and its successors, they attempted to control the coastal areas and rich agricultural lands in the interior near the foothills. The Romans attempted to incorporate the local population, especially the mountain tribes, the Berbers, into their society. Since Rome did not attempt to display a racial distinction, it was easy for the tribes to become assimilated. Outside of Africa to the south lay the nomadic tribes that interacted with Rome. One group Rome came into contact with was the Gaetuli, who fought for Jugurtha in North Africa (modernday Tunisia) in his struggle against Rome during 112–106 BCE, as related by Sallust. Although Sallust believed that all the tribes were one great nation, it is now known that they actually were separate tribes living in and south of the Atlas Mountains. Some of the tribes during the first century BCE were loyal to Marius, the Roman general who defeated Jugurtha in 106 BCE. In 3 CE the Gaetuli rebelled, possibly due to Roman attempts to stop their migration; this “war,” concluded in 6 CE, was followed by a general uprising in 17 CE by several tribes. Another group, the Garamantes, was a Berber tribe living in the Sahara in the Fezzan from 200 BCE to 200 CE. They continually raided Roman territory, and in 19 BCE Augustus sent his general Cornelius Balbus on an expedition, during which he captured 15 of their settlements; for his accomplishment he was granted a triumph, which was usually reserved for the imperial family. In 17 CE, Tacfarinas led a general uprising of Gaetuli and Garamantes tribes against the Roman Third Augustan Legion. Tacfarinas was a Roman auxiliary commander who deserted and led his people, the Musulamii, a subgroup of the Gaetuli, against Rome during the reign of Emperor Tiberius. While the war was probably more of tribal incursions and raids, it lasted nearly a decade. What made the situation worse was that Tacfarinas gained support from the Mauri, who were rebelling against the Kingdom of Mauretania, clients of Rome. This increased Roman concerns, since now the whole region could be altered. While never able to take fortified Roman camps, Tacfarinas could rely on large numbers of desert tribesmen and continual raids. Finally, in 24 CE the governor Dolabella attacked and pursued Tacfarinas, knowing that only with his death could peace be restored. In a surprise morning attack, Tacfarinas was defeated and died charging the Roman troops. Finally, Septimius Severus was able to capture the Garamantes’s capital city, Gamara, and effectively end their power. The Garamantes were successful because of Rome’s desire not to incorporate large tracts of desert into their empire.

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The native tribes occupying the deserts acted both as hostile marauders who gave Rome trouble and as buffer states between Rome and other organized groups that may have wanted to encroach upon Roman territory. The Roman Army often incorporated some of these tribes as auxiliaries. Rome often used these tribes to create divisions among other groups and powers, just as they in return did the same to Rome. Since the regions were not open to conquest and control, Rome attempted to show force when needed and control vital spots such as passes and watering holes. Although never a major problem, the tribes were often a nuisance. See also: Cities: Petra; Groups and Organizations: Mauri; Parthians; Persians; Individuals: Palmyra, House of Further Reading Law, R. C. C. 1967. “The Garamantes and Trans-Saharan Enterprise in Classical Times.” Journal of African History 8(2): 181–200. Ptolemy et al. 1932. Geography of Claudius Ptolemy. Translated by Edward Luther Stevenson. New York: New York Public Library. Retsö, Jan. 2003. The Arabs in Antiquity: Their History from the Assyrians to the Umayyads. Oxford, UK: Routledge. Strabo and Duane W. Roller. 2014. The Geography of Strabo. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Family Names The Roman name was perhaps one of the most identifying aspects of Roman society, which differentiated Romans from other Mediterranean societies. The Greeks tended to use the traditional Indo-European pattern where one name was used. Many of these names were compound names with an honorific title associated with it. This title may have been tied to a situation at birth (e.g., twins) or personal characteristics. Over time the number of names associated with deities, or theophanic names, rose. During the classical period only about 7 percent used names associated with deities, while during the Roman Empire this percentage climbed to 30 percent in Athens. Certain deity names such as Pluto were avoided, while the names Apollo, Zeus, Dionysius, and Asklepios were common. During the Hellenistic period the name Isis was also common. This type of system was common throughout the Indo-European cultures except for the Italians. The Romans, Etruscans, and other Italian tribes diverged from this and developed a separate system. While originally following the single-name system, before 700 BCE the Italians developed a system of two names, the praenomen and the nomen. The praenomen was the personal name, while the nomen was the gens. Men and women (at least in theory) had both names, while men often had a third name, the cognomen, but this was not required. This is what Juvenal and Plutarch called the tria nomina, which set the Roman citizen apart from the rest.

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The praenomen, or personal name, was similar to the traditional Indo-European single name. It probably was the single name of the early Italians. Some names such as Servius and Marcus claim attributes from deities (theophanic names) or personal qualities (Gnaeus, from naeuus, a mole on the body) or birth circumstances (Quintus, meaning “five” or “fifth child”). Since it was originally the only name used, the praenomen probably had a large number of options, as in the Greek world. But with the addition of the nomen or clan name, the variety of praenomen declined so that the total known is less than 100 during the regal period and the republic; the number used by the aristocracy was confined to only about 15. Many families continually used the same names throughout their history. With the use of the clan name for women, their praenomen either disappeared altogether or the feminine versions of male terms were used, such as Quintia, meaning “fifth child.” The nomen was the most important name, and its evolution came from adding a suffix, usually “-ius” or its associated forms, to the stem of an existing name, so Marcius from Marci. These became the gens or clan names probably developing during the early regal period. Since the clan names became important, there are a large number of these names known. They were also the hereditary name of the family. The nomen was that of their fathers, so women did not assume the name of their husband. The gens were a clan or group of families that believed in a common ancestor. They also believed that they had purity of blood, descent from freeborn parents (i.e., citizens), and personal liberty. The gens existed after the development of the state, and it was only after the growth of economic power that the distinction between upper and lower classes arose, giving rise to gens. The gens appear not to have worshipped their founders, but they did honor their ancestors. The third name, or cognomen, was optional. The cognomens were extra names originally added to denote a variety of circumstances such as physical (Naso for “nose”) or mental (Cato from catus, meaning “sharp”) traits, regions, or places. Often their cognomen was handed down and became part of the family names of large gentes, such as the Cornelii Scipiones Nasicae where Nasicae became part of their nomen. While women did not have cognomen invented for them, they did take it sometimes as part of their family cognomen. How individuals were addressed was just as important. In informal settings around the house and among family members, the praenomen was commonly used. Close friends would use the nomen or cognomen, as it showed some familiarity. In formal settings one would use the praenomen and nomen such as in a meeting of the Senate. In its complete form the name would also indicate what tribe the individual was from. Originally there were 4 ethnic tribes, but these were abolished, and a system of 4 urban and 16 rustic tribes, later increased to 31, formed the Roman tribal system. The tribes were hereditary and were used originally for voting. For the great orator Cicero, his full nomenclature would have been Marcus (praenomen) Tullius (nomen) Marci filius (son of Marcus) Marci nepos (grandson of Marcus) Cornelia tribu (of the Cornelia tribe) Cicero (cognomen). The most famous emperor, Augustus, had as his full name Imperator (praenomen) Caesar (nomen) divus filius Augustus (cognomen), which meant “All conquering General, son of the divine Julius Caesar, Savior of the World.”

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The use of the system of names, or the tria nomina, continued into the late empire. Many aristocrats and emperors added names to their original name to best position themselves for political reasons. By the seventh century CE the use of the three distinct names began to disappear, and the use of only one name reappeared. Many of the single names, however, were from the nomen or cognomen in the Roman system. See also: Government and Politics: Roman Law; Institutions: Marriage; Religion Further Reading Bodel, John P., et al. 2008. Household and Family Religion in Antiquity. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Dixon, Suzanne. 1992. The Roman Family. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Freedmen The Roman world treated slavery and freed slaves differently than the early modern world. While it was possible in nineteenth-century America for freedmen to become successful, this was not common or widespread due to the prevailing prejudice in society. In America, slavery was based on race. In the Roman Empire, slavery was a condition based on chance or happening: prisoner from war, piracy, or being abandoned and rescued by another and made a slave. While most field slaves did not earn their freedom, many of the household slaves could, a process called manumission. In addition, freedmen, libertus, received citizenship after their freedom if the master was a citizen; by the same act, there was no process of naturalization. Initially, a freedman and his children were barred from the Senate and high office for at least to the third generation but could enter the military under the empire. The freedman took the first part of his master’s name, the nomen and praenomen, and was then enrolled in his master’s gens—for example, the Junii—as the master’s family. More importantly, a freedman’s children automatically became Roman citizens. The state received a 5 percent tax on the value of the ex-slave when freed, which became an important and large component of the imperial budget. This tax was initially imposed to prevent the wholesale freeing of old slaves so the masters did not have to care for them and who then became a burden for the state. Typically, the freedman remained associated with his former master, becoming involved in the master’s current business. Since these freedmen had intimate knowledge of the family and their business, it was important for them to remain employed with the family and not with a rival. They were treated as family members, and there are examples of some remaining with the family after the former master had died and even marrying his widow. When Pliny’s freedman Zosimus contracted tuberculosis, his master sent him on an Egyptian cruise to cure him, and when he returned home seemingly well he was welcomed back with eagerness; Pliny then later sent him to live in a friend’s villa when Zosimus again fell ill (Pliny the Younger 1969, Letter Book 5.19). Some of

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the freedmen became personal advisers to their former master. For example, Cicero had a freedman, Tiro, who handled his former master’s estates and expenses, probably something he had done or helped with previously. These freedmen became their confidants, and it was not uncommon for Cicero to refer business matters to his freedmen so as to avoid dealing with them. While freedmen such as Tiro were few, there were enough of them known to become powerful men in Roman society, with some having their descendants even rising to immense power. Most normal freedmen were employed in the crafts, as shopkeepers, and in the government bureaucracy where they had previously served. One of the most important political situations regarding freedmen was the institution of patronage. The freedman became his former master’s client and he his patron. He was often dependent upon his former master for employment, and some agreed as part of his manumission to work for the master or the family. If he was a professional such as a tutor or physician it was expected of him to provide his services free of charge; this was merely showing his ex-master dignitas. During the republic, Cato the Elder was notorious for supplying his freedmen with the initial investment for a business, especially shipping or trade, since he was technically forbidden to engage in such activities, and they would then repay Cato from the profits. This allowed both to make a profit while Cato did not have the legal responsibilities or liabilities. During the imperial age freedmen became important. One, Claudius Etruscus, a slave from Smyrna, was freed by Emperor Tiberius, hence the name Claudius (Tiberius’s gens). He served in the Roman treasury under six emperors, rising to control the empire’s wealth before dying during the reign of Domitian in his old age. He became an equestrian and married a Roman whose brother was a consul. Other freedmen who had power under the emperors were Pallas and Narcissus, rivals under Claudius who controlled the empire’s resources, running the state smoothly. The freedman and his former master had obligations to each other. The former master, or patronus, was expected to care for his ex-slave, ensuring he had a career, a proper burial in the family tomb, and if he had children providing for them. The freedman, or libertus, agreed to support his ex-master if he was reduced to poverty. If the freedman died childless his patron would inherit his property. The institution of patronage with freedmen was mainly one-sided, for if the freedman did not show his former master respect he could become his slave again. The Roman household often had freedmen continuing in their old roles not as slaves but instead as free men with some independence. While a modern observer may not know who was slave or free and may even think there was no difference, for the freedman and his former master it was obvious, and there existed greater interconnections between the two. The freedman often now became the family’s confidant and a trusted ally. These individuals often ran the household, since they had come from the ranks and knew the servants well, including strengths and weaknesses. For the Roman master who maintained several villas or estates, each bailiff was usually a freedman who knew the estate, land, slaves, and the local economy and had worked his way up in the house. The freedman thus became an extension of the Roman master and his ability to run the family’s property.

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See also: Government and Politics: Equites; Manumission Further Reading Millar, Fergus. 1998. The Crowd in Rome in the Late Republic. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan. Mouritsen, H. 2011. The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pliny the Younger. 1969. Letters and Panegyricus. Translated by Betty Radice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Smith, William. 1875. “Libertus.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts /secondary/SMIGRA*/Libertus.html. Westermann, W. L. 1955. The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society.

Germanic Tribes The Germanic tribes were a conglomeration of individual tribes lumped together in the geographical region east of the Rhine River and north of the Danube River. The tribes varied in origin, deriving from the north in Scandinavia and the east from the steppes of Russia. While the ancient authors varied in their makeup of the tribes, they did record in general their names and locations. The best source is probably Pliny the Elder, who wrote about 60 CE. He stated in his Natural History (4.28) that there were five major groups: the Vandili in the Far East, which included the Burgundians; the Varni, Carini, and Gutones or Goths; and the Peucini or Basternae, also in the Far East. These two groups probably came from the steppes of Russia and were the most recent arrivals. Tacitus indicated that the Varni were also the Suebic or Hermionic group. Tacitus gave only three groups, the three remaining in Pliny; Tacitus indicated that the coastal tribes were called Ingaevones, those of the interior were called Herminones, and all the rest were called Istaevones. The Ingaevones included the Cimbri, the Teutoni, and the Chauci and were part of the migrations that had occurred around 100 BCE. The Istaevones also included part of the Cimbri, while the Hermiones included the Suevi, Hermunduri, Chatti, and Cherusci. These were the major tribes that Rome faced during the first century of the empire. The origins of the tribes indicate that they migrated south from Scandinavia, where they came into contact with the native Celts during the early Iron Age (800 BCE). Evidence seems to suggest that climatic change around 800 BCE caused the migration of tribes both south and east toward the Russian steppes and the Vistula River out of Scandinavia. The tribes in Denmark and southern Scandinavia were becoming more homogenous, and their expansion west, south, and east into the parts of modern Germany were probably caused by soil exhaustion and overpopulation. The time of Augustus saw the formation of the region of Germania in Roman eyes. While Julius Caesar first coined the region and term “Germania,” he may have been

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using it as a politico-geographical region east of the Rhine to distinguish the inhabitants, whom he believed to be more warlike and less “civilized” than the Gallic tribes. At the time of Augustus the term applied to the region east of the Rhine, north of the Danube, and west of the Elbe and Vistula. Moving west to east, the major tribes were probably the Frisians in the north along the Rhine, the Cherusci in the midregion, and the Chatti just north of Raetia. Farther east in the central part of Magna Germania were the Saxons near Denmark, the Langobardi to their south, and the Marcomanni controlling the vast central region just north of the Danube. It was this tribe that the future emperor Tiberius and his brother Drusus had planned to conquer around 15 BCE, but they were unable to crush the tribe. In the east along the Elbe River were the Rugi and then the Gepids. The Gutones were in the north, the Burgundians and Venedi were in the central region, and the Vandali, Lugli, and Basternae were in the south near the Danube. These tribes would continually interact with the Romans during the first two centuries. Many of the Chatti and Cherusci, for example, became auxiliaries in the Augustan armies but rebelled during the time of Varus. While the Marcomanni were able to create a large kingdom based on their tribal makeup, many of the other tribes could not coalesce into more powerful groups. During the second to third centuries new migrating tribes began to push these earlier tribes west and south. Like the Cimbri before who ultimately settled in Gaul after their defeat by Marius in the late republic and then were controlled by Julius Caesar, many of these tribes began to become Romanized on the frontier and became associated with the Romans or were subsumed into the newer tribes. The chief tribes seen during this period were the Marcomanni and the Quadi. The Marcomanni had earlier migrated east into Bohemia when Drusus had pushed them out of Germany. They had remained independent but chaotic during the next century and a half, with their kings being deposed by family members in coups. In about 160 CE they formed a confederation with the Vandals, Quadi, and Sarmatians. The Vandals had migrated in the second century BCE to the Vistula River region and then moved west during the early Roman period; the Quadi were probably associated with the Marcomanni, since they are usually mentioned alongside them, while the Sarmatians originated from the eastern Russian steppes and migrated westward beginning in the sixth century BCE and dominated the nearby Scythians. The Sarmatians inhabited the region from the Volga west to the Vistula and Danube around 100 CE. They would ultimately become the dominant tribe on the northern Danube around 250 CE. In the third century these tribes began to coalesce into larger tribal organizations. The first were the Alamanni, followed by the Goths. Both were collections of earlier tribes, and their leaders began to style themselves as kings. Rome now began to negotiate with these tribal kings when possible. In the late third century along the Rhine the Franks became another tribe that had organized itself into a large confederation. Before the arrival of Huns in the fifth century, the major Germanic tribes in 300 CE had organized themselves into large confederations, the Franks and Alamanni on the Rhine, the Sarmatians on the middle Danube, and the Goths, soon breaking into the Visigoths and Ostrogoths on the eastern Danube.

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The arrival of Huns in Europe began the great migration in which the Franks and Alamanni would push into Gaul. The Sarmatians would all but disappear, being assimilated into the Goths, and the Visigoths moved into Spain and then North Africa. The Ostrogoths moved into Italy, while the Huns attacked the Roman Empire before returning to Central Europe. See also: Groups and Organizations: Alamanni and Juthungi; Celts; Dacians; Vandals; Visigoths; Institutions: Client Kings; Key Events: Teutoburg Forest, Battle of the; Military: Legionary Camps; Primary Documents: Document 8; Document 11; Document 24 Further Reading Bowersock, G. W., Peter Brown, and Oleg Grabar, eds. 1999. Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Burns, Thomas. 2003. Rome and the Barbarians, 100 B.C.–A.D. 400. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Cunliffe, Barry. 2011. Europe between the Oceans, 9000 BC–AD 1000. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Pliny the Elder. 1938. Natural History. Translated by H. Rackham. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Gladiators The gladiatorial contests, especially under the emperors, became popular and a regular theme in Roman art and literature. They began as funeral rites among the ancient Etruscans, where the slain took care of the dead in the afterlife. The first recorded Roman contest took place in private in 264 BCE as part of a funeral rite to honor a dead nobleman. The contests then moved from private events to public funeral games and then to a public celebration for an event or a deed. Ultimately these contests were used for political means to win favor with the crowd. During the empire the emperors sponsored the contests to appease the urban masses. The Romans also exported their love for the gladiatorial contest throughout the west; it appears that the games were not popular in the east. Originally held in the forum or the Circus, they were moved to amphitheaters since the former did not provide the best view, while the latter allowed for up-close and in some ways personal viewing. These amphitheaters, originally constructed of wood, were later replaced by permanent stone amphitheaters throughout the empire. The most famous amphitheater was the Colosseum built by Vespasian and his son Titus. Those who fought, the gladiators, came from different ranks and status. Although rare, occasionally Roman citizens, called auctorati since they received pay, or autoramentus, fought in the arena, but they could only fight as volunteers and could not be condemned to the arena. They often volunteered because they had lost their money and hoped to recover their fortune. The more common way was for a captured warrior who

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Mosaic from the House of the Gladiators in Kourion, Cyprus. Above their heads are their names in Greek, “Hellenikos” and “Margarites.” Gladiators could be professional fighters, prisoners, or slaves who fought for entertainment. Gladiatorial contests were extremely popular throughout the Mediterranean during the imperial period. (Adrian Hughes/Dreamstime.com)

became a slave and was trained as a gladiator; if successful, he might win his freedom. Often after earning his freedom he might continue to fight, allowing him to earn money so he could survive. Another avenue, usually without the possibility of freedom, was to be spared death for a crime and sent to the arena. This became the most common avenue after the wars of conquest ended in the early empire. In Rome the gladiatorial schools were sponsored by the emperor, while outside of Rome they could either be imperial or supervised and regulated by the imperial bureaucracy to ensure no competitors. In Rome, one school was on the Caelian Hill to train the bestiarii, or fighters of wild beasts; three schools were located around the Colosseum, the most famous being the Ludus Magnus, with smaller ones called the Ludus Dacicus and Ludus Gallicus, where the lanista was the director of training and under him were business negotiators and other trainers. Exported throughout the Roman world, gladiatorial combats became popular not only in Italy, the originator, but even in the Greek world, where they were continually sought after and praised. Especially in conjunction with the military camps but not exclusively, the amphitheaters were very popular, and combats were common, as witnessed in arenas from the far north of Britain to the hot deserts of North Africa. Like modern athletes, gladiators were seen as heroes. The Roman writer Apuleius (124–170 CE) records how Rufinus, an individual who brought a lawsuit against

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Apuleius, was always present at the gladiatorial exercises, watching in fascination the training of the gladiators, proudly knowing their names and their histories, and recounting not only their victories but even their wounds. The excitement of the combat attracted the average Roman to the arena. In the late Roman Empire the philosopher Augustine discussed how his student Alypius went to Rome, and while he prided himself on avoiding the arena, he was one day “kidnapped” by his friends, who took him to fights. Withstanding the event by closing his eyes, he could not close his ears, and when he heard the crowd cheering, the excitement grew, and when one of the gladiators was cut down Alypius said that he heard the crowd scream and on opening his eyes “drank in the savagery and did not turn away” (Augustine 2015, 6.13). From then on he was hooked on the arena and would constantly return even without his friends. The recruit, or tiro, learned to fight by progressing through a series of exercises using a variety of tactics and weapons. First the recruit learned by using a wooden sword and training with a wooden dummy. Here he learned the vulnerable spots and how to fend off an enemy thrust. The trainer could determine what kind of gladiator the recruit would become. There were at least 16 different types of fighting, ranging from being an expert horseman and chariot driver to the ability to fight on foot, the most common. Some were equipped with heavy armor, requiring stamina, while others were lightly armed without armor, requiring speed. The agile retiarius became a favorite of the crowd; armed with a net and a three-prong trident, he had no armor. Since he fought bareheaded, he was recognizable. After their training and fighting in the arena, gladiators appear to have achieved some freedoms. For example, they do not appear to have been forced to stay in the training barracks, almost a prison, but had some freedom to move about. They could apparently marry, and some even had children. Inscriptions from Pompeii show that they visited brothels and inns, where graffiti shows names with colorful attributes such as “Lord of the Dolls.” The gladiatorial contests were popular with the people, since they allowed the masses to be distracted and gave a way for the populace to be pacified by relieving their frustrations. In many ways the games operated as modern-day sporting events to turn the passion of the crowds away from public violence toward cheering on their favorite athletes. See also: Government and Politics: Circus; Objects and Artifacts: Colosseum; Primary Documents: Document 38 Further Reading Auguet, Roland. 1994. Cruelty and Civilization: The Roman Games. New York: Routledge. Augustine. 2015. Confessions: Saint Augustine. Translated by R. S Pine-Coffin. London: Penguin Classics. Coleman, Kathleen. 2011. “Gladiators: Heroes of the Roman Amphitheatre.” British Broadcasting Company, February 17, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans/gladiators _01.shtml.

Groups and Organizations | Fagan, Garrat G. 2011. The Lure of the Arena: Social Psychology and the Crowd at the Roman Games. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kyle, Donald G. 1998. Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome. London: Routledge. Potter, David Stone, and D. J. Mattingly. 1999. Life, Death, and Entertainment in the Roman Empire. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Watson, Taci. 2011. “Huge Gladiator School Found Buried in Austria.” National Geographic News, September 14, http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2011/09/110913 -gladiator-school-austria-roman-ancient-walmarts-science/. Wisdom, Stephen, and Angus McBride. 2001. Gladiators: 100 BC–AD 200. Oxford, UK: Osprey.

Huns The Huns were a nomadic group of tribes who moved west during the early Roman period. They were first mentioned by Tacitus as moving from the Caspian Sea and by 150 CE were in the Caucasus. They originated in eastern Russia as did their later relatives, the Mongols. By 350 CE the Huns had established a vast confederation of tribes into an empire that lasted for about a century. Their movement west pushed many of the other tribes such as the Goths and Alans westward, forcing them to come into contact and wage war with Rome in the second and third centuries. While their original ethnic makeup is unclear, for they seem to just appear, it is clear that they came from the central steppes of Asia. Most likely the term “Hun” may have described the general invasions that occurred on the steppes, which began to coalesce in the first century CE. This invasion was probably made up of different nomadic tribes pushed farther west due to the firm establishment of the Han Empire in China (206 BCE–220 CE). With this establishment the migratory patterns of movements were disrupted, which in turn forced the tribes to move west instead of south. When they arrived in a new region the tribes often formed with other indigenous tribes or other migratory tribes, creating a new group. Ultimately this group created a loose confederation of tribes, with one group, the Huns, as the leaders. When the Huns moved out of the steppes in the 370s they were known for their terror and speed as mounted archers. By 380 CE they were recognized as allies of Rome, and some even settled in Roman territory. Moving west during the fourth century, the Huns attacked the eastern empire, overrunning Asia Minor from 395 to 398 CE, when Theodosius was in the west. When a strong Roman force arrived, the Huns seem to have faded away rather than fight. They turned toward Persia, where they were initially successful but were soon defeated by a strong Persian force near their capital, Ctesiphon. Again it appears that during this time there was no single Hunnish tribe or leader, and instead the whole group operated as a confederation of tribes with occasional coordination. In the early fifth century the Huns were led by the brothers Attila and Bleda, who attacked the eastern empire in 440 CE and ravaged the area until 443. Not given to luxury

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or ostentatious behavior, Attila established his log house Palace at Buda (modern-day Budapest, Hungary). By 440 he and his brother held the most powerful positions within Europe, with both western and eastern emperors, Theodosius II and Valentinian III, paying him tribute to not attack their empires. When the east refused to pay, he crossed the Danube in 441, capturing Sirmium, Naissus (Nis), Singdunum (Belgrade), and Serdicca (Sophia). Although Theodosius’s army was defeated, Constantinople was saved in part by its great walls and in part by its tribute being raised to 2,100 pounds of gold instead of 700. With these attacks the region lost its importance in commerce, trade, and industry for nearly 500 years. Bleda died in 445, and the Huns were now led solely by Attila. Again he attacked the eastern empire in 447 and defeated an army before disease forced him and his army to break off the attack and return to the north. Psychology was one of Attila’s greatest weapons. He allowed and perhaps even fabricated stories of Hunnish cruelty against Christians in order to create a general fear in the Roman world of Huns as the “scourge of God.” Attila turned his attention to the west, where infighting between Valentinian III and his sister Honoria gave him an excuse for intervention. Honoria had sent him her ring with a plea for aid, to which Attila responded with a pronouncement that he accepted her request for marriage. This was not what she had in mind, but Attila demanded the western empire as her dowry. When his demands were refused, as he perhaps knew they would be, Attila declared war on Valentinian and attacked. Moving across the Rhine into Germany and Gaul, Attila destroyed Trier and Metz. This invasion prompted Roman and Germanic tribes, all Christian, to form an alliance against this pagan invader. Theodoric I, king of the Visigoths, and Aetius, the Roman commander, joined forces and met the Huns at Troyes, where over 150,000 men, including Theodoric, are supposed to have died. Although defeated, Attila retired in ease, since the Romans were too exhausted to pursue him. Attila then invaded Italy, where he destroyed Aquileia, seized Verona and Vicenza, and allowed Padua and Milan to buy their safety. Pope Leo I met Attila when he turned toward Rome. Historians do not know what happened during this meeting; however, Attila turned north and returned to modern-day Hungary, where he died shortly thereafter, having choked on a broken blood vessel in his throat on his wedding night. The Huns became disorganized, and their empire dissolved within a few years. The Huns effectively forced Rome to spread its forces thin and give up control of crucial areas. Valentinian III, who feared and distrusted Aetius, executed the general because of his failure to defeat Attila. A few months later Valentinian was assassinated by two of Aetius’s retainers, another impact of the Huns. See also: Groups and Organizations: Vandals; Visigoths; Individuals: Theodosius, House of; Valentinian, House of; Key Events: Third-Century Political Chaos Further Reading Hyun Jin Kim. 2013. The Huns, Rome and the Birth of Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Groups and Organizations | Thompson, E. A. 1948. A History of Attila and the Huns. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Thompson, E. A. 2000. The Huns. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.

Isis and Osiris, Cult of During the empire, the worship of the Egyptian goddess Isis and her brother/husband Osiris increased in popularity, especially after the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. As part of a mystery religion, the goddess was seen as imparting wisdom and rebirth. Associated with both concepts was magic and motherly care. Isis was supreme over nature and magic, and her worship was popular among all classes including slaves and was open to both sexes. As the goddess of life and death, her veneration became important for the growth of mystery religions. Isis’s story centered on the murder of her brother/ husband Osiris by the god Set, who then chopped up his body so Isis would not recognize it or be able to reassemble it. It was here that the idea of death, through a horrifying means, is established. The importance for this grotesque death is that the rebirth becomes even more fantastic. Isis reassembles Osiris from his body parts except for his phallus, which forces her to use magic to make a new one. Through this rebirth they mate and produce a son, Horus. This concept of rebirth gave hope to her followers that there was some greater purpose to their lives. Isis was an ancient goddess from Egypt who was said to have taught the Egyptians how to cultivate and harvest the grains wheat and barley. These became her offerings during her festival. Osiris, god of the Nile, brought the gift of the river to the people every year in the form of the floods that deposited the rich soil, making it possible for the people to cultivate the crops. His marriage to Isis became part of the early Egyptian religion, and the two were now interconnected. As other cultures had contact with Egypt, there was an attempt to link their gods with the Egyptian gods. The Greek historian Herodotus identified Isis with Demeter, the Greek goddess of agriculture and rebirth. Ptolemy, Alexander the Great’s general who ruled Egypt, wanted to promote his connection with the Egyptians, so he elevated Isis to become “Queen of Heaven.” Isis was soon associated with Aphrodite and Astarte as well as Demeter. Rome had an early fascination with Isis. The dictator Sulla had introduced the cult of Isis when he returned from Greece in 83 BCE, but conservatives in the Senate challenged her introduction, and the Senate even banned the cult in 58 BCE. Her growth by this time was so great that the consuls and the people refused to carry out the ban, demonstrating her position in the capital. The Senate continued to challenge her growth by outlawing private worship of Isis five years later, and there seems to have been a persecution of her followers and the destruction of private sanctuaries. The Senate continued its attack against the cult, and in 50 BCE the consul L. Aemilius Paullus carried out the first attack on the temples; these attacks were only partially successful, and another decree ordered more attacks in 47 BCE. Rome came more fully into contact with Isis during the end of the republic when Julius Caesar installed Cleopatra as queen of Egypt and took her as his mistress.

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Cleopatra favored Isis, equating herself with Isis as “Queen of Heaven” and promoting her cult. While Cleopatra’s stay in Rome with Caesar was often viewed as scandalous, the cult of Isis was welcomed, and when Caesar was assassinated, a temple to Isis was decreed by the people. Although her cult had been restored under Caesar, her shrines were found only outside the ancient walls. Cleopatra left Rome, and during the struggle between Augustus and her new lover Marc Antony the new ideas of the east were often in contrast with traditional Roman values. When Augustus triumphed over Cleopatra and had taken Egypt, the tide of Egyptian culture became more pronounced. While Augustus attempted to prevent the wholesale importation of Egyptian and eastern influences, for example, he cancelled the temple decreed by the Senate after Caesar’s assassination as part of his attempt to restore the traditional Roman religion, but it was too late. The temples to Isis, the Iseum, grew in importance during the early empire and spread throughout the Roman world. During the Roman period the Latin author Apuleius wrote his book Metamorphosis (Golden Ass) on how Isis was viewed as a universal god. In a revelation to Apuleius she states that she is known by many names. She is the universal god, nature, the primordial god; she is queen of the dead and queen of the immortal, worshipped by all and known as Isis (Apuleius and Ruden 2011, Book 11). Caligula appears to have allowed the worship of Isis to become more integral to Rome; he is said to have participated in the Navigium Isidis, a festival in honor of the goddess on March 5. According to one source he even dressed like Isis to help in the celebrations (Josephus and Whiston 1988, Antiqities 19.1.5). Vespasian and his sons Titus and Domitian were also favorites of Isis, building new temples, or Iseum. Hadrian was also fascinated by Egyptian culture and likewise built temples and decorated his villa at Tibur with her motifs. With Isis becoming more popular with the Roman population after Octavian defeated Cleopatra, the growth of her religion spread. Isis became popular with women and spread quickly in urban regions throughout the empire. Remains of temples from Pompeii show that this was widespread. The cult had priests who wore linen garments, while those who were initiated wore masks of dogs’ heads in their procession. In representations Isis’s long tunic is made of linen, held by a knot at the breasts, while she wears a lotus crown, a symbol of Egypt, and carries a sistrum. The Egyptian god Apis, the bull, was also associated by the Ptolemies as Osiris, who now joined them together, creating the cult of Serapis to strengthen his position with the local Egyptians while glorifying the Macedonians (Greeks). This new cult soon replaced Osiris, and the new god Serapis became a favorite in the Roman Empire. His cult signified the idea of resurrection. His temple, called the Serapeum, was spread throughout Egypt by the Greeks and throughout the Mediterranean by the Romans. During later antiquity Serapis replaced Osiris as the spouse of Isis. See also: Groups and Organizations: Mystery Religions; Individuals: Cleopatra; Primary Documents: Document 14 Further Reading Alvar, E. J., and R. L. Gordon. 2008. Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras. Leiden: Brill.

Groups and Organizations | Apuleius and Sarah Ruden. 2011. The Golden Ass. New Haven CT: Yale University Press. Budge, E. A. W. 1969. The Gods of the Egyptians: Or, Studies in Egyptian Mythology. New York: Dover. Josephus, Flavius, and William Whiston. 1988. The Works of Josephus: Complete and Unabridged. New updated ed. Peabody, MA: Hendrick Publishers. Smith, William, ed. 1875. “Isis.” In A Dictionary of Roman Biography and Mythology. London: John Murray. Available at http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Pers eus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0104%3Aentry%3Disis-bio-1.

Jews The Jews in the Roman Empire were seen as various groups. First there was the religious aspect, with Judaism known as an ancient religion. Second, Jews were seen as an ethnic group similar to Syrians, Persians, and other Semitic groups. Finally, Jews were classified as inhabitants of a political-geographical region, Judea. All of these components interplayed in the Roman relations with the Jews and their place in the Roman world. As a religion, Judaism was viewed by the Romans as ancient and was afforded some accommodations even if the Romans did not understand the concept of monotheism. Julius Caesar officially recognized Judaism as an official religion, meaning that Jews had the right to practice their religion without fear of being seen as atheists. The Romans under Augustus continued this policy. Under Caligula and then Nero, Rome’s ignorance or indifference to Judaism resulted in disturbances. Caligula attempted in 40 CE to put a statue of himself in the Temple in Jerusalem, which would have led to rebellion but was averted by his assassination. Under Nero in 66 CE a general rebellion broke out centering on antitaxation, nationalism, and religious tensions between Jews and pagans. With the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE and the defeat in the Bar Kokhba Revolt in 132–136, Judaism lost much of its position, although it was still recognized as a religion allowed to practice. Ethnically, the Jews traced their heritage to the Semitic tribes of Mesopotamia. While being a Jew did not rely on ethnic heritage, most were Semitic. When Rome conquered the region this brought them into more direct contact with the eastern groups, especially the Parthians, who were Rome’s enemy. Since the Jews were ethnically similar to the Parthians, there was some distrust of them by the Romans. Typical characterizations or stereotypes of the Jews emerged that, coupled with their religious differences, often led to attacks against Jews, as they were accused of being sorcerers, practicing witchcraft, and using magic. Many Romans believed that Jews practiced astrology and used magic in trying to influence the future. Jewish knowledge of medicine was also attacked as occult and magic. Politically and geographically, the Jews were associated with the region of Palestine, known to the Romans as Judea. Rome first came into contact with the Jews during the second century BCE during their struggle for independence against the

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Syrians, Rome’s enemy. Rome supported the Jewish leaders from the Maccabean family. During the next century Rome did not interfere extensively in the region until Pompey became determined to settle the political situations. After defeating Mithridates VI of Pontus, Pompey continued to campaign in the east in Armenia and Syria before entering Judea, conquering Jerusalem in 63 BCE, and siding with one faction led by Hyrcanus II and the Pharisees. In 40 BCE the Roman Senate designated Herod the Great as king of Judea, and for the next 35 years he ruled the region as Rome’s client. The political and geographical evolution of Judea during the Roman imperial period is intertwined with Rome’s relation to the ruling family of Herod the Great and the religious policies of Jews. Herod’s family was Arab and Edomite who converted to Judaism; Herod was born in 74 BCE in southern Judea and became a strong supporter of Hyrcanus, earning a reputation of brutality. Hyrcanus was ousted by his nephew Antigonus with the help of the Parthians, forcing Herod to flee to Rome, where he pleaded for help in restoring power. The Senate decreed him king, and Herod returned to win the kingdom for himself. With Roman help, Herod took over Jerusalem and executed Antigonus in 37 BCE, establishing his family as the new ruling dynasty. For the next 34 years he ruled Judea. Although he portrayed himself as a Jew, many of the Jewish religious leaders doubted his veracity, since his family had been converts. During his reign he began the rebuilding of the Temple and established a Roman city called Caesarea on the coastline. This city, modeled after the Greeks, was not Jewish and became the administrative city for the region under the Romans. Herod employed foreign mercenaries as bodyguards probably because he questioned the loyalty of the Jews. He was known to have created a secret police to monitor and dispose of political enemies. He was constantly paranoid and saw enemies even in his own family. Ruthless and brutal, he severely dealt with all potential enemies. When he died, his three sons were each awarded a part of his kingdom, with Herod Archelaus taking over Judea. After 10 years of rule the Jewish leaders requested that Augustus remove Archelaus, and Judea was now placed under direct Roman rule. For the next 50 years Rome directly ruled Judea (except for 3 years when Herod the Great’s grandson ruled) until the First Jewish Rebellion of 66 CE. The Romans realized the importance of Judea. Although in and of itself Judea was not a wealthy region, it lay between the two most important provinces in the east, Egypt and Syria. Any break of communication between these two regions could be disastrous, since Egyptian grain supplied the Syrian Army. The rebellion in 66 CE could have produced disaffection in Egypt, leading to a decrease in the grain supply not only for Syria but also for the city of Rome itself. After a long and bloody war, the general Titus, son of the new emperor Vespasian, finally stormed the city of Jerusalem and burned the Temple. Jews were now forced to pay their Temple tax to Rome. In 132 the Jews again rebelled under the reign of Hadrian, and with their defeat in 135 Jerusalem became a Roman city called Aelia, with Jews being forbidden to reside in or visit the city. Hadrian attempted to wipe out Judaism, as he saw it as the cause of a century of civil war. Although Christians did not support the rebellion, the Romans imposed the same penalty on them.

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See also: Cities: Caesarea Maritima; Jerusalem; Groups and Organizations: Christians; Individuals: Jesus; Institutions: Client Kings; Key Events: Jewish Rebellion, First; Judea Provincial Disruption; Primary Documents: Document 14 Further Reading Flavius Josephus, William Whiston, trans., and D. S. Margoliouth. 2004. The Great RomanJewish War. Revised ed. Mineola, NY: Dover. Morrison, William Douglas. 1890. The Jews under Roman Rule. New York: Putnam. Smallwood, E. Mary. 2001. The Jews under Roman Rule: From Pompey to Diocletian; A Study in Political Relations. Leiden: Brill.

Mauri The western region of North Africa was home to Berber-speaking groups whom the Greeks and later Romans identified as Mauri, or Moors. The term probably comes from a generic designation of Numidian tribes operating in the Atlas Mountains and West Africa in modern-day Morocco. The Romans took over the region and made it into the provinces of Mauretania Caesariensis, in the east in modern-day Algeria, and Mauretania Tingitana, in the west in modern-day Morocco. The region before had existed as a kingdom, with the legendary founder being King Atlas. They had ties with Carthage, and their first historically recorded king was Baga. Their king Bocchus was the father-in-law to Jugurtha, who would rebel against Rome and for over a decade (116–104 BCE) challenged Rome in Numidia (modern-day northern Algeria). During his rebellion he encouraged anti-Roman sentiment, leading to a massacre of Italians in the city of Cirta (Algeria). Rome’s conduct in the war was far from stellar, with charges of Roman commanders being bribed by Jugurtha. After his death the kingdom was calm for a half century. His rule showed many that local native power was strong and that Rome could be challenged, especially if using guerrilla warfare. During the chaos of the Roman civil war of 44–31 BCE, Mauretania became a client kingdom in 29, with Juba II of Numidia installed as its king by the Romans. Juba II was the son of Juba I, who had sided with Pompey and was defeated by Julius Caesar. Raised in Rome, Juba II became friends with Octavian (Augustus) and fought with him at Actium, where Octavian defeated Marc Antony in 31 BCE. Juba was rewarded with the kingdom of Mauretania probably in 29 BCE. He married Cleopatra Selene, daughter of Cleopatra, Ptolemaic ruler of Egypt, and Marc Antony. Under their rule Mauretania flourished; they encouraged the arts, science, and agriculture, leading to extensive trade partners. Their son Ptolemy coruled with his father from about 9 CE and then became king with Juba’s death in 23 CE. During Ptolemy’s reign with his father, in 17 CE the Berber tribes rebelled against him under the Numidian Tacfarinas and the Garamantes tribe. Juba and his son were not able to defeat them. Ptolemy was forced to call upon the Roman governor of Africa, and the rebellion finally ended in 24 but with considerable

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casualties. Ptolemy ruled in peace after this, and the kingdom prospered. In 40 CE Caligula invited him to Rome, where he was confirmed as king but then was assassinated on Caligula’s orders. Ptolemy’s household slave Aedemon was outraged and started a violent rebellion, which was not put down until 44 CE. With Roman annexation, the region of Mauretania now promoted Rome. Local soldiers, notably cavalry, became known throughout the empire. The easternmost province, Mauretania Caesariensis, had its capital at Caesarea Mauretaniae in honor of Augustus. The city was rebuilt by Juba and Cleopatra and ultimately had a hippodrome, a basilica, an amphitheater, Greek temples, and numerous civic buildings. The city became the center for trade with the rest of the Roman world. It formed part of the frontier of the diocese of Africa in the late empire. In the west the other province was Mauretania Tingitana, with the Mulucha River as the boundary. The southern towns had defensive walls and ditches to protect them from marauders, and there was no continuous line of fortifications such as Hadrian’s Wall and the limes in Germany. The province was in the diocese of Spain in the late empire. These western defenses were not able to prevent the raids by the local tribes of Mauri, which began during the reign of Nero, from crossing the Strait of Gibraltar into Spain. A century later under Commodus they again raided the region of Baetica. The raids during the third century required the tetrarch Maximian to lead an invasion through Spain, across into Tingitana, through the Atlas Mountains, and then through Caesariensis into Carthage. The descendants of the Berber tribes were called Moors during the early Christian period. See also: Groups and Organizations: Desert Tribes Further Reading Richardson, John. 1996. The Romans in Spain. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Roller, Duane W. 2003. The World of Juba II and Kleopatra Selene: Royal Scholarship on Rome’s African Frontier. New York: Routledge.

Merchants Under the Roman Empire, merchants became one of the bulwarks of society in order to keep peace and order. The merchants supplied, transported, and sold materials needed for the state and its inhabitants and were closely linked with the government in ensuring peace and stability through supplying all aspects of society. These individuals, shippers, and businessmen sold their wares to the local shopkeepers, who in turn sold them to the public. The negotiatores were the merchants and shippers, while the mercatores were the small shopkeepers. The negotiatores bankrolled the bulk commodities and then transported them, often by sea, so they could be resold to the mercatores. A special class of negotiatores arising in the imperial age was the navicularii, who owned the actual ships

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Mosaic at the Villa Romana del Casale, a Roman estate located near the the town of Piazza Armerina, Sicily, fourth century CE. Merchants provided the Roman Empire with goods from overseas, usually transported by ships. Merchants were often grouped into corporations for the transport and selling of specific goods. (Chrisstanley/Dreamstime.com)

and bought and sold grain either as individual ship owners or as members of a corporation, an association of ship owners. Wealthy senators and equestrians were often the silent partners for the navicularii, often their freedmen. The publicani of the republic, the former tax collectors, became the suppliers of grain, the navicularii, for the military and the city of Rome during the empire. Emperors gave highly sought-after immunities from public duties for grain merchants. During the late republic the increase in grain subsidies for the Roman urban population grew. The grain merchants soon became crucial to supplying the basic foodstuff needed by the urban poor. Needing about 200,000 tons of grain yearly, mainly wheat, Egypt became the major supplier after its conquest in 30 BCE, while Sicily, Africa, and Sardinia still supplied a significant amount. During the early empire the state probably relied on private grain merchants, the navicularii, who contracted their services to the state to supply grain for the city and the army. In the late third century CE the state required these individuals to provide compulsory service to the empire; although not a monetary tax, it was regarded as a tax. This erosion from private to state-backed merchants probably began in the late first century CE when the emperor, who had a vested interest, his own personal safety, took more interest and control. The wine trade likewise became another important aspect of the Roman economy similar to the grain trade. These merchants were required to transport wine to different

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regions of the empire to provide their goods for the military. Italian wine, highly sought after, especially from the region around Pompeii, was exported to the provinces. After the conquest of Africa, Spain, Germany, and Gaul, local wine production developed in these regions, which were competing with production in Italy by the time of Trajan, ruling from 98 to 117 CE. The price of wine decreased due to increased production and more competition. Gaul was known for its viticulture even before the Romans took over, with merchants in the second century BCE making contracts to supply Rome with Gallic wine. The growth of colonies in the south such as Narbonne and Arles created growth in the Rhône and Saône River Valleys. In the first century CE wine production began around the Mosel and Rhine Rivers in Germany. During the empire the wine would arrive at Ostia, Rome’s port, and be transported upriver to Rome, where it was then distributed through the city and the region. The ancient port of Rome, Ostia, became a center for the merchants. The Forum of Corporations, in the heart of Ostia, became the heart of trade for Rome and therefore the empire during the first two centuries of the empire. The forum was an open-air market that displayed all types of commodities, including grain, wine, animals, and oil, and even services such as shipbuilding from throughout Rome’s territory. The rectangular walled forum, 328 by 262 feet (100 by 80 meters), had 61 square rooms, 13 by 13 feet (4 by 4 meters) with walls separating each other, that opened onto the center forum. As such, they could not hold all of the goods and instead displayed samples and had trade representatives. Although most of the produce represented Africa, other regions were also represented. Each shop had mosaics representing either a product or a region and probably acted as a sign for prospective buyers, most likely small shop owners. The forum served as the guild offices. Serving the 40 guilds were six guild divisions: grain shipping, commerce, transport, trades, civil service, and cults. A temple to Annona Augustus sat in the forum center celebrating the abundance of supplies made possible by Emperor Augustus. Not only was the temple a religious center, but like all Roman temples it could conduct business. Merchants were crucial to the Roman economy, as they allowed supplies to reach the different regions of the empire and promote trade. The merchants undertook great risks but also made tremendous profits. Their entrepreneurial abilities guaranteed that the Roman economy and state developed into the first truly international trade entity. See also: Institutions: Markets; Regulations, Business; Regulations, Commercial; Objects and Artifacts: Ports and Harbors; Ships; Primary Documents: Document 23 Further Reading Aldrete, Gregory. 2004. Daily Life in the Roman City: Rome, Pompeii and Ostia. Westport, CT: Greenwood. Casson, Lionel. 1951. “Speed under Sail of Ancient Ships.” Transactions of the American Philological Association 82 (1951): 136–148. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Journals/TAPA/82/Speed_under_Sail_of_Ancient_Ships*.html. Garnsey, P., K. Hopkins, and C. R. Whittaker. 1983. Trade in the Ancient Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Groups and Organizations | Scheidel, W., and S. Reden. 2002. The Ancient Economy. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.

Mystery Religions The mystery religions that developed in the republic and the empire were meant to be private and individualistic as opposed to the state religions, which provided protection for the state and were not important for individuals. Additionally, the state religions were public, with sacrifices in full view, while the mystery religions were secret, open only to those who were initiated to their specific god or goddess. The initiates had been given the secrets to the mysteries so they could have a full understanding of the afterlife. The state religion served the public, and following formulaic prayers and rituals was crucial. The prayers recited at public sacrifices were to help the people of the state so that they might be protected from foreign threats and natural calamities. The state religion did not promote individual salvation. The mystery religions, however, were meant for individuals so that they might have the benefits of the afterlife. To achieve these benefits, individuals had to be initiated into the secrets of the particular cult, and as they progressed and learned more about the religion they received more revelations. Full revelation, learning the mysteries, then led to a happy afterlife. This positive afterlife, however, was only available to those who received the full secrets. Those who died without knowing these full mysteries would not receive salvation in the next life. There was, however, the problem that one never really learned the full secrets, so the process of learning never stopped, provided the individual was willing to pay to learn the secrets.

Wall fresco in the Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii. The fresco shows the initiation of a young woman into one of the Greco-Roman mystery cults. These cults became popular when many Romans became disenchanted with the state religion, which did not offer the promise of an afterlife. Mystery religions allowed those initiated to have a chance for eternal life instead of life in Hades—the underworld. (Kristýna Henkeová/Dreamstime.com)

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Unlike the state religions that were reserved for citizens or were otherwise exclusive, mystery religions were open to all, including women and noncitizens. Noncitizens by their political status were banned from receiving the benefits of the gods under the state religions. In the empire this meant in theory that non-Romans, especially in the early empire, could not benefit from Roman rule. Mystery religions, on the other hand, allowed noncitizens to not just join their particular cult but also to believe in or join other mystery cults. Individuals could therefore belong to several mystery cults, provided they were willing to pay for their membership. The membership included paying a yearly allowance to the cult priests and priestesses in order to ensure that the cults could continue and be practiced; this money provided for the leaders’ care. These payments were graduated based on wealth, which allowed for a gradation of “secrets” to be revealed so that everyone had secrets revealed to them, but some received more or better information. The ancient world had many different mystery religions. All mystery religions had their initiates taking a vow of secrecy concerning what went on during the celebrations. One of the earliest was the worship of Demeter and the Eleusinian Mysteries, which dated to the Mycenaean period (1200 BCE) in Greece; this became a popular belief in the Athenian city as a counter to the traditional Olympian gods and goddesses. The cult ultimately received official recognition by the city of Athens. Festivals were held outside Athens each year, with the major festival held every five years. Ultimately Athens took over official sponsorship, increasing the number of initiates by opening the cult to anyone not guilty of murder or of being a barbarian (i.e., not speaking Greek). Another mystery religion developed during the Ptolemaic period (305–30 BCE) in Egypt and centered on Isis and Osiris, traditional Egyptian deities. Like Demeter, Isis proposed the notion of rebirth, with the story of Isis centering on how through her intervention followers were renewed in the afterlife so they could enjoy a happy life. Like other mystery religions, it was open to both sexes and even slaves. From Asia Minor came Cybele, the Magna Mater goddess, who became popular in Rome during the republic. Her worship was introduced in the Second Punic War (218– 201 BCE) when Rome was in dire straits and suffering from a famine. An oracle told the Roman state to introduce her cult and that not only would the famine end, but Rome would defeat Hannibal, her mortal enemy, as well. Cybele, now Magna Mater, was officially accepted into the Roman state and became popular and then continued to grow after the famine ended and Hannibal was pushed out of Italy. Another popular religion was the worship of Bacchus, or Dionysius. Known especially for its orgiastic aspect that many Roman politicians believed was dangerous, the cult was accused of promoting immorality, sedition, and murder. The Senate outlawed it and only allowed it to return after it was placed under direct state control. While Rome was usually tolerant of these mystery religions, this particular cult caused them much fear. A later mystery religion was the cult of Mithras, which was exclusively for men. The cult became popular with the military, as it promoted rebirth, common among soldiers for hope in the afterlife. The cult originated in the Persian cult of Mithras, but some scholars have argued that the Romans modified the worship into their own distinctive

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form, including the scenes of the slaying of the bull, something not seen in Iranian iconography. Like the other mystery cults, it was secretive and had gradations for initiates. During the empire the cult of Mithras grew, and many temples were established in the west. Interestingly, there are few examples of it in the east. The Roman elites, since they could afford it, would often hedge their bets and belong to several cults simultaneously. Unlike Christianity, which was exclusive, requiring individuals to believe only in their beliefs and not calling for gradations but remaining free, mystery cults allowed their followers to join other cults, provided individuals could pay each initiation fee. The mystery religions promised their adherents a happy life as long as an individual was willing to go through a series of initiations. For the population as a whole, the mystery religions offered a choice between the ancient state religions, which did not promote a happy afterlife, and religions that held the possibility for rebirth. See also: Government and Politics: Pontifex Maximus; Groups and Organizations: Bacchus, Cult of; Christians; Isis and Osiris, Cult of; State Religion; Institutions: Religion Further Reading Bowden, H. 2010. Mystery Cults of the Ancient World. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Casadio, Giovanni, and Patricia A. Johnston. 2009. Mystic Cults in Magna Graecia. Austin: University of Texas Press. Cumont, Franz. 1956. The Mysteries of Mithra. New York: Dover. Godwin, Joscelyn. 1981. Mystery Religions in the Ancient World. 1st U.S. ed. San Francisco: Harper and Row.

Parthians After Alexander the Great (356–323 BCE) died his kingdom was divided between his generals, with Seleucus gaining control of Asia, especially the region of modern-day Iraq and Iran. After about a century the local tribes began to reexert their power and break away from the Hellenistic kingdom. One of the regions, present-day northeastern Iran, called Parthia, broke away under Arsaces (250–211 BCE), who founded the Parthian Empire, also named the Arsacid Empire. He hailed himself the successor of the Achaemenid Empire, the old Persian Empire that Alexander the Great had conquered. The Parthians’ initial enemies were the Seleucids in the west and the Scythian nomads in the east. During the reign of Mithridates I of Parthia (171–138 BCE) the Parthians expanded eastward against the Bactrians, controlling the area as far as the Indus River. As the Parthians expanded westward during the late second century BCE they came into contact with Rome. The Parthians and Romans treated each other as kingdoms, which allowed both sides to enter into occasional treaties. Neither side trusted the other and made treaties

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usually due to political or military reasons. During the early first century BCE the Romans helped rival claimants to the throne, which further destabilized the kingdom. In 53 BCE Marcus Licinius Crassus, a member of the First Triumvirate, or rule of three (with Gnaeus Pompeius and Gaius Julius Caesar), marched against the Parthians with seven legions. His force was ambushed and massacred by the Parthian cavalry bowmen at Carrhae. After this victory the Parthians attempted to capture the whole of Asia Minor and Syria. During the next decade Parthian forces, often with help from Roman forces opposed to other Roman generals, raided the region of Palestine. Ultimately Marc Antony’s lieutenants repulsed the Parthians, but Antony himself was badly defeated in 35–34 BCE. With Antony’s defeat at Actium in 31 BCE and suicide in Egypt, Augustus ruled supreme in the Roman world and turned his attention toward the east. With internal fighting in Parthia under the successive heirs, Rome was able to strengthen its eastern borders without fearing an invasion. When one claimant, Tiridates, was overthrown he fled to Rome along with the kidnapped children of his rival, Phraates IV. Augustus received Tiridates and the hostages in 20 BCE and began to negotiate a settlement with Phraates. In return for the legionary standards that Crassus had lost, Augustus returned Phraates’s son and heir. Both sides claimed victory. During the next 50 years, the throne of Parthia seesawed back and forth between rival claimants who either favored or opposed peace with Rome. The Romans continually interfered in the local Parthian affairs, especially by backing rival claimants both in Parthia and in Armenia, a buffer state between the two empires. Ultimately in 54 CE Tiridates I of Armenia established the Arascid dynasty in Armenia, which ruled the region until 428 CE. Although at first hostile to Rome, when the Parthians were defeated by the Persians, the Armenians became more favorable to Rome. During the reign of Nero (54–68 CE) there were some successes under Corbulo, but his successor Paetus was forced to flee Armenia and allow the Parthians to regain control. To ensure peace, the Parthians allowed Tiridates I of Armenia to be crowned king of Armenia by Nero even though he was an ally of Parthia. While Augustus and Nero attempted to maintain peace by diplomacy, Emperor Trajan began an offensive in 114 CE with the goal of conquering Parthia. During the next three years the emperor with his army conquered the western Parthian kingdom including its capitals Ctesiphon and Seleucia and even reaching Susa, where he crowned the new king of Parthia. Trajan’s death forced the Romans to abandon the newly won territories. His successor Hadrian pulled the Roman border back to the Euphrates River. Under Marcus Aurelius (161–180 CE) the Romans again were attacked and pushed back to Syria. The general Avidius Cassius, who was a descendant from the Seleucids, marched down the Euphrates capturing Dura-Europos and took the capitals Seleucia and Ctesiphon on the right and left banks, respectively. His soldiers contracted what the Romans termed the plague, perhaps smallpox or measles (but not the medieval bubonic plague) and were forced to retreat. He attacked in the northern Tigris region the following year as well. Septimius Severus repeated Cassius’s campaign down the Euphrates, capturing the capitals again but, like Trajan, failing to take the key fortress town Hatra after a siege in 198 CE. His son Caracalla attempted to repeat the task but

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was assassinated in 217, and Parthia and Rome made peace. The last Parthian king, Artabanus V, was defeated by the new Persian or Sassanid Empire in 224. The Parthians held power in a decentralized system where there were satrapies, or provinces, as well as self-governing or autonomous states. These factors hurt the centralized government, since they were always susceptible to civil war and rebellion. The king had polygamous relations, with his firstborn son usually in line for succession. The multiple marriages, however, often fueled discord and rebellions. The civil wars between the central authority and the provincial nobility weakened the central state while giving greater power to the provinces. This reduction in power resulted in the downfall of the empire. The provincial aristocrats were responsible for the military conscripts when needed, including the outfitting and recruiting of the expensive heavy cavalry. The light cavalry were recruited from the lower classes. The Parthian culture was initially centered on both the Hellenistic and Iranian or Persian cultures. After a century the central government became more Persian, including the use of the Persian script on its coins in place of Greek. Moreover, the later Parthian kings styled themselves as former Persian kings in dress and titles. The Parthians for the most part were polytheistic and adopted many of the Greek gods and goddesses. In addition, like the Persian and Seleucid monarchs who were worshipped as divine, so too were the Parthians. In terms of Parthian literature, none has survived from their period, with the survival of their oral stories being written down during the later Sassanid period. See also: Cities: Antioch; Groups and Organizations: Persians; Individuals: Trajan; Institutions: Provinces; Military: Legionary Deployment Further Reading Bickerman, Elias J. 1983. “The Seleucid Period.” In Cambridge History of Iran 3.1, edited by Ehsan Yarshater, 1–20. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brosius, Maria. 2006. The Persians: An Introduction. London: Routledge.

Persians In the east Rome faced the Sassinid Persians, especially in their interactions with Armenia, but their organized threat could be tempered with diplomacy. The Sassinid Persians claimed their ancestry from the original sixth-century BCE Persian kingdom of Cyrus and Darius. The Persian Empire was established in 224 with the victory over the Parthians by Ardashir I. Unlike the Parthian Empire, which was not highly centralized, the new Persian kingdom had a strong centralized state and supported the state religion of Zoroastrianism, which had existed during the first Persian Empire. Ardashir began a series of campaigns against the Romans for control of Armenia. After mixed results, the Persians successfully seized Hatra in 240–241. With his son Shapur as coruler, Ardashir was secure in his transition.

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The Persians expanded in the third century, and Rome expended a tremendous amount of energy and resources to keep them at bay. The greatest Persian king, Shapur or Sapor I (r. 241–272), defeated the Roman emperor Valerian in 260, sacked Antioch, and established a powerful presence in the east. He was turned back by Palmyra, which successfully defended the east after the Valerian disaster. Shapur also conquered Bactria and the western Kushan Empire in the Far East. He also was known for his religious tolerance, including allowing Christians to worship freely; supporting Mani, a Persian prophet (216–274 CE) and his religion Manichaeism; and even relaxing the laws against the Jews. Shapur, who worshipped Zoroaster, protected Mani; his successor, Bahram I, did not and imprisoned Mani, who died and whose religion was attacked. In 309 his grandson Shapur II (309–379) inaugurated the golden age of the Persians, even forcing Rome, after Julian’s debacle of attempting to conquer Persia in 363, to make a humiliating peace. Shapur II completed the religious policy begun by Bahram I and not only made Zoroastrianism the state religion but also persecuted other faiths. Christians in the Persian territory were now persecuted, although Jews continued to avoid persecution and were treated with respect. The period between 260 and 298 saw Rome and Persia in a constant series of battles in which Rome slowly chipped away at Persia’s advance. The Romans under Carus (283) were successful in bringing the campaign to the western Persian capital, Ctesiphon. The major issue surrounded Armenia, a mountainous buffer state between them in what is now Turkey. In 296 the junior Emperor Galerius launched an attack aimed at pushing the Persians out of the deserts and capturing the strategic spots in the lowlands. The Persian king Narses defeated Galerius at Carrhae, the spot where Crassus had been destroyed 350 years earlier. Galerius regrouped and in 297–298 attacked Narses through the Armenian highlands. Rome now dictated the peace conditions and forced Persia to acquiesce to them. This peace treaty did not require Persia to give up extensive amounts of land but did require it to cede strategic spots, which allowed Rome to maintain an easy defense against future Persian aggressions. For the next 60 years the peace held. This situation was reversed after Julian’s death and Jovian’s humiliation in 363, when he gave back to Persia most of the region conquered by Galerius in 298. For the next century the two sides were relatively at peace, with a series of weak rulers in Persia. The bureaucracy established by Shapur I and augmented by Shapur II continued to function and keep the empire stable. Shapur II’s grandson, Yazdegerd I (399–421), ruled energetically and made peace with Rome. He ended the persecutions of Christians and married a Jewish princess. His son, Bahram V (421–438), was known for his strength and grace. Persia was at its height under his rule, and he strove to enhance the kingdom with wars in the east. His son, Yazdegerd II (438–457), continued Persia’s expansion both in the east and against Rome. While his campaigns against the Romans were mixed, he was successful in the east. While in the east he became suspicious of Christians and began to persecute them. He even attempted to introduce Zoroastrianism in Armenia, which led to conflict with the Christians there. Although Zoroastrianism was officially introduced, most inhabitants remained Christian.

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In the east the Huns, who had been defeated by Yazdegerd I and Bahram V, continued to attack Persia. During the fifth century they defeated the Persian king and his army and plundered the region. Although the Persians restored their kingdom, they were still weakened. Persia continued to be a symbolic threat for the next 150 years, forcing Rome to divert energy, manpower, and supplies to the east, but peace existed between the two due to internal problems, mainly civil wars in Persia. See also: Groups and Organizations: Parthians; Individuals: Constantine, House of; Diocletian; Palmyra, House of; Severan Dynasty; Key Events: Third-Century Political Chaos; Thirty Tyrants Further Reading Daniel, Elton L. 2001. The History of Iran. Westport, CT: Greenwood. Dignas, Beate, and Engelbert Winter. 2007. Rome and Persia in Late Antiquity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dodgeon, Michael H., Samuel N. C. Lieu, and Geoffrey Greatrex. 1991. The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars. London: Routledge.

Picts The Picts were tribes living north of Hadrian’s Wall that were never completely subdued. Originally these tribes were part of the Celtic tribes in Britain and were called Caledonians by the Romans during the first century CE but were probably part of the Pict tribal groups. Some believe that the Caledonians were actually a mixture of Pictish tribes augmented by Britons who fled the Roman invasion. Since the Romans never conquered their region, the Caledonians and Picts should be seen as the same tribe but with different terminology depending on the date; the names can be used interchangeably. The only evidence of the tribes is from Roman authors, biased of course, and some archaeological materials. The Caledonians/Picts were typical Iron Age Celtic inhabitants of Britain who built their defensive structures on hills and are termed hillfort builders. They were farmers who fled to the hillfort structures during times of chaos. These defensive structures built of earthworks allowed the local population some security. While the countryside was not continually ravaged by war, it was crucial for tribes to have protection from each other. There are over 2,000 such structures on the British island, with about 600 in Wales. Many were used by the Romans during their conquest, since they afforded excellent positions for defense and jumping-off points for further invasion. An alternative explanation is that these structures were not used for military purposes but instead for agriculture to keep animals, especially cattle, penned up. It is possible that both explanations are accurate. After the conquest of Britain begun by Claudius in 43 CE and his immediate successors, the Roman general Agricola embarked on a plan to conquer Scotland. In 83 CE he defeated the Caledonians under Calgacus, who had been elected their war chieftain. This

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would suggest that the tribes viewed themselves as independent and would form a loose confederation when threatened. Agricola’s son-in-law, Tacitus, wrote a work commemorating Agricola and in it mentions Calgacus, even describing a speech where the chieftain tells his people that the Romans slaughter and plunder and in doing so create solitude and call it peace. The Battle of Mons Graupius was said to be a decisive victory over the Caledonians, thereby resulting in the complete control of Britain by the Romans. This, of course, did not happen. It is possible that the Romans had won the battle but in the following years did not follow up their victory due to military issues elsewhere. Some believe that the battle in fact never took place and that Agricola had manufactured it, causing his recall and disgrace, although he was awarded a triumph perhaps for Domitian, the emperor, to save face. During the next few years the Romans systematically withdrew to the southern part of Scotland, the lowlands, leaving the highlands unoccupied. Hadrian’s Wall and then briefly Antonine’s Wall became the boundary between the Caledonians and the Romans. For the next century the Romans engaged in punitive raids into the north, but nothing significant. In 180, however, the Caledonians raided northern Britain and even breached the defenses at Hadrian’s Wall. The Romans spent the next several years under Commodus attempting to restore order, which was finally achieved with the Caledonians signing a peace treaty. During the civil war of 197 Emperor Clodius Albinus removed forces from Hadrian’s Wall and Britain, which left the region vulnerable. An attack by the Caledonians and their allies was successful, with the Romans buying peace rather than fighting. The new emperor, Septimius Severus, now moved against them in 209, and the Caledonians are said to have surrendered to them. The emperor attempted to subdue the whole region, but it was a costly fight, and his son Caracalla in 210 attempted one final campaign so that Severus could bring about an end to their existence. But after Severus’s death in 211, Caracalla was unable to continue the war; he made peace with the Caledonians and moved south behind Hadrian’s Wall. For the next century there were few indications of the struggle between Rome and the Caledonians. During the tetrarchy, the usurper Carausius appears to have struggled with them in the 280s. Constantius Chlorus, one of the tetrarchs who had defeated Carausius, invaded the north in 305, and the tribes were mentioned again in a panegyric and were called Picts. During the next few centuries the Picts and other tribes continued their attacks on northern Britain. With the legions’ evacuation of Britain in 410, the region became more unsettled. It appears that a series of small kingdoms or tribal homelands sprang up, with no one group dominating. The Pictish kingdoms continued into the medieval period. See also: Groups and Organizations: Celts; Key Events: British Conquest; Military: Antonine Wall; Hadrian’s Wall Further Reading Clarkson, Tim. 2016. The Picts: A History. Edinburgh, UK: Birlinn. Geary, Patrick J. 1988. Before France and Germany: The Creation and Transformation of the Merovingian World. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hudson, Benjamin. 2014. The Picts. West Sussex, UK: Wiley.

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Slaves Roman slavery differed from the American institution in that the Romans viewed it as based on economic, political, and personal conditions, not race or ethnicity. As a political statement, slavery was when individuals did not have the freedom to determine their own actions. Originally most forms of slavery were political, such as the capture of a city, tribe, or region, with its inhabitants sold by the conquerors into slavery, or economic, with families selling their children into slavery or abandoning them and strangers rescuing them and having the right to keep them as slaves, or through kidnapping or piracy or by breeding. During the Roman Empire the number of slaves entering Rome through political acts had decreased dramatically from the time of the republic. With the exception of Claudius’s invasion of Britain and Trajan’s conquest of Dacia, the number of new regions incorporated into Roman territory was greatly

Statue of an ancient Roman soldier with prisoners on a bridge over the Tiber River, Rome. The conquest of a city, tribe, or region often resulted in some of its inhabitants being forced into slavery without regard to class or ethnicity. Slaves had few rights but some could be set free and in turn become citizens. (Peter Spirer/Dreamstime.com)

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reduced, with few new slave markets existing. The largest number of slaves came from breeding and from rescuing abandoned children. The Romans had always been accepting of the evolution of slavery and allowed for slaves to potentially earn their freedom, or manumission. For the Romans, slavery merely existed; it was part of life. The variety of slave functions also determined their order in Roman society. While all slaves were below freeborn and freedmen, they were nevertheless differentiated within their own order. Urban or household slaves were viewed as members of the family, often receiving their freedom, while agricultural slaves were viewed only as work animals. They were usually the most common from military conquests, and when these markets dried up, especially after the First Jewish Rebellion (66–73 CE) and Trajan’s conquest of Dacia (101–106 CE), they were often taken in border raids. The owner looked for strength among slaves, who were often kept in prisons on the farm. As the empire matured the number of agricultural slaves naturally decreased, soon replaced more and more by tenants. The Roman attitude toward these slaves is seen in their classification as “speaking tools,” a term that they used as opposed to semispeaking tools, such as mules and oxen. More common in cities were the trained and untrained industrial slaves. Trained slaves were often seen as apprentices who could help potters, stone workers, and owners of other business. If they had previous knowledge, these slaves were expensive. They were often freed and worked alongside their former masters. The untrained slaves were similar to the agricultural laborers, nothing more than beasts of burden. Most slaves during the empire worked in the household. Doing the menial tasks of cooking and cleaning, being nannies or porters, or other jobs, these slaves had a clearly defined pecking order. For example, porters were below waiters, who in turn were beneath doormen. A typical wealthy Roman might have 20 slaves in his household taking care of a variety of chores. A shopkeeper might have a few slaves to look after his home and business, with some even trained in the trade. Finally, some slaves were in the entertainment business, including musicians, dancers, and prostitutes. Roman law also viewed slavery with some peculiarities. If there were infractions, slaves could be tortured to get information; this was later extended into the courts, where torture was preferred since slaves were not trustworthy, and the Romans thought torture ensured that the information was true. Slaves could be punished by their masters for any reason. If they disobeyed they could be whipped, and if they committed a severe crime such as theft they could be branded on their head with “FVR,” meaning “thief ”; many slaves who showed signs of discontent were sent to work on farms, with some even being confined to the ergastulum, a prison or fetters on the farm, or to the “mill gang” to work in industry. Roman law allowed the owner the right, at least early on, of punishing his slave with death. During the late republic a series of slave rebellions shook Rome to its foundation. A series began in the 120s BCE in Sicily, and the great slave rebellion by Spartacus in 73 BCE showed what could happen when a large number of slaves became discontented. As a common practice and in law, if a slave killed his or her master, then not only was the slave executed, but every slave in the house was also executed, since they were seen as having been complicit in the act through actively conspiring, or through knowing of

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the plot and not reporting or preventing it. While draconian and brutal, this was effective in keeping slaves living in a state of fear. During the empire slavery existed throughout the Mediterranean. It still remained a cheap source of labor, and since the economy was built on manpower and rarely on machines, slavery was still profitable. The slaves allowed for capital to be amassed and used in the community. In cities, slaves were a common sight and were crucial for the elites to have the freedom of time needed to rule. On a busy street in Rome the slaves often outnumbered the free. See also: Government and Politics: Manumission; Institutions: Marriage Further Reading Bradley, Keith. 1994. Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Smith, William, ed. 1875. “Servus.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts /secondary/SMIGRA*/Servus.html. Westermann, W. L. 1955. The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society.

State Religion During the Roman Empire the state religion continued to espouse the ideas of the old republican religion and incorporated the worship of the emperor. The traditional religion was still based on the old rules and rituals of an agricultural society where sacrifices were offered for the state’s welfare, including good and proper weather, harvest, protection from robbers, and general well-being. The Romans believed that their gods were present in all things, therefore they had to satisfy and show proper reverence to them. The central theme was to live in harmony with nature. The Romans believed that the numina (sing. numen), or gods, were everywhere, and it was important for the Romans to not slight anything or anyone. For example, the Romans held that a grove of trees, a spring, a river, or even a hill could be inhabited by gods, and any discourteous behavior could be seen as an affront and was liable for punishment. To please the gods and spirits, sacrifices needed to be offered, usually in the form of animals or vegetables. The Roman religion changed as the republic expanded to address the needs of the growing urban community away from the rural setting and transferring protection from the individual to the state. For example, good weather was needed not only to ensure a good harvest but also to prevent flooding in the city; the state had to be protected from foreign invaders, just like thieves and robbers had to be prevented. During the republic a group that communicated with the gods became prominent. These priests and their attendants spoke for the community to the gods. During the empire, the emperor became the chief spokesperson for the state and ensured that the proper

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rituals and sacrifices were performed so that the gods were pleased. The city or state met to receive the approval of the gods, which was sought before political decisions and tasks were undertaken and after the conclusions of policies so that the gods could be thanked. Numa Pompilius, Rome’s second king, was heralded as the ruler responsible for instituting most of Rome’s religious ceremonies and institutions. Numa supposedly tempered Rome’s warlike behavior through new rituals, which ensured that Rome followed the new laws and promoted the city rather than creating discord. To accomplish this, Rome needed to treat its enemies respectfully, especially if its former enemies were to become Rome’s new allies. Augustus, the first emperor, became pontifex maximus when the former chief priest died in 12 BCE. After his selection, all future emperors automatically became chief priest when they became emperor and inaugurated the sacrifices. A particular example of the state religion celebrated and portrayed is the Ara Pacis, or Temple of Peace, built to honor Augustus. Commissioned and built by the Senate in 13 BCE to commemorate the emperor’s safe return after three years in Gaul and Spain, the temple displays a variety of motifs and messages. The exterior friezes depict the imperial family and other important individuals as well as allegorical representations of Roman peace and prosperity. The purpose of the temple was also to show the power of the new emperor and his role in bringing peace. The religious motifs allowed the emperor and his successors to be seen as mediators between the gods and mortals. During the empire there grew a custom to worship the emperors. While Augustus did not allow himself to be worshipped as a god in the west, since he feared upsetting the old Italian sentiments that had led to his uncle, Julius Caesar, being assassinated; he did allow himself to have semidivine honors in the east and to allow himself to be joined with the state, or Roma, to be worshipped. Upon his death he was declared a god. During the first century CE the normal pattern for most emperors, except those irrational ones such as Caligula, were to be declared gods after their death, such as Augustus, Claudius, Vespasian, and Titus. Prayers were offered for the safety of the emperor, and often people invoked the emperors for safety in their prayers. The worship of the emperor was not the same as seeing him as divine; rather, the worship of the emperor was more a matter of invoking him for the state’s protection. In addition, the worship was more closely aligned to worshipping the office of the emperor. The Roman state religion gave the people a sense of community and belonging. The people through sacrifice could appease the gods so that they were cared for and protected. During the empire, the emperor became the go-between for the state and the gods. The state religion was ritualistic whereby sacrifices and form were more important than beliefs. The religion of the state guided them in their lives and fulfilled the contract between the people and the gods. See also: Government and Politics: Pontifex Maximus; Vestal Virgins; Institutions: Priests; Religion; Sacrifices

Groups and Organizations | Further Reading Dumézil, Georges. 1970. Archaic Roman Religion with an Appendix on the Religion of the Etruscans. Vols. 1 and 2. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Scheid, J., and J. Lloyd. 2003. An Introduction to Roman Religion. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Traders By the end of the republic, the Romans were masters of the Mediterranean and controlled the economic life of the region. Trade and its operators varied in the different regions. While in Italy they were equestrian, in the provinces they were often the leading political figures, and even client kings were involved. In Rome during the republic, senators were forbidden to engage in trade; by the middle imperial period this constraint was removed. The most important trader was the emperor and the imperial government. Rome did not produce a state-run system; rather, the government continued to directly engage in the sponsorship and employment of traders. The most important large-scale traders were the negotiatores. They would lend money, buy and sell large-capacity items such as grain and wine, and sell to the shopkeepers, or mercatores. The peace of Augustus allowed Roman and Italian traders to connect with their counterparts in the provinces. The Romans were able to take advantage of peace in the provinces to set up trading partners with all regions. The most important areas were usually centered on sea and river ports, which allowed for quick and inexpensive transport. In the Mediterranean the winds and sea currents allowed for prime sailing from May 27 to September 14 with usually calm seas, while the periods from March 10 to May 27 and September 14 to November 11 presented greater uncertainty and higher costs. From November 12 to March 10 there was almost no sailing, since storms and sailing conditions were treacherous. The small rivers of Gaul and Britain, connected with the Thames, Rhine, Rhône, Seine, and Garonne, allowed for trade goods to be transported throughout interiors. In the Balkans the Danube could transport goods and connect with some of the smaller rivers, while in the east the Orontes and the Nile were the main arteries. The Romans then used their sophisticated system of roads to supplement the waterways. Goods were often transported from a farm or city by land in wagons or on donkeys to a river town, where they were sent by small boats to a large port on the sea and then shipped throughout the empire. Since sea and river transport was more economical, merchants preferred to send bulk items by water rather than by land. Trade allowed the supply of goods to constantly be moved throughout the Roman world, providing for a vibrant economy and workforce. Trade allowed surpluses in some areas to be redistributed, including areas that had shortages. Once the goods arrived in a large city they were then handled by the mercatores. These individuals dealt with the day-to-day distribution of goods unlike the negotiatores, who dealt in bulk. On the social scale the negotiatores were usually better off than the mercatores.

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The shops were usually specialized, selling only individual items such as leather goods but not clothing or silverware but not pots. Some shops were set up in constructed markets, or macellum, which again usually offered a conglomeration of similar goods. Larger districts were the fora in the west and the agora in the east. These were the general districts, which had several different types of shops. The Roman shops were a myriad of different possibilities, which allowed specialization and refinements. The shops and their owners were vital members of the economy. Every day, Romans would visit and buy their wares in the countless number of shops. See also: Cities: Ostia; Government and Politics: Grain Trade; Institutions: Markets; Regulations, Business; Regulations, Commercial; Objects and Artifacts: Ports and Harbors; Ships Further Reading Claire, H. 2012. Shopping in Ancient Rome: The Retail Trade in the Late Republic and the Principate. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Department of Ancient Near Eastern Art. 2000. “Trade between the Romans and the Empires of Asia.” Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/silk/hd_silk.htm. Jones, A. H. M. 1964. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic, and Administrative Survey. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Terpstra, T. T. 2013. Trading Communities in the Roman World: A Micro-Economic and Institutional Perspective. Leiden: Brill.

Vandals The Vandals, known since the late first century in what is modern-day Poland between the Oder and Vistula Rivers, probably migrated south from Scandinavia during the second century BCE, establishing the Przeworsk culture. This Iron Age culture existed in this region from the third century BCE to the fifth century CE. Their settlements seem to have centered on families, with small number of individuals and families in unprotected villages. They had the capability of digging wells for freshwater, allowing them to reside away from rivers. Often several settlements would cooperate in regional economic and social customs including trade and the burying of the dead. They used crop and pasture rotation to ensure the enrichment of fields in between planting. The two major Vandal tribes were the Silingi, who lived in the Silesian region, and the Hasdingi, in the Sudetes mountain region. When the Huns pushed the Vandals west, the Silingi ultimately settled in southern Spain in Baetica, and the Hasdingi moved into the northwestern Iberian Peninsula, settling in Galicia. The Vandals then moved into Hungary by the late third and early fourth centuries, coming into contact and conflict with other Germanic tribes. After the Visigoths defeated them in 332 CE, their remnants received permission from Constantine to enter

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the empire en masse, settling and thriving in Pannonia, modern-day eastern Austria, western Hungary, northern Croatia, northwestern Serbia, and western Slovakia, and serving the Romans as auxiliaries. Once again the Vandals were pushed west across the Rhine and Danube by the arrival of the Huns around 400 CE. Their leader Stilicho led the Vandals during the reigns of Theodosius and his son Honorius. Constantly at odds with the Visigoth chief Alaric, Stilicho, who had married into the House of Theodosius, controlled the west. When Theodosius died, Alaric invaded the Balkans. Stilicho led his Vandals against the Visigoths, trapping them and making peace with them upon hearing of a rebellion in Africa. Four years later Stilicho, after stripping the western garrisons, again faced Alaric and his Visigoths in the west. The two chieftains fought on Easter in 402, and Alaric retreated toward an undefended Rome, which was saved from conquest by bribes. One group of Vandals, with the Alani and Suevi, invaded a defenseless Gaul in the late fourth century. They then made an arc beginning at the Rhine, moving northwest toward the English Channel, south into Aquitaine, and finally east into Narbonne. They brought with them devastation as they plundered cities and villas. Gaul had not seen such devastation since the time of Julius Caesar, nearly five centuries earlier, and the region didn’t recover until two centuries later. At this point the group split into smaller groups. Under Radagaisus, a group of 200,000 Alani, Quadi, Ostrogoths, and Vandals entered northern Italy. Stilicho defeated them with a small force and brought Radagaisus in chains to Honorius. Honorius’s chancellor Olympius, who distrusted and feared Stilicho, convinced the emperor that Stilicho was planning a coup. In 408, Honorius condemned and executed Stilicho. A second group of Vandals and Suevi, 100,000 strong, moved A diptych of Stilicho, with his wife Serena and son westward after splitting with Eucherius, ca. 395, at the Monza Cathedral in Radagaisus. This group was com- northern Italy. By the end of the empire, many of Rome’s soldiers were from tribes not assimilated into posed of elements from the two the Roman world, who were led by their own major tribes, the Silingi and Has- chieftains. Stilicho, presented here, was half Vandal dingi. They entered Spain in 409, but considered himself Roman. Many of these where they held control until the soldiers married into the Roman elite and held Visigoths, paid by the imperial immense power. Some of these tribes, like the government, attacked and forced Vandals, created their own kingdoms after Rome’s fall. the Suevi and Hasdingi to retreat (Leemage/UIG via Getty Images)

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into northwestern Spain, Galicia, while the Silingi Vandals moved south to Andalusia and Baetica, splitting the two tribes permanently. The Silingi Vandals remained in Bae­ tica until 429, when the governor of Africa, Boniface, invited them in. The Vandal king Gaiseric invaded Africa and, with 80,000 men, women, and children, established a new kingdom, displacing the Orthodox and the Donatists and establishing the Arians in control. Building a great fleet, Gaiseric ravaged the western Mediterranean until he was bought off by the emperor in Ravenna in the 440s. After the death of Valentinian III in 455 CE the Vandals attacked Italy, ravaging it far worse than Alaric ever had, including the city of Rome. By the 450s the Vandals had made Rome, the once great capital of the empire, a third-class city. These conquests further weakened the west by removing the rich province of Africa from Roman control. Without its revenue, especially its grain, Rome could no longer feed and supply its army or the city of Rome. The Hasdingi remained independent in Galicia until the Visigoths in 585 attacked and conquered the region. While the Muslim Arabs defeated and conquered the Silinigi Vandals in North Africa, they were not able to defeat the Visigoths in Spain, which included the remnants of the Hasdingi Vandals in Galicia. See also: Groups and Organizations: Germanic Tribes; Huns; Visigoths; Individuals: Theodosius, House of; Valentinian, House of Further Reading Cameron, Averil. 2000. “The Vandal Conquest and Vandal Rule (A.D. 429–534).” In The Cambridge Ancient History: Late Antiquity; Empire and Successors, A.D. 425–600, Vol. XIV, 553–559. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mark, Joshua. 2014. “Vandals.” Ancient History Encyclopedia, November 25, http://www .ancient.eu/Vandals/. Procopius. 1914. History of the Wars. 7 vols. Translated by H. B. Dewing. London: Wm. Heinemann. Available at http://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/ancient/procopius-vandals .asp.

Visigoths The Goths were originally a Scandinavian group from southern Sweden who migrated south during the Roman Empire. The sixth-century historian Jordanes wrote the Gaetica about the early history of Goths, although much of it is based on legend. It appears from literary and archaeological sources that the Goths moved from Sweden to Poland during the period 300 BCE–100 CE, pushing the Germanic tribes there south toward the Black Sea. The Goths then moved into the Ukraine and moved farther south toward the Black Sea by 200 CE as part of the great Germanic migrations, which resulted in the Macromannic Wars against Marcus Aurelius (166–180). After their arrival in the Ukraine the Goths adapted to the steppes, becoming renowned for their

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horsemanship. At this point they appear to have divided into two groups that were differentiated in the fourth century, the Thervingi, often associated with the later-termed Visigoths or western Goths, and the Greuthungi, the later Ostrogoths or eastern Goths. By the third century the Goths attacked the Romans south of the Danube and ravaged Turkey. In these attacks the Goths and other Germanic tribes were moving southeast, probably by continual migrations out of Scandinavia. In 251 Emperor Decius was killed in a battle with the Goths. The Goths then constructed ships and began to raid the Black Sea region, successfully seizing the northern shore around the Bosporan Kingdom. In the 260s they once again raided Asia Minor and, although defeated by the Roman fleet, escaped into the Aegean and attacked Greece. After the defeat, the Goths were pushed back north and later defeated by Emperor Gallienus. After his assassination in 268 another larger Gothic invasion took place, and the new emperor, Claudius, moved into the Balkans to meet the threat. After a hard-fought battle, the Romans were able to overcome the Goths and defeat them. It was after these initial attacks that the Goths appear to have split into two main tribal kingdoms, the Visigoths, mentioned at first as the Thervingi, and the Ostrogoths, at first called the Greuthungi. These names were probably based on geographical representations rather than ethnics. During the next century the Goths north of the Danube continued to wage war against the Romans but were not able to break through. The major threat to the Goths during the late third and early fourth centuries CE was from the Huns moving west and pushing the tribes south and west.

VISIGOTHS The Visigoths, defeated and forced west by the Huns in the 360s CE, petitioned Rome for permission to enter the empire en masse. This resulted in continual troubles for the Romans for the next 100 years. Emperor Valens allowed the Visigoths to enter Thrace, but he provided no supplies for the starving and weakened tribe. Taking advantage, Valens moved his Roman legions against them at Adrianople. There, the Gothic tribe won not by superior numbers, for they probably only had 25,000 men, but instead because of Rome’s impetuous emperor, who recklessly attacked them without adequate reserves, thinking that they would be an easy target. After their victory, the new emperor Theodosius used another tribe, the Vandals, and their chieftain Stilicho against the Visigoths but, being unable to destroy them, made peace with them in 382. Rome recognized their right to have their own chieftains rule them, thereby producing a separate state within the Roman state. Later the Visigoth king Alaric moved south threatening Rome in 408, only to be bought off by the Roman emperor with a promise of 4,000 pounds of gold. This bribe was never paid. While Stilicho lived he could deflect Alaric, but with his death in late 408 Alaric moved back across the Alps into Italy and demanded his gold. Emperor Honorius refused, and Alaric attacked Aquileia and Cremona. Picking up mercenaries and other tribes, he moved toward Rome, besieging the city by cutting off food and destroying the aqueducts. Rome then agreed to pay 5,000 pounds of gold, 30,000 pounds of silver, 4,000 silk tunics, and 3,000 pounds of pepper. When Alaric was then

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attacked by forces from Honorius in early 410, he argued that the treaty had been violated, and in 410 he sacked the city of Rome. This was the first time in 800 years that a foreign enemy entered Rome in triumph. Alaric’s sack and devastation of Rome destroyed the city’s infrastructure and wealth. Honorius’s half sister Galla Placidia and thousands of other prisoners were taken. Moving south, Alaric soon died of a fever, and his body was buried in a secret place under the Busento River. Alaric’s brother-in-law Ataulf agreed to leave Italy if Placidia was given to him in marriage. Honorius refused, but Placidia agreed, and Ataulf marched out of Italy. Moving into Gaul to fight against the Vandals, the Visigoths made Toulouse their capital. Ataulf was assassinated in 415, and Placidia, who loved him, desired to remain a widow, but Honorius married her to his general Constantius. Their son, Valentinian III, guided by Placidia, ruled Rome for 25 years. The Visigoths ultimately settled in Spain after pushing the Vandals out. They remained until the Islamic conquest of the eighth century, having proven that the Roman Army could be defeated and that the city of Rome was no longer impregnable. Their descendants would lead the reconquest of Spain against the Moors beginning in the eighth century.

OSTROGOTHS The Ostrogoths initially lived in the Crimean Peninsula and were subjugated by the Huns in the fourth century around 370 CE. They reappear after the Hunnic defeat as vassals to the Huns or as groups trying to escape the Huns south into the Balkans. The central figure at this time became the German general Ricimer, who made and unmade emperors, setting up his candidates who would follow his advice and orders. He supported the Germanic tribes as they became federates in the Roman Empire. With Ricimer’s death in 472, the Germans under Odoacer became more powerful in Italy. In 476 Odoacer removed the last emperor, Romulus Augustus(ulus), and instead of naming a successor ruled as a Germanic king. The Ostrogoths, now enhanced by their resurgence under their chieftain Theodoric the Great, were commissioned by the eastern Roman emperor to recover Italy. Theodoric deposed Odoacer and controlled Italy in his name, not the eastern empire. In 493 Theodoric had taken Ravenna and set up his kingdom there and for the next 35 years controlled Italy, much of it in peace. Theodoric’s triumph brought an end to Roman rule in the west. Clearly the empire’s external threats were important, but often their power came from elements within the empire, its internal enemies. See also: Groups and Organizations: Germanic Tribes; Huns; Vandals; Individuals: Theodosius, House of; Valentinian, House of; Key Events: Adrianople, Battle of; Primary Documents: Document 42 Further Reading Amory, Patrick. 2003. People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 489–554. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Burns, Thomas. 2003. Rome and the Barbarians, 100 B.C.–A.D. 400. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Groups and Organizations | Halsall, Guy. 2007. Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West, 376–568. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Heather, Peter. 1996. The Goths. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Mark, Joshua J. 2011. “Visigoth.” Ancient History Encyclopedia, December 16, http://www .ancient.eu/visigoth/.

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OVERVIEW ESSAY During the Roman Empire power was divided into families or dynasties, which would rule for over five centuries. There were major dynasties—Julio-Claudians, Flavians, Antonines, Severans, and Valerians—as well as numerous usurpers and allies. At the same time, nonemperors but individuals associated with their rule often exerted more power, such as the praetorian prefects and family members, including imperial wives and children. Outside of the power base there were individuals who shaped the religious and social life of the empire such as the theologians and popular religious leaders. Although power would fluctuate among different families, the ultimate power remained in the military, with the generals creating the different dynasties. The different dynastic groups often came into power through military coups or after civil wars; both of these processes created destabilizing situations that disrupted the fabric of society. Other individuals not necessarily associated with the imperial families also directly influenced Rome’s power and policies.

Military The most important individuals were the military commanders. Many of them often established the new imperial dynasties. The last great general of the republic and forerunner of the empire was Gaius Julius Caesar (102–44 BCE), whose assassination in 44 BCE led to the rise of Octavian, later known as Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE). Julius Caesar set the model of the great military leader who became master of the state. Conquering Gaul (modern-day France), Caesar moved the focus of the empire away from the Mediterranean to what became Europe. His nephew Octavian, through his general Agrippa (63–12 BCE), defeated Antony and Cleopatra’s (69–30 BCE) forces at Actium in 31 BCE and established the Julio-Claudian dynasty. Augustus, Agrippa, and Augustus’s stepson and successor Tiberius (42 BCE–37 CE) were all military men who contributed to the growth of the empire during its early period. Under Nero (37–68), the last Julio-Claudian emperor, the general Vespasian (9–79), together with his sons Titus and Domitian (51–96), emerged as the new leaders of Rome due to his military abilities. Vespasian conquered most of Judea during the First Jewish Rebellion, and his son Titus destroyed Jerusalem after a siege. When Vespasian’s youngest son Domitian became emperor, he continued his father and brother’s active military role, although he had setbacks especially in Dacia (modern-day Romania). 183

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With Domitian’s assassination in 96 CE and a brief interlude, the general Trajan (53– 117) now became emperor. He was hailed as the greatest Roman, an exaggeration but probably not by much, and spent his career as a military leader and general. From his death to the assassination of Commodus (161–192), the emperors except for Marcus Aurelius (121–180) did not campaign much. After the assassination of Commodus and the civil war that broke out, the general Septimius Severus (145–211) successfully established the Severan dynasty in 193, which ruled Rome for nearly 50 years. The period was known as a time when the military clearly showed that it was the real power in Rome rather than the facade of the Senate, which Augustus had attempted to create to shield his power. After Severus Alexander’s (208–235) assassination in 235, the last member of the dynasty, the Roman world was plunged into 50 years of chaos. There were brief periods when the central state seemingly held on to power such as during the reigns of Valerian (200–260) and Gallienus (218–268), father and son who faced the onslaught of the Persians (where Valerian perished), Germans, and native rebellions such as the House of Palmyra, which established a semiautonomous rule in the east. These men, more as generals than as emperors, would attempt to restore the central power of Rome. Through a series of generals, the process begun by Gallienius was finally reasserted by Aurelian (214–275), who completed many of the reforms begun earlier. Diocletian (244–313) ultimately reestablished power in the late third century and effectively finished the military reconquest of secessionist areas in Gaul and Britain; a major accomplishment was when his general and coruler Galerius defeated the Persians. Power passed to Constantine (274–337), a general and victor in the civil wars, and after a series of wars with Persia the general Valentian (321–375) and his brother Valens (328–378) restored power before Valens was defeated in the Battle of Adrianople by the Visigoths. Although power was restored after the defeat by Theodosius (347–395), at first general and later emperor, Rome now began to see its power wane. The House of Theodosius was the last of the great dynasties ruling for nearly 50 years in both the east and the west when generals appointed by emperors continually made and unmade rulers. With the extinction of the House of Theodosius, power in both the east and the west declined, and ultimately the west broke up into separate Germanic kingdoms by 476.

Political (Nonemperor) While the emperor may have been the nominal and usually actual leader of the empire, other individuals exerted tremendous influence on power and society. The first emperor, Augustus, continued the republican process whereby the noble families joined in marriages to maintain their power. Augustus wanted to continue this traditional power structure and so had his daughter Julia (39 BCE–14 CE) marry first his general Agrippa and then later his stepson Tiberius. Augustus came from the Julian clan, while his wife Livia (58 BCE–29 CE) came from the Claudian family, both ancient families. Livia became Augustus’s partner in power and was viewed by her contemporaries as powerful and influential. This intermarriage of noble families was for political reasons and not necessarily for love. Livia’s son and Augustus’s successor was Tiberius, who soon clashed

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with his nephew’s wife, Agrippina (15 BCE–33 CE), granddaughter of Augustus. Although played out in the works of the ancient writers Tacitus and Suetonius, these types of disputes were common with all imperial families if not well recorded. Tiberius was controlled by Sejanus (20 BCE–31 CE), commander of the Praetorian Guard who persecuted Agrippina and her family. Sejanus’s rise and fall became the archetype of nonelites gaining power, a new possibility in the empire. Many of the later praetorian prefects made and unmade emperors, often with chaotic results. For example, when Agrippina’s son Caligula (12–41) became the next emperor and his rule was marked by erratic behavior, a common problem with dynastic rule where the best successor was not often able to be chosen, he was assassinated by senators and the praetorian prefect. Upon Caligula’s assassination, his uncle Claudius (10 BCE–54) was promoted by the Praetorian Guard and became emperor. His method of accession, through the Praetorian Guard, was the first in a continual history where the military actively chose the emperor. He chose as his successor Nero, the last of the Julio-Claudians. Even here there was continual family strife, as Nero executed his mother, whom he felt meddled in political affairs.

Emperor Many of the emperors were not active generals but rather rulers who successfully or not controlled policy and ran the state without taking the battlefield. After Augustus and his stepson Tiberius, both generals, his successors Caligula, Claudius, and Nero did not actively campaign but instead administered the empire. When a rebellion broke out in 68 CE and threw the empire into convulsions, Nero, the last emperor from Augustus’s family, committed suicide, and after the Year of the Four Emperors the ultimate victor was the general Vespasian, who now established a new dynasty, the Flavians, which included himself, his son Titus, and his youngest son Domitian as emperors. In 96 Domitian was assassinated, and the senators promoted Nerva (30–98) as ruler, who began the age of the Antonines. To appease members of the Praetorian Guard who liked and favored the warlike Domitian and were upset with his assassination, Nerva, an old senator, adopted the general Trajan as his successor before dying in 98 CE, producing a smooth transition. Trajan was known as a great soldier, adding territory to the empire and embarking on an ambitious building program. Childless, he adopted his nephew Hadrian (76–138) as emperor before his death in 117, again continuing the program of adopting the best individual as emperor. Hadrian became known as a great organizer and established the frontiers by constructing a series of defensive networks. Likewise childless, Hadrian adopted Antoninus Pius (86–161), who unlike Hadrian remained in Rome for his entire reign and ruled longer than any emperor since Augustus. Antoninus’s reign marked the high point of the Roman Empire in terms of peace and prosperity. Near the end of Antoninus’s reign the empire was hit with a plague that killed a large percentage of the population, creating problems for his successors and into the next century. He adopted Marcus Aurelius, who married Antoninus’s daughter and thus ensured a smooth transition. Marcus Aurelius faced the onslaught of the northern tribes as well as renewed outbreaks of the plague. Known as a philosopher, he had a son Commodus who followed him, being the last ruler of the Antonines. These

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emperors were known for their organizing skills and not necessarily for being great military men except for Trajan. Their hallmark instead was creating an efficient government, which created a smooth transition of power.

Religion and Society During the Julio-Claudian era, Jesus of Nazareth (4 BCE–30 CE) lived in Judea. His followers broke away from Judaism, probably during the reign of Claudius, establishing the new religion of Christianity. This religion would grow so that by the fourth century it had become one of the leading religions in the empire. Its theology would be shaped by the Latin fathers in the west in the later empire. Men such as Ambrose (340–397), Augustine (354–436), and Jerome (345–420) argued for the new religion and its superiority over paganism. These individuals would set the tone for the future development of Christianity and interaction between the Christians and the state. This history was not always smooth, for the Romans persecuted the Christians for not believing in the gods of Rome. These persecutions occurred not only under Nero but also during the third and early fourth centuries. It was during Diocletian’s reign that the last great persecution of the Christians occurred, in 303 CE. After his retirement, the empire was again thrown into a civil war. Afterward Constantine successfully won in a series of wars, reunited the east and west, and ended the persecutions of the Christians. Ruling for 25 years, he moved the capital from Rome to the eastern city of Byzantium, now renamed Constantinople. He made the new capital a Christian city, and Rome now began to lose its luster as the traditional capital. Constantine established the House of Constantine, which would succeed him for 25 years before being extinguished under Julian (330–363) with his defeat and death in the east by the Persians. The influence of Christianity would now come to the forefront. Roman power resided in individual emperors, often with disastrous results. While many of the founders of dynasties such as Augustus, Vespasian, Septimius Severus, and Constantine were capable men, their successors were often not exceptional or even competent. The problem in the Roman Empire was the system of succession. Since it was based on dynastic rule, it was subjected to the whims of the individual and not on a system to ensure that the best person rule. Further Reading Ando, Clifford. 2000. Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press. Barrett, Anthony. 2003. Caligula: The Corruption of Power. London: Routledge. Birley, Anthony. 1971. Septimius Severus: The African Emperor. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode. Hekster, Olivier, and Nicholas Zair. 2008. Rome and Its Empire, AD 193–284. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press. Henderson, Bernard W. 1969. Five Roman Emperors: Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, A.D. 69–117. New York: Barnes and Noble. Matyszak, Philip, and Joanne Berry. 2008. Lives of the Romans. New York: Thames and Hudson.

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Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius (64–12 BCE) Marcus Agrippa was the military and political adviser to Augustus, Rome’s first emperor. As his closest confidant and son-in-law, Agrippa helped the emperor establish his rule, and his unfailing loyalty ensured no potential rivalry. Agrippa’s organizational ability and willingness to be Augustus’s lieutenant allowed the empire to survive and prosper in its initial establishment. Emperor Augustus’s right-hand man, Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, was born in 64 BCE probably in northern Italy. While his family was not prominent or well known, Agrippa was about the same age as Octavian (Augustus), and the two were educated together. Agrippa was a follower of Julius Caesar even though his brother fought with Cato against Caesar and after his capture was freed by the intercession of Octavian. Caesar sent Agrippa to Illyria with Octavian and the Macedonian legions in 45 BCE to complete his education. With the assassination of Caesar in 44, Agrippa urged Octavian to lead the Macedonian legions into Italy. Octavian rejected his advice and instead arrived with only a small party. With his adoption by Caesar in his will, Octavian soon realized that he needed troops; Agrippa helped him raise legions in Italy, which allowed him to be an equal partner with Marc Antony and Marcus Lepidus and form the Second Triumvirate. In this same year Agrippa was elected tribune of plebs and began his political career, which also gave him entry into the Senate. He probably owed the promotion to his friendship with Octavian. Agrippa fought with Octavian against Caesar’s assassins and upon his return to Italy was one of Octavian’s two leading generals. Agrippa became urban praetor in 41 and while Octavian was campaigning in Gaul defended Italy against Sextus Pompey. At the same time Antony led an attack against Octavian in Italy but not in alliance with Sextus. Agrippa had success against both men, which allowed Octavian and Antony to make peace. As Octavian’s chief general now, Agrippa was made commander of forces in Gaul and led his forces in 39–38 BCE against the Germans across the Rhine. During his absence from Italy Octavian suffered a naval defeat at the hands of Sextus, requiring Agrippa to return and take command of the fleet in 37 as consul. He created a protected harbor and made advances in naval armaments such as grappling hooks. In 36 after an initial setback, Agrippa won two major battles against Sextus, forcing most of his troops to surrender to Octavian. This victory allowed Octavian to remove Lepidus as one of the members of the triumvirate. Agrippa for his victory received the naval crown, a singular honor in the Roman period. After this early period of military glory, Agrippa was elected aedile in 33 BCE, a lower office than consul and something not normally done. During this time he undertook a general building program of restoring roads, sewers, and public buildings. He began the process of beautifying the city with gardens and artwork. While Octavian later took credit for the general change in Rome, it was probably Agrippa who initiated the improvements. In 32 BCE Octavian and Antony were once again at war. Agrippa led Octavian’s fleet to western Greece. At Actium in 31 the fleets engaged, and Agrippa, who counseled Octavian to not let Antony and Cleopatra’s fleet escape, won a resounding victory that

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sealed Octavian’s preeminence. In 28 and 27, Agrippa shared successive consulships with Octavian. Agrippa probably helped broker the settlement of 27 when the Senate bestowed upon Octavian the name “Augustus” and gave him complete power. To commemorate Augustus’s victory, Agrippa erected the Pantheon. He then became governor of Gaul and settled the province so that its tax system was regularized and the province was crisscrossed with an extensive road system. Agrippa married the niece of Augustus shortly after their victory at Actium. Some scholars see Agrippa’s ascendance as being eclipsed by Augustus’s nephew Marcellus, Agrippa’s brother-in-law. Agrippa was seemingly sent into exile by going east; however, the reality was probably different. First, Agrippa was given command of all military forces in the east, something Augustus would not do if there was the potential of a political or civil war in Rome between Agrippa and Marcellus. Second, Augustus may have wanted Agrippa to negotiate with the Parthians for a lasting peace. Finally, in 23 BCE, the year of the supposed exile, Augustus was completing his control of power known as the Second Settlement, which provided for Augustus to receive permission to provide for an heir—in other words, to make the principate or empire permanent. Within a year Marcellus died, and Augustus now recalled Agrippa. Upon his return Agrippa received proconsular imperium, the same as Augustus. In 21 Agrippa divorced his wife and married Julia, the daughter of Augustus and widow of Marcellus. After a victory in Spain, Agrippa was given tribunician power, signifying his equality with the emperor. In 17 Augustus once again sent him east, where Agrippa solved the political situation including a peace with the Jews and control of the Crimea. Upon his return he was given the command in the Danube to conquer the German region north of the river, but in 12 BCE he died at the age of 51. He was buried in Augustus’s mausoleum. Agrippa left behind several children. From his first wife he had a daughter, Vispania, who married the future emperor Tiberius, who had a son, Drusus, and a grandson, Gemellus, coruler with Caligula. With Julia, Agrippa had several children including Agrippina, who married Germanicus, which produced the future emperor Caligula and his sister Agrippina, the mother of Emperor Nero. Agrippa’s greatest contribution, however, was his building program in Rome that made the city grandiose. The city’s infrastructure was increased, and utilitarian buildings such as baths were constructed. In addition, he commissioned a map which displayed the extent of the Roman world. See also: Individuals: Agrippina the Elder; Augustus; Tiberius; Key Events: Actium, Battle of; Augustan Settlement Further Reading Powell, Lindsay. 2015. Marcus Agrippa: Right-Hand Man of Caesar Augustus. Barnsley, UK: Pen and Sword. Reinhold, Meyer. 1933. Marcus Agrippa: A Biography. Geneva: W. F. Humphrey. Shipley, Frederick W. 1933. Agrippa’s Building Activities in Rome. St. Louis: Washington University.

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Agrippina the Elder (14 BCE–33 CE) Agrippina the Elder was an influential woman in the early imperial family. She was known for her fierce independence and worked to ensure that her children would play an important role in Rome’s political history. Persecuted by her husband’s uncle, Emperor Tiberius, Agrippina’s children and grandchildren shaped Roman history. Agrippina the Elder provides an excellent example of a modern woman in ancient Rome. She was raised in the palace of Augustus, and her family connections produced an intricate web throughout the imperial family. She was the daughter of Julia, Augustus’s daughter, and Agrippa, Augustus’s right-hand man. In addition to the prestige of her grandfather being Augustus, her grandmother was Scribonia, a descendant of Pompey the Great and Sulla. This lineage provided Agrippina with some of the great names of the late republic as direct ancestors. She was the fourth child and second daughter of Agrippa and Julia. Agrippina was born in Athens when her father was in the east settling affairs there. She had three brothers, Gaius, Lucius, and Agrippa Postumus, and a sister, Julia the Younger. Gaius and Lucius died before Augustus, and Agrippa Postumus was exiled and Busts of Agrippina and Livia, part of a series of prints later killed shortly after Augustus of the sculptures in the collection at the Galleria Giustiniani in Rome. Agrippina the Elder was died. Julia the Younger was exiled granddaughter of Augustus and step-granddaughter ostensibly for adultery like her of Livia (his wife). Although Roman gossip had the mother, but it may have been for two hating each other, other evidence suggests that her husband’s attempted plot to as- Livia attempted to protect Agrippina. Both women sassinate Augustus. were mothers to emperors; Livia was mother of Agrippina married Germani- Emperor Tiberius, and Agrippina was mother of cus, the son of Antonia Minor and Emperor Caligula. (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam)

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Drusus, another advantageous link to prominent families. Antonia was the daughter of Marc Antony and Octavia, Augustus’s sister. Drusus was Augustus’s stepson, making him a descendant of the Claudian family. Germanicus had a brother, Claudius, the future emperor of Rome, and a sister, Livilla, wife of Drusus, son of Tiberius. The marriage seems to have been happy and productive, with Agrippina bearing Germanicus nine children of whom six survived their infancy. The surviving children were Nero, Drusus, Gaius (better known as Caligula), Agrippina the Younger, Drusilla, and Livilla. Their marriage was also somewhat unconventional in that Agrippina accompanied her husband Germanicus while he was on campaign. They traveled to Germany, and when Germanicus campaigned to avenge the loss of Varus, Agrippina remained in the Rhine fortress camp. She also appears to have been well versed in politics and diplomacy. During this time Augustus died, and Agrippina was able to keep the troops from revolting by using herself and her sons as tools. She announced that she was going to leave the camp with her son Gaius, or Caligula, since they were not loyal to Rome. The soldiers relented, and Agrippina saved the Rhine army from mutiny. Although relieved, Tiberius now began to fear her and Germanicus. When Germanicus traveled east Agrippina accompanied him, and in Antioch he died. Some suspected poison, especially since Germanicus and the governor, Piso, a friend of Tiberius, had argued, and Germanicus had ordered him back to Rome. With his death, Agrippina now became the children’s protector. She arrived in Italy with the ashes of Germanicus in 19 CE and became the leader of an opposition group to Tiberius. During the next decade Agrippina struggled with Tiberius and his Praetorian Guard commander, Sejanus. Agrippina, who was unconventional in accompanying her husband on campaign, was also unconventional in becoming the public voice of the opposition to Tiberius. She believed that her children, as direct descendants of Augustus, should be next in line, not the descendants of Tiberius. With the death of Tiberius’s son Drusus, Agrippina’s hopes only increased, since Drusus’s son Gemellus was fairly young. Her outspoken criticism of Tiberius soon played into the hands of Sejanus, however, who began to plot against her and her family. In 29 CE she was arrested for plotting against Tiberius and exiled along with her eldest sons Nero and Drusus. Agrippina was sent to the same island as her mother and suffered deprivations. She was whipped and lost an eye and ultimately starved herself to death, although some believed that she was poisoned. Her son Drusus died of starvation in Rome, and Nero committed suicide after his trial. Agrippina died on October 17, 33 CE. Although she outlived Sejanus, who had attempted to overthrow Tiberius and was caught and executed in 31, Agrippina was not welcomed back by Tiberius. The surviving son, Caligula, was now protected and promoted by Tiberius, and with the old emperor dying in March 37, Caligula became emperor. Caligula now openly promoted his mother’s memory and sailed to the island of Pandataria where she had died and her ashes remained and brought them together with the ashes of his brothers Nero and Drusus back to Rome, where he had them deposited in the mausoleum of Augustus. The ceremony took place amid great pomp

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and circumstance, and a bronze medallion with her portrait was struck to commemorate the event. Agrippina was known for her great loyalty to the memory of Germanicus and Augustus. Her unconventional manner of traveling with her husband endeared her and her children to the army but aroused suspicion at home. Her accusations against Tiberius for being involved in Germanicus’s death and her continual attacks on the emperor led to her decline. While she was successful away from Rome in diplomacy and guiding the state, she was disastrous in Rome, where she failed attempting to do the same. See also: Government and Politics: Treason Trials; Individuals: Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius; Augustus; Caligula; Claudius; Sejanus, Lucius Aelius; Tiberius; Primary Documents: Document 12; Document 15 Further Reading Dando-Collins, Stephen. 2008. Blood of the Caesars: How the Murder of Germanicus Led to the Fall of Rome. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Fagan, Garrett G., et al. 1988. The Roman Imperial Succession under the Julio-Claudians, 23 BC–AD 69. Dublin: Trinity College. Seager, Robin. 2005. Tiberius. 2nd ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Wood, Susan. 1999. Imperial Women: A Study in Public Images, 40 B.C.–A.D. 68. Leiden: Brill.

Antoninus Pius (86–161 CE) Antoninus Pius was known as one of Rome’s five good emperors, a time when the Roman Empire flourished and was at peace internally. These adopted emperors were chosen for their ability and provided Rome with some of the best rulers, allowing for peaceful transition and stability. Antoninus was known for concentrating on internal policies and tempering policies with the traditional senate. As emperor of Rome, Antoninus Pius was known for ruling the longest since the first emperor, Augustus. Antoninus’s father came from Nîmes, Gaul, and Antoninus was born near Rome. After the death of his father and paternal grandfather Antoninus was raised by his maternal grandfather. Antoninus’s early life seemed to have been peaceful, and his family was known for its generosity and integrity. He married Annia Galeria Faustina, or Faustina the Elder, and the two had a happy marriage. She bore him four children, but only their daughter Faustina the Younger survived into adulthood and married. Faustina was known for her kindness and for helping those who had been destitute and poor. She was wise and was said to have counseled her husband. Known for her beauty, her portraits attest to a change in style for hair dress that set the standard during the next generation. She died in 140, which devastated Antoninus.

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Antoninus’s early career was marked with success as governor of Italy and later Asia. Emperor Hadrian soon saw him as a competent adviser, and after the death of Hadrian’s intended successor Antoninus was adopted as Hadrian’s son in February 138. As a condition of his adoption, Antoninus was to adopt Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus as his successors, since Antoninus did not have any surviving sons. Antoninus was also to give his daughter Faustina the Younger as wife to Marcus Aurelius. With the death of Hadrian later in 138, Antoninus assumed the purple. He became known as Antoninus Pius, since supposedly he spent time attempting to get Hadrian declared a god by the Senate, which had initially refused. Antoninus’s reign was remarkable in that it was devoid of major military actions. While early in his reign, 142 CE, the new emperor ordered the army to advance north of Hadrian’s Wall in Britain and build a new defensive frontier called the Antonine Wall from the Firth of Clyde to the Firth of Forth about 40 miles long, it did not remain in commission long. This act gave Antoninus the salutation as imperator. There were local disturbances, but nothing amounting to much. Unlike other emperors, Antoninus did not take the field, and he never approached the frontier as emperor. This may have been a conscious effort by Antoninus, since his predecessor Hadrian had been criticized for spending too much time away from Rome. Antoninus may have decided that it was better politically to remain close to Rome to not only curry favor with the Senate and the elites but to also keep his eye on the capital. While many praised his peaceful nature and lack of war on the frontiers, which gave rise to the full sentiment of Pax Romana, it nevertheless caused issues later. By not continuing the war raids on the frontiers, especially on the Danube and Rhine Rivers, the tribes in Germany and beyond grew accustomed to Roman inactivity. This may have increased some tribes’ belief that Rome was weakening, leading to the wars that occurred a generation later under Marcus Aurelius. The reign of Antoninus was also marked by his continual evolution of Roman law. During his reign certain rights were extended to slaves, which reduced the arbitrary penalties that could be inflicted. A slave could be sold by a governor to remove him from an abusive master. Likewise, a slave no longer could be tortured just to give evidence, as in the past. Antoninus, as seen in his judgments, was guided less by the letter of the law and more by the needs of the parties. During his reign the Institutes of Gaius were written, a textbook for law students. Antoninus also continued the practice of setting up funds that would help elite orphans. Begun nearly 50 years earlier, these alimenta provided orphans with the funds needed to survive. The funds were created to help children of senators and other elites who had been left without inheritance so that the family name could continue. In addition, Antoninus was known for reducing or eliminating taxes on cities that suffered from natural and other disasters such as earthquakes and fires. In the area of religion Antoninus was conservative, observing the rites and prayers of the past. After convincing the Senate to bestow divinity upon Hadrian, Antoninus also requested that the Senate honor his dead wife Faustina with divinity and a temple. Her celebration seems to have been central to Antoninus’s political program. The two were seen as the perfect happy couple without the squabbling of earlier emperors. She

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was often depicted with a cornucopia and patera, symbols of plenty. Her cult associated with Antoninus allowed the emperor to proclaim that his reign was one of peace and bounty. Her temple in the Forum, completed in 144 CE, was hexastyle with Corinthian columns, and her cult statue appears to have been seated, perhaps veiled, holding a staff. This portrayal was common for her on other mediums. The cult of Antoninus and Faustina was also commemorated in a now lost column, with a surviving base showing the two being carried to the heavens. In 156 Antoninus turned 70 and became ill. During the next five years he continually became more weakened and turned more power over to Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. On March 7, 161, Antoninus gave his daughter to Marcus Aurelius and turned over the affairs of state to Marcus and Lucius and then died. Antoninus’s body was cremated in the Campus Martius, and a great funeral procession led his remains to the Mausoleum of Hadrian. Antoninus was soon deified, and a priest (flamen) was nominated to care for his cult. See also: Individuals: Hadrian; Marcus Aurelius; Key Events: Antonine Plague; Military: Antonine Wall Further Reading Birley, Anthony. 2000. Marcus Aurelius: A Biography. Revised ed. London: Routledge. Bryant, Ernest Edward. 1895. The Reign of Antoninus Pius. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Available at https://archive.org/details/reignofantoninus00bryaiala. Bury, J. B. 1922. A History of the Roman Empire from Its Foundation to the Death of Marcus Aurelius. London: J. Murray.

Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE) Gaius Octavius is better known as Augustus, the name given to him in 27 BCE by the Roman Senate after he ended the civil wars. He successfully added more territory than any other ruler, particularly in the Danube region; he completely overhauled the monetary and taxation systems, putting the Roman economy back on track; he reformed the political system to create more accountable and humane practices for the provincials; and he elevated individuals based on merit instead of just birth. His long reign ensured peace and prosperity, allowing for the empire to take hold and exist for over a millennium. Augustus’s mother, a niece of Julius Caesar, reared him after his father’s death in 58 BCE. Julius Caesar promoted him into public life, having Octavius accompany him to Spain in 45 BCE and sending him to Apollonia in Epirus to complete his studies. Octavius, residing in Apollonia when Caesar was assassinated in 44 BCE, returned to Italy to claim his financial and political inheritance. Caesar had adopted Octavius in his will, and following his uncle’s assassination, Octavius changed his name to Gaius Julius Caesar.

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Modern statue of the first emperor of Rome, Augustus, located near his own forum (Via del Fori Imperiali in Rome). Born Gaius Octavius, he was adopted by his great-uncle Julius Caesar, and became Rome’s first emperor in 27 BCE, ruling as Augustus until his death in 14 CE. His rule ended the century of civil war and began two centuries of peace and prosperity. He and his descendants would rule until 68 CE, being in power nearly a century, longer than any other dynasty in Rome. (Emicristea/ Dreamstime.com)

Octavius first battled Marc Antony, Caesar’s lieutenant, and then joined with him to combat Brutus and Cassius, Caesar’s assassins. Octavius joined with Antony and Marcus Lepidus to create the Second Triumvirate, or rule of three. When Julius Caesar was declared a god in 42 BCE, Octavius became in effect the son of a god by virtue of his adoption, which gave him even more prestige. The triumvirate then defeated Brutus and Cassius at Philippi in Macedonia in 42 BCE. Octavius married Scribonia, a relative of Sextus Pompey, who had rallied senators opposed to Julius Caesar and the triumvirate to Sicily and had begun to terrorize the grain ships heading to Rome. The marriage produced Octavius’s only natural child, a daughter named Julia. Divorcing Scribonia in 40 BCE, Octavius married Livia Drusilla, who remained his wife until his death. Antony had married Octavius’s sister Octavia, with whom he had two daughters, Antonia Major and Antonia Minor. However, in the east Antony had become enamored with Cleopatra and had abandoned Octavia. Octavius’s general Agrippa successfully defeated Sextus Pompey and removed Lepidus from power, leaving only Antony opposed to Octavius. In 31 BCE Octavius and Antony met at Actium, with Agrippa leading Octavius’s fleet, and routed Antony, who now fled to Egypt with Cleopatra, where they both committed suicide the following year. Seizing

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Egypt and its resources, Octavius demobilized a sizable number of troops, giving them land and money as rewards. Upon returning to Italy, Octavius made a series of political settlements that guaranteed his power. To ensure that his hold on power was supreme, Octavius held the power of the tribunes, which gave him the right to veto any political and legal act and the power to introduce legislation; he held the power of a consul without holding the office, which gave him the right to command the armies; and because of his personal wealth he controlled the financial resources of the empire. With these powers Octavius held complete control of the state. In 27 BCE he became known as Augustus, signifying his having saved the Roman state. His full name was Imperator Caesar divi filius Augustus, which translates to “All-Conquering General, son of the divine Julius Caesar, Savior of the World.” The period after 27 BCE saw the extension of the empire into the Balkans and Germany. His public life proved the message that he had brought security, prosperity, and peace to the Mediterranean world. Augustus’s expansion into Gaul (completing Julius Caesar’s conquest and pacification), Germany (where he lost three legions in 9 CE east of the Rhine, halting expansion), Spain, Egypt, North Africa, and the Balkans nearly doubled the size the empire. He also established a series of client kings, especially in the east, which allowed Rome to have buffer states that gave military protection without extensive costs and without the cost of running the provinces. He also established numerous colonies that became anchors for the process of Romanization throughout the Mediterranean and Europe. Augustus’s family life, however, was not as successful. He began the process of planning his succession after 27 BCE. He married his daughter Julia to his nephew Marcellus. After Marcellus’s death in 23 BCE, Augustus gave her in marriage to his general Agrippa. Since Agrippa was only an eques, unsuitable in the Senate’s eyes to succeed the emperor, Augustus adopted Agrippa and Julia’s sons Gaius and Lucius as his own sons. Agrippa died in 12 BCE, and Augustus forced Julia to marry Tiberius, his stepson, who was made to divorce his wife Vispania. The marriage between Julia and Tiberius was not happy; soon Julia was accused of adultery and banished to a small island. Augustus, however, blamed Tiberius for not being a dutiful husband and sent him into forced exile. With the deaths of Gaius and Lucius, however, Augustus recalled Tiberius, since he was the only individual of age and competence upon whom Augustus could rely. He then adopted Tiberius as his successor. Augustus died in 14 CE. He could be ruthless and manipulative and worked his subordinates hard. He himself worked relentlessly, but his accomplishments matched his efforts. He added more territory to the Roman state than anyone before or after, especially in Germany, on the Danube, and in the east. He reformed the tax system, making it more equitable and fair especially for the provinces. Augustus’s long rule, over 40 years, produced a period of internal peace and prosperity, allowing him to be seen as Rome’s savior. See also: Government and Politics: Pontifex Maximus; Individuals: Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius; Caesar, Gaius Julius; Cleopatra; Livia Drusilla; Tiberius; Key Events: Actium,

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Battle of; Augustan Settlement; Objects and Artifacts: Ara Pacis; Primary Documents: Document 6; Document 7; Document 9 Further Reading Augustus. 2009. Res Gestae Divi Augusti: Text, Translation, and Commentary. Translated by Alison Cooley. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Chisholm, Kitty, and John Ferguson. 1981. Rome: The Augustan Age; A Source Book. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Galinsky, Karl. 2012. Augustus: Introduction to the Life of an Emperor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grant, Michael. 1985. The Roman Emperors: A Biographical Guide to the Rulers of Imperial Rome, 31 BC–AD 476. New York: Scribner. Jones, A. H. M. 1970. Augustus. London: Chatto and Windus.

Aurelian, Lucius Domitius (ca. 215–275 CE) Lucius Domitius Aurelian ruled Rome from 270 to 275 CE. One of the soldier emperors from the Balkans, Aurelian undertook many wars and conquests, effectively recovering the breakaway provinces of Gaul and the east, thereby preventing the total collapse of the empire. He began the defensive wall around Rome that ultimately encircled the city. Aurelian also instituted coinage reform; a change in the city’s grain supply, which supplied bread instead of raw grain; and supposedly distributed pork and oil. He was one of a series of generals who rose through the ranks under Gallienus and, together with Claudius, assassinated Gallienus in order to help Claudius become emperor. Claudius, the first of a series of emperors from the Danube region, continued the wars of reconquest against the Germanic tribes. Claudius then left his lieutenant Aurelian behind in Rome and moved against the Juthungi and Vandals on the Danube but died of the plague before he could complete the reconquest. As the new emperor, Aurelian completed the task by driving the Vandals out of Pannonia and reestablishing the Danube limes, or frontier boundaries, which could be rigid like Hadrian’s Wall or fluid like the African desert. These defenses were built on the model of the Rhine limes, which had strong legionary camps at key linchpins with smaller forts in between. They were not meant to completely stop incursions but rather to allow for a defense that provided for rapid deployment of forces in the zone between and around the legionary forts. As long as the legionary forts were well manned, the system could hold back large incursions. In a defensive move, Claudius also ordered the Roman garrison south across the Danube out of Dacia. This effectively reduced Rome’s vulnerability, but it came at the cost of losing some key resources, especially some of the gold mines. Aurelian successfully repelled the Germans, first the Iuthungi and then Vandals, from northern Italy. He then moved first to the east, where he fought two wars against Zenobia, the queen of Palmyra, in 271 and 273 and captured her in the latter war.

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Aurelian then campaigned against the Carpi on the Danube, and in 274 he successfully defeated Tetricus, who controlled Gaul. Zenobia, the widow of Odaenathus, had extended her sway to Antioch, Asia Minor, and Lower Egypt. Aurelian first concentrated on Zenobia and her son Vaballathus, who in 271 had taken the title “augustus.” While Aurelian moved from the north, his lieutenant Probus marched from Egypt. His intent was to compress Zenobia’s power and drive her back to the desert city of Palmyra. Aurelian pushed Zenobia out of Asia Minor, taking the regional capital and key city of Antioch in 271 and capturing Palmyra and Zenobia in 272. So as not to create a power vacuum he left her in power, but almost immediately she revolted, and Aurelian returned and besieged Palmyra for a second time. Aurelian’s desire may have been to keep a client kingdom viable to act as a buffer with Rome’s eastern threat, the Persians. After her second defeat, Zenobia was taken to Rome for Aurelian’s triumph, and Palmyra was now garrisoned and its importance transferred to Edessa, a city that Aurelian secured with new walls. The east was finally made secure in 273 when Aurelian captured Egypt from a Greek usurper, Firmus. The province was crucial, since it provided food for not only the region but also for the city of Rome and the eastern armies. For these victories, he took the title restitutor orientis (restorer of the east). Palmyra was economically devastated by the war. Aurelian then moved quickly to suppress Tetricus and his Imperium Galliarum in the west. C. Pius Tetricus ruled Gaul from Burdigala (modern-day Bordeaux) and had completely broken away from the Roman Empire. In 274 Aurelian attacked Gaul, catching Tetricus off guard and defeating him quickly. Tetricus successfully defended the region from German invaders, but internal strife weakened the breakaway power. Tetricus and Aurelian met in the Battle of Chalons in late February 274, and Aurelian prevailed. A story grew up that Tetricus actually defected to ensure his life and that of his son, also named Tetricus, but this may have merely been later propaganda. In 273, both Zenobia and Tetricus marched in Aurelian’s triumph. Afterward, both were given a pension and lived the remainder of their lives in Rome in comfort. Coins celebrating Aurelian’s achievements have the reverse legend “Restitutor Orbis” (Restorer of the World). These victories brought an end to the great civil wars that nearly destroyed the empire. In 274, Aurelian began work on Rome’s new wall encircling the city and surpassing the earlier wall of 390 BCE. While Rome would not be attacked for nearly two centuries, the fear of invasion always existed. This work and the numerous other forts and walled towns, especially in Gaul, Britain, and Germania, indicate the existing fear and danger from barbarian invasion. Aurelian also undertook a series of reforms including a reform of the food supply in Rome, the restoration of public buildings, and the elevation of the worship of Sol Invictus, the unconquered sun. Aurelian built a new temple in 274, which he richly adorned from the spoils of Palmyra, and hoped to make it a binding force for the Roman state. He planned to attack the Persians but was assassinated in 275 by his generals while on campaign in the east. The story went that he was known to have not tolerated corruption, and one of his secretaries, fearing punishment, forged a document listing individuals in the Praetorian Guard to be executed. This prompted some to fear for their

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lives, and they murdered Aurelian. His wife Ulpia appears to have ruled the empire for a short time after his death, since coins with her image were struck. Ultimately Aurelian was succeeded by Marcus Claudius Tacitus in October 275. See also: Groups and Organizations: Germanic Tribes; Individuals: Diocletian; Palmyra, House of; Key Events: Third-Century Political Chaos; Thirty Tyrants Further Reading Dey, Hendrik W. 2011. The Aurelian Wall and the Refashioning of Imperial Rome, AD 271– 855. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Watson, Alaric. 1999. Aurelian and the Third Century. London: Routledge.

Caesar, Gaius Julius (102–44 BCE) Gaius Julius Caesar, or Caesar, came from the Julian clan and became Rome’s greatest military leader and statesman, creating many of the reforms necessary for an empire. His conquest of Gaul enlarged Roman territory in the north, his defeat of Pompey ended the power of the Senate, his conquests in the east pacified the region, and his calendar reform continues to be used today, with some slight modifications. He was assassinated just as his dream of supreme and solitary command was realized. Born Gaius Julius Caesar, he was a relative and friend of the great general Marius and was the son-in-law of Lucius Cinna, both of whom were enemies of Cornelius Sulla, dictator of Rome in 81 BCE, who attacked Caesar, stripping him of his estates and priesthood as high priest of Jupiter. This latter move allowed Caesar to enter the military. Sulla was persuaded by Caesar’s family to pardon him, which allowed him to return to Rome, where he practiced law, prosecuting corrupt provincial governors. In 69 BCE he started his political career by becoming a military tribune; by 63 BCE he was elected pontifex maximus (chief priest); and in 60 BCE consul for 59 BCE. During this time Rome continually suffered through political violence, and in 60 BCE the three most powerful men, Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey, formed the First Triumvirate, or rule of three. These men divided the Roman world, controlled the political offices, and were connected by friendship or marriage for the next 10 years. Caesar and Crassus were friends, while Caesar bound himself to Pompey through the marriage of Caesar’s daughter Julia to Pompey. At the end of his consulship Caesar was awarded the provinces of Cisalpine Gaul (northern Italy), Illyricum (the Balkans), and Transalpine Gaul (southern France) with four legions for 5 years instead of the usual 1 year. Caesar used this command to establish himself as a military leader by attacking the individual tribes in Gaul in order to bring it into the Roman state. For the next nine years he conquered Gaul and northern Germany and even led two raids against Britain. He suppressed a serious rebellion by Vercingetorix, who had united the Gallic tribes, and ultimately made a tentative peace with the remaining tribes. The region of Gaul would provide Rome with immense natural resources during the next five centuries.

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The triumvirate came to an end when Crassus died in the east in 53 BCE and Caesar’s daughter Julia died in childbirth, which severed Caesar’s connection to Pompey. In 50 the Senate ordered Caesar to disband his army and return to Rome. While Caesar held command, he was immune from prosecution, but without his army and command he knew that he could be convicted of political crimes. He decided to disobey the Senate and crossed the Rubicon River in 49, the boundary of his province and command in northern Italy, and marched on Rome against the Senate and Pompey, who now fled east before his arrival. Caesar secured his flank by marching to Spain and defeating Pompey’s lieutenants before he moved to Greece, defeating Pompey at Pharsalus. Caesar returned to Italy, where he was appointed dictator and then elected consul (resigning the dictatorship). Pompey, defeated, fled to Egypt, where he was murdered by the pharaoh Ptolemy XIII, the brother of Cleopatra. Caesar traveled back to the east and arrived in Egypt, where he sided with the pharaoh’s wife/sister Cleopatra, executing the young pharaoh and installing Cleopatra as queen. Caesar now began his affair with Cleopatra with whom he had a son, Caesarion. Caesar continued his conquests and secured his power. In 48 BCE he was appointed dictator for a year and began his conquest of the east against Pontus with great speed, issuing his famous remark “veni, vidi, vici” (I came, I saw, I conquered). Caesar defeated Cato the Younger in Africa in 46 and returned to Rome, where he was then appointed dictator for 10 years. He pursued Pompey’s sons to Spain, defeating them in 45 in the Battle of Munda. Having lived through the proscriptions of Sulla, who had punished his enemies, Caesar pardoned them. The Senate, now controlled by Caesar, bestowed him honors including giving him the title “dictator for life,” and games were celebrated over his foreign enemies, ostensibly Gaul, Egypt, and the east and not Roman commanders such as Pompey. During this time Caesar updated his will, giving his legacy, including his name, to his grandnephew Octavian; his second heir was Marcus Junius Brutus. Caesar embarked on a series of reforms: a census taking, calendar reform, building programs, and extending citizenship, among others. In February 44 he was appointed dictator for life. On March 15, 44 BCE, Caesar was assassinated in a session of the Senate in the Theater of Pompey. While Caesar’s political career is well known, his literary works provide an insight to his history and personal political/military commentaries. His only surviving works are his war commentaries, the Gallic War Commentaries and his unfinished Civil War Commentaries. The Gallic Commentaries have been admired as elegant works even by Cicero, Caesar’s contemporary. The work describes his conquest of Gaul. What makes the Gallic War Commentary unique is that it is written in the third person, as if by a detached neutral third party who is merely observing the campaigns. The work, however, was written by Caesar himself and clearly attempts to show his success. The work is never critical of Caesar and in fact glorifies his actions. His work was written in serial fashion, one book per year, written usually during winter quarters when he could reflect on the past campaigning year, probably using notes he kept during the campaign. The intent was to ensure that his allies in Rome could publicize his success and keep everyone cognizant of Caesar and his achievements. The work is an example of clear

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Latin prose, providing a vivid account of campaigns, geography, and local customs from the Roman point of view. When people read/heard the accounts, often forgetting that Caesar was the author, it increased Caesar’s prestige and fame, ensuring that everyone knew how great he was. See also: Government and Politics: Consul; Dictator; Pontifex Maximus; Individuals: Augustus; Cleopatra; Government and Politics: Consul; Dictator; Pontifex Maximus; Primary Documents: Document 2; Document 3; Document 4 Further Reading Caesar, Julius. 1966. Caesar: The Civil Wars. Translated by A. G. Peskett. London: Heinemann. Caesar, Julius. 1982. The Conquest of Gaul. Translated by S. A. Handford and Jane F. Gardner. London: Penguin. Fuller, J. F. C. 1965. Julius Caesar: Man, Soldier, and Tyrant. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Goldsworthy, Adrian. 2006. Caesar: Life of a Colossus. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Caligula (12–41 CE) Coming to the throne at a young age the new emperor Caligula had lived through tumultuous times, seeing family members imprisoned and die. Early in his reign he seems to have had a mental breakdown, resulting in a reign of terror and madness. Some historians feel that this madness may have been a reflection of his antiestab­ lishment programs and antisenatorial bent. Although his name was actually Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, he is known at Caligula, meaning “little boots,” since as a child he wore small military boots and accompanied his father Germanicus on military parades. Caligula’s rule saw the further decline of the old nobility and the rise of the military. His extravagant shows and entertainment program, however, undermined finances and bankrupted the empire. Caligula was born on August 31, 12 CE, in Antium to Agrippina and Germanicus. He and his siblings united the two families of Augustus (Julia) and his wife Livia (Claudians) as well as other important republican families. Accompanying his mother and father to Germany and Syria, Caligula was left fatherless when Germanicus died in 19. As a youth Caligula’s brothers Nero and Drusus as well as his mother Agrippina were imprisoned and died. Caligula lived with his great-grandmother Livia until her death and then lived with his grandmother Antonia. With his brothers and mother imprisoned, Caligula and his three sisters were always under the watch of Tiberius. During this time, Caligula probably learned how to hide his true feelings and survived by pandering to all. In 31 after the fall of Sejanus, Caligula lived with Tiberius on Capri, where he survived probably by flattering Tiberius. Caligula also was friends with the new Praetorian Guard commander, Macro, who spoke well of him to

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Tiberius, probably to allay his fears. In 35 CE Caligula and Gemellus, Tiberius’s grandson, were made joint heirs to Tiberius’s estate. In 37 Tiberius died, and Caligula became emperor. With the help of Macro, Caligula nullified Gemellus’s claim in the will but otherwise carried out the former emperor’s wishes. Caligula’s entry into Rome, which had not seen an emperor for nearly a decade, became a time of praise. As the son of the popular Germanicus and a true descendant of Augustus, Caligula was seen as a breath of fresh air to the city. He set about winning over the populace with games and the soldiers with bonuses. In addition, he destroyed the treason files accumulated by Tiberius and gave tax breaks. Caligula personally retrieved the ashes of his mother and brothers and brought them back to Rome for a proper burial. During these first seven months his reign was viewed as idyllic for the Roman Empire. Marble bust of the emperor Caligula (Gaius Caesar) In October 37 Caligula became who ruled from 37–41 CE. Although perceived as seriously ill. Although he recov- insane and depraved, leading to his assassination, ered, he now changed. It is un- some modern historians question this portrayal, known if he was poisoned or suggesting instead his goal was to reform the Roman suffered from some natural illness. upper class. His rule nevertheless bankrupted the In either case, he grew more secre- treasury. (The J. Paul Getty Trust) tive, vicious, and outrageous. He killed his cousin and coruler, Gemellus. Their grandmother, Antonia, was so outraged that she committed suicide rather than live under a beast, although some said that Caligula poisoned her. He killed his father-in-law and brother-in-law for treason; he kept his sister Drusilla as his consort until she died of a fever in 38, while his other sisters were exiled. His uncle, Claudius, brother of Germanicus, was only spared because he had handicaps and became a joke for Caligula. He even forced Macro to commit suicide, probably fearing his control of the Praetorian Guard. Caligula also set about distancing himself from his grandfather Agrippa, since he was not of noble birth. He even

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went so far as to say that Agrippina was the result of incest between Augustus and his daughter Julia. While this behavior was revolting to the Senate and the elites who now seemingly lived in terror, the public seemed to relish it. Many viewed Caligula as one of them and delighted in elites getting their just punishment. Caligula in 38 abolished tax burdens on some, gave lavish games and prizes, and even allowed new members to enter the Senate and the equestrian order. He even allowed for democratic elections, which his enemies said showed his insanity since that is what had caused the fall of the republic. His generosity, however, soon produced crises. With money running out, Caligula now began to resort to previous actions of accusing people in order to get their estates. He began to collect taxes on new sources of revenue such as weddings and prostitutes. He began to go after public officials and even military men for their money. On the other hand, he began a series of public buildings, including the expansion of several harbors to increase the grain trade; built temples and roads; and began two aqueducts for the city of Rome. He also constructed a new racecourse in the city. In 39 Caligula and the Senate openly feuded with several senators being executed. In addition, the governor of Germany, Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus Gaetulicus, was executed for supporting a plot against the emperor. He had been an ally of Sejanus but had survived before being executed by Caligula. These attempts may have been real, since the emperor had no real military service and was still young. To perhaps build up his prestige, Caligula planned a series of wars. He executed the ruler of Mauretania, his cousin Ptolemy, and seized the territory without a fight. It seems that Caligula was fearful or jealous of Ptolemy. Caligula then decided to invade Britain, but instead of attacking he had his men collect seashells as proof of their victory. While he elevated his friend Herod Agrippa as king of the Jews, he nevertheless viewed the Jews with suspicion and even ordered a statue of himself placed in the Temple in Jerusalem, although the governor of Syria delayed and Herod Agrippa finally got him to reconsider it. Caligula seemed to have claimed his own divinity, following the eastern philosophy of allowing living individuals to be worshipped as divine. This was a departure from the western view of only worshipping the dead. In January 41 Caligula was assassinated by Cassius Chaerea. The conspirators ostensibly wanted to restore the republic, but this is probably anachronistic. They may have wanted one of their own to become leader. Nevertheless, the Praetorian Guard remained loyal to the family of Augustus and promoted Caligula’s uncle Claudius as emperor. See also: Individuals: Agrippina the Elder; Claudius; Tiberius; Military: Provincial Treatment; Primary Documents: Document 18; Document 20 Further Reading Balsdon, V. D. 1934. The Emperor Gaius. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Barrett, Anthony. 2003. Caligula: The Corruption of Power. London: Routledge. Ferrill, Arther. 1991. Caligula: Emperor of Rome. London: Thames and Hudson.

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Claudius (10 BCE–54 CE) Emperor Claudius restored sanity in the Roman government after the disastrous rule of his predecessor and nephew, Caligula. Claudius was able to expand Roman control into Britain and along the southern bank of the Danube, taking over client kingdoms. He expanded the port of Ostia and contributed to the general improvement of the Roman government. Claudius was said to have been controlled by his wives and bureaucrats. Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, or Claudius, was born in 10 BCE in Lugdunum, or Lyon, in Gaul, the first emperor to be born outside of Italy. His father was Drusus, son of Livia, wife of Augustus and Tiberius Claudius Nero, an ancient family. His mother was Antonia Minor, daughter of Marc Antony and Octavia, sister of Augustus. Claudius was therefore a descendant of Julius Caesar, his granduncle, and the Claudians. Claudius’s father Drusus, a general of Augustus, died unexpectedly after a fall from a horse in 9 BCE, which left Claudius and his older brother Germanicus and sister Livilla to be cared for in the royal palace. In his infancy it was noticed that Claudius was born with a limp, a tick or head twitching, and a speech impediment. The ancients considered these attributes to be mental deficiencies, and Claudius was left in the care of others. His mother Antonia considered him a monster and gave him to Livia, his grandmother, who seemingly treated him a bit better but still considered his deficiencies as laziness. Later in Claudius’s childhood his manners improved slightly, and his acumen for studies, especially history and religion, were noticed. His tutor was Livy, the great historian, and even Augustus noticed his oratorical abilities. It was said, however, that Claudius’s early history of the civil wars, critical of Augustus, were seen as dangerous, since Claudius was a descendant of Antony and was relegated to the private world of the palace out of distrust. For most of his life, however, he was seen as a buffoon, which probably saved his life during the troubled times of Tiberius and Caligula. Claudius’s deficiencies probably protected him, since most considered him worthless. During the reign of Tiberius, Claudius attempted to be granted access to public life, but when Tiberius declined, Claudius gave up hope and retired to private life. While he seems to have been respected by the equites and senators, Claudius remained out of the public eye until the elevation of Caligula, his nephew. Caligula made Claudius his coconsul in 37; nevertheless, Caligula also seems to have tormented his uncle, making fun of him, charging him sums of money, and making his life miserable. With Caligula’s assassination in January 41, the Praetorian Guard found Claudius hiding behind a curtain and proclaimed him emperor and protected him in the Praetorian Camp. The Senate, while deliberating which senator should become emperor, was informed of the Praetorian Guard’s decision and demanded that Claudius be presented to them for approval; Claudius sensed the danger and declined and ultimately with the Praetorian Guard at his back met with the Senate, which acquiesced and declared him emperor. Claudius executed only a few of Caligula’s conspirators, pardoning most. Claudius never forgot the loyalty of the Praetorian Guard and

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rewarded it with bonuses throughout his career. Claudius also stressed his connection with his brother Germanicus, who was much beloved, and Augustus through his grandmother, Octavia. Claudius inaugurated a new era of expansion. He settled the affairs in Mauretania after Caligula had annexed it by putting down a rebellion. Claudius also had Thrace and Noricum in the Danube region put under Roman control when Claudius annexed the territories, replacing their native monarchs who had ruled in name only for the past 50 years. In Asia Minor, Lycia and Pamphylia were also annexed; Lycia had been a democratic league without much power. Claudius also annexed Judea for a short time. Claudius’s greatest military accomplishment was the invasion and conquest of Britain. In 43 he sent Aulus Plautius with four legions across the channel and invaded the island in the south. Claudius arrived after the initial conquest with reinforcements and elephants. He left the island a conqueror and was granted a triumph. He also allowed several of his generals to receive the reward as well, something not done during the earlier period of the empire. The opposing leader Caratacus was given a pardon and land to retire, something also unheard of. Claudius completed the construction of two aqueducts, the Aqua Claudia and Anio Novus, begun by Caligula, that entered at the Porta Maggiore and also restored the Aqua Virgo. Claudius’s greatest building program was the new port at Ostia, envisioned by Julius Caesar. The harbor had two concrete moles extending like arms with a lighthouse at the end. This provided a protective harbor and even helped reduce flooding in Rome. It was to relieve the constant grain shortage in Rome. Claudius helped finance the port through the grain merchants, who in turn were given tax breaks. He attempted to reform the Senate and carried out a census and judicial reform. Under his rule the imperial bureaucracy was controlled by imperial freedmen, who were often involved in palace intrigue. He gave the Secular Games in commemoration of the 800th year of the founding of Rome and rebuilt parts of the Circus Maximus and the Theater of Pompey. While Claudius’s public life was somewhat successful, his private life was a disaster. His third wife Messalina, mother of his children Britannicus and Octavia, attempted to put one of her lovers on the throne. Claudius moved quickly with the support of the Praetorian Guard and had her executed. Claudius married his niece, Agrippina the Younger, sister of Caligula. Needing to legitimize his control, since he was not directly from Augustus, Claudius may have hoped that the marriage would appease those who resented his background. Agrippina’s son Nero was made coheir with Britannicus. In October 54 Claudius died, according to the ancients by poison delivered by Agrippina. It appears that the two had been engaging in conflict, and with Britannicus approaching manhood Agrippina may have feared that her son Nero would be pushed aside. Claudius’s ashes were interned in the Mausoleum of Augustus. Claudius was deified by Nero, his successor, and the Senate. See also: Individuals: Agrippina the Elder; Augustus; Caligula; Livia Drusilla; Nero; Tiberius; Key Events: British Conquest

Individuals | Further Reading Momigliano, Arnaldo. 1934. Claudius: The Emperor and His Achievement. Translated by W. D. Hogarth. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Osgood, Josiah. 2010. Claudius Caesar: Image and Power in the Early Roman Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Cleopatra (69–30 BCE) No other ancient woman evoked such intense emotions in the Roman world as Cleopatra. Her rule and involvements in the lives of Julius Caesar and Marc Antony became pivotal points in the fall of the Roman Republic and the rise of the Roman Empire. Cleopatra was the last Ptolemaic ruler in Egypt, and her death ended the great kingdoms created after Alexander the Great. While native Egyptians viewed her as a hero, the Romans would routinely describe her as a wild woman bent on destroying Rome and its morals. Born in Alexandria in 69 as Cleopatra VII Philopator, or simply Cleopatra, she was descended from Alexander the Great’s general Ptolemy Soter (meaning “savior”), son of Lagus of the Ptolemaic dynasty. Whereas other Ptolemies did not speak Egyptian, believing it beneath them, Cleopatra not only learned Egyptian but also actively promoted herself as the reincarnation of Isis. She was the daughter of Ptolemy XII Auletes, who late in his reign in 55 BCE appointed his 14-year-old daughter as coruler. When Auletes died in 51 his will proclaimed Cleopatra and her brother Ptolemy XIII as corulers. Cleopatra almost immediately displaced her brother as sole ruler. This short sole reign soon ended with an open rebellion when Ptolemy XIII was placed on the throne by court officials. Cleopatra was soon forced into exile with her sister Arsinoe. During Cleopatra’s exile, Rome faced off with a civil war between Julius Caesar and Pompey. After Pompey’s defeat at Pharsalus in 48 he fled to Egypt, where Ptolemy XIII had him beheaded in the harbor in front of his wife. Two days later Caesar arrived and was presented Pompey’s head by Ptolemy in hopes of winning favor. The exact opposite occurred, and Caesar occupied the capital and now began to decide between Ptolemy’s and Cleopatra’s claims. Cleopatra had herself smuggled into Caesar’s camp in a rug, and the general immediately became enamored with her. Nine months later in 47 she gave birth to Caesar’s son, who was named Caesarion. Caesar, backing Cleopatra’s claim to the throne, defeated Ptolemy XIII, who drowned in the Nile River. Caesar now gave Cleopatra and her younger brother Ptolemy XIV, whom she married, rule over Egypt. Caesar did not completely trust the Egyptians or probably Cleopatra and left three legions in Egypt. Cleopatra, her son, and her brother/husband traveled to Rome in 46 and lived there until Caesar’s assassination. They all returned to Egypt, where Ptolemy XIV soon died, allegedly poisoned by Cleopatra. Cleopatra supported Marc Antony, Octavian, and Lepidus against the assassins of Caesar. She and her sister Arsinoe were now rivals, and when Antony summoned Cleopatra to Tarsus, she made Antony promise that he would execute Arsinoe, which was

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done on the steps of the Temple of Artemis in contrast to Roman religious sentiment. Cleopatra now seduced Antony, and the two became enamored. Cleopatra gave birth to twins in December 40. During this same time Antony married Augustus’s sister Octavia in 40 and produced two daughters. Antony planned another campaign in Parthia and went to Alexandria in 36 to get supplies and support, where he now openly lived with Cleopatra, producing a third son. Antony returned from the east and gave his children by Cleopatra the different regions there. This became known as the Donations of Alexandria. In addition, Cleopatra and her son by Caesar, Caesarion, were hailed as corulers of the east. Antony’s enemies in Rome now cast the two as Bas-relief from the temple of Hathor in Dendara, plotting a war against the west. Egypt, depicts Cleopatra VII with Caesarion, her son by Julius Caesar. Queen of Egypt, she attempted to The forces of Augustus met Annavigate the political intrigues between competing tony and Cleopatra’s forces at AcRomans. Favored by Julius Caesar, after his death she tium in 31. While the battle was supported Mark Antony against Octavian, Caesar’s raging, Cleopatra and her fleet heir; with Antony’s defeat and death she committed sailed during the height of the batsuicide rather than become a prisoner of Octavian. tle back to Alexandria. Antony (Library of Congress) soon followed, and their forces at Actium surrendered to Augustus. The following year Augustus invaded Egypt, and Antony’s forces defected. Antony, seeing that the end was near and believing that Cleopatra had deserted him, stabbed himself in the stomach. He was brought to Cleopatra and soon died. Cleopatra then committed suicide. The popular legend in antiquity was that she was bitten by an asp. Recently scholars have questioned this, since it would have been a painful death, and suggested that she took poison. Augustus, however, did portray her image with an asp in his triumph. It may have been possible that Augustus put the story out and desired to see her dead, since it would have been convenient for him to have her just disappear from the scene. The children of Cleopatra by Marc Antony were spared by Augustus and raised by Antony’s ex-wife Octavia, sister of Augustus. The victor, Augustus, who was also the adopted son of Julius Caesar, could not spare Caesarion, who was now hailed as

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pharaoh, since he was the direct heir and son of Julius Caesar who could challenge Augustus as Caesar’s true son. Cleopatra became the archetypal villain in the Roman world. First, she was a foreigner, and in fact Augustus’s triumph was not over Antony but instead over Cleopatra. Second, she had seduced two Roman generals, Caesar and Antony, which produced disaster in the form of civil war for Rome. Third, Cleopatra was an independent woman who engaged in politics, something seen as foreign to the Romans. Finally, she attempted to impose a Hellenistic-style monarchy on Rome. See also: Groups and Organizations: Isis and Osiris, Cult of; Mystery Religions; Individuals: Augustus; Caesar, Gaius Julius; Key Events: Actium, Battle of Further Reading Burstein, Stanley M. 2004. The Reign of Cleopatra. Westport, CT: Greenwood. Fraser, P. M. 1972. Ptolemaic Alexandria. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Roller, Duane W. 2010. Cleopatra: A Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Constantine (285–337 CE) Emperor Constantine I, or Constantine the Great, transformed Rome from an empire rooted in paganism to a Christian society. Beginning in 306, he ruled the regions of Gaul, Germany, and Britain; in 312 the western region of the empire; and in 324 the entire Roman Empire until his death in 337. He restored power and security on frontiers by transforming the Roman Army from infantry to cavalry-based units. He moved the capital from its traditional city, Rome, to the east and began the evolution of the eastern empire, known today as the Byzantine Empire. Constantine, born Flavius Valerius Aurelius Constantinus about 285 in Serdicca (in modern-day Serbia) to Constantius and his concubine Helena, grew up and was educated at Diocletian’s imperial court. Constantine learned Greek and philosophy and may have been taught by the rhetor Lactantius. Constantine served on the Danube in 296 and in Emperor Galerius’s Persian campaign about 297 perhaps as an aide and again with Galerius as he campaigned his way down through Mesopotamia. During the Great Christian Persecutions (303–305), Constantine appears not to have been actively involved either way. In the west, his father Constantius conducted limited attacks mainly against the structure and physical property of the Christians. While Constantine later wrote that he opposed Diocletian’s edicts, there are no records even by contemporary Christians to support his view. With the retirement of the senior tetrarchs Maximian and Diocletian, Constantine’s father, Constantius, became emperor in the west, while Galerius ruled in the east. To counter Constantius, Galerius took Constantine hostage. Constantius requested that his son be allowed to join him in his campaigns in Britain, and Galerius allowed it, supposedly after a night of drinking. Constantine later wrote how he escaped to the west,

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joined his father in Gaul, and then campaigned with his father in Britain. When Constantius died in 305, his troops hailed Constantine as emperor. Galerius recognized him as caesar, or junior emperor, and Constantine accepted the title. When Maxentius, with the help of his father Maximian, rebelled, Constantine at first supported him. To seal the relationship Constantine married Fausta, daughter of Maximian and sister of Maxentius. Constantine did not actively support Maxentius; instead, he waited to see how the war between Galerius and Maxentius unfolded. Maxentius defeated Galerius, and the Roman troops deserted Galerius, supporting Maxentius and his father and their old commander, Maximian. Afterward, Maximian attempted to unseat his own son Maxentius who now ruled Rome, Italy, and Africa, and with this failure Maximian fled to his son-in-law Constantine. In 311 Maximian this time attempted to unseat and murder Constantine, but when Constantine discovered the plan through the help of his wife Fausta, he attacked and captured Maximian, who then hung himself. Constantine now began to shift his religious ideology away from Diocletian and Maximian’s deities Jupiter and Heracles to Apollo, Victory, and Sol Invictus. In 312 Constantine, now in control of Britain, Gaul, and Spain, decided to take over the entire western Roman Empire and moved against Maxentius in Rome. He defeated Maxentius at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge near Rome, winning the west supposedly by invoking the name of Christ. This new religious ideology was a further move away from Jupiter, with Apollo being supreme and Christ now linked to Apollo. With the control of the west, Constantine made an alliance with the new emperor Licinius in the east, giving his half sister as wife. Constantine began a series of reforms that transformed the army and the state. He separated the military command into two distinct groups, the cavalry and the infantry, so as to produce separate offensive and defensive forces. He placed the cavalry as mobile central reserves away from the frontier to be used as shock troops if the defensive infantry on the frontiers failed. He began his economic policies by reducing the weight of the gold solidus, producing the standard for nearly 1,000 years. Constantine’s greatest difficulty lay with the religious problems in North Africa with the Donatists, a Christian group who argued that those who had sinned during the persecutions could not be forgiven; he backed the Catholic or Orthodox side, which held that those who had sinned could be forgiven. Relations with Licinius began to sour in 316. Constantine defeated him in the Balkans, taking the lands west of the Hellespont. In 324 Constantine defeated Licinius for good and seized the remainder of the Roman Empire; he would send Licinius to exile in Thessalonica and in 325 accused him of plotting against him and executed both Licinius and his son. With this victory, Constantine became sole emperor and carried out reforms in the east. In 324 Constantine announced the moving of the capital to Byzantium, now renamed Constantinople, officially founded in 330. This new, completely Christian capital superseded Rome. At the same time, Constantine had to deal with the controversy of Arius and his followers, who did not believe that the three personages of God, the Trinity—the Father, Son (Jesus), and Holy Spirit—were equal. In 325 he assembled the Council of Nicaea, which denounced Arius despite him still holding sway over many in the government and held that the Trinity was church doctrine.

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In the early summer of 326, Constantine executed his eldest son and heir designate, Crispus, and later that summer executed his own wife, Fausta, for alleged adultery with Crispus, at the behest of his mother Helena. The supposed illicit affair is mentioned only in late sources and if there was any truth, it would have found its way into some of the near-contemporary sources. Since Constantine executed both, the two events may have been connected with Fausta trying to supplant Crispus with her own children, resulting in Crispus’s execution. She was then executed either in retaliation for Crispus being wrongly accused or as a message to all that Constantine decided who would be his heir. Constantine attempted to formulate a policy in which his family would inherit his kingdom, but this ultimately failed. Although Constantine did not officially make Christianity the state religion, he did favor Christianity by granting lands and funds to the church. He ordered the Christian churches to be rebuilt by using funds from pagan temples. He granted tax exemptions to church officials and promoted churchmen into his bureaucracy. Although called upon to arbitrate religious controversies, he had little religious training and sought to make decisions that promoted imperial unity and peace rather than theological discernment. In 337 Constantine planned to march off to war against the Persians, but he fell ill and died. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Individuals: Constantine, House of; Diocletian; Key Events: Council of Nicaea; Edict of Milan; Edict of Toleration; Primary Documents: Document 40; Document 41 Further Reading Barnes, Timothy D. 1982. The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Baynes, Norman H. 1930. Constantine the Great and the Christian Church. London: Milford. Burckhardt, Jacob. 1949. The Age of Constantine the Great. London: Routledge.

Constantine, House of The House of Constantine includes the successors of Constantine the Great, who died in 337. These individuals led a divided Roman Empire for nearly 30 years. This was a period when the power of Rome was tested not only by outside forces but also by the family dynamics that produced civil war and religious conflict. The seeds of these disasters originated with Constantine the Great and his failures at creating a smooth dynastic succession. The primary individuals were Constantius II (317–361), Constantine II (316–340), and Constans (323–350) as well as the cousins Gallus and Julian. Chief among them was Constantius II, who ruled in the east. Constantius II, born Flavius Julius Constantius in Illyricum in 317, was named caesar in 324, and in 333 he was given Antioch to administer. With Constantine’s death in

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337, a period of three months ensued when the empire was ruled in Constantine’s name while his heirs decided what to do. Constantius II, the second son of Constantine and Fausta, with his older brother Constantine II and younger brother Constans, executed the remaining imperial family members, except the young brothers Gallus and Julian, and divided the empire. Constantine II controlled Britain, Gaul, and Spain; Constans governed Italy, Africa, and the Balkans; and Constantius ruled the east. In 340 Constantine II attempted to oust Constans but was defeated and killed. The two remaining brothers ruled the east and the west uneasily, especially since Constantius was an Arian and Constans was Orthodox. Constantius II, although deeply suspicious and superstitious, still promoted Arians into church leadership. Early in his rule, Constantius fought against Shapur II, the ruler of Persia, and also campaigned against the Persians and the barbarians on the Danube. Constans meanwhile attempted to hold on to the west by ruling with an iron fist. When in 350 Magnentius rebelled, Constans’s troops deserted him, and Constans was killed trying to flee. His sister Constantina effectively divided the loyalty of the forces in the west by promoting Vetrano to the throne, supporting Constantius. When Constantius invaded the Balkans in 350, Vetrano resigned and retired. Constantius then defeated Magnentius at Mursa, winning a great battle over a larger force in 351. Magnentius fled to Lyon, where he committed suicide. Constantius now ruled the united empire. With his victory Constantius continued to campaign throughout the Roman world, in Gaul, on the Danube, and against the Persians. He defeated the Sarmatians and Quadi (after 350) and later in 359 attacked Mesopotamia. He realized, however, that he needed help, so he promoted his cousin Gallus to the rank of caesar. Gallus (325–354), born Flavius Claudius Constantius Gallus, son of Julius Constantius and elder brother of Julian, was born in 325. Gallus and his brother escaped the massacre after Constantine’s death and were imprisoned for six years with Julian in Cappadocia. Married to the emperor’s sister, his cousin Constantia, Gallus was made caesar in 351 by Emperor Constantius. Gallus moved to Antioch to guard against the Persians, where his rule was divisive and where he attacked a Jewish uprising and conspiracies with severity. His rule was marked by brutality and paranoia, an outcome of his youth. Wrongly accused of treason, Gallus was executed by Constantius in 354. Still needing help to rule, Constantius made Gallus’s brother Julian Caesar in 355 giving him the west. Constantius made a triumphant entry into Rome in 357. When Constantius ordered Julian to send him troops to fight against Persia, the Gallic army proclaimed Julian its emperor. Constantius died of a fever en route to deal with him on October 5, 361. Although given to paranoia and brutality, Constantius nevertheless displayed some aptitude for generalship. Julian (332–363), born Flavius Claudius Iulianus, emperor from 355 to 363, was the last member of the House of Constantine and Rome’s final pagan emperor. The nephew of Constantine, born in 331 at Constantinople, his father, Julius Constantius, and other relatives were murdered when Constantine died in 337. Julian and his older half brother Gallus were raised in Cappadocia, away from Constantinople. Although professing Christianity, Julian continued to study the ancient classics, especially Greek philosophy.

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He studied Neoplatonism under Maximus of Ephesus and made a full conversion, albeit secretly, to paganism. After Gallus became Constantius’s caesar and was later executed in 355, Julian, who had married Helena, Constantius’s sister, became caesar in 355. Constantius sent Julian to Gaul to deal with the invasion of the Franks and Alamanni. Julian achieved success on the Rhine in 357. In 360 Constantius ordered the best troops from Gaul to be sent to the east to fight Persia. These troops mutinied and proclaimed Julian augustus. Julian may have feared that like Gallus, this was a move to remove and execute him. While Julian marched east, Constantius moving west died of a fever in Asia Minor. Julian now became emperor. Julian entered Constantinople and enacted a series of reforms: he purged the palace staff, decreased taxes, reformed the finances, recalled exiled clergy, and preached religious toleration for both pagans and Christians. His reforms seemed to have been aimed at rebuilding the cities hard hit by economic problems during the last generation. Julian now embarked on a program to revive paganism. He ordered the pagan temples to be rebuilt. He reorganized the pagan priesthood with the emperor as its chief priest, and he attempted to unify all of paganism into a Neoplatonist theology. Julian excluded Christians from teaching this new religion, now bitterly resented by Christians. Although said to be a persecutor, Julian merely sought to keep Christians from corrupting his new religion. Julian made Antioch his camp to attack Persia in 363. A series of natural disasters and foolish policies by both Julian and the Christian town council led to strained relations. These problems can be seen in the works of Julian and Libanius, a local orator. In 363 Julian launched the Persian expedition, which went well at first. The army drove deep into Persia but failed to take Ctesiphon, a key city and supply depot. Unable to maintain his supply line, he withdrew. As the army retreated, Julian was killed in a skirmish. The army chose as emperor the Christian Jovian, who was now forced to make a humiliating peace treaty to save the army. Julian was an accomplished writer and philosopher who, if he lived and had not undertaken the Persian war, may have revitalized the empire. His death ended the House of Constantine. Constantine the Great’s successors, embodied by Constantius, failed to stabilize society and continually engaged in petty family squabbles. These wars depleted Roman resources and the strength of the frontier, while the continual religious strife promoted dissension and disunity. See also: Groups and Organizations: Persians; Individuals: Constantine Further Reading Burckhardt, Jacob. 1949. The Age of Constantine the Great. Berkeley: University of California Press. Jones, A. H. M., and J. R. Martindale. 1971. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, Vol. 1, AD 260–395. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Odahl, Charles M. 2004. Constantine and the Christian Empire. London: Routledge. Potter, D. S. 2004. The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180–395. London: Routledge.

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Diocletian (ca. 244–313 CE) Diocletian, born Diocles but named Gaius Aurelius Valerius Diocletianus after being elevated to the throne, was born about 244 in Salona, Dalmatia, near modern-day Split, Croatia. Declared emperor in 284 by his troops, Diocletian became sole emperor after defeating Carinus in 285 and ruled until 305, when he chose to retire. As emperor, Diocletian successfully reorganized the empire, reestablished its frontiers, and worked to bring stability to the economic and social fabric. In his later reign he persecuted the Christians in an attempt to reestablish the traditional Roman religion. In 305 he voluntarily abdicated and retired, the only Roman emperor to do so. The later ancient biographies such as Eutropius indicate that Diocletian came from humble origins, even being referred to as a son of a freedman. Diocletian rose through the army ranks, serving in the west in Gaul and on the Danube during the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus. During the 270s Diocletian appears to have entered the officer corps, and he became head of the protectors, or officer corps for Emperor Carus, when the latter invaded Persia in 283–284. With the death of Carus, Carus’s son Numerian became emperor. Upon the army’s return Numerian’s murder, traditionally blamed on his father-in-law and the praetorian prefect Aper, was discovered, and the troops hailed Diocletian emperor in 284. He executed Aper and may in fact have had a hand in the murders of Carus and Numerian. With their deaths Carus’s remaining son, Carinus, ruled in the west and now moved against Diocletian. In 285, Diocletian defeated Carinus at the Margus River and became sole emperor. In early 286 Diocletian appointed his friend and fellow general Maximian his coemperor, or augusti. This was caused by needing multiple generals and to prevent civil war. These two men then waged war throughout the empire from 286 to 293 in an attempt to ensure its protection. In the early period Maximian fought against the rebelling local peasants of Gaul, the Bagaudae, the Germans on the Rhine, and the usurper Carausius in Britain. Diocletian during this period fought against the Carpi on the Danube, the Saracens in Arabia, and the Persians in the east. Needing more generals, Diocletian created the tetrarchy, or rule of four, in 293. Here Diocletian and Maximian received an assistant termed a caesar; Diocletian chose Galerius, and Maximian had Constantius. Constantius defeated Carausius’s successor Allectus in Britain, returning this breakaway province with its resources to the empire after nearly seven years away; Maximian campaigned in North Africa, subduing the region and creating defensive works to protect the rich agricultural coastline from mountain and desert tribes. Diocletian waged war on the Danube against the Sarmatians and Carpi and later put down a second rebellion in Egypt in 297, which threatened the rich grain supply for Rome and the eastern armies. Galerius suppressed a rebellion in Egypt in 293, waged war on the Danube to protect Diocletian’s northern flank, and finally defeated the Persians in 298, producing a lasting peace. These individuals effectively restored the empire and ensured that it would survive for the next two centuries in the west and over 1,000 years in the east.

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During the same time that he was campaigning, Diocletian carried out numerous political and economic reforms. Politically, he accelerated and completed the process of dividing large provinces into smaller ones, including Italy. This enabled the central government to have more control over the provinces and prevent potential civil wars and rebellions by commanders, who now had fewer troops under their control. He closed the local mints, replacing them with a standardized mint system. This allowed the steady supply of gold, silver, and bronze coinage throughout the Roman Empire. Along with the mint reforms and regularizations, he reformed the actual coinage, issuing large numbers of a gold coins called the solidus, a pure silver coin called the argenteus, and a large bronze coin, termed a nummus, that had a standard reverse type “Genio Populi Romani” (Genius of the Roman People). From archaeological remains it appears that Diocletian produced large numbers of gold, silver, and bronze coins, ensuring a regular supply of coins needed for commerce. In addition, Diocletian instituted a standardized tax reform that attempted to bring all of the various taxes that had been created for the past three centuries into two types, a land tax and a poll tax. The land tax, an income tax since it was assessed on the productivity of the land, probably accounted for most of the state revenue. The poll tax was handled differently by each province, with some collecting the tax on all adults and others collecting only on males. It appears that Diocletian continued Augustus’s policies of local variations as long as the total amount needed from each province was collected. Diocletian’s most controversial reform, the price edict or edict on maximum prices on goods and wages, attempted to stave off inflation, while the coinage reforms were implemented. Diocletian also carried out legal reforms and created a chancellery that allowed for the regularization of law. Diocletian’s religious policy centered on the duality of the gods Jupiter, his patron, and Heracles, Maximian’s patron. This move was to create a connection with the ancient deities of the traditional Roman gods and a move toward divine right of ruling seen in the east. Diocletian attempted to eliminate Christianity beginning in 303 with the last of the great persecutions. At first his persecutions were confined to intimidation and the destruction of churches and sacred books. Ultimately Diocletian issued orders that everyone in the empire perform sacrifice on pain of death. The persecutions were strongest in the east and North Africa. In 305 after 21 years of rule, Diocletian decided to retire. Forcing his colleague Maximian to retire as well, the new augusti Constantius and Galerius adopted Severus and Maximin Daia as caesars, even though Maximian and Constantius had grown sons, Maxentius and Constantine. Diocletian retired to his fortress palace at Split. After Galerius’s death in 311, Diocletian’s wife Prisca and daughter Valeria were unable or unwilling to join him; Licinius executed them in 313. Diocletian, unable to save them and distraught over his statues being torn down with Maximian’s attempted coup, either died or committed suicide in 313. He was declared a god, the last emperor so accorded such an honor. See also: Government and Politics: Taxation; Groups and Organizations: Christians; Individuals: Aurelian, Lucius Domitius; Constantine; Institutions: Diocese; Mints; Provinces; Key Events: Diocletian Persecutions

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Domitian (51–96 CE) Titus Flavius Domitianus, or Domitian, became the archetype of the cruel emperor. In antiquity, emperors were classified as either good or bad usually on moralistic grounds; bad emperors were then subdivided into insane, such as Caligula; incompetent, such as Nero; or cruel, such as Domitian. Although Domitian was known to have executed rivals and senators, he was able to command the respect of the army and was seen as a competent commander. His reign also saw the completion of several building projects in Rome such as the palace of Domitian on the Palatine Hill and the Transitorium Forum. He also waged a series of wars in Germany and Dacia. Domitian was born in Rome in 51 CE, the youngest son of Emperor Vespasian. Whereas his brother Titus, 12 years older, had benefited from an upbringing associated with the imperial court, Domitian was shunned and grew up in poverty. While his father and brother were in the east putting down the Jewish revolt and were subsequently engaged in the struggle for the throne, Domitian was residing in Rome with his uncle Flavius Sabinus. When Emperor Vitellius’s army besieged Rome and burned the Temple of Jupiter where Domitian was hiding, he barely escaped. When Vespasian became emperor, Domitian was not given any responsibility or honors, something Titus continued in his brief reign. In 81 Domitian and Titus were traveling outside of Rome when Titus fell ill; Domitian left his brother and returned to the Praetorian Camp, where he was proclaimed emperor. Some of the ancient sources indicate that Domitian may have poisoned his brother, but these were charges commonly asserted about those viewed as bad emperors. Domitian married Domitia Longina, the daughter of the great general Corbulo, and they produced a son who died young. Marital strife (Domitian was accused of having an affair with his niece) saw Domitia exiled in 83 and then returned. Domitian set about making the imperial power more visible. He abandoned the views of his father and brother who created a republican facade and instead moved the functioning of government back to the imperial court, much like Nero. Domitian’s move made the Senate even less important, and he seems to have viewed himself as a divine monarch. Domitian desired to restore the grandeur of Rome and embarked on building programs to help the city. Like his father and brother who had built baths, a forum, temples, and other works, Domitian built a forum and a new palace on the Palatine. It is estimated that during his reign more construction was done than during any

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other time since Augustus. Domitian was also involved in micromanaging the government. He also ran the imperial bureaucracy most efficiently with little corruption and fraud. His enemies attributed this efficiency to Domitian’s cruelty, causing those in the bureaucracy to fear him; most likely Domitian had seen the troubles created by Vespasian and Titus and their distribution of offices to corrupt family members and senators. Domitian reformed the Senate, expelling unworthy members, and chose capable men for provincial posts. The reality of the situation was that the imperial court was now with the emperor. When Domitian toured the provinces of Germany and Illyricum for three years, the capital was with him and not in Rome. Domitian also attempted to strengthen the economy of the state. Upon his accession he increased the purity of silver coins from 90 percent to 98 percent and their weight, although a few years later he had to reduce them to 93 percent. Nevertheless, the coins were purer and heavier than those of his predecessors. He also ensured that the collection of taxes was carried out scrupulously. He ensured that the public were entertained by continually sponsoring races, even adding two new factions to the preexisting four for chariot races. Domitian, however, wanted to excel in military prowess so he could claim to be a worthy successor to his father and brother. Although generally defensive like his predecessors, he did battle along the German frontier against the Chatti, which the ancient authors described as an unwarranted attack and which later caused the Chatti to side with rebels against Domitian. He celebrated a triumph, which many scorned. His general Agricola fought for six years in Britain and even attacked Ireland. Although he won a great battle against the Caledonians in Scotland, Agricola allowed two-thirds of the army to escape and hence could not conquer the entire island. Agricola’s son-in-law Tacitus, the great historian, believed that Domitian was jealous of Agricola, and that is why Domitian recalled Agricola when victory seemed so near. In reality, Agricola had served longer than anyone else, and his failure to win a decisive battle probably indicated to Domitian that the island was not capable of being taken. Domitian meanwhile had a more serious issue, the Dacian kingdom. In 85 the Dacians and Sarmatians crossed the Danube and attacked Moesia, killing the governor. Domitian launched a counteroffensive in which the Roman army pushed the enemy back across the Danube in the summer of 85, giving the emperor his second triumph. In 86, however, the Romans launched an attack across the Danube that was disastrous, with Legion V Alaudae being wiped out. In 87 after Domitian had arrived again and transferred three legions a new offensive was launched, and Rome defeated the Dacian army. Unfortunately, troubles in Germany prevented a final assault on the Dacian capital when the governor of Germany, Saturninus, rebelled with help from the Chatti. Although the rebellion was crushed quickly, Domitian had to abandon his war in Dacia to deal with Saturninus. Domitian therefore quickly negotiated the release of Roman prisoners and free access to Dacia in exchange for an annual subsidy so he could move into Germany. The Roman writers viewed this as disgusting, but peace remained during the rest of his rule. In 96 Domitian was assassinated by members of his household staff. The most likely reason was that he had recently executed one of their colleagues, and they may have

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feared that he intended the same for them. His body was quickly removed and cremated by his nurse. He was one month shy of his 45th birthday. The Senate hailed Marcus Cocceius Nerva as emperor. Old and childless, he was seen as a safe choice. His connection with the Flavian dynasty may have been a factor, since it may have been hoped that he could keep the soldiers from revolting. The Senate immediately afterward enacted a damnatio memoriae of Domitian whereby his name was erased from monuments. See also: Individuals: Vespasian, Titus Flavius; Key Events: Dacian Wars; Jewish Rebellion, First; Objects and Artifacts: Colosseum; Primary Documents: Document 37; Document 38 Further Reading Bird, H. M., trans. 1934. Suetonius’ Lives of the Twelve Caesars. Chicago: Argus Books. Grainger, John D. 2003. Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99. London: Routledge. Jones, Brian W. 1992. The Emperor Domitian. London: Routledge. Southern, Pat. 1997. Domitian: Tragic Tyrant. London: Routledge. Wellesley, Kenneth. 2000. The Year of the Four Emperors: Roman Imperial Biographies. London: Routledge.

Hadrian (76–138 CE) Publius Aelius Hadrianus Augustus, or Hadrian, was born in Spain and ruled from 117 to 138. While known as a capable ruler who traveled extensively throughout the empire visiting nearly every province, his negative treatment of senators and his absence from Rome earned him the enmity of the senatorial class. His major policies were stabilizing the frontiers and ensuring a sound government bureaucracy. Hadrian’s family settled near Italica, Spain, shortly after its foundation by Scipio Africanus nearly three centuries earlier. Hadrian’s father, Afer, was a cousin of Emperor Trajan. Hadrian’s parents died when he was 10 years old, and he became a ward of Trajan. Hadrian’s early career was spent in the military, where Trajan had him hold three tribunates instead of the normal one or two, attesting to his thorough understanding of the legions and military background. When Trajan became emperor, Hadrian began his senatorial career including being a quaestor and tribune of the plebs. Trajan seems on the one hand to have promoted Hadrian, as witnessed by his offices, military background, and marriage to his grandniece, but on the other hand did not allow Hadrian to become consul, common for a member of the imperial family. The two may have struggled over policies and personal issues. Hadrian joined Trajan during the latter’s campaign against the Parthians and was made governor of Syria during the later phases. When Trajan became ill in 117 he had yet to adopt anyone even though Hadrian was seen as the normal choice; perhaps Trajan did not want to commit or did not trust anyone. While Hadrian’s adoption may

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have taken place on Trajan’s deathbed, there was enough doubt to cause Hadrian to act quickly, dismissing Trajan’s general Quietus from Judea. The Senate and the army in Syria proclaimed Hadrian emperor. He remained in the east suppressing the Jewish revolt and then traveled to the Danube to deal with the problems there. A conspiracy of four senators in Rome, including Quietus, was discovered, and they were executed without a trial. These four men were followers of Trajan and his expansionist policy and were possible contenders for the throne. By removing them, Hadrian was able to reverse Trajan’s military plans and eliminate possible rivals. The way in which he did it, however, would cause Hadrian and the Senate to be at odds during his reign. He also seems to have cared little for the Senate and even did not have his constitutions or laws approved by them. Hadrian’s greatest achievement was his defensive strategy and planning for the frontiers. During his reign he visited nearly every region of the empire, ensuring that the frontiers were strengthened. Unlike Trajan, Hadrian did not pursue a policy of expansion; in fact, he withdrew from the recently conquered regions of the Middle East and even contemplated but rejected the idea of withdrawing from Dacia, although he did withdraw from the Wallachian Plain, or modern-day southern and eastern Romania. The Senate and historians viewed Hadrian giving up on Trajan’s expansionist ideas and conquest as being due to jealously and cowardice; in reality, Hadrian probably weighed the financial costs of these recent conquests without seeing any return. There was an invasion by the Alani into Cappadocia late in his reign, which the historian Arrian, friend and legate of Hadrian, repulsed and wrote about. Hadrian began the process of creating permanent defensive structures throughout the empire. The most famous was Hadrian’s Wall in Britain. A stone wall with a ditch, or vallum, behind it marked the boundary between Roman and non-Roman territory as well as between the military zone and the province behind it. The wall was probably meant first to overawe the northern tribes with its sheer size and grandeur and then to control passage into the Roman Empire at distinct regions. This enabled the Romans to keep an eye on the north and ensure the orderly movement of populations. Hadrian also constructed the limes, or system of fortifications, on the Rhine and Danube frontiers. Hadrian’s constant visits when troops displayed their discipline and drills reminded all that although Hadrian did not pursue war, he had the means to conduct it if needed. His ideology was probably best viewed as peace guaranteed by power; his troops were well drilled, ready, and capable of striking when needed. Crucial to this policy was Hadrian’s travels throughout the empire, where he attempted to merge Roman and provincial customs, cultures, and even intermarriage between the old Roman provincial powers and the new native provincial elites. While the traditionalist viewed this as un-Roman, Hadrian attempted to bring the empire together. He issued coinage celebrating the various provinces, and his travels, while burdening the population, allowed provincials to see their emperor. Hadrian visited Britain in 122 when the wall was erected and then moved through Gaul and Spain to Mauretania. In 123 he led a raid against tribes in Mauretania and then proceeded to travel east through North Africa because Parthia was making trouble by preparing for war against Rome along the Euphrates. He arrived on the Euphrates with a show

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of force and negotiated peace with the Parthian king. Hadrian then traveled north to the Black Sea and oversaw the defenses along the route. He arrived at his most desired destination, Greece, in 124 and spent the next year in Athens and the Peloponnese. Hadrian then returned to Italy and from 126 to 128 visited Sicily before arriving in Rome. There he oversaw the reconstruction of the Pantheon and his villa nearby at Tivoli. He spent the year traveling throughout Italy. Hadrian then returned to Greece in 128 and along the coast of Asia Minor to Egypt, where he restored Pompey the Great’s tomb in honor of the great warrior’s conquest of the east. Hadrian then toured the east and the Danube for the next three years (130–133) before returning to Italy. During this tour of the east, the Second Jewish Rebellion broke out in Judea, lasting from 132 to 136. With Hadrian’s return to Rome in 133, he turned his attention to his succession. In early 138 he adopted Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus, the future Emperor Antoninus Pius. Hadrian died in 138 at his villa at age 62. He was buried first in Puteoli on the estate of Cicero before his remains were moved to Rome to the Gardens of Domitia before being transferred nearby to his mausoleum in 139. His successor, after a difficult struggle with the Senate, had Hadrian deified. See also: Individuals: Antoninus Pius; Trajan; Institutions: Provinces; Military: Hadrian’s Wall; Objects and Artifacts: Mausoleums Further Reading Birley, Anthony R. 1997. Hadrian: The Restless Emperor. London: Routledge. Boatwright, Mary Taliaferro. 2002. Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Henderson, Bernard W. 1923. Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian. London: Methuen.

Jesus (ca. 4 BCE–29 CE) Under Augustus’s rule, in the kingdom of Judea lived Jesus of Nazareth, a Jewish preacher who was seen by his followers as the religious savior of the world. Hailed by Christians as their savior, through his followers Jesus established a new religious philosophy that within three centuries become the new official religion of the Roman Empire. This new religion broke away from Judaism shortly after his death and promoted acceptance of all groups provided that they believed in Jesus as the Savior. Joshua Bar Joseph, better known as Jesus, was born in Judea under the reign of Augustus and Herod the Great around 6–4 BCE. Surprisingly little is known of Jesus’s life, with almost nothing about his preministry time. Two authors in the New Testament even present different stories concerning his birth. Matthew stated that Jesus was born under Herod (before 4 BCE) and was taken by his family to Egypt before returning to their

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hometown of Nazareth after Herod’s death. Luke indicated that Jesus was born under the rule of Augustus when Quirinius was governor of Syria, suggesting a birth date after 6 CE, although this may be a mistake since Quirinius was previously legate in the period 10–6 BCE and could easily be confused with his later governorship. The only other information concerning Jesus’s life before his public ministry was a visit to Jerusalem when he was about 12 years old. Many have argued that he began his ministry around the age of 30, but it could have been earlier or later. Luke also recorded that Jesus began his ministry in the 15th year of Tiberius, or 29 CE. Jesus was executed by the governor Pontius Pilate, known to be in office from 26 to 36 CE, indicating that Jesus could have been executed at any time during this period. The major thrust of the Gospels, or stories, about Jesus is his public ministry. Any attempt to discuss his ministry life is hampered again by a lack of credible information. For instance, there is no indication that Jesus married, although it is evident that he knew several women, some of whom may have helped him financially. Some believe that he had natural brothers, including James, but the evidence is mainly an interpretation of Greek words that may refer to a natural brother, a cousin, a distant relative, or even a fellow villager. The non-Christian sources that mention Jesus—Tacitus, a Roman historian living a century later, and Josephus, a Jewish writer living at the time of the Gospel writers—mention that Jesus was a Jewish teacher who performed miracles, had a brother James, and died violently. These references clearly indicate that Jesus’s life was never questioned. Jesus’s ministry is said to have lasted three years, but again, an examination of the texts indicates a ministry covering three Passovers, which could be a time as short as two years, while some scholars even argue that his ministry may have lasted only 18 months. These references are typically given in only brief synopses, making a true chronology difficult. The Jewish authorities initially arrested Jesus and charged him with blasphemy, but since Roman law and practice allowed only for Roman authorities to execute an individual, a further charge of treason was added. The Gospels portray that the Roman governor Pontius Pilate was not initially swayed by the Jewish authorities’ charges but finally decided that Jesus was guilty of treason and ordered him executed. Jesus’s followers believed that he rose from the dead after 36 hours and later ascended into Heaven. It is this belief that started the new religion of Christianity. This rough outline of his life was expanded and embellished by other writers, often without any evidence. The canon of the New Testament says very little about Jesus’s personal life; for example, tradition holds that he did not marry. The last mention of his father Joseph is when Jesus is 12 years old, when Luke relates the story of Jesus teaching the elders in the Temple. It may be assumed that since his mother is mentioned as being his companion during Jesus’s ministry, Joseph had died before this time. Jesus learned his trade from Joseph, a carpenter, making him a skilled craftsman, or from the middle class; however, the Greek word used could also mean a builder, also from the middle class. The Gospels portray that Jesus had studied the rabbinic sources and preached in the synagogues, indicating a familiarity with Jewish teachings, and even his critics say that he was a learned man.

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The value of Jesus’s ministry stressed an internal struggle between good and evil, practice versus form, and the simplicity of life. The Gospels have Jesus proclaiming himself as the Son of God, fulfilling the ancient Jewish promise of the Messiah. It is apparent that Jesus regarded wealth with disdain and urged his followers to be like little children in their faith. He did not charge for his services, unlike other mystery religions. His compassion and integrity won over many converts and followers, which led to his rising popularity. It was in part this popularity that caused some Jewish leaders to become worried about the threat he represented to their authority, leading them to file charges against him. While Jesus was Jewish and observed the Jewish regulations, his followers began to branch out and minister to both Jews and Gentiles. Within a generation after his death his followers had reached a point where new converts did not have to become Jewish. This abandonment of Judaism led to the creation of a new religion, Christianity, from Jesus’s title, Christ, meaning “Savior.” A follower of Jesus, a Christian, did not have to become Jewish first. Males did not have to submit to circumcision, a painful experience, to become followers of Jesus. In Islam, Jesus, or Isa, is viewed as a prophet and the Messiah who did not suffer crucifixion but instead was taken into Heaven by God but was not the Son of God. Jesus and his followers would transform the Roman world through this new religion. Within three centuries Christianity would become the favored religion of the Roman Empire. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Jews; Individuals: Augustus; Tiberius; Key Events: Jewish Rebellion, First; Judea Provincial Disruption Further Reading Grant, Michael. 1977. Jesus: An Historian’s Review of the Gospels. New York: Scribner. Sanders, Ed P. 1993. The Historical Figure of Jesus. London: Allen Lane. Vermes, Geza. 1981. Jesus the Jew: A Historian’s Reading of the Gospels. Philadelphia: First Fortress.

Latin Fathers of the Western Church Three great Christians of the west, Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine, formulated the advice and power of the church and politics during the fourth and fifth centuries CE. They overlapped with one another and provide modern readers with the understanding of how the church was evolving and changing. They became known as the Latin Fathers of the Western Church for their development of Christianity and its tenets in the western Roman Empire. Ambrose (ca. 340–397), or Aurelius Ambrosius, was born the son of the Gallic prae­ torian prefect and received a thorough training in law and philosophy. As was common, he entered political life as well as ecclesiastical life. He became governor of Liguria (northern Italy) and in 374 was made the bishop of Milan by popular acclamation even though he had not yet been formally baptized.

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As one of the leading Church Fathers, Ambrose fought two major foes, paganism and Arianism, the denial of the divinity of Christ and thus the Holy Trinity. He advised Emperors Valentinian I, Gratian, and Theodosius and used his position as bishop against both paganism and Arianism. In 382 Ambrose convinced Gratian to remove the Altar of Victory, a golden statue of Nike, the goddess of Victory, from the Senate house where Rome’s first emperor, Augustus, had placed it. His relative, the pagan philosopher Symmachus, wrote a series of hymns (letters) trying to have the statue restored. Ambrose responded with his own letters and sermons arguing for its removal, prevailing in 384. In 392 Ambrose convinced Theodosius to make a permanent end to paganism by closing all the pagan temples. Additionally, Ambrose used his writings, especially On Faith (380 CE) and On the Holy Spirit (381) as well as his sermons, to explain the concept of the Trinity, defend the Nicene Creed, and fight against Arianism. At the Council of Aquileia (Italy) in 381, Ambrose forced the emperor to remove several Arian bishops. When a Jewish synagogue burned down in northern Italy in 385, Ambrose and his followers occupied the site to prevent the Arian empress Justina from constructing an Arian church. Ambrose completed Augustine’s education and journey toward Christianity, culminating in Augustine’s baptism on Easter of 387. Although not trained as a theologian, Ambrose defined in Latin the arguments of Christianity by using Greek theology and Neoplatonism and employed his Latin legal training to make Orthodox Catholic policy supreme in the west. Ambrose used the Roman bureaucracy as well as his oratorical abilities to further the power of the church. He held sway over emperors, even forcing Theodosius to seek public penance after having massacred 7,000 citizens in Thessalonica in 390. Through his actions and writings Ambrose secured both the independence and dominance of the church over imperial control. A pupil of Ambrose was Augustine (354–430), Aurelius Augustinus Hipponensis, born in Thagaste in Numidia (modern-day Algeria), the son of Patricius, a town official and a small landowner, and a Christian mother, Monica. Augustine studied rhetoric at Carthage before traveling to Rome and finally ended up in Milan, where he befriended Ambrose. Like many early Christian theologians, Augustine began his studies as a philosopher. After reading Cicero’s Hortensius (now lost) at age 18, which inspired him to seek wisdom, Augustine studied Manichaeism at Carthage. This Gnostic sect, however, proved intellectually and spiritually unsatisfactory, and Augustine abandoned it in favor of skepticism. Augustine secured a position in Milan, and after hearing Ambrose’s sermons he abandoned skepticism in favor of Christianity and Neoplatonism. Augustine then returned to Thagaste, where he withdrew from public life, living as a hermit from 388 to 391, giving up public office and a marriage to his common-law wife of 15 years. He was forcibly ordained a priest at Hippo in 391, where he established a monastery. He also preached in church at the request of his bishop, even though this was not the African custom. In 395 Augustine was consecrated an assistant bishop and then in 397 a bishop, and he now studied theology. After becoming a bishop Augustine entered into a second career as a formidable preacher, promoting Catholic unity in

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Africa. Augustine preached and advocated unity, even forceful coercion, against Donatism in order to reunite Christendom. He preached against Pelagius and his definition of free will. Augustine died on August 28, 430, when the Vandals besieged Hippo. Augustine’s two greatest works were the Confessions and City of God. The Confessions, written in 397–400, was an autobiography discussing his life down to 387. The work also shows the influence that Neoplatonism had on his life and his conversion to Christianity. His second work, City of God (413–426), produced a theological rebuttal to the charge that Christianity caused the sack of Rome in 410. Instead Augustine promoted the idea of the Eternal City, that is, the next world where the believers and nonbelievers would be separated. He wrote 93 works in 232 volumes and well over 100 sermons and letters. With Jerome, Ambrose, and Gregory I, Augustine is hailed as one of the four fathers of the Catholic Church. His prominence is seen in medieval philosophy, influencing thinkers such as Thomas Aquinas. Augustine attempted to resolve the issue of reason and faith. His conclusion was based on the idea that both were required in order to be a Christian. One needed to have reason to understand and have faith, and one needed faith to conduct reason. Having developed these ideas, Augustine began to explore the relationship between God and man. He argued against predestination and developed the theology of redemption and actual grace. The third great father, Jerome (345–420), Eusebius Sophronius Hieronymus, was born at Stridon near Aquileia in northern Italy and was a student of Latin literature and rhetoric in Rome who wrote extensively on biblical and historical scholarship. Jerome lived in a monastic community and then traveled to Gaul and back to Aquileia before going to Antioch in 374. Here he reported that Christ condemned him, saying “you are a Ciceronian, not a Christian,” in reference to his love of Latin literature. For the next three years Jerome lived in the deserts of Syria. Jerome traveled to Constantinople in 379, where he translated into Latin Eusebius’s World Chronicle, extending it to the year 378. In 383 Jerome then traveled to Rome, where he became the secretary to Pope Damasus, who urged him to translate the Hebrew Old Testament and the Greek New Testament into Latin. Jerome now began this great task, which he completed in the east from 390 to 405. This work, his most famous, became known as the Vulgate and became the Bible used in the west during the medieval era. While at Rome Jerome became the spiritual adviser to Paula and her daughter Eustochium, supposedly a descendant of Rome’s founder, the Trojan War hero Aeneas, and the great republican family, the Scipios, who became Jerome’s patronesses, traveling with him to the Holy Land in 385, where they settled in Bethlehem and established monasteries. Jerome continued his work on the Bible, wrote commentaries on the books of the Bible, and engaged in theological discussions. In his works he praised Origen (184–254), an early Christian theologian in Alexandria, but later condemned him, and also attacked Ambrose and fought with his oldest friend, Rufinus. In addition to the commentaries, Jerome wrote a work on illustrious men. Working on the book of Ezekiel in 410, Jerome lamented the fall of Rome. After this disaster many refugees fled to the east. One such refugee was Pelagius, a British-born

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monk who argued that man was committed to sin and was responsible for his actions, which reduced the need for divine grace. Jerome’s opposition forced Pelagius to move to North Africa, where Pelagius was condemned. On September 30, 420, Jerome died in Bethlehem. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Jews; Individuals: Jesus; Theodosius, House of Further Reading Campenhausen, Hans von. 1964. Men Who Shaped the Western Church. New York: Harper and Row. Dudden, F. Homes. 1935. The Life and Times of St. Ambrose. Oxford, UK: Clarendon.

Livia Drusilla (58 BCE–29 CE) Livia Drusilla, or Julia Livia, was the wife of Emperor Augustus. She became a partner with Augustus in his power, and subsequent emperors Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero claimed descent from her family. She successfully kept the imperial house in order to allow for a peaceful transition of power from Augustus to her son Tiberius. Livia was born in 59 or 58 BCE to Marcus Livius Drusus Claudianus, who supported and fought with the assassins of Caesar against Octavian (Augustus) and Marc Antony at Philippi (Marcus committed suicide upon their defeat). She was married to her cousin Tiberius Claudius Nero in 43, who likewise fought with the assassins and then later with Sextus Pompey against Octavian and Marc Antony. Livia, Tiberius, and their son Tiberius (born in 42) escaped the proscriptions of the First Triumvirate (Octavian, Lepidus, and Antony) by fleeing to Pompey. After peace between the triumvirate and Pompey a general amnesty occurred, and the family returned to Rome in 39. Livia, already pregnant with her second son, Drusus, was introduced to Octavian, who fell in love with her. He persuaded her husband Tiberius to divorce her, and on January 14 she gave birth to Drusus and then on January 17 married Octavian. For the next 51 years they were married, and although they did not have children together she was his constant adviser and was able to influence him when needed. Their marriage was probably a mixture of politics and love, as Octavian needed the patrician support, while the Claudians were ancient and respected. Livia and Octavian seemed to complement each other. When Antony was defeated, Octavian became emperor and then was known as Augustus. Residing on the Palatine Hill, Livia became the model of a Roman matron. She did not wear ostentatious jewelry or clothes. Augustus gave her complete control over her own finances, something unheard of at the time, and she had control over her own household. She promoted individuals outside of Augustus’s followers including ancestors of the future emperors Galba and Otho. While Augustus had only a daughter, Julia, Livia had two sons, Tiberius and Drusus, whom she pushed to the forefront. The struggles within the imperial family ultimately centered on the children of these two women,

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with Livia winning out. Tiberius married Julia, but it was a loveless marriage, and Augustus blamed Tiberius for her adultery. Drusus married Antonia Minor, Augustus’s niece, and had three children, the popular Germanicus, Livilla, and the future emperor Claudius. Julia, who had married Agrippa before Tiberius, had several children including the designated heirs Lucius and Gaius, who both died before Augustus, and Agrippa Postumus, who was later killed by Augustus’s or Tiberius’s order. A daughter, Agrippina, married Germanicus, while another daughter, Julia, was ultimately exiled and died in 29. Livia was accused of helping promote the deaths of many of the challengers to her son Tiberius’s succession and her stepdaughter’s family. When Augustus died in 14 CE, some even saw Livia’s hand in his death by poisoning him with figs. While this is probably just gossip, her reputation was one of deceit and connivance. Augustus’s will gave her one-third of his estate and adoption into the Julian family, which gave her the name Julia Augusta. With his deification she became the wife of a god. While mother and son appeared to get along early in his reign, Tiberius soon desired to rule for himself. Livia probably could not help herself from interfering in the running of the empire as she had done with Augustus. Tiberius vetoed certain honors for her, saying they were unbecoming. She in return placed a statue to Augustus with her name proceeding Tiberius’s name. Some ancient historians record that Tiberius left Rome because of her. Livia died in 29 while Tiberius was on Capri, and he refused to return for her funeral. The future emperor Caligula delivered her funeral oration. Tiberius vetoed honors for her including deification and even nullified her will. Only in 42 did her grandson, Emperor Claudius, grant her divine status and restore all of her honors. She was cremated, and her ashes were interned in Augustus’s mausoleum where they remained until 410, when Rome was sacked, Augustus’s tomb robbed, and her ashes scattered about. Livia, although proud like her Claudian ancestors, was faithful to her husband and his cause. While she was chaste, she craved power and prestige. When Augustus was alive he granted her these favors, but with his death her son Tiberius refused even to the point of punishing her when possible. Her influence was seen on all of the Julio-Claudians. Tiberius, her son, was left an orphan at age two when she divorced his father and married Augustus, and later Tiberius was forced by Augustus, probably with Livia’s urging, to divorce his first wife, whom he loved, to marry Julia, whom he despised. Livia pushed her son to the forefront when all evidence seems to indicate that he did not really want to rule. She was great-grandmother of the next emperor, Caligula, through her son Drusus and his son Germanicus. This proved to be near disaster for the empire, since Caligula almost destroyed the state. She was then grandmother to the next emperor, Claudius, Drusus’s son. While Claudius’s reign appears to have been beneficial to Rome, it still had issues. Finally, the last Julio-Claudian, Nero, was Livia’s great-grandson, son of her granddaughter Agrippina, sister to Caligula. His rule resulted in the destruction of the Julio-Claudians. The next two emperors, Galba and Otho, were also influenced by Livia, since their grandfathers were in the circle of Livia’s friends. Livia therefore influenced the Roman Empire for over a century, from her marriage to Octavian in 38 BCE to the Year of the Four Emperors, 69 CE.

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See also: Individuals: Augustus; Tiberius; Institutions: Marriage Further Reading Barrett, Antony A. 2002. Livia: First Lady of Imperial Rome. Cambridge, MA: Yale University Press. Dennison, Matthew. 2011. Livia, Empress of Rome. New York: St. Martin’s.

Marcus Aurelius (121–180 CE) Known as the philosopher king, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus was emperor from 161 to 180 CE. Born Marcus Annius Verus, Marcus Aurelius was born in Italy to a family from Spain near Cordoba. Although he spent most of his life campaigning on the frontiers, he was known as a capable ruler who attempted to ensure the smooth running of the state. Unlike his predecessors who did not have sons to succeed him, Marcus Aurelius’s son Commodus would succeed him, with terrible results. Marcus’s father, who died when Marcus was only three years old, married into a wealthy family who owned a profitable brickyard in Rome used during the construction boom in the city. In his early years Marcus studied law and philosophy and would later become a Stoic. In 138 Emperor Hadrian chose Antoninus (later known as Emperor Antoninus Pius) as his successor. Antoninus adopted Lucius Verus, who had been promoted by Hadrian, and Marcus, a nephew of Antoninus’s wife. When Antoninus became emperor he betrothed Marcus to his daughter Faustina; by all accounts this marriage was happy and fruitful. During Antoninus’s reign Marcus held the normal offices, rising to hold the consulship several times. During this time he was also educated by several of the leading men in Rome, including Fronto and Herodes Atticus. In 161 Antoninus died, and Marcus and Lucius Verus became corulers, with Marcus clearly the senior partner. The two rulers were popular with the public, since Marcus was seen as gentle and Lucius epitomized the warrior, enjoying the games and soldiering. The two allowed free speech and even criticisms of the new rulers. These first two years, 161–162, were called the “happiness of time,” when Marcus could give himself to philosophy and helping his people. Soon, however, crises developed. The Tiber River overflowed, causing flooding and pestilence. In late 161 the Parthian king invaded Armenia, expelling Rome’s client king. In the north on the Danube and the Rhine the Germanic tribes were moving, and in Britain the northern tribes were also challenging Rome. The root of these issues was Antoninus’s inactivity, which emboldened Rome’s enemies. Marcus did not have much military training and was not prepared. In the east, the Parthians had massacred the Cappadocian legion and mauled the Syrian legion. To make up for the depletions, three legions from the Danube moved east, which weakened the northern frontiers. Lucius was sent east in 162 to deal with the Parthians. Although the biographers relate that Lucius spent his time in Antioch giving himself over to pleasures, his role may have been to politically strengthen the area as Marcus’s

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official representative. Rome went on the offensive in 163, taking Armenia and installing a Roman client; the Romans then moved downstream into Osroene, displacing the Parthians in 164, and then into Mesopotamia in 165. Although the army was weakened by the plague, it attacked Media in 166. The general chiefly in charge of the campaign, Cassius, was able to restore Roman honor and power. The army returned to Rome and celebrated a triumph; unfortunately, it also brought back the plague, perhaps measles, which ravaged the empire for the next generation. No sooner had the Parthian War been concluded than the Germanic tribes, mainly the Marcomanni, attacked in 166. The legions were weakened, and the commanders were more politicians and imperial family favorites than soldiers. Both Marcus and Lucius led the troops but only in punitive exercises. In 169 Lucius died from the plague, leaving Marcus to continually fight on the frontier for the rest of his life. For the next 10 years he was forced to deal with Germans on the Danube. The Germans even reached and besieged Aquileia and ravaged Italy for the first time since 101 BCE. Aquileia was relieved and a new force was assembled to attack the Marcomanni beginning in 171. In 173 the Quadi were defeated and then were subjugated in 174. At this point Marcus seems to have planned to deliver the final blow, but a rebellion by Cassius in the east nearly caused the loss of that region; fortunately, Cassius’s troops killed him after learning that Marcus was not dead, as originally thought. Marcus returned to Rome in 176 and celebrated a triumph with his son Commodus. The next year the Quadi and Marcomanni rebelled, forcing Marcus to move north in 178. The army was successful against the Marcomanni in 179 and 180, but on March 17, 180, Marcus died. The campaigns against the Germans were celebrated on his column in Rome. With his death at Vindobona, modern-day Vienna, Marcus was deified, and his ashes were returned to Rome to be deposited in the mausoleum of Hadrian. Marcus’s natural son Commodus became emperor, thus ending the adoption process begun nearly a century earlier by Nerva, inaugurating the era of the five good emperors. Marcus’s internal policies included continual legal reforms; increased funds for orphans, or the alimenta; a further debasement of the coinage; and possibly an increase in the number of persecutions of Christians. During this time the plague ravaged the city at one point, claiming nearly 2,000 lives a day. The weakness of the empire and Antoninus’s policy is shown during Marcus’s reign. The frontiers were weakened, and Marcus was not well equipped to lead the armies. In addition, weak frontier commanders were often appointed for their family connections and not ability. While Marcus cannot be held completely to blame, he did continue the policy of appointing men based on personal connections. Marcus was known for his philosophical writings, namely Meditations, written in Greek. He wrote the 12 books on his thoughts and life for himself. Meant to guide his life, they were not arranged chronologically. In his personal life Marcus seemingly had a happy marriage with Faustina, lasting 30 years. Married in 145, they had 13 children: 6 daughters and 7 sons. Only 1 son, Commodus, and 4 daughters outlived Marcus. His son Commodus, who was erratic and not inclined to continue the war in Germany, was known for his cruelty.

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See also: Groups and Organizations: Alamanni and Juthungi; Germanic Tribes; Individuals: Antoninus Pius; Severan Dynasty; Key Events: Antonine Plague; Year of the Five Emperors Further Reading Birley, Anthony. 2000. Marcus Aurelius: A Biography. Revised ed. London: Routledge. Champlin, Edward. 1980. Fronto and Antonine Rome. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Marcus Aurelius. 2003. The Meditations. New York: Random House. Millar, Fergus. 1993. The Roman Near East, 31 BC–AD 337. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Nero (37–68 CE) Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, later Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, known as Nero, was the last emperor of the Julio-Claudians dynasty, which Augustus had established some 100 years earlier. Known from antiquity as erratic, Nero seems not to have been insane like Caligula but instead was a perpetual juvenile who was not equipped to handle power. He viewed himself as an artist and architect and after a great fire in Rome rebuilt downtown Rome into his own personal palace. He was a descendant of both Augustus and his wife Livia. Nero’s mother was Agrippina the Younger, and his father was Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus. When Nero’s great-uncle Claudius became emperor and subsequently married Nero’s mother Agrippina, Nero soon found himself in line for the imperial throne. He was adopted by Claudius and married Claudius’s daughter Octavia. With Claudius’s death in 54 CE, Nero became the youngest emperor at age 16. Nero’s major influences in his first year of rule were his mother, his tutor Seneca, and the prae­ torian prefect Burrus. Agrippina fought with Burrus and especially Seneca, who offered advice that Nero wanted to hear rather than needed. Agrippina had her likeness put on a coin along with Nero’s, something unique in antiquity. She even tried to meet a foreign ambassador with Nero—again something unheard of at the time—but was prevented from doing so. In 55 Agrippina attempted to stop Nero from having an affair but failed, and her power now waned. She tried to push Claudius’s minor son Britannicus as an alternate emperor, but he was poisoned by Nero. Agrippina was then dismissed from the palace. Finally desiring to rid himself of his mother, he had her executed in 59. In 62 the former adviser Seneca was forced to retire from public affairs, and Burrus died. Nero also divorced and exiled Octavia due to being infertile; public outrage forced him to bring her back, but he executed her shortly thereafter. He married Poppaea Sabina, who was already pregnant. She died in 65 probably because of a miscarriage. Ancient historians wrote that Nero’s first five years of rule were the best as compared to the last five. During this early period he showed respect for the Senate, carried out programs that benefited the people, and attempted to rule justly. He enacted laws that

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supported the freedmen and limited the arbitrary power of the patrons. He limited fines and fees for legal transactions. He appears to have attempted to control corruption and extortion by tax collectors and magistrates. He attempted to help the poor by having tax rates reduced, and he fostered the import of grain by making the grain ships tax exempt. Nero realized that the people, if kept satisfied, would not rebel. In July 64 a great fire broke out that destroyed most of downtown Rome. Some authors blamed Nero with setting the fire so he could build a great palace, while Tacitus said that Christians had set the fire. In reality it was probably an accident, as Rome was always beset by fires. After the fire Nero, however, confiscated large parts of Rome and built his personal palace, the Domus Aureus, or Golden House, with a lake nearby; this lake became the eventual site for the Colosseum. In the area of foreign affairs, Nero was beset by a series of internal and external crises. War with Parthia broke out in 55 and would last until 63, when a peace treaty was agreed upon between Rome and Parthia. Although Parthia probably came out ahead, it was a great political coup for Nero, and the peace would last between the two for 50 years. The major internal threats included a rebellion in Britain, a conspiracy in Rome, and a rebellion in Judea. While the war in Parthia was going on, Britain exploded in rebellion in 60 with Boudicca, who led her tribe against the governor Suetonius Paulinus. After destroying three Roman cities including London, Suetonius Paulinus, who was campaigning in Wales, arrived and defeated Boudicca. Nero replaced Suetonius Paulinus with a more conciliatory governor. A more serious threat to Nero was a plot by Piso and members of the Praetorian Guard. It was discovered in 65 and led to a number of executions including Piso and Lucan (nephew of Seneca) and the forced suicide of Seneca. The plot foreshadowed the threats to Nero in the coming years. The final internal crisis was the Jewish Rebellion begun in 66. The rebellion, caused by high taxes and Roman abuse, led to a full-scale war; Nero dispatched Vespasian and his army from Syria to quell the rebellion. After initial setbacks the Romans were successful in taking and destroying Jerusalem, but only after Nero’s death. In 68 a rebellion broke out in Gaul. Nero ordered the army from Germany to stamp out the rebellion, while Galba was called upon by the rebels to seize power. Although the rebellion was put down, Galba was soon hailed emperor and urged to march on Rome. When the commander of the Praetorian Guard came out in favor of Galba, Nero fled, only to be forced to return after not finding troops loyal to him. When he realized that he was abandoned, he fled the city again, arriving at a freedman’s villa. He received news that the Senate had declared him a public enemy, not true, but believing that it would kill him he decided to commit suicide but could not bring himself to do the deed; he pleaded with his secretary to kill him. When the Senate heard of his death it did declare him a public enemy to win favor with Galba, whom it had previously declared a public enemy. While the upper echelons were glad of Nero’s death, the commons were distraught. They had benefited from Nero’s programs and were not sure what the future would hold. The soldiers for the most part were loyal to Nero, or at least the memory of the Julio-Claudians, but they were easily bribed. In fact, future emperors Otho and

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Vitellius appealed to the memory of Nero when they became emperor. Many in the east believed that Nero did not die, and in fact a legend arose that Nero would return. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Individuals: Agrippina the Elder; Augustus; Claudius; Vespasian, Titus Flavius; Key Events: Boudicca Rebellion; Fires; Jewish Rebellion, First; Judea Provincial Disruption; Piso Conspiracy; Objects and Artifacts: Villas; Primary Documents: Document 26; Document 29; Document 30 Further Reading Grant, Michael. 1989. Nero. New York: Dorset. Morgan, Julian. 2003. Nero: Destroyer of Rome. New York: Rosen Publishing Group. Warmington, Brian Herbert. 1969. Nero: Reality and Legend. London: Chatto and Windus.

Palmyra, House of The House of Palmyra (in present-day Syria) helped secure the east for the Romans during the turbulent late third century. The members of the house also demonstrated how Rome successfully integrated new regions into its complex political system. The power of Palmyra would increase and become dominant in the east during the vacuum caused by Valerian’s death and the rise of Persia. Lucius Septimius Odaenathus (220– 267) took the city of Palmyra from a regional neutral trade city to an empire stretching across the broad deserts of the Near East. Tracing his lineage back to the Arabs, his family received Roman citizenship from the Severan (Septimius) dynasty. Evidence indicates that his family had ruled Palmyra since the 190s. His great-grandfather was Nasor, who probably helped establish the family’s leadership in the city. His grandfather was Vaballathus, and his father was Hairan. Although the exact date of his rule is not secure, he was ruling in 258, when he was styled consul and lord of the city. In 260 the Roman emperor Valerian was defeated and captured at Edessa in Mesopotamia by Shapur I, the king of Persia. Odaenathus at first attempted to continue the city’s neutrality by sending him gifts. When Shapur rejected the gifts, Odaenathus decided to support the central ruler Gallienus, Valerian’s son, against the rival Quietus and the Persians. Odaenathus defeated the returning Persians after they sacked Antioch. He then attacked, defeated, and executed Quietus at Emessa (Homs) and received the title of king. He now styled himself as emperor of the east and not merely as joint ruler with Gallienus. Odaenathus began an attack against the Persians by crossing the Euphrates and capturing Edessa, Nisibis, and Carrhae. He twice attempted to take the Persian capital of Ctesiphon but without success. His earlier successes allowed Gallienus to claim a victory over the Persians in 264 and celebrate a triumph. Odaenathus took the title “king of kings.” While Odaenathus outwardly supported the emperor, it is possible that he harbored ambition for more power. In 266 he prepared to march into Cappadocia in Asia Minor to attack the Goths when he and his eldest son were assassinated.

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Odaenathus’s second wife, Julia Aurelia Zenobia, known simply as Zenobia, who had ruled as queen and helped Odaenathus run his empire, ruled Palmyra from 266 to 272 in the name of her one-year-old son Vaballathus. Zenobia became more imperialistic than her husband. She claimed that she was descended from Seleucid and Ptolemaic lines of Alexander the Great’s successors. She was referred to as a Jewess who followed the Christian Paul of Samosata, bishop of Antioch. Because of her relationship with a Christian, she had difficulties with the rabbis. She was a protector of Paul, which allowed him to regain control of his bishopric until her defeat. Likewise, she was a patron of Callinicus, a historian and rhetorician who lived at her court in Palmyra and then in Egypt. The philosopher Cassius Longinus was one of her advisers. Her family received Roman citizenship from Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, or Commodus, indicating that she had come from a strong and important family of Palmyra. She could trace her family back at least six generations to include the founder of the Kingdom of Emesa and father of Empress Julia Domna. Zenobia also claimed to be a descendant of Dido, the queen of Carthage, and Cleopatra, the last Ptolemaic queen of Egypt; both claims are not secure. For the first few years Zenobia attacked and defended the eastern Roman Empire from the Persians as an ally, continuing the policy of her dead husband. In 269–270 after the death of Claudius II Gothicus, she massed her army and with her general Zabdas attacked Egypt. Her forces, together with local Egyptian troops, defeated the governor Tenagino Probus and executed him. Zenobia then proclaimed herself queen of Egypt. She was called the “Warrior Queen” since she endured the hardships of her men, including riding horses and walking with the infantry. She turned north marching into Anatolia, and her empire encompassed the areas of Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and southern Turkey. She may have made an initial peace with Aurelian after his arrival in the east in 271, but Aurelian moved against her in 272, defeating the Palmyrene army at Antioch. Her troops were forced to retreat first to Antioch and then to Emesa, where her treasury was held. Being unable to flee with her supplies and money, she and her son escaped by camel to Palmyra. They apparently were expecting help from Persia, but when that did not come they decided to flee to Persia but were caught near the Euphrates. Aurelian then seized Palmyra and executed the leading rebels, including Zenobia’s adviser Cassius Longinus. Zenobia and her son were taken to Rome to march in Aurelian’s triumph. Her son seems to have “died” on the way in 274. In gold chains, Zenobia was forced to march in Aurelian’s triumphal parade. Two versions of her life afterward exist. One has her dying shortly after either through grief or by beheading, and the other has her surviving and marrying a prominent Roman governor and having a full life. See also: Cities: Petra; Groups and Organizations: Persians; Individuals: Aurelian, Lucius Domitius Further Reading Ball, Warwick. 2001. Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire. Illustrated reprint ed. London: Routledge. Smith, Andrew, II. 2013. Roman Palmyra: Identity, Community, and State Formation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Southern, Pat. 2008. Empress Zenobia: Palmyra’s Rebel Queen. London: Continuum Books.

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Sejanus, Lucius Aelius (20 BCE–31 CE) Lucius Aelius Sejanus, known simply as Sejanus, rose through the ranks of the military, ultimately commanding the Praetorian Guard and increasing its power. The Praetorian Guard, the elite troops who protected the emperors, would influence the Roman Empire for the next three centuries. While he is known for his attempt to concentrate power and seize the throne from his benefactor and emperor, Tiberius, who had him executed, his policies would remain. Sejanus was born about 4 BCE in Etruria to the equestrian class. Without the traditional chance of entering the senatorial class, his family was required to rise through the army and government offices. Sejanus’s family had connections with imperial society through his grandfather’s marriage to the sisterin-law of Maecenus, an adviser to Augustus. Sejanus’s father, Lucius Seius Strabo, married into a famous family; his brother-in-law was Quintus Junius Blaesus, who later won victories in North Africa under Tiberius. Little is known of Sejanus’s early life, but in 14 CE when Tiberius became emperor, Sejanus’s position increased almost overnight. Part of this is due to his father’s position as commander of the Praetorian Guard. Strabo had been commander of the Praetorian Guard for some time during the latter part of Augustus’s career and the early years of Tiberius’s rule. Although unclear, it appears that Strabo had been in power for several years before Tiberius appointed Sejanus a member of the Praetorian Guard under Strabo’s command. This was the last time a father and son led the Praetorian Guard. The two were in command together from 14 to 16 CE, when Strabo became the governor of Egypt, the highest office an equestrian could achieve. When Sejanus became the sole commander of the Praetorian Guard, he set about making several changes over the next few years. First, he had the nine cohorts all brought into Rome instead of spread out over Italy, as they had been under Augustus. This concentrated force, over 9,000 strong, would now become a political force as well as a military force. In 23 CE Sejanus constructed the Castra Praetoria (Praetorian Camp) on the outskirts of the city, measuring roughly 1,400 by 1,200 feet. This move further concentrated the Praetorian Guard’s force, since now it was clearly seen as a united force, not a phantom force in the background as under Augustus. Tiberius, according to the ancient author Cassius Dio, would parade the Praetorian Guard through the streets. Sejanus as commander appointed his own centurions and tribunes, those loyal to him first and foremost. Sejanus’s spies and soldiers were soon able to report on all aspects of Roman life, including those who opposed the emperor. It is clear from the ancient author Tacitus that Sejanus had designs on power. After Augustus’s death, Tiberius sent Sejanus and Tiberius’s son Drusus to Pannonia to quell a rebellion in 15 CE. Although Drusus was able to restore control, it appears that Sejanus was also given some credit. It is probably at this time that the two men began their struggle. While Drusus was Tiberius’s son and was groomed for succession, including commanding armies in Illyricum in 18 and sharing the consulship with his father in 21, Sejanus clearly had increased his own power. While he attempted to align himself through marriage to the imperial family, which did not

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occur due to an accidental death, Sejanus did not give up. The feud between the two young men came to a boil when Drusus struck Sejanus on the head during an argument and complained that an interloper (Sejanus) had assisted the emperor when his own son was still alive. In 23 Drusus died mysteriously, and later it was alleged that Sejanus and Drusus’s wife Livilla, supposedly Sejanus’s lover, had poisoned the young prince. With Drusus’s death, Tiberius seems to have withdrawn more and more from power and turned power over to Sejanus. When Sejanus requested permission to marry Livilla after his divorce from his wife a few years earlier he was rebuffed, probably given his birth status. For Sejanus, the death of Drusus left only the sons of Germanicus (Tiberius’s nephew) and his wife Agrippina as potential threats. Germanicus died in 19 CE, and when Agrippina returned to Rome, the uncle and niece quarreled. Given Tiberius’s withdrawal from power, his natural dislike for Agrippina, and his grief for the loss of his son, Sejanus was able to further isolate the emperor. Sejanus in fact would save the emperor’s life when they dined together in a grotto and an earthquake occurred; Sejanus covered Tiberius with his own body. Tiberius now withdrew from Rome permanently to Capri in 26, leaving Sejanus in virtual control of Rome. For the next few years Sejanus would remove threats from power; Agrippina was denounced and exiled, as were two of her three sons. In 29 Tiberius’s mother, Livia, died and removed any control of Sejanus. For the next two years he increased his powers through constant purges, which ultimately left only Germanicus and Agrippina’s youngest son, Caligula. In 31 Sejanus now held the consulship with Tiberius and was allowed to become betrothed to Livilla. Tiberius was at the height of his power, with statues erected to him and with his friends in power throughout the Roman Empire. It appears that during the year Tiberius began to hear how Sejanus had usurped more and more control, and Tiberius probably feared for his own life. Sejanus had no reason to strike, since the aged emperor would soon die, at least Sejanus probably thought, and he could become the regent for Drusus’s son Gemellus, since he would have been married to his mother Livilla and was commander of the Praetorian Guard. At the end of 31 Tiberius sent a long message to the Senate praising and then condemning Sejanus. The Praetorian Guard had been bribed, and the new commander, Macro, moved quickly to put into place Tiberius’s orders of arresting Sejanus and his followers. That night the Senate condemned Sejanus, and he was strangled and his body torn to pieces. His children were executed; their mother committed suicide after writing a letter to Tiberius claiming that Livilla had poisoned Drusus. Livilla was starved to death by her mother Antonia, Tiberius’s sister-in-law. Sejanus was able to concentrate the power of the Praetorian Guard and therefore created a powerful political and military force, which would influence imperial history for the next three centuries. See also: Government and Politics: Treason Trials; Individuals: Agrippina the Elder; Livia Drusilla; Tiberius; Primary Documents: Document 16

Individuals | Further Reading Seager, Robin. 2005. Tiberius. 2nd ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Suetonius. 1979. The Twelve Caesars. Revised ed. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Tiberius* .html. Tacitus, Cornelius. 1956. The Annals of Imperial Rome. Translated by Michael Grant. Baltimore: Penguin.

Severan Dynasty (193–235 CE) The Severan dynasty lasted from 193 to 235 CE and provided the empire with military strength before the beginning of the third-century chaos. Established by Septimius Severus (193–211), it included his son Caracalla (211–217), Caracalla’s cousin Elagabalus (218–222), and cousin Severus Alexander (222–235), with a brief interregnum by the commander of the Praetorian Guard, Macrinus (217–218). The period began with instability caused by the assassination of Commodus and the restoration by Septimius and ended with chaos after the assassination of Severus Alexander. During this time the power of the military, shown as supreme and with any vestiges of republicanism created by Augustus, was dissolved. Septimius Severus hailed from Leptis Magna in North Africa. Descended on his father’s side from local Punic stock and on his mother’s side from Italians, he spoke Punic, Greek, and Latin, the latter with a slight accent. Born in 145, Septimius traveled to Rome in 162 to begin his public career, where he entered the senatorial ranks under Emperor Marcus Aurelius and rose through the lower offices. Severus left Rome in 166 before holding the position of quaestor due to the Antonine Plague and in 169 returned to Rome to hold the quaestorship in a city recovering from the ravages of the plague, which had decimated the upper class. His timing probably led to his advancement, which would have probably been delayed otherwise. He served in Spain and Sardinia as quaestor, and in 173 his cousin chose him to serve in his campaign in Africa against the Moors. Severus married twice. His first wife did not produce any children who survived before her death in 186; his second wife, Julia Domna from Syria, produced two children, Lucius (nicknamed Caracalla) and Geta, and was Severus’s constant adviser. Julia Domna’s older sister Julia Maesa was grandmother to Elagabalus and Septimius Severus. In 191 Severus was given command of the Pannonian Legions by Emperor Commodus, who was assassinated the next year; Pertinax was made emperor, only to be assassinated by the Praetorian Guard. Severus’s soldiers now proclaimed him emperor, and he marched on Rome, seizing power from Didius Julianus, who was then killed. In retaliation for Pertinax’s death, Severus disbanded the Praetorian Guard and replaced them with his own troops. Rome was faced with a civil war with Clodius Albinus in Britain, who was mollified, being Severus’s successor, or caesar, and Pescennius Niger was proclaimed emperor in Syria. Severus defeated Pescennius at Issus and then hailed his son Caracalla as his successor.

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Clodius now openly rebelled, and in 197 the two forces met in Gaul, where Severus was victorious. He then turned his attention to the east and marched into Mesopotamia, capturing the Parthian capital and seizing northern Mesopotamia, but like Trajan a century earlier, Severus could not capture the capital of Hatra and hold the region. He then reorganized and enlarged the frontier defenses in Arabia (Limes Arabicus). He campaigned in North Africa in 202, enlarging the Limes Tripolitanus. After this fiveyear campaign he embarked on the conquest of northern Britain in 208, the same year he made Caracalla his coemperor. For the next three years Severus fought a bloody and prolonged campaign, where he forced the Caledonians to retreat northwards from the low-lying regions between Hadrian’s Wall and Antoninus’s Wall. In 211 Severus became ill and died at York. While he disdained the Senate, he attempted to raise the prominence of the military and the equestrians. He debased the currency, which began numerous economic problems. Septimius’s son, born Lucius Septimius Bassianus but better known as Caracalla, a name from a hooded cloak he always wore, was born in 188 as the elder of two sons, the other being Geta. Caracalla was with his father when he died in 211, and the troops hailed Caracalla emperor along with Geta. Both brothers wanted to rule, and there was even talk of dividing the empire into halves. Their mother Julia Domna attempted to arrange a compromise, and while both were present with Caracalla, he had Geta assassinated by the Praetorian Guard, with Geta dying in his mother’s arms. Caracalla then enacted a purge of the Praetorian Guard and officers loyal to Geta, and the Senate declared a damnatio memoriae, having his name and image erased from monuments. At this time Caracalla carried out a currency reform, creating a double denarius, or antoninianus, which was worth twice a denarius but only weighed 50 percent more than one denarius. He did not pursue his father’s campaign in Scotland and made peace with the Caledonians, giving up much of the recently won territories. At this time he also enacted the Constitutio Antoniniana, which extended Roman citizenship to all. This substantially increased the number of Roman citizens, who beforehand were only in Italy and a few cities in the empire. He then traveled east in 213, leaving his mother in Rome to govern in his stead. In the east he attempted to adopt the mannerisms of Alexander the Great and in 216 began a war with Parthia to emulate the great conqueror. In 217 only four days after his 29th birthday Caracalla was assassinated, probably in a coup engineered by his prefect Macrinus, who was then proclaimed emperor. Known for his cruelty, Caracalla made only one major positive contribution, his extension of citizenship. After Macrinus’s brief rule, Caracalla’s cousin Elagabalus, born Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, was made emperor in 218. Born in 203, he was the son of Julia Soaemias, a cousin of Caracalla, and held the high priesthood of the god Elagabalus. The amoral Elagabalus was accepted by the Senate as emperor and as Caracalla’s son. Traveling to Rome in 218–219, he allowed his mother and grandmother to initially control him and even allowed them seats in the Senate. When his grandmother Julia Maesa, sister-inlaw to Septimius Severus, attempted to yield too much power, Elagabalus proved to be independent. He attempted to create a new religion that joined the east and west, to the horror of the Romans. His grandmother, seeing his support wane, elevated her other

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daughter’s son Alexander in 222. Elagabalus and his mother were assassinated by the Praetorian Guard, and Alexander claimed the throne. Severus Alexander became emperor at age 13 in 222. Under his mother Julia Avita Mamaea he was able to restore order after Elagabalus’s erratic rule. Alexander instituted legal reforms and had an aggressive building program. He reduced the purity of the silver coins. He was able to initially check the rise of the Persians, successors of the Parthians, although it was a costly war, and the legions were demoralized. He then returned to the Danube to campaign on the German frontier but, lacking military skills, attempted to buy off the Germans, which the legionnaires took as an insult. Meeting with his generals to prepare for another campaign, both he and his mother were assassinated in 235. This then marked the beginning of a 50-year period of chaos. See also: Institutions: Provinces; Key Events: Third-Century Political Chaos; ThirdCentury Social Chaos Further Reading Birley, Anthony. 1971. Septimius Severus: The African Emperor. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode. Swain, Simon, Stephen Harrison, and Jas Elsner, eds. 2007. Severan Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Theodosius, House of The House of Theodosius ruled Rome for over 50 years and restored security for the frontiers after the defeat of the Romans in the Battle of Adrianople in 378 CE. After the strong rule of Theodosius, the empire floundered under his successors. One lasting achievement was the creation of the Law Code of Theodosius II. Theodosius (347–395) was born Flavius Theodosius in Cauca, Spain, on January 11, 347. Known in history as Theodosius the Great, he was the son of Count Theodosius, who defeated usurpers in Africa. Theodosius the Great established the House of Theodosius, ruling both the east and the west for over 50 years. As governor of Moesia Prima (Superior) on the Danube in modern-day Serbia in 373 or 374 he successfully defeated Rome’s perennial enemy, the Sarmatians, along the Danube. After his father was executed by Valentinian in 375, Theodosius retired to his family estates in Spain until 378, where after the battle of Adrianople in the east, the new emperor Gratian recalled Theodosius, making him general and then emperor in the east after his initial successes against the Visigoths in January 379. Theodosius created a new prefecture, Illyricum, placing parts of the Balkans, notably Macedon and Moesia, under the control of the eastern emperor. This act provided for numerous conflicts between east and west during the next few centuries. Theodosius campaigned against the Visigoths for several years. He decided to negotiate a treaty in 380 after realizing that it was impossible to defeat the Visigoths; he

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then celebrated a triumph at Constantinople. The treaty allowed the Visigoths to settle in the empire en masse under their own leaders. In Gaul, Magnus Maximus removed Gratian, and when Maximus invaded Italy in 382 Theodosius headed west with Visi­ goths and defeated him. Theodosius placed Valentinian II, Gratian’s brother, under the control of the German Arbogast as emperor. Valentinian tried to exert more control over his advisers and was found dead in 392. Arbogast then promoted Eugenius as emperor, but in 394 Theodosius defeated them and unified the Roman world for the last time. This unity lasted only a few months, for in January 395 Theodosius died in Milan. Theodosius was known for his religious orthodox policies. In the east he expelled Arians from Constantinople and ordered their churches closed. And in the west he took actions against paganism, refusing to restore the Altar of Victory in the Roman Senate. During his reign Theodosius was known for his harshness. In 390 he massacred 7,000 citizens in Thessalonica for civil disorder, and later that year while Theodosius was visiting Italy, Ambrose, the bishop of Milan, ordered him to do penance under threat of excommunication. After Theodosius did his penance Ambrose exerted even more influence, culminating in a decree in 392 outlawing paganism. With Theodosius’s death in 395, imperial power passed to his sons Arcadius and Honorius. In the west, Flavius Honorius was not able to stop the Visigoth invasion and sack of Rome in 410 by King Alaric. In the east Arcadius’s son Theodosius II succeeded to the throne, ruling from 408 to 451. Honorius in the west, born Flavius Honorius, was the younger of the two brothers. He ruled from 395 to 423. Honorius was under the control of the general Stilicho, who was first his guardian and then his father-in-law but was executed in 408. Honorius has traditionally been seen as one of the weakest emperors, and under his reign in 410 the city of Rome was sacked by Alaric and the Vandals, the first time since 390 BCE. Stilicho was able to defend the empire but had become too powerful for many of the other generals and officials in Honorius’s court. A rebellion in Gaul placed Constantius III on the throne, and the province of Britain was abandoned. Constantius was made coemperor and married Honorius’s half sister, Gallia Placidia, but was not recognized by Theodosius II in the east and planned to attack there but died in 422, leaving behind a child, Valentinian III. Honorius died in 423 without any children. In 425 Valentinian III, cousin of Theodosius II, was made emperor by Theodosius. Valentinian, born Flavius Placidius Valentinianus in 419, ruled from 425 to 455 and witnessed the continual dismemberment of the west. His mother, Gallia Placidia, was the power behind the throne from 425 to 437. During this period the general Aetius and Gallia engaged in continual disputes over power. Aetius continued to be the power behind the throne from 437 to 454. He successfully defeated Attila and the Huns but did not follow up his victory, giving the illusion that Attila had won. Aetius was assassinated by Valentinian himself in 454, and the following year the emperor was assassinated by troops loyal to Aetius. In the east the successors to Theodosius the Great began with his son Arcadius, a weak ruler. Born Flavius Arcadius in Hispania as the eldest son of Theodosius, he was made coruler with his father in the east in 383. With the death of Theodosius in 395,

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Arcadius became emperor in the east, ruling until 408. He was controlled by his wife Aelia Eudoxis and his ministers, especially Rufinus. In 399 Arcadius issued an edict ordering the destruction of non-Christian temples. He was succeeded in the east by his son Theodosius II. Theodosius II (401–450), son of the eastern emperor Arcadius and Aelia Eudoxia, was born in April 401 and crowned Augustus in January 402. He received an excellent education that focused on how to be a ruler and succeeded his father in 408. His elder sister Pulcheria instructed him in his moral education, on behaving as an emperor, and on being a Christian. Because Theodosius was so young when he took over, his early reign was initially controlled by his generals, advisers, and sister. In 409 after the western general Stilicho was assassinated, relations between the west and the east improved with Theodosius and his uncle Honorius, with the western emperor holding the joint consulships in the east. By 414 his sister Pulcheria had taken over the regency completely, even choosing Eudocia as his wife. These two women would continually fight for control of the emperor and the government. Although Pulcheria won the battle, having Eudocia exiled for adultery, she lost the war when Theodosius II became more independent in the 440s. Theodosius II’s foreign policy centered primarily on Persia and the Huns in the east, but he even sent aid to the west to his uncle Honorius and cousin Valentinian III. Theodosius maintained influence in the eastern Mediterranean. His military and diplomatic record was mixed; on the eastern front he made a peace treaty with Persia in 422 that lasted nearly a century, but he failed to control the Goths and Huns in the Danube region. The Huns successfully used the troubles that Theodosius II faced on both fronts, the Persians in the east and the Vandals in the west, to demand more money, which Theodosius refused, prompting war. After defeating a Roman army in 443, Attila and his Huns forced Theodosius II to increase the annual tribute to 2,100 pounds of gold, with an immediate penalty of 6,000 pounds, and in 448 raised it again. These exactions bankrupted the eastern empire. In the area of education and law, Theodosius II opened a university in Constantinople and began the collection of laws from Constantine onward, culminating in the publication of the Theodosian Law Code in 438, his greatest achievement, becoming the basis for Justinian’s reform in the east and the Visigothic Code in Spain in 507. On July 28, 450, Theodosius II fell from his horse and died after naming the senator Marcian as his heir. Theodosius II ruled the longest of any Roman ruler after Augustus, and with his death the House of Theodosius ended. See also: Government and Politics: Roman Law; Roman Law, Evolution of; Groups and Organizations: Christians; Individuals: Latin Fathers of the Western Church; Valentinian, House of Further Reading Bury, J. B. 1959. History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian. New York: Dover. King, Noel Quinton. 1961. The Emperor Theodosius and the Establishment of Christianity. London: SCM Press.

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Tiberius (42 BCE–37 CE) Tiberius Claudius Nero was Rome’s second emperor, ruling from 14 to 37 CE. As emperor, Tiberius’s rule was known for provincial stability and care, allowing the provinces to prosper. While adding a few client kingdoms to the Roman Empire and undertaking some early campaigns in Germany as a show of force, his long reign provided stability and peace for the empire. His reign can be seen to fall into two eras, the first 11 years before the death of his son Drusus and the second 11 years from the time he left Rome to live on Capri. Tiberius’s reign has been the subject of controversy since antiquity in part due to the historians writing a century later and also to the career of his lieutenant, Sejanus. Tiberius was born in 42 BCE to Tiberius Claudius Nero and Livia, who divorced his father in 39 to marry Octavian (later Augustus). Raised initially by his father, Tiberius gave a eulogy at his funeral in 32 as his first public appearance. He and his brother Drusus would become full members of the imperial household, with Tiberius marrying Vispania, daughter of Marcus Agrippa, Augustus’s right-hand man, and Drusus marrying Antonia Minor, daughter of Marc Antony and Octavia, Augustus’s sister. In 24 BCE Tiberius became quaestor at age 17 and began his public career in the law courts. In 20 BCE he accompanied his future father-in-law Agrippa to the east to deal with the Parthians and even led an army into Armenia. Returning from the east, Tiberius was sent as praetor to Gaul and with his legions assisted his brother Drusus in combating the Germans; in 15 he discovered the source of the Danube in Raetia after conquering the region. He also marched down the Danube and conquered Pannonia. In 13 BCE Tiberius returned to Rome to hold the consulship, and at this time his son Drusus was born. In 6 BCE Tiberius led an invasion of the region across the Danube in hopes of conquering the Marcomanni but was not able to bring the tribe to subjugation due to problems in Germania. After this he retired to Rhodes even though he had been raised to be Augustus’s right hand. Some argue that Tiberius retired due to Augustus increasing the prominence of his grandsons Lucius and Gaius; their deaths in 2 and 4 CE caused Augustus to recall Tiberius and adopt him as his son. By 12 CE after serving two years in Germania putting down rebellions, Tiberius was recalled to become coheir and was an equal with Augustus in power and offices. With Augustus’s death in 14 CE, Tiberius at first refused the powers and offices proposed by the Senate. The ancient historians viewed this refusal as merely a ploy, which made him look petty, divisive, and obstructionist. The reality may have been that Tiberius, who never was comfortable in politics and was already 56 years old, may have wanted to retire. Nevertheless, he accepted the power of the princeps and began his reign. He quickly began to elevate his son Drusus and was obligated to promote his nephew Germanicus, son of his brother Drusus; both put down mutinies, but

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Germanicus used the legions on the Rhine to march into Germany and recover land and prestige lost a few years earlier. Germanicus became popular and was sent east with power equal to that of Tiberius, reminiscent of Tiberius’s position with Augustus. Germanicus, however, died in 19 CE, accusing Piso, the governor of Syria and a friend of Tiberius, of poisoning him. Piso was put on trial and that intimated he had evidence of Tiberius’s complicity; whether true or not, this damaged the emperor. Piso committed suicide when it appeared that Tiberius was not going to help him in his trial, and the Senate prepared to convict him. During the next few years Tiberius’s son Drusus continued his rise but died suddenly in 23 CE. With his son’s death, Tiberius began to withdraw from Rome and in 26 withdrew completely to Capri, never to return again. During this first period Tiberius was involved in the running of the state at various stages of intensity. It is clear that he desired to rule as Augustus had done but did not have Augustus’s tact and finesse. Tiberius appears to have ensured the management of the provinces and is even known for reducing the level of taxes, especially when disaster befell a region. Throughout all of this he had the plan of promoting his son to rule. With Drusus’s death, Tiberius seems to have decided to retire, if not officially then at least in reality. During the second phase, from 26 to 37 CE, Tiberius retired to the island of Capri. While he occasionally gave indications that he might return to Rome, he never did. During this time his lieutenant Sejanus continued his rise to power. This increase in power included the elimination of potential enemies, especially the family of Germanicus. The former’s widow Agrippina and two of her sons were arrested and sent into exile, where they ultimately died. Only one son, Gaius, or Caligula, survived. In 31 CE, however, Sejanus fell from power and was executed. The ancient sources indicate that following this event Tiberius unleashed a reign of terror with treason trials and executions. The ancient authors, writing 100 to 200 years later, present their information in a biased fashion. Of the 22 years that Tiberius ruled there were only 52 treason trials, half of these were acquittals, and of the four innocent individuals executed, their executions were done due to the zeal of the Senate. Tiberius’s later years were confined to Capri, where he seemed to not bother with determining his succession. His grandson Gemellus was too young, while the only feasible heir was Caligula. Tiberius finally raised him to the quaestorship, and in 37 Tiberius died, some say murdered by Caligula and/or Macro, of the Praetorian Guard. Tiberius’s rule was seen by the ancient authors as gloomy and full of discord. In examining the nonliterary sources, especially from the provinces, his reign seems to have been beneficial and prosperous for the Roman state. See also: Government and Politics: Treason Trials; Individuals: Agrippina the Elder; Augustus; Caligula; Livia Drusilla; Sejanus, Lucius Aelius; Key Events: Julia Conspiracy; Primary Documents: Document 10; Document 12; Document 14; Document 15; Document 17 Further Reading Levick, Barbara. 1999. Tiberius the Politician. Oxford, UK: Routledge. Seager, Robin. 2005. Tiberius. 2nd ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

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|  The Roman Empire Suetonius. 1979. The Twelve Caesars. Revised ed. Edited by Robert Graves and Michael Grant. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Tiberius*.html. Tacitus, Cornelius. 1956. The Annals of Imperial Rome. Translated by Michael Grant. Baltimore: Penguin.

Trajan (53–117 CE) Marcus Ulpius Traianus, commonly known as Trajan, was the first provincial emperor, with his father’s family coming from northern Italy possibly after the establishment of Italica in 206 BCE. Trajan was known for his moderate policies that not only benefited the common people but also gained favor with the Senate. He was honored for his many conquests and was generally seen as a great ruler for the empire. Trajan was born in Italica in Spain in 53 CE. His parents were Marcia and Marcus Ulpius Traianus; his father served in the army of Vespasian in Judea during the First Jewish Rebellion of 66 CE, commanding the X Fretensis legion. Trajan was with his father when he governed Syria in 76 and afterward was posted to the Rhine River frontier; he saw extensive combat in both areas. Trajan rose through the ranks and in 89 as legate of the VII Gemina legion in Spain supported Emperor Domitian during a coup. Trajan later served as governor of either Pannonia or Germania Superior and engaged in active campaigning. With the assassination of Domitian, who was popular with the army, in 96 his successor Nerva was in a precarious position. Forced to execute the assassins of Domitian, Nerva feared for his safety and in 97 adopted Trajan. There are inferences that this adoption was forced upon Nerva, perhaps by Trajan himself, to guarantee the new emperor’s safety, and Trajan may not have been the choice of the senators in Rome. It is further hinted that when Nerva died in January 98, Trajan did not directly go to Rome but instead reviewed the army along the Rhine and Danube frontiers, probably to shore up his support. In addition, Nerva’s praetorian prefect, Aelianus, was ordered to Germany by Trajan, where he was then executed. One of Trajan’s chief advisers was the governor of Germania Inferior, Licinius Sura, who would become his chief confidant. Trajan endeared himself to the Senate when he arrived in Rome and met the senators on foot, a sign of respect. While his relations with the Senate were initially strained, Trajan effectively brought them under his sway by showing respect and decorum; at the same time he slowly chipped away at their traditional authority, especially by appointing imperial governors for senatorial provinces on the grounds of previous mismanagement. His ability to show deferential treatment to the Senate and work with his former critics and his general moderation earned him respect from the Senate so that it declared him optimus princeps (best of rulers), possibly also in reference to returning property confiscated by Domitian and his lavish spending after the first Dacian War (101–102 CE). It was in the area of military expansion that Trajan was best remembered by the Romans and future generations. In 101 he decided to try to solve the problem in Dacia.

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For nearly a decade the kingdom of Dacia, ruled by its king Decebalus, had caused trouble for Rome. Although Decebalus and Domitian had come to terms, with the Dacian king known as a client king, Rome was forced to pay a subsidy to Dacia to keep the peace. In addition, what worried Rome was that Dacia was not like the other Germanic tribes, which were usually not organized into a coherent kingdom. Dacia was a kingdom where its ruler could make agreements with other tribes and nations; it was well organized and could formulate a well-designed program of defense and negotiate with Rome, similar to earlier Hellenistic Greek kingdoms. In 101 Trajan launched his offensive against the kingdom. In March he crossed the northern Danube and engaged the Dacians near the Iron Gates, winning a hardfought battle but with heavy casualties. Trajan rested his troops and planned to renew the attack in 102; however, in the winter of 101 his troops and the Sarmatian troops crossed the lower Danube and fought two battles in Trajan’s rear before being repulsed. Trajan in 102 crossed the Danube again and forced Decebalus to accept terms, including some territory, but the Dacian king was left in control of most of his kingdom. Trajan returned to Rome and celebrated a triumph. In 104 Decebalus had rearmed and attacked across the Danube. In 105 Trajan assembled a large force of 14 legions for the Second Dacian War. In this war Rome was forced to reduce the strongholds systematically until the Dacian capital, Sarmizegetusa Regia, with its great citadel, was destroyed. Decebalus fled and committed suicide. Trajan returned to Rome in triumph, where he held gladiatorial contests and races for nearly three months. From his proceeds of the war Trajan built his forum, the largest in Rome, with a column to commemorate his war, a set of baths, and his markets, with offices and shops. In addition, he set up funds to help Roman orphans in Italian cities, the alimenta, which probably was to help revitalize Italy. In 113 Trajan started out to the east to end the Parthian kingdom’s threat to Rome’s eastern frontier once and for all and to emulate Alexander the Great and his conquest of the east by an armed conquest of Mesopotamia. Trajan had previously annexed the kingdom of Petra and built a road from the Red Sea north to Syria, and Rome controlled all of the trade centers with India except for Charax on the Persian Gulf, which was under Parthian control. With 10 legions massed in the east, Trajan marched first into Armenia. After subduing the region in 114, his general Quietus marched east into Media toward the Caspian Sea; Trajan moved south into Mesopotamia toward the Taurus Mountains and organized the region between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. Trajan then moved to the east while Quietus moved from the west in a classic pincer movement and established the border at Singara. After wintering in 115 in Antioch, Trajan decided to take all of Mesopotamia; while he was initially successful and even reached and took the Parthian capitals, stiff rebellion in the north caused him to return. In addition, the Jews revolted, forcing him to return to the west. It also appears that he became ill in 116, perhaps by overexertion. With his health declining in 117, Trajan decided to return to Italy but died in Cilicia in August. Trajan appears to have adopted his nephew Hadrian since he and his wife had no children, but there is some debate as to where he formally did so. Trajan’s body was cremated and his ashes interned in his column in Rome.

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Although Hadrian gave up the eastern expansion, Trajan was always known as the great conqueror. He was seen as an example of moderation, unlike his successor, and was viewed as the best of emperors by those who followed him. See also: Groups and Organizations: Dacians; Parthians; Individuals: Hadrian; Key Events: Dacian Wars; Objects and Artifacts: Imperial Fora Further Reading Bennett, Julian. 2001. Trajan: Optimus Princeps. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Edwell, Peter. 2007. Between Rome and Persia: The Middle Euphrates, Mesopotamia and Palmyra under Roman Control. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Grainger, John D. 2003. Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99. London: Routledge.

Valentinian, House of The House of Valentinian produced four emperors who ruled the empire from 364 to 392: Valentinian I (321–375), his brother Valens (328–378), his son Gratian (359–383), and his grandson Valentinian II (371–392). They were successful in restoring order after Julian’s debacle, defeat, and death while fighting Persia and its resulting humiliation of Rome to accept an unfavorable peace treaty giving up strategic areas in the east. The Valentinian household successfully reformed the empire but could not hold back the Goths and other tribes, being pushed to the west by the Huns. Their greatest achievements lay in reforming the economy and strengthening western defenses. Valentinian I was recalled from retirement when the returning army from Julian’s expedition in 363 promoted Jovian as emperor in Syria. After Jovian’s death, the army chose Valentinian as emperor in February 364. Born in 321 at Cibalis (modern-day Vinkovici) in southern Pannonia, Flavius Valentinianus (Valentinian) was the son of Gratianus (Gratian) the Elder, who had been a famous general under Constantine. Valentinian traveled with his father to Africa, where he received a good education, and rose through the ranks under Constantius II before being forced into retirement by Julian for allegedly failing in his command and, when Julian became emperor, perhaps because of his adherence to Christianity. When Julian died in the east and after a brief rule by Jovian, the army hailed Valentinian emperor in 364. A month after being made emperor he elevated his brother Valens as emperor in the east while he retained the west. This may have been done to not only ensure that a commander was in the east but also that the eastern officials had someone near to them who would support and protect their interests. Valentinian and Valens traveled west, where they separated, with Valentinian moving into Gaul to fight the Alamanni, a campaign that would take more than two years. Valentinian did not move east to help his brother against the usurper Procopius; rather, he decided to make the west supreme. During his reign he fought the Alamanni on the

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Rhine and greatly strengthened the fortifications in the west. He fought across the Rhine into Germany proper and across the English Channel in 367 against the Picts and Saxons in Britain. Valentinian’s generalship and command ability added vigor to the empire, extending Roman control for another 50 years. Valentinian in 369 began the construction of new defensive works and the rebuilding and strengthening of older fortresses on both sides of the Rhine. Valentinian had to deal with several revolts, most notably against Macrinus, whom he never defeated, and Firmus in Africa, put down by his general Theodosius, father of the future emperor Theodosius the Great. Valentinian continued to strengthen the army at the expense of other elements of society but ensured Rome’s survival. Valentinian did not become involved in the religious strife of the empire, remaining neutral. His death from a stroke in 375 while berating a delegation of Alamanni created a void from which the empire never recovered. His supervision of cruel and corrupt officials was lax, and his inability to control corruption continued to sap the empire. Valens, or Flavius Julius Valens, like his brother Valentinian, grew up in southern Pannonia on the family estate, entering the army later in life, in the 360s. He was appointed coemperor by his bother Valentinian I in March 364 with the task of strengthening the east. A year after being made emperor, Valens had to contend with the usurper Procopius, a cousin of Julian, who seized Constantinople and capitalized on the Constantinian name, minting coins and receiving the loyalty of troops nearby. Valens had difficulty maintaining control of his own troops’ loyalty but finally in the spring of 366 defeated and executed Procopius. This rebellion’s memory left Valens distrustful and shaken during the remainder of his reign. Valens then began a campaign against the Visigoths who had supported Procopius. Pushing them across the Danube, Valens constructed forts along the Danube and finally made peace with the Visigoths. Unfortunately, one of the terms resulted in a loss of manpower for the Roman Army. This hasty treaty was partly a result of new Persian problems in Armenia. Valens’s army successfully defeated the Persians, and a truce in 371 enhanced Rome’s position in the east. The peace with the Visigoths was damaged when corrupt officials refused to make good on promises of providing food for starving tribesmen. The Visigoths began to raid Roman territory, and in 378 Valens marched against them near Adrianople. Distrusting intelligence and not waiting for support, Valens initiated battle. There, his infantry pushed the Visigothic infantry off the battlefield, but in their haste to attack the enemy’s wagons the legions were caught off guard by the Visigothic cavalry and were shattered. Over two-thirds of the army, including Valens, was killed. Gratian, Flavius Gratianus, Valentinian’s eldest son, was born in Sirmium in 359 and was designated by his father as heir in 367, something unusual due to his age. This was probably done to prevent infighting between the army and the bureaucracy. Gratian was instructed by Ausonius, the Gallic rhetorician, and was proclaimed emperor after his father’s death in 375. Gratian, at age 16, had little experience as a warrior, and when his younger half brother Valentinian II, age 4, was put forward as emperor by rival bureaucrats, Gratian accepted it. Gratian controlled Gaul, Britain, and Spain, while the generals and bureaucrats in young Valentinian’s name controlled Illyria, Africa, and

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Italy. Gratian had to continually deal with the Alamanni and uncooperating generals and bureaucrats. In February 378 Gratian defeated the Alamanni and set out to help his uncle Valens in the east. Gratian arrived too late to prevent the disaster at Adrianople but did recall Theodosius to command the east. Educated by the poet Ausonius, Gratian later fell under the domination of Ambrose, who badgered him to remove the Altar of Victory from the Senate house. In 383 Magnus Maximus rebelled in Britain, and when Gratian arrived in Gaul, his army defected, and he was killed. His half brother Valentinian II then ruled in name only until his death in 392. See also: Groups and Organizations: Huns; Visigoths; Individuals: Constantine, House of; Key Events: Adrianople, Battle of; Primary Documents: Document 42 Further Reading Hughes, Ian. 2013. Imperial Brothers: Valentinian, Valens and the Disaster at Adrianople. South Yorkshire, UK: Pen and Sword. Jones, A. H. M. 1964. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic, and Administrative Survey. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. MacMullen, R. 1984. Christianizing the Roman Empire, A.D. 100–400. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Valerian (ca. 193–260 CE) and Gallienus (218–268 CE) Valerian, born Publius Licinius Valerianus about 193, ruled as emperor from 253 to 260 with his son Gallienus. The father and son attempted to defeat and push back Rome’s enemies on all sides. While successful at maintaining central control and winning back many of the regions that had broken away in rebellion or had been seized by Rome’s enemies, they did not succeed in winning back all the regions. Valerian was defeated by the Persians and taken prisoner, and his son Gallienus could not help. Gallienus was successful in transforming the Roman Army using mobile forces and restored some of the regions before being assassinated in 268. Valerian was also known for persecuting the Christians. Unlike many of the barrack emperors of the third century, Valerian was of noble birth and came from a senatorial family. He rose through the ranks in the Roman government, possibly earning a consulship under Severus Alexander, and helped in the rule under Decius, where he was chosen as censor but declined the post. He commanded the legions along the Rhine in 253, supporting Trebonius Gallus against Aemilianus; Gallus was murdered by his own men, who then joined Aemilianus. Valerian continued his march against Aemilianus, whose troops defected to Valerian after murdering Aemilianus. Valerian entered Rome, where the Senate proclaimed him emperor not only to protect the city from the army but also because Valerian was a senator and one of their own. In October 253 he made his son coruler, a step that allowed Valerian and Rome some continuity in power.

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At this time the Roman Empire was fragmented, with Germanic invasions in the west, continual rebellions from local commanders, the Gothic invasion on the Danube, and the attack by the Persian king Shapur I against Armenia and Syria. These problems nearly destroyed the empire. Valerian and Gallienus acted together in concert to restore the empire, with Valerian taking the east and Gallienus taking the west. In 257 Valerian retook Antioch, pushing the Persians out of Syria. At the same time, Valerian enacted several edicts in an attempt to force the Christians to abolish their religion. In 257 he ordered that Christian priests perform sacrifices to the gods of Rome or face exile. In 258 he issued a second edict ordering Christian leaders who did not worship the Roman gods to face execution, with senators losing their property and imperial bureaucrats reduced to slavery, working on imperial estates or in the mines. These edicts point to Christians being in the government and even in the Senate. In 259 Valerian moved against Shapur I at Edessa, but his legions were weakened with disease and were defeated by the Persians. Valerian was captured by Shapur. Various stories arose concerning Valerian’s ultimate death. Some had him as a slave to Shapur and ultimately dying a horrible death, while scholars using stone friezes argue that he submitted to Shapur, living in relative peace. Regardless of Valerian’s future, his capture was a psychological setback for the Romans. Valerian’s son Gallienus, born Publius Licinius Egnatius Gallienus (218–268), ruled as emperor from 253 to 268. After the Senate confirmed his father Valerian as emperor, Valerian raised his son to the rank of emperor and gave him command of the west while Valerian moved to the east. Gallienus campaigned on the Rhine from 254 to 256 undertaking military reforms, the most important being the creation of a mobile cavalry army. During this early period he was successful in protecting the western provinces from attacks from Germanic tribes from across the Rhine. Gallienus moved into Dacia and the Balkans probably in 257, taking his eldest son Valerian II, whom he elevated as caesar to campaign against the Goths. After his success on the Danube Gallienus returned to the west, while Valerian II remained. This probably meant that his son was old enough to campaign with him and command part of the army. In 258 Valerian II died on the Danube, and the governor of Pannonia, Ingenuus, rebelled. The two events may be connected, and perhaps Ingenuus had the young caesar killed. Gallienus then took his new cavalry army and defeated Ingenuus near Sirmium; Igenuus was ultimately assassinated by his troops. Unfortunately, when Gallienus moved from the Rhine to the Balkans, the Alamanni and Franks used the vacuum to attack. The Alamanni moved through the Agri Decumantes, the region between the Rhine and Danube, and invaded Italy. They were stopped at Rome by the local inhabitants and upon their return to the north were defeated at Milan by Gallienus and his army. With his father’s defeat and capture by the Persians in 260, Gallienus was faced with the near dismemberment of the empire. In the east the army under Macrinus and Odaenathus successfully repelled the Persians; Macrinus was proclaimed emperor, and leaving his son Quietus in the east to protect the region, marched to the west to fight Gallienus. Gallienus sent his general Aureolus to deal with them, and they were

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defeated and killed in Pannonia. Quietus was assassinated, and Odaenathus was made an ally and controlled the region from Palmyra. Gallienus was prevented from restoring the east completely due to the revolt of Postumus in Gaul. This rebellion led to the Gallic Empire from 261 to 274. Postumus seized Gallienus’s son Salonius and executed him. Although Aureolus pushed Postumus back, he allowed him to escape and gather a new force. Gallienus was wounded when he attacked Postumus and was forced to retire, allowing the Gallic Empire to continue. In 263 Aureolus rebelled, and his force was defeated by Gallienus and driven back to Milan. Before Gallienus could be successful, he was assassinated. Gallienus was viewed by ancient authors as a failure because he allowed the Gallic Empire to continue and because the east had not been recovered. Given the military reality, Gallienus could only ensure that the core of the empire—Italy, Spain, the Balkans, and North Africa—remained intact. Nevertheless, he was successful in laying the foundation for the restoration of the empire during the next decade. His military reform of creating the cavalry army allowed him and his successors to move rapidly to face the threats of the invaders without a large army. He also attempted to keep the empire running economically but, needing more money, debased the silver coinage from 15 percent to less than 2 percent silver. His reign marks a crucial period in Roman history when the empire could have collapsed; instead, both Valerian and Gallienus were able to keep the empire solvent. See also: Groups and Organizations: Alamanni and Juthungi; Germanic Tribes; Persians; Individuals: Aurelian, Lucius Domitius; Key Events: Thirty Tyrants Further Reading Blois, Lukas de. 1976. The Policy of the Emperor Gallienus. Brill: Leiden. Drinkwater, John F. 1987. The Gallic Empire: Separatism and Continuity in the NorthWestern Provinces of the Roman Empire A.D. 260–274. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag. Watson, Alaric. 1999. Aurelian and the Third Century. London: Routledge.

Vespasian, Titus Flavius (9–79 CE) Titus Flavius Vespasian, best known simply as Vespasian, ruled from 69 to 79 CE following the conflict of the Year of the Four Emperors. He was a beneficial ruler notable for constructing the famed Colosseum as well as many other public buildings in Rome. He also instituted new taxes but was generous to the people, his friends, and even his enemies. Vespasian was born near Rome in 9 CE to a rather undistinguished family. His grandfather fought for Pompey the Great in 48 BCE and later became a debt or tax collector. Vespasian’s father was also a tax collector and was known for being honest and scrupulous, and he married up in status. Like his older brother Sabinus, Vespasian was pushed by his mother through the cursus and rose in the military. He married Flavia

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Domitilla from North Africa whose family had emigrated from Italy during Augustus’s reign. Since she could not advance his social status, the marriage may have been one of love; she would die before he became emperor, perhaps in 65 CE. The two had three children, a daughter, Domitia, and two sons, Titus and Domitian. Vespasian also had a long-term relationship with Antonia Caenis, a slave of Antonia, mother of Emperor Claudius, before his marriage to Flavia Domitia and then after her death, when Antonia Caenis was also his adviser. After serving in Thrace and then as quaestor in Crete, Vespasian returned to Rome and held the praetorship under Caligula, currying favor with the emperor. When Claudius became emperor, Vespasian was rewarded with command of Legion II Augusta. It is possible that his connection with Caenis and her service with Antonia, Claudius’s mother, may have further helped Vespasian, as did his friendship with the freedman Narcissus. When Claudius invaded Britain in 43 CE, Vespasian led Legion II Augusta under the overall command of Aulus Plautius and campaigned in the southwest. Vespasian ultimately was rewarded with a consulship in 51 but soon after retired from politics due to the hatred of Agrippina, Claudius’s wife and the mother of Nero. With Nero in power, Vespasian came out of retirement in 63, after Agrippina’s death, and became governor of Africa. Unlike most governors, Vespasian did not extort money but instead used the time to form friendships. His time as governor, however, bankrupted him, and the ancient author Suetonius says that he was reduced to selling mules, being called a muleteer. Suetonius also reports that Vespasian accompanied Nero to Greece but incurred his displeasure for supposedly falling asleep during one of the emperor’s performances (Suetonius 1979, Life of Vespasian 4). With the rebellion in Judea in 66 breaking out, Nero appointed Vespasian as commander of the forces in Syria to quell the revolt. As Vespasian began his approach to Jerusalem, news reached him that Nero had committed suicide and that Galba was proclaimed emperor in 68 CE. Galba was soon replaced by Otho, who in turn was removed by Vitellius. Supporters of Galba now hailed Vespasian as emperor, first the troops in Egypt and then his own forces in Judea in 69 CE (Year of the Four Emperors) and the governor of Syria, Mucianus. Vespasian moved first to Africa to cut off the grain supply to Rome, while his lieutenant, Primus, moved to the Danube, picking up the support of legions there. Although Vitellius had the crack troops from the Rhine, they were defeated by Primus’s army, which entered Rome. The city, however, soon caught fire in the chaos which ensued, and Vespasian’s bother Sabinus was killed by a mob. In December 69 the Senate formally declared Vespasian emperor while he was still in Egypt. He then released the grain supplies so as to supply the city of Rome and curry favor. He arrived in Rome in the summer. The new emperor found the empire bankrupt, which caused Mucianus to urge Vespasian to collect as much money as possible to pay the troops. Vespasian not only collected old taxes but also introduced new taxes including the urine tax, a tax probably on the collection of waste from the public toilets. During the early period of his reign Vespasian dealt with continual rebellion in Judea, which was put down by his son Titus, and a rebellion in Gaul, dealt with by his brotherin-law Cerialis. While Vespasian’s policies are not well known, it appears that he successfully restored the treasury and confidence of the state. Given his lowly birth status,

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Vespasian attempted to keep the Senate mollified while adding new members to its ranks who supported him and his policies. During his rule Vespasian attempted to restore the grandeur of Rome and particularly the office of the emperor. Unlike Nero, who had attempted to make Rome into a personal city, Vespasian wanted to give the city back to the people. Instead of a private home such as Nero’s Golden House, Vespasian constructed public structures, baths named in honor of his son Titus, the Temple to Peace (his forum), and the Temple to the Deified Claudius. Vespasian filled in the private lake near Nero’s house and there constructed the Colosseum. These construction projects were also pieces of propaganda to glorify the new emperor. In addition to these buildings, Vespasian also supported writers such as Josephus, a captured Jew who foretold Vespasian’s rise to power; Tacitus, who wrote about the period mainly in glowing terms for Vespasian and Titus; and Suetonius, who praised Vespasian. Vespasian favored his elder son Titus over the younger son, Domitian. Titus was raised to virtual coruler, while Domitian rarely was given public honors. Vespasian ruled until the summer of 79, when he became ill and died in June. He was succeeded by Titus. Vespasian was seen as a moderate and beneficial ruler. He tolerated all, even his enemies, and did not allow his personal feelings to interfere with the advancement of individuals who showed ability. Although viewed as a miser due to his collection of taxes, he could also be generous to his friends, to senators, and to cities hit hard by disasters. See also: Individuals: Domitian; Nero; Key Events: Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion; Jewish Rebellion, First; Vesuvius Eruption; Military: Masada, Siege of; Primary Documents: Document 33 Further Reading Levick, B. 1999. Vespasian (Roman Imperial Biographies). Oxford, UK: Routledge. Morgan, Gwyn. 2007. 69 A.D.: The Year of Four Emperors. New York: Oxford University Press. Suetonius. 1979. The Twelve Caesars. Revised ed. Edited by Robert Graves and Michael Grant. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E /Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Vespasian*.html.

Institutions

OVERVIEW ESSAY Like government and politics, the institutions and administration showed a change during the Roman Empire. The emperors created many of the new plans to address concerns that had grown up in the late republic. These included reforming some offices and administrative units such as the grain dole, the census or counting of citizens, market regulations, state religion, provinces, and finances. These broad areas included specific actions such as reforming the mints, creating new monetary policies, and developing public works. The emperors also became more involved in business and market conditions to ensure that peace was maintained. Due to corruption during the late republic that often led to civil unrest, the emperors found themselves more involved with reforming provincial rules, courts, and social organizations. As Rome’s power grew during the republic, its citizens demanded more benefits. After wars and disruption, the city of Rome had grown. This growth produced a strain on the food supply, resulting in occasional riots and demands for a constant supply of goods. This old republican grain dole, or the Annona, was further transformed into more of a political and social system to pacify the public and to prevent widespread discontent, necessary to keep the urban poor pacified and prevent riots. Although usually successful, there were riots due to the occasional disruption or even talk of disruption of the food supply. The emperors, however, could only supply a certain amount of food to the city due to economic constraints, producing a balance between munificence and peace. To achieve this policy for peace, the emperors undertook a new census of the Roman citizens to keep the numbers in check and prevent fraud. No longer merely used as a means to keep the citizens fed, the Annona now became seen as a social service organization to help the city’s inhabitants, often including noncitizens who were legally forbidden to receive assistance. Associated with Annona as well as other activities in the markets were the commercial regulations needed to ensure their smooth running. The inhabitants of the city often complained about being cheated by merchants, so it was important for the state to make sure that the markets functioned properly. The markets supplied the public with the necessary goods for the city to function. The commercial regulations attempted to prevent corruption. The emperors were also responsible for most mints in the early empire, although some cities did maintain autonomous mints for bronze coinage. By the late empire the only mints operating were the imperial mints. Mints were crucial to the economic development of the Roman Empire, as they not only encouraged trade and commerce but also 249

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allowed regions to be adequately supplied with coinage to move beyond local bartering systems. As part of maintaining order, the Roman religion was instrumental in shaping the populations’ adherence to power derived from the gods by the emperors. The Romans had long viewed their religion as a system to promote tranquility in the state. To accomplish this peace, the Roman religion had developed into a system in which the gods granted favors for the whole nation, not individuals. The emperors continued to oversee the religion of the empire with its priests and to offer sacrifices to ensure that the gods smiled on Rome. The priests, and therefore the emperors, acted as intermediaries between the gods and the state. The way they accomplished this was to offer sacrifices that might be simple, such as incense, or more complex, such as the slaughtering of numerous animals, including oxen and bulls. The emperor became the chief priest of state religion and therefore the spokesperson for all Romans. Religion continued to be an effective tool to ensure Roman peace, as the gods were seen as the arbitrators of justice. This included observing Roman laws and allowing for the smooth running of the government to ensure justice and peace. Roman law grew up in the senatorial court cases of the republic that established precedents that could be used by others. In addition, each year the praetor would give an outline of the laws he planned to enforce or enact for his year in office. This republican concept was followed by the emperors, often when they ascended to power. To accomplish these new enactments, a series of new officials were created by the emperors to help in the carrying out of laws. When Rome conquered regions in the republic and made them provinces, it had a view that these new subjects had few rights and were therefore to provide Rome with benefits. Provincial corruption became the norm, with Roman governors, merchants, and landowners being virtually exempt from accountability. This atmosphere produced a situation in which Romans not only dominated the provincials but were allowed to abuse the provinces with impunity. In the provinces, the Roman government under the emperors was constantly trying to ensure that Roman officials kept the peace and allowed for some limited self-rule. This meant that governors used the local provincial laws to ensure fairness for all. Here provincial law was dictated by the governors, who reported to and received direction from the emperors, who appointed them and could remove them at will. In later times the provinces were grouped together into larger units called dioceses. During the empire, large administrative units were created by combining smaller provinces, similar to the large late republican extraordinary commands. The process kept the smaller provinces but concentrated military and fiscal control at a macrolevel to provide regional control under a smaller number of officials for efficiency. These larger administrative units allowed for coordinated military actions, legal hearings, and tax policies. Operating out of the provincial capitals, the Roman governors kept an eye on all aspects of the region. The governor was the ultimate authority in his province and was expected to dispense justice. Colonies and civitas had been different units created for tax reasons in the republic and as a way to differentiate citizens, while adjacent to provinces there were often client kings who ruled regions directly under their control but were usually coerced to follow Roman policies. These client kings were often put into power by emperors, and when

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the kings died their kingdoms were then absorbed by Rome. The governors were also responsible for the maintenance of mansions and the road system. The mansions allowed for supplies and official messages to be transported throughout the Roman Empire. In the later period these mansions served as tax collection centers to allow produce to move throughout the region to ports for overseas transport. The governors often had to deal with language problems of local dialects versus Latin. These local languages often created social differentiations among the provincials, with those learning Latin to be favored. As Roman interaction occurred, there was a potential for provincial disruption as Roman and natives interacted more commonly and openly, which could create conflict. As Rome grew during the republic and the city’s population increased, there was a need to provide employment. Under the empire the employment outlook varied depending if one had a trade versus being an ordinary laborer. Although both were needed, tradesmen had the better outlook. The emperors as part of their social and economic programs created public works, the most important being for public health and sanitation, which prevented diseases. These projects created jobs. The emperors also dealt with corporations, including the burial clubs, which were more like social clubs than the political clubs witnessed in the republic. These clubs allowed for individuals who had died to be remembered by friends or guild members. To ensure the smooth running of society, business regulations were put into place that allowed for the Roman government to protect society. How members of society interacted with each other was also part of the imperial organization. The increase in individual authority represented in the emperor not only created a need for security but also invited abuses. Under the republic there was no police, so denouncements were handled by private citizens. Part of emperors’ maintenance on society therefore had to deal with political issues such as those who denounced their neighbors, the delatores, who sought to prosecute people for financial gain, as they were compensated with part of the condemned individual’s estate. The emperors also found themselves involved with rules and regulations concerning marriage, which for the Romans was a business arrangement. The organization and administration of the empire was an evolving situation. While early on the state’s organization was simply a continuation of the republican structures augmented by the imperial family, by the end of the first century it had developed into a more complex and structured public bureaucracy. This organization was used to manage a population approaching 100 million people and a landmass equal to that of the United States. Further Reading Beckmann, Martin. 2011. The Column of Marcus Aurelius: The Genesis & Meaning of a Roman Imperial Monument. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Blake, Marion Elizabeth. 1959. Roman Construction in Italy from Tiberius through the Flavians. Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington. Blake, Marion Elizabeth, and Doris Taylor Bishop. 1973. Roman Construction in Italy from Nerva through the Antonines. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society.

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|  The Roman Empire Mousourakis, George. 2015. Roman Law and the Origins of the Civil Law Tradition. Cham, Switzerland: Springer. Parkins, Helen, and Christopher John Smith. 1998. Trade, Traders and the Ancient City. London: Routledge. Rutledge, Steven H. 2001. Imperial Inquisitions: Prosecutors and Informants from Tiberius to Domitian. London: Routledge. Sherwin-White, A. N. 1973. The Roman Citizenship. 2nd ed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Temin, Peter. 2013. The Roman Market Economy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Van Deman, Esther Boise. 1934. The Building of the Roman Aqueducts. Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington.

Alimenta Under Augustus the Roman Empire in Italy faced a new challenge, maintaining its population, especially the traditional Roman families. Augustus attempted to promote the old noble families by encouraging them to reproduce. There were threats and incentives that were probably not successful, for the same problem continually reoccurred. But the upper class was not the only area that forced Augustus to examine the population situation; even the lower classes seem to have been shrinking in Italy. While the evidence is scant, there seems to have been a program begun by Augustus and enhanced in the late first century and well into the early third century to promote the lower Roman Italian (Latin) classes to ensure the continual population. An imperial legate, Titus Helvius Basila at Atina in Latium, gave 400,000 sesterces to the town as an endowment so that the interest could be used to provide grain for the children of their inhabitants, and when they reached adulthood, probably age 15, they were given 1,000 sesterces to help them in their occupation. The plan, known as alimenta, would provide support for the community and was advertised on an inscription. While the inscription does not provide much detail of its working, it probably was limited to boys and perhaps had a certain number to support. Basila could not have done this without Augustus’s knowledge and probably support, and it must not have been unique. This program would have earned Basila praise and gratitude from both the townspeople and the emperor and added to his own prestige. The purpose undoubtedly was to make sure that the Roman population would be sustained and increased. Augustus’s measures clearly did not work, for during the reign of Nerva (96–98 CE) the emperor continued this plan. Nerva proclaimed that the sons and daughters of the poor would be taken care of by having low-interest loans available for land purchases, with the interest going to towns to pay for the program (Victor and Bird 1994, 12). The program was even advertised on his coins. Trajan followed this program by enlarging it, and several inscriptions attest to the widespread use of the program throughout Italy. The historian Cassius Dio wrote that when Trajan arrived in Rome he implemented several reforms, and one was for the welfare of the children of Italy

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(Cassius Dio Cocceianus et al. 1970, 68.5). Two inscriptions, one at Veleia and one at Beneventum, had sums set aside in an endowment for the support of a set number of children. At Veleia, Cornelius Gallicanus set aside some of his own capital, and later the emperor added 1.044 million sesterces so that the interest could support 254 boys at 16 sesterces per month and 34 girls at 12 per month. While the amounts at Beneventum are not known, Trajan gave at least on 10 different occasions money for their support. Pliny the Younger in his Panegyric (Pliny 1969, 26–28) records that Trajan gave out support, alimenta, to the poor children so that there would be an increase in the number of children (i.e., Romans) born. This was the real purpose of the plan as envisioned by the emperors. The information does not allow for a determination of the percentage of the community that was served, and it is not possible to determine how effective the system was. Pliny himself describes his own endowment at Comum, given 500,000 sesterces for the support of freeborn children (Pliny 1969, Letter 7.18). Other individuals throughout Italy continued to establish these programs, and they seem to have been a concerted plan for Italy. Trajan on two occasions issued coins celebrating the program with the term alimenta. The system seems to have lasted until the early third century, when the emperors were no longer able to pay for it. Mention of the alimenta in the later third century probably related more to the idea of taking care of orphans or the destitute and not to increasing the Latin population. This was in part due to the movement away from Italian privilege to the provinces. One of the other side effects of the system was the encouragement of more farmers. Since the mortgages were granted to individuals who then paid interest to the local communities, it may have been hoped that those who farmed the lands were going to increase local food production. The system originally favored boys, but by the end of the second century there were several new programs promoting girls. This was to be expected, since Roman philosophy and practice favored boys over girls. In the beginning the officials who oversaw the system were probably informal such as Bassus and Gallicanus, who appear to have had connections with Emperor Trajan as political and military officials. With their connections to the local communities these men probably had a vested interest in helping their communities. The alimenta system was then overseen by Praefectus Alientorum; below these men were the procuratores alimentorum who oversaw separate districts. Given the examples and their numbers, it is clear that the system was widespread. The emperors viewed this system as important: a surviving relief from the Roman Forum has the emperor dispensing the gifts of the alimenta, with a second panel showing the burning of tax arrears or back taxes. Both acts appeased the public (Nilsson 1962, 335). See also: Cities: Ostia; Rome; Government and Politics: Grain Trade; Individuals: Trajan; Institutions: Annona Further Reading Cassius Dio Cocceianus et al. 1970. Dio’s Roman History. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

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|  The Roman Empire Fitzgerald, J. T. 2016. “Orphans in Mediterranean Antiquity and Early Christianity.” Acta Theologica, Suppl. 23: 29–48. Nilsson, Martin P. 1962. Imperial Rome. New York: Schocken Books. Pliny. 1969. Letters and Panegyricus. London: Heinemann. Victor, Sextus Aurelius, and H. W. Bird. 1994. Aurelius Victor: De Caesaribus. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.

Annona The grain supply to the city of Rome was crucial not only for the health of the inhabitants but also for the security of the emperor. The term annona means “grain,” and Annona was the divine personification of the grain supply for Rome, which the emperors developed to show how they took care of their subjects. While the grain trade was fundamental to the running of the Annona, the government established a system to ensure that the grain was distributed to the people and that the emperor’s role was paramount. The term annona comes from the Latin word annus, meaning “year,” and Annona was the goddess of grain. The goddess ensured that the inhabitants had a sufficient supply of food for the year in order to survive. She ultimately became the goddess of the grain supply of the city of Rome and was closely linked to Ceres, the goddess of agriculture. The goddess Annona was not highlighted in the republican period but became crucial in the imperial age, since the emperors more and more attached themselves to the supply of grain for the inhabitants of Rome. In the imperial cult Annona became the personification of the emperor’s ability and desire to provide security, in this case nourishment, for the city’s population. During the imperial age she became a goddess, receiving dedications and votive offerings. The cult appears most vividly on imperial coins beginning with Emperor Nero in 66 CE late in his reign after the conspiracy of Piso. Annona, together with Ceres and Abundantia, the goddess of abundance, promoted security and prosperity of the empire due to imperial rule. The goddess was often portrayed on coins holding a cornucopia, which symbolized plenty, with a ship’s prow in the background symbolizing the grain trade from overseas. Emperor Trajan portrayed Annona prominently on his coins as a way to show that the city of Rome was independent of Egyptian grain. Although this was a nice piece of propaganda, in reality Rome still relied on foreign grain, now more from Africa than Egypt. Since the early republic the government was tasked with securing an abundant and affordable amount of grain for the city of Rome. During times of scarcity the Senate and magistrates worked to purchase a sufficient amount of grain from the surrounding regions and sell it at a moderate price to the populace. Normally the aedile was in charge of securing and regulating the grain market, but during times of emergency a prefect of the Annona was selected. Not a regular magistrate but one appointed when emergencies arose, the first appointment was made in 439 BCE. During the late

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republic, Pompey was given this authority for five years; later, Emperor Augustus used this precedent to appoint two men to oversee the distribution of grain and ultimately created a permanent position called praefectus annonae, or prefect of the provisions. This individual had complete control over the grain provisions for the city of Rome and came from the equites. The number of recipients of the grain dole had risen to above 300,000 before Julius Caesar revised the role, reducing the number to 150,000 and forbidding it to rise above this level. Augustus allowed the levels to once again rise above 300,000 by 5 BCE before reducing it to 200,000 in 2 BCE. The continual pressure to increase the number of recipients could not be checked, especially since many of those who were indigent and could not afford to pay were given tesserae nummariae or frumentariae, tokens to avoid payment. Successive emperors followed this policy but to curry favor reduced the price of grain that the state charged, thereby incurring even more expenses. Ultimately the practice of charging for the grain ceased, and the state provided for free grain altogether. Another change was the end of raw grain and giving bread instead. See also: Cities: Ostia; Rome; Government and Politics: Grain Trade; Individuals: Augustus; Institutions: Markets; Public Works; Objects and Artifacts: Ports and Harbors Further Reading Garnsey, Peter. 1988. Famine and Food Supply in the Graeco-Roman World: Responses to Risk and Crisis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Smith, William, ed. 1875. A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary /SMIGRA*/Frumentariae_Leges.html.

Burial Clubs During the empire many Romans were part of various burial collegia (organizations or clubs; sing. collegium) that usually revolved around the occupation of its members. While it is hard to define what these clubs really meant, they appear to be a mixture of modern trade unions and medieval guilds. The modern trade unions reflect a workers’ association attempting to improve wages and conditions. In this system the trade union achieves these goals through negotiations with the owners and the threat of strikes or work stoppages. The medieval guild developed as an association of similar trade craftsmen with an objective to promote the well-being of the masters and the craftsmen by controlling how individuals progressed from beginner (apprentice) to owner (master) within the system or guild. The collegium may therefore be seen as both a type of trade union for the betterment of its members who met and discussed issues and a medieval guild that controlled the entry and progression of individuals in their trade. The name “collegium” came from the official titles of the four priestly colleges— pontifices, VII viri epulonum, XV viri sacrisfaciundis, and augures—but they did not

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have a religious function. Most of the collegia originated in the second century BCE, when the Romans allowed freedom of association; during the late republic, however, many of the clubs became involved in political activities, often producing riots, leading to a ban on clubs by Julius Caesar. Augustus decreed that collegia have Senate or imperial approval. There were nearly 80 such collegia known in Rome alone. Nero limited collegia to Italian towns, and Trajan is known to have prevented them in the provinces. The collegium was now established primarily for the purpose of providing a suitable burial site, with each collegium having a columbarium, called a dovecote because it looked like a dove house. Around the inside walls were niches where an individual’s urn would sit. The collegium ensured for a fee that their members had a last commemorative meal and a niche with a place for flowers and an inscription. To prevent the violence seen at the end of the republic, the Senate decreed that burial clubs could only meet once a month for the payment of dues, and soon most of these clubs met merely to celebrate their benefactors in a social setting. With the empire taking root, after 100 CE clubs were no longer held in great suspicion, since most collegia had become part of the government and societal machinery. In addition, they were tightly controlled not only by the emperor but also by the middle-class merchants, who desired stability. These imperial collegia centered on trades and industry. Some were for the cooks, one of the oldest known, and for the flute players. Grain merchants were one of the most important groups having a burial club, as were bakers. From Pompeii, Ostia, and Herculaneum the evidence indicates that the collegia had a vested interest in politics. Graffiti show that some of the clubs actively endorsed individuals in local elections. It appears that collegia had some political impact, but probably as long as they did not flaunt it they were acceptable. The collegia also fostered the club members’ interests and furthered their trades’ own economic position in society. The clubs connected with powerful community members who had important connections with government officials. The collegia differed from the medieval guilds, since they did not view their organization as a gateway into the profession. Instead, the clubs were ways for members already in the trade to have an establishment for social gatherings to discuss their mutual concerns and promote the economic growth of their businesses. At the top of the clubs’ organization were the wealthy benefactors, known as patroni, who often came from the senatorial class. At the banquets the patroni and officers received larger portions befitting their power and prestige. The burial club officers were the president (magistri), secretaries who kept the roll (curators), treasurers (quaestors), middle officers known as decuriones, and then the regular members (plebs). These clubs were similar to the hierarchy of town officials. These clubs did not help needy members but instead helped the successful members of society. The collegium allowed individuals, especially the middle class, who did not have a chance at public office, to have some awards and opportunity for power in their own lives. It gave the common businessmen and plebs a chance to enhance their standing within an organization. The burial clubs were multivariable, allowing for members to be prepared for the afterlife, but they could also act on political issues such as campaigning, endorsing, and

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even promoting lawsuits for the benefit of their members and organization, especially in cities outside of Rome. The clubs gave their members a sense of camaraderie and purpose. The collegia were not just for the employees as in modern trade unions but also benefited the employers and owners. The guild of medieval Europe was more controlling of its members, whereas the collegium had a more open and inclusive membership. When Rome prohibited collegia during the empire, especially in the provinces, it was done because of how Rome saw the clubs behave. If the club was political or potentially political, Rome would be uneasy; if a club was purely economic, Rome would be more accommodating. By the late empire the clubs had run their course and had been replaced by guilds for economic conditions and the church for burial. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Institutions: Regulations, Business Further Reading Kloppenborg, J. S., S. G. Wilson, and Canadian Society of Biblical Studies. 1996. Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World. London: Routledge. Liu, J. 2009. Collegia Centonariorum: The Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman West. Leiden: Brill. Perry, J. S. 2006. The Roman Collegia: The Modern Evolution of an Ancient Concept. Leiden: Brill.

Census During Roman history the counting of citizens, or the census, was an important event. Traditionally the census was conducted by the two censors, magistrates elected every five years who served during the first 18 months of the five-year period. The censors were responsible for not only counting the number of citizens but also detailing the economic structure of each citizen and his wealth, family members, and property including slaves and cattle so that the citizen could be placed in the proper economic and social rank. An individual who held the prerequisite wealth could be placed in the equestrian order or, if he had held a significant magistrate, in the senatorial order. The census was originally taken during the monarchy by the king, the first being Servius Tullius, Rome’s sixth king, and then during the early republic by the consuls. In 443 BCE censors were elected, controlled by the patricians, and were responsible for the census until the time of the empire. When Augustus became emperor he now assumed the role of censor, although he would have colleagues, and throughout his reign conducted several censuses of Roman citizens. During the early empire the importance of the census occurred in the newly acquired provinces. The literary sources show a distinct anti-Roman sentiment when provincials received a census. For example, in 27 BCE when Gaul was finally settled as a province, Augustus undertook a census. This was probably seen as routine by the Romans, since it would allow them to know the number of inhabitants, the types and

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Wall mosaics of ancient Chora Church, Istanbul, Turkey, showing Joseph and the Virgin at the census before Cyrenius, the Syrian governor. When Rome took over a region, they would conduct a census (or counting) of the population, portrayed in the mosaic as described in the New Testament. The census often included a detailed description of the type and amount of land under cultivation. (Ahmet Ihsan Ariturk/Dreamstime.com)

amount of property, and the general economic conditions. Instead, the event provoked resentment and disturbances. This also occurred in 9 and 10 CE in Germany and Pannonia. In Germany the governor Quintilius Varus imposed a census, the next logical step in the formation of a province held by the Roman military since 12 BCE, or for 20 years, in order to begin the new tax collection. When Varus was moving into the area with three legions to suppress a rebellion, he and his legions were ambushed and wiped out. The next year in Pannonia a similar rebellion took place, also prompted by the new census. It is also conceivable that part of the rebellion in Britain under Bou­ dicca was the result of taxation and perhaps a census. In Judea a rebellion under Judas of Galilee took place at the time of the census after Herod Archelaus was removed from command in 6 CE, when Rome took over Judea directly. These popular revolts were probably tied to the imposition of taxation and the fear or concern that the Roman government was going to increase the rates above the traditional collections. These rebellions occurring in newly acquired provinces probably point to an initial and general reaction against Roman rule in the area that directly impacted an individual through the pocketbook. See also: Government and Politics: Censor; Cursus Honorum; Taxation; Individuals: Augustus; Vespasian, Titus Flavius Further Reading Brunt, P. A. 1971. Italian Manpower, 225 BC–AD 14. London: Oxford University Press.

Institutions | Smith, William, ed. 1875. “Censor.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman /Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Censor.html. Suolahti, Jaakko. 1963. The Roman Censors: A Study on Social Structure. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia.

Civitas The Romans viewed the extension of political rights to non-Roman cities as a process in which inhabitants received classification as Roman, Latin, or foreigner. The distinction between the Latins and foreigners arose when Rome began to extend citizenship (cives) to non-Roman cities in Italy. The term civitas meant a city or group of people that most Roman writers viewed as holding the rights of Roman citizens. Depending on the status of the group, they might hold full Roman citizenship, a civitas classified as Roman, meaning they had commercial and marriage rights: Latins had partial rights confined to business transactions, while foreigners had neither. These distinctions continued until the end of the empire. During the republic there was a gradual extension of civitas throughout Italy, and at the beginning of the first century BCE the Romans extended citizenship to all of Italy following the Social War (91–88 BCE). Originally, Roman citizenship derived from both parents being Roman, or the state of connubium. If a Roman man married a Latin or foreigner, the child was not considered Roman. The Romans under the republic could confer citizenship by law to an individual or a whole group, usually a city. Under the Lex Julia, which gave citizenship to all of the Italians, this extension included Italians who now lived outside of Italy. An individual who lived in Sicily could now claim citizenship because he was from Naples. These rights gave the Italians political power to vote and hold magistrate positions. Under the empire political rights became less important, although in certain cases the empire allowed for personal rights. Commercial and marriage rights became more crucial, since they allowed the extension of citizenship beyond the Italians. A good example of how being a Roman citizen allowed for personal rights is the case of Paul. After his arrest and as his trial was proceeding in Judea, Paul claimed the rights of being a Roman citizen, which gave him the right to appeal directly to the emperor. This appeal in effect stopped the proceedings and allowed Paul to go to Rome to await the decision of the emperor. During the early empire a first step toward civitas was to have the city declared a municipia, which gave the inhabitants Latin rights. The next step would be for the municipia to become a civitas where they had full citizenship. Typically, a local community might be awarded the rights of municipia after helping the emperor; for example, Claudius gave Volubilis in the province of Mauretania this right after its inhabitants helped suppress a revolt in 40 CE. This process allowed the town to be self-governing and in league with Rome while at the same time not being a Roman city. During the republic this was the creation of the Latin cities. Under the empire as the emperors gave rewards

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to various cities they would promote them to municipia, which allowed cities the privileges of the Roman state for business, without the extension of marriage. When a town was promoted to civitas it received the full rights of citizenship. The individual did not have to reside in the town to receive these rights; rather, an individual was seen as a resident of the locality where he or she was born. Hence, when that locality received civitas, all individuals from that location received it as well, and it did not matter if the inhabitant no longer lived there. Emperor Caracalla decreed that all in the Roman Empire were Roman citizens in 212 CE. This decree probably should be seen as an extension of Roman citizenship to towns, making them municipia, and those towns that were municipia were now civitas. The result was that during this time, individuals were seen as citizen, Latin, and foreigner based on their personal condition rather than their locality. Whereas Roman citizens continued, freedmen were given the rights of Latins, and their children then became citizens. Justinian finally did away with the distinction between Roman and Latin and produced two classes, which probably had become the norm: citizens (those free) and slaves. The concept of civitas allowed the Roman state to increase its political control and extension of the state throughout the Roman world. See also: Government and Politics: Roman Law; Institutions: Colonies Further Reading Gardner, Jane F. 1993. Being a Roman Citizen. London: Routledge. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson. Long, George. 1875. “Foederatae Civitates.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, edited by William Smith. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Foederatae_Civitates.html. Smith, William, ed. 1875. “Civitas.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman /Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Civitas.html.

Client Kings Rome created a system whereby it controlled the different regions without direct political supervision and military action through the use of local rulers, called client kings. This system enabled Rome to have control of the political and military situation without the cost or ill will, or at least not as high. This process, however, did lead to the occasional misunderstanding of Rome’s position and influence, especially in the Greek east. The client kings tended to be concentrated in the east, where there had been a history of central autocratic control. The kings traditionally controlled the lives of the city

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with a firm grip since the fourth century BCE. They collected the taxes and distributed justice, usually without popular oversight. In addition, they protected the inhabitants and territory. The Romans continued this plan and in fact usually did not interfere directly in the affairs of the state as long as there was peace. The Romans preferred to use client kings when feasible, since this gave the appearance that the Romans were merely friends. During the republic the Romans traditionally did not express a desire to take over territory and cities from their conquered foes; this expression, however, did not always match reality. For example, while Rome did not take control of Carthage or North Africa after the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE) and in fact confirmed Massinissa as the client king of Numidia, Rome directly concerned itself with the region. The treaty ending the Second Punic War stated that Carthage could not engage in military actions in Africa (the region around Carthage) without Rome’s permission and could not engage in military actions outside of Africa at all. This in turn gave Massinissa a free hand at attacking and reducing Carthaginian territory. After the fall of Carthage in 146 BCE the situation changed in Africa, and the descendants of Massinissa, especially Jugurtha, did not understand that as long as Carthage had stood, Rome allowed Massinissa and Numidia the license to act aggressively in the region but now demanded that they behave properly. When Jugurtha did not comply, Rome intervened aggressively in Africa. Rome’s expansion outside of Italy brought it more and more into contact with kingdoms. This became especially true in the east. In the east the Romans used the various kingdoms created after Alexander the Great to act as counterweights against each other. The three main kingdoms were in Macedon, Syria, and Egypt, but minor kingdoms existed in Asia Minor such as Pergamum. In addition, the confederations of cities in Greece also exerted control and often brought Rome into the political quagmire of the east. An example of how Rome used a client kingdom was Macedon. After the Third and Fourth Macedonian Wars (171–168 and 150–148 BCE), Rome left the king of Macedon on the throne in part to control these Greek confederations that had expressed a strong desire for independence. Likewise, Rome used the kingdom of Pergamum as a counterweight against Syria until Pergamum misunderstood its position and attempted to exert more control in the region than Rome was willing to allow. In the west, the Romans used client kings to maintain protection of key regions, usually beyond their immediate scope of power. An example was the reinstallation of Mandubracius in Britain. This allowed the Romans to gain a foothold in Britain, which continued under Augustus. Under the empire the Romans continued to use client kings. For example, in Britain, Augustus had the Atrebates as clients ruled by Commius; they were at first loyal to Rome but later returned to Britain and opposed Augustus. He was succeeded by three of his sons who were loyal to Rome in varying stages, with the last, Verica, being driven out by Caratacus in 40 CE. Verica fled to Rome and helped aid the Romans under Claudius in their invasion, perhaps ostensibly to reinstall Verica. This kingdom became part of Britannia in 73 CE after the death of the last client king. Another tribe, the Iceni, had retained some quasi independence after their rebellion under their king Prasutagus

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Representation of Herod the Great from the convent of the Beguines of Namur in Belgium. As client king of Judea, Herod was expected to keep the peace in his kingdom and remain loyal to Rome. Although his brutality was questioned by Augustus, his unwavering loyalty to Rome allowed him to continue his rule throughout his life. Augustus did not have the same loyalty to Herod’s son and successor—Herod Archelaus—as Augustus took back control of Judea and made it a Roman province. (The Cloisters Collection, 1926/The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

with the notion that upon his death the kingdom would be taken over by the Romans. After his death his wife Boudicca attempted to retain control, and Rome was forced to put down the great Iceni Revolt in 60 CE and take over direct supervision. In the east one of the best examples of client kings occurred in Judea. Here, Herod the Great was appointed king in 40 BCE by Rome and seized Jerusalem in 37 BCE, ruling until 4 BCE. Herod was able to play Marc Antony and Octavian (Augustus) off each other and used his position with both as protector of the east from the foreign threat of Parthia. The Roman Senate gave him the title “King of Judea” and recognized his authority over the vast region bordering Syria in the north and Egypt in the south. Herod was known to use extreme measures in controlling his people, including the use of the secret police and a private bodyguard of 2,000 men, many of whom were foreigners. Herod used his tactical position to stay in Rome’s good favor even though Augustus found his policy toward his people to be questionable. In particular, Herod was known to be paranoid and had family members executed at will. With his death his kingdom was divided among three of his surviving sons. One, Herod Archelaus, was confirmed by Rome as a client ruler with the title of ethnarch, one who ruled over a common ethnic group, and not king. He would rule until 6 CE, when Augustus

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deposed and banished him for his cruelty. Rome now took direct control of Judea from 6 CE to 41 CE, when it reverted back to Herodian control for three years before finally returning to Rome. The case of Judea is of interest, since it was an attempt by Rome to use domestic rulers in a key province. The case ultimately failed, and Rome had to assume complete control. The use of client kings in the east continued during the early years of the empire, and under Claudius most of them were taken over and converted to Roman provinces. Rome found it easier now to deal with the people with direct control. See also: Institutions: Provinces; Key Events: Boudicca Rebellion; Teutoburg Forest, Battle of the; Primary Documents: Document 24 Further Reading Braund, D. 1984. Rome and the Friendly King: The Character of Client Kingship. London: Croom Helm. Pleket, H. W., and Stroud, R. S. 1987. Thrace: The Thracian Client Kingdom until Its End in 64 A.D. Leiden: Brill. Sherwin-White, A. N. 1981. Roman Foreign Policy in the East, 168 BC–AD 1. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Colonies The Roman emperors continued the policy of establishing colonies that began under the republic. Traditionally in the east colonies were separate and independent states that had few or no ties with their mother city. Some Greek colonies were even hostile toward their mother city. Rome differed in that colonies were extensions of the city. In most cases colonists retained their Roman citizenship, with all rights and privileges. Most of the colonies in the republic were established when Rome began its conquest and control over Italy. The first non-Italian colony was established by Gaius Gracchus at Carthage, Rome’s feared enemy. Narbo was the next colony, established in 118 BCE and then reestablished by Julius Caesar in 45 BCE. Emperor Augustus began the establishment of colonies throughout the Roman world after his victory over Antony at Actium in 31 BCE. Most of the original colonists of a new colony were ex-soldiers. This occurred for several reasons. First, the Roman leaders needed to reward their veterans with land for service. This was the case when Julius Caesar settled veterans at Hippo and Thapsus in Tunisia and at Metellinum in Spain. This became especially crucial after the civil wars between Antony and Octavian (Augustus). With each side possessing over 30 legions, the number of men under arms was extreme. When Octavian won, he could not merely let the old soldiers of either side just return to their homes without compensation. One of his tactics was not to disenfranchise the veterans of Antony, since they might rebel against him. Instead, Octavian began to establish colonies in the east, which continued Julius Caesar’s and Antony’s policies of rewarding soldiers. A second reason why the

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ex-soldiers were chosen was their military experience. Given that many of the colonies were established in newly won territories, it was crucial and comfortable for the Romans to have a core of men capable of defending themselves. The men were therefore already trained in combat and knew how to form their own militia. Finally, having exsoldiers allowed the colonies to have a strong system of order. Since the colonies were patterned after the traditional magistrates of Rome, these ex-soldiers could be counted on to continue the policy and practice of Rome. Most of the colonies that Rome established were on conquered territories. This typically meant that Rome seized preexisting towns and villages for their own use. Often this meant that the Romans would evict the local inhabitants and move into homes already built and onto land already cleared. The Romans also merely imported their colonists into preexisting communities. Here, instead of taking over the town, the colonists would fuse with the preexisting community, creating a new population base. While the Roman colonists were ranked superior in privileges and rights, there could be a natural mingling of the population. This was also important for Rome, since it extended the Roman concept of the body politic to new regions and people. Sometimes a local community might be raised to the status of colonia, which gave the inhabitants prestige and even exemption from certain taxes and obligations. Most colonies had a military character, and even if the colonists took over a preexisting village or town, they would lay it out in the form of a military camp. After the religious rites of establishing a colony, the colonists would first build their defenses, a wall usually in the form of a rectangle with four gates. The two main roads coming into the colony from these gates, the cardo maximus (main road) and then the decumanus maximus, intersected in the town center, or forum. The ancillary streets that ran perpendicular to these roads were the cardi and decumani. The Romans made sure that they situated their colonies near a fresh and abundant supply of water. If needed, the Romans would construct aqueducts, usually underground, to transport water from a distance. Politically, the creation of the colonies helped Rome to control the local region. This usually meant that Rome would impose its system of rule on the local inhabitants. The Roman colony would be seen as the anchor for the region and occasionally developed into the capital for the province. With the extension of Roman control, tax receipts came into the colony. The growth of a colony as a political center for the region also ensured its importance. Some of the early colonies that would become administrative centers include Lugdunum (Lyon) in France, Barcelona in Spain, York in northern Britain, and Augst in Switzerland. Some colonies such as Colonia Agrippinensium (modern-day Cologne) and Ulpia Traiana Lepcitaniorum (Lepcis Magna in Tunisia) already existed as towns and merely had their names changed. These colonies became the bulwark for Roman culture in the provinces. The local population could now experience Roman life and culture. This allowed the process of Romanization whereby Roman culture and political life infused the local population. The Romans hoped that this in turn would lead to the local region becoming Roman. In some areas such as the west this was successful. Even when the Roman Empire fell, many of these regions and rulers continued to express themselves as Roman, such as

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the Frankish king Charlemagne in 800 CE and his Holy Roman Empire. In the east this attempt to produce Romanization was not as successful, since it had a strong Hellenistic culture that many viewed as superior to that of the Romans. The development of colonies allowed the Romans to control the regions and provide land for their ex-soldiers. The creation of the numerous colonies resulted in Roman culture being exported to the various parts of the empire. Many of these colonies continued to hold Roman culture even after the fall of their empire. See also: Cities: Aquincum; Carnuntum; Mediolanum; Institutions: Civitas; Provinces Further Reading Salmon, E. T. 1970. Roman Colonization under the Republic. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Smith, William, ed. 1875. “Colonia.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman /Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Colonia.html.

Delatores Unlike modern societies with an attorney general, ancient Rome relied on private individuals to bring charges against others. These individuals or denouncers, termed delatores, could be from any class or group. Although they existed since the beginning of the republic, it was during the empire that the term came into practice and use. The delator would bring a case before the Roman official, usually the praetor, against the accused. The act was seen as a duty of the Roman body to ensure protection of the state. The accuser had to make his case before the tribunal or court. With the creation of the empire, individuals accused of treason or some other crime could not be brought before the courts by the government. Roman law dictated that again it had to be brought by a private individual. The government, in this case the emperors, relied on the informers. The reward for the delatores was great, including money, celebrity status, favor of the emperor, and potentially power. During the early empire, the time of Tiberius (14–37 CE) was known popularly as a time of accusations and trials. Individuals personally profited from the so-called treason trials and, according to the ancient authors, helped Tiberius. Among the ancient authors, Tacitus stands out as the main historian relating the stories and the motives concerning the delatores in his series of works about the early emperors written around 120 CE. Writing a century after Tiberius, Tacitus viewed the emperor as the archetypal evil ruler. Tiberius was not insane like Caligula but was cold and calculating in wishing to seize power. The gossip of the day that found its way into the literary works of Tacitus and his contemporary Suetonius (who wrote biographies of the first 12 caesars) were full of salacious details of his depraved character. The evidence, however, is not supported in other works and in fact is contradictory to the

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gossip. Regardless, the use of delatores did increase but perhaps not for the reasons that Tacitus and Suetonius give (i.e., Tiberius’s desire for power). Tacitus ascribes to Augustus the treason laws, especially for slander, but it is Tiberius who desired them to be enforced when anonymous writers poked fun at the emperor and his mother. But the evidence seems to counter this. Delatores brought charges against an individual who sold his gardens with a statue of Augustus claiming that it was sacrilegious, while another charged a noble man with perjury for swearing by the name of Augustus. In both cases Tiberius dismissed the charges, saying that the gods should be left to dispensing their own justice. The best-known delator was Romanus Hipso, who charged the governor of Bithynia in Asia with treason. Tacitus relates that this delator began a career of bringing secret charges against many so he could work himself into the emperor’s good graces. Romanus Hipso went from poor and pathetic to rich and feared because of his acts. When the informer won a conviction, he received one-quarter of the accused’s estate even if the accused committed suicide. The informers continued to exercise power throughout imperial times. Nero was said to have used them, and the number of executions of family and important men attest to his crimes. Fearing coups, both real and imaginary, Nero relied on professional informants to keep him apprised of the situation. Although Vespasian (69–79 CE) did not abolish the delatores, his son Titus (79–81) did for his short reign. Domitian (81–96), brother of Titus, likewise banished them, and his successor Trajan followed suit. The reality was that the emperors needed these informants, since they provided the best means of ferreting out trouble. They continued to exist until the end of the empire. It appears that under the Flavians, Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian, public enemies were not brought to trial; instead, they were simply executed by the Praetorian Guard. Titus would send out a detachment of Praetorian Guard, using the speculatores, or spies, to murder his opponents. Even the early church was not immune to delatores. While the Roman authorities, especially during times of persecutions, welcomed accusers to come forward with the names of Christians, they did not actively hunt them out except on rare occasions. What was disturbing to the early Christians was the number of Christians who betrayed their fellow believers. This seems to have happened during the persecutions under Diocletian in 303 CE. In the Synod of Elvira held in Spain about 306 CE, one of the decrees was that if a Christian died because a fellow Christian denounced him, that delator would suffer excommunication forever with no chance of forgiveness. It appears that the denouncement was before a pagan judge. A later Council of Arles (314 CE) held a similar view that if a false accusation was made the individual delator was excommunicated. The use of informants became common during the early empire, reaching its height under Tiberius and Nero. While some emperors such as Claudius and Titus tried to control them, they were always seen as necessary in order to ensure that the state was kept informed of plots against the emperors. See also: Government and Politics: Law Courts; Roman Law; Roman Law, Evolution of; Institutions: Provincial Law

Institutions | Further Reading Robinson, O. F. 2007. Penal Practice and Penal Policy in Ancient Rome. London: Routledge. Rutledge, Steven H. 1999. “Delatores and the Tradition of Violence in Roman Oratory.” American Journal of Philology 120(4): 555–573. Rutledge, Steven H. 2001. Imperial Inquisitions: Prosecutors and Informants from Tiberius to Domitian. London: Routledge.

Diocese During the late Roman Empire an administrative unit, the diocese, was created, which was a group of small provinces. In the early empire the administrative districts were large provinces. During the third century the emperors began the process of dividing these large provinces into smaller ones. The reason for this practice was in part due to the increase in rebellions caused by the large concentration of troops. Typically, during the early empire provinces on the frontier would have anywhere from two to four legions. This concentration would overwhelm nearby provinces that might only have one or no legions. With only a few garrison troops, the smaller manned provinces relied on the power of the provinces with more legions. While protected, the smaller manned provinces were often beholden to the stronger provinces. This produced occasional rebellions that often led to more widespread disaffection, since the region’s military might was in one or two provinces. The division of these large provinces into smaller and more numerous provinces allowed for the dispersion of military forces throughout the region. Instead of one governor with four legions, there were now four governors, each with one legion but suspicious of each other. The third century saw this continual division until the time of Diocletian (284–305). With his accession Diocletian finished the process that began at the beginning of the third century. While a few provinces would be created afterward, most had been accomplished by 305 CE. Originally the term “diocese” simply meant an administrative unit associated with tax units. Cicero during the first century BCE mentions that three districts, or dioceses, were added to the province of Cilicia. These areas were small city-regions, Apamea, Cibyra, and Synnada (Cicero and Bailey 2001, Ad. Fam. XIII.67). Diocletian now used the term “diocese” to mean a larger administrative district. He collected several provinces into a geographical administrative unit controlled by a vices agens praefecti praetorio, or more colloquially a vicarius or vicar, meaning “deputy.” The vicar was a deputy of the praetorian prefect. Diocletian initially created 12 dioceses located in four prefectures across the Roman Empire. The prefecture of Gaul, or Galliae, had the dioceses of Galliae, Viennensis, Hispania, and Britanniae. Galliae and Viennensis were originally the Augustan province of Gaul, nearly all of modern-day France; Hispania included modern-day Spain, Portugal, and Morocco in North Africa; while Britanniae included the province of Britannia encompassing the region south of Hadrian’s Wall. These dioceses ultimately

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encompassed 30 provinces by the fourth century. The prefecture of Italia and Africa had two dioceses, with the diocese of Italy later split into two. Italia suburbicaria, which meant under the control of the Urbs, or the City of Rome, included the regions around Rome, the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. The dioceses of Italia annonaria were located in the north of Italy around the Po River and north to the Danube. This region originally was seen as the area that provisioned the city with supplies. The diocese of Africa encompassed the parts of North Africa from Cyrene in the east (part of Oriens) to Mauretania Tingintana, or Morocco (part of Hispania), in the west. These dioceses had 22 provinces. The prefecture of Illyricum took its name from the original province of Illyria in the Balkans. Diocletian originally placed two dioceses here, Pannonia and Moesia. Constantine then split and renamed Moesia as the dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia. Pannonia, while in the east, had its cultural position with the west, and Theodosius I transferred it to the west when he split the empire into two halves. These two and later three dioceses had 19 provinces in the Balkans. The praetorian prefecture of Oriens comprised the eastern empire, or what would become the Byzantine Empire. The prefecture had the dioceses of Thrace in Europe, Asiana or Asia Minor, the Pontus around the Black Sea, and Oriens, which comprised the region in the east including Egypt. A new diocese, Egypt, was split off from Oriens. This prefecture had 49 provinces, nearly half of the empire’s total, in the late fourth century. The diocese of Oriens was controlled by a comes and not a vicarius. The diocese was meant to be an intermediary between the provinces and the prefectures. The vicarius had its own staff, separate from the provinces and prefectures, and included archivists, scribes, accountants, and other members responsible for judiciary and administrative work. The dioceses continued to function in the east but not in the west after the collapse of central control. Justinian I in his reforms in 535 abolished most of the dioceses, as he sought to give more control to the provinces. See also: Individuals: Diocletian; Institutions: Provinces Further Reading Arnold, W. T. 1879. The Roman System of Provincial Administration to the Accession of Constantine the Great. London: Macmillan. Cicero, Marcus Tullius, and D. R Shackleton Bailey. 2001. Letters to Friends. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Jones, A. H. M. 1964. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic, and Administrative Survey. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Language While the official language of the Roman state was Latin, it was by no means the only language used and spoken. Almost on equal footing was Greek, especially in the east, and local languages were also used, especially by the peasantry. The development and

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use of language can be seen as a measure of the level of Romanization in an area and its population. Latin ultimately became the dominant language in Italy by the mid-first century CE. It replaced Oscan, another Italic language, when Rome completed its conquest of the Italian Peninsula. Oscan continued to be spoken in the countryside, especially in the south, during the first century, and there are examples of Oscan inscriptions preserved in Pompeii, but by the end of the first century it disappeared. Another language spoken until the end of the first century CE, mainly in the north, was Etruscan, whose origin is debated as either an Italian language or derived from Asia Minor, as Herodotus believed in the fifth century BCE. During the early empire the official language was Latin, as the Senate and emperors issued decrees and pronouncements in Latin. The poet Virgil believed that Latin was the unifying force behind Roman rule (Virgil et al. 1997, 12.834), when he has the god Jupiter declare that the Trojan refugees under Aeneas came to Italy and adopted the language of the native Latini tribe. While Latin became the official language of the empire, the Romans

Roman inscription, beginning with Senatus Populusque Romanus (SPQR), meaning “The Senate and People of Rome,” honoring Emperor Titus on a triumphal arch. Roman dominance allowed its language, Latin, to spread throughout the west. Latin and Greek became the common languages, especially of commerce, with Latin being the official government language. (Izanbar/Dreamstime.com)

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did not attempt to force locals to learn the language. Rather, they merely ordered that laws, wills, and certificates be written in Latin at least until the time of Severus Alexander (235 CE), forcing the locals to communicate with the central government in this fashion. For most non-Italians it would have forced them to become bilingual, Latin and their native language, or trilingual, Latin, Greek, and their native language, if they expected to move ahead. Since the governors were Italian, they would have conversed in Latin. The second major language used was Koine Greek, the language of Alexander the Great and his successors. “Koine” meant “the common language of Greek,” and it arose with Alexander’s army and that of his successors. Given that different cities in Greece and Asia Minor spoke their own dialect, with Alexander’s army being a conglomeration of Macedonian and Greek, a more common dialect of Greek developed than the use of Attic or classical Greek. This new dialect, a hodgepodge of different dialects, allowed the army and bureaucracy to function. Koine Greek became the dominant form of Greek used in the Roman Empire, being the language used in most literary works such as the New Testament and the Septuagint and the works of Roman authors. This language continued to be used in the Byzantine Empire. Many of the merchants would have known both Greek and Latin in the Greek east and Rome. The dividing line between the Greek east and the Latin west would have been in the Balkans. In addition to western Latin and eastern Greek, there were numerous local languages that continued to be used. These languages, often seemingly disappearing as the local natives were absorbed into Roman control, would be resurrected in local dialects of Latin in later centuries. Some local dialects were strong enough to be retained for centuries after Roman rule. While most of the language heritage was oral, some examples were preserved in inscriptions and literary works. In North Africa west of Egypt, the two major native languages that survived into imperial times were Punic and a form of Berber. The Punic language, a Semitic-based language, was used in Carthage, and remnants appeared on inscriptions into the second century CE, suggesting that the local population remained tied to their native origins. In some regions, especially in the south, an early form of Berber was used in Libya and Numidia. These dialects may have been especially strong in the mountain regions, where Roman influence was weaker. In Egypt in addition to Greek, imposed by the Macedonian rulers after Alexander, local Pharaonic still existed and in the late empire was consciously written down as Coptic. It was initially based on Greek with the addition of local Egyptian Demotic characters to take account of Egyptian phonology. From the fourth to seventh centuries CE, Coptic became an important literary work, with Christian homilies, accounts, and common documents being written. After the Arab conquest of Egypt, Coptic was still used, but Arabic became more common. In the Middle East, Aramaic was the common language of the region. While most of the literature at this time was written in Greek, Aramaic was the main spoken language of inhabitants. In Syria around Edessa the major language was Syriac, which spread from Edessa with the Christian community. During the early Roman period Hebrew was still spoken in Judea and Samaria. With the destruction of the Temple in 70 CE,

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Hebrew was replaced by the more international Aramaic, although Hebrew still survived as a spoken language until about 200 CE. In the west the main languages were Celtic and Germanic. Celtic included several dialects most notably in Gaul, with Gaulish, Celtiberian in Hispania, Galatian in Asia Minor, and Brittonic in Britain. Gaulish and Celtiberian were part of the continental Celtic language, while Brittonic was a branch of the insular language. Gaulish was mainly spoken in Gaul, Belgium, and Switzerland at the time of Julius Caesar’s invasion. While Latin was quickly assumed by the aristocracy, Celtic continued to be used well into the late empire. Celtiberian was in use in Spain until the early empire, while Galatian, which arrived in Anatolia in the fourth century BCE, was used until the sixth century CE. Brittonic continued to be used until the Anglo-Saxon invasion in the seventh century CE in Britain. The Germanic dialect was mainly used by tribes outside the Roman Empire with the exception of Gothic, known from a sixth-century CE copy of the Bible. A non-Celtic language that remained strong in northern Spain was Basque, which continues to this day. The variety of languages continually shaped how the Romans interacted with their subjects. Language often varied at social and political levels, with imperial functionaries using Latin, local aristocrats and merchants using mainly Greek but knowing Latin and perhaps some local dialects, and the vast majority of inhabitants using the language of their region. As the empire progressed there was some consolidation among the literate, but for many of the locals it was a continual hodgepodge. See also: Institutions: Provinces; Objects and Artifacts: Literature Further Reading Baldi, Philip. 2002. The Foundations of Latin. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Beyer, Klaus. 1986. The Aramaic language: Its Distribution and Subdivisions. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht. Easterling, P., and C. Handley. 2001. Greek Scripts: An Illustrated Introduction. London: Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies. Jongeling, K., and Robert M. Kerr. 2005. Late Punic Epigraphy: An Introduction to the Study of Neo-Punic and Latino-Punic Inscriptions. Tübingen, Germany: Mohr Siebeck. Russell, Paul. 1995. An Introduction to the Celtic Languages. London: Longman. Virgil et al. 1997. Virgil’s Aeneid. London: Penguin.

Mansio (Road System) When the Roman Army advanced into new territories, it constructed marching camps that provided necessary stopping points for the troops to rest and be protected. These initial stopping points were the castra, which were temporary. After the Romans subdued the region they still needed places to stop, and these temporary castra often became the great legionary fortresses during the early empire. Some of the castra were still used as

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intermediary way stations between cities and legionary forts. Here the Romans would have warehouses and barracks for the military. After a period of time these stations were no longer needed for military purposes but were still crucial to the running of the empire. The Romans then transformed them into the mansio, which came from the Latin word manere, meaning “to spend the night.” These stopping points still included the warehouses and barracks but now provided relief horses and oxen for imperial guests. These stations typically were located about 18.5 miles (30 kilometers) from each other, the upward distance for oxen to travel in one day. Since an individual could walk a bit farther, they were appropriately placed so as not to cause too much hardship for government officials. The mansio might merely be a simple changing station without many amenities, or it could have a tavern or inn for more comforts. The mansio was often associated with a villa of a government official and was part of their service. These villas allowed traveling officials some respite in their journeys and provided the official with the latest gossip from abroad. The genesis for these stations seems to lay with the Persians, who had the Royal Road from Sardis to Susa with stations, or khan, every 18.5 miles or so. The traveling individual had to present documents or passports attesting to their authorization for government service. This passport entitled the individual to receive supplies, fresh mounts, and room and board. Since these documents provided for compensation, they were only valid if the emperor who authorized them was still in power. If the emperor was dead, these passports were automatically voided and cancelled. In addition, if it was discovered that the passports were forged or inappropriately used, the bearer faced serious charges and punishment. These mansio also functioned as storage spots for the collection of taxes, especially the local grain, or annona. Local farmers and cities brought their tax liability to these mansio, deposited them, and received a receipt; when the provincial or regional tax collectors arrived, the tax liability was loaded onto the carts pulled by oxen and taken to the regional capital or port. These stations were teeming with visitors throughout the spring, summer, and fall. During winter when travel was restricted due to weather, the stations were probably sparsely visited. The mansio were for the government officials, but there must have been other spots for nongovernmental travelers who needed to find shelter, food, and fresh supplies. While the government stations could not accommodate them, local entrepreneurs probably stepped in and established their own spots. These were the cauponae, which were commonly asserted to be disreputable and visited by undesirables such as prostitutes and thieves. A more desirable place was the tabernae, boarding houses placed near the roads. They offered the traveler a safer and more accommodating place to relax than the cauponae. Finally, there were service stations, or mutationes, which allowed drivers to purchase the necessary services of blacksmiths, wheelwrights, veterinarians, and supplies for the journey. Several documents report the stations on roads throughout the empire. One was the Itinerarium Burdigalense (Bordeaux Itinerary), written in 333–334 CE, that recounts the journey of a pilgrim to the Holy Land from Bordeaux. See also: Institutions: Provinces; Military: Roads and Projects

Institutions | Further Reading Alcock, Susan E, et al. 2001. Pausanias: Travel and Memory in Roman Greece. New York: Oxford University Press. Perrottet, Tony. 2002. Route 66 A.D.: On the Trail of Ancient Roman Tourists. New York: Random House. Yates, James. 1875. “Mansio.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, edited by William Smith. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Mansio.html.

Markets The Roman market system operated at different levels, which allowed for the orderly exchange of goods to occur. Markets in Roman towns were called a forum, or macellum, and represented a place where commerce could take place. In the rural areas market days tended to be held on periodic cycles, which allowed for a record of time keeping; these markets, held on different days, ensured that they did not compete with the other local markets in nearby towns. The Roman market by the time of the empire replaced the system of bartering for most regions, and the use of money was common. Using money allowed individuals to sell their cattle, meat, grain, or other material and receive easily handled coinage

Market in the Roman ruins of Leptis Magna in Libya, Africa. The Romans often established permanent market structures, like this stone tholos, for specific goods such as clothing. Often a city might have several different markets spread throughout the town. In some towns and cities, permanent structures were often lacking and instead a central open area was set aside for commerce. (Pascalou95/Dreamstime.com)

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instead of just other goods. Markets allowed transactions without complications, since now the seller could buy other commodities without having to store their excess materials, especially if they were liable to spoil. The state ensured that the market was fair and safe, that corruption was controlled, and that it received some benefits, usually through taxes or fees. The Romans ensured fairness and safety with the offices of agrimensores and aediles that checked the weights and measures. Finally, the state made sure that the merchants were using the official standards so that individuals who felt they were being cheated could complain. In addition, in Rome the vigiles patrolled the markets, intimidating pickpockets and thieves and ensuring the market’s safety. Preventing corruption and keeping a steady supply of goods available often meant that the Romans had to directly interfere in the market. This meant occasional attempts to provide supplies from outside the region so that prices would not spike due to speculation, hoarding, or shortages. Finally, the Romans enacted several sales taxes or fees on goods so that they received some benefit for their efforts. The city of Rome had various and specialized markets. The republican forum originally was the central marketplace, but several special markets developed and allowed specialized shops; these included the forum boarium, the cattle market; the piscarium, the fish market; and the holitorium, the vegetable market. On local streets there were bakeries, wine shops, and vegetable stands that supplied the local neighborhoods in addition to the local carts or shops where hucksters could sell their wares with a license issued by the city. In addition, the large markets, with a wide and expensive variety, catered to the wealthy. Other specialized markets included on the Sacred Way the goldsmiths, jewelers, makers and sellers of musical instruments, and bankers, while the perfumers had their shops at the southeast foot of the Capitoline Hill. Akin to the modern malls were the two great general shopping markets for the masses in Rome on the Vicus Tuscus, or Tuscan Street, near the Circus Maximus. On the Via Lata, or Broadway, in the north of the city the expensive retail shops were located under covered porticoes, providing shade and protection. The macellum, in contrast to the forum, which was open and conducted business on specific days, was enclosed, served as a market, and was usually open every day. In addition, there was prepared food, especially poultry and meat, to be served and eaten. The macellum appears to have initially had cooks preparing food, since many private homes did not have cooks. Many of the cooks from the macellum were often hired by the wealthy. The archaeological evidence indicates that the macellum were colonnaded with a tholos, or circular temple, where weights and measures were stored. Another market, the multipurpose building, or basilica, was in addition to the openarea forum and/or the permanent enclosed market, the macellum. The basilica under the empire reached great heights, using vaults; basilicas were in addition to markets used for law cases and public gatherings. A companion to the forum and the basilica was the marketplace built by Emperor Trajan, which appears to have been built to accompany his structures. It was cut into the side of the nearby hill and served as a shopping mall with administrative offices. The market had a large room, the aula, which was two storied and allowed for a large gathering in an enclosed area. The markets together with the forum created a commercial district for the large capital.

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In contrast to the urban structures above, in the countryside periodic markets existed for the rural population. With a small population density, the regions could not sustain full-time markets for commerce; instead, there arose the need for these periodic market days. These periodic markets often had a religious connection, with markets established at a temple or shrine. In Italy the periodic market, called nundinae, was held every ninth day (really every eighth day due to the Roman method of counting inclusively). The markets did not overlap with each other and seem to have been held two or three times a month in each location and were probably located at about a 15-mile radius. Many rural markets were held on estates, where the owner benefited from being able to sell his goods and buy what he needed and also collect rents from the traveling merchants and tolls from customers. Merchants traveled between these markets selling their wares. There were also the mercatus, or extended markets, usually lasting for three days and occurring after the great public festivals in July, September, and November. Individuals coming to periodic or extended markets could stay at an inn, sell their wares, and upon finishing settle their bill for food, drink, shelter, and entertainment before returning home. The markets in Italy and Rome varied considerably over time and in function. Originally the central market or forum became the center of activity for all things, including commercial and political activities. Later the need for specific areas, or fora, developed, which allowed for specialization. In addition to these large open markets, small enclosed markets developed alongside, which functioned as convenience stores, including selling prepared foodstuff. In the countryside periodic markets served the same function but on a more intermittent schedule. The markets served society not only as a center for commerce but also allowed individuals to hear the latest news and gossip. Like a modern store or mall, the Roman market functioned not only as an economic center but also as a social information exchange site. See also: Government and Politics: Corporations; Grain Trade; Institutions: Regulations, Business; Regulations, Commercial Further Reading Ligt, L. 1993. Fairs and Markets in the Roman Empire: Economic and Social Aspects of Periodic Trade in a Pre-Industrial Society. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben. Rozenfeld, B. T., and J. Menirav. 2005. Markets and Marketing in Roman Palestine. Leiden: Brill. Temin, Peter. 2013. The Roman Market Economy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Marriage For the Romans, marriage was not religious but a matter of legal distinctions and civil responsibilities. Various types of marriage existed, and their development indicates how the Romans reconciled the traditional paterfamilias-dominated social and family

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culture with the rights and sentiments of individuals. For the Romans, marriage became a means to transfer wealth to legitimate and recognized heirs. Roman marriage as a civil union was dictated by personal law or what regulated the family through the paterfamilias and was open only to Roman citizens. This legal precedent was used for determining wills, succession, and patria potestas (power of a father). By the early republic the ban on patricians and plebeians marrying ended, although a freedman or freedwoman (ex-slave) could still not marry a free person until the reign of Augustus. The dowry was not required in Rome but did remain a social custom, since the bride’s father often desired to show that his daughter could support the family. Women were under their husband’s power, manus, in early Rome, similar to what the paterfamilias had through his patria potestas over all members of his family. There were three types of marriage under the republic within manus: confarreatio, the only religious rite within marriage that had the couple offering a cake of grain in the presence of the pontifex maximus often for the patrician class; coemptio, which had the plebeian father “selling” his daughter to her husband so as to emancipate her from the father’s power; and usus, a simple process in which the couple lived together uninterrupted for a year. By the time of the empire usus was outlawed but was replaced by a different form essentially the same, while the other two fell into disuse except by those who desired to celebrate the ancient rites. In addition, divorce was possible under usus and coemptio but not for confarreatio. The ceremonies had no bearing on the marriage; instead, it was the marriage contract that had legal standing. The ceremonies were for the public celebration and not Marble frieze from a sarcophagus, probably of the for legal matters. The marriage upper class, showing a marriage scene of a man and a contract spelled out the duties woman clasping hands, with Eros below, from the and responsibilities of the couple early third century CE. For many Romans, marriages and their financial obligations. were often arranged between families for political or The new form of marriage that economic reasons. Roman sentiment attempted to replaced manus was the sine show marriage as a happy partnership, with a couple manu, meaning “without power,” expressing their commitment, such as in this scene. whereby the wife was not under (The Metropolitan Museum of Art)

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the control of the husband. This form became common in the second century BCE and soon dominated during the late republic and into the empire. While the ceremony may not have had any legal authority, it was still celebrated, so selecting the correct day was crucial, since couples did not want to marry on an unlucky day indicated on a calendar. The typical custom had the bride the night before putting aside her playthings and dressing in a one-piece yellow garment, a tunica recta. Her mother dressed her in the morning while she wore her tunica recta next to her skin. Her clothes were bound by a belt with the “knot of Hercules,” and her hair was braided into six locks. She wore her jewelry, which she would bring to the new family. A wealthy woman would wear an expensive silk veil covered in a flower garland picked by the bride herself. Unlike the bride, the groom wore his best clothes. Although the ancient confarreatio was not used in the empire, a traditional sacrifice still occurred to ensure that the gods favored the union and that the haruspex would proclaim bene, meaning “good,” and then the wedding proceeded. Since the marriage was a civil union, the marriage contract and dowry arrangements were then read, with witnesses signing. The ceremony continued, with the matron of honor, the pronuba, leading the bride to the groom. Holding hands, the groom would ask if the bride would become his materfamilias, while she would ask him if he would become her paterfamilias. After the marriage the couple, with their parents, then offered a cake of bread to Jupiter and Juno while the rural gods Tellus, Picumnus, and Pilumnus blessed the new couple. A young boy called a camillus, whose parents were still living and usually was a cousin of the bride, presented the cakes. The wedding was then followed by a banquet. In the early empire, Augustus attempted to control ostentatious behavior and limited the cost to only 1,000 sesterces. This was usually ignored, and the wealth of the bride’s parents was displayed to show their ability to support their daughter. The wedding procession then took place, with the bride first pretending not to want to leave her family, while the groom pretended to take her by force, a remembrance of the “Rape of the Sabines.” The groom then led the bride out the door, beginning the procession, with musicians led by the flute players who guided the party through the streets. The bride’s party then followed, with young boys and girls leading the camillus, and a young assistant who bore the spindle and distaff, the traditional symbols of the wife’s duty, followed, leading the bride. The groom then followed, tossing walnuts to the children, a sign of good luck. Finally, both parties’ older relatives and friends completed the procession. The wedding party sang risqué songs until they reached the groom’s house, which was already lit up and adorned. To indicate plenty, the bride then placed bits of wool, oil, and fat on the door. The bride was then carried over the threshold by the wedding party and presented to her husband, who had secretly entered before. The bride uttered the ancient marriage formula “Ubi tu Gaius, ego Gaia” (Where you are Gaius, I am Gaia) while the groom presented her with a cup of water and a torch, symbols of the protection of Lares. The wedding party then entered the house, and the bride presented three silver coins, one to her husband as a symbol of the dowry, one to the Lares of the house for good fortune, and one thrown out onto the street for the Lares of the streets who guarded her new home. After the marriage torch was blown out the couple entered the bed chamber, prepared luxuriously by the matron. The new wife

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presided over a feast the next day at her new house as the new matron, or materfamilias, of the house. Like all families, there was the hope that the marriage would be happy, but often it was not and ended in divorce. For most Romans the above process did not take place, and instead there was a rather simple wedding. But most could wish for a celebration no matter how simple their life was. See also: Groups and Organizations: Family Names; Freedmen Further Reading Bradley, K. R. 1991. “Remarriage and the Structure of the Upper-Class Roman Family.” In Marriage, Divorce, and Children in Ancient Rome, edited by Beryl Rawson, 79–98. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Grubbs, Judith Evans. 2002. Women and the Law in the Roman Empire. London: Routledge. Treggiari, Susan. 1993. Roman Marriage: Iusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian. Oxford, UK: Clarendon.

Mints The Romans created a variety of coins throughout the Mediterranean. These coins could be made of gold, silver, copper, bronze, or a mixture of different metals. These metal coins allowed for the creation of not only currency but also artwork that endured. While coins were the traditional medium, other objects were created such as medallions. Medallions were normally viewed as multiples of coins, but they could also be seen as more decorative than monetary. Many pieces of jewelry have survived that hold coins such as rings, earrings, and necklaces. Unlike the modern mechanical minting processes producing exact copies that rarely vary, Roman minting was time-consuming, labor-intensive, and individualistic. The basic tools that Romans needed for making coins were a furnace to heat the metal blanks or flans, tongs to move or handle the flans, an anvil that held one of the dies, and a hammer to strike the other die so as to make an impression on the flan. The republican moneyer Carisius displayed these instruments on his coin design to show what he needed to make them. The flans were made by either cutting them from strips of bronze or other metal, by hammering, or by casting them. In the latter there were rows of casting flan molds connected to each other by channels or runners. The liquid metal was poured into the top, and the metal moved down and cooled. The sheet of flans was reheated before being struck to make the flans malleable. The runners held the flans together, and they were often passed through the dies and struck and then cut from the molded struck flans. One of the first tasks of minting was the creation of the obverse and reverse dies. There were bronze and iron dies. Bronze dies did not rust but were more fragile and could crack easier when struck; iron, which was sturdier, could rust, as seen on some coins. The craftsman made the dies by cutting the image into a piece of iron. This would

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Roman imperial coin from 281 CE. The Romans established imperial mints throughout the world, which struck in gold, silver, and bronze. Before 300 CE, many cities also had the ability to strike coins in their own names, usually in bronze, for local transactions. (Sigurdur William Brynjarsson/Dreamstime.com)

then be annealed, or heated, and slowly allowed to cool so that the iron was stronger. The image was then stamped onto the working die, which was then finished by the celator, or die carver, who meticulously carved the images with hand tools to achieve the final design. This work required artists for the detailing and consumed a lot of time. Once the dies were created, both the obverse and reverse could be used interchangeably with different dies to produce a variety of different designs or coins. The dies for silver coins were probably few, with gold coin dies even fewer. During the empire there were more varieties under the emperors. In addition, the dies were not used after the emperor’s death. The bronze coins probably had more permanent dies, since their design was not as intricate and they were constantly in use. During the empire dies were more numerous, since the number of mints increased outside of Rome. In addition, many of the portraits of the emperors were identical from mint to mint, suggesting that multiple dies of the same coin may have been made, with only a few changes for local variation. The master craftsmen may have worked with an official portrait, which was then copied onto the dies and sent to the different mints. The dies could have been made by casting or hubbing (impressing the design into the soft metal). The legend as well as the border could then have been added by punch tools, with the craftsman then touching up the die by hand. The obverse die was then positioned into the anvil, and the minter or moneyer used a hammer to strike the reverse die or punch, which had been placed into a hand punch. The early dies allowed for the coins’ obverse and reverse images to be at different angles or alignment to one another due to how they were held, giving rise to Roman innovations. First there was a socketed die system whereby the reverse could align with the obverse and produce a clear alignment; this was then followed by a hinged die, which eliminated the

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irregularities. Since the obverse die was placed in the anvil, it tended to be sturdier and not break as easily as the reverse die; in addition, it tended not to move. The flans were then heated and placed on the obverse die by an assistant, while the striker punched the reverse die with a heavy hammer. A typical team could strike 30 coins per minute, or 20,000 coins a day. With as many as 12 workshops per mint, the volume was immense. Physically, the Roman mints were not very large. This may account for the reason why a late Roman inventor suggested that mints be moved to an island so as to prevent corruption. The implication here is that the mints were portable and easily moved. What was needed was a workroom where the raw materials could be gathered and turned into coins. The space needed a furnace and a room for the placement of an anvil and work benches. There is evidence that under the early empire and at later stages, the mint traveled with the emperor. This was especially true of gold coins, since they were more valuable. One aspect of minting was the possibility of forgeries and counterfeits. Forgeries existed not only because of an attempt to swindle the government or its consumers but more often because of a lack of “legitimate” coinage. This resulted in the creation of a subcoinage culture, one that was not necessarily legitimate but not necessarily discounted by the public or even the government; this was so because ancient coinage was not fiduciary (i.e., was not based on the faith of the government) but instead was based on the content of the metal. The silver coin issued by the government may have had a value equal to a number of denarii, and the forgery might have had the same metal content and size, which made it hard to distinguish, and it had the same value. But if the central government could not supply the region with enough coins, forgeries had to be made and tolerated. Counterfeits, on the other hand, were specifically meant to trick individuals into believing that they had a legitimate coin. Often they were made by baking pieces of pottery and coating them with a mixture of metal to make it look like the real thing. Often the best way to see if they were real was to bite on the coin and see if it broke. The average Roman had to use money that was minted either in the capital or in the provinces. They came into contact with coins all of the time. Minting was a crucial part of the Roman economy. See also: Government and Politics: Currency Systems; Objects and Artifacts: Coins Further Reading Harl, K. W. 1996. Coinage in the Roman Economy, 300 B.C. to A.D. 700. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Howgego, C. J. 1995. Ancient History from Coins. London: Routledge.

Officials The Roman bureaucracy during the empire required a series of officials who could work on behalf of the emperor and provide the oversight needed to run the government.

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During his reign Augustus, and to a lesser extent his immediate successors, made sure that the officials placed in strategic and important positions were loyal to him. At first this included trusted generals who had supported him during his war with Marc Antony and later his family members, especially his stepsons Tiberius and Drusus. As his control was more secure, Augustus began to fill positions with sons of notable patricians and other extended family members. His successor Tiberius, a strong individual who had served Augustus well, continued the practice but began to admit more individuals from outside the imperial family. Although the inclusion of new members outside the imperial family continued, the remaining Julio-Claudians—Caligula, Claudius, and Nero—still had family members in key positions. The extension of nonfamily individuals in key positions occurred beginning with Vespasian (69–79) and his successor and then was accelerated by the Antonines under Trajan and Hadrian. By the mid-second century most officials in provincial government and in the bureaucracy were nonfamily individuals. A second change occurred within the Roman bureaucracy. During the reign of the Julio-Claudians (31 BCE–68 CE) the majority of the bureaucracy was made up of freedmen from the imperial family ranks. After Nero this was abandoned, and instead equestrians filled the ranks of the bureaucracy. This made the corps more professional and allowed for a systemized advancement within the social ranks. While the freedmen may have been more loyal to the imperial family, they were open to bribery and charges of controlling the emperor and not benefiting society. At the top of the government was the emperor, who appointed the governors of the provinces. The governor of a senatorial province—that is, one in which the Senate was nominally in charge—was titled a proconsul. This was the continuation of the republican system whereby ex-consuls and ex-praetors were governors and continued their imperium, or right to command an army. Under Augustus the title for governors of imperial provinces—that is, those controlled by the emperor—was legatus augusti pro praetore, which meant an envoy of the emperor with a praetor’s power, again meaning the right to command an army. The title legatus had been used in the republic as well. The legatus augusti was a senator who had been either a consul or praetor or was of consular or praetorian rank. These individuals usually had large and important provinces, such as Germany or Syria, with legions under their command. The legatus augusti was in charge of the province’s administration and commander of the army and the chief judicial officer in the province. To keep a check on the legatus augusti, there was a fiscal procurator, or procurator augusti, who collected the taxes and reported directly to the emperor. The fiscal procurator was always an equestrian and provided a separate set of eyes for the emperor in the province. This also allowed for the governor to be kept in check, especially to prevent overt peculation and excessive power. Often the two men clashed over jurisdiction and finance. For imperial provinces without legions such as Judea, Thrace, and Noricum, the governor was administered by equestrian prefects, called praefecti (prefects) and then later designated as procuratores (procurators), who only commanded auxiliary forces. This procurator augusti was also often called the praesidial procurator. The one major province that was initially an anomaly was Egypt. Here the governor, styled praefectus Aegypti, was an equestrian but had legions under his

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control. This was done because the equestrian was viewed as a social inferior to the senators and hence would support the emperor and not be seen as a threat to him or raise a rebellion, since he could not garner the support of the senatorial class, which was still strong in the first century. A breakdown of the provinces in 68 CE, the end of the Julio-Claudian period, shows that 15 out of the 36 provinces were controlled by legati augusti. Moving west to east encircling the Roman Empire, they were Hispania Tarraconensis, Lusitania, Gallia Aquitania, Gallia Lugdunensis, Gallia Belgica, Britannia, Germania Inferior, Germania Superior, Moesia, Dalmatia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Lycia et Pamphylia, Syria, and Numidia. The remaining imperial provinces were governed by procurators. Other crucial officers in the emperors’ administration included the praefectus urbanus or praefectus urbi, or prefect of the city of Rome, and the praetorian prefect (praefectus praetorio), who would become a crucial political officer. Originally he was the commander of the Praetorian Guard, but over time he acquired more legal and administrative functions, with the individuals becoming the second-in-command of the empire. The title praefectus became a common title of many officials, from the low in status to the high in rank. The term meant someone whose power came from someone else. In other words, it was delegated. Some of the other praefectus positions included the praefectus vigilum, or commander of the vigiles, the night watchmen who ensured Rome’s safety from crime and fires; the praefectus aerarii, military or prefect of the military treasury, those in charge of soldiers’ pay and the pension system; and the praefectus annonae, or the official who was in charge of supervising provision of the grain supply for the city of Rome. Nearly all of these individuals were from the equestrian ranks. Like the term praefectus, which was used for a variety of offices, so too was the term “procurator” used for various officials, again usually individuals from the equestrian order. A final major position was the office of corrector, which first appeared under Trajan. This term was for an extraordinary official of senatorial rank who was specifically tasked with investigating and reforming the administration in the provinces. Later the title was used to refer to the administrator of a region in Italy. The various offices for senior leadership in the emperor’s administration point to a continuation of republican ideas with the necessary modifications as the emperors continued their concentration of power. The emperors were able to adapt to the problems and allowed their bureaucracy to be flexible when needed to ensure the empire’s continual running. See also: Government and Politics: Bureaucracy; Cursus Honorum Further Reading Richardson, John. 1984. Roman Provincial Administration, 227 BC to AD 117. Bristol, Avon, UK: Bristol Classical. Stevenson, George Hope. 1939. Roman Provincial Administration till the Age of the Antonines. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.

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Priests During the republic the development of the religious officials mirrored the struggle between the orders, with the plebeians attempting to break the power of the patricians. After the expulsion of the kings, the rex sacrorum replaced the kings as the head of religion. The patricians held exclusive power to priesthood until 367 BCE, when plebeians could hold the consulship. Unlike the Near Eastern religions including Judaism, which had professional priestly classes, the Romans did not have professional priests. The Romans divided their priestly system into separate colleges, or groups. The Romans had two major colleges, each with its own hierarchy, the pontifices and the augurs. Although not having a priestly class, the Roman priests usually served for life. The pontifices determined on which days political meetings and business could occur and where such activities were forbidden. The priests were mainly for public affairs and not private worship, as the mystery religion’s priests were accustomed; however, they officiated the traditional solemn marriage ceremonies. The pontifex maximus was in charge of the college and the entire state religion. As head of the religion, he was in charge of the other priests, probably 15 or more; he also ensured that the vestal virgins remained chaste and chose their priestesses, although he was not in charge of them. Although less prestigious than the rex sacrorum, the pontifex maximus had more power. While other priests could hold political office, the rex sacrorum did not; his wife, the regina, also performed religious tasks. Since Roman religion revolved around politics and vice versa, the pontiffs had immense power, such as power over marriages, adoption, burials, and ceremonial events. The patricians held on to the pontiff ’s power and continued to prevent the plebs from gaining power. The priests’ power exerted influence over laws by harking back to the patrician prerogatives of power. The augurs, of the second college, read and interpreted the signs of the gods, the auspices, called augury. The auspices are often mistaken for telling the future; rather, their purpose was to determine if the gods favored a proposed action or plan. The priests, elected for life, considered the actions of captive birds and the flight of wild birds of particular importance. The auspices were crucial before a battle or mission; to accomplish the taking of the auspices, the Roman army carried chickens in their army so that the priests could observe them before a battle. Like in politics, the plebeians also gained access to the college of augurs. Many of the average Romans during the early republic began to doubt the power of the priests and the signs from above. Like in politics, the plebeians had good reason to doubt the veracity of these signs, since the patricians had previously used their power as religious leaders to deny the plebeians political power. After 304 BCE when Appius Claudius had written down all the formulae of the pontiffs, the power of the priests continued to wane, since their secrets were known, and after 300 BCE, 5 of the 10 priests were to be plebeian. The haruspices, meaning “gut readers” and originating with the Etruscans, were in charge of observing and interpreting the prodigies. They often used the sighting of

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strange happenings, bizarre lightning, rain in the form of blood, or monstrous births as needing to be interpreted so as not to disfavor the Romans. This was also done by examining the entrails of animals to see if there was a blemish on the liver or other vital organs. For example, the general Decius was told that the liver lobe showed victory but that his own future was not good; the Romans won the battle, but Decius died. The fulgurator examined the lightning strikes, looking at the location and frequency of strikes, which were regarded as warnings. The faction of priests who kept the Sibylline Books existed through Rome’s history, including during the empire; however, they decreased in power. The priest supposedly could predict the future path of Rome from these books, which were kept in the Temple to Jupiter on the Capitoline. When the plebs gained political office in 367 BCE, they also gained access to 1 of the 10 priests of the Sibylline Books. While the prestige of the priests was strong in the early republic, it decreased to a virtually anachronistic setting by the time of Augustus. In 83 BCE when the Temple of Jupiter was struck by lightning, the books burned, although duplicates were made and again were housed in the rebuilt temple. By this time, however, most of the Romans viewed them as nothing more than nonsense. Even Cicero claimed that they were a joke. The priests nevertheless continued to guard them and brought them out to be consulted. The priests under the empire were controlled by the emperor, who used their position to select individuals sympathetic to their regime. In addition, beginning with Augustus, the emperor became pontifex maximus, ensuring that the gods favored the emperor and the Roman people. See also: Government and Politics: Pontifex Maximus; Vestal Virgins; Groups and Organizations: State Religion; Institutions: Religion; Sacrifices Further Reading Mitchell, R. E., and R. S. Howarth. 2010. Hearsay, History, and Heresy: Collected Essays on the Roman Republic by Richard E. Mitchell. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias. Scheid, John. 2003. An Introduction to Roman Religion. Translated by Janet Lloyd. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Schmitz, Leonhard. 1875. “Pontifex.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, edited by William Smith. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Pontifex.html. Smith, William, ed. 1875. “Augur.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts /secondary/SMIGRA*/Augurium.html.

Provinces By the end of the republic the Romans controlled the provinces of Hispania (Spain), Gaul (France), Asia Minor (Turkey), Africa (Tunisia and parts of Algeria), and border regions

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in the Balkans. The new ruler, Augustus, not only subdued the regions of Hispania and Gaul but also added territory that doubled the empire’s size. He added new provinces such as Egypt in 31 BCE, Galatia in Asia Minor in 25 BCE, Raetia on the Danube in 15 BCE, and Pannonia in the Balkans in 9 BCE. Germania Major, or Germany, beyond the Rhine was held from 12 BCE to 9 CE before being lost. Iudaea (Judea) became part of Rome as well as Moesia and Dalmatia in 6 CE, while Alpes Maritimae was absorbed in 14 CE. Augustus also used a system of client kings, rulers who were friendly and owed their continued existence to Rome. Places such as Judea under Herod the Great allowed for a local ruler to protect Rome’s interests without an investment in Roman resources. Emperor Tiberius added Cappadocia in Asia Minor in 18 CE and continued Augustus’s later policy of not expanding the empire dramatically. Emperor Claudius added several client kingdoms into the Roman system, notably Mauretania Tingitana and Mauretania Caesarensis in North Africa. He also completed the conquest of Noricum on the Danube in 40 CE and invaded and began the conquest of Britannia in 43. In that same year he incorporated the region of Lycia et Pamphylia in Asia Minor. Claudius also added Thracia in 46, completing the conquest of the Balkans begun by Augustus nearly a century earlier, and then incorporated Alpes Poeninae in Gaul in 47. The last Julio-Claudian emperor, Nero, added Alpes Cottiae in 63, completing the Roman domination of Gaul begun nearly two centuries earlier. Vespasian, beginning a new dynasty, the Flavians, added Commagene in 72 near Syria, completing the Roman control of Asia Minor, while Germania Superior and Germania Inferior were increased around 84 under his son Domitian. Trajan, desiring to be known as a great conqueror, added several provinces, including Arabia in 106 and Dacia (modern-day Romania in 106), permanently to the empire, while his conquests of Armenia, Assyria, and Mesopotamia were abandoned in 118, a year after their conquest. While there would be some increases during the next century, they were again only held briefly, such as Scotland by Antoninus Pius and Mesopotamia by Severus. The Romans during the empire also changed who were the primary provincial governors. Under the republic, senators as ex-magistrates were the primary recipients of governorships. Their term, usually only a year, was limited to their province. By the time of Julius Caesar there was a common practice of providing governorships for several years. Pompey began the practice of using legates, individuals who acted in his name. These two developments, longer terms of office and legates, became standard during the empire. While senators were still given nonmilitary provinces, the emperors increasingly turned to the equites to become governors. In addition, nearly all military provinces had governors who were either legates or military generals directly under the emperor’s control. These governors tended to exercise power for several years. When a new province was added to the empire, the Romans conducted a census. In addition to counting the population, which might be limited to only males, those over 12 years of age, or only adults, the census was also an accounting of the province’s resources. Both of these were crucial to determining its tax rate. The Romans calculated what they thought was appropriate and then assessed the province its share. The Romans typically employed native officials to collect the taxes. The Romans would typically choose their provincial capital from the important city already existing. This city

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was often renamed. Occasionally the Romans would create a new capital, usually from an existing Roman fort. The Romans did not interfere in the local makeup of the government unless there were issues. Most local cities continued to govern themselves, especially in the east. In the west it was common for the Romans to import their system of city government, since many of the towns had ex-soldiers accustomed to the Roman/ Italian town governments. The Roman governor was primarily responsible for protection and keeping the peace. If the province was important militarily, the governor would have one or two legions. If the province was in the interior without threat from external forces or having a history of insurrection, the governor would have a small force to keep the peace. The Roman governor was responsible for the collection of taxes and justice. In criminal cases a minor offense was adjudicated by the local authorities, but for cases requiring capital punishment or working in the mines, the Roman governor presided. As with local governments, the Romans allowed civil suits between provincials to be decided in the local courts, with the right of appeal to the governor. Since appeals were expensive and required the litigants to travel to the capital, such lawsuits were not common. If there was a civil case between a Roman and a local it could be heard by a Roman judge if initiated by the Roman or a provincial judge if initiated by a provincial, but the Roman had the right to appeal to Rome and its legal system and was favored due to Rome being the ruling party. Augustus’s decision to divide existing provinces into senatorial provinces without military forces, where the governor typically decided judicial functions, and imperial or military provinces, which had military forces, allowed for the Senate to be appeased without the emperor giving up too much power. The imperial provinces were usually commanded by men handpicked by the emperor. This prevented the nobles from usurping power. This system continued to operate throughout imperial times. See also: Institutions: Diocese; Provincial Capitals; Provincial Law; Key Events: Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion; Boudicca Rebellion; Judea Provincial Disruption; Primary Documents: Document 24 Further Reading Arnold, William T., and E. S. Bouchier. 1974. The Roman System of Provincial Administration to the Accession of Constantine the Great. 3rd ed. Chicago: Ares Publishers. Carroll, Maureen. 2001. Romans, Celts & Germans: The German Provinces of Rome. Gloucestershire, UK: Tempus Publishing. Woolf, Greg. 2000. Becoming Roman: The Origins of Provincial Civilization in Gaul. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Provincial Capitals The center of a Roman province was usually the capital, a chief city that housed the Roman governor and his administration. While some provinces, such as Judea, had their capital not in their chief city, this was rare and unusual. Usually the capital, such

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as Ephesus in Asia Minor or Carthage in Africa, was the capital and the chief city. As the seat of government, the capital was a vibrant place for the inhabitants, as they often interacted with Roman soldiers and bureaucrats. In the countryside it was not common to see Roman government officials, and only rarely would someone see Roman soldiers unless living on or near the frontier. The capitals usually had a collection of Roman buildings so that the Roman government systems could run more efficiently. The governor’s residence often doubled as the administrative buildings. Here the governor resided most of the time, and there was an audience hall where he received delegations and presided over law courts. Often called a palace, the governor’s residence could be simple or extravagant depending on the location and the province’s history. For some of the older provinces or those located in wellto-do regions, the residence could be multistoried or contain multiple buildings or both. Near the governor’s residence were barracks for his troops. These soldiers were drawn from the province’s forces and were used to not only protect the governor but also act as local police and security forces. The area would also have stables for horses and mules. Often the capital would have other barracks for troops and supplies. If the province was located on or near the frontier, the number of troops could be quite extensive. For example, the city of York in northern Britain housed an entire legion in addition to the troops located on Hadrian’s Wall. The capital usually contained other Roman-style buildings. An arena was often located in or near the capital. As one of Rome’s greatest exports, gladiatorial contests were witnessed across the empire. The games provided the governor with an opportunity to provide entertainment to the region. In addition to the arena there might have been a circus to provide horse racing events, which were also popular. Theaters might also be

Roman amphitheater at El Djem in Tunisia. Many provincial capitals attempted to copy Rome, with its amenities such as amphitheaters for gladiatorial fights. Many provincial capitals overextended their finances in their building programs, often leading to financial ruin. (Corel)

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constructed in the capital. The Romans introduced their religion, usually seen in a temple dedicated to Jupiter. Many of the structures were familiar to Roman citizens, and their construction attests to the fact that many of the capitals had a higher number and percentage of Roman/Italian citizens than the rest of the countryside. This was normal, since the capital was the commercial center of the province, and merchants would normally set up shop in these cities and use them as their base of operations for the rest of the province. Many of the earliest inhabitants of some capitals were ex-soldiers settled there in part to maintain the peace and security of the province. The ex-soldiers could provide extra protection if needed. Having a number of citizens from its establishment allowed the capital and the province to have a foundation of Roman culture and history. These men may have also been used in the original capture of the province if just recently added to Roman territory. The capital also became the center of justice and tax collection. Law cases were often decided by the governor. These cases could be civil between parties that were Roman, one Roman and the other provincial, or both provincial. Each type of case resulted in different procedures, which the governor needed to know. The capital also acted as the center for tax collecting. While the governor sent to each major city and region their required levy, the taxes normally flowed into the capital, where the governor was responsible for their collection and transmission to Rome. The taxes could be in money, the usual form, or in produce, such as grain as in Africa and Egypt. The capitals became miniature models of Rome. They often had a senate or council that advised the governor, much like the Roman Senate advising the emperor. They had the buildings like Rome and were the center of the province, much like Rome as the center of the empire. These centers became the transmitters of Roman culture and institutions to the provinces. See also: Cities: Alexandria; Antioch; Caesarea Maritima; Carthage; Colonia Agrippina; London; Lugdunum; Mediolanum; Trier; Institutions: Civitas; Provinces Further Reading Arnold, William T., and E. S. Bouchier. 1974. The Roman System of Provincial Administration to the Accession of Constantine the Great. 3rd ed. Chicago: Ares Publishers. Loewenstein, Karl. 1973. The Governance of Rome. The Hague: Nijhoff. Mommsen, Theodor. 1909. The Provinces of the Roman Empire. 2 vols. London: Ares Publishers.

Provincial Law Roman provincial law differed from law dealing with Roman citizens. The Romans’ view of provincials in the early empire varied with regions and time. The Romans initially and typically viewed their subjects with disdain, especially those from Spain and

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Gaul, who were viewed as barbarians and not sophisticated. Inhabitants in the Greek east were seen as more sophisticated but were viewed as effeminate and untrustworthy. The Romans abused their conquered subjects, since the provincials were not strong enough to resist. While the Romans viewed themselves as superior, they did not have a standard system of dealing with the provincials. During the republic, the Roman commander who conquered the region usually determined the province’s organization, although occasionally the Senate determined its organization. Under the empire the emperors had the authority to override any provincial governor and as time progressed made more and more laws concerning provinces, either individually or for the empire as a whole. While governors still had wide latitude, the fact that they were appointed and dismissed by the emperor meant that they were usually following the emperor’s guidance. An example of this can be seen in the letter exchanges between Pliny the Younger and Emperor Trajan concerning the province of Bithynia in modern-day northern Turkey. The best examples of abuses come from the republic and can still serve as examples of maladministration by governors even for the empire. The Romans typically had complete control over the noncitizen inhabitants, who possessed few or limited rights, especially the rights of due process. The Roman governor could punish provincials, and typically there was no appeal. A good example of this dichotomy can be seen in the New Testament with Jesus and Paul, who were accused of sedition. As a provincial, Jesus was executed with no discussion for appeal, and his execution was immediate. Jesus’s crime was calling himself a king. Paul was also accused of sedition or at least fomenting trouble that could lead to riots, causing him to be brought before the governor. During the investigation, especially when it appeared that Paul was going to lose, he claimed the right of appeal to the emperor since he was a Roman citizen. The Romans left the justice of provincials to themselves as long as it did not result in capital punishment. For civil issues if the case was between locals, the Romans usually allowed a local judge to decide. In Sicily the constitution stated that if a Roman sued a Sicilian, a Sicilian judge was appointed; if a Sicilian sued a Roman, then a Roman was appointed a judge. In terms of criminal law, the governor had ultimate power, and individuals could appeal to him. After conquering a region, Rome interacted with different social groups to maintain control and reap benefits from the province’s resources. To maintain control and prevent rebellions, the Romans recognized that they needed to have some support from the local population. The local elites helped control the population by allowing them to exert some influence over their provincials’ colleagues. Examples of this can be seen in nearly every province. In Judea as seen in the New Testament, the Sanhedrin was controlled by elite Jewish families. In Britain under Nero, the families of the kings and queens of local tribes held their traditional power. While not as important as Roman citizens, they were crucial in keeping the local population peaceful. The local merchants were the next important group, since the Romans did not wish to see disruption to the economy and society. Unlike the elites, they may not have been used to control the population but instead were crucial in keeping the province running economically; they wanted peace and security to allow them to undertake their business. The final group would be the local peasants, who did the majority of work and

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paid the most taxes. They were forced to provide the state with most of the resources. While they may not have been in control, they were nevertheless the controlling factor in the Roman economy and society. Roman law cases often focused on taxes and what lands were subject to taxes. During the republic the Romans viewed provincials as subjects of whom they could take advantage. During the empire the situation as witnessed in the literary records shows a similar abuse. A common complaint was that the governor could abuse the inhabitants as well. An example of how a governor abused his power was in Sicily in the first century BCE with Verres, who took bribes and allowed the tax companies to reap their taxes without any regard for the populace. The abuses were extremely great, prompting many of the provincials, including wealthy individuals, to approach Verres and request relief. The governor ignored their appeals, which forced the provincials to appeal to Cicero, who took the case up and began a series of speeches against Verres, which resulted in Verres being driven out of Rome into exile. These speeches occurred after Verres had returned from Sicily several years later. Interestingly, he got to keep most of his money. The only satisfaction the Sicilians received was their prosecution of Verres, but they did not see any practical relief. In other words, while Verres received “punishment” from the Romans, the people of Sicily did not benefit. During the empire the emperors did make a better attempt to ensure fairness and justice. Emperor Tiberius when informed that a governor was reaping taxes quipped that he wanted the provinces sheared but not fleeced. As time progressed, many of the regions began to seek entrance into the Roman world by becoming citizens. At first this was extended to select citizens and then to cities. It was not uncommon for a whole region to be given the rights of citizenship (i.e., not having to pay taxes). Rome then extended this right to an entire province. Ultimately, by 212 CE Emperor Caracalla gave all free individuals citizenship, but by this time very few regions did not have some rights. See also: Government and Politics: Law Courts; Roman Law; Roman Law, Evolution of; Primary Documents: Document 24 Further Reading Arnold, William T., and E. S. Bouchier. 1974. The Roman System of Provincial Administration to the Accession of Constantine the Great. 3rd ed. Chicago: Ares Publishers. Jones, A. H. M. 1971. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. 2nd ed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Strabo et al. 1959. The Geography of Strabo. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Selection available at: http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/romanegypt1.asp.

Public Health and Sanitation The city of Rome and many of the other major cities were beset with public health issues. The most common health issue was removal of human and animal waste. If allowed to

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accumulate, waste and its byproducts could promote disease, noxious odors, and pestilence. The Romans learned early on the importance of removing waste and during the monarchy created the great sewer, or Cloaca Maxima. Originally it was an open channel in the center of Rome that ran to the Tiber River. Later it was covered, and other sewer systems were added. The water needed to flush the sewer originated from streams coming down from three of the hills near the Roman Forum. Ultimately the sewer was excavated, deepened, and covered with stone so that the city could be built on top of the valuable real estate. It was said that the sewer was large enough in some places that a wagon could be driven through it. During the empire the great baths of Diocletian and Trajan had their water flushed through the sewer to help keep the city clean. The baths and other establishments were supplied with water from 11 aqueducts. The removal of waste was important for the health of the city, and the sewers also allowed for the removal of stagnant water caused by the flooding of the Tiber River. When the river flooded it would leave stagnant or standing water that became a breeding ground for mosquitoes, which in turn could spread malaria. The construction of the sewer system allowed for this standing water to be channeled out of the city and back into the Tiber River to reduce the threat of malaria. Although the drains and sewers did not eliminate the threat completely, they did reduce the large-scale breeding pools for the disease. Another important sanitation development was the construction of public latrines. These establishments allowed for human waste to be disposed of properly so that the city streets and parks were not polluted. While residents who did not have latrines in their houses were supposed to use pots that were emptied into the drains or latrines, it is probable that they emptied them in the streets or alleys. This provided the potential for disease, and it was common for the Romans to wait for the rains to wash the streets clean. The aediles were in charge of making sure the latrines and sewers were operating correctly. Many of the houses of the upper classes had their own private latrines and even baths. This required water from the local aqueducts, which the house owner was required to pay for. The water would then be used like the public latrines to flush the system. In some of the provinces wealthy landowners had their own baths and latrines next to their villas, which were created with water piped in through aqueducts. Like in Rome, these individuals could enjoy the luxuries of private baths and toilets. The Romans, however, were faced with a lot of problems in the use of sewers. They were highly inefficient. This meant that all water, regardless of its use, flowed together into the sewer system, which made it necessary to have large tunnels. This in turn meant that the openings in the street were not protected and that disease was still common. In addition, the rainwater from runoff also entered the sewers and was not used for irrigation. The sewers also meant that the water supply was usually constant so that water from the aqueducts ran continuously. While this may have benefited the discharge and cleaning of the sewers, it also meant that the Romans could not usually store their water and use it for later. In addition, if a house or apartment did not have a latrine, the chamber pots were emptied into vats or cesspools, inviting disease.

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While the Romans understood the value of good plumbing and sanitation, they did not achieve complete success. Sewer vents were not yet known, so the latrines did not necessarily have the best use of plumbing and venting as in modern homes. In addition, the system could be overwhelmed by flooding when the Tiber prevented the sewers from depositing the waste into the river due to high waters. Nevertheless, the city functioned better during the Roman period than in the modern age until the twentieth century. See also: Institutions: Public Works; Key Events: Fires; Floods; Objects and Artifacts: Aqueducts; Gardens Further Reading Aicher, Peter. 1995. Guide to Aqueducts of Ancient Rome. Wauconda, IL: BolchazyCarducci. Stambaugh, John E. 1988. The Ancient Roman City. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Public Works Roman public works often focused on utilitarian structures in Roman towns and cities. Typical structures included, among others, the basilica, a building that originally was reserved for law courts and other public functions; the forum, or market; the curia, or meeting place for the Senate and councils; horrea, or warehouses; tabularium, or official records office; and castella, or fortified camps. Many of these structures were publicly financed by the city or the emperor. Located at the core of the city or town, they became the centerpieces of the cities or towns and promoted their power. The structures formed the political, economic, and social life of the city. Upon approaching a city, town, fortified camp, or castella, a visitor would see the city wall, with towers or gates protecting the city, which were usually the first structures built, often with public money. After these were constructed, the citizens could turn to other public structures. Outside of Rome one of the earliest structures built in a city was the basilica, a unique architectural structure the Romans created. It was built in Italy due to its physical climate. Since the Italian climate was extremely hot in the summer and often subjected to rains in the fall, the basilica allowed the physical elements to be held at bay while acting as a forum. The basilica allowed the forum to be moved inside, where legal and business actions could take place. The basilica had parallel rows of columns that created spaces for separate rooms, some temporarily made with curtains, other more permanent. As an open space, the basilica often had multiple floors, with rooms situated around the open central area. On the ground floor the rooms formed shops, leased out by the state and used for a variety of occupations. They provided income for the city and allowed commerce on a more or less permanent basis, even if they changed hands

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periodically. On the upper floors there existed balconies over the aisles, which created rooms that could be used for law courts, meeting rooms, or offices. As the central part of the city, it was the legal, political, and economic center of the town. For example, as a law court the basilica required a large space for juries, and many of them were large enough to handle several cases and other businesses due to curtains, which could cordon off spaces. Another public work was the market, or macellum/mercatus, such as those built in the cities of North Africa. It had a rectangular space surrounded by columns, often with a central shrine in the center, usually dedicated to Ceres, the goddess of markets, with table space for vendors. The area was often set up so that awnings could shade these tables. The markets could also be large structures such as Trajan’s markets, which had multiple floors and rooms built into a hill. The market allowed for vendors to set up temporary stalls to sell their wares, which did not require them to have a permanent place or lease space, reducing their overhead. Permanent stalls were also created for some merchants. Another public building used for political events was the curia. The curia became the regular meeting place of the Senate and town councils. Since the Senate in Rome could only meet in a sacred place where the priests could read the skies for omens, the curia there was built on a raised platform open to an area with a clear view of the skies. In Rome the original curia was built during the monarchy and was large enough to hold 300 senators. The building would be rebuilt several times during Rome’s history; the surviving structure dates from the time of Diocletian. Associated with the curia was the area below it, an open space called the Comitium where the populace heard the Senate’s announcements, speeches by magistrates, and debates by candidates and where the people voted. At Cosa the Comitium was a circular sunken area with steps. The horrea, or warehouse, was a public structure that allowed the city to have sufficient food supplies when resources were low or scarce and allowed the Romans to amass surpluses. The state, not only in Rome but also in other cities, bought grain during harvest time when supplies were cheap and stored them for use during lean times. Built along the river, these massive public works dominated the river traffic. These structures were built on pillars and were often long and narrow. The warehouses employed a large number of seasonal workers who unloaded the barges to store the grain and other goods. A common final structure was the tabularium, or state office building housing the city’s archives and documents such as tax receipts and official documents. Built into the Capitoline Hill at Rome, the tabularium was of considerable importance, since documents were always needed to run the state, and this office building had massive walls and high windows to ensure protection. These public structures were all used to keep the government running. Papyri from Egypt often make routine and mundane references to buildings that were counterparts to those in Rome. These references indicate that everyone probably had a good idea of their function and importance. The papyri make references to temples that had to be restored or built, market places that were policed and regulated, the meeting places of the town councils or senate, and the general law buildings, many of which were financed

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Ruins of a warehouse in Masada fortress, Israel. Throughout the Roman Empire, public works were built not only to create structures that benefited cities, but also to provide employment. Many of the public works were constructed with central imperial funds and benefited both the local population and imperial forces. (Yulia Belousova/Dreamstime.com)

by the cities. All of these structures were duplicated in numerous towns throughout the Roman world and were the hallmark of Roman society. These structures could be made of stone or wood. All individuals in towns and cities would know what these works did. The numerous papyri pointing to records clearly show that public buildings were a vital part of the Roman system of government, society, and economics. See also: Institutions: Public Health and Sanitation; Military: Roads and Projects; Objects and Artifacts: Machines; Ports and Harbors Further Reading MacDonald, William L. 1982. The Architecture of the Roman Empire I: An Introductory Study. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. MacDonald, William L. 1986. The Architecture of the Roman Empire II: An Urban Appraisal. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Regulations, Business The Romans were always wary of interfering in the markets and in businesses. While they would patrol the marketplace to ensure that trade was fair, they normally did not get involved in moderating prices or supply and demand. The one area where the Romans did attempt to control the situation was the use of luxury goods. Throughout

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the middle and late republic at various times, Roman senators introduced new legislation attempting to limit how much individuals could spend on goods or what they could wear outside. These sumptuary laws were not effective, as attested to by the number of laws and the frequency with which they were passed. The first set was enacted during the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE). Women were forbidden to possess more than half an ounce of gold or have brightly colored clothes or even ride in a carriage. It is clear that the intent was to reduce ostentatious behavior. After this was repealed the conservative group enacted a law limiting the number of guests who could attend a dinner party. This law, even if capable of being enforced, was not practical. The next law attempted to control how much could be spent on entertainment. The prices given in the law were soon insufficient to host even a small dinner, and the law was abandoned. Other laws tried to limit the amount paid for celebrations, but they were not effective. In the late republic a new tactic was tried that attempted to limit the quantity and type of food served; here the Romans gave up on the value placed on the food and instead attempted to regulate how much and what an individual could eat. These laws all had limited to no effect on society. Julius Caesar likewise attempted to control certain behaviors. He sent his agents and lictors to seize illegal foodstuffs at banquets; his law put limits on the types and amount of food consumed, again to no avail. Augustus in 22 BCE attempted to control the process by increasing the limit that could be consumed, again to no avail. Finally, in 22 CE the Senate was debating yet again another sumptuary law. Emperor Tiberius said that the Senate could pass such a law but that history had shown that it did nothing to curb the situation. This effectively ended any attempt to control the behavior of the people. But the Romans did try to control some aspects of the markets for the public good, usually brought about by emergencies and mostly to prevent natural disasters, such as famine, and concerning the availability and price of grain. While the attempt to control private life did not work, those laws affecting the public welfare usually did even if for a short time. When the Sicilian rebellions occurred in the late republic, the price of grain skyrocketed, which prompted many of the populist politicians to argue for cheap or free gain. During the empire several instances are recorded when the local governors ordered food supplies to be brought into the village, where they would be stored and sold at a reduced price. From Antioch in Pisidia the governor in 93 CE decreed that the price of wheat could not be more than double its regular price. In Egypt in 191 CE a similar situation occurred, and the local town of Oxyrhynchus again attempted to regulate the price of wheat. The clearest example of an attempt to control the marketplace was the edict by Emperor Diocletian in 301 CE. Here the emperor stated that due to high prices caused not by natural calamities but instead by human greed, a maximum limit on prices was decreed. The edict covered all aspects of goods and services. The government now put an upper limit whereby prices could not increase but could decrease. The edict covered nearly all goods. The primary goods, seen in their position in the edict, were basic foodstuffs and wages. The prices detailed were above the earlier normal prices but probably were not doubled. The Romans in the late empire appear to have moved regulation away from the government to the local guilds. Reports from Egypt detail the

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price of goods, usually gold, silver, copper, grain, beans, and the like, over the course of the year by month, showing how the prices fluctuated. It is possible that these reports were meant to ensure that the market price was not excessive. The Romans attempted to regulate business in other ways. The government usually contracted with private operators for the shipment of grain and wine, especially for the military. Here they would set a limit on how much they would pay. In some ways it is possible to see how the limits worked by examining how much the government paid for forced exactions in the Annona system, which required individuals to hand over supplies usually at a reduced rate. This regulation was not popular and often produced resentment and even rebellion. The Roman system of regulating business then centered on the individual in the republic, when the Romans attempted to prevent ostentatious behavior, and under the empire, when the Romans attempted to keep the marketplace calm. Both processes relied on how well the populace and the state interacted. While the sumptuary laws failed, the market interventions would work on a limited basis during a crisis. See also: Government and Politics: Corporations; Roman Law; Groups and Organizations: Merchants; Institutions: Regulations, Commercial Further Reading Cartwright, Mark. 2013. “Trade in the Roman World.” Ancient History Encyclopedia, http://www.ancient.eu/article/638/. Fleckner, Andreas. 2011. “Corporate Law Lessons from Ancient Rome.” Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance and Financial Regulation, https://corpgov.law .harvard.edu/2011/06/19/corporate-law-lessons-from-ancient-rome/. Safrai, Ze’ev. 1994. The Economy of Roman Palestine. London: Routledge.

Regulations, Commercial Commercial regulations were largely concerned with Roman efforts in controlling merchants. This is different from the business regulations, which concerned the marketplace and how the Romans attempted to ensure fairness in the markets. Commercial regulations should be seen as affecting those who supplied the markets. The most important group was the grain merchants. Originally these merchants were private, single operators who supplied their goods to the state. At the end of the republic, groups of merchants began to collectively associate so as to negotiate large-volume contracts with the state. These individuals supplied the state with grain in the Annona, which in turn produced a steady supply of grain for the city. At times it was often necessary to intervene in the markets, but generally the Romans did not attempt to command the economy. Typically these companies were small, but the shareholders did meet regularly. Senators, although forbidden by law to be merchants, could be shareholders, providing

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the necessary capital needed for the endeavors. Although most companies were personal, meaning that with the death of the stockholder the company vanished, some companies did operate like modern stockholder companies, allowing for the company to continue after the death of the original owner. It appears that Cato the Elder, in the republic, financed one-fiftieth of an adventure. This probably meant that he put up capital for the merchant ships equal to 1 ship out of a fleet of 50 or the equivalent number of journeys. In other words, Cato invested in 2 percent of the total liability needed for the venture. This spread the risk so that if any ships were lost, the damage would be dispersed, with no one individual losing all of his investment. It is clear from the literary records that the business associates availed themselves in law courts to resolve issues of broken contracts. Cicero notes in his letters how different associates, who were probably friends, routinely made use of law courts, judges, and juries to settle commercial actions against each other but usually through private settings. Public law courts seemed to have been reserved for cases involving the state. Here if an agent was found guilty he could expect a fine or some other punishment in addition to the cost of the goods. The office of the Annona became responsible for investigating claims for the state. The emperors were keen to prevent individuals from claiming rewards for ships that they did not put into service for the grain supply. Like in Athens, the Romans adopted a system of loans and repayment policies. If a merchant obtained a loan to finance his shipping and if the ship was lost at sea through no cause of the merchant, then the loan did not have to be repaid. Of course, the interest charged on the loan was higher, above the normal 1 percent per month, and often was as high as 50 percent if the venture was seen as really dangerous. The state did not back these ventures except to buy the grain when it was delivered. Many of the court cases then surrounded financiers bringing suit if a ship was lost. Here the financier had to prove that it was not due to some natural calamity or through some extraordinary event, such as a marauder attacking on the peaceful seas. These loans were at the highest during the period from Augustus to Severus (31 BCE–211 CE), when the Romans dominated the seas and witnessed pirate attacks. More common were weather-related events such as storms or fog causing wrecks. If a financier could not show that the merchant had caused the disaster through incompetence, then he could not collect. Another system that ensured commercial regulation was the verification of goods delivered. Samples showing the goods’ purity were collected and attested and became part of the goods transferred. Usually held in amphora, which were sealed and secured, they were opened at delivery and compared to the rest of the cargo. The normal part mentioned was the amount of dirt as a percentage in the mix, and if the amount was greater than the sealed control, the merchant was liable. This can be seen as quality control for the endeavor. Of course, the contract specified the amount of grain and the condition of the ship. Evidence also exists that merchants used their ties with great men in politics for contacts and business. In his letters, Cicero wrote introductions of merchants to other individuals. Typically, they can be seen as invitations to help each other. They were also useful in promoting the secondary markets needed for financing future ventures.

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The regulations concerning commercial activity were an attempt to ensure that the merchants and the state were seen as equal partners. While the state had the upper hand, especially during the empire since the emperor could intervene, merchants were not without power or influence. The regulations attempted to provide redress due to extraordinary happenings. While there was untrustworthiness on both sides, each realized that they needed the other to survive. See also: Government and Politics: Corporations; Grain Trade; Groups and Organizations: Merchants; Institutions: Markets; Regulations, Business Further Reading Kessler, David, and Peter Temin. 2007. “The Organization of the Grain Trade in the Early Roman Empire.” Economic History Review 60(2): 313–332. Young, Gary K. 2001. Rome’s Eastern Trade: International Commerce and Imperial Policy, 31 BC–AD 305. London: Routledge.

Religion During the imperial age there were different types of religion in the Roman world. These different types centered on not only the geographical region but also the philosophical tradition and views of inhabitants. The different religions also varied over time, with certain views being more popular in different times. The Roman state religion attempted to keep the pagan gods happy so they would not bring harm to the state. To accomplish this task, the Romans, through their emperor, offered sacrifices and prayers to the gods. This was typically done by killing and burning an animal. As the smoke rose to the sky the gods would receive the sacrifice and be pleased. The animal was typically cooked and eaten by those offering the sacrifice. The animal was carefully inspected before the sacrifice to ensure it was not polluted and was pure. Roman families also celebrated their own religion. This was centered on the ancestors who were worshipped and celebrated so that they might bring safety to the family and the house. Overseen by the paterfamilias, the household shrine, or lares, held the funerary masks of the ancestors and allowed the Roman family to trace their history back to great events and people. The Romans thought that if they failed to honor their ancestors, the spirits would become angry and haunt the living. They would take sacrifices, such as bread, to the graves so that the spirits could partake in the meal. The two most important gods were Vesta, keeper of the hearth, and Janus, who presided over the past and future. When moving beyond the traditional Roman gods, religion began to take on more varied forms. First there were the ancient religions that Rome recognized. Second, there were the groups that had promoted personal salvation. Third, there were the cults that had come from outside the empire. Fourth, there was Christianity. Finally, there was the worship of the emperor.

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Roman coin with head of the god Janus, who saw events in both the past and future. Rome’s religion for much of its history was polytheistic—the belief in multiple gods. Rome’s state religion was based on the concept of protecting the public good through sacrifice and prayer. (Claudiodivizia/Dreamstime.com)

An ancient religion that Rome recognized was Judaism. While the Romans did not understand it, they recognized it since it predated their initial contact in the republican period. Judaism, unlike most other ancient religions, was monotheistic, that is, worshipped only one god. While the Romans disagreed with the philosophy, they tolerated it as long as the followers did not disrupt their own religion. During the early empire the Jews even offered prayers for the safety of the emperor. The Romans had a precarious relationship with the Jews not only in Judea but also in other cities in the empire where a large number of Jews lived. There were riots in Alexandria between Jews and non-Jews, which required the Romans to intervene to keep the peace. After the Jewish revolts in the 60s and 130s CE, the Romans still allowed the practice of Judaism but no longer allowed Jews to worship in Jerusalem. During the Hellenistic period several new cults arose that promoted individual salvation. These were often cults identified as mystery religions, as they required special knowledge and insight in order to achieve salvation. These religions were established for the

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good of individuals and not necessarily the state. Whereas the state religions were reserved for individuals belonging to that state or city, the mystery religions were not exclusive; anyone could join, free or slave, citizen or noncitizen. Participants paid an entry fee, and depending on how much they wished to pay they could receive more of the mysteries revealed. In addition, participants could join different mystery religions at the same time. Demeter and the Eleusinian Mysteries were one of the oldest, dating before the Hellenistic period in Greece. Isis and Osiris, the Egyptian gods, although ancient, were promoted during the Hellenistic period. Cybele, the Magna Mater goddess, came from Asia Minor to Rome during the Hellenistic period, as did Bacchus (Dionysius) and Serapis. The major cult that came from outside the empire, also viewed as a mystery religion, was the cult of Mithras. The mysteries celebrated the birth, death, and renewal of Mithras. For many Romans this celebration of the mysteries allowed them to think of their possible future, especially after death. Mithras was said to have been born from a rock already in his youth and holding his sacred dagger and a torch. Although the religion was probably a fusion of Persian and Roman ideology, his celebration in the Roman world was linked to the ancient Persian cult. In addition, the cult was secretive like other mystery religions and was popular among the military. Most of the Mithraic sites occur in the west and at military sites, although not exclusively. Although often viewed as a mystery religion, Christianity fell into a distinct category. It was known for its exclusiveness; one could only be a Christian and not a follower of another religion. In addition, it did not require payment to understand its teachings. Finally, it was monotheistic like Judaism. Originally Christianity was viewed as a sect of Judaism, but after the First Jewish Rebellion of the 60s CE it became its own religion. This change allowed Christianity to develop on its own path but at the same time brought it unwanted problems. Stuck between not being recognized but yet following tenets of Judaism, mainly monotheism, the Christians were persecuted and could not have for themselves the protection afforded to Jews, since Christians claimed that they were not adherents of Judaism. It was not until the beginning of the fourth century CE that Christianity was officially recognized. A continuation of Hellenistic kings’ divine rule was the institution of worshipping the emperor. While Augustus did not wish to be worshipped while alive, he did leave it open when prayers were said for his safety and that of Rome. This quickly morphed into worshipping him when he died, and soon emperors, depending on their own views, were often worshipped when alive. The concept of worshipping the emperor really meant worshipping the institution of the emperor; he was the intermediary between the gods and the people. Roman religion encompassed a variety of different forms and tenets throughout the Roman world. This heterogeneity of ideas was based on the different cultural ideas spread throughout the diverse geographical regions. While Christianity in the late empire became predominate because of imperial sponsorship, many of the pagan cults continued for centuries. See also: Government and Politics: Pontifex Maximus; Vestal Virgins; Groups and Organizations: Bacchus, Cult of; Celts; Christians; Isis and Osiris, Cult of; Jews; Mystery Religions; Institutions: Priests; Sacrifices; Primary Documents: Document 5

Institutions | Further Reading Beard, M., S. Price, and J. North. 1998. Religions of Rome: A History, Illustrated. 2 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fishwick, Duncan. 1991. The Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, Vol. 1. Leiden: Brill. Scheid, John. 2003. An Introduction to Roman Religion. Translated by Janet Lloyd. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Sacrifices During the imperial age Roman sacrifices normally occurred in two venues, the public or state ceremonies and the private or personal environment. These sacrifices normally involved a gift to the gods, either food or a material token such as a statue or coin. Most sacrifices, however, were meant to provide the god or goddess with food or drink such as meat, wine, or grain. Usually the gift or sacrifice was burned so as to be consumed by the cult statue of the deity. Often only part of the gift was completely consumed, with the remainder prepared as a meal for both the petitioner and the gods. Sacrifices could take the form of a thanksgiving in gratitude to the gods for help or a plea by someone or the state for help or to avert some disaster, as seen in a prophecy or oracle. Of course, the gods demanded a sacrifice on their anniversary. For the Romans, the ritual was very important. It was necessary for the gods to be appeased. The Romans believed that any divergence from standard practice could result in a sacrifice that was not accepted. The most common form of sacrifice was the offering of an animal, which was slaughtered. Typically, an augur would perform the appropriate sacrifice in which male animals were offered to gods and female animals to goddesses. The animal had to be perfect, free from blemishes and corruption, since the gods could reject the offering; the color of the animal often was dictated for the particular god, such as black for Pluto and white for Jupiter. Numerous sculptural friezes show the arrival of an animal under its own power at the temple where it would be killed. This allowed for the ceremony to move at an acceptable pace and not create a general mess along the pathway. Dispatching the animal before would have been counterproductive. The procession was often accompanied by music players, also hired out. The sacrifice also involved a systematic set of rituals and prayers. Once the procession arrived at the temple or altar, the animal was killed in a solemn fashion. The victimarii killed the animal and cut it up for the ceremonial burning. It was necessary to kill the animal quickly, especially if it was large, such as a bull or cow, to avoid trauma and a mess. For small animals such as a pig the throat was slit, while for large animals such as an ox the animal was hit with a mallet on the skull to stun it before its throat was slit. While the animal was skinned and cut up for cooking, the blood was collected and offered to the gods as the sacrifice by the priests. A crucial component was the reading of the entrails or bowels of sacrificed animals by the priests and augurs. If the liver and entrails were clean without blemishes or corruption, the sacrifice was said to be acceptable. If, however, there was an aberration,

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another animal was sacrificed and its entrails read. If still unclean, the sacrifice was seen as bad. The purpose of the reading was to determine if an action was allowed: if it had blemishes or was corrupt, the act was seen as bad and should be avoided. The reading and interpretation then justified the results. Often magistrates who also read the entrails could manipulate the process by declaring that there was a blemish, and so the program could not move forward because the gods did not give their blessing. If the magistrate wanted to ensure that something passed, he could manipulate the sacrifice so as to show that it was not blemished. The priest would then burn part of the animal, usually fat so it produced smoke that could rise toward the sky, indicating that the god accepted it, and then declare that the sacrifice was acceptable. After the cooking of the meat, the chief participants ate first. A magistrate desiring to show his wealth would give a banquet to as many individuals as possible with multiple animals. The emperors often showed their generosity by having hundreds of animals slaughtered and sacrificed so that the entire city could enjoy the sacrifice. During the empire it was the emperor or his agents who made the sacrifices. Augustus as chief priest, or pontifex maximus, represented the Roman people. During the first century BCE a law was passed that forbade human sacrifice. Since it was necessary to pass such a law, it is clear that human sacrifice was not unknown. Privately, sacrifices were offered for family and friends. When a child was born, it was common for the family to offer sacrifices for a long life. Family members would offer sacrifices, from a few pieces of grain to lavish meals, for family and friends. Families would also offer sacrifices on the graves of those who had died. These remembrances were undertaken in the hope that the spirits of the dead would not haunt the living. Most people saw sacrifices at regular times during the year. See also: Government and Politics: Pontifex Maximus; Groups and Organizations: State Religion; Institutions: Priests; Religion Further Reading Faraone, Christopher A., and F. S. Naiden. 2012. Greek and Roman Animal Sacrifice: Ancient Victims, Modern Observers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Scheid, John. 2003. An Introduction to Roman Religion. Translated by Janet Lloyd. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Index

Bold indicates volume numbers. Actium, Battle of (31 BCE), 1:xx, 166, 2:5–8, 110 Agrippa at, 1:187–188, 2:1, 7 Antony at, 1:xx, 194, 2:1, 7 Cleopatra at, 1:206, 2:1, 7 Octavian’s forces at, 1:187–188, 2:1, 7 Adoption, 1:xxi, xxiii, xxvi, 191 Antoninus adopted by Hadrian, 1:xxiv, 185, 192, 218 Hadrian adopted by Trajan, 1:xxiv, 185, 216–217 Marcus Aurelius adopted by Antoninus, 1:xxiv, 185, 192, 225 Nero adopted by Claudius, 1:227 Tiberius adopted by Augustus, 1:xxi, 238 Trajan adopted by Nerva, 1:xxiii, 185, 240 Adrianople, Battle of (378 CE), 1:xxvii, 2:2, 8–10 Primary Document, 2:253–256 Valens and, 1:xxvii, 179, 243, 2:2, 8–10 Adriatic Fleet, 1:46, 47–48 Aediles, 1:59, 62–64, 254 cost of putting on games, 1:62, 63, 89 imperium of, 1:62 Julius Caesar’s use of office, 1:63 number of, 1:62, 89 Aeneid, 1:109, 2:162 Agricola, 1:215, 2:20, 163 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius (64–12 BCE), 1:xx, 187–188 children of, 1:188 wife Julia (Augustus’ daughter), 1:184, 188, 195, 2:44 Agrippina the Elder (14 BCE–33 CE), 1:189– 191, 200

children of, 1:190, 2:213–214 exile to Pandataria, 1:190, 2:213 relations with Tiberius, 1:185, 190, 232, 239, 2:213–214 Agrippina the Younger, 1:21, 204 Nero and, 1:227 Alamanni and Juthungi, 1:129–131, 149, 242, 2:59 Alaric, 1:179–180, 2:54–55 Albinus, Clodius (150–197), 1:233–234, 2:70 Alexander the Great, 1:2, 4, 165 Mausoleum of, 1:6 Alexandria, 1:2, 4–6, 2:256–259 as administrative center for Egypt, 1:4 Augustus and, 1:2, 4 Cleopatra and, 1:205, 206 Donations of Alexandria, 1:206 grain supply from, 1:2, 4 library at, 1:2 lighthouse (Pharos) at, 1:5, 6, 2:182 Primary Document on, 2:256–259 Roman navy in, 2:110 Alimenta, 1:252–254 Trajan and, 1:241, 252–253 Altar of Peace. See Ara Pacis Ambrose (ca. 340–397), 1:220–221, 236, 244 Amici principis, 1:78 Annona, 1:95, 249, 254–255 law cases relating to, 1:297 praefectus annonae, 1:62, 96, 255, 282 tax for, 2:62 See also Grain trade Antioch, 1:2, 6–9

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|  Index Diocletian’s “Golden House” church in, 1:8 Olympic Games and, 1:8 Antonine plague, 2:10–12 Antonine Wall, 1:xxiv, 170, 192, 2:20, 77–80, 105 Antoninus Pius (86–161), 1:xxiv, 191–193 adopted by Hadrian, 1:xxiv, 185, 192, 218 adoption of Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius by, 1:225 military inactivity of, 1:192, 225 public works, law, and taxes, 1:192 Antony, Marc, 1:xix at Caesar’s funeral, 2:201 children by Cleopatra, 1:xx, 206, 2:7, 8 Cleopatra and, 1:xx, 194, 205–206, 2:7 defeat at Actium, 1:xx, 194, 2:7 on dictatorship, outlawing of, 1:91 Praetorian Guard and, 2:114 in Second Triumvirate, 1:xxxi, 80, 187, 2:6 son Iullus Antonius, 2:44, 45 suicide of, 1:194, 2:7 Apuleius, 2:163 Aqueducts, 2:140–142 amount of water transported, 2:140, 141 Claudius and, 1:204 curatores aquarium, 1:84 maintenance of, 1:84 tunnels for, 2:122 Aquincum (Budapest), 1:9–12 Contra-Aquincum (Pest), 1:10 Trans-Aquincum (Buda), 1:10 Ara Pacis, 1:174, 2:142–145 imperial family depicted on, 2:143, 144–145, 186 importance of, 2:138–139 reliefs on, 1:109, 116, 2:143–144 Aramaic language, 1:270–271 Arcadius, 1:236–237 Archers, 2:113, 126, 135 Arches in aqueducts, 2:141 in bridges, 2:122 of Constantine, 2:46, 186 of Titus, 2:40, 41, 185 Arenas, 2:190, 192 in the provinces, 1:8, 11, 151 Arianism, 1:35, 208, 221, 236, 2:23–25 Aristocracy. See Patricians

Arius, 2:23–24 Arminius, 2:57–58 Armor. See Uniforms Army. See Military Arrows, 2:113, 135 Assemblies (comitia), 1:75–77 political unrest and violence and, 1:76–77 powers transferred to Senate, 1:117 Astrology, 1:64, 2:212 Athens, 1:1, 12–13 Roman emperors associated with, 1:12 Attila the Hun, 1:36, 153–154, 2:55 Pope Leo I negotiation with, 1:51, 154 tribute paid by Rome to, 1:154, 237 Augures/augury, 1:64–66, 283–284, 301–302 Augustan Settlement, 2:2, 12–14, 43 Augustine (354–430), 1:221–222 Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE), 1:xix-xxi, 193–196 actions after Caesar’s assassination, 1:xx, 187, 193 Actium, Battle of (31 BCE), 1:xx, 194, 2:1, 5–8 adoption in Caesar’s will, 1:187, 193, 199 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius, and, 1: 187–188 and Alexandria, 1:2, 4 Altar of Peace (Ara Pacis), 2:142–145 auctoritas of, 2:13 bureaucracy under, 1:66, 281 consilium principis of, 1:78 conspiracies against, 1:121 daughter Julia, 1:194, 195, 2:3, 43–45 disposition of forces under, 2:203 exclamation on Varus’ loss of legions, 2:58 execution of Caesarion, 1:xx, 2:8 expansion of empire under, 1:285, 2:91 family life of, 1:195 fire brigades of, 1:124, 2:36, 202–203 Forum of, 2:158 full name of, 1:145, 195, 2:13 key events under, 1:xx-xxi legal system and, 1:112–113 looks of (Primary Document), 2:204–205 mausoleum of, 1:50, 2:168–169 Octavian persona transformed, 2:13 offered dictatorship, 1:91 peace and prosperity during reign of, 1:193, 195

Index | as pontifex maximus, 1:65, 101–102, 108, 174, 2:13 power of offices assumed by, 1:91–92, 108, 195, 2:1, 12–14 princeps title, 1:92, 108, 2:13 propaganda of, 1:108–109 Res Gestae of, 2:160, 168 retirement rejected by Senate, 1:xx, 2:13 in Second Triumvirate, 1:xxxi, 80, 187, 194, 2:6 succession by Tiberius, 1:92, 195 title “Augustus” bestowed, 1:188, 193, 195 treason trials justified as insults to, 2:205–206 virtues claimed by, 1:108 wife Livia. See Livia Drusilla wife Scribonia, 1:194 See also Ara Pacis; Augustan Settlement Aurelian, Lucius Domitius (ca. 215–275), 1:184, 196–198 assassination of, 1:197–198 Germanic campaigns of, 1:130, 196 Palmyra, conquest of, 1:196–197, 230, 2:60 as restorer of the east, 1:197, 2:60 as restorer of the world, 2:60 triumph with Zenobia marched in golden chains, 1:230 Aurelian Wall, 1:130 Aureolus, 2:65–66 Auspices or augury, 1:64–66, 283–284 Auxiliaries, 2:76, 80–81, 112 auxiliary cohorts, 2:88 Avaritia, 2:62 Bacchus, cult of, 1:128, 131–134, 164 Ballistae, 2:82–83, 124–125 Banishment, 1:111 Basilica, 1:1, 292–293 Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion (69 CE), 1:xxii, 2:3, 14–16 Primary Document, 2:237–239 Baths, 1:44, 52 Baths of Caracalla, 1:xxvi Battering ram, 2:124 Boudicca Rebellion (60 or 61 CE), 2:16–18, 226–230 Roman tactics and, 2:126, 228–230 See also British Conquest

Bow and arrows, 2:113, 126, 135 Bridges, 2:120, 122 Britain Caractacus, 1:261, 2:19–20, 130 Celts and Picts in, 1:127, 134–136 client kings in, 1:261–262 Druids, 1:135–136, 2:222, 226–227 Iceni tribe, 1:261–262, 2:227 Limes Britannicus, 2:105 London, 1:31–33 Roman legions in, 2:101 Roman navy and, 2:111 British Conquest, 1:127, 2:19–21 Boudicca Rebellion (60 or 61 CE), 1:135, 228, 2:16–18 Caesar’s invasions of Britain, 1:134–135 Claudius and, 1:135, 204, 2:19 Hadrian and, 2:20 Prasutagus and, 2:16–17, 227 Primary Document on, 2:226–230 resources gained by, 2:20 Suetonius Paulinus and, 1:31, 136, 228, 2:16–18, 226–230 Vespasian and, 1:247, 2:19 Budapest (Aquincum), 1:9–12 Bureaucracy, 1:66–68, 251 Claudius’s transformation of, 1:66 control by equestrians and senators, 1:66–67, 281 freedmen in, 1:61, 66, 281 Hadrian and, 1:67 imperial bureaucracy, 1:xx, xxi, xxiv, 66 increase in, 1:67 officials in, 1:60, 280–282 Septimius Severus and, 1:67 size of, 1:67 use to increase personal power, 1:67 See also Government and politics Burebista, 1:140 Burial clubs, 1:251, 255–257 Burials, 2:138 catacombs, 2:145–148 Byzantine Empire, 1:xxviii, 24 Byzantine period (330–1453), 1:81 Caesar, Gaius Julius (102–44 BCE), 1:198–200 assassination of, 1:199 calendar and, 1:69, 2:199–200

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|  Index in civil wars (49 BCE), 1:xix, 77, 2:6 Cleopatra and, 1:xx, 199, 205 commentary on Gallic Wars, 1:134–135, 199–200 crossing the Rubicon, 1:199 cursus honorum of, 2:198–199 dictator for life, 1:89, 91, 199, 2:199 First Triumvirate, 1:xxxi, 80, 166, 187, 198–199 forum of (Forum Julius), 2:157 funeral of (Primary Document), 2:200–201 Gaul, conquest of, 1:134–135, 183, 198, 2:6 as model military leader, 1:183 Octavian (later Augustus) and, 1:187, 193, 199 offered title of king, 1:91 son by Cleopatra (Caesarion), 1:199, 205, 206–207, 2:7, 8 Sulla and, 1:198 use of aedile office to advance career, 1:63 Caesarea Maritima, 1:2, 14–15 Caesarion, 1:199, 205, 206–207, 2:7 execution of, 1:206–207, 2:8 Calendar, 1:67–70 eight-day market cycle, 1:70 intercalary month, 1:69, 102, 2:200 Julius Caesar and, 1:69, 2:199–200 kalends, nones, and ides, 1:69–70 leap year, 2:200 pontifex maximus and, 1:102 Primary Document, 2:199–200 seven-day week, 1:70 year of emperor and, 1:70 Caligula (12–41 CE), 1:200–202 assassination of, 1:121 claim of divinity while alive, 1:202 cruelty of (Primary Document), 2:216 family of, 1:200 Isis cult and, 1:156 mother Agrippina honored by, 1:190–191 new taxes and, 2:217–218 positives of reign, 1:201, 202 reign of terror by, 1:201–202 Tiberius and, 1:200–201 Camps, legionary, 2:99–101 construction of, 2:129 Caracalla (211–217), 1:xxv, 34, 233, 234 Baths of, 1:xxvi

citizenship extended by, 1:260, 290, 2:118 Caractacus, 1:261, 2:19–20 allowed to retire, 2:130 Carausius Rebellion (286–293 CE), 2:21–23 Carnuntum, 1:16–17 Carthage, 1:2, 18–20, 261 as center for Christians, 1:19–20 Punic language, 1:270 Queen Dido of, 1:18 siege of, 2:123 strategic importance of, 1:2, 18–19 tax exempt status for, 1:19 See also Punic Wars Catacombs, 2:145–148 Christians and, 2:147 Jewish, 2:146–147 Catapults, 2:81–84, 112, 124–125 Cavalry, 2:84–86 auxiliary mixed cohort, 2:84 camel units, 2:85 equites Illyrici, 2:84 exploratores and reconnaissance, 2:84–85, 112 heavy cavalry (clibanarii), 2:84, 85 imperial, 2:85 Numidian (equites Mauri), 2:84 order of battle and, 2:112, 113 special units, 2:84–85 swords of, 2:133 Celts, 1:134–136 Druidism, 1:135–136 geographic groups, 1:134 Censor, 1:70–72, 89, 257 decline in importance, 1:60 public morality supervised by, 1:70, 71–72 sacredness of, 1:71 Census, 1:70, 71, 257–259 freeing slaves through, 1:100 importance of, 1:257–258 for provinces, 1:257–258, 285 and tax collection, 1:119 Centuria (legionary unit), 2:97 Centuries (citizen groups), 1:76 Centurions, 2:76, 86–87, 98 primus pilus, 2:86, 87, 104 Chair, ceremonial, 1:62, 71 Chariot races, 1:72–75 Circus Maximus, 1:49, 73–75, 2:223

Index | not held in Colosseum, 1:73–74, 2:155 Chi-Rho sign, 2:32, 47, 249–251 Christianity, 1:186, 218–220, 300 Arianism and, 1:35, 208, 221, 236, 2:23–25 Caesarea Maritima as center of, 1:15 Carthage as center of, 1:19–20 Constantine and, 1:207, 208–209, 2:24, 47, 48 Council of Nicaea (325 CE), 1:208, 2:4, 23–26 Edict of Milan and, 1:35, 2:4, 31–33, 251–253 Edict of Toleration (311), 1:138, 2:4, 33–34, 248–249 Jesus and, 1:218–220, 2:23–26 Latin Fathers and, 1:186, 220–223 Nicean Creed, 1:221, 2:25 Rome as seat of Christian religion, 1:48, 51 as state religion, 1:xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, 218 viewed as Jewish sect, 1:137 Christians, 1:136–139, 186 beliefs of, 1:128, 138–139 blamed for great fire in Rome, 1:137, 228 catacombs and, 2:147 Chi-Rho sign and, 2:32, 47, 249–251 Decian persecution, 2:50 delatores and, 1:266 Diocletian Persecutions, 1:xxvi, 138, 213, 2:28–31 Donatists, 1:19–20, 208, 2:29, 51 edicts of Valerian to, 1:245 honestiores, 2:28–29 humiliores, 2:28–29 lapsed, remedies for, 2:51 military service and, 2:51–52 Nero’s punishment of (Primary Document), 2:225–226 nomen Christianum, 2:29 Paul, 1:24, 54, 137, 259 persecution of, 1:137–138, 186, 244, 2:28–31, 50–52 pre-Diocletianic persecutions, 2:50–52 sacrifices to Roman gods required for, 2:28–30, 50, 245 torture of, 2:30 traditio (handing over books), 2:29, 51 traditores, 1:19

Cicero, 1:12, 13, 80, 2:162 exile of, 1:90–91 full name of, 1:145 as novus homo, 1:79 Pro Milone speech of, 1:98–99 Circus, 1:72–75, 2:223–225 Circus Flaminius, 1:73 Circus Maximus, 1:49, 73 types of games, 1:74–75 Cities, 1:1–57 about (overview), 1:1–4 Alexandria, 1:4–6 Antioch, 1:6–9 Aquincum, 1:9–12 Athens, 1:12–13 Caesarea Maritima, 1:14–15 Carnuntum, 1:16–17 Carthage, 1:18–20 civitas and, 1:259–260 Colonia Agrippina, 1:20–22 Constantinople, 1:22–24 Corinth, 1:24–26 Ephesus, 1:26–28 five chief cities of the empire, 1:19 Greek cities, 1:1 Jerusalem, 1:28–31 London, 1:31–33 Lugdunum, 1:33–34 Mediolanum, 1:35–36 Mogontiacum, 1:36–38 municipia classification, 1:259–260 Ostia, 1:38–41 Petra, 1:41–43 Pompeii, 1:43–45 Ravenna, 1:45–48 Rome, 1:48–51 Split and Salona, 1:51–53 standard layout for, 1:1 Thessalonica, 1:53–55 Trier, 1:55–57 Citizenship civitas and, 1:259–260 conubium and, 2:88 extension of, 1:60, 61, 260, 290, 2:77, 118 for freed slaves, 1:61, 99, 146 military as path to, 2:80–81, 88, 111, 119–120 for provincials, 1:290

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|  Index removal from roles (for immorality), 1:71–72 rights of Roman citizens, 1:259, 289, 2:117 for whole Roman Empire (under Caracalla), 1:260, 290, 2:118 Civil war (49 BCE–31 BCE), 1:xxxi, 2:5–7 Actium, Battle of, 1:xx, 2:5–8 Caesar and, 1:xix, 77, 2:6 Octavian as final victor, 1:xix, 2:5–7 Philippi, Battle of, 1:xxxi, 149, 2:6 See also Triumvirates Civilis Rebellion. See Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion (69 CE) Civitas, 1:259–260 Claudius (10 BCE–54 CE), 1:xxi, 203–205 British conquest and, 1:135, 204, 2:19 death of, 1:121, 204 family of, 1:203, 224 foreign relations and, 2:221–223 games of, 2:223–224 grain supply and, 2:221 impediments of, 1:203 law courts and, 2:218–220 Praetorian Guard and, 1:185, 202, 203–204, 2:115 Primary Documents, 2:218–225 public works program, 1:xxi, 204, 2:220 Cleopatra (69–30 BCE), 1:205–207, 2:7–8 Antony and, 1:194, 205–206, 2:7–8 at Battle of Actium, 1:206, 2:1, 7 Caesar and, 1:xx, 199, 205 children by Antony, 1:xx, 206, 2:7, 8 Isis cult and, 1:155–156 son by Caesar (Caesarion), 1:xx, 199, 205, 206–207, 2:7, 8 suicide of, 1:206, 2:7–8 Client kings, 1:250–251, 260–263 Clothing, 2:148–150 in army uniforms, 2:132–133 toga, 2:148, 149 of women, 2:148, 149 Coemperors, 1:xxvi, xxvii, 212, 234 Cognomen, 1:144, 145 Cohors amicorum, 1:77, 78 Cohort, 2:87–89, 97 centurion and, 2:86, 88–89 Urban Cohorts, 1:125, 2:116

Coins, 2:150–152 brass sestertium, 1:86–87, 2:151 bronze coins, 1:85–86, 87, 213, 2:150 copper in, 2:151–152 copper nummus, 2:152 debasement of metal percentage in, 1:87, 2:151–152 double denarius, 1:234, 2:151 forgeries and counterfeits, 1:280 gold aureus, 1:86, 87, 2:61, 151 images on, 1:108, 109, 254, 279, 2:152 propagandistic function of, 2:152 silver argentius, 1:87, 213, 2:152 silver denarius, 1:86, 87, 2:61, 150, 151 size, weight, and purity of, 1:87, 213, 215, 234, 2:61, 150–152 substitute coinage, 1:88 See also Currency systems; Mints Collegia, 1:83, 244–247 Colonia Agrippina (Koln), 1:20–22 Colonies, 1:250, 263–265 Colosseum, 2:153–155, 192 arena and underground structures, 2:154–155 constructed by Vespasian, 1:xxiii, 246, 248, 2:153 financing of construction, 2:153 not used for chariot races, 1:73–74, 2:155 site for, 1:228, 2:153–154 size and design of, 2:154 vomitorium at, 2:154 Comitia, 1:75–77 comitia centuriata, 1:76 comitia curiata, 1:76 comitia populi tribute, 1:76 decrease in power of, 1:60 political unrest and violence and, 1:76–77 powers transferred to Senate, 1:117 Comitium, 1:293 Command, military, 1:183–184, 2:89–91 centurions, 2:76, 86–87, 98, 104 dux, 1:105, 2:89, 90 emperor, 2:89 legate, 2:89, 90, 103 legionary officers, 2:103–104 of navy, 2:111 prefect of the camp, 2:89, 103–104 tribune, 2:89, 90, 103, 104

Index | Commodus (180-92), 1:xxiv, 225 death of, 2:69 deterioration of government under, 2:69 as gladiator, 2:69 price reduction by, 2:53, 54 Consilium, 1:60, 77–79 consilium principis, 1:78 Constans (323–350), 1:209, 210 Constantine (285–337), 1:xxvi, 207–209 Arch of, 2:46, 186 Chi-Rho sign and, 2:32, 47, 249–251 Christianity and, 1:207, 208–209, 2:24, 48 Constantinople and, 1:2, 23–24, 208 Council of Nicaea and, 2:24 Edict of Milan, 1:35, 2:4, 31–33, 251–253 Galerius and, 1:207–208 Milvian Bridge, Battle of the, 2:46–48 Constantine, House of, 1:xxvi, 186, 209–211 Constans (323–350), 1:209, 210 Constantine II (316–340), 1:209, 210, 2:25 Constantius II (317–361), 1:209–210 Gallus (325–354), 1:209, 210 Julian (332–363), 1:209, 210–211 Constantinople, 1:2, 22–24, 186, 208 Golden Gate in, 1:23 renamed Istanbul, 1:23 Constantius I (father of Constantine), 1:xxvi, 56, 207, 2:22–23 Christians and, 2:29 Constantius II (317–361), 1:xxvi, 23, 209–210, 2:25 Constantius III, 1:46, 236 Constantius Chlorus, 1:32, 170, 2:33 Constitutiones principum (imperial legislation), 1:114 Consul, 1:50–60, 79–82 censor duties assumed by, 1:71 changes under Augustus, 1:80–81 emperors as, 1:89 imperium of, 1:81, 89, 103, 104 military function of, 1:79, 80 office as a reward, 1:60, 89–90 proconsul (ex-consul), 1:103, 281 in Senate meeting, 1:117 suffect consults, 1:81 Conubium, 2:88 Corinth, 1:24–26 Corporations, 1:66, 82–83

fake, 1:95 slaves as co-owners for, 1:82–83, 95 types of, 1:83 Council of Nicaea (325 CE), 1:208, 2:4, 23–26 Cranes, 2:164–166 Crassus, Marcus Licinius fire force of, 1:124, 2:36, 197–198 First Triumvirate and, 1:80, 166, 2:6 triumph granted to, 2:129–130 Crucifixion, 1:111, 220 Cults, 1:299–300 of Bacchus, 1:131–134 of Isis and Osiris, 1:155–157 of Mithras, 1:164–165, 300 persecution of (Primary Document), 2:212–213 Curatores, 1:60, 84–85 for aqueducts (curatores aquarium), 1:84 fiscal (procurator augustii), 1:281 for games (curatores ludorum), 1:84 for grain (curatores annonae), 1:84 for public works (curatores operum publicorum), 1:84 for regions of Rome (curatores regionum), 1:85 for roads (curatores viarum), 1:84 Curia, 1:293 Currency systems, 1:85–88, 213 Augustus and, 2:151 Caracalla and, 1:234 devaluation, 1:87, 119, 2:151–152 Diocletian and, 1:213, 2:161 Domitian and, 1:215 inflation, 1:87, 119, 213, 2:54, 62, 152 size, weight, and purity of coins, 1:87, 213, 215, 234, 2:61, 150–152 substitute coinage, 1:88 unified currency, 1:61 value of metal in coins, 1:85, 2:150 See also Coins; Mints Curse tablets, 2:196 Cursus honorum, 1:88–90 of Julius Caesar, 2:198–199 Curule seat (sella), 1:62, 71 Curules, 1:62 Dacian Wars (101–102 and 105–106 CE), 1:xxii, 141, 2:1, 26–28

309

310

|  Index Column of Trajan commemorating, 2:26, 28, 82, 186 Dacians, 1:127, 139–142 Decebal/Decebalus and, 1:140–141, 241, 2:27–28 Domitian and, 1:215, 2:27 First Dacian War, 2:27–28 Second Dacian War, 2:28 Trajan and, 1:240–241, 2:27–28 Dagger (pugio), 2:133 Decebal/Decebalus, 1:140–141, 241, 2:27–28 Defensive policy, 2:91–92 Deification of emperors, 1:102, 117 Delatores, 1:251, 265–267 Democracy, 1:75–76 Denarius, 1:86, 87, 2:61, 150, 151 Denouncement. See Delatores Desert tribes, 1:128, 142–144 Dictator, 1:60, 90–92 absolute power of, 1:90–91 for life, Julius Caesar as, 1:89, 91, 199, 2:199 number of instances of, 1:91 Diocese, 1:267–268 Diocletian (ca. 244–313), 1:xxvi, 212–214, 2:63 coemperor and vice emperors of, 1:xxvi Coinage Decree, 2:161 mausoleum of, 2:169 military achievements and changes, 1:184, 212, 2:91 Price Edict, 2:52–54, 161 reforms of, 1:213, 2:54 Diocletian Persecutions (303–311), 1:xxvi, 213, 2:28–31 Dionysius. See Bacchus Domitian (51–96), 1:xxii-xxiii, 214–216 as a God (Primary Document), 2:246–247 assassination of, 1:xxiii, 121, 215 building projects of, 1:214–215 Dacian Wars and, 2:26, 27 damnatio memoriae (name erased from monuments), 1:216 father Vespasian and, 1:248 Flavian Mausoleum of, 2:169 Forum Transitorium of, 2:158–159 military career, 1:183–184, 215 regarded as a cruel emperor, 1:214 Domus Aureus. See Golden House Donatists, 1:19–20, 208, 2:29, 51

Druids, 1:135–136, 2:222, 226–227 Drusus, 1:37, 190, 203, 223, 231–232, 238 Tiberius and, 2:213–214 Dry cleaning, 1:40 Dux, 1:105, 2:89, 90 dux limites, 2:105 Edict of Milan (313), 1:35, 2:31–33 Primary Document, 2:251–253 Edict of Thessalonica (380), 1:54 Edict of Toleration (311), 1:138, 2:33–34 Primary Document, 2:248–249 Egypt Alexandria, 1:4–6, 2:256–259 governor of, 1:281–282 grain trade and, 1:2, 4, 161 Isis and Osiris, cult of, 1:155–157 See also Cleopatra Elagabalus (218–222), 1:xxv, 233, 234–235 Emperors about, 1:185–186 adoptive. See Adoption classification of, in antiquity, 1:214 system of succession, 1:186 worship of, 1:102, 117, 174, 300 See also specific emperors Ephesus, 1:1–2 Epigraphy, 2:159–160 Equestrian order, 1:66–67, 81, 92–94 See also Equites Equites, 1:60, 92–94 in bureaucracy, 1:66–67, 93, 94 eques versus ordo equites, 1:93 promotion to the Senate, 1:81, 93 as provincial governors, 1:103, 104, 281, 285 responsibilities of, 1:93 trade and commerce by, 1:93, 94, 175 Exile, 1:98, 120 of Agrippina the Elder, 1:190, 2:213 of Cicero, 1:90–91 Exploratores, 2:84–85, 93–94, 112 Family, 1:128–129 depicted on Ara Pacis, 2:143, 144–145, 186 depicted on Mausoleum of Augustus, 2:168–169 encouragement of reproduction, 1:252 paterfamilias, 1:71, 275–276

Index | religion and household shrines, 1:298 vestal virgins and, 1:122, 123 Family names, 1:144–146 cognomen, 1:144, 145 full name examples, 1:145 nomen, 1:144, 145 praenomen, 1:144, 145 single-name system, 1:144, 146 tria nomina, 1:144–145, 146 two-name system, 1:144–145 for women, 1:145 Fasces, 1:62, 79 Fires, 2:34–36, 230–233 fire brigade of Crassus, 1:124, 2:36, 197–198 fire brigades of Augustus, 1:124, 2:36, 202–203 great fire in Nero’s reign (64 CE), 1:137, 228, 2:4, 35, 153, 230–233 methods of fire fighting, 1:125, 2:35, 36 preventing spread of fires, 1:125, 2:235 in Rome (Primary Document), 2:230–233 vigiles and, 1:124–125 First Jewish Rebellion. See Jewish Rebellion, First First Triumvirate, 1:xxxi, 80, 166, 187, 198–199, 2:6 Flavian Amphiteatre. See Colosseum Flavian Mausoleum, 2:169 Flavio-Antonines (68–192), 1:xxi-xxv, 185 Floods, 1:219, 225, 2:37–38 Primary Document, 2:216–217 Foreign relations (Primary Document), 2:221–223 Forts, 2:91, 92, 100 Forum (pl. fora), 1:162, 273, 2:157–159 imperial fora, 2:157–159 Franks, 1:21, 130–131, 149, 2:59 Freedmen, 1:129, 146–148 in bureaucracy, 1:61, 66, 281 citizenship for, 1:61, 99, 146 naming of, 1:146 patronage and, 1:147 Frumentarii, 2:93, 94 Gaiseric (390–477), 2:55–56 Galba, Servius Sulpicius, 1:228, 247, 2:15, 71– 72, 237

Galen, 2:10, 11 Galerius, 1:xxvi, 54, 55 Constantine and, 1:207–208 defeat of the Persians, 1:184, 212, 2:126 Diocletian and, 1:xxvi, 212 Edict of Toleration, 2:33–34, 248 Galla Placidia, 1:180, 236 mausoleum of, 1:46–47, 2:169 Gallienus (218–268), 1:xxv, 130, 244–246 campaigns against the Alamanni, 1:35, 2:59 Gallic Empire of, 1:21, 56 Thirty Tyrants and, 2:64–66 Valerian and, 1:xxv, 130, 244–246 Gallus, Cornelius (325–354), 1:121, 209, 210 Games, 1:59, 2:131, 223–225 aediles and, 1:59, 63, 89 chariot races, 1:72–75 in the Colosseum, 2:155, 192 cost of putting on, 1:59, 62, 63 curatores ludorum, 1:84 gladiators, 1:150–153 importance of, 2:223 Primary Document on, 2:223–225 types of, 1:74–75 See also Circus Gardens, 2:155–157 Gaul, 1:127 Caesar’s commentary on, 1:134–135, 199–200 Caesar’s conquest of, 1:183, 198, 199–200, 2:6 Cisalpine, 1:45, 198 cities in, 1:3, 33–34, 56 invasion by Vandals, 1:177 Lugdunum (Lyon), 1:33–34 Postumus’s rebellion and Gallic Empire, 1:21, 34, 37, 56, 246, 2:59, 60, 64, 65–66 Roman legions in, 2:101 Vercingetorix, 1:134–135, 198 Gens, 1:145 German cities, 1:2–3 Colonia Agrippina (Koln), 1:2–3, 20–22 Mogontiacum (Mainz), 1:36–38 Trier, 1:55–57 Germanic tribes, 1:148–150 Alamanni and Juthungi, 1:129–131, 149 Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion, 2:14–16, 237–239

311

312

|  Index conquered by Germanicus (Primary Document), 2:206–207 Germania, term use by Caesar, 1:148–149 Marcus Aurelius’ campaigns against, 1:226 Odacer and, 1:180 origins of, 1:148 Romanization of, 1:149 Varus and the German wars (Primary Document), 2:203–204 Germanicus, 1:7, 21, 189–190, 200 campaigns against Arminius, 2:58 Claudius and, 1:190, 204 death of, 1:190, 2:207–208, 213 German campaign of (Primary Document), 2:206–207 sons of, 1:190, 2:213 tactics of, 2:126 Tiberius and, 1:190, 238–239 Germany Free Germany, 1:127 Germania, term use, 1:148–149 Germanic kingdoms, 1:184 Limes Germanicus, 2:105–106 Roman legions in, 2:101–102 Roman navy and, 2:111 Teutoburg Forest, Battle of, 2:56–59 Gladiators, 1:150–153 female (Primary Document), 2:247–248 gladiatorial schools, 1:16, 106, 151, 2:155 popularity of, 1:151–152 Gold coins, 1:86, 87, 2:61, 151 mines for, 2:170 Golden House (Domus Aureus), 1:xxi, xxiii, 228, 2:153, 176–177 Primary Document, 2:233–235 Goths, 1:149, 178–181, 2:59–60 Adrianople, Battle of, 2:8–10, 253–256 Government and politics, 1:59–125 about (overview), 1:59–62, 250–251 aediles, 1:62–64 auspices or augury, 1:64–66 bureaucracy, 1:66–68 calendar, 1:67–70 censor, 1:70–72 comitia, 1:75–77 consilium, 1:77–79 consuls, 1:79–82

corporations, 1:82–83 curatores, 1:84–85 currency systems, 1:85–88 cursus honorum, 1:88–90 dictator, 1:90–92 equites, 1:92–94 foreign relations, 2:221–223 grain trade, 1:94–96 law courts, 1:96–99 manumission, 1:99–101 officials, 1:280–282 political key events, 2:2–3 pontifex maximus, 1:101–103 praeses (Roman governors), 1:103–105 prisons, 1:105–107 propaganda, 1:107–110 punishment, 1:110–112 Roman law, 1:112–115 Roman Republic, offices from, 1:59–60 Senate, 1:115–117 taxation, 1:118–119 third-century political chaos, 2:59–61 treason trials, 1:120–121 vestal virgins, 1:122–124 vigiles, 1:124–125 See also Bureaucracy; Taxation Governors, 1:60, 103–105, 251, 281 Gracchus, Gaius (154–121 BC), 1:76 Gracchus, Tiberius (166–133 BCE), 1:76 Grain supply, 1:254–255 annona, 1:95, 249, 254–255 distribution/subsidies to citizens, 1:59, 161, 252, 255 importance of, 2:221 Judea, importance for, 1:158 law cases relating to, 1:297 Primary Document on, 2:221 Vespasian’s control of, 1:247 Grain trade, 1:94–96 aediles and, 1:62 agents for, 1:95–96 Carthage and, 1:19 curatores annonae, 1:84 Egypt and, 1:2, 4, 161 grain commissioner (praefectus annonae), 1:62, 96, 255, 282 grain merchants, 1:161 navy protection for, 2:110–111

Index | price of grain, 1:295, 2:52–54 transport system for, 1:95 Gratian (359–383), 1:xxvii, 235, 236, 242, 243–244 Battle of Adrianople and, 2:9, 253 Greek language, 1:270 Greeks, Roman opinion on, 2:116 Groups and organizations, 1:127–181 about (overview), 1:127–129 Alamanni and Juthungi, 1:129–131 Bacchus, cult of, 1:131–134 Celts, 1:134–136 Christians, 1:136–139 Dacians, 1:139–142 desert tribes, 1:142–144 family names, 1:144–146 freedmen, 1:146–148 Germanic tribes, 1:148–150 gladiators, 1:150–153 Huns, 1:153–155 Isis and Osiris, cult of, 1:155–157 Jews, 1:157–159 Mauri, 1:159–160 merchants, 1:160–161 mystery religions, 1:163–165 Parthians, 1:165–167 Persians, 1:167–169 Picts, 1:169–170 slaves, 1:171–173 state religion, 1:173–175 traders, 1:175–178 Vandals, 1:176–178 Visigoths, 1:178–181 Hadrian (76–138), 1:xxiv, 216–218 adopted by Trajan, 1:xxiv, 185, 216–217 adoption of Antoninus by, 1:xxiv, 185, 192, 218 Athenian architecture associated with, 1:12, 13 British conquest and, 2:20 defenses of the empire, 1:217 Isis cult and, 1:156 mausoleum of, 2:169 questions on adoption by Trajan, 1:216–217, 241 Hadrian’s Wall, 1:170, 217, 2:95–97 composition and construction of, 2:105 purpose of, 2:20, 95, 96, 105

Hannibal, 1:50, 134, 164 Haruspex, 1:65, 283–284 Hellenistic age (336–31 BCE), 1:1 Herod Agrippa, 1:14, 202, 2:42–43 Herod Antipas, 1:42, 107, 2:41–42 Herod Archelaus, 1:262–263, 2:41 Herod the Great, 1:14, 29, 158, 218, 262 Masada and, 2:107 Honestiores, 2:28–29, 90 Honorius (395–423), 1:xxviii, 46, 236, 237 Visigoths and, 1:179–180, 236 Horace (65–8 BCE), 2:163 House arrest, 1:106 Humiliores, 2:28–29, 90 Huns, 1:153–155 Attila the Hun, 1:51, 153–154, 2:55 invasion of Italy, 1:154 Pope Leo I negotiating with, 1:51, 154 tribute paid by Rome to, 1:154, 237 Illyricum, 1:51–52, 235 troops from (equites Illyrici), 2:84 Imperium, 1:89 of aedile, 1:62 of censor, 1:71 of consul, 1:81, 89, 103, 104 of dictator, 1:71, 90 of praetor, 1:103, 104 Individuals, 1:183–248 about (overview), 1:183–186 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius, 1:187–188 Agrippina the Elder, 1:189–191 Antoninus Pius, 1:191–193 Augustus, 1:193–196 Aurelian, Lucius Domitius, 1:196–198 Caesar, Gaius Julius, 1:198–200 Caligula, 1:200–202 Claudius, 1:203–205 Cleopatra, 1:205–207 Constantine, 1:207–209 Constantine, House of, 1:209–211 Diocletian, 1:212–214 Domitian, 1:214–216 Gallienus, 1:244–246 Hadrian, 1:216–218 Jesus, 1:218–220 Livia Drusilla, 1:223–225 Marcus Aurelius, 1:225–227

313

314

|  Index Nero, 1:227–229 Palmyra, House of, 1:229–230 Sejanus, Lucius Aelius, 1:231–233 Severan Dynasty, 1:233–235 Theodosius, House of, 1:235–238 Tiberius, 1:238–240 Trajan, 1:240–242 Valentinian, House of, 1:242–244 Valerian, 1:244–245 Vespasian, Titus Flavius, 1:246–248 Infamia, 1:72 Infantry, 2:80, 112, 113, 125 heavy infantry, 2:113, 125, 126 Inflation, 1:87, 119, 213, 2:54, 62, 152 Informants (delatores), 1:265–267 Ingenuus, 2:65 Inscriptions, 2:159–162 honorific, 2:160 materials and techniques, 2:161–162 regulatory, 2:160–161 Institutions, 1:249–302 about (overview), 1:249–252 alimenta, 1:252–254 annona, 1:254–255 burial clubs, 1:255–257 census, 1:257–259 civitas, 1:259–260 client kings, 1:260–263 colonies, 1:263–265 delatores, 1:265–267 diocese, 1:267–268 language, 1:268–271 mansio (road system), 1:271–273 markets, 1:273–275 marriage, 1:275–278 mints, 1:278–280 officials, 1:280–282 priests, 1:283–284 provinces, 1:284–286 provincial capitals, 1:286–288 provincial law, 1:288–290 public health and sanitation, 1:290–292 public works, 1:292–294 regulations, business, 1:284–286 regulations, commercial, 1:296–298 religion, 1:298–301 sacrifices, 1:301–302 Intelligence gathering, 2:84–85, 93–94

Isis and Osiris, cult of, 1:128, 155–157, 164 Cleopatra and, 1:155–156 Javelin, 2:113 Jerome (345–420), 1:222–223, 2:55 Jerusalem, 1:28–31, 2:259–263 destruction of, 1:xxii, xxiv, 29, 30 Primary Document on, 2:259–263 renamed Aelia Capitolina, 1:30 Siege of, 2:240–242 Temple in, 1:29, 30, 158, 2:41 Jesus (ca. 4 BCE–29 CE), 1:218–220 nature of, Council of Nicaea and, 2:23–26 public ministry of, 1:219–220 trial and execution of, 1:219, 289, 2:117 viewed as Messiah, 1:136–137, 220 Jewish Rebellion, First (66–73 CE), 1:29, 2:38–41 destruction of the Temple, 2:41 Masada, Siege of, 2:107–110, 242–243 results of, 2:3 Roman statues places near Temple, 2:43 Sicarii and, 2:40, 42, 108, 242 Titus and, 2:39–41, 108 Jewish Rebellion, Second (Bar Kokhba Revolt) (132–136), 1:xxiv, 29 Jews, 1:128, 157–159 expelled from Rose, 2:222 Jesus and, 1:218–219 Jewish catacombs, 2:146–147 Sanhedrin, 1:289, 2:42, 117 Siege of Jerusalem and, 2:240–242 taxes on, 1:xxii, 158, 2:41 Zealots, 2:38, 40–41, 42, 108 Josephus, 2:39, 108, 109, 242, 259 Judaism, 1:299 Judea importance to grain supply, 1:158 Judea Provincial Disruption, 2:41–43 Julia (daughter of Augustus), 1:194, 195, 2:3, 43–45 arrest of, 2:45 death of, 2:45 married to Agrippa, 1:184, 188, 195, 2:44 married to Tiberius, 1:195, 224, 2:43–45 Julia Conspiracy (2 BCE), 2:3, 43–45 Julian (332–363), 1:209, 210–211 Julianus, Didius (133–193), 2:69–70

Index | Julio-Claudians (44 BCE–67 CE), 1:xix-xxi, 183, 227 Jurists, 1:112–113, 114 Jury, 1:97–98 Justinian law code, 1:113, 114 Juvenal (ca. 60–140), 2:163, 247–248 Kalends, 1:69–70 Key events, 2:1–73 about (overview), 2:1–5 Actium, Battle of, 2:5–8 Adrianople, Battle of, 2:8–10 Antonine plague, 2:10–12 Augustan Settlement, 2:12–14 Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion, 2:14–16 Boudicca Rebellion, 2:16–18 British Conquest, 2:19–21 Carausius Rebellion, 2:21–23 Council of Nicaea, 2:23–26 Dacian Wars, 2:26–28 Diocletian Persecutions, 2:28–31 Edict of Milan, 2:31–33 Edict of Toleration, 2:33–34 fires, 2:34–36 floods, 2:37–38 Jewish Rebellion, First, 2:38–41 Judea Provincial Disruption, 2:41–43 Julia Conspiracy, 2:43–45 Milvian Bridge, Battle of the, 2:46–48 Piso Conspiracy, 2:48–50 Pre-Diocletianic persecutions, 2:50–52 Price Edict, 2:52–54 Sack of Rome (410 CE), 2:54–56 Teutoburg Forest, Battle of, 2:56–59 third-century political chaos, 2:59–61 third-century social chaos, 2:61–64 Thirty Tyrants, 2:64–66 Vesuvius Eruption, 2:66–68 Year of the Five Emperors, 2:68–70 Year of the Four Emperors, 2:71–73 Laelianus, 2:64–65 Land tax, 1:118–119, 2:117 Land tenure, 2:62–63 Language, 1:268–271 Latin classification for civitas, 1:259 language, 1:268–270, 271

Latin Fathers of the Western Church, 1:186, 220–223 Ambrose (ca. 340–397), 1:220–221 Augustine (354–430), 1:221–222 Jerome (345–420), 1:222–223 Latrines, 1:291–292 Law, 1:96–99 ius gentium (law of nations), 1:114 Justinian law code, 1:113, 114 provincial law, 1:250, 288–290 Roman law, 1:112–115, 192 Theodosian Law Code, 1:xxviii, 235, 237 See also Provincial law; Roman law Law courts, 1:96–99, 297 accuser, witnesses, jury, and defense, 1:97–98 for broken contracts, 1:297 modification by emperors, 1:61 Primary Document, 2:218–220 private prosecution, 1:97–98, 110, 265 public prosecution, 1:114 speeches in, 1:98–99, 2:162 transferred to the Senate, 1:120 verdict and sentences, 1:98, 106–107, 110–112 Leap year, 2:200 Legate (legatus), 1:104, 2:89, 90, 103 legatus augusti, 1:281, 282, 2:89 legatus legionis, 2:89, 98, 103 Legion, 2:97–99 centurions and, 2:98, 104 commander (legatus legionis), 2:89, 98, 103 personal loyalty to commander, 2:98 reduction in number of, 2:98 Legionary camps, 2:99–101, 129 Legionary deployment, 2:101–103 Legionary officers, 2:103–104 Lex Julia, 1:120, 259 Liber, 1:131, 133 Licinius, 1:xxvi, 23, 208 Edict of Milan, 2:31–33, 251–253 Lictors, 1:62, 79 Lighthouses, 1:5, 6, 39, 2:182 Limes (pl. limites), 1:217, 2:104–107 Antonine Wall, 2:77–80 dux limites, 2:105 enlargement of, 1:234 Hadrian’s Wall, 2:95–97, 105 Limes Arabicus, 2:106

315

316

|  Index Limes Britannicus, 2:105 Limes Germanicus, 2:105–106 Limes Noricum, 2:106 Limes Pannonicus, 2:106 Limes Tripolitanus, 2:106–107 major limites, 2:105 purpose of, 2:95, 96, 104–105, 107 Literature, 2:162–164 golden and silver ages of, 2:162 inscriptions and, 2:159–160 poetry, 2:162 prose, 2:162–163 satire, 2:163 See also Primary Documents Liturgies (compulsory labor duty), 2:61 Livia Drusilla (58 BCE–29 CE), 1:184, 223–225 divine status granted, 1:224 sons Tiberius and Drusus, 1:223–224, 238 Loans, 1:297 London, 1:31–33 London Wall, 1:31–32 Lugdunum (Lyon), 1:33–34 Luxury goods, regulation of, 1:294–295 Macedon, 1:53–54, 261 Machines, 2:164–166 Macrianus Major, 2:65 Macrianus Minor, 2:65 Macrinus (217–18), 1:233, 234, 243, 245 Magistrates, 1:66–68 consilium (advisory council), 1:77–79 Malaria, 1:291 Mamertine Prison, 1:105–106 Mansio (road system), 1:251, 271–273 Manumission, 1:99–101 citizenship for freed slaves, 1:61, 99, 146 limits on, 1:100 tax on, 1:146 types of, 1:100 See also Freedmen Manus, 1:276 Marble quarries, 2:166–168 Carrara, 2:166 colors of marble, 2:167 methods of quarrying, 2:166–167 stones other than marble, 2:167–168 transportation of marble, 2:167

Marcus Aurelius (121–180), 1:xxiv, 225–227 adopted by Antoninus, 1:xxiv, 185, 192, 225 Column of, 2:186–187 coruler Lucius Verus, 1:225–226 crises during reign of, 1:225–226 Meditations of, 1:10, 16, 226 Marius (usurper in 269 CE), 2:64 Marius, Gaius (157–86 BCE), 1:76, 198, 2:5 Markets, 1:176, 249, 273–275, 293 aediles and, 1:62–63, 274 bartering, 1:273 days/cycles, 1:70, 273, 275 fairness of, 1:59, 63, 274 forum, 1:162, 273 macellum, 1:176, 274, 293 mercatus, 1:273, 293 money, use in, 1:273–274 nundinae, 1:275 price controls, 1:295 regulation of, 1:294–296 specialized, in Rome, 1:274 Marriage, 1:275–278 coemptio, 1:276 confarreatio, 1:276 customs of, 1:277 manus and, 1:276 sine manu, 1:276–277 types of, 1:276–277 usus, 1:276 of vestal virgins, 1:122 wedding cake and sacrifice, 1:277 wedding procession, 1:277–278 Masada, Siege of (73/74 CE), 2:107–110, 125 Primary Document on, 2:242–243 suicides at, recent evidence on, 2:109 Mauri, 1:128, 159–160 Mausoleums, 2:168–170 of Alexander the Great, 1:6 of Augustus, 1:50, 2:160, 168–169 of Galerius, 1:55 of Galla Placidia, 1:46–47, 2:169 Maxentius, 2:46–48, 169, 250–251 Maximian, 1:xxvi, 35, 36, 56, 2:21–22 persecution of Christians, 2:33 Medallions, 1:278, 2:150 Mediolanum (Milan), 1:35–36, 130 Edict of Milan, 1:35, 2:31–33, 251–253 Mercatores, 1:160, 175

Index | Merchants, 1:160–161 mercatores, 1:160, 175 navicularii, 1:160–161 negotiatores, 1:160, 175 regulation of, 1:296–298 Metamorphoses, 2:163 Military, 2:75–135 about (overview), 2:75–77 Antonine Wall, 2:77–80 auxiliaries, 2:80–81 bureaucracy and, 1:66 careers, examples of, 2:90 catapults, 2:81–84 cavalry, 2:84–86 centurions, 2:86–87 citizenship, military as path to, 2:80–81, 88, 111, 119–120 cohort, 2:87–89 comitia (assemblies) and, 1:76–77 command, 1:183–184, 2:89–91 consuls and, 1:79 defensive policy, 2:91–92 Hadrian’s Wall, 2:95–97 infantry, 2:80 legion, 2:97–99 legionary camps, 2:99–101, 129 legionary deployment, 2:101–103 legionary officers, 2:103–104 limes, 2:104–107 Masada, Siege of, 2:107–110, 125 navy, 2:110–112 number of troops, 2:91 order of battle, 2:112–114 Praetorian Guard, 2:114–116 provincial treatment, 2:116–118 recruitment and service, 2:118–120 reforms and forces under Augustus, 2:203 removal of property requirement for, 1:76 roads and projects, 2:120–123 shock troops, 2:84, 85, 126 siege, 2:123–125 social advancement through, 2:75, 76, 80, 90 tactics, 2:125–127 training, 2:76, 127–129 triumph, 2:129–132 uniforms, 2:132–133 weapons, 2:133–135

Military camps, 2:75–76 construction of, 2:129 Military ships, 2:188–190 Milvian Bridge, Battle of the (312 CE), 1:208, 2:46–48 Mines, 2:170–171 Mints, 1:249–250, 278–280 Diocletian reforms of, 1:213 forgeries and counterfeits, 1:280 locations of, 1:87–88 minting process, 1:278–280 provincial, 1:56, 61, 87 traveling with the emperor, 1:280 Mithras, cult of, 1:164–165, 300 Mogontiacum (Mainz), 1:36–38 Monetary system. See Currency systems Morality, supervision by censors, 1:70, 71–72 Mosaics, 2:171–173 Municipia, 1:259–260 Mystery religions, 1:128, 163–165, 299–300 Nabataeans, 1:41–42 Names. See Family names Natural disasters, 2:4 Navy, 2:110–112 Actium, Battle of, 2:5–8, 110 commanders, 2:111 in frontier regions, 2:110–111 grain supply, protection of, 2:110–111 military ships, 2:188–190 protection of grain trade, 2:110–111 sailors, 2:111 Negotiatores, 1:160, 175 Nero (37–68), 1:xxi, 227–229, 2:3 adopted by Claudius, 1:227 games of, 2:223–224 Golden House (Domus Aureus) of, 1:xxi, xxiii, 228, 2:153, 176–177, 233–235 great fire and, 1:227, 2:3, 35, 153 mausoleum of, 2:169 mother Agrippina and, 1:227 persecution of Christians by, 1:xxi, 2:225–226 Piso Conspiracy and, 2:48–50 rebellions under, 1:xxi, 228, 2:48, 50 singing of, 2:235–237 suicide/death of, 1:xxi, 185, 228

317

318

|  Index Nerva (30–98 CE), 1:xxiii, 216 adoption of Trajan by, 1:xxiii, 185, 240 Nicean Creed, 1:221, 2:25 Niger, Pescennius (135–194), 2:70 Nomen, 1:144, 145 Novus homo (new man), 1:79 Numina, 1:173 Objects and artifacts, 2:137–196 about (overview), 2:137–140 aqueducts, 2:140–142 Ara Pacis, 2:142–145 catacombs, 2:145–148 clothing, 2:148–150 coins, 2:150–152 Colosseum, 2:153–155 gardens, 2:155–157 imperial fora, 2:157–159 inscriptions, 2:159–162 literature, 2:162–164 machines, 2:164–166 marble quarries, 2:166–168 mausoleums, 2:168–170 mines, 2:170–171 mosaics, 2:171–173 paintings, 2:173–176 palaces, 2:176–178 papyri, 2:178–180 ports and harbors, 2:180–183 pottery, 2:183–185 sculpture, 2:185–187 ships, 2:188–190 theaters, odeons, and arenas, 2:190–192 villas, 2:192–195 votive offerings, 2:195–196 Octavian. See Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE) Odaenathus, Lucius Septimius (220–267), 1:229–230, 2:60, 66 Odeons, 2:190, 191–192 Officers, legionary, 2:103–104 Officials, 1:280–282 Olympic Games, 1:8 Order of battle, 2:112–114 types of attacks, 2:113–114 Ostia, 1:xxi, 38–41, 162, 2:182 building program of Claudius, 1:204, 2:182, 220 silting of harbor, 1:39, 2:182

Ostrogoths, 1:180 Otho, Marcus Salvius, 2:72 Ovid, 2:162 Paganism, 1:298 attempted restoration under Julian, 1:xxvi, 7, 2:11 Christians and, 1:15, 35, 221 Edict of Thessalonica and, 1:54 in Egypt, 1:4 Jews and, 1:157 outlawing of, 1:xxviii, 28, 221, 236 Sibylline Books, 1:102–103, 284 Paintings, 2:173–176 pigments, 2:174 styles of, 2:175 Palaces, 2:176–178 for government and personnel, 2:177 as residences, 2:176–177 for retreat and solitude, 2:177–178 See also Golden House Palmyra, House of, 1:229–230 Aurelian and, 1:196–197, 230, 2:60 Odaenathus and, 1:229–230, 2:60, 66 Zenobia and, 1:143, 196–197, 230, 2:60 Pannonia, 1:9–10, 16, 52, 177 Limes Pannonicus, 2:106 Roman navy and, 2:111 Pantheon, 1:188, 218 Papyri, 2:178–180 Parthians, 1:128, 165–167, 225–226 Paterfamilias, 1:71, 275–276 Patricians, 1:xx, 71, 92 Patronage, 1:147 Paul, 1:24, 54, 137 rights as Roman citizen, 1:259, 289, 2:117 trial of, 1:97 Peculium, 1:82, 101 Persians, 1:128, 167–169, 230, 245 defeat by Galerius, 1:184, 212, 2:126 peace treaty with, 1:237 Shapur I, 1:167–168, 229, 2:59–60 Shapur II, 1:168, 210 Pertinax, Publius Helvius (126–193), 2:69 Petra, 1:41–43 Petronius, 2:163 Philippi, Battle of, 1:xxxi, 149, 2:6 Picts, 1:127, 169–170

Index | Pilate, Pontius, 1:15, 136, 219, 2:42 Piso Conspiracy (65 CE), 1:228, 239, 2:48–50 Primary Document, 2:207–209 Plague, 1:166, 185, 226, 2:4 alternate diseases possibly named as, 2:10, 11 Antonine plague, 2:10–12 Cyprian plague, 2:11 Plebeians, 1:62, 76 Pliny the Elder, 2:243 Pliny the Younger (61–113 CE), 2:68, 163, 243 on Vesuvius eruption, 2:244–246 Plutarch, 2:49, 197 Poetry, 2:162 Policing of markets (by aediles), 1:62 of morals (by censors), 1:71–72 by Praetorian Guard, 1:125 of regions of Rome (by curatores regionum), 1:85 by Urban Cohorts, 1:125 by vigiles, 1:124–125, 2:36 Politics. See Government and politics Poll tax, 1:118–119, 2:117 Pompeii, 1:43–45, 2:66–68, 138 paintings at, 2:173–175 Pomponius Mela (d. 45 CE), 2:163 Pontifex maximus, 1:101–103, 283, 284 Augustus as, 1:65, 101–102, 108, 174, 2:13 Pope Leo I, 1:51, 154 Population, 1:249, 252 encouragement of families and reproduction, 1:252 growth of, 1:249 of Rome, 1:48, 51, 94 subsidies and, 1:249 Ports and harbors, 2:180–183 Postumus, Agrippa, 1:189, 190 Postumus, C. Latinius, rebellion and Gallic Empire of (260–269), 1:21, 34, 37, 56, 246, 2:59, 60, 64, 65–66 Postumus, Poenius, 2:16, 18 Pottery, 2:183–185 Praenomen, 1:144, 145 Praeses (Roman governors), 1:60, 103–105 Praetor, 1:62, 89, 112, 114 edicts of, 1:112, 114 praetor urbanus, praetor peregrinus, 1:89 propraetor (ex-praetor), 1:103, 104

Praetorian Guard, 2:114–116, 237 Augustus and, 2:203 Claudius and, 1:185, 202, 203, 2:115 emperor-making by, 1:185, 202, 2:115 Macrinus, 1:233, 234 Macro, 1:200, 201 number of, 2:114, 116 pay rate for, 2:114–115 power of, 1:231–233, 2:115, 214–215, 237 Praetorian Camp outside Rome, 1:231, 2:115 Primary Documents, 2:214–215, 237 Sejanus and, 1:231–233, 2:115, 214–215 Strabo, 1:231 Tiberius and, 1:231–233, 2:115 Urban Cohorts and, 2:115–116 Praetorian prefect (praefectus praetorio), 1:282 Prasutagus, 2:16–17, 227 Prayer, Roman, 2:201–202 Pre-Diocletianic persecutions, 2:50–52 Prefects (praefecti), 1:63, 218, 282 praefectus annonae, 1:62, 96, 255, 283 praefectus castrorum (prefect of the camp), 2:89, 98, 103–104 praefectus praetorio, 1:282 praefectus urbanus, 1:282 Price Edict (301), 1:213, 295, 2:52–54 inscriptions of, 2:161 Prices inflation/avaritia and, 2:62, 152 price controls, 1:295, 2:52–54 Priests, 1:283–284 Primary Documents, 2:197–263 Augustus’s fire brigades, 2:202–203 Augustus’s looks, 2:204–205 Battle of Adrianople, 2:253–256 Calendar, 2:199–200 Caligula’s cruelty, 2:216 City of Alexandria, 2:256–259 City of Jerusalem, 2:259–263 Civilis Rebellion, 2:237–239 Claudius’s public works, 2:220 Constantine and the Chi–Rho, 2:249–251 Cursus Honorum, 2:198–199 Disposition of forces under Augustus, 2:203 Domitian as a God, 2:246–247 Edict of Milan, 2:251–253 Edict of Toleration, 2:248–249 Eruption of Mount Vesuvius, 2:243–246

319

320

|  Index Female gladiator, 2:247–248 Fires in Rome, 2:230–233 Flooding of the Tiber River, 2:216–217 Foreign relations, 2:221–223 Games, 2:223–225 Germanicus conquers the Germans, 2:206–207 Grain supply, 2:221 Julius Caesar’s funeral, 2:200–201 Legal courts, 2:218–220 Nero’s private house, 2:233–235 Nero’s punishment of Christians, 2:225–226 Nero’s singing, 2:235–237 New taxes, 2:217–218 Persecution of cults, 2:212–213 Piso Affair, 2:207–209 Praetorian Guard, 2:237 Republican fire brigade under Crassus, 2:197–198 Roman Prayer, 2:201–202 Sejanus and the power of the Praetorian Guard, 2:214–215 Siege of Jerusalem, 2:240–242 Siege of Masada, 2:242–243 Thracian War, 2:209–212 Tiberius’s depravity, 2:215–216 Tiberius’s relations with Agrippina, 2:213–214 Treason trials under Tiberius, 2:205–206 Urine tax, 2:239–240 Varus and the German wars, 2:203–204 Wars in Britain, 2:226–230 Princeps title, 1:90, 91, 92, 108, 2:13 Prisons, 1:105–107, 110–111 as holding places, 1:105 Proconsul (ex-consul), 1:103, 281 Procurators (procuratores), 1:281, 282 Profit avaritia, 2:62 Crassus’ fire brigade and, 2:197 Propaganda, 1:107–110, 2:137–138 Ara Pacis as, 2:138–139 coinage and, 2:152 Propraetor (ex-praetor), 1:103, 104 Provinces, 1:250, 284–286 census in, 1:257–258, 285 citizenship and, 1:260, 290, 2:117–118 colonies and, 1:263–265

dioceses, 1:250, 267–268 imperial, 1:281–282, 286 local population, support from, 1:289–290, 2:117 major provinces, 1:284–285 noncitizens, treatment of, 2:116–117 Roman view of provincials, 1:288–289, 2:116–118 senatorial, 1:281 splitting of, 1:67, 267 taxes/tax collection, 1:60, 281, 285, 288, 2:117 Provincial capitals, 1:286–288 Provincial government and offices, 1:59, 103–105 aediles, 1:63 corruption in, 1:250 courts, 1:61 legates (legatus augusti), 1:281, 282, 285 Roman governors (praeses), 1:103–105, 281– 282, 285, 286, 289 taxation, 1:60 terms of office, 1:285 Provincial law, 1:250, 288–290 applications of Roman law, 1:115 civil versus criminal law, 1:289 governors’ abuse of power, 1:290 local population, support from, 1:289–290 Roman control over noncitizens, 1:289 Roman governors and, 1:286, 288, 289 tax cases, 1:290 Provincial treatment, 2:116–118 Public enemy, 1:120, 228, 266 Public health and sanitation, 1:290–292 Public works, 1:292–294 of Claudius, 1:xxi, 204, 2:220 creation of jobs with, 1:251 curatores for, 1:84 of Domitian, 1:214–215 financing of, 1:292 in Flavio-Antonine period, 1:xxiv-xxv of Vespasian, 1:xxiii, 248 Publicani, 1:60, 66, 118 Pulleys, 2:164–166 Punic Wars, 1:18, 48 Hannibal and, 1:50, 134, 164 Second (218–201 BCE), 1:43, 134, 261, 2:93, 123

Index | Third (149–146), 2:123 use of spies during, 2:93 Punishment, 1:110–112 banishment, 1:111 examples of, 1:98 execution, 1:107, 111, 2:117 exile, 1:98, 120 immediacy of, 1:98, 2:117 sentences, 1:98, 106–107 suicide and, 1:98 transportation, 1:111 Quaestors, 1:59, 116 number of, 1:88 Quarries, 2:166–168 Quietus, 1:229, 2:65

Races. See Chariot races; Circus Ravenna, 1:45–48 Adriatic Fleet and, 1:46, 47–48 as capital of Roman Empire, 1:46 Galla Placidia’s mausoleum in, 1:46–47, 2:169 Roman emperors ruling from, 1:xxviii, 3, 46 Reconnaissance, 2:84–85, 112, 125 Recruitment and military service, 2:118–120 age for, 2:119 Christians and, 2:51–52 noncitizens, 2:119 Roman citizens, 2:118–119 Regulations, business, 1:284–286 Regulations, commercial, 1:296–298 broken contracts, 1:297 loans and repayment, 1:297 verification of goods, 1:297 Regulatory inscriptions, 2:160–161 Reliefs, 2:185–186 Religion, 1:128, 186, 250, 298–301 auspices, interpreting, 1:64–66, 283–284 Bacchus, cult of, 1:131–134, 164 Christianity, 1:300 cults, 1:299–301, 2:212–213 emperors and, 1:101, 250 family and household shrines, 1:298 flamines, 1:102 importance to Roman emperors, 1:61 Isis and Osiris, cult of, 1:155–157, 164

Judaism, 1:299 key events, 2:3–4 mystery religions, 1:163–165, 299–300 pontifex maximus, 1:101–103, 283, 284 priests, 1:283–284 rex sacrorum, 1:283 Roman prayer (Primary Document), 2:201–202 sacrifices and, 1:250, 301–302 salii, 1:102 state religion, 1:128, 173–175, 298 as tool for peace and justice, 1:250 votive offerings, 2:195–196 worship of emperors, 1:102, 117, 174, 300 See also Christianity; Jews; Paganism Republican Fire Brigade under Crassus, 2:197–198 Res Gestae, 2:160, 168 Rex sacrorum, 1:283 Road system (mansio), 1:251, 271–273 trade and, 1:175 Roads and projects, 2:120–123 bridges and arches, 2:122 construction specifics, 2:120 curatores for, 1:84, 2:120 financing of, 2:120 military roads, 2:77, 121–122 survey and routes, 2:121–122 tunnels, 2:122 types of roads, 2:120 Via Appia, 2:120, 121 Roman citizenship. See Citizenship Roman Empire chief cities of, 1:19 chronology of, 1:xxxi-xxxiii collapse of, 1:xxvii-xxviii expansion of, 1:xix-xxi, 240–242, 285, 2:91 greatest extent of, 1:xxii (map) introduction to, 1:xix-xxix periods in, 1:xix-xxix Roman law, 1:112–115 Antoninus Pius and, 1:192 civil law, 1:113 commentaries on, 1:115 constitutiones principum (imperial legislation), 1:114 delatores and, 1:265–267 evolution of, 1:113–115

321

322

|  Index ius gentium (law of nations), 1:114 jury in, 1:97–98 law code (Corpus Juris Civilis), 1:14, 113 law courts, 1:96–99 lay judges, 1:113 Lex Julia, 1:120, 259 praetors and, 1:112, 113, 114 praetors’ edicts, 1:112, 114 precedents and, 1:112, 113 private prosecutions, 1:97–98, 110, 265 provinces, application in, 1:115 public prosecution, 1:114 punishment, 1:110–112 responsa prudentium, 1:114–115 rights for provincials, 1:60 senatus consultum, 1:114 Twelve Tables, 1:112, 114 See also Provincial law Roman psyche, 2:201–202 Roman Republic, 1:59–60, 75 Rome, 1:48–51 fires in, 2:34–36, 230–233 fora in, 2:157–159 foundation myth, 1:64 great fire (64 CE), 1:137, 228, 2:4, 35, 153, 230–233 hills of, 1:49 markets in, 1:274 population of, 1:48, 51, 94 provision of grain for, 1:94–96, 254–255, 2:221 public architecture in, 1:xxiv-xxv, 2:157–159 regions of, 1:49, 85, 124 sack of. See Sack of Rome sanitation in, 1:290–292 as seat of Christian religion, 1:48, 51 Tiber River and, 1:48, 49, 2:216–217 triumphs in, 2:129–132 walls of, 1:50, 130, 196, 2:60 See also Ostia; Sack of Rome Romulus calendar and, 1:68 founding of Rome and, 1:48, 64 Rubicon, Caesar’s crossing of, 1:199 Sack of Rome by Alaric (410 CE), 1:180, 2:54–56 beliefs on causes for, 1:102

by Gauls, 1:71, 134 by Vandals (455 CE), 1:xxxiii, 51, 178, 2:55–56 Sacrifices, 1:250, 301–302 human, 1:302 required of Christians (to Roman gods), 2:28–30, 50, 245 Sanhedrin, 1:289, 2:42, 117 Sanitation, 1:290–292 Saracens, 1:142 Satire, 2:163 Saturninus, rebellion of, 1:xxiii, 37, 215 Satyricon, 2:163 Scaurus, Marcus Aemilius, 1:41–42 Scipio Africanus, 2:93 Sculpture, 2:185–187 Second Triumvirate, 1:xxxi, 80, 187, 194, 2:6 Sejanus, Lucius Aelius (20 BCE–31 CE), 1:231–233, 2:115, 214–215 condemnation by Senate, 1:232 Primary Document, 2:214–215 Tiberius and, 1:185, 231–232, 239 Senate, 1:115–117 comitia centuriata power transferred to, 1:76 consuls and, 1:117 creation of dictators, 1:90 decrease in power of, 1:60 emperor at meetings of, 1:117 entry into the Senate, 1:116–117 number of senators, 1:116 princeps senatus, 1:92 purges of, 1:72 rank of senators, 1:117 senators prohibited from trade and commerce, 1:93, 95, 296 senatus consultum, 1:114, 117 Senatorial order, 1:92–93 Seneca, 1:227, 228 Seneca the Younger (4 BCE- 65 CE), 2:163 Septimius Severus (193–211), 1:xxv, 16, 233– 234, 2:70 bureaucracy changes under, 1:67 Severan Dynasty (193–235), 1:184, 233–235 Caracalla (211–217), 1:233, 234 Elagabalus (218–222), 1:233, 234–235 Septimius Severus (193–211), 1:233–234 Severus Alexander (222–235), 1:233, 235 Severan era of chaos (192–284), 1:xxv-xxvi

Index | Severus Alexander (222–235), 1:233, 235 price controls under, 2:53–54 Sewer system, 1:291–292 Cloaca Maxima, 1:291 Shapur I (241–272), 1:167–168, 229, 2:59–60 Shapur II (309–379), 1:168, 210 Shield, 2:135 Ships, 2:188–190 Roman navy, 2:110–112 Shock troops, 2:84, 85, 126 Shoes (caligae), 2:132 Sibylline Books, 1:102–103, 284 Siege, 2:76–77, 123–125 of Jerusalem, 2:240–242 of Syracuse, 2:82, 123 Slaves, 1:128–129, 171–173 as corporation co-owners, 1:82–83, 95 freed slaves, citizenship for, 1:61, 99, 146 manumission of, 1:99–101 penal servitude, 1:111 sales tax on, 1:119, 124 slave rebellions, 1:172–173 sources of, 1:171–172 types of, 1:172 See also Freedmen Social chaos, third-century, 2:61–64 Spain, Roman legions in, 2:101 Spears, 2:134, 135 hasta, 2:135 javelins, 2:113 pilum, 2:126, 128–129, 135 Speculatores, 2:93–94 Spies, 2:93–94, 125 Split and Salona, 1:51–53 baths at Split, 1:52 Diocletian and, 1:3, 52–53, 212, 213, 2:169 State religion, 1:128, 173–175, 298 Christianity as, 1:xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, 218 emperor and, 1:173–174 pontifex maximus and, 1:101–103, 174 versus mystery religions, 1:163–164, 300 worship of emperors, 1:102, 117, 174, 300 Stilicho, 1:177, 236 Stone (other than marble), 2:167–168 Suetonius (author/historian), 2:163 See also Primary Documents Suetonius Paulinus (governor of Britain), 1:31, 136, 228, 2:16–18, 20

Druids, dealing with, 2:226–227 tactics against Boudicca, 2:17, 18, 126, 228–230 wars in Britain (Primary Document), 2:226–230 Sulla, Lucius Cornelius (138–78 BCE), 1:13, 76, 2:5 as dictator, 1:91 march on Rome, 1:76–77 treason, definition of charge, 1:120 Sumptuary laws, 1:295 Swords gladius, 2:128, 133 spathea, 2:133 Syracuse, Siege of, 2:82, 123 Tabularium, 1:293 Tacitus (56–117 CE), 1:215, 265–266, 2:162–163 on father-in-law Agricola, 2:20, 163 See also Primary Documents Tactics, 2:125–127 flexibility of, 2:125–126 order of battle, 2:112–114 surprise and, 2:127 See also specific battles and campaigns Taxation, 1:118–119, 2:62 annona, 2:62 census and, 1:257–258 cities as guarantor for, 2:62 inheritance tax, 1:119 manumission, tax on, 1:146 new taxes, 1:118, 119, 247, 2:217–218 payment in money or kind, 1:119 poll and land taxes, 1:118–119, 2:117 portoria (import/export taxes), 1:119 Primary Document: new taxes, 2:217–218 in the provinces, 1:60, 281, 285, 288 publicani, 1:60, 66, 118 sales tax on slaves, 1:119, 124 tax collection, 1:60, 66, 118, 119, 288, 2:117 urine tax, 1:40, 247, 2:239–240 Tesserae, 2:171–172 Tetrarchic-Constantinian period (284–364), 1:xxvi-xxvii, 170, 212 Teutoburg Forest, Battle of the (9 CE), 2:1, 56–59 Theaters, odeons, and arenas, 2:190–192 Theodoric the Great (Ostragoth chieftain), 1:180

323

324

|  Index Theodosian Law Code, 1:xxviii, 235, 237 Theodosius (347–395), 1:xxvii-xxviii, 235–236, 2:9 campaigns against the Visigoths, 1:235–236 closing of pagan temples, 1:221, 236 excommunication and penance, 1:54 massacre at Thessalonica, 1:54 Theodosius, House of, 1:184, 235–238 Arcadius, 1:236–237 Honorius (395–423), 1:236, 237 Theodosius (347–395) (the Great), 1:235–236 Theodosius II (401–450), 1:237 Vandal leader Stilicho and, 1:177, 236 Thessalonica, 1:53–55 Edict of Thessalonica, 1:54 Epistles to the Thessalonians, 1:54 massacre at, 1:54 Third-century political chaos, 2:59–61 Third-century social chaos, 2:61–64 Thirty Tyrants, 2:64–66 Thracian War (Primary Document), 2:209–212 Tiber River, 1:48, 49, 2:37 flooding of, 1:219, 225, 2:37–38 flooding of (Primary Document), 2:216–217 Tiberius (42 BCE–37 CE), 1:xxi, 238–240 abolishment of foreign cults, 2:212 adopted by Augustus, 1:xxi, 238 brother Drusus, 1:238, 2:213–214 character of, 1:265–266 as chief commander under Augustus, 2:90 depravity of (Primary Document), 2:215–216 exiled by Augustus, 1:195 expansion of empire under, 1:240–242, 285 German campaigns of, 2:204 Piso conspiracy and, 1:228, 239, 2:207–209 Praetorian Guard and, 1:231–233, 2:115 relations with Agrippina, 1:185, 190, 232, 239 relations with Agrippina (Primary Document), 2:213–214 Sejanus and, 1:185, 231–233, 239 son Drusus, 1:231–232 treason trials under, 1:120–121, 239, 2:205–206 use of delatores, 1:265–266 wife Julia, 1:195, 224, 2:43–45

wife Vispania, 1:195 withdrawal to Capri, 1:232, 238, 239, 2:178, 215 Titus (son of Vespasian), 1:xxi, xxii, 214, 247, 248 Arch of Titus, 2:40, 41, 185 Jewish Rebellion and, 2:39–41, 108 Toga, 1:62, 2:148, 149 Tortoise/turtle (testudo), 2:124, 135 Torture, 1:111 Trade commercial ships, 2:189–190 Ostia and, 1:38–40, 162 portoria (import/export taxes), 1:119 regulations regarding, 1:296–298 road system and, 1:175 senators prohibited from, 1:93, 95, 296 Thessalonica and, 1:54 verification of goods, 1:297 See also Grain trade Traders, 1:175–178 mercatores and negotiatores, 1:160, 175 Training of military, 2:127–129 Trajan (53–117), 1:xxiii-xxiv, 240–242 adopted by Nerva, 1:xxiii, 185, 240 adoption of Hadrian by, 1:xxiv, 185, 216– 217, 241 alimenta and, 1:241, 252–253 Column of Trajan, 2:26, 28, 82, 159, 169, 186 Dacian Wars and, 1:240–241, 2:27–28 declared optimus princeps (best of rulers), 1:240 expansion of Roman Empire under, 1:xxii (map), 240–242, 285 Forum of, 2:159 relations with the Senate, 1:240 triumphal arch in Antioch, 1:8 Transportation (as punishment), 1:111 Treason laws, 1:120–121, 266 Treason trials, 1:120–121 Lex Julia, 1:120 majestas (charge of treason), 1:120 modification of the courts and, 1:61 perduellio (public enemy), 1:120 Primary Document, 2:205–206 Tiberius and, 1:120–121, 239, 2:205–206 Tribal assembly, 1:76 Tribal system, Roman, 1:145

Index | Tribune, 1:88–89 military, 2:89, 90, 103, 104 Tribute, 1:22, 66 exemptions from, 2:14, 222 paid to Huns (by Rome), 1:154, 237 Trier, 1:55–57 mint at, 1:56 Trireme, 2:188 Triumph, 2:129–132 army allowed inside Rome for, 2:130 captives in chains, 1:230, 2:130 cash rewards during, 2:131 games after, 2:131 procession through Rome, 2:130–131 reserved for imperial family, 2:129, 131 vestments and accoutrements for, 2:131 Triumvirates First (Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus), 1:xxxi, 80, 166, 187, 198–199, 2:6 Second (Octavian, Antony, and Lepidus), 1:xxxi, 80, 187, 194, 2:6 Tunnels, 2:122 Turtle/tortoise (testudo), 2:124, 135 Twelve Tables, 1:112, 114 Uniforms (of army), 2:132–133 body armor, 2:132 clothing, 2:132–133 helmet, 2:132 shoes, 2:132 woolen pants, 2:132–133 See also Clothing Urban Cohorts, 1:125, 2:116 Urine tax, 1:40, 247 dry cleaning and, 1:40 Primary Document, 2:239–240 Valens (328–378), 1:23, 242, 243 Battle of Adrianople and, 1:xxvii, 179, 243, 2:9, 253–256 as coemperor, 1:xxvii, 184 Valentinian, House of, 1:242–244 Gratian (359–383), 1:xxvii, 235, 236, 242, 243–244 Valens (328–378), 1:xxvii, 23, 242, 243 Valentinian I (321–375), 1:xxvii, 242–243 Valentinian II (371–392), 1:236, 242 Valentinian III, 1:154, 180, 236

Valentinian-Theodosian Collapse (364–476), 1:xxvii-xxviii Valerian (ca. 193–260), 1:xxv, 244–245, 2:59–60 Gallienus and, 1:xxv, 130, 244–245, 2:59 military career of, 1:184 Vandals, 1:149, 176–178, 2:25, 51 Gaiseric, 2:55–56 sack of Rome (455 CE), 1:xxxiii, 51, 178, 2:55–56 Varus, Publius Quintilius, 2:56–59 German wars of (Primary Document), 2:203–204 loss of Roman legions, 2:58 Vercingetorix, 1:134–135, 198 Verus, Lucius, 1:225–226, 2:10 Vespasian, Titus Flavius (9–79 CE), 1:xxi-xxii, 246–248, 2:72–73 accomplishments, 2:71 British conquest and, 1:247, 2:19 Colosseum construction under, 1:xxiii, 246, 248, 2:153 Flavian dynasty and, 1:185, 2:71 Forum of, 2:158 as governor of Africa, 1:247 Isis cult and, 1:156 Jewish Rebellion and, 2:38, 39 military career of, 1:183 public works of, 1:xxiii, 248 sons Titus and Domitian, 1:247, 248 taxes and, 1:247, 2:239–240 Vestal virgins, 1:122–124 as keepers of wills, 1:123 length of career, 1:122 Vesuvius Eruption (79 CE), 1:xxii, 2:66–68 Primary Document, 2:243–246 Via Appia, 2:120, 121 Victorinus, 2:64–65 Vigiles, 1:124–125, 274, 2:36, 115 commander of (praefectus vigilum), 1:282 Villas, 2:192–195 provincial, 2:194 Villa of the Mysteries, 1:163, 2:193 villa rustica, 2:192–194 villa urbanus, 2:192 Vindobona, 1:16, 226 Virgil, 2:162, 163 Visigoths, 1:178–181, 236–237 Alaric and, 1:179–180, 2:54–55

325

326

|  Index Battle of Adrianople and, 1:179, 2:8–10 Galla Placidia and, 1:180 sack of Rome by (410 CE), 1:180, 2:54–56 Valens and, 1:179, 243 Vitellius, Aulus, 1:21, 37, 123, 214, 2:72–73 Civilis Rebellion under, 2:237–239 Votive offerings, 2:195–196 architectural offerings, 2:195–196 broken in pieces, 2:195, 196 vowing of temples, 2:158, 195–196

Weapons, 2:77, 133–135 of cavalry, 2:84 dagger (pugio), 2:133 shield, 2:135 spears, 2:126, 128–129, 134, 135 swords, 2:128, 133

Warehouses (horrei), 1:293, 2:192 Watchtowers, 2:91, 92 Water mills, 2:164

Zenobia, 1:143, 196–197, 2:60, 66 marched in chains in Aurelian’s triumph, 1:230

Year of the Five Emperors (193 CE), 1:xxv, 2:3, 68–70 Year of the Four Emperors (69 CE), 1:185, 2:3, 39, 71–73

The Roman Empire

Recent Titles in Empires of the World The Persian Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia Mehrdad Kia The Spanish Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia H. Micheal Tarver, editor, Emily Slape, assistant editor The Mongol Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia Timothy May, editor The Ottoman Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia Mehrdad Kia

THE ROMAN EMPIRE A Historical Encyclopedia Volume 2

James W. Ermatinger

Empires of the World

Copyright © 2018 by ABC-CLIO, LLC All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Ermatinger, James William, 1959- author. Title: The Roman Empire : a historical encyclopedia / James W. Ermatinger. Description: Santa Barbara, California : ABC-CLIO, 2018. | Series: Empires of the world |   Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017042054 (print) | LCCN 2017042431 (ebook) | ISBN 9781440838095   (ebook) | ISBN 9781440838088 (set : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781440849077 (vol 1 : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781440849084 (vol 2 : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Rome—Encyclopedias. Classification: LCC DG16 (ebook) | LCC DG16 .E76 2018 (print) | DDC 937/.0603—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017042054 ISBN: 978-1-4408-3808-8 (set) 978-1-4408-4907-7 (vol. 1) 978-1-4408-4908-4 (vol. 2) 978-1-4408-3809-5 (ebook) 22 21 20 19 18  1 2 3 4 5 This book is also available as an eBook. ABC-CLIO An Imprint of ABC-CLIO, LLC ABC-CLIO, LLC 130 Cremona Drive, P.O. Box 1911 Santa Barbara, California 93116-1911 www.abc-clio.com This book is printed on acid-free paper Manufactured in the United States of America

For my parents, Amy Alma Ermatinger (1926–2003) and Alexander Eugene Ermatinger (1925–2009) who always encouraged me to follow my own path and who always supported me in my decisions

Contents

VOLUME 1 Preface xv Acknowledgments xvii Introduction xix Chronology xxxi Cities 1 Overview Essay 1 Alexandria 4 Antioch 6 Aquincum 9 Athens 12 Caesarea Maritima 14 Carnuntum 16 Carthage 18 Colonia Agrippina 20 Constantinople 22 Corinth 24 Ephesus 26 Jerusalem 28 London 31 Lugdunum 33 Mediolanum 35 Mogontiacum 36 Ostia 38 Petra 41 Pompeii 43 Ravenna 45 Rome 48 Split and Salona 51 vii

viii

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Thessalonica 53 Trier 55 Government and Politics 59 Overview Essay 59 Aediles 62 Auspices or Augury 64 Bureaucracy 66 Calendar 68 Censor 70 Circus 72 Comitia 75 Consilium 77 Consul 79 Corporations 82 Curatores 84 Currency Systems 85 Cursus Honorum 88 Dictator 90 Equites 92 Grain Trade 94 Law Courts 96 Manumission 99 Pontifex Maximus 101 Praeses (Roman Governors) 103 Prisons 105 Propaganda 107 Punishment 110 Roman Law 112 Roman Law, Evolution of 113 Senate 115 Taxation 118 Treason Trials 120 Vestal Virgins 122 Vigiles 124 Groups and Organizations 127 Overview Essay 127 Alamanni and Juthungi 129 Bacchus, Cult of 131 Celts 134 Christians 136 Dacians 139 Desert Tribes 142

Contents |

Family Names 144 Freedmen 146 Germanic Tribes 148 Gladiators 150 Huns 153 Isis and Osiris, Cult of 155 Jews 157 Mauri 159 Merchants 160 Mystery Religions 163 Parthians 165 Persians 167 Picts 169 Slaves 171 State Religion 173 Traders 175 Vandals 176 Visigoths 178 Individuals 183 Overview Essay 183 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius (64–12 BCE) 187 Agrippina the Elder (14 BCE–33 CE) 189 Antoninus Pius (86–161 CE) 191 Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE) 193 Aurelian, Lucius Domitius (ca. 215–275 CE) 196 Caesar, Gaius Julius (102–44 BCE) 198 Caligula (12–41 CE) 200 Claudius (10 BCE–54 CE) 203 Cleopatra (69–30 BCE) 205 Constantine (285–337 CE) 207 Constantine, House of 209 Diocletian (ca. 244–313 CE) 212 Domitian (51–96 CE) 214 Hadrian (76–138 CE) 216 Jesus (ca. 4 BCE–29 CE) 218 Latin Fathers of the Western Church 220 Livia Drusilla (58 BCE–29 CE) 223 Marcus Aurelius (121–180 CE) 225 Nero (37–68 CE) 227 Palmyra, House of 229 Sejanus, Lucius Aelius (20 BCE–31 CE) 231 Severan Dynasty (193–235 CE) 233 Theodosius, House of 235

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Tiberius (42 BCE–37 CE) Trajan (53–117 CE) Valentinian, House of Valerian (ca. 193–260 CE) and Gallienus (218–268 CE) Vespasian, Titus Flavius (9–79 CE)

238 240 242 244 246

Institutions 249 Overview Essay 249 Alimenta 252 Annona 254 Burial Clubs 255 Census 257 Civitas 259 Client Kings 260 Colonies 263 Delatores 265 Diocese 267 Language 268 Mansio (Road System) 271 Markets 273 Marriage 275 Mints 278 Officials 280 Priests 283 Provinces 284 Provincial Capitals 286 Provincial Law 288 Public Health and Sanitation 290 Public Works 292 Regulations, Business 294 Regulations, Commercial 296 Religion 298 Sacrifices 301 Index 303 VOLUME 2 Key Events Overview Essay Actium, Battle of (31 BCE) Adrianople, Battle of (378 CE) Antonine Plague Augustan Settlement Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion (69 CE) Boudicca Rebellion (60 or 61 CE)

1 1 5 8 10 12 14 16

Contents |

British Conquest 19 Carausius Rebellion (286–293 CE) 21 Council of Nicaea (325 CE) 23 Dacian Wars (101–102 and 105–106 CE) 26 Diocletian Persecutions (303–311 CE) 28 Edict of Milan (313 CE) 31 Edict of Toleration (311 CE) 33 Fires 34 Floods 37 Jewish Rebellion, First (66–73 CE) 38 Judea Provincial Disruption 41 Julia Conspiracy (2 BCE) 44 Milvian Bridge, Battle of the (312 CE) 46 Piso Conspiracy (65 CE) 48 Pre-Diocletianic Persecutions 50 Price Edict (301 CE) 52 Sack of Rome (410 CE) 54 Teutoburg Forest, Battle of the (9 CE) 56 Third-Century Political Chaos 59 Third-Century Social Chaos 61 Thirty Tyrants 64 Vesuvius Eruption (79 CE) 66 Year of the Five Emperors (193 CE) 68 Year of the Four Emperors (69 CE) 71 Military 75 Overview Essay 75 Antonine Wall 77 Auxiliaries 80 Catapults 81 Cavalry 84 Centurions 86 Cohort 87 Command 89 Defensive Policy 91 Exploratores, Speculatores, and Frumentarii 93 Hadrian’s Wall 95 Legion 97 Legionary Camps 99 Legionary Deployment 101 Legionary Officers 103 Limes 104 Masada, Siege of (73/74 CE) 107 Navy 110 Order of Battle 112

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Praetorian Guard 114 Provincial Treatment 116 Recruitment and Service 118 Roads and Projects 120 Siege 123 Tactics 125 Training 127 Triumph 129 Uniforms 132 Weapons 133 Objects and Artifacts 137 Overview Essay 137 Aqueducts 140 Ara Pacis 142 Catacombs 145 Clothing 148 Coins 150 Colosseum 153 Gardens 155 Imperial Fora 157 Inscriptions 159 Literature 162 Machines 164 Marble Quarries 166 Mausoleums 168 Mines 170 Mosaics 171 Paintings 173 Palaces 176 Papyri 178 Ports and Harbors 180 Pottery 183 Sculpture 185 Ships 188 Theaters, Odeons, and Arenas 190 Villas 192 Votive Offerings 195 Primary Documents

197

  1. Republican Fire Brigade under Crassus

197

  2. Cursus Honorum

198

 3. Calendar

199

Contents |

  4. Julius Caesar’s Funeral

200

  5. Roman Prayer

201

  6. Augustus’s Fire Brigades

202

  7. Disposition of Forces under Augustus

203

  8. Varus and the German Wars

203

  9. Augustus’s Looks

204

10. Treason Trials under Tiberius

205

11. Germanicus Conquers the Germans

206

12. The Piso Affair

207

13. The Thracian War

209

14. Persecution of Cults

212

15. Tiberius’s Relations with Agrippina

213

16. Sejanus and the Power of the Praetorian Guard

214

17. Tiberius’s Depravity

215

18. Caligula’s Cruelty

216

19. Flooding of the Tiber River

216

20. New Taxes

217

21. Legal Courts

218

22. Claudius’s Public Works

220

23. The Grain Supply

221

24. Foreign Relations

221

25. Games

223

26. Nero’s Punishment of Christians

225

27. Wars in Britain

226

28. Fires in Rome

230

29. Nero’s Private House

233

30. Nero’s Singing

235

31. Praetorian Guard

237

32. Civilis Rebellion

237

33. Urine Tax

239

34. Siege of Jerusalem

240

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35. Siege of Masada

242

36. Eruption of Mount Vesuvius

243

37. Domitian as a God

246

38. A Female Gladiator

247

39. Edict of Toleration

248

40. Constantine and the Chi-Rho

249

41. Edict of Milan

251

42. Battle of Adrianople

253

43. City of Alexandria

256

44. City of Jerusalem

259

Selected Bibliography

265

About the Author

271

Index 273

Key Events

OVERVIEW ESSAY Throughout Roman history, key events shaped the development of the state. Its responses to social, political, economic, and religious events were often formulated as the result of events that pushed the state forward. The variety of events helped define the Roman world, resulting in changes to structure, policies, and even the psyche of the state. Many of the events were quickly known throughout the empire and changed the state immediately, while some of the events were more subdued, and it would take years before their impact was felt. While individuals shaped Roman history directly, their actions often determined the events that changed the state more directly.

Military Military events often had the most profound effect on the Roman Empire and its evolution. In fact, the start of the empire can be directly seen in Octavian’s (Augustus’s) victory in 31 BCE over Antony and Cleopatra at Actium. Here the naval forces of Octavian under his general/admiral Agrippa forced Antony and Cleopatra to retreat back to Egypt from Illyria. This victory caused the east to turn against Antony and now side with Octavian as he marched around the eastern Mediterranean solidifying his command, position, and power before ending up in Egypt the next year. The new emperor, Augustus, successfully pacified Gaul and Spain, took over Egypt, and received Judea and other kingdoms throughout his career, increasing the empire more than anyone else in Roman history. His plan was to continue the conquest of Germany to the Elbe River, begun under his stepson Drusus until his governor, Varus, was ambushed and killed along with the destruction of three legions in the Teutoburg Forest. This loss of nearly 10 percent of the army caused Augustus to abandon further conquests, and the boundary of the empire was mainly set. The disaster reverberated throughout the empire, and for the rest of its time thereafter Rome was deprived of a rich source of manpower and more easily defended frontier. This event shaped future imperial foreign policy more than any other event. An exception to this territorial hiatus was the conquest of Britain during the reign of Claudius, beginning in 43 CE and lasting for nearly a century until the erection of Hadrian’s Wall. Britain was an expensive conquest, tying up 10 percent of the empire’s manpower. In the early second century Emperor Trajan undertook the Dacian Wars to conquer the rich area corresponding to modern-day Romania. This conquest gave Rome extensive amounts of minerals, especially gold. 1

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Outside of these two conquests, most of the other regions seized were only frontier regions or client kingdoms. Rebellions in newly won regions also impacted how Rome developed its policy. In Britain, the Boudicca Rebellion and in Judea the First Jewish Rebellion showed how the early imperial rulers had to deal with groups that had been recently incorporated into the state and witnessed either exorbitant taxes or challenges to their traditional religion. The rebellions showed the problems of a multiethnic empire and how a central government dealt with issues. While the empire saw a series of rebellions by native groups attempting to establish their own independence during the early period, by the third century some rebellions attempted to establish a Roman state within the empire. A series of events occurred in the latter half of the third century that attest to this, such as the rebellion in Gaul, Zenobia in Palmyra, and the rebellion in Carausius. At the end of the century an example of a breakaway state, the Carausius rebellion showed how Roman generals attempted to see their revolts as extensions of the Roman state while at the same time creating an independent region. The political structure of the empire remained intact throughout the fourth century but was dealt a terrible blow with the Battle of Adrianople in 378 CE. This battle resulted in a flood of Germanic and other tribes being able to cross into the Roman territories without much opposition. While the Romans were able to reverse some of the attack, they found that their territory had been compromised, and large sections were abandoned or ruled in name only. One of the most horrific events to the Romans was the sack of Rome in 410. With this catastrophe, the Roman state never recovered.

Political Political events were often tied to the military and also altered Rome’s world. During the early years of his reign, Octavian, now known as Augustus, attempted to rule through the regular republican magistrates. This would prove unpopular, since many of the Roman elites were now shut out of the political process and the traditional republican power structures. To remedy this, Augustus created a plan whereby he kept his political power while seemingly giving it up; this became known as the Augustan Settlement. This settlement hid his power behind a facade of previous honors and magistrates. Unlike his uncle Julius Caesar who craved the title “rex,” or “king,” Augustus was content with holding power under the facade of republican magistrates and offices as long as he held all of the power. Augustus’s foreign policy was to expand the empire. During his reign down to 9 CE, he continually added more territory than anyone else. The reign of Nero, the last of the Julio-Claudians, witnessed a series of events that ultimately redefined Rome and brought an end to the first dynasty. Like the conspiracy of Julia under Augustus, Nero was beset with the Piso Conspiracy involving members of the court and the Senate, which he savagely put down. This conspiracy showed the deep-seated problems in the empire between the new political elites, the emperor, and the old republican families now shut out of power.

Key Events |

The First Jewish Rebellion in part led to a general uprising of the military against Nero, resulting in the Year of the Four Emperors that saw an end to the Julio-Claudians and the end of Augustus’s family. One of the side effects of the military uprising was the Batavian Rebellion, when the Batavi chieftain, imprisoned by Nero and released by his successor Galba, rebelled in an attempt to gain independence or at least more rights. Although defeated, the Batavi were given certain rights, which led to general reform in the military and had a favorable impact on the state. The second century from the reigns of Nero to Marcus Aurelius allowed the Roman state to continue its evolution, and politically there was little trouble due to peaceful transitions and the adoption of heirs, as some of these emperors did not have sons. After Marcus Aurelius a crisis occurred with the assassination of his natural son Commodus and civil war, which followed the so-called Year of the Five Emperors. The Year of the Five Emperors (193 CE) produced a radical change, since the new emperor, Septimius Severus, revealed the true weakness of the state: it was a military monarchy. His reign brought to the forefront the army and how it became the crucial political force. With his death the Roman Empire suffered through the third-century chaos; during this time political chaos resulted from the number of pretenders who became emperors, which now increased dramatically, leading to nearly constant civil war. The socalled Thirty Tyrants who were usurpers were intermixed with the central rulers, resulting in political chaos. This political chaos in turn led to social issues, with society having to deal with so many rulers and pretenders requiring more taxes and supplies, putting a heavy burden on society. While the state ran the political and military institutions, it was often influenced by the imperial family, who did not directly run the government but influenced it through their connection with the emperor. To ensure his power, Augustus married family members to other noble families and close comrades. Augustus’s daughter Julia, for example, was married first to Augustus’s nephew, then to Agrippa, and finally to Tiberius, Augustus’s stepson. The family of Augustus was more interconnected itself through these marriages, often leading to intrigue and power struggles. Some of these struggles erupted in Augustus’s own reign during the Julia Conspiracy, when noblemen associated with his daughter Julia attempted to assassinate him. When discovered, many were executed or banished, including Julia.

Religion Religion also influenced the state, usually when Rome attempted to control or stamp out another religion through persecution. An example of religious troubles was also seen in the Nero persecutions of Christians, which was said to have occurred to blame the sect for the fire at Rome in 64 CE that allowed Nero to then erect his private residence in downtown Rome. The fire, a common occurrence in antiquity, was disastrous; while blamed, Nero probably did not start it, but trying to avoid blame he put the Christians up as scapegoats. The persecutions that followed were not so much against the religious function but instead were intended as a political message. Likewise, the last great attack on Christianity, Diocletian’s persecutions (303–311 CE), was

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an attempt to shift the blame for all of Rome’s problems from general society to the Christian sect. The latter failed, resulting first in the Edict of Toleration (311 CE) that did not outlaw Christianity but did allow its followers to practice their religion. The Edict of Milan (313 CE), enacted shortly afterward, granted restoration of the Christians and even favored Christianity. This process all happened within a short period of time. The latter was issued by Constantine, who had recently won control of the west by defeating his rival in the Battle of the Milvian Bridge in Rome. Constantine was soon faced with other religious issues, one of which dealt with the nature of Jesus. In 325 he assembled the bishops at the Council of Nicaea, which attempted to solve the problem but ultimately did not and even produced problems in the future.

Natural Disasters Like in all ages, natural disasters hurt the Roman Empire. In 79 CE under Titus Mount Vesuvius erupted, burying the city of Pompeii and the surrounding towns in the Bay of Naples. Although the region was soon forgotten, the excavations beginning in the Renaissance era and continuing to the present day have allowed our understanding of ancient society to increase. In addition to this disaster, other disasters occurred throughout Rome’s history that altered how the city and the Romans reacted. The fire at Rome under Nero transformed the city, allowing for new construction, while Rome witnessed floods throughout its history that caused untold suffering. In addition, in the second century the army brought back from the east the plague, which caused tremendous suffering and a decline in the population of at least 20 percent. The Romans had little to no concept of disease and thus suffered dramatically.

Social Rome was also faced with social and economic crises, especially in the third century. At the same time as the third-century political chaos there were social crises, often caused by political acts, that transformed the social order of the state, including its economic framework, often influencing the political world as well. An example of the problems was the destabilization of the economy seen in the coinage debasement. These destabilizing forces resulted in specific actions that the Romans took to either solve the problem or shift the blame. For example, Diocletian’s Price Edict attempted to find a solution to the economic problems by fixing prices so that the economy could be stabilized. The events throughout the Roman world had a profound impact on the development of the Roman state and its people. While many of the events can be seen as court intrigue and coups, they nevertheless influenced the future by often removing viable candidates or promoting civil war. The social and economic events likewise influenced how society thought about the Roman central government. Often the state had to deal with social forces such as religion that resulted in the rise of new sects or the collapse of old religions. Ultimately Rome itself faced the ignoble fact that it was no longer the capital of its namesake empire when it was sacked like any other city.

Key Events | Further Reading Aldrete, Gregory S. 2007. Floods of the Tiber in Ancient Rome. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Ando, Clifford. 2009. The Matter of the Gods: Religion and the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press. Beard, Mary. 2007. The Roman Triumph. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Carcopino, Jérome, Henry T. Rowell, and E. O. Lorimer. 1940. Daily Life in Ancient Rome: The People and the City at the Height of the Empire. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Connolly, Peter. 1990. Pompeii. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Grant, Frederick C. 1957. Ancient Roman Religion. New York: Liberal Arts Press. Hughes, J. Donald. 2014. Environmental Problems of the Greeks and Romans: Ecology in the Ancient Mediterranean. 2nd ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Luttwak, Edward. 1976. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire from the First Century A.D. to the Third. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. MacMullen, Ramsay. 1963. Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Toner, J. P. 2013. Roman Disasters. Cambridge, UK: Polity.

Actium, Battle of (31 BCE) The battle at Actium on September 2, 31 BCE, was the final major battle in the centurylong struggle at the end of the republic. While the battle itself was not necessarily decisive in terms of its tactical outcome, its strategic and political outcomes were crucial. The battle pitted Octavian and Marc Antony, the last two combatants for domination in the Roman world, against each other. After the battle, Octavian emerged supreme and ruled the Roman world within a year. The battle also saw the cultural preeminence of Italian (western) culture over Greek (eastern) culture. The civil wars that began under Marius and Sulla provided background for the battle, and Octavian and Marc Antony’s conflict ended the long period of strife. Sulla and Marius, as consuls and leaders of their respective senatorial blocs, had been political enemies for years and engaged in open conflict in 88 BCE when Sulla was given command against the Bithynian king Mithridates. When Sulla’s opponents reversed the decision, giving command to his enemy Marius, Sulla marched on Rome with six legions, forcing Marius to flee. After this initial victory Sulla led his army to the east, while Marius again returned to Rome. Sulla would later return to Rome in 83 after achieving victory in the east and then defeated several Roman armies. Sulla appointed himself dictator without the usual six-month term. This act would set the stage for Julius Caesar and Octavian ruling supreme. During the next two decades the generals Pompey and Crassus struggled to obtain power and control. Crassus successfully defeated Spartacus, a former gladiator who

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raised a rebellion, and Pompey was able to suppress the pirates in the eastern Mediterranean and settle the eastern affairs. While the two vied politically with each other, neither risked open war. In 59 BCE the two joined forces with Julius Caesar and created the First Triumvirate, which attempted to ensure that each received power and that they controlled the Roman state. Julius Caesar received Gaul and successfully began his conquest of the region, which lasted from 58 to 50 BCE; Pompey received Spain but remained in Rome, while Crassus received the east, dying in the disaster at Carrhae in 53. Caesar and Pompey ultimately fought, with Caesar winning in 49 and following up with victories over various enemies until 45. In 44 Caesar was assassinated, which led to another round of civil wars, this time between the assassins, Brutus and Cassius, and the followers of Caesar: Antony, Lepidus (a general of Julius Caesar), and Octavian, the newly formed Second Triumvirate. After their success over the assassins in 42 at Philippi, the Second Triumvirate continued to hold power while its leaders competed against each other. Octavian forced Lepidus out so that ultimately there were only two remaining, Octavian in the west and Antony in the east. Antony resided in Egypt with Cleopatra, the last Ptolemaic ruler of Egypt and also Julius Caesar’s former mistress, while Octavian controlled Italy and Rome. During the decade between Philippi and Actium, both generals attempted to increase their stature Bust of the Roman general Mark Antony. The final and holdings. Octavian subdued battle between Antony and Octavian (the future Sextus Pompey, the last son of Augustus) occurred at Actium, on the western coast Pompey, and his fleet in Italy while of Greece, in 31 BCE. Allied with his wife, the also securing Africa, Spain, and Egyptian queen Cleopatra, Antony was defeated, Gaul; Antony attempted to take allowing Octavian to establish the Roman Empire. Parthia, encompassing modern His alliance with Egypt was portrayed by Octavian as a battle between the Republic of Rome and an Eastern Syria/Iraq, without success but had secured the east from Parthian oriental monarchy. (García Juan/Dreamstime.com)

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attacks. Antony was married to Octavian’s sister Octavia and had two daughters with her; however, when he took up residence in the east in 40 BCE he began his affair with Cleopatra and had three children with her. Antony also recognized Caesarion, Julius Caesar’s son with Cleopatra, as Caesar’s only son, in direct opposition to Octavian’s claim of being Caesar’s son by adoption from Caesar’s will. Antony divorced Octavia in 32 and married Cleopatra, which officially precipitated the war with Octavian. The two generals began their maneuvers in 32 BCE, with Antony planning an invasion of Italy. Antony and Cleopatra moved to Samos and then Athens with the fleet while his army came from Armenia. Octavian produced and read to the Romans the will of Antony in which Antony had given the east to his children by Cleopatra. This produced an outrage, since a Roman (Antony) had now given the Roman Empire to an easterner (Cleopatra). In addition, Octavia, Antony’s former wife and Octavian’s sister, was viewed sympathetically as the grieved party. Octavian and his admiral Marcus Agrippa moved to Illyricum and began their plans to prevent Antony from crossing over to Italy. Antony moved his fleet and army to the Bay of Actium. On paper Antony appeared to have the upper hand with 500 warships, many of them heavy galleons, compared to Octavian’s 250, mainly smaller and more maneuverable. Antony had about 20,000 soldiers compared to Octavian’s 16,000. Unfortunately for Antony, many of his men were sick, and his heavy ships were undermanned, which if propelled fast enough could ram the enemy warships and sink them. With his supply lines cut, Antony and Cleopatra planned to garrison the region with his army, move the fleet out of the bay, and return to Alexandria. Octavian learned of this and decided to push Antony into a naval battle. On September 2, Antony moved his fleet numbering 500 ships, including 250 heavy warships, out of the protection of the bay. With his ships undermanned, he could not take advantage of his heavy warships, while Octavian, with his smaller and more maneuverable ships, could strike and retreat and then strike again. According to the ancient sources, Cleopatra could not endure the battle and ordered her fleet to sail to Alexandria, thereby abandoning Antony and his fleet of valuable reinforcements. Supposedly Antony did not realize what had happened and believed that his fleet had been routed and ordered the same. Some scholars believe that Antony had planned to flee, since his men were not supplied and he knew that he could not defeat Octavian’s forces there. Regardless of the plan, with Antony fleeing, his remaining ships surrendered, as did his army. While Antony saved the Egyptian fleet and some of his own vessels and avoided capture, he lost the war because his men subsequently deserted him. Octavian used the following year to move his army around the eastern Mediterranean, consolidate his forces, and winter in Samos. Cleopatra offered to abdicate in favor of her children, but Octavian gave no guarantees and wanted her to be captured for his triumph. Antony attempted to mount a defense of Egypt but was defeated, with his army deserting him. He stabbed himself on August 1, 30, believing that Cleopatra had already died. When he was informed that she was still alive, his friends took him to her monument, and he died in her arms. Cleopatra, learning that Octavian planned to have

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her taken to Rome for his triumph, committed suicide on August 12. Octavian had Caesarion killed, but Antony and Cleopatra’s children were raised by Octavia. See also: Individuals: Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius; Augustus; Cleopatra; Military: Navy Further Reading Everitt, Anthony. 2006. Augustus: The Life of Rome’s First Emperor. New York: Random House. Gurval, Robert Alan. 1995. Actium and Augustus: The Politics and Emotions of Civil War. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Adrianople, Battle of (378 CE) The Battle of Adrianople, August 9, 378, has often been cited as the beginning of the end of the Roman Empire. This pronouncement is usually accepted, as the last great Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus (325–after 391) used it as his ending point for his great history of the later Roman Empire. Others have viewed it as the superiority of the Gothic cavalry over the Roman infantry that foreshadowed the medieval knights. While the battle had long-term implications, it was neither the end of the empire nor the beginning of medieval cavalry dominance. Rather, the disaster for Rome was due to the impetuous behavior of its emperor. During the century and a half before Adrianople, the Danube River frontier had seen a steady progression of raids by various Germanic tribes being pushed west and south by the arrival of the Huns. These raids were at first momentary and isolated but by the late third century had coalesced into large-scale attacks by more cohesive tribes. While these tribes may have been composed of several different tribal groups, they were now under more central leadership. These tribes’ successes depended on the leadership qualities of their preeminent warriors, and with their demise or death the tribes’ success could also end. During the late third and early fourth centuries the Goths had successfully established themselves on the north Danube bank and were capable of carrying out raids across the river into Roman territory. By the mid-fourth century, however, the Goths were being harassed by the Huns, who were driving west, forcing the Goths to seek accommodations from the Romans. In 376 the Goths asked and received permission from the Romans to cross the Danube and settle in Moesia along the river. The Roman governors soon began to harass and demand more exactions from the Goths, ruled by Alavivus and Fritigern. A famine soon broke out, and the Goths suffered greatly, with some having to sell their children into slavery for supplies. One Roman governor, Lupicinus, invited the two kings to dinner to discuss provisions but instead assassinated Alavivus, while Fritigern escaped. Afterward, Fritigern raised a rebellion against Rome. For two years the Goths raided Roman territory, while the Romans, with their forces spread thin, could not directly engage them. Needing more troops, the eastern

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emperor, Valens, petitioned his nephew Gratian in the west to help. Gratian sent troops east and urged Valens to wait until his troops arrived. Although Gratian was delayed by his requirement to fight across the Rhine against another German tribe’s attack, he was able to return to Pannonia and begin his movement toward the east. Valens, however, desired to claim victory for himself so as to increase his prestige. With his army numbering about 15,000 men, composed of 10,000 infantry troops and 5,000 cavalry men, Valens arrived at Adrianople by August 6, 378, when his reconnaissance informed him that only 10,000 Goths, mainly infantry, were nearby while the Gothic cavalry, 5,000 strong, was out foraging. Gratian suggested that Valens wait until he arrived, as did Valens’s officers, but the emperor decided to strike. He planned to leave the treasury and administrators under the legionary guard at Adrianople. On August 9 Valens left the fortified city of Adrianople and marched north to where the Goths had been sighted the day before. After marching more than seven hours over rough terrain perhaps by a circuitous route, since after the battle many of his troops as well as the Goths arrived at Adrianople in four hours, Valens and his tired men arrived at the Gothic camp. The Romans were at the bottom of a hill, while the Goths were at the top with their wagons in a circle and their families inside, with the Gothic infantry, probably 10,000 strong, in front of the wagons. Fritigern planned to delay the Romans until his cavalry could return. Some Roman cavalry under Bacurius, possibly a prince from Iberia (Georgia), began the attack on the right wing while the cavalry on the left attacked the Gothic wagons. The Roman infantry in the middle now moving up the hill was then to deliver the crucial blow; unfortunately for the Romans, the Gothic cavalry pushed Bacurius back on the right and the Roman cavalry on the left. The Roman cavalry fled the field, which opened the Roman infantry to attack from all sides; after they retreated to their camp, the exhausted Romans could not maneuver or fight. The Gothic infantry attacked, and with the Gothic cavalry keeping the Roman infantry hemmed in, a rout ensued. Many of the Romans abandoned their battle order and fled, causing more to be massacred. Valens was unable to rally his troops and died in the battle. The immediate result of the battle was that the Roman field army in the east had been severely reduced although not eliminated, since other units were in Syria and Asia Minor. Perhaps the greatest blow to the east was the death of so many officers and administrators needed to run the army and the empire. The Goths attempted to take Adrianople but failed, showing their lack of siege warfare. Gratian arrived, but by then the Goths had moved on. Gratian decided not to rule in the east and in January promoted Theodosius as emperor, and by 382 the two returned the region to Roman control. Gratian in 380 won a victory in the northern Pannonian region against the Goths, while in 382 the southern Goths under Fritigern made peace with Theodosius. The Goths continued to control areas and were ultimately made allies by Theodosius and brought into the Roman Army. The Battle of Adrianople did not destroy the empire, since it continued in the west for another century, and in the east, where the battle occurred, it would last for 1,000 years. Rather, the battle was lost due to the impetuous behavior of Valens. In addition, the victory was achieved not by the Gothic cavalry, although they played a part, but

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rather by the Gothic infantry, which held the Roman infantry in check and ultimately crushed it. See also: Groups and Organizations: Visigoths; Individuals: Valentinian, House of; Military: Command; Legion; Order of Battle; Primary Documents: Document 42 Further Reading Ammianus Marcellinus and John Carew Rolfe. 1963. Ammianus Marcellinus. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Available at https://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall /ancient/378adrianople.asp. MacDowall, Simon. 2005. Adrianopole, AD 378: The Goths Crush Rome’s Legions. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Antonine Plague In the Roman Empire a major disease outbreak occurred during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and his coemperor Lucius Verus. During the war with Parthia (161 to 166 CE), a Roman army under Verus struck against the Parthian twin capitals of Ctesiphon and Seleucia in 165. During the siege of Seleucia Roman troops were first infected with a disease, which they brought to the west after their victory. The disease was called the Antonine Plague (referring to Emperor Antoninus) and the Plague of Galen (named after the physician who described it). The disease spread quickly and appears to have had a high mortality rate. Estimates put the percentage dying at about 10 percent, or about 10 million people during a 20-year span. Although there is no way to be sure, it is clear from the contemporary accounts that the number was high. The Roman physician Galen, whose name has also been ascribed to the plague, observed it firsthand and wrote about it in several of his surviving works. He indicated that the plague was great and of long duration. This is corroborated with other works describing the general outbreak covering most of the Roman Empire, with outbreaks over a 15-year period. The symptoms included a fever, sore throat, diarrhea, and skin eruptions, either dry or pustular, which appeared on the ninth day. While it is unclear which disease the plague was, two possibilities have been proposed, smallpox and measles, with smallpox being the major culprit (Galenus, Horsley, and Johnston 2011). The disease was probably endemic to Mesopotamia, and when Verus’s legions arrived they came into contact with it. It appears that troops moving into the east were infected, putting a large number of them out of commission. When they returned to Syria after the war in 166 it appears that the disease spread north into Asia Minor and south into Egypt. The disease spread into Italy, where the historian Orosius indicated that the great pestilence had devastated all of Italy, with houses, fields, and towns left uninhabited and nothing but ruins and forests (Orosius and Raymond 1936, 7.15). He further indicated that troops in winter quarters throughout the empire were so

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depleted that when a war with the Marcomanni broke out, it could not be carried out until a new levy occurred, lasting for three years. It was during this time that Galen visited the troops in Aquileia and saw firsthand the plague in 168/169. Another late historian, Ammianus Marcellinus, said that the plague spread to Spain, Gaul, and the Rhine and into the Germanic regions (Ammianus Marcellinus and Rolfe 1963, 23.6.24). By 170 the first outbreak of the plague had ended, but estimates claim that nearly 5 million people may have died. In addition, it appears that Emperor Lucius Verus died of the plague in 169. A second outbreak occurred some nine years later. The later historian Cassius Dio wrote that over 2,000 people a day died of the disease in Rome. The estimates are that nearly 25 percent of those infected died (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Cary, and Foster 1914, 72.14). The impact of the plague was enormous. The total number of dead probably represented about 10 percent of the population. In addition, the plague hit some areas so hard that the population was depleted even more. The disease probably had a more deleterious effect in the close quarters of the barracks, with the soldiers not only infected but their fighting power also reduced, as seen in Mesopotamia and on the Danube. Unlike earlier plagues that appear to have been localized, the Antonine Plague was present throughout the entire Roman world. Worse yet, it reappeared during the next century. As expected, individuals blamed the plague on divine wrath, while many sought protection through magic and charlatans. Some historians argue that the plague caused the crises of the third century, since society was already weakened and fragmented. It is clear from contemporary accounts in Egyptian papyri that the plague depleted some regions of farmers, causing land to go uncultivated. It is assumed that this phenomenon happened throughout the empire. In 250 CE another plague, the Cyprian Plague, broke out and raged for 20 years. Some believe that this second plague was actually caused by a different disease than the first, perhaps measles instead of smallpox, while others believe that the two were the same. This plague saw 5,000 people dying in Rome a day, while in other regions Christians were persecuted in the so-called Decian Persecution in the belief that they had caused the plague. The plague would claim the life of Emperor Claudius Gothicus in 270. These plagues would bookend the chaos of the third century and indicate how nonhuman events help shape history. See also: Groups and Organizations: Parthians; Persians; Individuals: Antoninus Pius; Institutions: Public Health and Sanitation Further Reading Ammianus Marcellinus and John Carew Rolfe. 1963. Ammianus Marcellinus. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Earnest Cary, and Herbert Baldwin Foster. 1914. Dio’s Roman History: With an English Translation. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Galenus, G. H. R. Horsley, and Ian Johnston. 2011. Method of Medicine. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

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|  The Roman Empire Gilliam, J. F. 1961. “The Plague under Marcus Aurelius.” American Journal of Philology 82(3) (July): 225–251. McNeill, William H. 1976. Plagues and Peoples. New York: Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group. Orosius, Paulus, and Irving W. Raymond. 1936. Seven Books of History against the Pagans: The Apology of Paulus Orosius. New York: Columbia University Press. Smith, Christine A. 1996. “Plague in the Ancient World: A Study from Thucydides to Justinian.” Student Historical Journal 28, http://www.loyno.edu/~history/journal/1996–7 /documents/PlagueintheAncientWorld_AStudyfromThucydidestoJustinian.pdf.

Augustan Settlement When Octavian (Augustus) defeated Antony at Actium in 31 BCE, the Roman civil war that had lasted for a century came to an end. The problem of preventing another period of chaos now needed solving. Octavian set about changing the Roman system of government during a 10-year period (32–23 BCE), which ultimately established the empire. While the ancient historian Tacitus claimed that Augustus bribed the soldiers with gifts, the people with cheap grain, and the world by the amenities of peace, the reality was much more nuanced (Tacitus 1956, 1.2). The new regime needed to ensure that peace could exist, not an easy task since for nearly a century Roman armies competed with one another out of greed. The state needed stability, which could allow for the state to grow. Finally, there needed to be a system to keep the central state and the provinces moving together without differences. All of these occurred through the political settlements during this period. In 32 BCE before his fight with Antony, Octavian received from the Roman people an oath of allegiance to him whereby he became their leader in the war against Antony. Octavian would use this oath as his justification to undertake reforms so that the state would not perish. This gave him auctoritas, or his authority to act. He was also consul, which gave him the traditional powers of a magistrate. What was central to him was his ability to have legitimacy in the eyes of everyone, especially the soldiers. But even here he needed to make sure that he did not trample on the old constitution. His uncle Julius Caesar had attempted to forge a new system, an Oriental-style monarchy, and the people, although they loved him, nevertheless resented his plan. Octavian brought order after the assassination of Caesar in 44 by using brute force as a triumvir along with Antony and Lepidus. In this position Octavian had defeated the assassins but proscribed and murdered many Romans, including Cicero. Octavian and his fellow triumvirs had been “given” power to reorder the state, but it was never fully laid out or explained. After his victory over Antony and his return to Italy, Octavian held the consulship for the years 31 to 23 BCE consecutively. This gave him imperium, or the right to command a Roman army. From 31 to 28 BCE Octavian had both the powers of a consul and the superior powers of a triumvir. He carefully planned and rehearsed an agenda of

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action. In January 27 BCE Octavian announced his retirement, claiming that he wanted to be a private citizen, something his followers now begged him to reconsider. The Senate, most of whose members had been Octavian’s appointees and allies, begged him to take on a new imperium in the military provinces, which was greater, called maius, than all other magistrates and could not be overruled and was not connected with an office. In addition, they hailed Octavian dead (sort of) by proclaiming him Augustus as well as giving him an old title, princeps, which meant “first among equals.” This transformation allowed the evil deeds of Octavian to disappear while a new leader could emerge. While the old Octavian had been cruel and a murderer, the new Augustus was kind; while the old Octavian had been greedy, confiscating estates, the new Augustus was magnanimous and generous, even paying towns for their land for his soldiers to resettle; and while the old Octavian had waged war against fellow Romans, the new Augustus brought peace and security. Although they were the same person, it seemed as if overnight Octavian vanished and Augustus appeared, full figured and leading the state. In 23 BCE Augustus moved to create a second settlement, one that had even more lasting power on the state. During the period 27–23 he used his power of consul to enact legislation and ensure that his power was grounded in the old constitution. This was important, since most Romans, however dysfunctional their government was, still hung to the old republican government, with its magistrates and old honors. In addition, as one of the two consuls, Augustus realized that he was creating animosity with many of the old families, who were unable to ascend to the highest office of consul. In 23 Augustus now laid down the office of consul and instead was granted the powers of a tribune, or tribunicia potestas, which allowed him to introduce legislation and veto any act by any magistrate, in the Senate or an assembly, and his personage to be sacrosanct. In addition, for giving up the consulship, he was given a seat on the consul platform in the Senate and the right to speak first as well as calling a meeting of the Senate, and he was also given the power to take care of the people and therefore have them as his clients by taking over the grain supply, or the Annona. In the provinces he continued the right to decide all matters in his or the military provinces, but now he could interfere in the senatorial provinces. This latter act allowed him to have complete control over all of the provinces. He of course continued to have his auctoritas, which allowed him to canvass for his political appointees and later devolved into his right to strike candidates’ names off the list; he also had his amicitia, or friendship, which allowed him to favor his friends and remove those who were not friends. In 12 BCE Augustus completed his political transformation by being elected pontifex maximus, or chief priest. What gave Augustus his power was not only his authority and legitimacy but also his own personal force. Nowhere is this seen better than in his name. He now (27 BCE) became Imperator Caesar divi filius Augustus, which meant “All-Conquering General (Imperator), Son of the Divine Julius Caesar, Savior (Augustus) of the Roman World.” What made his power transformation from the chaotic civil wars of the republic to the empire was also the fact that he ruled so long. When he died in 14 CE he had been

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Augustus for 41 years, had ruled after Actium for 44 years, and had ruled Rome since Julius Caesar’s death for 56 years. No one was alive who remembered the old republic of Julius Caesar. See also: Government and Politics: Cursus Honorum; Senate; Individuals: Augustus Further Reading Eck, Werner. 2007. The Age of Augustus. 2nd ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Scullard, H. H. 1982. From the Gracchi to Nero: A History of Rome from 133 B.C. to A.D. 68. 5th ed. London; New York: Routledge. Tacitus, Cornelius. 1956. The Annals of Imperial Rome. Translated by Michael Grant. Baltimore: Penguin.

Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion (69 CE) The Batavian Rebellion became a crucial turning point in the development of imperial auxiliaries. The Batavi were a Germanic tribe who lived in the Rhine Delta in what is now the modern-day Netherlands. The rebellion took place in 69 CE when Civilis, a native commander, induced his tribe to rebel due to heavy conscriptions by the Romans. Their rebellion produced fundamental changes in how the empire’s defenses were organized. During the early empire, auxiliary units were normally under the command of native leaders and assigned to their local region. There were valid reasons for this such as allowing local units to protect their own native soil, which would in turn make them more reliable in fighting. There were, however, drawbacks, including the possibility that local troops would feel sympathy for their kin outside the empire when the Romans advanced and that they might not help the Romans if there were foreign incursions. The Batavi were part of the larger German tribes east of the Rhine, the Chatti, and inhabited the Rhine Delta. This region was a harsh environment due to constant flooding, and the tribe, although never large, was viewed as hardy soldiers. In return for higher conscription numbers, the Batavi were excused from paying tribute or taxes; instead, they were supposed to supply Rome with a cavalry ala and eight infantry cohortes, each numbering about 500, for a total of about 5,000 men. In addition, they supplied Augustus and his successors with their private bodyguards. The Batavians were seen as special unit soldiers who could swim across rivers in full armament and were cited for their bravery. The Batavian leader in 69 CE was a hereditary prince called Gaius Julius Civilis, a name he adopted after being granted Roman citizenship for 25 years of distinguished service. He and the other Batavian units helped conquer Britain beginning with Emperor Claudius’s invasion in 43 until they were withdrawn in 66. Shortly thereafter in 67 Civilis and his brother, a noncitizen, both commanders, were arrested on false

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charges of treason. The charge may have been to cover up Roman corruption. Civilis, since he was a citizen, was sent to Rome to be tried before Nero, while his brother was executed. Before his trial Nero was overthrown in 68, and Civilis was set free and returned to northern Germany. At the same time, the new emperor Galba disbanded the Batavian guards who had staunchly supported Nero, which not only upset them but also turned loose a large number of soldiers. Civilis was rearrested by the new governor of Germany, Aulus Vitellius, but was again set free when Vitellius needed troops in his bid for power against the newly declared emperor Otho, who had recently overthrown and killed Galba. After Vitellius’s victory over Otho the Batavians were sent back home. Vitellius soon received news that Vespasian had been proclaimed emperor and, needing more troops, sought to have more Batavians enlisted above the stipulated amounts. Civilis decided to rebel against Rome when most of the legions were fighting in Italy between Vitellius and Vespasian’s armies. Civilis successfully induced the Cananefates tribe to rebel, and the Cananefates took over the forts in the north, including Utrecht. The Romans were completely surprised, and when the governor of the province sent auxiliary troops to quell the rebellion, they too were defeated at Arnhem. Two legions were now sent against Civilis, including a Batavian ala under Claudius Labeo, a Batavian who opposed Civilis. Labeo and his troops deserted the Romans at the battle near Nijmegen, forcing the Roman legions to retreat to Castra Vetera (modern-day Xanten). By this action northern Germany near the North Sea was under the control of the Batavians as a free nation. Since they had prevented troops from supporting Vitellius, the Roman general Vespasian hailed them. This salutation may have been misconstrued to show that they were sanctioned as a free nation by Rome. Civilis, along with the units disbanded from Rome by Galba, decided to attack the two Roman legions based at Castra Vetera in 69. Civilis’s forces attempted to starve the units out. The Roman commander, Flaccus, decided to prepare a counterattack. Civilis led a surprise attack on December 1, 69, and lost but inflicted heavy casualties on the Roman side. Civilis then moved against Moguntiacum, leaving Castra Vetera under Roman control. Flaccus, upon hearing that Vitellius had been defeated by Vespasian, attempted to ingratiate himself with Vespasian by distributing money to the legions in Vespasian’s name. The legions, loyal to Vitellius, killed Flaccus and his second-in-command. In early 70 Civilis continued the siege at Castra Vetera, and other tribes in Gaul soon declared their independence, led by Julius Sabinus, who even received the loyalty of two legions. The legions at Castra Vetera ultimately surrendered and, although promised safe conduct, were ambushed by the Batavians and made prisoners. Civilis then seized Colonia Agrippina (Cologne), where he further extended his control and received alliances from other tribes. When Vespasian secured the capital, he now realized that he had to crush the Batavian Rebellion. With two legions destroyed and two others in the hands of rebels, Vespasian selected his kinsman Quintus Petillius Cerialis to lead the invasion force of five legions, supported by three additional legions, to subdue Gaul and southern Germany. When the approaching army arrived, the two rebellious legions surrendered. Disgraced, one was disbanded and absorbed by another legion, while the second was renamed and moved

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outside of Germany. Cerialis now moved against Civilis and forced him north into the Rhine Delta. Although Civilis led a series of raids, including the capture of the Roman fleet’s flagship, he was now pushed deeper aside. News soon reached him that in September 70 Jerusalem had fallen, meaning that even more troops could be sent to Germany. Civilis now made peace, and although the terms are unknown, the Batavians had to renew their alliance and supply Rome with eight more auxiliary cavalry units and abandon their capital, which was now destroyed. Civilis’s fate is unknown. One of the long-term results was that Rome now abandoned having indigenous units commanded by their local commanders and being placed in their homeland. Auxiliary units were now sent away, and often the local units were broken up so that one ethnic or geographical region was not dominant. See also: Groups and Organizations: Germanic Tribes; Individuals: Vespasian, Titus Flavius; Key Events: Judea Provincial Disruption; Year of the Four Emperors; Military: Provincial Treatment; Primary Documents: Document 32 Further Reading Birley, Anthony. 2002. Garrison Life at Vindolanda: A Band of Brothers. Stroud, UK: Tempus. Henderson, Bernard William. 1908. Civil War and Rebellion in the Roman Empire, A.D. 69–70. London: Macmillan. Wolfram, Herwig, and Thomas Dunlap, trans. 1997. The Roman Empire and Its Germanic Peoples. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Boudicca Rebellion (60 or 61 CE) The rebellion of Boudicca (60 or 61 CE) stands as an example of local tribal ignorance of Roman intent and Roman arrogance. The rebellion also shows in detail how the Romans often misunderstood their own successes and how their rule often did not bring about the peace they either planned or espoused. The major players in the rebellion were Prasutagus, client king of the Iceni in northeastern Britain; his wife/widow Boudicca; Suetonius Paulinus, governor of Britain; Poenius Postumus, prefect of the II Augusta Legion; Quintus Petilius Cerialis, legate of the IX Hispania Legion; and Catus Decianus, the procurator. Prasutagus was a Roman ally. He may have surrendered to Claudius when Rome initially took over the island or may have been installed as king shortly thereafter. His tribe would have been independent, but this meant different things to the locals and Rome. For the locals it meant that the tribe could continue as before, electing their own rulers and behaving in a manner that suited them. For the Romans it meant that the tribe would do what Rome said, and when the king died the territory would revert to Rome. That Prasutagus understood some of this can be seen in making the Roman emperor, Nero, his heir, although he probably hoped that doing so would allow his

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family to maintain some control of the tribe. Prasutagus appears to have borrowed heavily from Roman bankers, including Seneca the Younger, to keep himself in power. With his death in 59 or 60 CE the Romans ignored his wishes of having his kingdom controlled by his wife Boudicca and two daughters, since he had no sons. Roman law recognized inheritance only through the male side, which conveniently allowed them to declare his will invalid in terms of succession. In addition, the Romans called in their loans, causing the kingdom financial hardship. Boudicca, said to be tall with red hair down to her waist, was flogged by the Romans, and her daughters were raped for arguing against Roman designs on the kingdom. It appears that at this same time the procurator, Catus Decianus, called in the loans by seizing money that the former emperor, Claudius, had given to the leading tribes. All of this was happening while the governor, Gaius Suetonius Paulinus, was campaigning in Wales on the Island of Mona, modern-day Anglesey. Suetonius probably had the XIV Gemina and XX Valeria Victrix Legions and was attempting to eradicate the Druids, who held this area as sacred. Boudicca at this point in 60 CE raised the cry for rebellion and marched on the Roman town of Camulodunun, modern-day Colchester, which the Romans had seized from the locals, evicting them from the town and forcing the locals to build Roman structures including the temple to Claudius, now deified. As the capital of Britain it was the most important Roman town, London not yet achieving this status. Boudicca and her army attacked the city, and the inhabitants called on the procurator, Catus Decianus, to send help; he sent 200 auxiliaries, who could not relieve the city. Quintus Petilius Cerialis, legate of the IX Hispania Legion, attempted to relieve the city but was defeated outside the town. His Painting of Celtic queen Boudicca (in chariot) infantry was destroyed, and he rallying Britons in 61 CE. Boudicca attempted to barely escaped with his cavalry. expel the Romans from Britain after their arrival and The town was besieged and cap- conquest a generation earlier. Her defeat ended any tured, with the soldiers and civil- organized resistance to Rome’s conquest of the island ians taking refuge in the Temple south of Scotland. Rome remained in control of of Claudius before it was taken. Britain until 410 CE. (Library of Congress)

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Boudicca and her army were not interested in captives and slaves and executed them. Catus Decianus at this time fled to Gaul. Boudicca now moved south against Londinum, while Suetonius and his army moved rapidly from Wales toward the town. Arriving first, Suetonius decided to defend the town or give battle outside, but with the recent disaster of the IX Hispania Legion he decided to abandon the city. Boudicca and her army destroyed the city and slaughtered anyone who remained. She then continued southeast and took the city of Verulamium, destroying it. Supposedly 80,000 Romans were killed, with Boudicca and her army interested only in bloodshed. While besieging Verulamium, Boudicca did not try to search out Suetonius, which gave him time to regroup. With his own legion, the XIV Gemina, and units of the XX Valeria Victrix, he was able to assemble nearly 10,000 men. The prefect of the II Augusta, Poenius Postumus, who was third-in-command of the legion (the legate and tribune were probably with Suetonius), ignored his request to move south from Exeter. He retreated west, probably to pick up more men and force Boudicca to move outside of her own area, along Watling Street. He seemed to choose a narrow defilement with a forest behind him and hills on the sides. While Boudicca’s force probably did not number the 230,000 men the ancients claimed, they did nevertheless far exceed Suetonius’s own force. Boudicca exhorted her men from her chariot and ordered the advance. While outnumbering the Romans, the British forces did not have experience in open field combat, as did the Romans. In addition, their numbers were no help, since they could not maneuver in the tight constraints. The legionnaires hurled their throwing spears, or pilum, which disrupted the first British line, killing thousands, and then advanced against the second British line, which was slowed by the deaths of their comrades. The Romans advanced in their wedge formation, which further split the British forces, allowing the Roman cavalry on the wings to attack disparate Britons. The British troops attempted to retreat, only to run into their wagons, which had been stationed in the rear with their women and children to urge them on, a common Celtic practice. The Britons were completely routed, with 80,000 dead compared to 400 Romans dead. Boudicca either was killed or committed suicide. Upon hearing of the Roman victory, the prefect Postumus, who failed to send support, committed suicide. Suetonius continued to mop up the rebels but was soon replaced. Some argued that he was recalled for his harshness, but it appears that he was received well at home by Nero. The rebellion did not completely end the disparate British views, but for the most part the province was pacified. See also: Individuals: Nero; Institutions: Client Kings; Provinces; Key Events: British Conquest; Military: Order of Battle; Tactics; Primary Documents: Document 27 Further Reading Dudley, Donald R., and Graham Webster. 1962. The Rebellion of Boudicca. London: Routledge. Fraser, Antonia. 1988. The Warrior Queens. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Webster, Graham. 1978. Boudica. Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield.

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British Conquest In 55 and 54 BCE, Julius Caesar made the first Roman raids into Britain. Although his intent may have been to conquer Britain, he probably realized that he did not have the manpower and, more important, the time to subdue the entire island. His raids should probably be seen as exploratory in nature. For the next century Rome continually had contact with Britain through trade and the installation of client kings. Often Rome received hostages from the British royal families to guarantee peace and trade connections. Augustus planned at least three times to attack the island; two were called off due to problems elsewhere in the empire, and another time the invasion was cancelled after the British came to terms. In 40 CE, Caligula gathered an army and made preparations for an invasion. These preparations included the construction of a lighthouse at Boulogne and probably training his men on amphibious landings. The ancient sources relate how he then ordered his men to attack the waves and collect seashells (Suetonius 1979, Caligula 46). These acts may relate to his deranged personality (a supposed conflict with the sea god Poseidon) or more likely his attempt to restore order and discipline after a mutiny in Germany. The troops gathered and trained were then used by Claudius, his successor, who in 43 mounted a full-scale invasion of the island. The Claudian invasion included four legions totaling 20,000 men and an equal number of auxiliaries. Led by the senator and general Aulus Plautius, the future emperor Vespasian commanded one of the legions, Geta commanded another legion, and the final legion was perhaps commanded by Vespasian’s brother Sabinus. Plautius’s invasion force crossed in three waves, landing on the southeastern tip of the island at Rutupiae (Richborough), which became the chief port for the Romans. At Rochester near the Medway River, the British tribes, composed mainly of the Catuvellauni under the brothers Togodumnus and Caratacus, assembled a large force, and for two days the Romans fought for control. Ultimately the Romans defeated the Britons and drove them back across the Thames River, where Togodumnus died. Plautius halted and sent for Emperor Claudius, who arrived with war elephants and heavy artillery that probably overawed the tribes, and they surrendered without a conflict, handing over their capital, Camulodunum. Claudius returned to Rome and a triumph. Plautius, the first governor, continued the conquest for the next three years, moving north and west to a line running from Lincoln in the north and southwest through Cirenchester to Exeter, the Fosse Way, establishing control over the region. His forces constantly advanced, building forts and pacifying the region. Vespasian took the southern route, marching as far west as Exeter with the II Augusta legion. Another legion, the IX Hispania, went north to Lincoln. The invasion force successfully pushed the Britons back out of the Thames River region. The next governor, Publius Ostorius Scapula, first put down a rebellion and then moved west into northern Wales. After this campaign, Ostorius continued the process of Romanization by establishing camps and Roman towns throughout the recently conquered area, chiefly at Camulodunum. He defeated Cataractus, who had become leader

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of the Silures; after the defeat Cataractus was handed over to the Romans by another British tribe allied to Rome and was sent to Rome, where after a speech to the Senate he was pardoned instead of executed, as was customary. Ostorius died in 52 and was replaced by Aulus Didius Gallus, who brought the Welsh frontier under control but did not advance farther west and north. His rule lasted until 57, during which time he quelled rebellions and further controlled the conquered areas instead of expanding the empire. In 57 Quintus Veranius Nepos reversed Didius’s policy of nonexpansion and decided to conquer Wales and begin his assault. Although partially successful, he died in 58 and was replaced by Gaius Suetonius Paulinus, who campaigned across Wales, destroyed the Druid center on the island of Mona in 60, and then returned swiftly to deal with the rebellion of Boudicca. Wales was finally conquered in 76 by the governor Frontinus. During the next two decades the Romans continued their expansion north in Caledonia. While Tacitus claims that his father-in-law Agricola could have conquered the whole island, this is very doubtful, as the Scottish Highlands were not easily controlled, and Rome’s decision was probably more cost-effective. Hadrian decided to move the frontier southward from Caledonia to the Solway Firth in the west and to the River Tyne in the east. The emperor decided to reinforce the region by building the limes, a defensive network that later became Hadrian’s Wall. While the wall was never meant to keep invaders completely at bay, it was recognized as a means to control the population flow. This was crucial, since the Romans wanted to maintain tightly controlled access points so they could regulate movement and trade. The frontier was briefly extended north by Antoninus with the creation of the Antonine Wall in 142 but was abandoned in the 160s back to Hadrian’s Wall. Septimius Severus campaigned in Scotland in 209 CE with three legions and other support units. The war was hard fought, with severe casualties on both sides. During this time Severus also rebuilt Hadrian’s Wall. Later emperors would fight in the north but usually as retaliation against the Scottish incursions. Diocletian and the separatist Carausius campaigned during the late third and early fourth centuries. The invasion of Britain was seen as a way to control the rich tin resources and prevent raids into Gaul. The Romans were not able to conquer the entire island due to the Scottish Highlands, which allowed the native population to launch continual raids in the north. The German pirates/marauders forced Rome to expend energy, creating fortified sites on the eastern and southern coastlines as well. When Rome failed to control the entire island, this created disturbances and forced Rome to spend considerable resources, 10 percent of its military, for a small area. See also: Groups and Organizations: Celts; Picts; Individuals: Claudius; Severan Dynasty; Institutions: Client Kings; Provinces; Key Events: Boudicca Rebellion; Military: Antonine Wall; Hadrian’s Wall; Primary Documents: Document 27 Further Reading Frere, Sheppard Sunderland. 1987. Britannia: A History of Roman Britain. 3rd revised ed. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Key Events | Hobbs, Richard, and Ralph Jackson. 2010. Roman Britain: Life at the Edge of Empire. London: British Museum Press. Salway, Peter. 1981. Roman Britain. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Suetonius. 1979. The Twelve Caesars. Revised ed. Edited by Robert Graves and Michael Grant. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Vespasian*.html.

Carausius Rebellion (286–293 CE) The rebellion by Carausius occurred in Britain beginning in 286 and, with his death in 293, continued under his successor until its final defeat in 296 or 297. Carausius successfully commanded forces in the Bagaudae wars in 286 CE, earning distinction. After his success Emperor Maximian charged him with outfitting a fleet and destroying the German pirates who were menacing the shores along the English Channel, after which the two had a falling out, perhaps because of Maximian’s promotion to caesar in December 285, perhaps because Carausius may have been stealing the loot taken from pirates, or because Carausius’s enemies conspired against him. Maximian declared Carausius an outlaw and ordered his execution; at this point Carausius seized power. Carausius seems to have made northern Gaul his base of operations in 286 around the city of Rouen, where he established a mint issuing gold and bronze coins. These gold coins were probably used to bribe the military units along the Rhine to ally with him and to keep other units in his expeditionary army loyal. His power must have seemed secure and strong enough to scare Maximian, who moved his gold stocks from Gaul to Rome for safety. Maximian may have first had to deal with the Germans, who made a series of raids. Some of these tribes came from a great distance, and Carausius was probably not in league with them; however, the occasion helped him. Maximian now ordered an expeditionary force north to retake the lost territories. During this early period when Carausius held northern Gaul, he successfully convinced units and/or commanders from a Rhine legion to join him. This would have been a severe shock to Maximian, since the rebellion could threaten the entire Rhine region. Maximian’s campaign in Germany in the summer of 286 may not have been only to counter the Germans but also to reestablish control of and loyalty among the Rhine legions. Carausius probably controlled the region around Rouen and Bolougne, which housed his new fleet. Maximian marched north in late 288 or early 289 and retook northern Gaul, forcing Carausius back across the channel, where he controlled only Britain. Associated with this campaign may have been the war against Carausius’s allies, the Franks, in 288 or 289. This war deprived Carausius of a valuable ally, which previously had distracted Maximian. After the Frankish war, Carausius was left to deal with Maximian alone. Since Carausius possessed the fleet, he probably controlled the English Channel from his British bases. Maximian now began to build a new fleet inland away from the channel. This

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fleet was then floated downstream and into the sea. The fleet was probably built inland to hide Maximain’s plan and due to the readily accessible timber along the Mosel and Rhine Rivers. The fleet was probably built in 289, since a contemporary source for that year indicates hope for a quick victory (Nixon and Rodgers 1994, 73). A second and later contemporary source does not mention the fleet or the campaign (Nixon and Rodgers 1994, 79). There are several possibilities to explain the discrepancy among contemporary sources. Carausius may have defeated the new fleet, a storm may have destroyed it, or some third party, Saxon pirates or the like, may have attacked on the open seas. The fleet may have been destroyed by land forces such as the Germans before it reached the channel, or the fleet was never used, although the latter is highly unlikely, since Maximian had just spent a year building it. These possibilities or even some others seem to have played havoc. The two most likely reasons were that Carausius defeated Maximian or a storm shattered the fleet. Contemporary sources would not indicate Carausius’s victory, and a later source seems to mention a storm (Nixon and Rodgers 1994, 130). After Maximian’s setback, Carausius launched an offensive to regain northern Gaul, successfully taking the key city of Boulogne and other regions. This enabled him to control the channel and the surrounding regions. From here Carausius could strike throughout the channel region and move into the center of Gaul and east into the German regions. He made Boulogne his chief base of operations beginning sometime after 289, during which time he may have strengthened the defensive works around the city. In addition, he may have forged an alliance with the Alamanni. Carausius also began his political attempt to seek recognition. This is mainly seen in his coinage, where he called himself caesar and began issuing consular coinage. There is no evidence that Rome recognized his new political call. In addition, Carausius issued coins with the central emperors Diocletian and Maximian and his portrait with them with the legend “Carausius Et Fratres Sui” (Carausius and his Brothers); Diocletian did not reciprocate this new overture. Their issue ceased when Diocletian elevated Constantius, a general, to become Maxiamian’s caesar, or lieutenant. There may have been some sort of peace agreement with Carausius after the loss of the fleet, since a later fourth-century Roman author, Aurelius Victor (320–390), records the contemporary victories over the Persians, in the Alexandrian rebellion, and over African tribes (all post-290) and then stated that only Carausius was allowed to retain his rule over the British Island, since he was competent to command and defend its inhabitants against warlike tribes (Victor and Bird 1994, chap. 39). This statement by a historian 50 years later does not necessarily mean that any official agreement was made, but the implication of him being allowed to rule over Britain seems to indicate so. Another later author, the fourth-century historian Eutropius, went even further, stating that a peace treaty had occurred, since Carausius was so skilled in war (Watson et al. 1853). This peace may have been a real event or merely a representation of the practical events. Carausius would continue to hold northern Gaul until the summer of 293. In 293 Constantius attacked northern Gaul, and during the battle for Boulogne, Carausius was assassinated by his second-in-command, Allectus. Carausius had been

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successful and adept at defeating the central government, and with his assassination the rebellion lost its true leader, making defeat more likely. Constantius, after a setback in which he lost another fleet, attacked Britain in 296. With one part of the fleet landing in the south while he took a second part toward the east, Allectus was forced to defend two possible attacks. The force that landed in the south marched toward London, and Allectus rode out to meet it. At an undetermined site the two forces met, and Allectus was defeated and killed. Constantius now landed in the east and marched on London. See also: Groups and Organizations: Germanic Tribes; Picts; Individuals: Diocletian; Institutions: Provinces; Military: Navy; Primary Documents: Document 27 Further Reading Casey, P. J. 1995. Carausius and Allectus: The British Usurpers. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Clayson, Alan. 2010. “Ahead of His Time: Carausus Was a Pirate, a Rebel and the First Ruler of a Unified Britain.” The Independent, July 29, http://www.independent.co.uk/life-style /history/ahead-of-his-time-carausius-was-a-pirate-a-rebel-and-the-first-ruler-of-a -unified-britain-2039008.html. Nixon, C. E. V., and Barbara Saylor Rodgers, eds. and trans. 1994. In Praise of Later Roman Emperors: The Panegyrici Latini. Berkeley: University of California Press. Victor, Sextus Aurelius, and H. W. Bird. 1994. Liber De Caesaribus. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. Watson, J. S., et al. 1853. Justin, Cornelius Nepos, and Eutropius. London: Henry G. Bohn. White, Donald A. 1961. Litus Saxonicum: The British Saxon Shore in Scholarship and History. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Council of Nicaea (325 CE) The Council of Nicaea, held in 325 under the auspices of Emperor Constantine, attempted to resolve the issues related to the nature of Jesus Christ and his relationship to God, the Father. The discussion centered on whether Jesus was always present, therefore not created, meaning he had no beginning as argued by Athanasius, or whether he was created, meaning he had a beginning, as argued by Arius. The attendees were from all over the empire but mainly from the east. In addition, the council resolved when Easter would be celebrated and various other discipline issues. The major issue was the fight between Athanasius and Arius. The development of Christianity created differences of opinion concerning the status of Jesus and his divinity. In the east, a controversy concerning God’s nature arose. Orthodox, or Catholic, theology maintained that Jesus and God the Father are coeternal, of one nature. This view had countered earlier views that Jesus was not divine but instead was a prophet or that he was not human, just divine. Around 320 Arius, a priest in Egypt, preached that Jesus, being the son, must have come after God the Father; thus,

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he could not be considered coeternal and therefore not equal. Arius’s analysis seemed logical to many Christians and pagans, for how can a son be equal in age and therefore power to his father? Finding many adherents in the east, Arius won over bishops including Eusebius of Nicomedia (Turkey) and Eusebius of Caesarea (Palestine), the great church historian. Arius’s argument, however, went against the Orthodox views espoused by Athanasius in Alexandria. For the next few years Arius successfully promoted his cause throughout the east, splitting the Eastern Church. Emperor Constantine was drawn into the controversy after defeating Licinius in 324. The following year, he called for the Council of Nicaea (Turkey), composed mainly of eastern bishops. The group led by Patriarch Alexander of Alexandria, who was assisted by the deacon Athanasius, argued that Jesus had been “begotten” by the Father from his own being, meaning that he was coeternal with God the Father and therefore had no beginning. Arius argued that Jesus was created out of nothing, meaning that he therefore had a beginning and was not coeternal. Arius argued for God the Father to be supreme and that Jesus was created by the Father’s will. This meant that Jesus was created from the Father. Arius argued that only God the Father had no beginning, always existing, while Jesus was created as the Father’s first act. Arius continued that everything else created came about from Jesus. Given this position, Jesus was inferior to God the Father. The opposing view espoused by Alexander of Alexandria and Hosius of Cordova, Constantine’s theological adviser, argued that the Father and Son were coeternal, which went against the Gospel of John (10:30), which says that “the Father and I are one.” Alexander’s confidant and worker was the deacon Athanasius, who researched much of the argument but was not able to sit on the council since he was not a bishop. Outnumbered, Arius lost the debate, and out of 250 to 300 attendees, only 2 sided with Arius. The result was the Nicene Creed, reaffirming the Catholic view that God the Father and Jesus the Son are coeternal. But the controversy raged on, with Arius preaching under the protection of Constantine’s adviser, Eusebius, the bishop of Nicomedia (in modern-day Turkey), who although he was at the council and supported the creed nevertheless sympathized with Arius and his views. While affirming the Nicene Creed, Constantine at first refused to curtail Arius and his followers, perhaps because of his failures with the Donatists in Africa. Constantine eventually condemned Arius, sending him into exile in Illyria late in 325 and exiling Arius’s ally, Eusebius of Nicomedia, to Gaul, from 325 to 328. Upon his return, Eusebius pursued the Arian cause first as adviser to Constantine and then, after 337, as the bishop of Constantinople, securing Arius’s recall in 337. Athanasius became bishop in 328 upon Alexander’s death and began his own lifelong battle with Arius. Athanasius was at the same time fighting another heresy, the Melitian Schism, which centered on how to readmit Christians who had fled or committed apostasy during Diocletian’s persecutions, and could not protect himself. After being condemned and stripped of his see, Athanasius was exiled to Trier (in Gaul) in 335. Arius returned from exile after Anthanasius’s deposition and was restored to his old position but died before reentering Alexandria; his followers claimed that he was murdered. Arius’s movement, however, did not die, as his followers preached his message, especially in the north, and converted the Goths and Vandals. For his part,

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Eusebius of Nicomedia influenced Constantius, the emperor’s son and future ruler in the east, using the controversy to maintain the independence of the Eastern Church from Rome. With Constantine’s death, the eastern Arian emperor Constantius II persecuted many Orthodox bishops. In the west, however, the exiled Athanasius found protection with the Catholic emperor Constans, Constantius’s brother. Civil war nearly erupted between the Catholic and Arian emperors until Constantius allowed Athanasius to return to his see in Alexandria in 341. With the murder of Constans in 350, Constantius became emperor of a united empire, once again attacking Athanasius and the Catholics in both the east and the west and forcing Athanasius to flee into the Egyptian desert in 356. For a short time the radical Arians held power, but upon Constantius’s death all of this changed with the rule of the pagan Julian, who had no partisan interest in these struggles but allowed the exiles removed by Constantius to return to their posts. Julian profited from the continuing struggle between the Arians and Catholics, since it distracted many Christian leaders from his propagan policies. After Julian’s death in 363 CE and the return of a Christian emperor, Jovian, the Arians remained strong in the east not because of their position but instead because of the divisions in their opposition. This situation changed in the 370s with Basil of Caesarea in Cappadocia, who sought to reunite the various eastern groups. Further, with the accession of Gratian (375–383) and Theodosius I (379–395), both of whom strictly followed the Orthodox Nicene Creed, the Arians lost their political and official strength. The struggle between Arianism and Orthodox Christianity had weakened the church and the east, which impacted late Roman society. The Arians’ greatest impact occurred in Africa, where the devout and avid Arian Vandal kings Genseric, Huneric, and Thrasamund persecuted the Catholics and Donatists for nearly a century (428–523). Although many of the other tribes in the west were Arians, they did not produce the same ferocity as the Vandals. By the sixth century Catholicism had supplanted Arianism, but the struggle profoundly affected the empire. Not only does the beginning of the theological and political split between east and west occur, but many in the west now viewed the east with suspicion, since the Arians converted the barbarians. The east also viewed the west with suspicion, since the pope and others asserted western supremacy over all other bishops. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; State Religion; Individuals: Constantine; Latin Fathers of the Western Church; Institutions: Religion Further Reading Ayres, Lewis. 2004. Nicaea and Its Legacy: An Approach to Fourth-Century Trinitarian Theology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Barnes, Timothy David. 1981. Constantine and Eusebius. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. L’Huillier, Peter. 1996. The Church of the Ancient Councils: The Disciplinary Work of the First Four Ecumenical Councils. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press.

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Dacian Wars (101–102 and 105–106 CE) Rome fought a series of wars against the Dacian kingdom, in modern-day Romania, during 101–102 CE and 105–106. While Julius Caesar and Augustus engaged little with Dacia, the major conflicts began under Emperor Domitian and his successor, Trajan. In 85 a war between Domitian and Dacia began the conflict, which eventually led to Trajan’s First Dacian War in 101–102 and, after a short peace, the final or Second Dacian War in 105–106. These wars resulted in the annexation of the region north of the Danube and the acquisition of great amounts of gold. The kingdom of Dacia lay north of the Danube River and was known to the Romans since before Julius Caesar. The kingdom was organized along Hellenistic lines as a loose confederation. Burebista, the king of Dacia, or Getae, defeated the Romans near the Black Sea in 62 BCE, allowing him to exert control over the whole region, including Greek cities. When the Romans advanced into the Danube region in the 70s BCE, the tribes occupying the lands both south and north of the Danube River and in particular Burebista became nervous. Renowned for its gold, Dacia became the subject of Roman desires, and with the Roman defeat in 62 BCE a desire to avenge the losses grew. Julius Caesar contemplated attacking the kingdom instead of Gaul, but his assassination in 44 BCE, along with the assassiTrajan’s column in Rome commemorates his victory in nation of Burebista that same year, the Dacian Wars, 106 CE. The Kingdom of Dacia, prevented the attack. After the asmodern Romania, was renown for its gold mines, sassinations and the resulting civil which were sought after by Rome since Julius Caesar. wars in both Dacia and Rome, DaEmperor Trajan conducted two wars, during 101–102 cia remained in the background of and 105–106, the latter of which resulted in Rome’s conquest of the region. (Ariy Zimin/Dreamstime.com) Roman planning.

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In 29 BCE Augustus sent Marcus Licinius Crassus, grandson of the triumvir who died in Syria in 53 BCE, to repel the Bastarnae, a mixture of tribes along the Danube including the Dacians, who had crossed south into Thrace, and avenge the previous Roman defeats. The Getae or Dacians, although split into four or five separate kingdoms, were still the main combatants. Attempting to catch the Basternae, Crassus pursued them to the Danube but could not catch them. He then marched against the tribes in the southern Danube, in the region of Moesia along the Danube River, and began to reduce them. In 28 he lured the Basternae tribe into a trap by hiding most of his men in some woods and leaving a small force out in the open. The Basternae attacked the small group, only to find Crassus and his main body ready to attack. Crassus defeated the Basternae and killed their king, Deldo, in single combat. About 15 years later the Romans again advanced against the Dacians and Basternae, who were crossing the Danube and engaging in raids. With these raids and the internal discord within Dacia, the region remained peaceful as far as Rome was concerned. In 85 CE the Roman governor of Moesia, Oppius Sabinus, led a raid against the Dacians who had crossed the Danube. It appears that this raiding maneuver led to Sabinus attempting to defeat and pacify the Dacians under their king, Duras. The Dacians, led by their general Diurpaneus, whom some believe to be the future king Decebalus, defeated and annihilated Sabinus and his legion, the V Alaudae. Emperor Domitian and his praetorian prefect, Cornelius Fuscus, arrived and drove back the Dacians in 86, allowing Domitian to celebrate a triumph. Later that year Fuscus attacked again but was ambushed and died. Some believe that this was the battle that resulted in the loss of the V Alaudae. Domitian appears to have desired to return to avenge Fuscus’s loss, but a rebellion in Germany forced him to turn his attention there. He and the Dacians under their new king, Decebalus, made peace, resulting in Rome providing a financial subsidy and trained engineers in exchange for other Roman prisoners. Decebalus used these engineers and the money to strengthen his fortresses. Domitian continued to build up the defenses along the Danube but did not engage in battle. The new Roman emperor, Trajan (98–117), began to make plans for an ambitious military expansion. This included a future war with Parthia and, more urgent, a campaign to avenge Domitian’s losses in Dacia. Trajan fought two wars with the Dacians, the first in 101–102 and the second in 105–106. The First Dacian War resulted when Trajan’s two legionary columns advanced into the Dacian lowlands, burning and plundering the region. It appears that Decebalus desired to make peace after these initial clashes and avoid any prolonged campaign. Decebalus was given some technical aid and Roman support to create a buffer zone. It is difficult to determine what actually was happening, since this seems to imply that both Rome and Dacia had won. One possible explanation is that Trajan’s force, although victorious, suffered severe losses, and he did not desire to continue the war, which may have resulted in a defeat. Decebalus meanwhile may have known that Trajan had issues but, having already suffered setbacks, was not prepared to risk another battle. It is clear that Trajan planned another invasion, since he commissioned his architect, Apollodorus of Damascus, to construct a great bridge across the Danube at Drobeta

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just east of the Iron Gates, a gorge on the Danube River. The bridge was 3,725 feet long, 49 feet wide, and 62 feet high and for a millennium was the longest arched bridge. At each end was a fort, and the bridge was built on 20 piers. The bridge was built between 103 and 105 CE so that when the Second Dacian War began in 105, troops and supplies could be moved quickly across the Danube. The Second Dacian War began when Rome accused Decebalus of stirring up rebellion among the tribes allied to Rome. It appears that like the first war, during the early campaigns the Romans could not achieve a decisive victory and suffered losses. Finally, in 106 the Romans brought in more reinforcements and began a push toward the Dacian capital of Sarmizegetusa by reducing the forts that protected the capital. After a hard siege including the disruption of water supplies, Decebalus fled and was hunted down and committed suicide. The Romans continued to mop up resistance and ultimately found Decebalus’s treasure. With the defeat of their king, Dacia was under Roman control. Trajan returned to Rome and celebrated a great triumph. He constructed the Column of Trajan, which portrayed in sculpture the conquest of Dacia in the two wars. The money received from the Dacian gold mines allowed him to begin a massive building program and stabilize the economy for a generation. The war was probably also undertaken to ensure that Trajan’s flank was protected for his greatest ambition, the conquest of Parthia, and to emulate Alexander the Great. See also: Groups and Organizations: Dacians; Individuals: Domitian; Trajan Further Reading Bennett, Julian. 2001. Trajan: Optimus Princeps. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Curry, Andrew. n.d. “A War Diary Soars over Rome.” National Geographic, http://www .nationalgeographic.com/trajan-column/article.html. Rossi, Lino. 1971. Trajan’s Column and the Dacian Wars. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Diocletian Persecutions (303–311 CE) For nearly two centuries the Roman government had at times tolerated, attacked, and accommodated the Christians. In early 303 Diocletian unleashed the last great persecution, probably because of his growing fear of their increasing numbers, especially in the east, and his possible fear of them being tied with Persia, Rome’s enemy in the east. The first edict given at Nicomedia was announced on February 23, 303, with the church outside the palace being burned and scriptures seized and destroyed. On February 24, terms were posted that church buildings were to be destroyed, scriptures were to be seized and destroyed, property including plate and silver/gold vessels were to be confiscated, all Christian meetings were to be prohibited, and Christians who were honestiores (upper class) were to be reduced to humiliores (peasants) and subject to torture. All litigants including Christians were required to offer sacrifice to the Roman

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gods on an altar by burning incense before any legal actions occurred, and any Christian freedman could be reenslaved. The change in status would allow torture, since honestiores were not allowed to be tortured. The edict sought to eliminate the church’s structure and possessions, and although it probably did not impose specific penalties, governors always had extensive leeway in dealing with issues. But for the average Christian there were few threats. As long as one did not disrupt the community, possess religious books and plate, or attend meetings, they were not harassed; being a Christian nomen Christianum only deprived one of judicial process. Christians were not to be sought out, a policy since the reign of Trajan (98–117), except for those in the imperial household and the privileged class, or honestiores, who now became common, or humiliores, with a loss of prestige and rank. Throughout the empire this edict was carried out, and although later Christians took pains to indicate that Constantius (father of Constantine) in the west did not persecute, they admitted that churches were destroyed even in his part of the empire. The persecutions were especially severe in Africa. There was a hunt for books in some provinces, especially in Africa, but the idea that libraries were actively sought out and destroyed probably did not occur. Christian clergy members circumvented the policy, and it was only enforced by a few officials. The cases of traditio (handing over books) resulted in charges and countercharges after the persecutions against fellow Christians, which led to the Donatist schism and chaos. In the east there was no great move against libraries and no evidence to suppose that there was hunting of libraries from private individuals. There is evidence of plate being confiscated; in 304 a papyrus indicates that nothing remained except bronze objects handed over for shipment to Alexandria (Parsons et al. 1968). A single papyrus showed that litigants had to sacrifice to pagan gods before the beginning of a legal action that would potentially entrap Christians or force them to commit apostasy if they sacrificed. In this papyrus Copres, a Christian, who was preparing a lawsuit in another town, confirms this when he wrote back to his family in Oxyrhynchus that “It became known to us that those who present themselves in court are being made to sacrifice” (Barns et al. 1966, 2601). He accomplishes the rule by “I made a power of attorney in favor of my brother” (Barns et al. 1966, 2601). Such a casual view suggests that it was probably routinely circumvented or that individuals did not know they would be doing an act of apostasy. The second edict, issued in the spring of 303, continued the attack on the formal structure of the church by ordering the arrest of clergy members. The order attempted to further undermine the church’s structure by removing the local leaders. It appears that the order was only enacted in the east, although there are numerous stories of clergy being arrested in the west. Apparently the first two edicts had some success, since a third edict offered release from prison for those who agreed to sacrifice, and if not torture was threatened. The number who sacrificed, later classified as lapsed, was significant, since during the next two decades Christianity had to deal with those Christians who sacrificed and then wished to return. In early 304, probably in January or February, the final edict ordering universal sacrifice was issued. Here communities were to sacrifice as a body. Again, that this edict was successful may been seen in the 14 canons of Peter of Alexandria for Easter 306

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that gave out regulations concerning those who lapsed, evaded sacrifice, and compromised their religious convictions. The edict required universal sacrifice, and evidence shows that local inhabitants clearly apostatized (Lawlor, Ernest, and Oulton 1927, 3.1). Some of these apostates freely sacrificed, while others were forced. The initial phase of the edict had voluntary sacrifice whereby individuals seemingly were not compelled or forced; it was only in 306 when Emperor Maximian for the first time issued an edict requiring local municipal magistrates to enforce the edict. Here the local magistrates, using official rolls, called each citizen to sacrifice. As the third edict indicated, the persecutions allowed torture to not only elicit a confession or sacrifice but also to make a statement to the vast numbers of Christians in hopes that the number of Christians converting back to paganism would increase. Some of the forms of torture included the traditional whipping and beatings, but the Romans were also inventive: for example, they used the rack. Here, victims would be stretched out so that their arms and legs would pop out of their sockets. Another favorite had the individual on the rack, and then a comb with razor-sharp metal spikes was run down the side of the individual, ripping the flesh to pieces. Another aspect concerned women; they were of course raped and abused, but when thrown into the arena to face the wild beasts they could not be naked, as per Roman law, so they wore a bikini outfit made of briar bushes. The persecutions, however, failed in part because the pagan emperors believed that by attacking the physical structures, Christianity would end. Probably more important, the persecutions ultimately failed because the general pagan population appears to have been indifferent to Christians or even sympathetic. Christianity by now had become part of Roman society, a sizable minority (10 percent). The average pagan now probably had contacts with Christians as merchants, tradesmen, and even fellow flamens, or city priests; in other words, they were like them. Alexander of Lycopolis, an Egyptian Neoplatonist, wrote around 300 that Christianity had become the religion of the people because of its simplicity and high ethics (Roberts, Donaldson, and Coxe 1886, Of the Manicheans 1). See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Individuals: Constantine; Diocletian; Key Events: Pre-Diocletianic Persecutions Further Reading Barnes, Timothy D. 1982. The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Barns, J. W. B., et al., trans. 1966. P. Oxyrhynchus 2601 v. 31. Texts (2531–2616). London: Arts and Humanities Research Council by the Egypt Exploration Society Indexes. Corcoran, Simon. 1996. The Empire of the Tetrarchs, Imperial Pronouncements and Government, AD 284–324. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Epp, Eldon Jay. 2004. “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor Except in Their Hometown’?” Journal of Biblical Literature 123(1): 5–55.

Key Events | Frend, William H. C. 1967. Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church: A Study of a Conflict from the Maccabees to Donatus. New York: New York University Press. Lawlor, Hugh Jackson, John Ernest, and Leonard Oulton, trans. 1927. Eusebius: The Ecclesiastical History of the Martyrs of Palestine. London: Society of Promoting Christian Knowledge. Parsons, Peter, et al., trans. 1968. P. Oxyrhynchus 2673 v. 33. Texts (2654–2682). London: Arts and Humanities Research Council by the Egypt Exploration Society Indexes. Roberts, Alexander, James Donaldson, and A. Cleveland Coxe. 1886. The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers down to A.D. 325, Vol. 6. Buffalo: Christian Literature Company.

Edict of Milan (313 CE) In February 313 Constantine and Licinius issued the so-called Edict of Milan, which granted Christians and others the right to worship in the Roman Empire. The edict was issued two years after Galerius, on his deathbed, had promulgated his Edict of Toleration, which ended the Christian persecutions. Christians were also permitted to make claims for restitution for property seized during previous persecutions, and previous restrictions on the religion were removed. The edict also helped to solve political difficulties faced by Constantine and Licinius. Commonly cited as showing that the two were Christians, this is not necessarily supported by the existing records. The Edict of Milan was not just for Christians. As Lactantius indicates in his copy, it is for Christianity and “others” to worship freely. It further stated that all previous constraints placed by officials were hereby removed and that Christianity was free to exist as a religion. They further stated that Christians specifically were allowed to make claims for restitution for churches and other property that had been seized. This was important, since it applied to not only individuals but also corporations (groups) and cities. The Roman Empire during the chaotic early fourth century after the retirement of Diocletian pitted different regions, individuals, and religions against each other. After a series of civil wars, the major combatants were reduced to Constantine and Maxentius in the west, with Constantine winning in late 312, and Licinius and Maximin Daia in the east, with the two at odds when the Edict of Milan was issued. By early 313, Constantine thus controlled the west, while Licinius and Maximin Daia struggled in the east. Within this context two of the major rulers, Constantine and Licinius, agreed to meet and promulgated a new edict. In March 313 Licinius married Constantine’s half sister at Milan, and at the same time the two published their Edict of Milan. The two now took on the Christian cause. Both had political plans, mainly that Constantine needed to settle the affairs in the west after his victory over Maxentius in the Battle of the Milvian Bridge in October 312 in Rome, while Licinius planned to move against Maximin Daia in the east. Constantine in his battle against Maxentius stated that he

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had received a sign from the Christian god to put the Chi-Rho sign, an “X” on top of a “P” (Greek for “R”) on his soldiers’ helmet and shields to ensure victory. It appears that even at this stage Constantine did not necessarily believe in the monotheism of Christianity but did apparently believe in the superior force of the Christian god. Licinius also wanted to gain support for groups in the east to counter Maximin, who still displayed hostility toward Christianity. The edict shows that neither Constantine and Licinius were Christians. Licinius later adopted a general prayer for his troops in the battle against Maximin Daia in April 313, which could have been interpreted as supporting any of the new cults, including Christianity. Victorious near Adrianople, Licinius pursued Maximin Daia back across Asia until Maximin’s death in August 313, leaving Constantine and Licinius in control. The Edict of Milan was clearly addressed to Maximin Daia, since Maxentius was already dead and it was issued by Constantine and Licinius. The edict begins with the two emperors indicating that they have met to put the Roman world back in order, which included solving the religious issues. When examining the edict, it is clear that it is not to make Christianity the official religion. This was crucial to both parties. While Constantine had used the Christian god to promote his position over Maxentius, he could have justifiably declared that he was following the tenets of Sol Invictus. In addition, he did not wish to plunge the west into a conflict over religious ideology, especially since Christianity was still a minority. Licinius likewise did not necessarily endorse Christianity but did not have outright hostility against it, as did Maximin Daia. Constantine as leader of the west did not have to worry about his position; in addition, the restoration of churches and property was not too controversial in the west, since Christianity did not suffer there as much as in the east. The two emperors therefore had different reasons for wanting the edict issued. Constantine wanted to make sure that the Christian god, whom he considered the strongest among several, would not exact suffering on his domain. He was in essence trying to appease the Christian deity. Licinius wanted to use it as a tool against Maximin Daia in his upcoming struggle. It is possible that Licinius knew that segments would support him against Maximin Daia, given their religious background. It appears that Licinius had more political desires for seeing the edict issued, since it would help him in his forthcoming battle against Maximin Daia, while Constantine wanted to solidify his recent conquests. The first part of the edict therefore attempts to allow Christians and others the freedom to worship unobstructed. The second part of the edict orders that property seized by the state be restored to the Christians either as individuals or as corporations. In addition, those who purchased or possessed the Christians’ property could make a claim to the treasury for fair compensation. The emperors wished for this to proceed as quickly as possible to heal the wounds. The edict therefore attempted to solve political and social crises in the empire. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Individuals: Constantine; Diocletian; Institutions: Religion; Key Events: Diocletian Persecutions; Edict of Toleration; Primary Documents: Document 41

Key Events | Further Reading “The ‘Edict of Milan’ (313 A.D.).” n.d. Fordham University, http://legacy.fordham.edu /halsall/source/edict-milan.asp. Frend, W. H. C. 1965. The Early Church. London: Hodder and Stoughton.

Edict of Toleration (311 CE) The Edict of Toleration was issued in 311 CE by the senior Emperor Galerius in the east at his capital of Serdica after a history of persecution of Christians in many regions within the empire. Galerius himself persecuted Christians in the eastern empire but had a peculiar change of heart after he began to suffer an illness. The edict did not elevate Christianity but merely declared that it could be observed without persecution, returning to Christians a status they possessed through most of the period of the Roman Empire. The relationship of the Roman state to Christianity oscillated between outright hatred and tolerance. During the late third century the Roman state began an active persecution that culminated under Emperor Diocletian and his colleagues (the tetrarchs) and their successors. The persecution during this period vacillated due to regional differences and individuals in the tetrarchy who controlled the particular regions. In the west under Constantius Chlorus, the father of Constantine, the persecutions were limited to the destruction of churches and other property such as books and ceremonial attributes, while in the east it was more serious, including the loss of lives. In the west the persecution varied, with Constantius doing little in Gaul and Britain, while in North Africa, Spain, and Italy under the control of Maximian the persecutions were more severe. As with Constantius, Maximian destroyed churches and confiscated property, but in several cases there were arrests and torture, banishment to the mines, and even execution. The number of individuals affected was not as great as in the east, but they did exist, especially in North Africa. In the Far East, Emperor Diocletian appears to have been more interested in the physical structures and property of the church and attempting to coerce individuals to apostatize rather than in outright torture and execution. Nevertheless, there were individuals who were arrested and punished. Examples indicate that many were sent to the mines. The pressure here was not as severe as in the Danube region, where the tetrarch, Galerius, seems to have been more vigorous. Galerius appears to have actively rooted out Christians apparently due to personal hatred. The persecutions first started in 303 CE with nonviolent acts such as confiscating property and destroying churches, followed in 304 with the instances of universal sacrifice and then punishment for noncompliance, including death. When Diocletian and Maximian retired in 305, the persecutions in the west trailed off, while in the east they continued, since Galerius was now in control and his lieutenant was under his influence. The persecutions varied even in the east now depending on the circumstances

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and regions under control. Maximin Daia, the new tetrarch in the east, was notoriously known for his cruel behavior and instances of rooting out Christians, often being asked by communities to rid their region of Christians. During this time the state underwent a series of civil wars, which ended up changing the dynamics of the state and its relationship with the Christians. Galerius continued to persecute but around 309 began to have a change of policy due to an illness that afflicted him. During this period various rulers used the Christian issue to their benefit. When Constantius died in 306, his son Constantine was proclaimed emperor and continued his father’s policy of not persecuting Christians. In Italy, North Africa, and Spain, Maximian was ultimately succeeded by his son Maxentius through a coup and defeating the successor of Maximian, and he likewise did not persecute Christians but later was accused of doing so. All of this now led to the promulgation in April 311 of the Edict of Toleration issued by Galerius, who had once persecuted the Christians. The reason for this change of heart appears to stem from the fact that he was suffering from some kind of disease of the bowel that caused him great pain and discomfort. Being religious and superstitious, he may have felt that the attempt to eradicate the Christians had not only failed but in fact had put a curse on him and that his illness was caused by their “magic.” His edict did not put Christianity on the same level as the ancient pagan religion; rather, the edit merely restored Christianity’s status that had existed for most of the period of the Roman Empire. The text is preserved by the Christian author Lactantius. Even in his last gasp Galerius wanted the Christians to be seen as being opposed to reason. The Christians were allowed to live peacefully in their homes as Christians and worship as long as they did not disrupt the order of the state. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Individuals: Constantine; Diocletian; Institutions: Religion; Key Events: Diocletian Persecutions; Edict of Milan; Primary Documents: Document 39 Further Reading “Edict of Toleration by Galerius—311 A.D.” n.d. Fordham University, http://legacy.fordham .edu/halsall/source/edict-milan.asp. Frend, W. H. C. 1965. The Early Church. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Firmianus. 1984. De Mortibus Persecutorum. Translated by J. L. Creed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon.

Fires Like any other city in antiquity, fires were among the deadliest disasters that Rome faced. Since building materials were constructed of highly flammable materials, mainly wood and thatch, they would become dry after only a few months, leaving them extremely combustible. With the homes and buildings being so close to each other,

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especially in large cities such as Rome, fires could spread quickly. Rome experienced many fires during the empire, including the most destructive fire during the first century. The most famous of Rome’s fires, the great fire under Nero’s reign in 64 CE, has garnered much attention through history and legend. Most fires were probably started by natural calamities such as lightning or from carelessness, with the most common area being the kitchen, where olive oil, used in cooking, was extremely flammable. Since most homes did not have running water, if a fire broke out there was little time to extinguish the flames if it got out of hand. The neighbors had to prevent the spread of the fire without help from the city government. Most ancient cities did not have any kind of firefighting department, let alone any sophisticated firefighting equipment. Using buckets and the local fountain, the inhabitants attempted to prevent the fire from spreading. This was also accomplished by using axes to tear down nearby structures lest they catch fire. The history of fires in Rome began with its early history. In 390 BCE the Gauls seized the city, which as the Romans related was totally destroyed by fire, just as they would say about Nero’s fire in 64 CE. Although an exaggeration, the city was certainly ravaged, with most of the Forum and its temples, shops, and public records destroyed. During the republic the sources indicate that at least 15 fires occurred, with 7 of these being widespread (Canter 1932). There must have been more fires that were not recorded or for which records are incomplete. The major areas hit were the congested industrial area and commercial regions along the Tiber River and the business district of shops surrounding the Forum. Under the empire the records become more numerous. During the reign of Augustus there were nine fires recorded. In 31 BCE a fire broke out, supposedly set by freedmen protesting tax assessments, that destroyed the region around the Circus Maximus and damaged that structure as well. In 14 BCE a fire destroyed many of the public buildings in the Forum, and in 12 BCE a fire destroyed many homes and buildings, probably on the Palatine. In 6 CE a fire destroyed parts of the city, which forced Augustus to create a professional fire brigade. During Tiberius’s reign five fires were recorded, including the one in 27 CE that destroyed many of the wealthy homes on the Caelian Hill and in 36 the fire in the region from the Circus Maximus on to the Aventine. Claudius in 54 had to deal with a terrible fire in the Campus Martius region, where he paid residents on the spot out of his own pocket to help fight the fire. The great fire during Nero’s reign has absorbed much history and myth. In 64 the fire broke out at night and burned for the next six days and nights. Starting in the Circus Maximus region, it destroyed the Forum Boarium, the region between the Palatine and Capitoline, as well as the structures on the slopes of the Caelian, Aventine, Palatine, and Capitoline. It then reached the Esquiline before breaking out in the Campus Martius. Of the 14 districts in Rome, only the Forum proper was spared, while three districts were totally destroyed. Myth has it that Nero started the fire and that he played his lyre while the city burned. In reality, Nero was away from the city, and the fire probably started in one of the shops, as was the case with other fires starting in the same region. A century later two noteworthy fires burned under Commodus’s reign, in 189 and 191. The fire in 191 was particularly devastating, destroying the Temple of Peace and

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spreading to the Palatine, where it destroyed the library established by Augustus in the Temple of Apollo and all of the state archives. In 283 two fires broke out during the reign of Carus; the first destroyed the Theater of Pompey, while the second and more horrific fire destroyed the Forum of Julius Caesar. In looking at the 44 major fires during the imperial period, only two of Augustus’s 14 regions, region 1 (Porta Capena) and region 14 (Trans Tiber), are not represented. Eight of the fires occurred in region 10 (Palatine), while region 9 (Circus Flaminius with Campus Martius) had nine, and region 8 (Roman Forum, Imperial Fora, and Capitoline) had 14 (Canter 1932). The republic had three magistrates who oversaw a contingent of state slaves who would attack fires. This did not work well, with a series of attested fires that often consumed part of the city. The lack of a professional fire brigade continually plagued the city during the republic. This system continued until the late republic, when the financier Marcus Licinius Crassus, a member of the First Triumvirate, formed Rome’s first true fire brigade. Creating a cohesive unit of slaves, they would put out fires, usually among the homes of the wealthy. While this may sound like a noble deed, Crassus’s motive was economic. After a fire broke out, Crassus would arrive and negotiate with the owner to sell his property before Crassus’s slaves would put out the fire. The owner would either sell at a cut rate or see his home destroyed. Once the fire was extinguished, Crassus would often sell the property, which may not have been badly damaged, for an immense profit, often with the original owner buying it back at an extensively higher price than he had sold it. It was often said that Crassus’s slaves were quick to arrive at the homes even though their barracks were across town (Plutarch 1932). Rumors spread that Crassus had started the fires. After a disastrous fire in 6 CE, Emperor Augustus created the first state fire brigade using the night watchmen, the vigiles urbani, who patrolled the streets to ensure that if a fire broke out they could quickly respond. The men would use axes and hooks to tear down nearby buildings. This may have been where the phrase “hook and ladder” came from. Sometimes they would use ballistae, or catapults, to knock them down as well. Emperors such as Nero would enact legislation concerning the height of structures and distances from one another to stem the tide of the destructiveness of fires. See also: Government and Politics: Vigiles; Individuals: Nero; Institutions: Public Health and Sanitation; Public Works; Key Events: Floods; Primary Documents: Document 1; Document 6; Document 28 Further Reading Canter, H. V. 1932. “Conflagrations in Ancient Rome.” Classical Journal 27(4): 270–288. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Journals/CJ/27/4/Conflagrations* .html. Dando-Collins, Stephen. 2010. The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo. Plutarch. 1932. The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans. Translated by John Dryden and Arthur Hugh Clough. New York: Modern Library.

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Floods Throughout its history Rome has been subject to the threat of flooding from the Tiber River, which flows through the city, separating the city proper in the east from the trans-Tiberian region in the west. As the river flows from the north it makes a general “S” shape into the west before cutting eastward. The land between these two curves, the Campus Martius, was particularly prone to flooding. Due to Rome’s topography, most flooding affected public buildings and the poor, as most residential buildings were constructed on hills above the floodplain. Flooding in Rome destroyed buildings, spread diseases, and killed many of its inhabitants, mostly the poor. Flooding usually occurs due to a consistent period of precipitation usually lasting several months. The first phase lasts several months, when rain and snow causes the soil to become saturated with water; for Rome this usually occurred in the fall. The next phase occurs when heavy rains fall on consecutive days where the ground is unable to absorb any more water and water flows freely across the soil. This phase is also influenced by the winter storms and varies from year to year. When the rains and snows are heavy and prolonged, the ground becomes drenched. With the soil fully saturated, the water now finds its easiest path along valleys and streams toward the river. When it continues to rain the final phase occurs when a general swelling of local streams feeding into the river causes the water level to rise upstream, increasing the water volume and magnitude downstream as the river flows. Many of the floods probably took place in winter, with the months of November, December, and February being particularly heavy. This did not preclude summer floods as they were also known, such as in May and July during Augustus’s reign. The Tiber’s normal level was between 15 and 20 feet, while flooding low-lying regions occurred at about 30 feet. From the evidence it appears that a flood every 20 years was common (Aldrete 2007). Without any modern flood walls, not built until the nineteenth century, the river caused flooding especially on the Campus Martius, a floodplain and swamp, sometimes covering it with 2 feet of water. During the imperial period at least eight floods were recorded by ancient authors, who stated that the streets were navigable by boat. The Romans realized the negative impact and built their warehouses on the trans-Tiberian side above the 30-foot mark. During a typical flood these warehouses would not be affected, while across the Tiber in the Emporium district the flood would inundate the region, causing damage and disruption. In addition to disrupting everyday life, the rushing water into the city caused damage and death. For example, a flood of only two feet can carry away cars and trucks, sweeping them with such force as to turn them over. In ancient Rome flood waters could produce enough force to destroy the wooden structures and houses, and in at least two recorded cases the water swept people off their feet downstream, and there are accounts of cattle dying from drowning (Aldrete 2007). In addition to the Campus Martius, the flood waters inundated other low-lying areas near the river such as the Forum Boarium, the Circus Maximus, the Roman Forum, and the region across the Tiber.

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The city’s topography also influenced the effects of the flood. The city, built both on the hills and in the valleys, crisscrossed Rome and influenced where the flooding would be worse. The low levels tended to house the commercial and political sites, while the hills housed many of the residential regions. The valleys became flooded, which had deposits of silt that hampered the city’s economic life. Floods in antiquity and even in the modern era lasted on average about five days before the waters receded. Ancient authors record that the floods were often so bad that the Romans had to cross their roads by boat. In addition to causing disruption for the inhabitants, the floods resulted in a breakdown of communication, spoilage of food, damage to houses and structures, and the deposit of silt. The flooding also displaced the population. One of the major disasters was drowning; although not mentioned explicitly, the sources often indicate that great numbers of people died, probably the poor who lived in the valleys (Aldrete 2007). As with any flooding, the deposit of silt required extensive cleanup. The silt was often slimy and foul smelling, carrying diseases caused by the overflowing of sewers and waste from the streets being spread throughout the city. With the spread of silt, diseases soon followed. Other problems with the flooding were the weakening of brick buildings, since the mortar would have been loosened and the force of water pushed bricks aside. The potential of flooding was always a constant, and emperors attempted to shore up the infrastructure to handle the situation. Although they did not build flood walls, the Romans attempted to keep the majority of the population away from the normal floodplains, often by using these areas for the construction of public buildings as opposed to private houses. As the city’s population increased this became harder, since land was at a premium. See also: Institutions: Public Health and Sanitation; Public Works; Key Events: Antonine Plague; Fires; Primary Documents: Document 19 Further Reading Aldrete, Gregory S. 2007. Floods of the Tiber in Ancient Rome. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Havlicek, Filip, and Miroslav Morcinek. 2016. “Waste and Pollution in the Ancient Roman Empire.” Journal of Landscape Ecology 9(3): 33–49. Also available at http://mendelu .vedeckecasopisy.cz/publicFiles/001117.pdf.

Jewish Rebellion, First (66–73 CE) The First Jewish Rebellion, often also termed the Great Revolt and the First JewishRoman War, occurred from 66 to 73 CE. The Romans were led by Vespasian and his son Titus, both future emperors, against several different Jewish sects and leaders especially John of Giscala, the leader of the Zealots, Eleazar ben Simon in the north who then fled to Jerusalem, and Eleazar ben Ya’ir at Masada. The roots of the war lay in the

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Roman and Jewish ethnic and religious interactions over the past century from Herod the Great, king of Judea, to Nero, the last of the Julio-Claudians. The major source for this event is the Jewish historian Josephus, a rebel commander who was captured by the general Vespasian and allowed to forego slavery when he predicted that Vespasian would be emperor. During the reign of Nero taxes increased, resulting in attacks on Roman citizens. In 66 a riot broke out in Caesarea, provoked by Greeks against Jewish religious rites, that soon expanded into protest by Jewish groups throughout Judea. The Roman governor, Florus, raided the Temple treasury and arrested Jewish leaders, which in turn resulted in a full-scale rebellion. The Jewish rebels overpowered the Roman garrisons throughout Judea, and the governor and the pro-Roman king Agrippa II fled Jerusalem. Since the rebellion was producing widespread disruption and had the possibility of destabilizing the whole eastern frontier, the Roman legate of Syria, Cestus Gallus, marched into Galilee with the XII Fulminata and units of the III Gallica, IV Scythica, and VI Ferrata legions and auxiliaries. He won in Galille and marched on Caesarea and Jaffa before attacking Jerusalem. After some initial success Gallus retreated toward the coast. The rebels ambushed and defeated Gallus in the Battle of Beth Horon, and the Fulminata legionary standard or Aquila was lost, a humiliating act. The Jewish rebels, also at odds with each other, soon divided up the country into military zones, with Ananus ben Ananus controlling the city of Jerusalem, Eleazar ben Hanania commanding Edom in the south, and Yosef ben Matityahu commanding in Galilee in the north. Emperor Nero lost faith in Gallus and appointed the general Vespasian, who landed at Ptolemais or Acre in April 67 CE. His troops included the X Fretensis and V Macedonica legions and the XV Apollinaris from Alexandria, Egypt, led by his son Titus. Vespasian amassed his army of 60,000 with the legions and auxiliaries and began the slow process of subjugating Galilee, which had regained its rebellion status after Gallus’s defeat. Some cities surrendered, while others such as Gamia had to be captured; the entire campaign resulted in a mass slavery of Jews. The Jewish commanders, John of Giscala and Eleazar ben Simon, escaped with many of their soldiers to Jerusalem. By 68 the north had fallen, and Vespasian began his march on Jerusalem. Vespasian planned not to besiege the city, since he feared that he would lose too many troops. His plan was to slowly reduce the region, starving Jerusalem into submission. In 69 CE the Roman Empire convulsed with a civil war, the Year of the Four Emperors. Nero had committed suicide in 68, and the new emperor, Galba, the governor of Spain, marched on Rome. During the year 69 four men would rule the empire, with the last, Vespasian, winning and surviving. On July 1 Vespasian was in Alexandria, Egypt, while Titus continued operations in Judea against the Jews. In Alexandria, Vespasian was in control of the grain supply going to Rome and was proclaimed emperor by the governor of Egypt. The troops in Judea followed suit, and Vespasian began his journey to Rome. By the end of the year he was emperor. In Judea, Titus quickly reduced the countryside and advanced on Jerusalem. The refugees from these towns flowed into Jerusalem, which soon became overcrowded

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with civilians. The rebels refused to openly engage the Romans, which allowed Titus and his troops to quickly overcome all opposition outside the capital. What now doomed the city was the arrival of Titus and the civil war going on between the rival Jewish commanders. The city was originally in the hands of the former high priest Ananus ben Ananus (often referred to as Ben Hanan). He had successfully pushed back against the Zealots and the Sicarii, led by Menahem and Eleazar, rival rebels known by the small dagger (sicae) that they used to assassinate their enemies. John of Giscala had led his Zealot troops from Galilee to Jerusalem, where he joined with the Sicarii to oppose anyone who wished to negotiate with the Romans. The Zealots and Sicarii eventually turned the populace against them, and a civil war among the Jewish rebels began. Josephus reports that John of Giscala convinced Ananus that he was his ally but in reality desired control of the city (Josephus and Whiston 1988, Book 4). Ananus was able to arouse the civilian population in 68 CE and drove the Zealots into the Temple, where they barricaded themselves. John was sent as an ambassador from Ananus to the Zealots to obtain their surrender; instead, John aroused the Zealots to seek help from the Edomites, allies to the south, by saying that Ananus was negotiating with Vespasian to surrender the city, a lie. The Zealots sent messengers to the Edomites, who arrived and, being let into the city by the Zealots, defeated and killed Ananus and massacred many of the civilians. Other Zealots did not agree with John’s rule and continued the infighting until the arrival of Titus. When it was discovered that Ananus was not in league with Vespasian, the Edomites left the city after repenting (Josephus

Relief on the Arch of Titus commemorating his victory over the Jews in 70 CE. The relief shows the carrying of spoils from the Temple, including the golden Menorah, the Table of the Shewbread, and the silver trumpets, which called the Jews to the festivals. The Jewish defeat marked an end to their semi-autonomous rule and protected religious status. (Matthew Ragen/Dreamstime.com)

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and Whiston 1988, Book 5). John and the Zealots now controlled Jerusalem but in a weakened state. When Titus arrived the rival rebels ceased most of their bickering, but by now it was too late. The Romans dug a ditch around the city and established camps to prevent the civilians from fleeing. Anyone caught in the ditch or trying to escape was crucified facing the city as a statement. The Romans began to build their ramparts. The Zealots attempted to induce strong resistance by burning the stockpiles of food. The Romans besieged the city for seven months, and finally the walls were breached in July 70 CE. The Temple was held but was destroyed at the end of April when it was set on fire. The walls were all torn down, and the inhabitants were sold into slavery. The Romans celebrated their victory with a triumph commemorated in the Arch of Titus, where the menorah, or seven-branched candlestick, was engraved. The last pockets of resistance were crushed when Herod the Great’s fortress Masada was seized in 73 by Flavius Silva, although 960 Jewish defenders and their families committed suicide, and only 2 women and 5 children survived. See also: Cities: Jerusalem; Groups and Organizations: Jews; Individuals: Nero; Vespasian, Titus Flavius; Key Events: Judea Provincial Disruption; Military: Masada, Siege of; Primary Documents: Document 34; Document 35; Document 44 Further Reading Bloom, James J. 2010. The Jewish Revolts against Rome, A.D. 66–135: A Military Analysis. Jefferson, NC: McFarland. Faulkner, Neil, and Mazal Holocaust Collection. 2004. Apocalypse: The Great Jewish Revolt against Rome, AD 66–73. Stroud, UK: Tempus. Josephus, Flavius, and William Whiston. 1988. The Works of Josephus: Complete and Unabridged. New updated ed. Peabody, MA: Hendrick Publishers.

Judea Provincial Disruption In 66 CE the Jews rebelled against the Romans, which lasted until the fall of Jerusalem in 70 CE, with subsequent mopping-up actions lasting until 73, when the fortress Masada was taken. The rebellion resulted in the Jewish state being abolished until the modern age. In addition, Jews lost their protected status in the empire and subsequently paid a special tax to the Romans in place of paying their Temple tax. The war also resulted in the final break between the Jews and the Christians, who developed as a distinct religion. After the death of Herod the Great in 4 BCE, the Roman emperor Augustus divided the kingdom between Herod’s three sons: Archelaus controlled Judea and Samaria, Herod Antipas ruled over two separate regions of Galilee and Peraea as tetrarch, and Philip was in charge of southern Syria. Augustus removed and exiled Archelaus after 10 years due to his heavy-handed rule and complaints from everyone. Judea was not taken over as a province and was governed first by a prefect and later by a procurator,

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with Caesarea Maritima as its capital. The governor of Syria, the most important eastern province, became Judea’s superior in practice, since it housed the legions. Antipas ruled until 39 CE from Tiberias in Galilee, while Philip ruled until 34 CE from Caesarea Philippi. The Romans soon realized that Judea was a hotbed of turmoil due to religious and cultural differences between the Romans and the Jews as well as other ethnic groups. With Rome controlling the internal affairs, it was common for a new province to be inventoried and assessed; this required a census, which sparked protest and dissensions especially from the Zealots and the Sicarii (professional daggermen). Inside Judaism some members of the Pharisees continued to promote the idea of the Messiah and the hope of throwing off external control. On the other hand, the Sadducees, as they did under Herod’s rule, collaborated with the Romans and continued to hold the high priesthood. To help maintain internal order, the Romans reinstated the Sanhedrin, the ruling council. With the death of Augustus in 14 CE, his stepson Tiberius ruled the Roman Empire, and his praetorian prefect Sejanus was suspicious of the Jews, probably because he feared an association with Parthia. During the latter part of Tiberius’s reign the prefect Pontius Pilate (26–36 CE) governed, keeping Caiaphas in office as the chief priest. Pilate became involved in a series of missteps, which can be seen as characteristic of Rome’s failure to understand the Jews. The first incident occurred when military standards with the emperor’s image were brought into Jerusalem near the Temple. The Jews believed that these standards were graven images so close to the Temple. After days of protests, most of which were nonviolent, Pilate relented to prevent an insurrection. Later he used money from a Jewish religious fund to help construct an aqueduct. When protests occurred in Jerusalem he had some Roman agents disguised as Jews attack the protesters, which further infuriated the Jews. Pilate then erected in the palace/fortress Antonia near the Temple gilded shields inscribed with his own name and that of Tiberius, possibly to show his loyalty after the fall of Sejanus in 31 to the emperor, who had been his patron. Protests soon followed, probably based on Tiberius’s divine parentage (Augustus, his stepfather and adoptive father, had been declared a god) that would have upset the Jews based on their monotheism and the ban on idols; Tiberius ordered them removed and rebuked Pilate. Finally, in Samaria a would-be nationalist and messiah urged his followers to climb Mount Gerizim to find Moses’s sacred vessels. If found, they would have given Samaria claim over Judea; if not, Rome would have been blamed for destroying them. Fearing a full-scale insurrection, Pilate prevented them from moving up the mountain, inflicting casualties. He then arrested and executed many of the ringleaders. It was this incident that may have prompted his removal. During this time a grandson of Herod the Great, Herod Agrippa I, was ascending the political front in Judea. With the death of Philip and Herod Antipas’s disgrace and exile, Herod Agrippa was given their territories and was made king. Tiberius’s successor was Gaius (known more commonly as Caligula), which produced further tensions. The people of Jamnia on the coast of Judea were Greek and Jewish. The Greeks erected an altar in honor of the emperor, which the Jews tore down.

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Enraged, Caligula decided to follow Antiochus IV Epiphanes’s policy of erecting statues of the imperial cult in the Temple and in synagogues. He ordered the governor of Syria, Publius Petronius, to erect a colossal bronze statue of the emperor in the form of Jupiter, whom Caligula thought he was, in the Temple. Petronius delayed, arguing that he would need two legions to install the statue since it would lead to rebellion, but finally moving toward Judea from Syria he was met at the border by Herod Agrippa I, who had convinced Caligula not to go through with the plan if the Jews would allow the Greeks to honor the emperor. Shortly thereafter Caligula was assassinated. Caligula’s uncle, Claudius, became Rome’s emperor and in turn increased [his] power by turning Judea over to him. Herod Agrippa’s kingdom now included the lands that his grandfather, Herod the Great, had ruled over. Unlike Herod the Great, Herod Agrippa received support from the Jews. It appears that Agrippa intended to make himself and Judea important in eastern Mediterranean policy. He planned to hold a regional conference of client kings, but the Roman governor of Syria decided not to come. Rome may have wanted to send a message that these client kings were just that, clients of Rome. Herod’s death in 44 CE, after ruling for just three years, made Judea once again a Roman province. The history of Judea after Herod Agrippa was one of instability and violence. The governors who ruled saw an increase in violence and discontent. Massacres, bandits, economic hardships, and famine pushed Judea further into chaos. Internal religious problems between the different Jewish sects and an offshoot of Judaism, Christianity, further destabilized the region. In 66 CE things deteriorated so much that the captain of the Temple, Eleazar, son of the former high priest Ananias, declared that sacrifices from foreigners would no longer be allowed. This meant that the sacrifices for the emperor and Rome, paid by Rome, would not be allowed. This was in effect an act of rebellion, which Eleazar knew. The result was the First Jewish Rebellion, which destroyed the fabric of society in Judea. In 70 CE the future emperor Titus seized the city, and the Temple, either deliberately or accidentally, was burned. See also: Cities: Jerusalem; Institutions: Provinces; Key Events: Jewish Rebellion, First; Military: Masada, Siege of; Primary Documents: Document 34; Document 35; Document 44 Further Reading Ben-Sasson, H.H. 1976. A History of the Jewish People. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Bruce, F. F. 1971. New Testament History. Garden City, N.Y. Doubleday. Grant, Michael. 1973. The Jews in the Roman World. New York: Scribner. Mahieu, Bieke. 2012. Between Rome and Jerusalem: Herod the Great and His Sons in Their Struggle for Recognition; A Chronological Investigation of the Period 40 BC–39 AD, with a Time Setting of New Testament Events. Leuven: Peeters. Millar, Fergus. 1993. The Roman Near East, 31 B.C.–A.D. 337. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

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Julia Conspiracy (2 BCE) In 2 BCE, a conspiracy involving Augustus’s daughter Julia attempted to position the conspirators closer to power or outright assassinate the emperor. It appears that the attempt was to put her friends such as Iullus Antonius, son of Marc Antony and Augustus’s enemy in the civil war, and Sempronius Gracchus, a member of the populares, or radical democracy, ahead of Tiberius, the chosen heir. This conspiracy was not only about family politics but was also a potential reaction to Augustus’s own rule. When Augustus had secured his position as emperor, occasional opposition arose from senatorial families no longer able to vie for power. These opposition attempts failed, since many in Rome no longer desired to continue the previous century of civil war. During the republic there were constant periods of civil war and attempts by individuals to establish themselves as rulers. Before the establishment of the empire the general Julius Caesar, victorious conqueror of Gaul and then the Romans, set himself up as dictator, a compromise to his desire of being a king, which was repulsed by the Roman people. His arrogance and attempted assumption of kingship partly led to his assassination. His successor Octavian, later Augustus, learned from his adopted father and refused to call himself a king. Instead Augustus built up a facade of traditional Roman offices, which hid his true military dictatorship. But even Augustus was not immune to attempted assassinations. In 30 BCE he executed Marcus Aemilius Lepidus Minor, son of the triumvir and former ally of Augustus, for conspiracy. More serious for Augustus were the machinations within his own family. His only child, Julia, became involved in the scandal. The major conspirators were Iullus Antonius and Sempronius Gracchus, who were friends of Julia. She may have believed that these individuals would ensure that her own children, also designated as Augustus’s heirs, would be protected from Tiberius. Julia was in an unhappy marriage with the future emperor Tiberius, which resulted in his self-imposed exile and removal from Rome in 8 BCE. Her children Gaius and Lucius from her previous marriage to Agrippa, Augustus’s right-hand man who died in 12 BCE, were too young to protect themselves should something happen to her father, so she probably wanted to make sure that another protector could be found. She was directly under the control of her father according to Roman law, so she could not formally ask or pursue a divorce from Tiberius, Augustus’s stepson. Finally, Julia was known for her amorous adventures. The result was that Iullus Antonius, son of Marc Antony and his third wife Fulvia, became a favored candidate due to his heritage, being raised in Augustus’s own household by his sister Octavia, who had been married to his father Marc Antony, and his association with Julia as her lover. His half sister Clodia Pulchra was Augustus’s first wife. Iullus married Agrippa’s ex-wife Marcella, and they had three children. This familial arrangement tied all of the family members close together but also created competition. Augustus honored him with various offices. Julia probably desired Iullus to become her children’s protector. Her position was probably not as a mover of a coup but rather as the center of a circle of Roman aristocrats who may have desired more power and to replace Augustus with her sons. Their

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motives likewise were probably varied, from desiring a closer relation to power to perhaps outright assassination of the emperor. Another individual was Sempronius Gracchus, who had been linked to Julia since her marriage to Agrippa. He appears to have attempted to undermine the position of Tiberius and perhaps elevate himself to power. The family of Augustus contributed to the instability of the matter, since his former enemy, Marc Antony, was represented in Augustus’s nieces, Antonia Major and Antonia Minor, who were married into Augustus’s wife’s family. In addition, Antony’s other children were also present in the household. Given that their father had been defeated and had committed suicide because of Augustus, it is possible that they continued to see themselves as heirs to his former power and desired to replace him. In 2 BCE Julia was arrested for adultery and treason. During this time, Augustus attempted to reform the moral behavior of upper Roman society through new laws, and his daughter’s affairs deeply impacted his view. But more important was the charge of treason. While Julia probably did not want to see Augustus replaced, she did probably desire to have her sons’ position guaranteed and protected above Tiberius. Octavia, who died in 11 BCE, had probably been Julia’s protector and could deflect any attack by Augustus against Antony’s children. With her gone, Julia may have desired to have someone else be her sons’ protector, and hence Iullus Antonius may have been a logical choice. Favored by Augustus, Iullus may in fact have been preferred over Tiberius by the emperor. Regardless of what the situation was, the conspiracy was found out, and Julia was banished. Iullus committed suicide after being charged with treason and sentenced to death. The other conspirator, Sempronius Gracchus, was exiled to an island off North Africa; after Augustus’s death, Tiberius ordered his execution (Tacitus 1956, 1.53). Julia’s daughter and Augustus’s granddaughter, Julia the Younger, was also involved in a conspiracy against Augustus in 8 CE. Her husband Lucius Aemilius Paullus appears to have formed a plot against Augustus sometime during the period 1–14 CE (his death), most likely in 8 CE. Julia was ostensibly exiled like her mother for adultery but most likely was involved with Lucius in plotting to kill Augustus (Suetonius and Bradley 1914, 19). Julia died in exile in 29 CE, while Lucius was executed in 14 CE. The plot of the two Julias shows the dangers inherent in a monarchial system of government. The competing factions resulted in potential disruptions and coups in the Roman state. Many of the other dynasties that followed faced the same situation, where family intrigue was more of a factor in their decline than were outside groups. See also: Government and Politics: Treason Trials; Individuals: Augustus; Tiberius; Primary Documents: Document 10 Further Reading Fantham, Elaine. 2006. Julia Augusti: The Emperor’s Daughter. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Freisenbruch, Annelise. 2010. Caesars’ Wives: Sex, Power, and Politics in the Roman Empire. New York: Free Press. Raaflaub, Kurt A., and Mark Toher. 1993. Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and His Principate. Berkeley: University of California Press.

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Milvian Bridge, Battle of the (312 CE) The Battle of the Milvian Bridge on October 28, 312, ended the chaotic civil wars of the early fourth century, with Constantine’s forces defeating Maxentius’s forces. The battle was crucial in the short term for control of the western empire by the victor, but it was also crucial in determining the religious evolution of the Mediterranean during the next few centuries. After Emperor Diocletian retired on May 1, 305, along with his colleague Maximian, the Roman Empire began a period of chaos. Ultimately in the west Constantine, the son of Diocletian’s colleague Constantius, and Maxentius, the son of Diocletian’s colleague Maximian, vied for power. In the east Emperor Galerius ruled and refused to accept Maxentius as a rightful ruler while begrudgingly accepting Constantine. In the end Galerius could do nothing about their positions, and both new rulers controlled the west, Constantine in the north and Maxentius in Italy and Africa. Maxentius’s position

The Arch of Constantine, commemorating his victory over Maxentius at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge on October 28, 312 CE. Constantine’s victory allowed him to secure control over the west. He indicated his victory came from his belief in Christianity, which he now favored. (Stef22/Dreamstime.com)

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was secure in Rome, especially with the Praetorian Guard and the Horse Guards (equites singulares) behind him. In 307, Maximian arranged marriage between Constantine and Fausta, Maxentius’s sister, making the two western emperors brothers-in-law. During the next six years the two emperors consolidated their power and developed alternative paths. Although he had initially been proclaimed emperor in the west, Maxentius held southern Italy, Corsica, Sardinia, and Africa and gained northern Italy. A more dangerous situation occurred when in late 308 Domitius Alexander in Carthage rebelled against Maxentius. Since Africa supplied the city of Rome with grain, it potentially could undermine Maxentius and his power if riots broke out. Maxentius sent an army to Africa to deal with Domitius. After his victory over Domitius in North Africa, Maxentius seized property from his enemies but pacified the inhabitants with an influx of grain. In addition, he allowed the Christians to elect Eusebius as pope. But by 311 Maxentius was not supported by many in Rome. With the exception of the Praetorian Guard, the rest of the populace viewed him with disdain, since he resorted to taxation, and his attempt to pacify the Christians was seen as politically motivated. In the summer of 311 Maxentius declared war on Constantine, who had murdered Maxtenius’s father Maximian after a failed coup. While Maxentius had to deal with Roman counterparts, Constantine’s early career was spent repelling barbarian invasions. In Britain after his accession he defeated the Picts, driving them back across Hadrian’s Wall. When he was acclaimed emperor the Franks invaded Gaul, forcing Constantine to campaign on the Rhine for several years. During this time, he fortified the cities on the Rhine frontier and embellished its capital, Trier. With a strong army, Constantine did not become involved in the civil wars raging in Italy during this time. When ready, he now moved against Maxentius in 312. Constantine in early 312 moved into northern Italy and won a series of battles, including one at Verona where Maxentius’s chief general, Ruricius Pompeianus, was defeated and killed. Many assumed that Maxentius would plan for a siege in Rome with Constantine like he had done previously against earlier attacks after his northern army had been defeated. It appears that Maxentius destroyed parts of the Milvian Bridge, the main route on the Via Flaminia from the north that Constantine would take to reach the capital. In addition, Maxentius had stockpiled supplies. It is unclear, then, why Maxentius moved out of the city against Constantine. One Christian account was that it was divine intervention, while another account has the Sybilline Books declaring that on October 28 an enemy of Rome would die; as that was Maxentius’s day of accession, he may have assumed that the gods were with him. As he moved south, Constantine reported that he received a vision from the Christian god saying that if he put the sign of his name, the first two letters of his name, the Chi-Rho (X and P) on his soldiers’ helmets and on the standards, he would be victorious. Another account has that if he used the sign of the Latin cross, which had the top like a “P,” he would win. Regardless, Constantine supposedly had his men put a sign on their shields. On October 28, Maxentius crossed the Tiber on a hastily constructed bridge, but with his men arranged too close to the river in their rear, they were attacked first by Constantine’s cavalry, which defeated Maxentius’s cavalry and

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then his infantry. Ordering a retreat, Maxentius fell into the river due to the rickety bridge and drowned. His Praetorian Guard and horse soldiers fought to the end but were overcome. Constantine ordered Maxentius’s body decapitated and sent his head to Carthage, where the populace came over to the victor. Constantine declared Maxentius an enemy, and his memory was damned, with his monuments now appropriated by Constantine. While Constantine did not declare Christianity his religion, it is clear that he favored it or at least would use it. The historical impact was that a once-persecuted religion was now used as an ally and not an enemy for an emperor in his quest for power. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Individuals: Constantine; Key Events: Edict of Milan; Edict of Toleration; Primary Documents: Document 40 Further Reading Nixon, C. E. V., and Barbara Saylor Rodgers, eds. and trans. 1994. In Praise of Later Roman Emperors: The Panegyrici Latini. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pohlsander, H. A. 1996. The Emperor Constantine. New York: Routledge. Schaff, Philip, and Henry Wace, ed. 1890. A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Vol. 1. Oxford, UK: Parker and Company. Available at http:// www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf201.iii.xv.ix.html.

Piso Conspiracy (65 CE) The evolution of the Roman Empire witnessed the Roman senators’ power diminishing during the Julio-Claudian era. The early conspiracies under Augustus posed a threat from these powerful families but did not undermine the power of the emperors. While there were other conspiracies under the early emperors, none were as serious and broad as the conspiracy of Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso. The conspiracy intended to use Piso as a figurehead and have power in the Praetorian Guard. The plot was exposed, and its members were executed. However, the plot showed that members of the household and the Praetorian Guard were becoming increasingly concerned with Emperor Nero’s reign, ultimately leading a few years later to whole-scale rebellion. Piso was from a distinguished family. His grandfather, also named Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, was a friend of Emperor Tiberius. The elder Piso was implicated in the death of Germanicus and committed suicide when Tiberius refused to help him at his trial. However, the family did not suffer, as Piso’s son Lucius held the consulship during Tiberius’s reign and married well. Inheriting his wealth from his mother, the daughter of Marcus Licinius Crassus Dives, Piso was known for his generosity and beneficence to all social classes. The family was connected with other great men of the republic, including Pompey. Piso was known to be tall, good-looking, and good-natured and excelled in the courts and oratory, the ideal Roman. On the other hand, he was known for being ostentatious and giving in to sensual pleasures. Emperor Caligula desired

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Piso’s wife, forcing her to divorce Piso, and then Caligula banished him for committing adultery with his own wife. Piso returned a year after Caligula’s assassination. Upon his return the new emperor, Claudius, made Piso his coconsul in 41, and Piso became a leading senator; later his stature increased under Nero. During the reign of Nero, Piso was seen as one of the leading senators. In 65 CE after witnessing 11 years of Nero’s reign, Piso plotted to assassinate the emperor and have the Praetorian Guard declare him emperor. In order to achieve this, Piso enlisted the help of Faenius Rufus, cocommander of the Praetorian Guard who had close ties and affinity with Nero’s mother Agrippina, whom Nero had executed. Other individuals such as senators, guards, and officials were also brought into the plan, and each had his own motive but seemingly were united in their hatred of Nero. While Piso was the figurehead of the conspiracy, it appears that officers in the Praetorian Guard, such as the tribune Subrius Flavus and the centurion Sulpicius Asper, were the actual driving force behind the act. Flavus appears to have used Piso as the figurehead to gather support, and according to the ancient author Tacitus, Flavus assassinated Piso and handed power over to Seneca the Younger (Tacitus 1956, 15:47–74). Flavus would later state that he hated Nero for murdering Agrippina and Octavia (Nero’s wife). The plot was not well organized, and too much information seems to have been available. One of the fleet captains, Volusius Proculus, was told of the plot by a freedwoman, Epicharis, who appears to have been involved with Seneca’s brother. She hoped that Proculus would join the plot and bring over the sailors, but he reported it to Nero, who had Epicharis tortured. She did not give up any names and committed suicide rather than continue being tortured. Finally, on April 19, 65 CE, the plot was fully uncovered when Milichus, a freedman, was urged by his wife to report the plot. It appears from Plutarch that one of the conspirators told a condemned prisoner to have hope, as all would change (i.e., Nero would be gone). The prisoner relayed this to Nero, and the conspirator was tortured, revealing the plot (Plutarch and Babbitt 1927, 505C). From the passages of Tacitus and Plutarch, it appears that the conspirators, being so many, could not ensure confidentiality and secrecy. Nero ordered the arrest of all conspirators and forced Piso to commit suicide. Those involved included the consul Plautius Lateranus; the prefect Faenius Rufus; the senators Afranius Quintianus and Flavius Scaevinus (master of the freedman Milichus); the equestrian Anonius Natalis; Lucan, who appears to have implicated his uncle Seneca the Younger; and Epicharis. When Milichus informed on his master Scaevinus, he then betrayed others. The result of the conspiracy being exposed led to a series of trials, resulting in 19 being put to death or forced to commit suicide and 13 being exiled. Piso of course was implicated and allowed to commit suicide. Other important individuals who were executed or allowed to commit suicide included Subrius Flavus, who was beheaded; the prefect Faenius Rufus; and Seneca the Younger, who was probably not involved in the plot but was ordered by Nero to kill himself. Lucan, Seneca’s nephew who joined the conspiracy, implicated his mother as he lay dying, but she escaped punishment. The conspiracy allowed Tigellinus, the prefect of the Praetorian Guard, to hunt down his enemies and accuse some of being involved even if they weren’t. The conspiracy

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showed the deep-seated hatred of Nero that would soon manifest itself in a series of rebellions throughout the empire by several of his generals, leading ultimately to Galba being proclaimed emperor and Nero committing suicide. See also: Government and Politics: Treason Trials; Individuals: Nero; Primary Documents: Document 10 Further Reading Griffin, Miriam T. 1985. Nero: The End of a Dynasty. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Pagán, Victoria Emma. 2004. Conspiracy Narratives in Roman History. Austin: University of Texas Press. Plutarch and Frank Cole Babbitt. 1927. Plutarch’s Moralia. London: W. Heinemann. Tacitus, Cornelius. 1956. The Annals of Imperial Rome. Translated by Michael Grant. Baltimore: Penguin.

Pre-Diocletianic Persecutions Before Diocletian’s persecution of 303 CE, there were several alleged persecutions. For the most part, however, these were not really persecutions but rather enforcement of traditional secular policies by local regions. In fact, before Diocletian there were only two true persecutions, by Decius (250) and Valerian (257). The so-called persecutions of Nero, Domitian, Trajan, Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius, and Severus were either mob reactions or local responses and can hardly be seen as true persecutions. Decius’s persecution was the first real attempt to eliminate Christianity. The emperor planned that everyone at a prescribed time would offer sacrifice to the Roman gods. Those not doing so would be asked point-blank to submit. If they did, no problem; if they did not, they would be arrested; and if they persisted in refusing to offer their sacrifice, they would be executed. The purpose of sacrificing was to allow individuals to prove their innocence; if they sacrificed they were not Christians and as such would be set free. Thousands of Christians lapsed and offered sacrifice to Rome’s traditional gods or ran away; thousands more refused to offer sacrifice, and many were tortured and killed. It is hard to know what would have happened if Decius had not been killed by the Goths, but it is clear that for the Christians his death was providential. The Decian persecution almost succeeded since Christianity was mainly urban, so the leaders were known. Also, since the sacrifice was for the preservation of the state, many Christians sacrificed as a sign of patriotism. Valerian’s persecution continued in the same mode but added that church leaders were specifically hunted down. Again, for the Christians the results were mixed; many preferred martyrdom rather than apostasy, while a large number preferred to offer a sacrifice and live. Again the church was saved by the providential capture and execution of the emperor by the Persian king Shapur (215–270 CE).

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After both persecutions, the church faced a serious problem: what to do with the lapsed Christians who now wanted to return. The church also faced the problem of how to deal with lapsed clergy and bishops and whether their sacraments were legal. This last problem would continually resurface during the next 100 years after Decius’s and Diocletian’s persecutions. The church ultimately decided that those Christians who had lapsed could return but only after years of penance, placing numerous hurdles to ensure that these lapsed souls would truly repent. The problem for lapsed clergy was even more complex. While many were forbidden to take up their previous position, the real debate centered on whether their sacraments, namely baptism, marriage, and, for bishops, ordination, were valid both for acts done after lapsing and for those acts done before they lapsed. The conflict would only be settled some 300 years later when the Vandals effectively exterminated the anti-Catholic group, the Donatists; the theological debate ultimately was settled that even if the individual priest committed a sin such as traditio (handing over books) or sacrificing, his acts were still valid. Before the final persecution in 303, isolated instances during Diocletian’s reign saw Christians singled out and actions taken. In Africa in 295, Maximilian met the requirements for being recruited into the military but refused to be conscripted, saying he was a Christian. When told that he was to serve or die, Maximilian continued to deny his military responsibility vehemently, stating that he would rather die than serve. The recruiting officer informed him that Christians already served in the military, whereupon Maximilian replied that this was fine for them but not for him. The prosecution ordered Maximilian “Serve. If you despise the military service you will perish miserably” (Musurillo 1972, 245). After he still refused to serve he was sentenced to death, because “Whereas Maximilian has disloyally refused the military oath, he is sentenced to die by the sword” (Musurillo 1972, 249). He was then executed. Crucial here was not that Maximilian was a Christian, proven by the prosecutor, knowing of Christians serving in the Roman Army, but rather that Maximilian refused to do his civic duty by serving his nation in the military. This so-called persecution should not be seen as one based on religion but as one based instead on the moral grounds of the recruit. Maximilian was therefore a conscientious objector, and like modern states, the government did not recognize his defense or action, and like in modern states, he was punished. A second incident occurred in Africa, probably a few years after Maximilian, where a Christian centurion Marcellus already serving in the military was at a celebration for the emperor’s birthday and rejected the pagan rites and threw down his soldier’s belt in front of the legionary standards, stating “From now I cease to serve your emperors and I despise the worship of your gods of wood and stone, for they are deaf and dumb images.” He was arrested and asked “What was your intention in violating military discipline by taking off your belt and throwing it down with your staff?” (Musurillo 1972, 251–253). Again, the soldier’s Christianity was not addressed by his questioners. Here Marcellus claimed that it was not fitting that a Christian, who fights for Christ his lord, should fight for the armies of this world. Marcellus, like Maximilian, was sentenced to death not for being a Christian but instead for displaying poor military discipline. The fact that Marcellus, as a Christian, was already serving in the army reinforced the

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prosecution’s statement about Christians in the army in Maximilian’s case. Again, the government’s case was based on rules of order, not religion. This incident would be similar to a modern soldier being insubordinate or desecrating his nation’s flag. Both cases indicate that being a Christian was not the mitigating factor in their treatment; rather, it was lack of military service and poor discipline. These so-called persecutions stemmed not from a religious policy but instead from a military policy; perhaps a different message was preached to some African Christians running contrary to the mainstream message of working with the government. This new strain was pacifist and antiestablishment and resulted in Maximilian’s and Marcellus’s deaths since they tried to translate their military ideas in inappropriate ways. These persecutions should really be seen as lack of discipline and not following the decorum of the army instead of outright hostility toward Christianity. See also: Groups and Organizations: Christians; Individuals: Nero; Key Events: Diocletian Persecutions; Fires; Primary Documents: Document 26 Further Reading Frend, W. H. C. 1984. The Rise of Christianity. Philadelphia: Fortress. Lunn-Rockliffe, Sophie. 2011. “Christianity and the Roman Empire.” BBC, February 17, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans/christianityromanempire_article_01 .shtml. Musurillo, Herbert. 1972. The Acts of the Christian Martyrs. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Smallwood, E. Mary. 2001. The Jews under Roman Rule: From Pompey to Diocletian; A Study in Political Relations. Leiden: Brill.

Price Edict (301 CE) Price controls or edicts have existed since early antiquity, when societies needed to protect the state from economic upheavals. In a Sumerian town in Mesopotamia from 1950 BCE, a price decree put absolute prices on goods and services, as did the Code of Hammurabi, where prices and wages were absolute, and two tablets of a Hittite Code. The most thorough price control in antiquity occurred under Diocletian in 301 CE with a preamble justifying the edict and a schedule of maximum prices. The Price Edict is mentioned by a few ancient sources. A papyrus dating to after the Price Edict, post-301, mentions a price edict and a change in currency; however, no specific date for this is given (Corcoran 1996, 215). Lactantius in chapter 7 of his De Mortibus Persecutorum is the most famous source concerning Diocletian issuing his price control. Hydatius, for the year 302 CE, mentions that Diocletian ordered cheapness in prices (Burgess 1993). Malalas mentions that the merchants were protected from the soldiers through a law prohibiting extortion (Malalas 1986, 307). Aurelius Victor (1994, 39.45) states that Diocletian guaranteed the safety of the grain supply and the well-being of the taxpayers.

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Several edicts either fixed prices for specific goods or, in one case, fixed prices for a particular geographic region during the Greek and Roman periods. During the Ptolemaic period, 111 BCE, an edict decreed that myrrh could not be sold for more than 30 drachmas of silver per unit. A price edict was issued from the Roman client kingdom in the Bosporus where Antonia Tryphaina, the granddaughter of Mark Antony and wife of King Kotys, client king of Rome dating from the reign of Caligula, issued a control whereby market prices were to be the same, and anyone selling above them would be punished. Another example from 93 CE records a famine hitting Antioch Pisidia so severely that the governor Lucius Antistius Rusticus issued an edict first ordering the inhabitants to declare the amount of grain available for sale and then ordering surpluses made available for purchase by the grain merchants until August 1. The price, as stated in the decree, was between 8–9 asses before the famine; during the difficulty the official price was 1 denarius (16 asses) per modius, an increase of 100 percent. In 191 CE Oxyrhynchus in Egypt suffered from a famine, forcing the prefect to order the registration of all stocks so that profiteering would not occur. A banking decree from Pergamum in Asia Minor indicated that the office of agoranomos set prices for certain commodities in the market. An edict from Oxyrhynchus in 246 CE directed private grain stocks registered and sold at a set rate. Finally, in Africa a duumvir, presumably during a famine, made a gift to the city of Thubursca Numidia of 10,000 modii of grain when it sold at 10 denarii per modii, indicating a date of 260–280 CE. These examples point to a history of price regulation in the Greek and Roman world. These earlier examples have counterparts in the late Roman Empire. These previous decrees set absolute prices, whereas Diocletian set a maximum; his preamble makes allowances for places where prices are lower and indeed encourages this. Furthermore, Diocletian’s response was innovative. Instead of continuing the ageold practice of setting absolute prices, he introduced something revolutionary—setting a maximum price. Diocletian seems to have been aware of this distinction. First, he broke with tradition concerning setting absolute prices and in fact stressed and justified the concept of a maximum. He also continued the tradition of state interference in economics, specifically price regulation, arguing that unregulated capitalism does not work due to human greed. The Greco-Roman world experimented with price controls before Diocletian. Additional literary sources mentioned two incidents concerning price controls during the reigns of Commodus and Severus Alexander, both dealing with Rome’s food supplies. The two incidents involved the pros and cons of price controls. The first was the great famine under Commodus at Rome, where a famine either existed or was caused by a greedy official. One source has Commodus ordering a general reduction in prices, resulting in a greater scarcity of products (The Scriptores Historiae Augustae 1960, Commodus, 14). This in turn increased avaritia (inflation) because of the scarcity and the resulting decrease in availability of goods. A second incident occurred in the reign of Severus Alexander. According to an account, the Historia Augusta, the people petitioned Alexander for a reduction in prices, notably in beef and pork (The Scriptores Historiae Augustae 1960, Severus Alexander,

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22). He refused to issue a general proclamation, giving instead orders that no one should slaughter a sow, a suckling pig, a cow, or a calf. As a result, in two years, or really a little more than one year, the abundance of pork and beef caused a reduction in prices, precluding avaritia. The two incidents show how the ancients viewed economics morally. The first denigrated Commodus, since there were no shortages but there was great greed. This was compounded by trying to reduce prices, not increase supplies. Severus Alexander, when a real shortage existed, attempted to increase supplies, which resulted in a natural lowering of prices. These two examples could be evidence of a general attack on price controls by ancient authors. The stories concerning Commodus and Severus Alexander may have been used as an example to criticize the program of an individual emperor. Diocletian’s price edict was probably issued in conjunction with his reform of the coinage. Since previous coinage reforms had brought about spikes in inflation, Diocletian may have wished to counter this. He may have also been concerned with the returning army from Persia, laden with gifts, and did not want them to be taken advantage of by the merchants. The reforms probably worked for a short time and in fact may have been intended for only a short time before being adjusted. Later evidence indicates that the emperors continually monitored the markets and required key commodities to be reported and, by extension, controlled. These controls were probably not for the benefit of the populace but instead provided the military with a schedule of prices that they were charged, thereby protecting the state and its soldiers. See also: Government and Politics: Currency Systems; Individuals: Diocletian; Institutions: Markets Further Reading Burgess, R. W., ed. and trans. 1993. The Chronicle of Hydatius and the Consularia Constantinopolitana. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Corcoran, Simon. 1996. The Empire of the Tetrarchs: Imperial Pronouncements and Government, AD 284–324. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Firmianus. 1984. De Mortibus Persecutorum. Translated by J. L. Creed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Malalas, John, et al. 1986. The Chronicle of John Malalas. Melbourne: Australian Association for Byzantine Studies. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae. 1960. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Victor, Sextus Aurelius, and H. W. Bird. 1994. Aurelius Victor: De Caesaribus. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.

Sack of Rome (410 CE) When the city of Rome was sacked during the reign of Honorius in 410 CE by Alaric, king of the Visigoths, it was the first time in 800 years that foreigners had taken the

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city. While the emperor no longer resided in the old capital, the city was still the emotional heart of the empire. The emperors, now in Ravenna and Constantinople, could not save the city. The Germanic chieftain Alaric’s sack of Rome clearly marked an end to the past, as ancient contemporary writers attested. In their eyes it was not just the city of Rome but the empire as a whole that was lost. But Rome recovered its ability and in fact over 30 years later successfully stood firm against another invader, Attila, who mysteriously fled before attacking the city. Rome was not so lucky against Gaiseric in 455. The ancient authors nevertheless relate how Alaric’s sack of Rome in 410 sent shockwaves throughout the Roman Empire. Jerome, writing in Bethlehem, viewed it as the end of an era and was in disbelief when describing the ravages of the invasion (Jerome 2016, Book 3). For Jerome, these invaders were not worthy to control the empire. He relates how the invaders, slaves, and handmaidens were now the masters, and Rome was merely a tomb. Another author, Jordanes, writing for the Goths, takes a different view that Alaric was not a savage and that he ordered the city to be plundered but not destroyed (Jordanes and Mierow 1979, 30). He merely wanted the valuables and ordered that the city not be burned and holy places not be destroyed and spared those who took refuge in holy places. A century later the Byzantine writer Procopius gave the fullest version of what happened, providing a description of how Alaric seized the capital. Here Procopius states that Alaric was not able to take the city and so instead sent to the Roman leaders 300 young men as gifts (slaves) with instructions that after they had served their new masters well, they should go to the Salerian Gate, storm the guards, and open the city. The plan worked well, and Alaric and his men entered the city. They did set fire to some houses next to the gate, the most famous being that of Sallust, who had written the history of Rome (Procopius 1914). The city was able to recover from this calamity and even held out when Attila and the Huns advanced. In 455 CE, however, Gaiseric and his Vandals arrived and systematically plundered the city. Unlike 410 the city was not spared, although the pope negotiated that its citizens and churches be spared. This time the city would not recover, for the aqueducts were cut, reducing the city to near starvation. Not only was the city powerless, but no one was willing to help. Gaiseric (390–477), a Vandal king, the son of a slave woman, became Rome’s greatest foe in the western Mediterranean during the fifth century. Gaiseric was able to play the various tribes off Rome without harming his people. He was invited by the Roman general Boniface into North Africa from Spain in 429, and soon the Vandals began to supplant the Romans. Gaiseric moved eastward, taking Carthage in 439, where he controlled Rome and Constantinople’s grain. With his fleet he posed a real danger to Italy, and in 455 he attacked and plundered Rome, taking the widow Empress Eudoxia and her two daughters back to Africa. The eldest married his son Hunneric. Gaiseric attempted to influence the western empire’s succession by having Olybrius, Eudoxia’s second daughter’s husband, on the western throne. According to Procopius, it was Eudoxia herself who invited Gaiseric to take Rome and avenge her slain husband Valentinian, who had been assassinated on Maximus’s orders. Maximus then forced Eudoxia to

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marry him or be executed. Gaiseric arrived, and Maximus was assassinated by imperial slaves trying to flee. Eudoxia and her two daughters then went with Gaiseric back to Carthage. According to Procopius, Gaiseric systematically plundered the city. The city’s temples were looted, including the ancient Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus and half of its bronze roof, which had a gold layer over it. He also took silver from the imperial treasury, including the plunder that Vespasian brought back from Judea and Jerusalem when he sacked them nearly 400 years earlier. The sack by Gaiseric was the final ignominy that befell the city. From this period on the city of Rome became a second-class city. See also: Groups and Organizations: Vandals; Visigoths; Individuals: Theodosius, House of Further Reading Goffart, Walter. 1980. Barbarians and Romans, A.D. 418–584: The Techniques of Accommodation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Heather, Peter. 2006. The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jerome. 2016. Commentary on Ezekiel. Ancient Christian Writers, 71. New York: Newman. Jordanes and Charles Christopher Mierow. 1979. The Origin and Deeds of the Goths: In English Version. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Procopius. 1914. History of the Wars. 7 vols. Translated by H. B. Dewing. London: Wm. Heinemann. Available at https://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/410alaric.asp.

Teutoburg Forest, Battle of the (9 CE) In 9 CE the Roman governor of Germany, Publius Quintilius Varus, and most of his three legions were wiped out in the Teutoburg Forest by the German chieftain and former Roman auxiliary lieutenant Arminius. The massacre forced the Romans to the west side of the Rhine and ended their control over the territory east of the river. During the previous 30 years the Romans had advanced across the Rhine River eastward into Germany toward the Elbe. Augustus’s stepson, Drusus, had successfully campaigned in Germany and defeated the Marsi, Frisi, and Chatti tribes. In 9 BCE he defeated the Marcomanni and Cherusci near the Elbe River. His conquest allowed the Romans to begin subjugating the western part of Germany near the Rhine and to continue their conquest farther east toward the Elbe. Under the command of Tiberius, Drusus’s brother, the Roman armies in 6 CE began a massive campaign from the north and south to crush the Marcomanni under Maroboduus. As the campaign started, a serious rebellion south in Pannonia forced Tiberius to return with his army and fight for nearly four years putting down the revolt. The Pannonian rebellion tied up nearly half of Rome’s army and seriously depleted the seasoned veterans on the Rhine.

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The new governor, Varus, who arrived in 6 CE, possessed three legions, the XVII, XVIII, and XIX. Varus had previously been governor of Africa and then Syria. While in Syria he put down a messianic revolt in Judea after the death of Herod the Great and was known for his harshness. Varus was an able administrator who was known for his ruthless collection of taxes. When Germany was declared pacified in 6 CE, Augustus appointed Varus as governor, and it appears that his main task was to begin the collection of taxes and establish Roman rule in the region. His adviser was Arminius, a son of a German chieftain who had been sent to Rome by his father after the conquest of Germany by Drusus. He obtained Roman citizenship and served as an auxiliary commander. While he seemed to advise Varus, Arminius actually began to form an alliance with the rival German tribes against the Romans. These tribes included those who had been defeated by Julius Caesar some 60 years earlier and more recently by Drusus. The tribes had grown resentful of Varus’s rule during the past 3 years. While Varus was returning from his summer camp in the east toward the Rhine with his three legions and six cohorts, all of whom were not well trained in terms of both terrain and experience, Arminius told him that a revolt nearby needed immediate attention. Arminius planned the ambush by luring Varus into unfamiliar and rough territory. Although warned of the ambush by

Modern statue of the German warrior Arminius, victor over the Romans in the Teutoburg Forest in 9 CE. The victory of Arminius over the Roman governor Quintilius Varus ended Augustus’s expansion into Germany at the Rhine River. In addition, the battle resulted in the loss of three Roman legions, 10 percent of Rome’s army. (Msgrafixx/Dreamstime.com)

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Arminius’s father-in-law, Varus ignored the threat as merely family rivalry. The battle probably took place near Osnabruck in Lower Saxony in northwestern Germany. Varus marched out to meet the rebel forces, which Arminius indicated were not large but if not put down could hamper Roman control. During the march the terrain became more constricting and muddy due to recent rain, which forced the Romans to spread out their column some five to six miles long and farther with camp followers. Entering a narrow forested defile further hampered by the rain-soaked ground, Arminius and his Germans began their assault on the dispersed Romans. Arminius’s plan was to use his superior numbers and prevent the dispersed Romans from forming into the regular Roman battle order, which he understood given his Roman training. His forces were able to attack Roman units and keep them separated. The Romans set up a night camp and, instead of waiting and recovering, attempted a breakout to reach the Rhine the next day. With a rainstorm continuing, the Romans attempted to march through another forested region and were again attacked. Marching through the night, Varus and his men came into another trap set by Arminius, with the final battle occurring at the Kalkriese Hill near Bramsche. The road, only a few feet wide, was blocked by a trench, and parallel to the road the Germans constructed an earthen wall that gave them cover from Varus’s soldiers. The Romans attempted to storm the wall but were repulsed; the Germans countered, and the final massacre took place. Varus and many of his officers committed suicide. Many of the remaining officers were captured and executed, and many of the soldiers were either enslaved or ransomed. It is estimated that from 15,000 to 20,000 Romans were killed, with few German casualties. Some soldiers did break out and fled to the Rhine forts, while many of the forts on the eastern side were taken by Arminius. The eastern side was now lost, but Arminius could not attack across the Rhine without more help. He sent the severed head of Varus to Maroboduus in hopes of a general alliance against the Romans. Maroboduus declined, probably since Tiberius and his troops had recently won the Pannonian rebellion and feared a renewed Roman threat from a capable general. Maroboduus sent Varus’s head to Augustus for burial. In the following wars against Arminius with Rome, Maroboduus stayed neutral. In Rome, the defeat of Varus sent shock waves through the government. Augustus is said to have repeatedly shouted “Quintili Vare, legiones redde!” (Quintilius Varus, give me back my legions!) (Suetonius 1979, 23). Augustus ordered Tiberius to send troops and prepare for attack. Three battle-hardened legions from Pannonia arrived and now protected the Rhine. In 14 CE after Augustus’s death his stepson and successor Tiberius ordered his nephew Germanicus to attack the Germans. During the next three years Germanicus attacked Arminius and inflicted heavy losses. Germanicus’s troops reached the site of the first Varian battle and saw the bleached bones of Romans heaped on the battlefield. His men buried the bones and continued their campaign. Germanicus was able to recover two of the three legionary standards lost, and his campaigns broke the German confederation. Arminius was defeated in two set battles, and his forces were dispersed. Germanicus was recalled, and with Roman honor avenged and Arminius broken, Tiberius decided not to expand beyond the Rhine.

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While the Varian disaster ended Roman direct control across the Rhine, Rome still influenced the region by installing client kings, waging campaigns, and, more important, opening up trade routes and centers. Germany became a region that benefited Rome even if Rome did not control the area politically. See also: Groups and Organizations: Germanic Tribes; Individuals: Augustus; Institutions: Client Kings; Provinces; Military: Order of Battle; Tactics; Primary Documents: Document 8; Document 11 Further Reading Bordewich, Fergus M. 2005. “The Ambush That Changed History.” Smithsonian Magazine (September): 74–81. Suetonius. 1979. The Twelve Caesars. Edited by Robert Graves and Michael Grant. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. Wells, Peter S. 2003. The Battle That Stopped Rome: Emperor Augustus, Arminius, and the Slaughter of the Legions in the Teutoburg Forest. New York: Norton.

Third-Century Political Chaos Rome faced enormous problems after Severus Alexander’s death in 235, with the empire undergoing transformation. The barbarians, particularly the Sarmatians, continually crossed the Danube; the Persians became restless; and countless usurpers appeared with their armies. Civil war and disease weakened the frontiers, forcing Emperor P. Licinius Valerianus (Valerian) to face the full rush of the barbarian invasions in 253. The Goths and Alamanni devastated the Danube region, while the newly formed Franks struck across the lower Rhine in 256. The Saxons from the Jutish and Frisian coasts began raiding Roman territories on both sides of the English Channel. The years of civil war left the eastern provinces open to new attacks, allowing the Persian king Shapur to cross the Euphrates and ravage Syria. The former Hadrianic defenses, now undermanned, fell into disarray. In addition, the plague, introduced into the empire years earlier, reached the heart of the empire by 251–253. To deal with these problems and recognizing the need for the emperor to be everywhere, Valerian raised his son Gallienus to the rank of augustus, making him an equal partner similar to Marcus Aurelius and Verus, for the empire needed two generals. Gallienus defeated the Alamanni on the Rhine in 254–256 and, when his father left in 256 to face Shapur, became supreme ruler of the west. The situation deteriorated when the Franks gained a firm hold in Gaul and northern Spain, while the Alamanni broke through the Danube garrisons and invaded Italy. Gallienus defeated them near Milan in 258 or 259, but in Gaul, C. Latinius Postumus killed Gallienus’s son, Saloninus, posing a serious threat to Gallienus, since some provincial governors transferred their allegiance to Postumus. In addition, Rome lost the Agri Decumates, the defensive wedge between the Rhine and Danube.

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The Goths and Persians were on the move in the east. In 254 the Goths raided Moesia and Thrace as far south as Thessalonica. In 256, the Borani secured ships from the Bosporan kingdom and raided the eastern Black Sea, capturing Trapezus. The Persian king Shapur forced Valerian to concentrate on Asia instead of the Black Sea by capturing Antioch after deposing the Armenian king Chosroes. Valerian marched against him but was soon defeated and taken prisoner; for the first time in Roman history, an emperor had personally surrendered to the enemy. Gallienus allowed Odaenathus, the king of Palmyra, to be called dux orientis (leader of the Orient) and commander of all Roman forces in the east, and with this move Odaenathus recovered Mesopotamia, earning him the title of imperator. Postumus ruled Gaul and Britain for 10 years as a semi-independent kingdom, keeping the barbarians at bay. Gallienus, the official emperor, ruled only Africa, Italy, and the Danube basin. By 258 with Postumus’s assassination, Gallienus recovered these regions and became sole ruler. In that same year, Gallienus marched to Greece to meet the Heruli, from Scandinavia, defeating them at the Nessus. But when Gallienus marched back to Rome to suppress another revolt, his generals Claudius and Aurelian assassinated him. M. Aurelius Claudius, the new emperor, first checked the Alamanni at Lake Garda, accomplishing the greatest military victory since Trajan. The Goths, moving in two groups, decided to settle in the Balkans, while their pirate ships harassed the eastern Mediterranean. Claudius defeated the Gothic pirates and then triumphed over their army, forcing them to surrender. He took the remnants, making them coloni in the Danube basin in 270, earning him the victory appellation Gothicus (conqueror of the Goths). Claudius, leaving his lieutenant Aurelian behind, moved against the Juthungi and Vandals on the Danube but died of the plague. The new emperor, L. Domitius Aurelianus (Aurelian), Claudius’s loyal general, drove the Vandals out of Pannonia and reestablished the Danube line. In a defensive move he also ordered the Roman garrison out of Dacia, south of the Danube. Gaul and Palmyra produced trouble. C. Pius Tetricus ruled Gaul from Burdigala, and Zenobia, the widow of Odaenathus, extended her sway to Antioch, Asia Minor, and Lower Egypt. Aurelian now concentrated on Zenobia and her son, Vaballathus, who in 271 had taken the title augustus. While Aurelian moved from the north against Zenobia, his lieutenant Probus marched from Egypt. Aurelian pushed Zenobia out of Asia Minor and took Antioch in 271, capturing Palmyra and Zenobia in 272, but left her in power. Almost immediately, however, Zenobia revolted, and Aurelian, forced to return, besieged Palmyra for a second time. After her second defeat, Zenobia was taken to Rome for Aurelian’s triumph, and Palmyra rapidly lost its economic importance. The east was finally made secure in 273 when Aurelian captured Egypt from a Greek usurper, Firmus. For these victories, he took the title restitutor orientis (restorer of the east). Aurelian then moved quickly to suppress Tetricus and his Imperium Galliarum. In 273, both Zenobia and Tetricus marched in Aurelian’s triumph. Afterward, both were given a pension and lived the remainder of their lives in Rome in comfort. Coins celebrating his achievements have the reverse legend “Restitutor Orbis” (restorer of the world). In 274, Aurelian began work on Rome’s new wall encircling the city and surpassing the earlier wall of 390 BCE.

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This work and the numerous other forts and walled towns, especially in Gaul, Britain, and Germania, indicate the fear and danger existing from barbarian invasion. Aurelian planned to meet the Persians when he was assassinated in 275. The eastern army proclaimed Probus, Aurelian’s lieutenant and fellow Danubian, emperor. He regained the Rhine and the upper Danube from the Franks and Alamanni. Marching to the lower Danube, he campaigned against the Vandals, and in 279 he reached a tentative truce with the Persians, now led by Bahram II. In 282, the army in Raetia proclaimed Aurelius Carus emperor, and the Pannonian Army hanged Probus. Carus, from Gaul, appointed his two sons, Carinus and Numerianus, caesars. Carinus remained in the west, while Numerianus accompanied his father against the Persians in an attempt to repeat the glories of Trajan and Septimius Severus. Carus captured Ctesiphon and intended to continue his campaign when a bolt of lightning struck him down. Numerianus, his son and coemperor, died mysteriously on the return home, supposedly murdered by his father-in-law, Aper. This period was chaotic in part because of the rivalry between the different generals and regions of the empire that caused continual warfare. In addition, the continual changeover in leaders caused the social fabric to be disrupted, including taxation and changes in social stratification. The end result of the chaos was a continual process of fragmentation in the empire that would later lead to its breakup, the decline of senatorial position, and a continual heavy taxation burden on society. See also: Government and Politics: Bureaucracy; Groups and Organizations: Slaves; Individuals: Aurelian, Lucius Domitius; Diocletian; Palmyra, House of; Institutions: Provinces; Key Events: Third-Century Social Chaos; Thirty Tyrants Further Reading Southern, Pat. 2011. “Third Century Crisis of the Roman Empire.” British Broadcasting Company, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans/thirdcenturycrisis_article_01 .shtml. Watson, Alaric. 1999. Aurelian and the Third Century. London: Routledge. White, John F. 2005. Restorer of the World: The Roman Emperor Aurelian. Staplehurst, UK: Spellmount.

Third-Century Social Chaos Political and military upheavals were only part of the problem during the third century. Rome’s economic vitality also declined. After Septimius Severus, the number of minted gold aurei declined, as did their weight but not their purity. At the same time, the silver percentage in the denarius declined from around 80 percent to ultimately 5 percent. Additional economic problems now manifested themselves. First the government, both imperial and local authorities, increased the burden on cities and wealthy individuals in the form of liturgies, or compulsory labor duty. A more serious problem occurred

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when taxpayers could not pay their required taxes. Rome preferred cities to pay for their own projects and required cities to pay a set amount to the state, which usually increased over time. Cities required individual citizens to act as guarantors for taxes. The imperial government compelled the cities, composed of wealthy individuals, to make up the difference if peasants could not pay. During a time of prosperity this burden on the elite was probably light, but during a calamity—natural or unnatural—these payments became quite heavy and allowed for abuses against the peasants. In addition to liturgies, temporary forced government exactions, the annona militaris, or annona, became an even greater burden than the standard taxes. Levying these duties, originally imposed only during times of great military hardship, now became a common practice. Exacerbated by the numerous pretenders and foreign wars, the annona became a regular tax during the third century. These economic problems helped produce avaritia, or inflation, now a primary threat. The term avaritia refers to more than just inflation; it also conveys personal gain, or greed. Egyptian papyri record price levels beginning around 265–270 increasing dramatically and continuing into the fourth century, suggesting a rapid increase in inflation (Rostovtzeff 1957, 471). The inflation may have been caused by an increase in the money supply (due to the debasement of the denarius), a decline in the agricultural productivity, or indeed by both, which probably produced hyperinflation. The absolute volume of goods could and did alter especially over the short term, which in some areas produced food shortages, but since the empire continued and there is no evidence of mass starvation, the amount of food supplies produced must have continued to be sufficient. Eastern Gaul, the Danube, and Germany suffered from land desertion, although the total amount deserted was perhaps less than 20 percent. Given the possibility of a decline or static productivity, wages and prices continued to rise. Inflation may have resulted from an increase in city consumption, public expenditures, and the welfare system begun by Trajan. Some argue that coinage debasement led to a general regression into a barter economy, but the evidence does not support this claim, especially since the inflation occurred over an 80-year period and since coins were continually minted, hoarded, and lost. These factors did not produce a barter economy as seen in Egypt, with the market continuing to function. It is possible that the inflation was not as bad as portrayed. If the wages and prices increased at the same rate and then leveled off, the impact was not as harsh, but if prices increased at a faster rate the effect could be disastrous especially if there was a sudden rise in prices, which seems to have taken place in the 290s. With a sudden price increase due mainly to military expansion, those on fixed incomes, soldiers, and cities saw their resources diminish. Local power and economic perception changed, however. More wealthy taxpayers attempted to avoid civic duty, and individuals changed how they accumulated and used power. The change in landholding patterns that created powerful local magnates allowed some owners to promote their own policies, even inciting rebellion. If they promoted an antigovernmental or anti-Roman (Italian) sentiment, their own popularity and prestige could rise, and if they added some military forces, then they might even succeed in breaking away or becoming emperor. Land tenure, or the transformation of certain agricultural functions, evolved during the third century due to the changing economic situation, as witnessed in the changing

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landholding patterns in Oxyrhynchus, Egypt, with a rise in large estates. Land formerly had been used in a speculative manner, but during the latter part of the third century people began to accumulate land and form estates. The best example in Oxyrhynchus was Aurelius Serenus, who began as a businessman around 250 and became a land magnate by 285. A lease from 289 was for labor, not land, showing Serenus now “accumulating” workers for his estates (Rostovtzeff 1957, 490–492). By 311 he became a strategos, and during this same period he is referred to as an ekdikos, or leading man of his area. Similar estate owners during this time were Alypius from Thraso and Appian, both of whom leased large tracts of land and appear to have been influential because of military forces at their disposal. The basis of their wealth was not grain but rather the more profitable wine. The formation of great estates alongside smaller farms was not limited to Egypt. Palestine underwent the same process. Rabbinical sources speak of the ba’ale zero’a, or unscrupulous land grabbers who purchased small farms and formed large estates (Sperber 1978, 154–67). The ba’ale zero’a bought the water rights to a certain area and then withheld water from the small farmers, who after crop failures were forced to sell their land at very low prices and then become tenants. These landowners would then transfer the tax burden onto the small farmers to avoid payments. In Africa around Carthage, Cyprian noted a similar trend whereby bishops left their sees and acquired landed estates by fraud (Coxe 1886, De Lapsis 6). Libanius gives a pleasant picture of a port market where goods and produce were sold and bought in a festive setting (Libanius and Downey 1959). The opposite picture for inland markets is portrayed, where the inhabitants could not sell their surpluses, which resulted in spoilage, or buy what they needed. The late third-century problems forced Rome to radically alter its previous economic policies. The empire needed salvation from internal chaos and external threats. Rome had become like an abandoned child, one who needed a parent to provide for and protect her. Into this chaos stepped Diocletian, who could very well consider himself a “father” or even “savior” of Rome and attempted to establish political and military equilibrium while reforming the economy and religion. In essence, he strove to save Roman society. See also: Government and Politics: Currency Systems; Taxation; Groups and Organizations: Slaves; Individuals: Diocletian; Institutions: Mints; Regulations, Business; Regulations, Commercial; Key Events: Third-Century Political Chaos; Thirty Tyrants Further Reading Coxe, A. Cleveland. 1886. Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 5, Hippolytus, Cyprian, Caius, Novatian, Appendix. New York: Christian Literature Publishing. Hekster, Olivier, and Nicholas Zair. 2008. Rome and Its Empire, AD 193–284. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press. Libanius and Glanville Downey. 1959. Libanius’ Oration in Praise of Antioch (Oration XI). Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. Rostovtzeff, M. 1957. Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire. 2nd ed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon.

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Thirty Tyrants The term “Thirty Tyrants” refers to the usurpers during the reign of Gallienus (253– 268 CE) and appears in the ancient text Historia Augusta, a collection of imperial biographies from Hadrian to Carus, many of which are spurious. The term refers to the Thirty Tyrants of Athens, a group of known historical figures who supported Athens’s enemy Sparta in 404–403 BCE after Sparta defeated Athens in the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BCE). During the time of Gallienus, the actual number of tyrants was probably 9 with some possible additions but not the 30 mentioned in Historia Augusta. These individuals created dissensions in the empire and allowed for it to be fragmented. Their actions forced Rome to continually expend forces in the field. Their rebellions created social, political, and economic instability not only in the local districts where the rebellions occurred but also throughout the empire. Some of these individuals mentioned did not claim the throne but were involved in fighting the central government. The tyrants were Postumus, Laelianus, Marius, and Victorinus (not a real tyrant), all in Gaul, and Ingenuus, Regalianus, Macrianus Major, Macrianus Minor and his brother Quietus, and Aureolus, all in the Danube region. In the west, Marcus Cassianius Latinius Postumus seized control of Gaul in 260 and ultimately controlled Gaul, Germania, Hispania, and Britain, which has been called the Gallic Empire. He ruled for 10 years before his troops murdered him. He may have been from the Batavians, a tribe along the Rhine who rose through the ranks. With the defeat and capture of Gallienus’s father Valerian, Postumus was proclaimed emperor, after which he marched on Colonia Agrippinensis and murdered Gallienus’s son Salonius. Postumus set up many of the same accoutrements of the Roman government, including legislative bodies such as a senate and assembly. His coins proclaimed himself as restorer of Gaul. He fought against several Germanic tribes in 262–263, taking the title “Germanicus.” It appears that Postumus did not intend to attack Rome and instead wanted to make Gaul his center. He withstood several attacks from Gallienus and defeated several usurpers. In 269 Postumus defeated Laelianus and tried to prevent his own troops from looting the captured city of Moguntiacum, and for this reason his troops murdered him. Laelianus, who ruled from early 269 until June, was considered one of the Thirty Tyrants. With the murder of Postumus the troops set up Marius as emperor. He appears to have allowed the troops to sack Moguntiacum, but his rule lasted no more than a few months. Postumus’s praetorian prefect Victorinus had Marius killed while he was in the city of Trier. By this time Gallienus was dead, and although Victorinus

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was listed among the Thirty Tyrants, he would not properly be seen as one. Victorinus ruled the Gallic Empire from 269 to 271. He continued Postumus’s policy of maintaining Gallic independence. Hispania deserted him for the central government under Claudius Gothicus and was murdered in 271 in Colonia Agrippinensis for supposedly seducing the wife of one of his officers. His son, also named among the Thirty Tyrants, was murdered as well. In Pannonia, Ingenuus rebelled against Gallienus in 260. Gallienus appointed Ingenuus against the Sarmatians and was successful in repulsing them at the frontier border in 258. He was charged with educating Gallienus’s younger son Cornelius Valerianus, but the boy’s death in 258 aroused suspicion. When Gallienus’s father, Emperor Valerian, was captured by the Persians, the legions in Moesia declared him emperor at Sirmium. Gallienus sent his mobile army from Germany, and Ingenuus was defeated; Ingenuus drowned rather than surrender. Like Ingenuus who rose to power after Valerian’s capture, so too did Regalianus, a soldier supposedly descended from the Dacian king Decebalus, who was promoted by the population in Pannonia to protect them against the Sarmatians. Regalianus was successful in pushing them back in 260 but was soon murdered by his own people. Another set of usurpers likewise occurred with the defeat of Valerian. Macrianus Major, Valerian’s chief fiscal officer, used his position as head of the treasury to have his sons Macrianus Minor and Quietus proclaimed emperors; Macrianus Major supposedly was not qualified, since he had deformed legs. He was able to secure the eastern frontier from further attacks from the Persians. Macrianus Major left Quietus behind in the east and with Macrianus Minor moved to Thrace. Macrianus Major’s army was defeated by Aureolus, Gallienus’s great cavalry general who had just defeated Ingenuus. Both Macrianus Major and his son Macrianus Minor were killed. Quietus remained in the east, but with the defeat of his father and brother he now lost the support of the provinces to Odaenathus, the king of Palmyra. Quietus fled to Emesa and was besieged and then murdered by the inhabitants. The final known usurper who in fact lived during Gallienus’s rule was the general Aureolus. Born in Dacia, he enlisted in the military and was supposedly a horse groom. He appears to have risen in the ranks of the cavalry and was noticed by Valerian and Gallienus. Aureolus also appears to have conceived or at least helped conceive the mobile cavalry army that helped Gallienus maintain control of the central core of the empire. Aureolus first achieved success against Ingenuus in 258 in the Battle of Mursa and then achieved success in 261 against Macrianus Major and Macrianus Minor whose army had been increased with survivors from Ingenuus’s and Regalianus’s armies. It appears that Gallienus remained in Gaul to take on Postumus. After pacifying the Danube region, Aureolus accompanied Gallienus against Postumus again. This appears to have resulted in the recapture of Raetia. Supposedly in this campaign Aureolus allowed Postumus to escape, which caused Gallienus to suspect Aureolus of plotting against him. The evidence for this was his demotion to governor of Raetia and the loss of his mobile cavalry army. With Gallienus in the Danube region facing the Goths, Aureolus invaded Italy and seized Milan; from there he appears to have invited Postumus to enter Italy and become

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emperor. Aureolus minted coins in favor of Postumus and the loyalty of his cavalry in an attempt to persuade them to come over to him and Postumus. Gallienus moved against Aureolus, while Postumus did not come to his support. Gallienus defeated Aureolus, and he fled to Milan; Gallienus was then murdered by his generals, including the new emperor, Claudius, and Aureolus surrendered to him. Before Claudius could decide his fate, Aureolus was executed by Claudius’s Praetorian Guard, perhaps with Claudius’s permission in order to remove any connection between Aureolus’s rebellion and the assassination of Gallienus. The other so-called Thirty Tyrants never claimed imperial power. They included Cyriades; Odaenathus and his followers: Septimius Herodianus, his son and coruler of Palmyra; Maeonius, his nephew; and Zenobia, his wife, who would kill Maeonius and take power as the queen of Palmyra. Balista, another of the Thirty Tyrants and the general of Macrianus and Quietus, was killed by Odaenathus. Valens Thessalonicus attempted to suppress Macrianus; he killed Piso, a general sent by Macrianus to assassinate him, but then was hailed as emperor by his troops, only to be murdered in turn by them. Lucius Mussius Aemilianus, the governor of Egypt, supported Macrianus but was defeated by one of Gallienus’s generals and captured and strangled. These known individuals did not necessarily proclaim themselves as emperors. Saturninus, Trebellianus, Herennianus, Timolaus, and Celsus were mere fiction. Zenobia and Victoria, the mother of Victorinus, were also mentioned as members of the Thirty Tyrants even if as women who did not hold power. See also: Individuals: Aurelian, Lucius Domitius; Palmyra, House of; Valerian and Gallienus; Institutions: Provinces; Key Events: Judea Provincial Disruption; Third-Century Political Chaos; Third-Century Social Chaos Further Reading Drinkwater, John F. 1987. The Gallic Empire: Separatism and Continuity in the NorthWestern Provinces of the Roman Empire, A.D. 260–274. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae. 1960. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta /Tyranni_XXX*.html.

Vesuvius Eruption (79 CE) The eruption of Mount Vesuvius on August 24, 79 CE, created both a tragedy for the ancient cities along the coastline of the Bay of Naples, especially Pompeii and Herculaneum, and a wonder for modern archaeologists. The violent eruption created a gaseous cloud rising over 10 miles and spewing down magma and ash. The falling ash buried the city of Pompeii, while the magma rushing down the sides of the volcano encased Herculaneum.

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The region is geologically unstable, with fault lines created by shifting tectonic plates, resulting in earthquakes and volcanic activity. While Mount Vesuvius does not erupt often, unlike the nearby Mount Etna in Sicily, it nevertheless produces some activity periodically including the most recent in 1944. The volcano is part of the Campanian volcanic arc formed by the convergence of the African and Eurasian plates. In the past 17,000 years there have been eight major eruptions, with the eruption in 79 CE being the most famous. Vesuvius is classed as a stratovolcano, which is the most violent, since such volcanoes erupt with great force due to the gas pressure building up in the magma chambers. When the magma reaches the conduits, the gases explode and spew forth from the crater and sides violently; in 79 CE, the cloud rose 12 miles above the volcano. The eruption was not the only disaster that befell Pompeii. In February 62 CE a series of low-level earthquakes emanating from Vesuvius caused major destruction for the cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum as well as towns around the Bay of Naples. The city’s waterlines and many of its buildings were severely damaged. Archaeological remains show the extent of this damage on major buildings such as temples. Another smaller quake occurred in 64 and was recorded by the ancient authors Suetonius and Tacitus, since Emperor Nero was singing nearby in Naples at a theater, which collapsed soon after Nero finished. These quakes were common in the region, which although destructive were nevertheless part of the city life. In early August 79 CE more quakes were noticed in the region but did not seem to alarm the inhabitants gravely, since this was a common phenomenon. At about noon on August 24, although the month is debated, Vesuvius exploded violently, with the ash cloud rising more than 10 miles above Earth. This was the initial Plinian eruption, named after the ancient author Pliny the Younger, who was at Misenum about 12 miles away and described it as an umbrella pine tree with a straight trunk and branches forming out of different colors (Pliny the Younger 1969, 6.16). This blast lasted about a day and produced the pumice that rained down on Pompeii to the southeast but not on Herculaneum, which was upwind from Vesuvius. By 1:00 p.m. the sun had been blocked out, and the ash was falling at a rate of six inches per hour. People tried to clear their roofs off but to no avail. It appears that the citizens did not yet try to make their way out of the city, and shortly after midnight the town of Herculaneum was hit by a wall of mud ultimately reaching 75 feet deep that engulfed and carbonized the city in the second blast, or Pelean phase, which was a pyroclastic flow. Although confined mainly to the northwest of Vesuvius around Herculaneum, it did reach as far as Misenum. The inhabitants of Herculaneum made their way to Pompeii, where two pyroclastic flows were also hitting. At about 6:00 a.m. on August 25 the town was hit by debris and poisonous gases that rolled down the side of Vesuvius. It was this cloud with superhot gases that caused the most deaths, as inhabitants’ lungs were filled with gases, and they suffocated instantly. The superhot gases caused the muscles to contract, leaving the bodies in a semicurled fashion, as discovered two millennia later. The explosion produced another earthquake that rocked the city of Misenum, where Pliny was staying,

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and the volcanic dust even hit there, while a tsunami also hit, wrecking the shoreline. The ash hit the cities nearby, including Pompeii, Stabiae, and Herculaneum, mainly to the southeast of Vesuvius. Pliny the Younger relates that his uncle, Pliny the Elder, who commanded the fleet at Misenum, ordered warships to be sent to the region at first so he could investigate and then, upon receiving a note from a friend for help, to rescue people (Pliny the Younger 1969, 6.16). Pliny the Elder arrived near Stabiae and met a friend, and they went into his house, where they bathed, ate, and slept until the next morning even though the ash and debris were raining down. On the morning of August 25, with sunlight still blackened by the debris, they lit torches and made their way back to the shore but could not board ships, since the waves were too violent. Pliny and his colleagues sat on the beach. Soon the flames and sulfur gas aroused everyone, and while the others took flight, Pliny remained weakened and supported by two slaves until he suddenly collapsed and died, probably of a stroke or heart attack given his corpulent size. When daylight returned on August 26, his body was found still intact and clothed. Pliny the Younger also related how he and his mother, fleeing Misenum, were also overcome by the dark ash, forcing a tough flight from the region. Many of those killed at Herculaneum appear to have been on the seacoast waiting to be evacuated. The debris continually fell for several weeks, and ultimately Pompeii was buried under 12 to 20 feet of ash and pumice. The city was all but forgotten until the seventeenth century, when excavations, originally treasure hunts, were carried out. Many of the great treasures found include mosaics, sculpture, and artifacts that are now housed in the National Archaeological Museum in Naples. See also: Cities: Pompeii; Individuals: Vespasian, Titus Flavius; Institutions: Public Health and Sanitation; Primary Documents: Document 36 Further Reading Beard, Mary. 2008. Pompeii: The Life of a Roman Town. London: Profile Books. Jashemski, Wilhelmina F., and Frederick G. Meyer. 2002. The Natural History of Pompeii. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pliny the Younger. 1969. Letters, and Panegyricus. Translated by Betty Radice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Year of the Five Emperors (193 CE) The Year of the Five Emperors (193 CE) saw the Roman Empire thrown into convulsion by a series of successive and competing rulers. Beginning on January 1 Pertinax was proclaimed ruler and was soon followed by Didius Julianus, while three individuals, Pescennius Niger, Clodius Albinus, and Septimius Severus, proclaimed themselves ruler in the summer of 193.

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The cause of the rebellion had its roots in the rule of Commodus (180–192), son of Marcus Aurelius. For 90 years Rome had been ruled by the best men placed into power due to merit instead of birth. Commodus became the first emperor in nearly a century to ascend to the throne due to his birth and the first until 337 CE to be born while his father was emperor. With his pedigree it would appear that Commodus had all of the makings of greatness. Unfortunately, his rule was a disaster. After becoming emperor, Commodus abandoned the territory recently won by his father on the Danube. While this may have been a strategic move, one that Hadrian had also done, the legions felt betrayed following the hard-won battles. Commodus also began to display his passion for pleasure and violence, becoming a gladiator. Instead of controlling the government, he allowed his prefects to rule in his place, with disastrous results. A series of coups organized by his sister and by imperial bureaucrats resulted in executions and intrigue. These attempted coups began as early as 182. After these attempts, Commodus continued to distance himself from running the government and indulged even more in sports and gladiatorial contests while a new official, Cleander, rose in favor and ran the state. Commodus would enrich himself by selling offices, including making a record 25 men consuls in one year. Although not a prefect, Cleander held all of the power. A rival, Papirius Dionysius, the grain commissioner, manipulated the grain supply, creating a shortage in Rome, and blamed Cleander. A mob attacked Cleander, who fled to the emperor’s estate; Commodus reacted by having Cleander executed. With Commodus degenerating even more, the new prefect, Quintus Laetus, began to plot against the emperor. He put men loyal to him in key military positions, such as Clodius Albinus in Britain, Septimius Severus on the Danube, and Pescennius Niger in Syria, all of whom would vie for power in a few years. In 191 a fire raged in Rome, and Commodus planned to name the city after himself. Things deteriorated even more in 192, when Commodus announced that he planned to inaugurate the new year (193) as a gladiator in the Senate, which shocked the sensibilities of the upper class. In November, Laetus planned his coup to place the city prefect, Pertinax on the throne, with the help of Commodus’s mistress, Marcia, and their household staff. On December 31 Marcia poisoned Commodus, but the emperor vomited up the poison, so Laetus had Commodus’s wrestling partner, Narcissus, strangle the emperor in his bed. Publius Helvius Pertinax (126–193) ruled from January 1 to March 28, 193. A capable soldier and administrator, he attempted to restore sanity to the government. He increased the purity of silver in the denarius and attempted to stop abuses in the state. He attempted to restore discipline among the Praetorian Guard, even at first refusing to give them a bonus; after extreme pressure he sold off Commodus’s personal property to pay the guards. Pertinax continued attempting to control the Praetorian Guard. Several hundred guards approached the palace; the prefect Laetus sided with them, and Pertinax was murdered. While Pertinax was seen as a good man and ruler, he attempted to reform the Praetorian Guard too quickly. The Praetorian Guard now auctioned off the throne to Didius Julianus (133–193), a senator, who ruled from March 28 to June 1, 193. He had been a competent commander

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and governor during Marcus Aurelius’s reign. Julianus’s reign, however, was not welcomed. The crowd viewed him as a thief for buying the throne, and he devalued the currency. The main legionary commanders, Albinus, Severus, and Niger, each with three legions, refused to accept his authority. Julianus declared Severus, the closest general and rival based on the Danube, an enemy and mobilized the undisciplined Praetorian Guard. Severus secured his flank by having Albinus declare him caesar and marched on Italy. Seizing Ravenna and the fleet, Severus defeated the guard under Julianus and marched toward Rome. Julianus attempted to negotiate, but Severus refused, and the Praetorian Guard, once assured that it would not suffer if it handed over the murderers of Pertinax, abandoned Julianus, who was declared an enemy by the Senate. The Praetorian Guard executed Julianus, and Severus marched into Rome. Pescennius Niger (135–194) was the third individual to declare himself emperor in 193. While Severus could ultimately call on 16 legions on the Danube, Niger could only muster 6, his 3 in Syria and 3 more in the east. He decided to strike first by marching into Thrace and having Byzantium as his base. Niger’s general was defeated, and Severus placed Byzantium under siege, forcing Niger to retreat into Asia Minor. After another defeat Niger retreated to Antioch with most of his forces, but his support was slipping away, and by early 194 Egypt defected. Finally, in May 194 Niger met Severus’s general in the Battle of Issus, where after a long hard-fought battle Niger was defeated and captured trying to flee to Parthia. Severus beheaded Niger and executed Niger’s family. Clodius Albinus (150–197), from Africa and part of a noble Italian family, was the fourth emperor of 193. He entered the military and excelled, earning the praise of Marcus Aurelius. When Pertinax was assassinated, the legions in Britain proclaimed Albinus emperor. He allied himself with Severus, initially even receiving the title of caesar. After Niger’s defeat Albinus realized that Severus planned to come after him and made preparations to resist. In 196 Albinus again proclaimed himself emperor and in February 197 met Severus in the Battle of Lugdunum in Gaul. Albinus was defeated and was either killed or committed suicide. His family was executed by Severus. The final ruler of the Year of the Five Emperors was Septimius Severus, who by 197 controlled all of the Roman Empire. See also: Individuals: Marcus Aurelius; Severan Dynasty Further Reading Birley, Anthony. 1971. Septimius Severus: The African Emperor. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode. Grant, Michael, and Rogers D. Spotswood Collection. 1996. The Severans: The Changed Roman Empire. London: Routledge. Levick, Barbara. 2014. Faustina I and II: Imperial Women of the Golden Age. Oxford: Oxford University Press. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae. 1960. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta /Commodus*.html.

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Year of the Four Emperors (69 CE) With the death of Emperor Nero, the Roman Empire was thrown into its first period of civil war in over a century. Four emperors, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Vespasian, competed for power during the year 69 CE. The first three ruled for only a short time until Vespasian won and established a new dynasty. The Roman armies in Spain, Germany, the Danube region, and the east were all involved, leading to an empire-wide struggle. In March 68 CE Gaius Julius Vindex, the governor of Gallia Lugdunensis, the Roman province around modern-day Lyon, France, rebelled against Emperor Nero for exacting heavy taxation. Vindex called upon the governor of Hispania Tarraconensis in northern Spain, Servius Sulpicius Galba, with his legion, to assume the emperorship. Vindex was soon defeated, and Galba, who had hesitated and declined, was nevertheless declared a public enemy by Nero. When Nero’s Praetorian Guard commander openly broke with Nero and favored Galba, Nero soon lost all support and in June committed suicide. Galba was then proclaimed emperor and made his way to Rome. This turn of events put into motion the power struggle that encompassed most of the Roman world. While most looked to Galba as someone who would restore the sanity of the empire, they were soon disappointed. Marching from Spain to Rome with his legion, Galba exacted enormous fines from cities that did not receive him quickly. He also rescinded many of Nero’s reforms including those that benefited individuals Bust of Vespasian, Roman emperor from 69–79 CE. and regions from not paying taxes. Vespasian was the victor in 69 CE, in which three Galba also refused to grant citizenother emperors ruled and died in short order. His ship to many who asked, since this victory established the Flavian Dynasty for the next would allow the recipient to not quarter century, bringing peace and stability. The year pay taxes. When he arrived in showed that an emperor could be made from outside Rome, Galba refused to pay the of Italy and not from the family of Augustus. (Ruslan Praetorian Guard its bonus, which Gilmanshin/Dreamstime.com)

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it had been promised. He also dismissed the Batavian (German) bodyguard. Because Vindex had been defeated by the German governor and his troops, Galba did not trust them and replaced the governor with Aulus Vitellius. On January 1, 69, the German legions did not swear allegiance to the emperor as was customary with the start of the new year. The next day they proclaimed Aulus Vitellius their emperor. When Galba heard that the Rhine legions had deserted him, on January 10 he proclaimed Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus his successor in hopes of rallying support from the upper echelons of society, since he was a descendant from both Pompey and Crassus, the triumvirs in the late republic. Marcus Salvius Otho meanwhile had been proposed as heir and was upset that he did not receive it. Galba passed him over, since he was a favorite of Nero and was known for his lack of morals. Outraged, Otho decided that both men needed to be removed and raised a rebellion. Both Galba and Licinianus were butchered in the Forum by the Praetorian Guard; supposedly 120 soldiers claimed responsibility in hopes of getting a reward. Otho wrote their names down, which was disastrous for them. On January 15, Otho went to Palatine Hill and was hailed emperor by the Praetorian Guard, whereupon he and his forces moved against Galba and killed him. Otho was then proclaimed emperor by the Senate that very same day. Whereas Galba had not paid the Praetorian Guard its gold and the populace of Rome had still revered Nero, Otho immediately played into both camps. He paid the Praetorian Guard, and the populace hailed him as a second Nero, even erecting statues of the dead emperor. Otho soon realized that the German legions were moving south toward Italy with Vitellius as their commander. While Otho controlled the Praetorian Guard, which was sizable, and the fleet, he did not have many other troops at hand. With the eastern legions engaged in suppressing the First Jewish Rebellion, which began in 66 CE, the only hope was the legions in the Danube region. Otho tried to bribe Vitellius with a share of power but to no avail and then moved north on March 14. Otho defended Placentia after receiving news that the enemy was already in Italy at the Po River. Otho’s generals were divided, with the senior officers suggesting a defensive campaign and avoiding battle until the Danube legions could arrive, while Otho’s brother encouraged a quick battle. On April 14 the two armies met north of the Po River at Bedriacum, where Otho’s forces were defeated and ultimately joined Vitellius’s army. Upon hearing of the news, Otho decided to commit suicide even though the Danube army was nearby and he had a large reserve. Otho may have hoped to spare the empire from further civil war. With Otho’s death, Vitellius moved to Rome. While the Senate declared Vitellius emperor, he did not use any of his advantages to secure the goodwill of the elites. He supposedly lavished himself with banquets and triumphs, depleting what was left of the treasury. He executed anyone he thought was a threat, including the 120 guards who claimed to have killed Galba and whose names were recorded in Otho’s notes. At the same time the legions in the east, specifically in Judea and Egypt, proclaimed Titus Flavius Vespasian as emperor. With the support of the governor of Syria, Gaius Licinius Mucianus, who marched toward Rome, Vespasian traveled to Alexandria to secure the port and Egypt’s grain. Vespasian left his eldest son

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Titus in command of the forces in Judea. While Mucianus marched toward Rome, the Danube legions, who had favored Otho, now proclaimed their allegiance to Vespasian under Marcus Antonius Primus. This force defeated Vitellius in a second battle at Bedriacum in October. Vitellius attempted to rally support to him in Rome, but no one came. He attempted to negotiate with Primus but to no avail and planned to flee. Vitellius was seized in the palace by Vespasian’s men and killed on December 20, 69 CE. The city was in chaos, and Primus settled the city until Mucianus arrived. During this time the great temple to Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill was burned. On December 21 Vespasian was declared emperor. The year 69 saw four emperors from January 1 to December 21, beginning with Galba and ending with Vespanian. The year had tremendous impact on Rome. Emperors no longer had to be made in Rome and, more important, did not have to be from the House of Augustus. The events also saw a return to the late republican practice of Roman armies continually fighting among each other. See also: Individuals: Nero; Vespasian, Titus Flavius; Institutions: Provinces; Primary Documents: Document 32 Further Reading Morgan, Gwyn. 2007. 69 A.D.: The Year of Four Emperors. New York: Oxford University Press. Plutarch et al. 1994. Plutarch: Lives of Galba and Otho: A Companion. London: Bristol Classical. Suetonius and D. C. A. Shotter. 1993. Suetonius: Lives of Galba, Otho & Vitellius. Warminster, UK: Aris and Phillips.

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OVERVIEW ESSAY During the Roman Empire the military was the most important political and social force. Soldiers made and removed emperors throughout its history, often benefiting the state but usually creating instability. The military formed the major social ladder for the population. Individuals from the lower classes could enter the ranks and upon discharge could be in the upper class not only for themselves but for their children as well. The military became the great equalizer for the population. The military also was prevalent in nearly all aspects of society. As the police force, it made sure the population was controlled and protected. In addition, the military was responsible for the collection of taxes and in kind requisitions. There were general policy initiatives undertaken by the emperors for the military. While Augustus expanded the empire, by the time of his death the borders were generally set, and expansions that followed were not extensive. Rome’s defensive policy was directed and dictated by specific emperors but usually was to hold the current lands without much expansion. Some such as Trajan expanded the empire, receiving a triumph or a political-religious celebration to commemorate a great victory over a foreign enemy; this was directly in opposition to the defensive stature that usually followed. Others such as Hadrian viewed the frontiers, or limes, as fixed defensive lines created to hold back Rome’s enemies. Some of the most notable limes include Hadrian’s Wall and Antonine’s Wall, both in Britain. These structures should not be seen as impenetrable structures to keep out the enemy; instead, they were ways to control the flow of populations to select areas and therefore control trade and contact. There were other natural and man-made defensive structures and zones that provided barriers to control enemies’ movements. In addition, throughout the empire legionary forts acted as linchpins in these defensive networks housing soldiers to protect the region and serving as bases of operation for raids and attacks. This resulted in a sophisticated legionary deployment of units throughout the empire often dictated on geographical and political needs. This system was augmented by the command structure, which allowed for imperial control but provided for local autonomy to deal with an immediate crisis that might arise and also allowed the Romans to vary their tactics when needed based on the particular terrain and enemies. Many of the military camps, especially in the west, became not only the linchpins for their defensive structures but also future important civil sites. These forts, originally temporary wooden structures, were then transformed into permanent stone encampments 75

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when the period of expansion in the early empire ended. The stone camps, originally winter camps, now became the defensive centers for the regions. Around the camps grew up civilian settlements that provided the soldiers with goods and supplies. Soldiers, although technically not allowed to marry, nevertheless had families who lived near these structures. Roman policy changed, allowing the offspring of soldiers to be enrolled as soldiers and therefore given citizenship, promoting even more civilian continuity. These camps often grew into the later Roman cities and into the medieval cities and became modern sites such as Cologne, Mainz, Vienna, and York, showing their Roman roots. To provide for the troops it needed, the empire continually developed and altered several different policies and practices relating to recruitment and service in the army. The army provided the necessary training for its soldiers. This training was thorough, so soldiers knew a variety of tasks. For example, they learned how to march, form the various battle positions, swim, forage, and spy. The training allowed for promotion within the ranks so that the army became the great social equalizer. As the empire matured, the barrier between Italians (or Romans) and provincials declined, so that by the end there was no distinction between the two groups. This process led to changes in social stratifications within the provinces and ultimately reduced ethnic differences. How the Romans interacted with the civilian population often determined their provincial treatment, which varied throughout the empire due to ethnic differences. Some regions were looked upon as provinces providing recruits, while others provided supplies and taxes. Some veterans were given the opportunity to rise even further in the military into the praetorians, the elite troops who protected the emperor. This group often had deleterious effects on the empire, as it made and unmade emperors. As with all armies, the Roman Empire had specific troops for specific purposes and created a different order of battle for how they operated. These troops included the legion, which was the backbone of the army and originally composed of Roman citizens. The legionnaires provided the strongest infantry units. During the later empire they were mainly recruited from the provinces, as all free inhabitants were now citizens. They were commanded by a series of legionary officers, some of whom were senators earning their training in politics. The centurion, the most important officer, acted as a cross between modern noncommissioned and high-ranking officers; centurions instilled discipline similar to a modern sergeant and yet had training in tactics and command like a modern captain. The central unit was the cohort, which created the strong unit bond in the military. The army also had auxiliaries, which were originally composed of non-Roman inhabitants who supported the legions. They were often arranged in units that supported the legions such as light infantry, and they were the main cavalry force for the army. In addition, there were special troops such as the exploratores who provided scouts and spies for the army. Supplementing the army was the navy, which operated not only in the Mediterranean and the Black Sea but also on the major rivers and the Atlantic coasts, both on the continent and in Britain. The military not only fought in open battles but was also involved in siege warfare, which required complicated equipment and strategies. An example of a great siege was

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at Masada in the Dead Sea area when Rome fought the Jews during the first century CE. The Romans would also use a variety of weapons in the course of their battles. Some of these weapons included the various types of swords used by the different units, spears, and bow and arrows. In addition to individual weapons and uniforms that the rank and file used, there were offensive and defensive weapons such as the catapult that provided the Romans with a variety of machines and artillery against their enemies. Often one of the most important pieces of Roman military equipment was the military road constructed by the army to move vital units to and from a region. These roads would usually become the great trunk roads of the Roman Empire. The military became the great melting pot of Roman society. As citizenship expanded in the empire, the army became more international and interwoven. The soldiers intermixed with other soldiers and native populations, allowing for Roman culture to expand throughout society. The military also became the medium to expand Roman culture into all regions of the empire. This included the sending of troops to all regions, which allowed the extension of Roman culture. Roman structures, a hallmark of a nation’s society, included baths, theaters, amphitheaters, temples, and basilicas, which were transported from Italy into the provinces. The continual presence of the military allowed the Roman Empire to not only expand but also introduce Roman culture and ideas to non-Roman provincial territories. By the end of the fifth century the Roman Army, which was once Italian citizens in non-Italian areas controlling provincials, was now reversed, with the provincials in the army controlling Italy and beyond. Further Reading Breeze, David J. 2007. Roman Frontiers in Britain. London: Bristol Classical. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 1998. The Roman Army at War, 100 BC–AD 200. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith, and John Keegan. 2000. Roman Warfare. London: Cassell. Luttwak, Edward. 1976. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire from the First Century A.D. to the Third. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. MacMullen, Ramsay. 1963. Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Scullard, H. H. 1979. Roman Britain: Outpost of the Empire. London: Thames and Hudson.

Antonine Wall In the second century CE the Romans attempted to extend their power farther north in Britain, where they erected the Antonine Wall, originally similar to Hadrian’s Wall. The Romans had fought the tribes north of Hadrian’s Wall, the Caledonians, for nearly 50 years and under Emperor Antoninus Pius decided to incorporate the flatter regions north of Hadrian’s Wall into the empire. The Romans could have attempted to conquer all of Scotland, a feat attempted by Agricola during Domitian’s reign in 83 CE, or just

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A replica of part of the Antonine Wall in Bo’ness, Scotland. After the construction of Hadrian’s Wall, Hadrian’s successor Antoninus Pius built his own wall further north. Although shorter and perhaps more strategic than Hadrian’s Wall, it was in an isolated area without sufficient supplies to be supported and was soon abandoned. The Antonine Wall was Rome’s northernmost boundary. (Sasalan999/Dreamstime.com)

part of the region and hold it by creating a limes, or fortification. The Romans decided on the latter and in 142 CE began construction of the new wall. The wall extended from the Firth of Forth in the east to the Firth of Clyde in the west, ultimately spanning 39 miles (63 kilometers) and covering only about half the distance of Hadrian’s Wall. If successful, the new wall would have allowed either for fewer men to protect the region due to the reduced length or for a more concentrated firepower if the Romans kept the same number of men stationed in the north. The governor Quintus Lollius Urbicus led his legions north in 141 and after victories over the tribes began construction of the wall. The wall was built of stone with a turf covering and stood 13 feet (4 meters) high. In front of the wall was a ditch (vallum), and presumably on top of the wall was a wooden palisade. It may have originally been intended to be made completely of stone like Hadrian’s Wall. Behind the wall proper and running parallel to it was the Military Way, which connected the forts along the wall. The Romans seem to have planned to build forts every 6 miles (10 kilometers) for a total of 6 but instead built one at almost every 2 miles (3 kilometers), for a total of 19. There are also remnants of 9 smaller fortlets, and they seem to have been constructed every mile between the forts. By contrast, Hadrian’s Wall had milecastles built every mile more or less and about 15 forts. The Romans also constructed additional forts north of the Antonine Wall to protect the route to and from the region. Antonine’s Wall took 12 years to construct, compared to the 6 years for Hadrian’s Wall, or twice as long for a wall half as short. In addition, Hadrian’s Wall had more fortlets and forts and was taller than Antonine’s Wall. Even more troubling was that this northern wall was only occupied for 8 years when the legions retreated in 162 to

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Hadrian’s Wall 100 miles south. The region between the two walls may have been populated by tribes friendly to Rome, creating a buffer state. Tribes from the north were able to overrun the wall and retake the region. A central question remains as to why the Romans abandoned the wall so quickly. The ancient sources are silent as to the cause. It is possible that the wall was meant to be a temporary structure to allow for the refurbishing of Hadrian’s Wall. If so, this would account for the short occupation time but would not account for why the Romans spent so much energy building a structure meant to be used for only a few years. The cost of building it in manpower, 12 years, could have been used for other purposes, and the wall was constructed of stone, something that would not be temporary. The wall may have been an elaborate attempt to conquer the entire north. Here the Romans would have created the wall to act as a jumping-off point. While this is a possibility, there is little archaeological evidence for the Romans expanding north at this time. The few forts erected to the north were more for reconnaissance and protecting the routes rather than invasion forts. It is possible that the Romans initially planned this but then abandoned the plan outright when conquest was viewed as nonfeasible. Again, it is hard to see why the Romans would have invested so much time and energy in a plan that had failed over 50 years earlier with Agricola. The best idea was that the Romans may have attempted to build a new frontier made of stone and turf and replace it completely with an enlarged wall made of stone. This is what they did with Hadrian’s Wall, and the Romans may have planned to duplicate this process. It is possible that the Romans suffered military setbacks and losses during the continuous building, which made them think that holding this region would take longer than thought. It is also possible that once they had began constructing the wall these regions were quickly overrun, hence the need to construct the forts every 3 kilometers instead of every 10 as originally planned. In addition, it is possible that the northern tribes continually harassed the Romans even when the wall was built, forcing the Romans to change their tactics. This last idea would allow for why the wall was finished but was only occupied for a short time. In 208, Septimius Severus arrived and ordered the wall to be rebuilt. It was reoccupied for a short time, and with his death the wall, often called Severus’s Wall or the Severan Wall, was abandoned. The wall would be known as Gryme’s (Celtic for “devil”) Dyke and also as the Devil’s Dyke. Because it was built of turf and wood, the wall fell into ruin and unlike Hadrian’s Wall was not preserved. See also: Groups and Organizations: Picts; Individuals: Antoninus Pius; Institutions: Provinces; Key Events: British Conquest; Military: Hadrian’s Wall; Limes; Primary Documents: Document 27 Further Reading Breeze, David J. 2006. The Antonine Wall. Edinburgh, UK: John Donald. Keppie, L. J. F. 1986. Scotland’s Roman Remains: An Introduction and Handbook. Edinburgh, UK: J. Donald Publishers.

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|  The Roman Empire Robertson, Anne S., and Glasgow Archaeological Society. 1973. The Antonine Wall: A Handbook to the Roman Wall between Forth and Clyde and a Guide to Its Surviving Remains. Revised ed. Glasgow: Glasgow Archaeological Society.

Auxiliaries Auxiliaries were originally the noncitizen support units in the Roman Army. During the late republic they increased in importance and were mainly the cavalry and lightarmed infantry forces. For the infantry, most of these men were originally armed like the legions (i.e., heavy infantry), but soon some units became lightly armed so as to be more mobile and better able to protect the legions in battle and on the march. During the republic these auxiliaries mainly came from Italy, but beginning in the imperial era auxiliaries came from all over the empire. By the end of the republic there were different types of troops needed to keep the Roman Army effective, in particular cavalry, or horsemen, and light-armed troops such as archers, slingers, skirmishers, and the like. The specialized troops required different skills but were useful as support troops for the legions. The light-armed infantry were often conscripted from local areas through a general levy and were lightly armed, often with just a sword or spear. Finally, allies often sent a contingent of troops, such as cavalry, to comply with their obligations or curry favor. The auxiliaries were not Roman citizens and from the time of Augustus (27 BCE–14 CE) were recruited mainly from the non-Italian lands, creating a clear distinction between Roman (Italian) legions and provincial auxiliaries. The provincials were willing to become auxiliaries, since this allowed them the chance for advancement and to receive rewards such as money and land and also opened a pathway for them to become citizens. The auxiliaries at first became separate units raised locally and under a local commander operating in their native region. They were initially named for their home recruited region, such as Alpinorum from the Alps and Lusitanorum from Spain. The units were numbered but usually in connection to the region where they came from, such as the II Alpinorum, which may have been raised centuries after the first unit but before the I Lusitanorum. This type of numbering makes dating the units difficult. When the units were stationed abroad and recruitment came from these new regions, the connection between the name (titles) and region was lost. After the initial period of residing in their native region during the first century CE, the units were soon stationed abroad to prevent rebellion, which occurred during the early Flavian period. The auxiliaries provided Rome with a variety of different types of specialized units such as slingers from the Balearic Islands, known for their agility and accuracy. From North Africa, the Numidian cavalry were light cavalry, allowing for swift support units. Cretan archers and the heavy cavalry from the east were employed, especially in the east. The auxiliaries provided the provincials with an opportunity for advancement in society, as they often could leave their tenuous home life, be successful, and ultimately achieve Roman citizenship, which provided them and their descendants with security

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and opportunities. For example, an individual born and raised in Spain during the early first century CE could join the army as an auxiliary and receive a decent salary with potential bonuses. As an auxiliary he would not be a Roman citizen, but he would enjoy some benefits over the locals, such as preferred treatment and rations. After completing 25 years of service he would automatically become a citizen, and any of his children, even if already born, would become citizens. This change in legal and social status gave him tremendous benefits during the first two centuries of the empire, including the right to appeal to the caesar in areas of legal disputes (for example, Paul in the New Testament), not having to pay provincial taxes, and local honors often including land grants. After his service he could become an elite in his province, where his children might become town magistrates. His service as an auxiliary allowed him honors above the local population, even the native elites. The auxiliaries and local inhabitants also interacted, often to the detriment of the local population. The auxiliaries were known to supplement their pay by forcing the local population to pay bribes, causing resentment. In the New Testament, John the Baptist urged the soldiers, presumably auxiliaries, not to demand more than was just, implying perhaps that some extortion was acceptable (Luke 3:13). The auxiliaries opened an avenue for non-Romans to become citizens and the elites in the provinces. See also: Institutions: Provinces; Military: Cavalry; Defensive Policy; Legion; Recruitment and Service; Training Further Reading Elton, Hugh. 1996. Frontiers of the Roman Empire. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Holder, P. A. 1980. Studies in the Auxilia of the Roman Army from Augustus to Trajan. Oxford: B.A.R.

Catapults The Romans had a variety of artillery pieces that can be given the general term “catapult.” The Roman military, however, had a more precise meaning for the different pieces, and their use had a long history. Essentially, there were two types that came into Roman use from the Greek east, the catapult and the ballista. The Romans used these war machines to fire heavy projectiles long distances, up to 1,000 yards. The Greeks originally developed the catapult as an extension of the bow in order to provide a greater distance for their weapons. Most of the ancient authors describe the development of the early bow-catapults taking place among the Greek cities in Sicily and southern Italy during the fifth and fourth centuries BCE. Aeneas Tacticus, who lived in Greece during the fourth century BCE, wrote a work on siege craft and their uses. By the end of the fourth century the development of torsion catapults, with pulleys and ropes that pulled back a heavy throwing arm, providing more

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force, increased the distance and power of the earlier bow-like catapults. These weapons were soon employed as both defensive and offensive weapons during a siege and even on the battlefield. These early heavy weapons were used by Alexander the Great during his siege of Tyre (332 BCE) and by his generals after his death. The Romans were soon able to copy their design, probably by capturing specimens in the south and especially after their conquest of Greece in 146 BCE. With their conquest, Rome received a wealth of knowledge from individuals from the Greek east and was able to make improvements. The use of artillery during a siege was not only physical but also psychological. For example, during the siege of Syracuse during the Second Punic War in 212 BCE, the Romans used heavy ballista to fire spheres, similar to shot puts, of various weights against the enemy to disrupt their defense. Syracuse also used the same weapons to break up Roman attacks and create terror. Both sides realized that their use could produce fear in the enemy. For example, there was a fragmentation projectile: small stones or even lead shot were baked into a clay ball and when fired would break up into pieces and create fragmentation, causing injury to numerous individuals in the area. The catapult could fire darts, arrows, or even large stones, like the ballista. Usually the catapult was used to fire darts or arrows of great size over great distances with great power. They are represented at least six times on the Column of Trajan, a monumental column in Rome commemorating his victories in the Dacian Wars (101–106 CE) in modern-day Romania. While the description does not tell how they were propelled, it appears that the sinew was drawn back, and the simple force of the rebound against the recoil fired the dart. These machines could be mounted on wagons and drawn into battle as pleased. The ballistae were machines that could hurl large masses or stones over great distances. Although modern reconstructions have been made, it is impossible to determine exactly from the ancient sources how they were put together. They were of various sizes and, like the catapults, were placed on carts and could be placed on the battlefield and moved as pleased. The ballistae could also discharge pots filled with burning oil to be used on an approaching army or a city to cause disruption and havoc. The impact of the ballista is that it could fire projectiles farther than the archers and slingers, producing fear among the enemy while the Romans were at a distance. This allowed the army to have cover fire as it approached. The ballista had a maximum range of 1,000 yards for the darts and probably 500 yards for the stones. Catapults and ballistae could be mounted on towers, which were then moved into place and created cover fire to keep the defenders off their walls or ramparts to allow the Romans the opportunity to besiege the enemy city. The enemy could also build towers on their walls to house their own artillery to keep the attackers at bay. While normally the Romans were the ones attacking, they were also the besieged during the Persian invasion in the 360s CE, especially at Amida. With the development of the torsion device, the catapults and ballistae became even more powerful. Using rope, hair, and sinew (the best), the Romans used pulleys and cogs to create tension; when the pulley was cranked or pulled back, this stored energy so that when the machine was fired a great deal of force was released, hurling the projectile. During the early empire

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Replica of an ancient catapult or artillery. One area which made the Roman army superior to its enemies, especially the Germanic tribes, was the use of catapults, which were not only used in sieges and defense, but also in field campaigns. (Sjankauskas/Dreamstime.com)

the use of iron reduced the weight, increased the force and accuracy, and coupled with being placed on carts provided a formidable system of weaponry. A late Roman writer indicated that each legion had 55 carroballistae and their own technical crew to man them (Vegetius and Milner 1996, 2.25). For the larger heavy torsion ballista, later called the onager (Latin for “donkey”) because they had recoil or a kick like a donkey, four men operated them. They had one beam that when released hit a crossbeam, allowing the projectile to be hurled through the air. A smaller ballista used by only one man was the manuballista, which was a powerful bow. Each late republican legion had 10 onagers and up to 100 manuballistae, and this continued over into the imperial era, when the carroballistae were later added. These weapons were used in the field, on ships, and in cities and were even used to quell civil disturbances if a riot broke out. The production of these weapons meant that the Roman Army had a constant need of laborers to continually create the weapons and their ammunition. See also: Military: Order of Battle; Weapons Further Reading Marsden, Eric William. 1969. Greek and Roman Artillery: Historical Development. Oxford, UK: Clarendon.

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|  The Roman Empire Vegetius Renatus, Flavius, and N. P Milner. 1996. Vegetius: Epitome of Military Science. 2nd ed. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.

Cavalry The Roman Army contained cavalry, which included elite as well as mixed and special units supporting the legions. The basic unit was the decuria, which originally meant “ten” but later had eight troopers. Four decuria made up a turma, and 16 turmae made up an ala. The largest cavalry units, ala, consisted of the ala quingenaria, with 512 horse troopers, and the ala milliaria, of 768 men in 24 turmae. The imperial legions had two alae attached to them. The horses did not have shoes, and the men did not use stirrups, a later invention. Instead, the saddle had two horns, front and back, which provided stability for battle. The men wore pants for comfort, armor vests, and a helmet. The Roman cavalry had a variety of weapons at their disposal. Their principal weapon was the lancea (lance), which could be thrown but was typically used for thrusting. They had small spears, more like darts, that could be thrown and were kept in a quiver on the saddle. Unlike the infantry sword, which was short, the cavalry spatha was longer and used for slashing. Some cavalry men were also known for their archery. The Romans realized that the need for cavalry was crucial, and to be successful the legions needed to be supported by them. Some of the chief recruiting grounds for cavalry were from North Africa, Spain, Holland, and the east. North Africa had supplied Rome since the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE) during the republic. Numidian cavalrymen who were known for their riding ability, even bareback and without bridles, were called the equites Mauri, or Moorish light cavalry, in the late empire. In Spain the cavalry recruits were known for their expert horsemanship and were used by the late republican generals. In Holland, Batavian horsemen from the flooded Low Countries trained their horses to swim across rivers fully loaded to go into action, an important development for Germany. There were also the equites Illyrici, cavalry from the Danube, and finally from the east the mounted archers and the heavy cavalry, or clibanarii, provided the Romans with expert shock troops. In addition, mixed units such as the cohors quingenaria equitata, or auxiliary mixed cohorts, were seen as crucial in order to support the legions. These units had 120 cavalry troops in four turmae and 600 infantry in six centuries, totaling 720, and cohors Millaria equitata with 240 cavalry in eight turmae and 760 infantry in 10 centuries, for 1,000 men. These units continued from the early empire into Diocletian’s time, although their strength was reduced, as witnessed in an Egyptian papyrus where a Diocletianic ala numbered only 116 men (Skeat and Chester Beatty Library 1964). The Romans also had some specialist units in the cavalry, such as lancers, that were especially useful in pursuing the fleeing enemy. Other special units included the numeri, exploratores, and cunei. The numeri, probably similar to the cohorts and/or ala, covered a wide variety of troops, originally ethnic or non-Italians from the local regions. The units had no specific size or even

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structure. They were probably allied contingents and later developed into more permanent ethnic units. The exploratores and their associated unit, the speculatores, were scouts. The exploratores were mounted troops who provided reconnaissance, while the speculatores were often involved in undercover work or spying. The exploratores typically scouted about a day’s march ahead of the infantry, reporting on the enemy and locating suitable sites for the next army camp. They were usually from the local region and had knowledge about the terrain and inhabitants. The speculatores were troops in disguise who spied on the enemy. The cunei or cunei equitum mentioned in the late Roman document the Notitia Dignitatum were developed in the third century after the numeri, were stationed on the Danube, and probably developed from the older cavalry vexillations or ala. The emperor also had his imperial cavalry, the equitum singularium (imperial horse), which Vitellius created to replace the Praetorian Horse. They were used by Vespasian’s general Cerialis agaist the rebel Civilis on the Rhine. The unit continued until Constantine disbanded it when they sided against him and with Maxentius. In the late empire there were two types of legionary cavalry, the equites legionis (equites stablesiani), or mounted legionaries, and the independent legionary cavalry, or promoti. These units were specialized regional cavalry and were mainly stationed in the east. There were also the camel units, ala dromedarii, used only in the east either as an ala unit or with cohors equitata. Cavalry units functioned both in peacetime, patrolling, collecting taxes, and garrisoning provinces, and in war, foraging, delivering dispatches, reconnoitering, garrisoning, and of course waging battles. In battle the heavy cavalry, the clibanarii and cataphractarii armed with the contus, the 12-foot spear, acted as shock troops. This attack worked well for open field campaigns against a lightly armed enemy. Their effectiveness, however, was limited to the initial charge, since they easily tired; however, that initial charge could disrupt the enemy, forcing them to break and scatter. The most important cavalry troops were the light armored cavalry placed on the flanks, armed sometimes with bows, that harassed the enemy or reconnoitered. The Roman cavalry were used as support troops with the legions and as units operating on their own. When used with the legions, they provided cover for the flanks and helped secure the legions from ambush. When they operated on their own they were often used for scouting, engaging the enemy on the open field, harassing the enemy supply lines, and for general patrolling and garrison duties. The cavalry were especially useful in the open fields and plains of Hungary and in the east. See also: Military: Auxiliaries; Defensive Policy; Exploratores, Speculatores, and Frumentarii; Legion; Order of Battle; Tactics Further Reading Dixon, K. R., and Pat Southern. 1992. The Roman Cavalry. London: Batsford. Hyland A. 1990. Equus: The Horse in the Roman World. London: Batsford. Hyland, A. 1993. Training the Roman Cavalry: From Arrian’s Ars Tactica. Phoenix Mill, UK: Alan Sutton.

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Centurions While many see the centurions as sergeants, this is inaccurate. Rather, the centurions should be seen as middle-rank officers, similar to majors and captains in modern armies. Centurions were conservative in their approach but were the group that held the legions together and, having come up through the ranks, understood what needed to be done and how. There were 60 centurions in each legion. When the legionaries turned against their centurions in the revolt in Germany in 14 CE when Augustus died, the ancient author Tacitus states that they gave each one 60 lashes, 1 lash for each centurion in the legion (Tacitus and Grant 1956, 1.16–54). With 10 cohorts, the centurions commanded one of the six centuries in the cohort. The first cohort, however, only had five centuries, but they were of double size, composed of 160 men instead of the normal 80. They had five centurions, with the first being the primus pilus, followed in seniority by princeps, hastatus, princeps posterior, and hastatus posterior. The first cohort is lacking the pilus posterior. The evidence is not clear as to why there were 60 centurions instead of the apparent 59, but it may be that during the Flavian period in the first century CE the first cohort’s command was restructured to drop the sixth centurion, which may have been in place in the earlier part of the century; an alternative is that the evidence, archaeological excavations from Britain of a fort constructed during the Flavian period, may be unique to this region. What the archaeological evidence does show, however, is that the first cohort was honored and given special rights. This is in accord with other pieces of evidence where the first cohort’s centurion was the most honored man of the centurions and was in charge of the Legionary Eagle, the legion’s banner. The excavations also show that each of the first cohort’s centurions had their own house, with one having a more ornate layout and hypocaust, obviously belonging to the primus pilus, while for the other cohorts the centurions only had a large apartment in the barracks instead of a courtyard house. The primus pilus had his house next to the legionary headquarters. The centurions of this cohort were known as the primi ordines, or the first ranks. The other cohorts had centurions in seniority titled pilus prior, corresponding to the 1st cohort in rank, and then the pilus posterior; this was followed by the princeps prior, corresponding to the 1st cohort, followed by the princeps posterior, identical to the 1st cohort, and finally the hastatus prior, equal to the hastatus and the identical hastatus posterior. These men were of equal status but varied in their service record. These were vestiges of the republican period and relate to the pre-Marian legionary lines of pilani (triarii), princeps, and hastati. The cohorts were also distinguished as to seniority, with the 1st being premiere followed by the 2nd and so forth. It appears in this scheme that the centurions of the 10th cohort were junior to the 9th, 8th, and so forth. It also seems

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that any centurion in command of any prior century, the pair of which made up a maniple, was senior to any commander of a posterior century except for the 1st cohort. The goal of every centurion was to rise from the lower cohorts to the 1st cohort and then to rise to primus pilus. This post was for one year, but the centurion who achieved this status became a member of the equestrian order and was then available to become a prefect of the camp or tribune in one of the garrisons in Rome and finally a procurator. The individual could have held the rank of pilus prior of several cohorts before reaching the status of primus pilus. The centurion was therefore a crucial individual in the legion who had served in the ranks for at least 15 years and possibly 20. These men provided continuity to the ranks and understood what the legion was like. Once the centurion reached his pinnacle he could continue in the army if there was an opening or in other options such as in the bureaucracy. Typically, the centurion was literate and had a good service record. Centurions were in charge of the discipline of the unit and commanded the centuries as they went into battle. In addition, some of the centurions were from the Praetorian Guard after their 16 years of service, since the centurions were paid 5 to 10 times their salary and gifts upon retirement. See also: Military: Cohort; Command; Legion; Praetorian Guard Further Reading Dando-Collins, Stephen. 2010. Legions of Rome: The Definitive History of Every Imperial Roman Legion. 1st U.S. ed. New York: Thomas Dunne Books. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson. Tacitus, Cornelius, and Michael Grant. 1956. The Annals of Imperial Rome. Baltimore: Penguin.

Cohort The Roman imperial army consisted of legions and other support units. These support units were the ala (cavalry units), cohors (infantry), and mixed units. While the legions had cohorts of infantry and cavalry units assigned to them, these support units grew and acted independently of the legions. The cohorts, cohors quingenaria peditata, theoretically consisted of 480 men, with each century commanded by a centurion, or the cohors milliaria peditata, having 800 men strong, called a milliaria. Like the legionary units of the same name, the auxiliary cohort was commanded by a centurion, had the same weapons and armor, and used the same tactics. Like the legions, they were divided into six centuries of 80 men for the cohors quingenaria and 10 centuries for the milliaria. The milliaria were probably introduced during the time of Nero or Vespasian (ca. 50–70 CE). In the early empire these units were composed of noncitizens and were seen by the Romans as less reliable. They usually accompanied

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the legions into battle and fought alongside them, giving support, but were not seen as units capable of standing up against a large foe alone. The legions were therefore seen as the bulwark against the enemy, with the auxiliary infantry as support. The auxiliary cohorts were initially formed from locally raised units but tended not to fight in their own province for fear of divided loyalty. They were, however, often sent to nearby provinces or regions so they could be close to home. Tribes contributed a set number of men and were then commanded by their own chieftains. If the cohort was raised from Roman provincials, it was commanded by ex-centurions. Many of the cohorts contain in their names the region where they were raised or the tribe that originally contributed troops. The use of local men was probably expedient but clearly separated the units into distinct ethnic and geographical divisions. This was similar to the republican auxiliaries, or allies, who were Italians but not Roman citizens. During the civil war under Nero (68 CE), many of the tribal auxiliaries deserted the Romans and even rebelled. This phenomenon convinced Vespasian that a change had to be made. The Romans decided to first break up the recruitment of auxiliary cohorts, integrating many different ethnic groups. They then decided not to station these cohorts near native areas and, most important, gave command to Roman equestrian officers and abandoned the use of ex-centurions, who instead were transferred to the city of Rome. The first command of an equestrian would have been as prefect of an infantry cohort. When an auxiliary from the cohorts had achieved 25 years of service he was awarded citizenship and conubium (recognition of a past relationship or future marriage, and all children born during either time became citizens as well). These seem to have begun under Emperor Claudius (41–54 CE) as a standard practice. The recruits seem to have been conscripted, although volunteers always existed, and by the end of the first century the units had become fairly heterogeneous. The movement of units from their native lands did much to incorporate these men into the imperial service. After moving the units to other lands and their ranks no longer being filled by the original native troops, the names became meaningless. The cohorts were often stationed in small forts along the frontier. These infantry units provided support for the legions nearby but also allowed the Romans to have fortified places to reconnoiter, guard, attack, and contain enemy units. The strongholds were sufficient to hold out against a small invasion and to alert the legions nearby for support. The cohorts during the second and third centuries should be seen primarily as guard units on the frontier, with only a secondary task of attacking the enemy. Some of the cohort forts were large enough to accommodate a quingenaria unit, having six barrack blocks. Some of the excavated forts show that these barracks could only accommodate 60 men to a century instead of 80. It is possible that during the second century CE the size of the centuries decreased or that in some areas men were systematically withdrawn from the garrison rolls and placed in smaller watchtowers. The latter is probably more likely. By the late empire the cohorts were often the only infantry units on the frontier, with the legions held in reserve in the rear. The commander was the praefectus cohortis, who had a rank inferior to that of the cavalry commander. Each century had a centurion as its leader as well as other officers

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who formed the command staff for the prefect. This was similar to the legions but on a smaller basis. See also: Military: Auxiliaries; Centurions; Legion; Tactics Further Reading Dando-Collins, Stephen. 2010. Legions of Rome: The Definitive History of Every Imperial Roman Legion. 1st U.S. ed. New York: Thomas Dunne Books. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson.

Command During the imperial age the military commands were created in a variety of fashions to meet the needs of the empire. In the early empire the emperor was in charge of the overall military policy, but he rarely led the troops directly in battle; instead, he relied on his generals. In an invasion of a new territory such as Claudius’s invasion of Britain, the emperor would rely on a chief of staff, often styled legatus Augusti pro praetore, or envoy of the emperor, who coordinated the commands of the individual legions commanded by the legatus legionis. When a province was settled, the governor was usually styled as legatus Augusti pro praetore if there were more than one legion and legatus legionis if only one legion. The title was also used to indicate the commander of auxiliary units. The second-in-command of the legion was the military tribune, or tribunus laticlavius (meaning “broad stripe,” an indication of his senatorial rank). Third-incommand was the praefectus castrorum, or prefect of the camp; unlike the young tribune, the camp prefect was a long-serving veteran who had climbed up through the ranks and was usually from a lower social class than the senatorial commanders above him. There were then five lower-grade tribunes and then the centurions. In the third century dux replaced legatus as the term for the commander, who could have been in control of a legion or several legions in a particular area. At the top stood the emperor, whose primary responsibility concerned the empire’s defense. This policy could be defensive or offensive in nature depending on the situation. Augustus pursued an offensive strategy until 9 CE, while his successors except Claudius did not wish to expand the empire. Under the Flavians, Domitian attempted to expand into Dacia but was defeated. His successor Trajan desired to reclaim the mantle of Pompey, Caesar, or even the Greek Alexander the Great as a great conqueror. After Domitian’s reign Hadrian collapsed the frontiers, while his successor Antoninus Pius advanced into Scotland, but his successor Marcus Aurelius returned to the line created by Hadrian and his wall. Septimius Severus after the civil wars in the late second century expanded into Mesopotamia and attempted to take Scotland, without success. The emperors then varied according to their strengths in how they pursued their foreign policy.

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The command structure was created to meet these needs. Augustus kept commands mainly limited to his family, especially his stepsons Tiberius and Drusus the Elder, both of whom had successes in the north. Their campaigns in Germany from 15 to 12 BCE attempted to conquer Germany, succeeding to push the boundaries to the Elbe River. After Drusus’s death in 9 BCE, Augustus planned to launch a great invasion of Germany using Tiberius as his chief commander. Augustus relied on the republican idea of legates, individuals who acted in place of a commander. These legates were to become more popular during the late republic especially with Pompey, who was given Spain as his command but governed through his legates. To assist the emperors, it was important to create an imperial bureaucracy that allowed the state to function properly. Originally Italian senators dominated the imperial commands and bureaucracy during the first and second centuries, but after Gallienus the rise of provincials in command accelerated. Below the emperor were the protectores, or officer corps: prefects, tribunes, and duces, generals who also became part of the general staff. In the third century the comitatus became the emperor’s small personal field force of elite units that could be expanded if needed. Under the direct control of the emperor were the duces created by Gallienus overseeing several frontier provinces and their governors. These individuals replaced the early imperial provincial governors who were in command of large provinces, often with two legions. Below the governors or later duces were the prefects of legions, vexillationes, alae, and the tribunes of cohorts. The army by the late third century was a hodgepodge of units; many were formed from the traditional legions, alae, and cohorts but were now augmented with irregular numeri, cunei, and equites. Additionally, the military provided social advancement and mobility for its citizenry. Upon entering the military, the recruit immediately rose from the humiliores, the lowest class, to the honestiores, the upper class. As soldiers became more experienced, advancement occurred. Two inscriptions show the career and rise of soldiers during the tetrarchic period. The first from Rome has Valerius Tertius, a 36-year-old soldier of the 10th praetorian cohort, having served in a Moesian legion for five years, in the lancers (lanciarii) for 11 years, and in the Praetorian Guard for an unknown number of years before his death (Harries 2012, 57). This inscription clearly indicates that the Praetorian Guard continued as an elite service and that the lancers were above the ordinary legionary. The second inscription, from Troemis, has Valerius Thiumpus serving as a soldier in the XI Claudia and then being chosen as a lancer (lanciarius) in the sacred retinue (comitatus), or imperial shock force. He then served as an imperial guard (protector) for five years and, after being discharged, returned as the prefect of the Legion II Herculia, which he commanded for two years, six months before dying at age 45 (Harries 2012, 57). With a soldier’s advancement his family’s social status also rose, even to senatorial rank. See also: Military: Centurions; Legion; Order of Battle; Training Further Reading Dando-Collins, Stephen. 2010. Legions of Rome: The Definitive History of Every Imperial Roman Legion. 1st U.S. ed. New York: Thomas Dunne Books.

Military | Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 1998. The Roman Army at War: 100 BC–AD 200. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson. Harries, Jill. 2012. Imperial Rome AD 284 to 363: The New Empire. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.

Defensive Policy The Roman military policy varied during the imperial age depending on the era and the situation. Augustus pursued an active policy of expansion until 9 CE when Varus was ambushed, forcing Augustus to give up plans for expansion in Germany. Augustus’s army of 25 to 28 legions totaled about 385,000 soldiers and about 30,000 sailors, with combined auxiliaries and legionaries. This policy, briefly amended by Claudius’s invasion of Britain, continued until Trajan expanded into Dacia, modernRomania, and briefly into Mesopotamia. From Trajan to Marcus Aurelius the army’s numbers grew slightly to about 400,000 soldiers and 30,000 sailors. At the end of the second century CE the army increased under Severus to 33 legions and totaled about 425,000 soldiers and 30,000 sailors, following a period of civil war and Severan expansion. In the mid-third century the frontiers were ravaged by internal and external forces. To meet the mid-third-century crises, emperors, particularly Gallienus, transferred frontier troops to fight in other theaters. This policy allowed for more military flexibility but led to the ravaging of farms and the destruction of cities. To provide for maximum flexibility, emperors created mobile armies to strike quickly and rapidly cover great distances. By the end of the third century the emperors had won back most of the regions and now faced the task of guarding the empire, prompting a change in military policy under Diocletian whereby the army underwent an important transformation from Gallienus’s mobile army to reincarnated traditional legions. Although the mid-third-century cavalry armies became fragmented, horse units continued to help guard the frontier. Diocletian addressed the weakened frontiers by bolstering imperial defenses with forts, supply depots, and walled cities. These areas included fortified local frontier farms, villages, and cities that slowed down invaders and provided storehouses for the advancing legions. The great legionary camps continued to provide troop concentrations in vital areas, with watchtowers and castella, or small forts, now repaired and rebuilt in between. During the second century, the philosopher Aelius Aristides, in his Praise of Rome (ca. 170 CE), remarked that “cities can be clear of garrisons. Mere detachments of horse and foot suffice for the protection of whole countries, and even these are not concentrated in the cities with billets in every household, but are dispersed throughout the rural area with bounds and orbits of their own. Hence many nations do not know where at any time their guardians are” (Oliver 1953, 902).

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Rome formed its foreign and diplomatic policy by assessing what groups impacted its frontier security, especially in the west. Until Hadrian, forts merely acted as staging grounds for advancing Roman armies moving out and engaging the enemy. During the third century the forts became more defensive, protected sites with the army holed up inside. Many of these forts had D-shaped towers projecting out to offer a greater field of fire and housed catapults for defensive fire. From the archaeological remains accurately dated to the late third century, a basic centralized plan existed but was not dogmatic, with some sites showing variation due to geographical and physical situations. These late Roman forts differed from early imperial forts, being smaller and more massive, such as the tetrarchic quadriburgia and the Greek tetrapyria in Jordan, Egypt, and Africa. Many preexisting forts added D-shaped towers to their gates, such as at Ulcisia Castra. Internal towers and fan-shaped towers further strengthened the defenses. Many of these towers housed ballistae and onagers for defense. Some gates were even closed. Barracks were situated on the interior side of walls, and outside ditches were added. Archaeological remains and late literary documents indicate that the number of forts increased during the late third century, especially on the Danube and in rearguard areas, and protected important routes. Along important roads such as the new strata Diocletiana in the east, smaller posts, garrisoned by alae, controlled and patrolled the region instead of the legions, which were placed more in the rear. The location of defensive legionary forts still allowed offensive actions. In some areas cavalry units lined the frontier, allowing for more rapid movement, such as in Lower Pannonia on the Great Hungarian Plain, with its open terrain. At regular 14-mile spacing, cavalry units guarded the Danube. The Rhine and Danube, traditional frontier borders, required extensive fortifications, since the border was so porous. The policy in the second century under Hadrian was preclusive defense, which required numerous men and extensive supplies throughout the empire and returned control of the army to the provincial and regional level. In the late third century after the disasters earlier in the century, when mobile forces created an elastic defense, replacing the preclusive philosophy, Emperor Diocletian and his colleagues refortified the frontier with forts and fortlets, either newly built or refurbished. These were often connected by watchtowers, or burgi, allowing frontier communication, and were garrisoned by fast-moving cavalry troops, a return to the preclusive philosophy. See also: Military: Antonine Wall; Command; Hadrian’s Wall; Legionary Deployment; Legionary Camps; Limes; Primary Documents: Document 7 Further Reading Jones, A. H. M. 1964. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic, and Administrative Survey. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Luttwak, Edward. 1976. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire from the First Century A.D. to the Third. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Oliver, James H. 1953. “The Ruling Power: A Study of the Roman Empire in the Second Century after Christ through the Roman Oration of Aelius Aristides.” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, new series, 43(4): 871–1003.

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Exploratores, Speculatores, and Frumentarii As with all armies, the use of intelligence gathering and sifting through information was crucial for the Romans. The Roman Army used specialized units, known as the exploratores, speculatores, and frumentarii, to gather information and report back to the commander, who then determined the information’s value. This information allowed the commander to make his decisions on where to fight, when to march, the location of a camp, the size of the enemy, etc. Information on these units is sketchy, with passing notice probably indicating that like all armies, they were known. For good intelligence an army needs to direct its activity, collect the data or information, analyze the data/ information, and then pass it along for use. The exploratores were soldiers most likely from the cavalry, or ala. This provided the unit with mobility and an already-existing structure. They were probably organized into units smaller than the traditional turmae, which had 32 men. It is conceivable that they were drawn from a unit for special duty. They were probably from the local region and knew the countryside where the army was moving. Riding in small groups, they performed reconnaissance on the area and reported on terrain, water, inhabitants, enemy movements, and other useful information. They typically scouted a day ahead of the army’s movement so that the information was fresh. One of their chief duties was to detect enemy strongholds and potential ambush sites. As they scouted for the advancing army, they wanted to make sure that they could locate a site for a new camp that was well suited for defenses and equipped with water. This all amounted to the direction for their activity and collection of data. One of the ways that they collected this data was through the capture of enemy soldiers and citizens. This allowed the enemy soldiers or deserters to be questioned. Once the information was gathered, it could then be assessed and made available to commanders. The exploratores were the military scouts, while the speculatores were the spies. The Romans had long used espionage in their military expansion. Beginning in the republic and continuing through the empire was the use of embassies. These were delegations sent abroad ostensibly to negotiate, but often this was merely a way to find out information. Scipio Africanus during the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE) sent one of his commanders, Gaius Laelius, to the camp of Syphax, the king of Numidia. One of the men in his delegation was the centurion Lucius Statorius, who was publicly caned so that he was assumed to be of low birth and could move about undetected. What is of interest here is that spies included a tribune and a centurion, men of high status. The delegation made several trips, each time taking different centurions so that they all would know the layout of the camp. With this information, Scipio was able to defeat a larger force in a night attack. Often the speculatores were sent out into the enemy region disguised as locals to gather information. These spies were not dressed as soldiers, as were the exploratores, but instead were dressed as civilians or enemy combatants. Julius Caesar developed a sophisticated system of messages, ciphers, transport, and intelligence gathering. His successor Augustus continued the development of the speculatores like his predecessors

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but now used the imperial structure to allow for quick movement of information. Instead of private messengers, the emperors used the cursus publicus, the state transportation network of roads, stations, supplies, and inns. This now allowed the state to communicate with its entities across the empire. The gathering of information could be quickly sent to and from the emperor. Information, however, could be compromised, and even steps to ensure that the information was secure could break down. Julius Caesar was given a list of his conspirators but did not read it; Caracalla received a letter warning him of a plot by his general Macrinus but did not read it and instead gave it to Macrinus to read, who of course promptly disposed of it. Herodian reports how an intelligence courier also was an assassin when he delivered a message that was folded in a manner sent by the emperor for secret and private messages. When the recipient examined the imperial seal, the courier assassinated him. The speculatores as related in the Gospel of Mark could be used for executions, as when one was sent to kill John the Baptist. During the reign of Hadrian (117–138) a new unit, the frumentarii, who were originally used to buy and dispense grain, were now incorporated into the secret police. The frumentarii were particularly useful, since they would normally travel throughout the countryside anyway. They were so successful that ultimately they replaced the speculatores, who appear from then on to be part of the military spy outfit. The frumentarii now became the secret police and internal intelligence unit. These men were soon known to be corrupt and were often accused of lining their own pockets in extortion schemes. Many frumentarii were used to hunt down Christians during the third-century persecutions. Diocletian (284–305 CE) disbanded the frumentarii because of the number of complaints. He created a new group, the agentes in rebus, general agents who could do the same thing but under a new name. These men were civilians, not soldiers, and were under the command not of the praetorian prefect but instead the “master of offices.” This individual now became the leader of information gathering and reported directly to the emperor. The use of spies allowed the Romans to gather information from a variety of sources or directions. This was then analyzed and its value determined. Once the information was distilled, it could be transmitted to other individuals who could act. This information could be used against enemies of the state, both external and internal. See also: Military: Cavalry; Legion Further Reading Fuhrmann, Christopher J. 2012. Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson. Keppie, Lawrence. 1994. The Making of the Roman Army from Republic to Empire. New York: Barnes and Noble Books.

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Hadrian’s Wall Isolated from the continent, Britain’s northern border was a hilly region, with Rome’s limit extending to the Firths of Forth and Clyde, bays in northern England on either side of the island. Rome’s ill-conceived overexpansion into Britain tied up to 10 percent of the empire’s manpower (three legions) that could have been better used, such as conquering Germany, and supplied Rome with few real benefits that outweighed the cost. Because Rome failed to conquer the entire island, necessity required the construction of a limes, Hadrian’s Wall (also temporarily Antonine’s Wall farther north). Never meant to be a great boundary, the wall controlled traffic, allowing movement at predetermined sites for the collection of import/export dues while ensuring a careful watch over the northern tribes. The economic impact, however, in such a sparse region would not have paid for the wall. Likewise, the military threat may not have been as great as some perceived. Theoretically Rome should not have had a major problem in Britain, since estimates put Rome’s military superiority over the defenders at three to one, and with the barbarians lacking technology, this would have increased their superiority according to some to five to one (Peddie 1997, 5). In third-century Britain, barbarians such as the Picts overran more and more cities and even attacked the wall. Hadrian’s Wall was the brainchild of Hadrian, and construction began in 122 CE. The wall was announced in 119; with Hadrian arriving in 122 it may have been a stop on his itinerary, and the announcement a few years earlier and his arrival may all be connected as a propaganda or public relations coup. Running east to west from the Tyne River near the North Sea to the Solway Firth in the Irish Sea, the wall ran 73 miles, or about 117 kilometers. In the east it began at Segedunum, modern-day Wallsend. The garrison continuously occupied the fort until 400 CE. The fort passed through Carlisle and ended just west of Bowness-on-Solway. While the wall ended here, the defensive system continued with milecastles, so named because they were situated every mile, and turrets down the coast of Cumbria. The wall was constructed of stone and used the materials locally available. In typical Roman fashion, the local terrain and materials determined the wall’s path and construction. For example, in the west (west of the Irthing River) the wall was originally constructed in turf and measured 20 feet wide and 11 feet tall, accounting for the wide base, while in the east it was built of stone and measured 10 feet wide and 20 feet high. Later the western part was rebuilt in stone, still in Hadrian’s reign. The wall was constructed in six years beginning in the east and moving west. The plan was to build a milepost every Roman mile (80 in total) and two evenly spaced turrets in between that could act as signal posts and observation sites. In reality, the milecastles could be placed at various distances depending on the local terrain. In the west where turf was originally used, the milecastles and turrets were built initially with timber and turf and later updated to stone when the wall section was rebuilt in stone. It is not known why the west was built in turf; it is possible that they wished to have the wall completed quickly, especially if Hadrian was planning to visit it and the troops did not

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Hadrian’s Wall near the remains of Housesteads Fort, England. The wall became the limit of Roman territory in Britain at the time and also created and protected a zone of economic control. In addition, the wall served not only as a defensive structure, but also as a symbol of Roman power. (Andrew Emptage/Dreamstime.com)

wish to upset the emperor. All three of the occupying legions, the Second, Sixth, and Twentieth, helped construct the wall. Units from each legion were responsible for excavating the foundation and building the turrets and milecastles, while the actual wall was built by the cohorts and other units afterward. The units often left behind inscriptions dedicating their work. The wall was completed by 128. The milecastles had gates that allowed troops, especially cavalry, to sally north into the enemy lands. To provide observation, the soldiers patrolled on the top of the 20-foot-high wall. The milecastles measured about 36 by 60 feet and housed about 20 to 30 men in two barracks, while the turrets measured about 10 by 15 feet. At some point it was decided to build full-sized forts, about 15, with each holding between 500 to 1,000 soldiers. The units based on the wall were not the legionnaires but rather auxiliary troops, a combination of cavalry and infantry. The wall was not the only part of the system. To the north of the wall was a ditch, which made the attacker open to the field of fire. To the south of the wall ran a parallel military road, allowing for troop movement to any part of the defenses. Farther south was another ditch, called the vallum, measuring 20 feet wide and 10 feet deep with a flat bottom, this one not as steep as the northern ditch, with the dirt piled on either side into mounds 20 feet wide and 7 feet high and about 30 feet from the vallum. The vallum was built after the wall. While its true purpose is not known, some have postulated that

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it signified the end of the military zone. In the late second century the vallum was partly dismantled and filled in; perhaps it was no longer needed. A cross section of a region moving north to south would therefore be a sharp ditch, the wall with milecastles and turrets and the occasional fort, the military road, a mound of dirt, the second ditch, and the southern mound of dirt. The wall was briefly placed in a secondary position when Hadrian’s successor con­ structed a new turf wall farther north in Scotland, now known as Antonine’s Wall. This wall was placed where Scotland was narrower than Hadrian’s Wall and was probably built to precede a conquest of the north or to make the defenses even more economical. In a short time, however, this wall was abandoned, and Hadrian’s Wall once again became the northern boundary of the Roman Empire. See also: Key Events: British Conquest; Military: Antonine Wall; Defensive Policy; Limes; Primary Documents: Document 27 Further Reading Breeze, D. J., and B. Dobson. 2000. Hadrian’s Wall. 4th ed. London: Penguin. Peddie, John. 1997. Conquest: The Roman Invasion of Britain. London: St. Martin’s.

Legion The Roman imperial legion differed from the republican form in several ways. First, the republican legion before circa 100 BCE was a yearly conscripted force based on a required property qualification, which each individual had to meet for a set period of time; service was not necessarily continuous. Under the empire the legionnaire was a volunteer who joined the military as a career, serving for 25 years year-round without any property requirement. Second, the republican legion was based on the maniple system of three lines, hastati, principes, and triarii. The imperial legion was instead organized into cohorts, with the basic unit being the centuria (pl. centuriae), literally meaning “100 men” but in practice only 80 were assigned. Under the republic the legionary cavalry was in existence as an effective fighting unit of the legion, while under the empire the legionary cavalry was small, about 120 men. Finally, under the republic the army was controlled by the elected magistrates, mainly consuls, while under the empire the emperor was in control. Six centuriae composed a cohors (pl. cohortes, or cohorts), totaling 480 men, and 10 cohorts composed a legion, or 4,800 men. The cohorts provided the legion with backbone and allowed each unit independent movement while maintaining strength. The legion was then composed of 4,800 infantry and 120 cavalry, or about 5,000 men. The force was enlarged to about 5,400 men when the first cohort was doubled in size, bringing the infantry to about 5,300 men. The cavalry was not a fighting unit of the legion but instead was used for escort, dispatches, and reconnaissance. The cavalry was used primarily for reconnaissance and to prevent surprises on the flanks. Since they

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were few in number, they could not act as a strong force to attack or bring the battle to a close. This would necessitate additional forces to act as cavalry, handled by the auxiliaries. The legion would also have artillery or catapults at their service. The legions under Augustus underwent changes from the republican period. During the last century of the republic the legions had grown in number and were loyal to their commander. It was this personal loyalty that led to civil wars. When Augustus emerged victorious over Marc Antony there were nearly 80 legions, and even with his enemy legions disbanded Augustus possessed nearly 50 legions. While the legions were not all up to strength, they were nevertheless a large force that Rome could not sustain without issues. Augustus decided to reduce the number to 25, and this number, varying up to 33 throughout the period until 284 CE, remained the norm. These units would be augmented by an equal number of auxiliaries. Initially the legions were recruited from Italy, since in order to be in the legion one had to be a citizen. As Rome granted citizenship to its allies, auxiliaries, and friends, legionnaires were recruited from the provinces by the end of the first century CE. Unlike the republic, which was based on conscription, the imperial legions were manned by volunteers who served 25 years and upon their retirement received a bonus, often land, and a pension. In addition to their pay, which was slightly better than that of a day laborer, they received bonuses, or donatives, and were known to extort money from civilians. The backbone of the legion was the centurions, who kept discipline and rallied the troops when necessary. The centurions led their unit in battle, sharing the brunt of the war. With 60 centurions, later 59 when the first century was doubled, the legion had a core of experienced and well-trained officers capable of leading the men in battle. These men climbed their way up the ladder and as commoners could relate to the ordinary soldier whom they commanded. The commander of the legion, the legatus legionis, was usually from the aristocracy, often the imperial family or friends, who had some military service but not extensive amounts. His major adviser would be his prefect of the camp, praefectus castrorum, usually a seasoned centurion who could give the commander advice. Later these individuals often commanded legions themselves. The legions were distributed throughout the Roman world, with the majority concentrated on the Rhine and Danube frontiers. These units engaged in offensive wars under Augustus, pacifying Spain, Gaul, and the Danube region and attempting to subdue Germany. With the defeat of Varus and the annihilation of his three legions in Germany, the Romans made the Rhine their frontier. The legions after Augustus were used occasionally for conquest, most noticeably in Britain beginning under Claudius, in Dacia under Trajan, and in the east at various times without much success. The legions in the remaining parts of the empire took on a more defensive nature, moving away from conquest to protecting the regions. This transformation can be seen in the change of fortifications for the legions moving away from seasonal temporary camps made of wood to permanent structures made of stone. In addition, the legions manned the new defensive frontiers, or limes, which were often built of stone. The legionnaires also undertook other jobs such as building projects, especially the roads used by the military and later merchants as well as bridges and aqueducts; polic-

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ing to ensure local brigands were kept at bay, protect travelers, and keep the public roads safe and secure; toll officers to collect duties for imports as well as to control the flow of traffic coming into the empire from outside; and providing the region with a sense of community. This latter role was important in making the region Roman. See also: Military: Cavalry; Cohort; Command; Legionary Camps; Legionary Deployment; Legionary Officers; Primary Documents: Document 7 Further Reading Elton, Hugh. 1996. Frontiers of the Roman Empire. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson. Holder, P. A. 1980. Studies in the Auxilia of the Roman Army from Augustus to Trajan. Oxford: B.A.R.

Legionary Camps During the empire the Romans built temporary and permanent legionary camps. Both camps had the same design; the major differences were function and materials. The temporary camps were usually constructed in the field when the Roman Army was on campaign. Most were used against foreign enemies, although during times of civil war multiple Roman armies would erect their own temporary camps. The permanent camps can be divided into two types, those used as staging grounds for campaigns, especially seen in the early empire, and those constructed as defensive fortresses, usually seen in the later empire. Both camps had their roots in the republican period. The temporary camp was usually erected when the army was on campaign and served as a place for security before moving on. The camp was laid out in the same pattern so that everyone always knew where the different structures were located. The major road, the Via Praetoria, ran from the Porta Praetoria, which was the strongest gate facing the greatest danger to the principia, the center of the camp, also called the Forum. The road then continued to the opposite side of the camp as the Via Decumana to the rear gate, the Porta Decumana. The intersecting road at the principia was known as the Via Principalis. The Via Praetoria and Via Principalis intersected at the camp headquarters, the praetorium, and behind it lay the commander’s residence. Behind the praetorium and parallel with the Via Principalis was another road known as the Via Quintana. Running along the Via Principalis were the tents of the tribunes, and behind them toward the walls were the camp barracks. For a camp with two legions the fort was rectangular instead of square, with the two legions mirroring each other. When the legion arrived after five hours of marching, the camp was laid out in a standard fashion. First a ditch (fossa) was dug, about three feet deep, with the soil placed as a mound (agger) with a palisade (vallum) on top of wood. The tents were then

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laid out along the main streets. The idea of a standard plan allowed soldiers from any unit to know exactly where the camp headquarters, the officers’ tents, and the general barracks were located. This symmetry and consistency ensured that units did not have to worry about how the fort would be laid out. For permanent camps there were the staging camps of the early empire. These forts, often housing two legions, were constructed of stone with towers on the ends that did not protrude in a defensive fashion. These forts were often called winter camps, since the campaigning army used them for regrouping and refreshing during the winter so as to regain their strength before the next campaigning season. The commander’s tent was replaced with a permanent structure, often in the shape of an elaborate villa. The stables along the walls and the granaries as well as bath complexes were permanent. During the late empire the camps underwent a change and became more defensive in nature. These camps had the towers protruding so as to provide coverage in case the fort was besieged. The camps were also strengthened in terms of size, with higher and thicker walls. The legionary camps became the major linchpins in military strategy for the Romans. Until Hadrian’s reign, forts merely acted as a staging ground for advancing Roman armies moving out and engaging the enemy. This has been known as a preclusive defense strategy whereby the Romans fortified key areas, which protected the region, allowing them to move out and attack the enemy. During the third-century crises the forts were often stripped of their forces, who were unable to move out en masse as before, and took on a defensive stature to protect only the surrounding region. Many of these forts had D-shaped towers projecting out to offer a greater field of fire and possessed the capability of housing catapults for defensive fire. The legions were not able to march out and attack the raiders head-on. Instead, the forts acted as places of refuge and strongholds, preventing the raiders from taking key positions. When the raiders were forced away or dispersed into smaller raiding parties, the army would march out and engage, mopping up the opposing forces. With the restoration of order, emperors such as Aurelian and Diocletian returned to the preclusive defense of the second century. This defensive policy required numerous men and extensive supplies to be placed all over the empire and controlled the army at the provincial and regional levels. Diocletian, like his predecessors, planned to make each region stable and strong enough to resist attacks without requiring troops to be shifted from one region to another. The key component of this strategy was the series of strong legionary camps, which could house enough troops to protect the area. Interspersed between the legionary camps were the smaller auxiliary camps that housed small infantry units, cavalry units, and mixed units, including on the major rivers small flotillas or fleets. These camps could alert the large legionary camps of enemy units to allow the legions to march out and meet the enemy or, during times of campaigning, to remain behind and protect the frontiers. The combination of temporary and permanent camps allowed the Roman armies in the various regions the necessary flexibility to wage war and protect their holdings. The camps housed a variety of units, which ensured that the empire could defend their regions.

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See also: Cities: Aquincum; Carnuntum; Military: Antonine Wall; Defensive Policy; Hadrian’s Wall; Legionary Deployment; Limes; Primary Documents: Document 7 Further Reading Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson. Luttwak, Edward. 1976. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire from the First Century A.D. to the Third. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Ramsay, William. 1875. “Castra.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, edited by William Smith. London: John Murray. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Castra.html.

Legionary Deployment The disposition of the legions throughout the imperial period indicates how the Romans viewed their strategic designs. These legions were placed in areas not necessarily corresponding to potential growth. Britain after its conquest normally held three legions, the II Augusta, the XX Valeria Victrix, and until 132 or 161 the IX Hispania, which was lost and then replaced by the VI Victrix from the Rhine region. The Romans expended a great deal of energy and resources in Britain, nearly 10 percent of their military, without pacifying the entire island. By not controlling the entire island, the Romans had to have a large force constantly deployed for protecting the northern boundary, ultimately along Hadrian’s Wall. In northern Spain the VII Gemina supported the regions both north and south of the Pyrenees. Located at León, a name derived from “legion,” the VII Gemina also protected the region of southern and western Spain from African marauders. The legion, however, was primarily located in the north to support Gaul, or modern-day France. Gaul was largely pacified by Julius Caesar and Augustus and required few soldiers by the early imperial period. The VIII Augusta legion was garrisoned close to the Rhine River to support the other legions in Germany. Likewise, the XXI Rapax, stationed in Switzerland during the first century CE until it was wiped out in 92 CE, supported the Rhine and Danube frontiers and protected the routes into Gaul and Italy. The main concentration of troops in the early empire was located on the Rhine River and in Germany. The units located here were the I Minervia and the XXII Primigenia, both of which remained here throughout imperial history. Varus’s XVII, XVIII, and XIX legions, all unnamed, were raised in 6 CE and wiped out in 9 CE and provided relief for units, serving in Pannonia during its rebellion. The legions removed to fight in Pannonia were returned in 9 CE. The IV Macedonica, I Germanica, and XV Primigenia were located here until they were disbanded in 70 CE after the revolt of Civilis, with the IV Macedonica reconstituted as the IV Flavia Felix. The XVI Gallica, also disbanded in 70, was replaced by the XVI Flavia Firma. During the time of Domitian, the V Alaudae and XXI Rapax were lost in Dacia. The XXX Ulpia Victrix

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was raised by Trajan and placed on the Rhine around 100 CE, and the III Italica was raised by Marcus Aurelius. During the first century until 70 CE there were eight legions: I Minervia, IV Macedonica, XVI Gallica, XXII Primigenia, XXI Rapax, I Germanica, V Alaudae, and XV Primigenia. With the disbandment of the IV Macedonica, I Germanica, and XV Primigenia and with the reformation of the XVI Gallica into the IV Flavia Felix, the Rhine was down to five legions. With the loss of the two legions under Domitian but the increase under Trajan, the Rhine army had four legions under Trajan, and with the raising of the III Italica under Marcus Aurelius it stood at five legions. This was a tremendous amount of manpower in the early empire and corresponded to the issues facing Rome along the Rhine. Protecting the Danube region from Austria, Hungary, and Bulgaria were an increasing number of legions. The X Gemina and XIV Gemina were in Austria during the first century CE and were augmented during the time of Marcus Aurelius with the II Italica. Reinforcing this region was the II Parthica, formed under Septimius Severus and located in Italy. Protecting the broad Hungarian Plain were the I and II Adiutrix, the IV Flavia Felix from the time of Vespasian from Germany, and the VII Claudia. In the lower Danube in Bulgaria were the I Italica; the V Macedonica, which also served in Romania; the XI Claudia; and the XIII Gemina, which also served in Romania. The Rhine and Danube therefore had nearly half the total military manpower. In the east the units were fronting the great north-south route from the Black Sea to the Gulf of Aqaba. In eastern Turkey there were the IV Scythica, XII Fluminata, XV Apollinaris, and XVI Flavia Firma. In modern-day Iraq from the time of Septimius Severus there was the I Parthica. Moving south, Syria housed the III Cyrenaica and III Gallica, and Septimius Severus added the II Parthica. Finally, in modern-day Israel the VI Ferrata and X Fretensis were housed. These units, 10 legions in all, fronted the traditional enemy, Parthia, and later their successors, the Persians, during the early and high imperial age. Egypt held the XXII Deiotariana until it was lost in 132 or 161 and the II Traiana from the time of Trajan. West Africa housed the III Augusta as part of its permanent garrison. The legions deployed during the imperial age down to Diocletian (284–305) were situated to ensure that those areas that were problematic at the time received enough manpower to control the situation. During the early empire this meant that most of the legions were stationed in Germany (8) and Pannonia with Illyricum (5), followed by Syria (4) fronting Parthia with Spain (3), Egypt (2), and Africa (1) needing fewer to suppress rebellions and keep the marauders at bay. By the time of Septimius Severus (193–211) there were now a majority along the Danube from Raetia to the Black Sea (11), in the east from the Black Sea to the Red Sea (10), in Germany along the Rhine to Raetia (5), in Britain (3), and in Spain, Egypt, Italy and Africa (1 each). The deployment of the legions corresponded to the army’s needs. Many of these legions would remain in their deployment area for the next two centuries. See also: Military: Defensive Policy; Legion; Legionary Camps; Primary Documents: Document 7

Military | Further Reading Elton, Hugh. 1996. Frontiers of the Roman Empire. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Holder, Paul. 2003. “Auxiliary Deployment in the Reign of Hadrian.” Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 46.01. Pollard, Nigel, and Joanne Berry. 2012. The Complete Roman Legions. London: Thames and Hudson.

Legionary Officers The legion had a series of officers from top to bottom as legate, commander of the legion, military tribune, senior adviser, and then prefect of the camp who oversaw the day-to-day operations; after him came the 5 remaining military tribunes, who commanded auxiliary cohorts, and finally the 60 centurions, the backbone of the army. Augustus (31 BCE–14 CE) established the practice whereby the emperor was the commander of all Roman troops. Acting through his legates, as created under the republic, the emperor could control these military provinces from afar. Augustus began to appoint specific legates, called legatus legionis, as commanders of specific legions. In addition, these commanders were individuals who had been at least a praetor, similar to in the republic. By the time of Vespasian (69–79), the legate was definitely one who had been a praetor or above. The legate then became part of the normal hierarchy of imperial promotion. The term was for three years, and upon successful completion, or at least one without controversy, the legate could be promoted to a prefecture in Rome or the governorship of a small province. The legate was in charge of the legion and commanded the strategic use of the legion in the absence of the province’s governor. It appears that the legate possessed some independent judgment, but it was important that he did not overstep the governor’s authority, or he could be accused of insubordination. An example of this power for independent decision making is when Suetonius Paulinus, governor of Britain, ordered the prefect of the camp, Poenius Postumus, to send troops to quell the rebellion of Boudicca in 61 CE. When Postumus refused, fearing the potential loss of his troops, and Suetonius was victorious, Postumus committed suicide, knowing that he might be charged with insubordination. If Suetonius had lost, then Postumus might have been able to acquit himself. Below the legates were the military tribunes. There were six in each legion with one, tribunius laticlavius (broad stripe), reserved for a senator, while the other five were equestrians, or tribune angusticlavia (narrow stripes). These individuals did not have a military function such as commander but instead acted as military advisers and assistants to the legate. The senatorial tribune would be in his early 20s and was obtaining his first taste of military life. In military hierarchy, the senatorial tribune was second-in-command and was mentored by the legate. After this office the next in command was not one of the other military tribunes but instead the praefectus castrorum, the prefect of the camp. This office did not exist under the republic; instead, the military tribunes had been responsible for laying out the camp, but during Augustus, probably after he had ceased active expansion and the camps became more permanent, the prefect of the camp came into being.

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Under Augustus up to Claudius (41–54), prefects were ex-tribunes but during Claudius’s reign and beyond they were former chief centurions, or primi pilus, holding the office just prior to their retirement. The individual was responsible for the day-to-day operations of the camp, and someone knowledgeable about the military command and military life was needed. Centurions naturally rose in status for this, since they had spent their entire lives as soldiers and since tribunes had declined in importance during the late republic. In addition to making sure that the camp was well provisioned and clean, the prefect was in charge of the maintenance of stores and artillery, medical services, and training. After the prefect of the camp came the five remaining military tribunes. During the early empire they were ex-centurions, and had some military experience and would then command the auxiliary units afterward. The situation was regularized under Vespasian so that an equestrian would normally command a cohort of auxiliary infantry as praefectus cohortis and then become tribunus militum (tribune of a legion) and finally praefectus equitum, later praefectus alae, or command of an auxiliary cavalry unit. This system allowed the military tribune to have had some command of troops, the auxiliary cohort, or infantry so that he then could act as a substitute for the legate as tribune if needed. This sequence also gave him practical knowledge of how the legion worked so that when he commanded the more important auxiliary unit, the cavalry, he would understand the overall strategy of legions. These men were usually in their late 20s when they became tribunes and upon their retirement might become procurators. Below the tribunes came the centurions, the backbone of the army. These men were career soldiers and would rise through the ranks and hold the command and respect of the unit. The centurions provided the cohesiveness of the military. The legionary command structure allowed for individuals to receive a system of education and advancement based on their abilities and training, not just on their status or birth. By the midempire the Roman Army as a professional corps recognized the importance of ability. This recognition resulted in the military becoming more important in political matters, including the making and unmaking of emperors. See also: Military: Centurions; Command; Legion Further Reading Ferrill, Arther. 1986. The Fall of the Roman Empire: The Military Explanation. New York: Thames and Hudson. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson.

Limes The Romans used the term limes (sing.) and limites (pl.) to denote a boundary that could be a road, a wall, a natural feature, or even a marker. Often when used in the

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plural, limites, it denoted a series of boundaries within one area or command. During the empire it came to distinguish the Roman world from the non-Roman. Ultimately it came to be seen as the frontier, usually composed of some sort of military presence. The term does not appear until the late Roman period, when it refers to units under the command of dux limites, or a commander of the frontiers. A late document, the Notitia Dignitatum, lists the different commanders according to different regions. It is possible that this reference concerns regional commands based on geography and not actual frontier boundaries, as it has become known today. The major limites were located in Britain, such as Hadrian’s and the Antonine Walls; Germany on the Rhine; Noricum on the upper Danube, Pannonia on the middle Danube, and Moesia on the lower Danube; in Dacia north and east of the Danube; in Arabia, meaning the region from the Gulf of Aqaba to the Black Sea; Tripoli, encompassing the Sahara; and the western part of Africa. There were other boundaries that could be considered limites, but they tended to be more local and not regional as above. The limes should then be seen as the zone where the Romans desired to limit contact. Often the structure, such as Hadrian’s Wall, was to confine the interaction to set places, usually for trade and communication. To prevent unauthorized access to other areas in the region the Romans would establish small forts or towers, which provided patrols and observation posts to warn the Romans of large-scale movement. The Limes Britannicus originally encompassed Hadrian’s Wall and briefly the Antonine Wall. Hadrian’s Wall, completed in about 128 CE and running from the Tyne River to the Solway Firth, was composed of stone with milecastles and turrets in between. Facing north there was a ditch followed by the stone wall; behind the wall there was a military road running parallel to the wall and then another ditch and mound. This gave the whole area a military zone to control the movement of people to select areas, while the whole north could be surveyed from atop the wall. While the wall had static garrison troops, there were larger forts every five miles with a cavalry contingent that could raid and patrol north of the wall. Farther north was the Antonine Wall, built beginning in 142, between the Firth of Forth and the Firth of Clyde and 39 miles or about half the distance of Hadrian’s Wall. The Antonine Wall also had a deep ditch north of the wall and appears to have been built to stop the Caledonians who had been raiding from the north. It was only occupied for about eight years (154–162) before troops were pulled back and then again briefly under Septimius Severus (145–211). The Romans were constantly attacked here and did not attempt to conquer the north. Ultimately Hadrian’s Wall became the established frontier for the next 200 years. The Limes Germanicus consisted of a series of forts along the route from the North Sea to the Danube moving upstream from the Rhine Delta to the headwaters of the Danube. The limes began with large legionary forts under Augustus to encompass a series of small forts in between to patrol and reconnoiter the area. The limites were divided into the lower German limes representing northern Germany, upper German limes encompassing the area of southern Germany, and the Raetian limes dealing with the area between the Rhine and Danube. The northern section, where the Rhine River was deep and broad, effectively was the frontier until the end of the empire, with only a

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Porta Praetoria, the main gate of the Roman Fort Saalburg, near Bad Homburg, Germany. Forts were constructed throughout the Roman world, creating the limes, or frontier zones, separating Roman territory from the enemy. When natural barriers did not exist, the Romans often built walls and forts to control the flow of population and defend key areas leading to Roman territory. (Irisz/Dreamstime.com)

few forts. The southern section where the rivers were easily crossed required more forts. The final area, Raetia, was the region east of the Rhine and north of the Danube moving from the Main River to the Necker River with numerous forts. The Limes Noricum ran from the upper Danube east through Austria. This rough mountainous region had few troops, as the geography prohibited large population movements. When the region flattened out into the Hungarian Plains and the Danube moved south, the Limes Pannonicus was protected by numerous forts with legions and cavalry to prevent easy movement across the river. The Limes Moesiae encompassed the lower Danube, and near the delta there were earthen walls probably built by Trajan. North of the Danube the Limes Alutanus was built by Hadrian in the eastern part of Dacia to protect the recently conquered region from attack through the Carpathian Mountains. In the east, the Limes Arabicus ran from the port of Aqaba north about 1,000 miles to Syria on the eastern edge of the desert facing Persia and Arabia. The major forts along this line, which included roads, were built at the main watering sites and strategic road intersections. The legions in this region were probably divided and spread out as garrison duty. There were castra built every 60 miles or so that patrolled the region. North of Syria the limes was the mountain road running south to north, which ended at the Black Sea. Here the forts protected the strategic spots on the east-west roads that intersected the north-south road. In Africa the Limes Tripolitanus concerned the frontier of what is now Tunisia and northwestern Libya. This protected the rich farmlands of the cities around Leptis

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Magna, Sabratha, and Oea. The forts were south of the region at the edge of the desert and the farms. Soldiers were settled in the region, and it quickly became a flourishing area protected by forts and watchtowers. Farther west the Romans built a series of forts in the foothills of the mountains and at strategic roadways leading north-south toward the coasts. The limites here were meant to control the movement of mountain tribes and raiding parties. See also: Institutions: Provinces; Military: Antonine Wall; Defensive Policy; Hadrian’s Wall; Legion; Legionary Camps; Legionary Deployment Further Reading Ireland, Robert I., ed. 1998. Notitia Dignitatum. Stuttgart: Teubner. Available at http:// legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/source/notitiadignitatum.asp. Isaac, Benjamin. 1992. The Limits of Empire: The Roman Army in the East. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Masada, Siege of (73/74 CE) Masada was a mountain fortress and palace in Judea built by Herod the Great and was later a stronghold of the Sicarians during the First Jewish Rebellion and the site of the final battle and siege in 73 CE ending the rebellion. The site is an example of the various uses of structures and how the Romans used their military technology against a seemingly impregnable fortress. A plateau on an isolated mountaintop gave Masada an ideal location as a fortress in the area south of and overlooking the Dead Sea on the eastern frontier of the Judean Desert. Its eastern side had a 400-meter-high cliff, and on the western side was a 90-meter drop. Winding pathways led to the top, which had a flat rhombus-shaped plateau with a casement wall and towers as well as storerooms, cisterns, and a palace complex. Alexander Jannaeus originally built the fortress and between 37 and 31 BCE built a palace and enhanced fortifications. Herod captured the fortress in circa 43 BCE. The fortress was large, with a library, pigeon coops, a bathhouse, and an elaborate water collecting system used for bathing, drinking, and irrigation, and on the northern side of the plateau there was a three-level villa for the king. Separated from the rest of the fortress by a wall, the villa provided the king with complete privacy and protection. On the top level adjacent to the top of the fortress were the living quarters, with several rooms probably decorated in lavish materials. On the two terraces below going down the north side of the mountain were terraces used for relaxation and entertainment. The middle section, or first terrace, had two concentric colonnades with a wall that enclosed a central courtyard and may have been used for formal entertainment and large gatherings. On the lowest section, or second terrace, there was again a central courtyard surrounded by covered porticoes with fluted columns; the outer walls were decorated with frescoes, and there was a small bath complex. On the western side of the

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King Herod’s palace retreat at Masada, Israel. The palace became a fortified center of resistance during the Great Jewish Rebellion in 67 CE. The photo shows the remains of the middle terrace, which included a large circular banquet hall. The palace was sacked and destroyed by the Romans in 73 CE. (Steven Frame/Dreamstime.com)

fortress was the Western Palace, the largest structure, that served as the formal administrative center for Herod, having official apartments, a reception hall, storehouses, and other rooms. The throne room where Herod would receive visitors was probably here. About 75 years after Herod, the fortress was used by the Sicarians, or dagger men, as a base of operations during the First Jewish Rebellion (66–73). The term referred to the Zealots who carried small daggers (sicae) under their cloaks for assassination. There has been controversy as to whether the Sicarians were great defenders of Judaism or merely brigands. Josephus who wrote about the siege mentions that not all Sicarians were Jewish, and at Masada itself archaeological remains of pigs have been found, which seems to corroborate this (Josephus and Whiston 1988, 7.9). In addition, Josephus mentions that the defenders did not take part in the war against the Romans while Jerusalem was being besieged but instead attacked local villages near Masada such as En Gedi on the Dead Sea and butchered more than 700 women and children (Josephus and Whiston 1988, 4.7.2). The Jewish leader at Masada was Eleaser, son of Yair, who was a relative of Judas the Galilean who rebelled against Rome around 6 CE. Josephus records that 966 people were with Eleaser when they took Masada to make it their base (Josephus and Whiston 1988, 7.10). Vespasian, just coming to power in 69 CE and with a more serious rebellion in Germany taking place, decided to leave his son Titus to command the final attack against Jerusalem in 70 CE; with this victory most of the Roman army left Judea, leaving one legion under Flavius Silva. After the fall of Jerusalem in 70 CE the Roman

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governor Flavius Silva continued to mop up resistance particularly in the countryside. It appears that the Romans did not seem to care about Masada at this time, since it was out of the way in a desolate region without much contact with anyone. The Romans probably believed that they would run out of their supplies and merely move on or dissipate. The issues that brought Rome to Masada were probably more political than military. During the early part of the First Jewish Rebellion the Roman X Fretensis Legion had suffered setbacks, including the loss of its standard. This coupled with the recent rebellions in Judea and Germany seemed to put Rome’s prestige in danger. A show of force against a group of brigands would result in Rome regaining some of its pride. The date of the siege has been debated, either 73 with a long siege or 74 with a short event. Flavius Silva and the X Fretensis Legion along with auxiliaries marched down from Jerusalem. The Romans then built a series of camps around the isolated fortress to prevent supplies from entering and inhabitants from fleeing. The Roman engineers began to build a ramp of stone and packed earth at the western side, the one only 90 meters high. In a siege lasting six weeks, not the months seemingly portrayed in Josephus, the Romans moved a battering ram to the top and began the actual besiegement of the wall. The Sicarians attempted to thwart the besiegement by building an inner wall of wood to take the pounding, but ultimately this failed. In the morning the Romans entered the fortress. At this point the debate about the end begins. When the Romans broke through the outer wall of stone and set fire to the inner wall of wood, the siege was over. Josephus has the Romans waiting until morning to enter, but this does not accord with Roman strategy, which would be to enter the fortress immediately, even at night. According to Josephus, the defenders committed mass murder/suicide, and all that was left for the Romans to find were two women and five children who told the Romans that the rest had committed suicide (Josephus and Whiston 1988, Jewish Wars 7.9). This was the accepted view when modern archaeologists in the 1960s excavated Masada and reinforced this vision. Recently scholars have cast doubt on this, noticing that only 3 skeletons were initially found, not the 960, and that these have been interpreted and reinterpreted to indicate that they were an important Jewish commander and his family, which does not fit the evidence. Twenty-five other skeletons were found in a nearby cave, and these individuals were either killed by the Romans when they took the fortress or committed suicide to prevent capture. In addition, there were few pieces of evidence indicating a long, protracted siege. It is probable that some Sicarians committed suicide, but it is also possible that many were captured and executed and that Josephus chose to embellish the suicide, since it would fit his story. See also: Military: Catapults; Siege; Key Events: Jewish Rebellion, First; Judea Provincial Disruption; Primary Documents: Document 35 Further Reading Ben-Yehuda, Nachman. 1995. The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

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Navy The Roman imperial navy was a continuation of the late republican navy. The late republican navy scored tremendous success when Pompey the Great defeated the Cilician pirates in 70–68 BCE. During the civil war between Julius Caesar and Pompey (49–48 BCE), the number of ships had increased to nearly 1,000, and both sides engaged in operations to secure the regions. Pompey’s son Sextus followed in his father’s footsteps by securing a fleet and harassing Caesar’s heir, Octavian, from Sicily. Octavian and his general/admiral Agrippa constructed a harbor at Forum Iulii (Frejus) on the southern coast of France to train his fleet, and in 36 BCE Agrippa defeated Sextus at Naulochus. The last struggle between Octavian and Antony ended at the naval battle at Actium in western Greece. With this victory, Octavian now controlled the whole Mediterranean and began to organize the fleet. The new imperial fleet was organized at Forum Iulii, and Octavian decided to keep part of the fleet there as a permanent base. From this base the northwestern Mediterranean and the Rhône River were controlled, protecting Italy. Realizing that Italy needed to be further protected, especially the grain supply from Africa and Egypt, Octavian organized a new fleet at Misenum on the Bay of Naples, which was equally spaced from Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, while the earlier harbor became a subsidiary of Misenum. Misenum remained strategic and important during the entire imperial period. The fleet Classis Praetoria Misenensis controlled the west, while at another port on the eastern shore of Italy, Ravenna, the Classis Praetoria Ravennatis fleet patrolled the Adriatic and kept an eye on Dalmatia and Illyria. These ports in Italy became the bulwark of the imperial navy and often contributed forces to help the city of Rome. Sailors were often employed in raising the awnings at the Colosseum to shade the spectators. Nero and Vespasian raised two new legions, the I and II Adiutrix, from the fleet at Misenum. To protect the grain fleets in Egypt, the new emperor Augustus (formerly Octavian) created a fleet, later named the Classis Augusta Alexandrina, at Alexandria to patrol the shoreline and protect the fleet. The sailors were probably from the Greeks living in the Fayum, or the Nile Delta. Vespasian changed the fleet’s name to Classis Augusta Alexandrina for its service to him during the civil war of 69 CE. A detachment of this fleet was also stationed at Caesarea in Mauretania under Claudius to protect the western coast of Africa. A later subsidiary fleet, the Classis Nova Libyca, was placed between

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these two larger fleets. To the east of Alexandria a fleet, first recorded under Hadrian but probably formed during the Julio-Claudians, was the Classis Syriaca, which patrolled the border of Parthia. All of these fleets were meant to safeguard the Mediterranean, which theoretically was under complete Roman control. Most likely these fleets were to protect the shipping lanes from the occasional pirates or marauders. These fleets were probably not as well trained and conditioned after the peace that Augustus created. Fronting the barbarians in the north, the Romans created several fleets that protected the frontiers. The Classis Britannica was based in northern France at Gesoraicum (present-day Boulogne) and was the jumping-off base for Claudius’s invasion of Britain. The squadron probably helped Suetonius Paulinus during his invasion of Anglesey in 60 CE and probably operated from the western British city of Chester. Under Agricola, the fleet circumnavigated Scotland in 82 CE. In the late imperial period, there was a fleet associated with the Saxon shore forts that ran from northeastern England south to the English Channel and west, with other fleets across the channel on the shore of Gaul (France). This fleet and the forts protected the trading routes to and from Britain. In Germany, the Classis Germanica had been created by Augustus for the campaigns by Drusus the Elder in 12 BCE, and he used it to ferry troops east. The Romans, however, did not understand the concept of tides, which created havoc for the fleet. The Classis Germanica operated mainly on the Rhine River during the imperial age from the base at Alteburg near Colonia Claudia Agrippinensis (Koln). The fleet patrolled the Rhine, ensuring that the region was safe, and could watch for tribal incursions. The Danube had two fleets, since the Iron Gates in the Kazan Gorge cut the river in two. In the west, the Classis Pannonica patrolled the upper Danube. To ensure the protection of the Save and Drave Rivers, the fleet patrolled and engaged the barbarians. The fleet received the title “Flavia,” and there are indications that Vespasian reorganized it. The main base was near the junction of the Save and Danube at Taurunum. In the east was the Classis Moesica, which was used to provide support for Trajan’s invasion of Dacia and also patrolled the mouth of the Danube. The fleet also patrolled the northern shore of the Black Sea as far as the Crimea with a base at Chersonesus (Krim). To the east of the Crimea the Classis Pontica patrolled the region to the south and west to the Hellespont. The writer and governor Arrian describes his naval patrol with the Classis Pontica from its port at Trapezus. The commanders of the fleet were the praefecti and, like many military men, were recruited from the equestrian order. Vespasian reorganized the fleet, with the commander of Misenum being raised in status. The command of Misenum and Ravenna became administrative posts, since active duty was rarely called for. The commander of a squadron, probably in charge of 10 ships, was the navarch, with the trierarch being a ship captain. The sailors were not slaves, as depicted in popular literature, but were free men, or peregrine, although a slave or criminal could be on merchant ships or galleys but probably as a loader or general worker. After 26 years, a year longer than the army auxiliaries, those sailors who were not citizens were rewarded with citizenship, and the retirees received a pension and a bonus.

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See also: Key Events: Actium, Battle of; Military: Defensive Policy; Legionary Officers; Objects and Artifacts: Ports and Harbors; Ships Further Reading Casson, Lionel. 1991. The Ancient Mariners: Seafarers and Sea Fighters of the Mediterranean in Ancient Times. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Starr, Chester G. 1960. The Roman Imperial Navy: 31 B.C.–A.D. 324. 2nd ed. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Order of Battle The Roman order of battle was uniform across all legions and forces throughout the empire. Its strict order and advanced strategy allowed the Romans to conquer not only the organized Greek armies but also the barbarians in the north, who often did not organize themselves as structured armies. Contemporary sources such as Arrian’s reports of his battle against the Alans written after 135 CE, Josephus’s account of Vespasian’s march into Judea during the First Jewish Rebellion in 68 CE, and Caesar’s commentaries during the 50s BCE, as well as the late Roman writer Vegetius (400 CE) provide detailed accounts of the Roman battle tactics that allowed Rome to conquer much of the known world. First, good reconnaissance determined the battle, and a Roman general ordered scouts, the exploratores, to report on the region, roads, mountains, and rivers (Vegetius and Milner 1993, 75). Arrian reports in his battle against the Alans that at the forefront of his army two units scouted the region (Flavius Arrianus 1993, 115). A Roman general also sent small parties out to secure strategic spots on the roadway; they were always in communication with the other troops. Although Arrian did not mention this, Josephus reported that Vespasian sent out light-armed auxiliaries and archers to repel sudden attacks and clear the area of ambushes. The Romans placed guards at likely river and road crossings and sent out reconnaissance in all. Under normal circumstances, where the army did not plan to engage the opposite force, the forces marched about 10 miles and prepared or arrived at a new camp. Arrian and Josephus indicate that the order of battle consisted of the light-armed auxiliaries and cavalry for reconnaissance followed by the Roman heavy infantry. They would march four men abreast, with light cavalry spread out on both sides guarding their flanks. The main Roman cavalry followed the heavy infantry, with both Arrian and Josephus indicating that the catapults and siege weapons followed the main cavalry force. Behind the siege weapons came more Roman heavy infantry. The formations allowed multiple heavy infantry or legions to march, while following them came the auxiliaries, or allies, with first their heavy infantry and then their light-armed troops followed by the cavalry (Flavius Arrianus 1993, 115). Often, when a Roman reconnaissance force encountered those of the enemy, a short battle took place. Caesar in his commentaries makes numerous references to this type of action occurring,

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as does Vegetius (Vegetius and Milner 1993, 75–76). Vegetius, a late Roman writer on military affairs, records the various types of arrangement that a military commander might employ. He reports seven types of tactics that allow for the army to attack. As the enemy approached, Roman commanders arranged their men in particular ways that were useful to their tactics. Cavalry units were often massed on one side, ready to sweep the enemy away to open a hole in the enemy ranks (Vegetius and Milner 1993, 104–107). Arrian arranged his men so that the cavalry was behind the infantry, a common tactic in which they were used to follow up the battle when the enemy broke. Arrian had on his right a regiment of heavy auxiliary infantry and behind them a mixed force of archers, infantry, and cavalry whose job was to hold the enemy’s left wing and force them into the center. On the left Arrian arranged his heavy auxiliary infantry, masking his auxiliary javelin men, who again on the high ground would keep the enemy in check. In the center were the two legions, the strongest on the right. Both legions were drawn up eight deep, with the first four as spearmen thrusting them into the oncoming cavalry and then attacking the infantry. Behind the eight lines were the foot archers, composed of allies, and the mounted archers. Finally, the Roman cavalry was in the rear, with the legionary artillery on both flanks. If the army had additional legions, they might be held in reserve or used to elongate the line (Flavius Arrianus 1993, 117–119). Vegetius reports on two types of closely related attacks. He reports that as the army marches to attack and comes within 400 to 500 feet, both wings attack and take the enemy by surprise. He further states that in addition to this, the general’s light infantry and archers are placed before the center and cover the attack of the wings, often putting the enemy to flight. If the enemy does not break, then the center, made up of heavy infantry, can engage the enemy (Vegetius and Milner 1993, 105). Arrian supplements the battle arrangement mentioned in Vegetius with artillery. Against the Alans, Arrian arranged his men in a similar fashion, with the auxiliary infantry on both wings fronting the archers and javelin men, while the XII and XV Legions were in the center, with the mounted archers and foot archers behind them and the cavalry in the rear. The artillery on the wings was also positioned so that during the attack the archers, javelin men, and artillery would fire into the oncoming Alans, forcing them into the interior, where the legions would blunt their attack and then countercharge and force the enemy back. At the same time, the cavalry would ride down the enemy and mop up the opposing forces. Arrian remarked that the force should be quiet until the enemy comes within missile range, and then a whole cry is raised while all of the artillery fire their bolts and stones. This is also supported by the archers and light-armed infantry firing their arrows and javelins. He states that the entire operation must have missiles raining down from all sides so as to panic the enemy cavalry and destroy them. If the enemy makes it through this onslaught, then the heavy infantry has the first three ranks locking shields and receives the brunt of the attack by pressing their shoulders into the shields. The fourth rank throw their javelins over the first three ranks, while the first rank stabs at the enemy troops and their horses with their spears. Arrian then states that if the enemy

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is still unbroken, then the infantry lines are opened up, and half the cavalry attack while the other half remain in formation, ready to follow up the attack with fresh horses. He then indicates that the allied archers advance to keep the enemy from turning about and counterattacking; the auxiliary light-armed infantry are then to advance at a quick pace to protect the cavalry from a counterattack (Flavius Arrianus 1993, 117–119). This order of battle allowed the army to effectively counter the enemy attack and ensure victory. See also: Key Events: Adrianople, Battle of; Teutoburg Forest, Battle of the; Military: Command; Legion; Legionary Officers; Primary Documents: Document 13 Further Reading Cowan, Ross. 2007. Roman Battle Tactics, 109 BC–AD 313. Oxford, UK: Osprey. Delbrück, Hans. 1990. History of the Art of War: Warfare in Antiquity. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Flavius Arrianus: Technè Taktika (Tactical Handbook) and Ektaxis kata Alanoon [The Expedition against the Alans]. 1993. Translated by J. G. DeVoto. Chicago: Ares. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson. Vegetius Renatus, Flavius, and N. P. Milner. 1993. Vegetius: Epitome of Military Science. Translated Texts for Historians, Vol. 16. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.

Praetorian Guard The Praetorian Guard, an ancient organization in the early republic but discontinued and only resurrected by Marc Antony as his bodyguard, was kept and reorganized by Augustus after his victory at Actium in 31 BCE. Augustus realized that he needed a military force to protect himself and his new government. He realized that this force needed to be kept out of sight but available should the need arise. Augustus in his typical fashion found an excellent solution, the creation of an elite force drawn from Italy. There were initially nine cohorts, each commanded by a tribune with 500 men. To keep the facade of his reign, Augustus only kept three cohorts in Rome while dispersing the other six in nearby towns. Each cohort was not able to be a strong enough force alone, preventing their numbers from influencing the emperor or the government, but they were close enough to all be called in case of need. The three units in Rome patrolled the palace and the other government buildings (in street clothes) and were available to keep the peace if needed. The units were rotated in and out of Rome to prevent dissension in the ranks. The Praetorian Guard was commanded by two prefects under Augustus, while later emperors often just had one prefect. Since the guards were not likely to receive bounties from victories in the field like the regular legions, Augustus paid them double, which

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Tiberius again increased to triple the pay of legions. Their retirement was nearly double that of the regular legionnaires and with fewer service years, 16 instead of 25. In addition, with little chance of facing the enemy in battle and located in and around the capital, the Praetorian Guard was considered a plum job. With the death of Augustus in 14 CE, the new emperor Tiberius (ruled 14–37) allowed the Praetorian Guard to be consolidated and located in Rome by the new prefect, Lucius Aelius Sejanus, who probably increased the size of the praetorians to 12 cohorts. In 23 CE a new camp, replacing the variety of barracks throughout the city, was constructed. This camp, the Castra Praetoria (Praetorian Camp), now concentrated the force not only as a military unit but also as a political unit. When Tiberius moved against Sejanus in 31 CE he had to bribe the Praetorian Guard to carry out his orders; the new power of the Praetorian Guard and its influence were clear. The Praetorian Guard raised Claudius to the throne after Caligula’s assassination above the objections of the Senate. The Praetorian Guard was not usually used in the early empire for fighting, although in 69 it was used by all emperors, and later emperors such as Trajan and Marcus Aurelius used it in the field when it was present. In 69 CE, Vitellius increased the number of cohorts to 16 and increased the unit size from 500 to 1,000 men. He also moved legionnaires from the provinces into the Praetorian Guard to satisfy their complaints that they were not able to compete with Italians recruited solely for the Praetorian Guard. This move opened the way for normal soldiers to become part of the elite force and in fact seemed to make the Praetorian Guard once again an elite fighting force. Vespasian reduced the number of cohorts back to 9 but kept their numbers at 1,000 men each. Domitian raised an additional cohort, giving it the manpower of two legions. They were also organized similarly to a legion. While the Praetorian Guard could make and unmake emperors, they did not actively participate in the running of the government, which was carried out by the imperial freedmen in the palace, the bureaucracy, or the Senate. In addition, executing emperors often meant that a new emperor was not inclined to keep the current Praetorian Guard intact, given the dangers. This happened in 193 when Didius Julianus purchased the Praetorian Guard for an immense sum, only to have Septimius Severus arrive and disband the Praetorian Guard so as to replace it with legionnaires loyal to him from his Pannonian legions. The imperial cavalry force, the equites singulares, created in 69 by Vitellius, replaced the Praetorian Horse under Otho. This new unit was composed of elite auxiliary cavalry forces from the provincial ala and by 70 CE consisted of two units each 500 strong. Trajan would increase their numbers to 1,000 each, while Septimius Severus doubled them again to 2,000 men each, or 4,000 in total, equivalent to a legion. The night watchmen, cohortes vigilis, or the vigiles, were created by Augustus in 6 CE to protect the city at night, especially from fire. These men were freedmen but later were recruited from all classes. Augustus, who had divided the city into 14 regions, placed the seven vigiles cohorts, 1,000 strong, throughout the city so that each had jurisdiction for two regions. Tiberius used them to counter the Praetorian Guard in 31 CE when he moved against Sejanus. To safeguard the city during the day

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as a police force, Augustus in 10 CE created the Urban Cohorts, three originally and later increased to four, under the command of the city prefect. They were in charge of policing the city and preventing disturbances, especially those of a political nature, with each cohort numbering 1,000 strong. They were often used to quell disturbances when there was a shortage in grain supplies or when riots broke out at the circus. Their service was 20 years like that of the legions, but their pay was better. The guards at Rome presented a strong force that the emperor could call upon. The Praetorian Guard, numbering approximately 9,000 infantry and up to 4,000 cavalry, combined with the Urban Cohorts of 4,000 and vigiles of 7,000 men, presented a force of 20,000 infantry and 4,000 cavalry at the emperor’s disposal. See also: Cities: Rome; Government and Politics: Vigiles; Military: Centurions; Legion; Primary Documents: Document 16; Document 31 Further Reading Bingham, Sandra J. 2013. The Praetorian Guard: A History of Rome’s Elite Special Forces. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press. Cowan, Ross, and Seán Ó Brógáin. 2014. Roman Guardsman, 62 BC–AD 324. Oxford, UK: Osprey. Rankov, N. B. 1994. The Praetorian Guard. London: Osprey. Speidel, Michael. 1994. Riding for Caesar: The Roman Emperors’ Horse Guards. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Provincial Treatment The Romans dealt with their subjects in different ways at different times due to the different regions. Initially the Romans viewed their conquered regions according to Roman concepts of status and position but usually with disdain. Inhabitants in the Greek east especially in the republic were given more leeway than those in Spain or Gaul, but they were seen as effeminate and untrustworthy. While the Romans initially thought of the Gauls and Spaniards as barbarians, savages, and uncivilized, often with inhospitable territories, they nevertheless provided Rome with a steady supply of slaves. During the empire the western region became more favored and crucial, especially when Augustus clearly viewed and favored Italy and the west as superior to the east under Marc Antony and Cleopatra. The Romans by practice abused their conquered subjects and did not have a standard system of dealing with the provinces, especially during the republic. Originally the Roman commander who conquered the region or the Senate itself determined the province’s organization, while under the empire the emperor decided its organizational structure. In the early empire inhabitants outside of Italy were typically not Roman citizens and were completely controlled by the few Roman citizens in the region. This meant that noncitizen inhabitants did not have certain rights of due process that a citizen

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had. The Roman governor could punish a provincial without appeal, while a Roman citizen could appeal. New Testament figures Jesus and Paul show the distinction between Roman and provincial. Both men were charged with treason, with Jesus, the noncitizen, being immediately executed, while Paul, a citizen, appealed to the emperor during his interrogation, which allowed the governor the opportunity to rid himself of a complicated situation and send Paul to Rome to be heard by the emperor. For noncapital sentences, Rome allowed the local communities to handle justice. This was especially true for issues involving only local provincials. During the republic, in Sicily the constitution stated in civil matters that if a Roman sued a Sicilian, a Sicilian judge was appointed; if a Sicilian sued a Roman, then a Roman was appointed as judge. In terms of criminal law, the governor had ultimate power, and individuals could appeal to him. Outside of Italy, which had no taxes during the early empire, land was subject to taxes. The republican practice of farming out taxes to private corporations, which usually led to full-scale corruption, was ended. The emperors regularized taxes, with Augustus creating both a land tax, based on productivity, and a capitation tax or poll tax, based on the number of people. The emperor, usually through his bureaucracy, created a provincial profile and an analysis of how much the province produced and could handle as taxes were computed. The state directly collected the taxes. Each province had variations. For example, in Egypt the capitation tax was paid on all inhabitants over the age of 12, while in Syria it seems to have been paid only on men. Bribes still existed, with local collectors and soldiers taking them to supplement their income. It appears that local natives were employed to collect taxes from their comrades instead of Roman officials. This allowed for the blame to fall primarily on the local provincial and not on the Romans. Also, the individual, being a local, would know who was capable of paying the taxes. An example of this system can be seen in the New Testament when Matthew, a Jew, is working for the Romans as a tax collector. Upon conquering a region, the Romans came into contact with the different social strata within the native system. Needing local support, the Romans initially recruited the native elites, especially those who had offered support, to help them control the population. These local elites exerted influence over their comrades in a limited fashion and could even influence the Romans. Examples of this can be seen in nearly every province. In the writings of the New Testament and Josephus, Jewish elite families controlled the Sanhedrin, or ruling council, and often worked with Rome. In Britain under Nero the local tribal leaders held their traditional power, as seen in Tacitus during the rebellion of Boudicca. Another important group, local merchants, did not necessarily desire control over their kinsmen politically; they wanted to make a profit and control the local economy. The final group would be the local peasants, who did the majority of work and paid the most taxes, working to provide the state with most of its resources. While they may not have been in control, they were nevertheless the controlling factor in the Roman economy and society. During the empire provinces and cities realized that becoming citizens had distinct advantages. They began to seek entrance into the Roman world by becoming citizens. Rome did not extend citizenship to all who sought it and instead offered it first to select

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inhabitants and then to specific cities in the provinces in the early empire. Often these cities had Roman veterans who created a core in the provincial city. Beginning in the late first century CE it was common for entire regions to receive citizenship, which gave the benefit of not having to pay taxes. Rome would then extend this right to an entire province. Ultimately by 212 CE Emperor Caracalla gave all free individuals citizenship, but by this time very few regions did not have some rights. See also: Institutions: Provinces; Provincial Capitals; Provincial Law; Key Events: Judea Provincial Disruption; Primary Documents: Document 24 Further Reading Arnold, William T., and E. S. Bouchier. 1974. The Roman System of Provincial Administration to the Accession of Constantine the Great. 3rd ed. Chicago: Ares Publishers. Davis, William Stearns, ed. 1912–1913. Readings in Ancient History: Illustrative Extracts from the Sources, Vol. 2, Rome and the West. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Jones, A. H. M. 1971. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. 2nd ed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Strabo. 1854–1857. The Geography of Strabo: Literally Translated, with Notes. Translated by H. C. Hamilton and W. Falconer. London: H. G. Bohn.

Recruitment and Service During the republic the legions were recruited from Roman citizens normally residing in Italy, while the auxiliaries were Italians lacking Roman citizenship. As the republic broke down, the competing generals were required to recruit troops from a variety of regions, ethnic groups, and civic status. Pompey the Great and Marc Antony recruited from the east, enrolling local troops into their legions even if not citizens. When Augustus won the civil wars he even enrolled the force raised in Galatia permanently into the legions, although he did disband many of Antony’s legions. This disbandment not only rid the army of soldiers whose loyalty Augustus may have questioned but also probably rid the legions of noncitizens. Augustus continued to enroll Roman citizens in the legions, normally from Italy. This desire to keep the legions more Italian met with problems. While the emperor normally disdained the forced conscription of Italians except those enrolled in the three Varian legions, he found that Roman citizens from Italy were not volunteering enough. He once punished an equestrian who cut off the thumbs of his sons so that they would not have to serve (Suetonius 2007, Augustus 24). There was not a wholescale decline in the population of Italy; rather, there was a lack of individuals who wished to volunteer. Tiberius finally abandoned the plan to have the legions filled with Italians. Opening the legions to non-Italian citizens gave many of the provincials ways to advance in Roman society. Whereas from Augustus to Caligula 65 percent of the

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legionnaires were from Italy, particularly in the north, by the time of Claudius it was down to 48 percent, and from Vespasian to Trajan it was down to 21 percent (Hassall 2000). Thereafter the percentage from Italy was minuscule. Typically the legions recruited from the area they were placed, those in the west along the Rhine or in Britain from Gaul, Spain, northern Italy, Germany, and Britain and those on the Danube from the Balkans, while those stationed in the east were from Syria, Egypt, and Asia Minor. These troops from outside of Italy and often serving in the region for a long time produced cultural differences and even animosity. When the legions from the Rhine descended into Italy during the civil war of 68 CE, they were viewed by the Italians as uncouth and vulgar. The men were not accustomed to the warm climate of Rome when they arrived, and many drank the polluted waters of the Tiber and became ill, thinking that it was like the waters of the northern rivers. When the men of the Legion III Gallica from Syria arrived with Vespasian’s army, they were viewed as different due to their practice of turning toward the east to greet the sun at dawn. With the recruits being sent abroad, many now served far away from their homeland for most of their adult life. With the army being more settled and no longer moving across the Mediterranean, the men became more accustomed to their new lands. While they were initially not permitted to marry, the legionnaires had families, and upon their retirement their illegitimate sons could enroll in the legions as citizens. As such, the requirements of military service were now transformed from the well-to-do citizen to the disadvantaged. What is particularly interesting is that new legions were always raised in Italy, and the Praetorian Guard and Urban Cohorts were mainly Italians. Recruits entered the military around the age of 18, with most being between 18 and 23 years old. The lowest age allowed was 17, but even here some were younger especially during times of crises. The normal time of service for a legionnaire was 25 years for retirement, and it appears that more than half reached this milestone. Those who died were probably not so much casualties on the battlefield; this was simply due to the general low life expectancy. But in fact soldiers who were well fed and had access to medical care probably reached their 40s more often than did civilians. The retired soldiers then typically remained in the province where they initially served, since they had friends, “wives,” and perhaps even business opportunities or farming. Their retirement usually consisted of cash but could be augmented by land. While initially there was a sharp distinction between the citizen legions and noncitizen auxiliaries, this began to change. Even during Augustus’s reign there were noncitizens in the legions, while evidence shows that citizens served in the auxiliaries. These latter cases were probably from citizens who did not meet the physical requirements for the legions. The distinction continued to decline when troops were being recruited for the legions from outside Italy, especially after Trajan’s reign. Finally, by the end of the second century the citizenship distinction disappeared completely. The recruitment and service of the soldiers changed dramatically from the strict republican ideas of citizen legions and noncitizen auxiliaries to a system without distinction. This transformation occurred because of necessities and the Roman ability to adapt. The Romans had as part of their political system the ability to accept new members into their political society. During the empire the army became one of the most

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important ways for this transformation of society to occur, which ultimately would result in all nonslaves being made citizens during the reign of Caracalla. See also: Military: Auxiliaries; Legion; Tactics; Training; Weapons Further Reading Allmand, Christopher. 2011. The ‘De Re Militari’ of Vegetius: The Reception, Transmission and Legacy of a Roman Text in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hassall, Mark. 2000. “The Army.” In The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. 11, The High Empire, A.D. 70–192, edited by Alan K. Bowman, 320–343. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Suetonius. 2007. The Twelve Caesars. Revised ed. Edited by J. B Rives. London: Penguin.

Roads and Projects The Medieval saying “all roads lead to Rome” was true during the Middle Ages but was probably a misnomer during the Roman period, when it would have been more apt to say “all roads lead from Rome.” During the republic, roads (viae) became crucial for the Romans conquering Italy and the rest of the Mediterranean. The roads comprised about 200,000 miles of varying conditions, from simple tracks to sophisticated permanent stone highways. In addition to the roads, the Roman soldiers would also build bridges and aqueducts throughout the territories. At first these structures served the soldiers, but soon afterward they allowed for trade and travel by nonmilitary personnel. These early roads promoted Roman control and conquest. For example, the Via Appia, being one of the earliest constructed in 312 BCE, stretched from Rome to Capua and was joined by the Via Latina to Brundisium in the far south. Likewise, from Rome the Via Flaminia ran to Arminium in 268 BCE, with an extension constructed in 187 BCE known as the Via Aemilia running to Bononia. A major road through the Balkans was the Via Egnatia, while the Via Domitia ran to the Pyrenees from the Rhône. As the Romans expanded their empire they constructed roads throughout their provinces. These roads were often new constructions, showing how the Roman system functioned. While under the republic the censors were in charge of financing and constructing the roads, during the empire the task fell to the emperor and his agents. During the imperial age curatores were the agents directly responsible for their construction and upkeep. The typical financing model was a partnership between the state, or the emperor, through his agents, who made financial gifts; the local communities; and landowners. There were different types of roads. A major road was usually about 12 feet wide, slightly curving from the middle down to the edges so that water and sewage could be swept away. The agger, or road proper, was made of stone. The road had first a layer of small stone and gravel over the soil, creating a foundation, or rudus, to provide drainage. A layer of crushed stone, or nucleus, allowed for the road to be leveled, and then on

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Via Appia Antica in Rome, Italy. Rome became famous for its construction projects throughout its empire. Projects such as roads, bridges, and aqueducts provided not only utilitarian works but kept the army busy and physically fit during peacetime. Roads in particular allowed for the rapid deployment of forces in local areas. (Jannis Werner/Dreamstime.com)

top was the summum dorsum, a 6-inch layer of crushed pottery, stones, and cement allowing for the support of the stones, or silex, for the agger. Not all roads, even important military roads, were always constructed in the same fashion. In a town a small pathway or road was called a semita, while in a larger city a road was often termed a platea. A viscus was used when houses lined a road; this also gave rise to districts or blocks in a town. The Romans began by making a survey of the region where a road was planned. This involved not only determining the distance between the two points but also making an assessment of the natural terrain. This was important, since the Romans would not want to construct a road that placed soldiers in danger of an ambush. If the Romans encountered an area with a narrow valley, they would construct the road on the high ground. After determining the general route and assessing the area, the Romans then surveyed the location to determine its exact route, attempting to make the road as straight as possible to reduce cost and time. A military venture was usually the primary reason for building a new road. The Romans used the roads to advance into new territories, such as Germany, or to connect different provinces already under Roman control. Some of the roads were older native tracks used for centuries or even millennia, while others were newly built. The next phase was to lay out the road, and here the surveyors attempted to find the straightest

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road possible. Often the road needed to cross valleys that required bridges, traverse marshes that had to be drained, and even mountains that had to be tunneled through. They usually avoided valleys, since they could be subject to ambush. For example, during the Roman conquest of Germany as related in the massacre of Varus, the Romans crossed marshlands on wooden bridges made of logs while marching through recently felled forests. When Arminius attacked Varus, the Romans attempted to continue on their roads, which were nothing but dirt pathways. These roads not only allowed for the deployment of military troops but also the advancement of trade and merchants. As the roads converged into cities, the Romans often erected arches commemorating their victories and showing their glory and strength. The Romans built bridges across rivers and valleys using stone and arches. The arches forming vaults allowed the expanse of the rivers to be crossed. Some bridges were as long as 700 feet, while an excellent surviving example at Narni, in central Italy, was 600 feet long, 25 feet wide, and 100 feet tall. There were well over 300 stone bridges that were built and perhaps as many as 900 have been identified. These were in addition to the timber bridges, often quick and temporary, and those on the aqueducts that also served road traffic. The Romans used the half-circular and segmented arch, which allowed for more sturdy construction without needing massive pillars. These bridges not only allowed the Roman Army to move against the enemy but also allowed for the transportation of commercial goods. While the Roman Army was the main constructor in these endeavors, it was not the only beneficiary. For most of the time the commercial agents would also reap benefits. Tunnels were also constructed, with some of the most impressive being at Cumaea, which was over 3,000 feet long, and the Cripta Neapolitano and Grotta di Seiano, both over 2,000 feet long. What was amazing about the tunnels is that many were excavated from both ends, and the separate excavations met precisely at the right spot and level, indicating a high degree of knowledge of geometry. These tunnel projects often took years to complete. In Syria an aqueduct ran for 40 miles aboveground before disappearing underground into three branches running .5, 7, and 58 miles, the latter being the longest so far discovered. The aqueduct and tunnels supplied water to the cities of the Decapolis and were begun around 90 CE during the reign of Domitian, with the chief city of Gadara benefiting the most. The project continued well into the reign of Hadrian in 129 CE and took 120 years to complete. There were numerous other tunnels built that were mainly used to bring water to new regions. The Roman Army was the main driver behind the construction of roads, bridges, and tunnels. The use of soldiers allowed the Roman administration to keep the soldiers engaged in activities that were beneficial to society and yet not increase the risk of rebellion. The soldiers continually were kept in shape and provided the manpower needed to build many of these structures. See also: Institutions: Public Works Further Reading Casson, L. 1994. Travel in the Ancient World. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Military | O’Connor, Colin. 1993. Roman Bridges. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ramsay, William. 1875. “Viae.” In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Edited by William Smith. John Murray: London. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Viae.html. Schulz, Matthias. 2009. “The Ancient World’s Longest Underground Aqueduct.” Spiegel, March 11, http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/rome-s-tremendous-tunnel-the -ancient-world-s-longest-underground-aqueduct-a-612718.html.

Siege The Roman Army became one of the few masters of siege warfare in the ancient world. For most of the ancient armies, besieging an enemy was often impossible. During the republic, the siege of Syracuse in the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE) and of Carthage in the Third Punic War (149–146) are examples of successful siege warfare. Julius Caesar was able to besiege the city of Alesio while his army was besieged from the outside. During the empire, the most famous instance when the Roman Army instituted a siege was at Masada during the First Jewish Rebellion under Nero and Vespasian. What allowed the Romans success was their obstinate persistence and their ability to organize large numbers of workers. This combined with the advances of machinery during the time of Alexander the Great allowed the Romans to be victorious.

Illustration of the Roman siege of Syracuse during 213–212 BCE. The Romans became masters of siege warfare due to their equipment, training, and tenacity. Roman sieges often ended wars by forcing the enemy to retreat. (Photos.com)

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If the Romans did not initially defeat the enemy in battle and the city or fortress did not open its gates to them, they would build a defensive ditch and wall around the site and deploy their forces around the perimeter, as seen in the archaeological remains at Masada. This prevented those being besieged from receiving support from the outside or escaping the net thrown by the Romans. The Romans realized that for a siege to be successful, they would need supplies and water; they also realized that a siege may take a long time, so denying food and water to those besieged, rather than military force, often led to victory. For example, when Julius Caesar besieged Uxellodunum, he prevented the inhabitants from drawing water from the nearby river so that they only had a local spring near their city wall. Caesar then had his engineers undermine the water source and draw it away from the city so that the inhabitants did not have any water. They surrendered soon after without a fight. When a city was designated for attack, it was crucial to pick the best spot. The gates and entrances were usually well defended, so the Romans often chose a spot along the wall away from the gatehouse. The soldiers first had to fill in the protective ditch so that the siege machines could approach the wall. Those being attacked would try to prevent this by firing from the walls, so the Romans had to build protective screens, or musculi, made of iron or hides. These screens were usually not sufficient. To counter the defenders and their missiles, the Romans would bring up wooden towers so that their soldiers were often above the defenders’ height and could fire down on them. Once the Romans had achieved this success, they could bring up the battering ram, a heavy iron head shaped like a ram’s head on a wooden beam. The beam was swung against the wall until a breach, or hole, was made. The Romans would then put a wooden beam with an iron hook into the hole and drag out the stones so that a larger hole was made. To protect the beam as it was swung, the Romans would enclose it in a wooden shed with hides or iron plates. This shed had wheels so it could be moved up to the wall and was called a tortoise (testudo arietaria), since it resembled a large tortoiseshell with its head, the ram, being moved in and out. Other sheds were built to allow other soldiers to be protected as they attempted to undermine the wall. The roof was the most important part, since it had to prevent fire from the tar dropped by the defenders and be strong enough to withstand rocks being directed from above. The wooden towers used to defend the attackers also had bridges that could be lowered on top of the walls so that soldiers could attack the defenders. Titus during his siege of Jerusalem had three iron cranes that transported men to the top of the wall. Those working at the foot of the wall attempted to dig a hole so that a part of the wall would collapse. Often these men, called sappers, would brace the hole they tunneled until the wooden supports were pulled down, causing the wall to open. The defenders, of course, could do the same and mine their way out to the towers and attempt to bring them down as well. Both sides attempted to push the other away using archers and catapults. The Romans had catapults that fired missiles or large stones. The largest was called the onager and was also known as the donkey because of its kick; it was also called the scorpion (scorpio), but the scorpion appears to have been smaller than the later onager. Another group in between were the ballistae, which could fire stones or arrows (now

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called carro-ballistae). These machines could throw heavy rocks that could destroy the enemy machines or towers and even make holes in walls. A similar use was to fire beams, such as what the Massiliotes did against Caesar in 49 BCE; the beams were 10 feet long with iron points, like giant arrows. Each legion had 10 onagers. At Masada, the Romans had to build an earthen ramp so that the battering ram could be moved up. Using the natural hill terrain, they filled in the low spots so that the machine could move up the 375-foot-high ramp. Once a city or fort was taken, it was usually sacked. In some instances when the army was besieging a city for months, this was only natural. See also: Cities: Jerusalem; Military: Catapults; Masada, Siege of; Weapons; Primary Documents: Document 34; Document 35 Further Reading Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith, and John Keegan. 2000. Roman Warfare. London: Cassell. Le Bohec, Yann. 1994. The Imperial Roman Army. London: B. T. Batsford.

Tactics The Roman imperial tactics of the army paralleled those developed during the late republic. The legionnaires would typically arrange themselves according to the local terrain and the size and type of enemy faced. As a preliminary to a battle the unit sent out reconnaissance forces, often the legionary cavalry or special auxiliary units of scouts. This was especially crucial if the legion was operating in enemy territory. One of the problems that Varus faced in his massacre in 9 CE was that he failed to provide sufficient scouts to reconnoiter in the territory. A corollary to this would be to have flanking units to cover the legion if it was marching, again something that Varus failed to do. In addition, it was crucial to have spies in enemy territory to report on the enemy. These could be drawn from merchants, local civilians, and professional spies. After the enemy had been located, the general drew up his plans and put them into play. Often the infantry lines were extended so as to protect the legion from being outflanked; this was especially useful if the force could be protected by streams or woods on either side. The lines were often arranged into three lines to allow the Romans to call up reserves quickly while committing a large force, as opposed to the Greek phalanx, which used a mass of troops to push the battle but too few to actually engage the enemy. When the Romans faced the enemy, their tactics required them to be flexible. If the enemy force was in the east, the Romans often relied more on cavalry, which engaged the enemy cavalry and then the Romans committed their infantry. In the north, especially in their conquest of Britain and raids into Germany, the Romans relied more on their infantry, with the cavalry serving as support. The cavalry here were the auxiliary units. For example, in Germany when Germanicus campaigned across the Rhine in 16 CE, he used his heavy infantry primarily to deal with German tribes who

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massed to meet him (Tacitus 1956, 2.16–17). One of the problems that Varus faced when he was ambushed was that the heavy rains prevented his archers from being able to use their weapons, which greatly exacerbated his struggles. The Germans against Germanicus were on a hill with a forest behind them, and they rushed downhill. Facing them, Germanicus had the Romans advance with the auxiliary Gauls and Germans with foot archers to provide support by firing over them. The heavy infantry, the Roman legions, came next with Germanicus, followed by four more legions, lightarmed troops, horse bowmen, and allies. He had his cavalry make a detour around the enemy and attack them in the rear when his main infantry attacked. His infantry attacked, probably protected by the foot archers, and the cavalry attacked in the rear, surprising them. The heavy infantry provided the shock or brunt of the attack against the enemy infantry. Typically, the Romans advanced in silence, and when the enemy was about 30 meters away they let fly their spears, or pila, and at the same time gave a great shout and blew their battle trumpets or horns. This sudden flurry of spears and sounds shocked the enemy and produced fear. The pilum had a heavy iron head with a narrow iron shaft and a heavy wooden handle so that when it hit something the weight of the handle would bend the narrow shaft, making it unusable again. This prevented the enemy from taking it out of their shields and throwing it back. After discharging their spears, the Romans fought with their swords. Another example occurred in Britain in 61 CE when Suetonius Paulinus fought against the British (Tacitus 1956, 14.34–37). Depending on the terrain, the Romans adapted so as to make the most out of their forces. When Suetonius Paulinus faced Boudicca in 60/61 CE, he was greatly outnumbered. Instead of meeting the enemy on a great plain where his forces could be surrounded, he positioned his men on a plain with woods behind and on the sides. He stretched his forces across the plain, reducing their depth but ensuring that his flanks were not exposed. Boudicca’s forces could not use their superior numbers due to the constraining area, and in fact they became a liability, since after breaking the British chariot force, the Roman infantry forced the advancing British infantry to retreat, meeting other British forces who were advancing. Here the legionnaires were posted in several ranks, with light-armed troops on the sides and cavalry massed on both wings. The Romans first fired their missiles, and then the infantry attacked in a wedge-like formation. The light-armed troops and cavalry with lances then broke through. The result was that the Roman infantry could break the initial British attack and force them back into their own troops and be slaughtered since they could not retreat. In the east the Romans often used their cavalry during the late empire over their infantry. When Galerius met the Persians at Carrhae in 296 with mainly his infantry and little cavalry, he was defeated and forced to retreat. Reminiscent of Crassus’s debacle, Galerius wisely retreated and then made an attack in the north through the mountains with his cavalry. By changing tactics, Galerius not only defeated the Persians but even captured the Persian king’s family. Roman tactics were dictated by the enemy they faced and the location. If the Romans faced their own forces during a civil war, it was usually fought between the heavy

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infantry. Since both sides knew the standard tactics, victory was often achieved through surprise. If the forces did fight on the open battlefield, victory was often determined by the passion of one side over the other. When facing an enemy force, Roman victory or defeat often depended on the commander’s planning and emotions. For example, Valens attacked the Visigoths at Adrianople and was defeated not because of his army’s ability but because he failed to rest his troops after marching out and attacking impetuously instead of waiting for his uncle to arrive. In an attempt to gain a quick victory and glory, he acted recklessly and allowed his army to be destroyed. Roman tactics usually prevailed if the commander was thoughtful. See also: Military: Cohort; Legion; Order of Battle; Siege; Weapons; Primary Documents: Document 13 Further Reading Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson. Tacitus, Cornelius. 1956. The Annals of Imperial Rome. Translated by Michael Grant. Baltimore: Penguin.

Training A late Roman writer, Vegetius, wrote an account, Epitoma rei militaris (Concerning Military Matters), of how the Romans trained their men in the late fourth century CE. It appears that he used information from a variety of sources throughout the Roman period, such as Cato the Elder and Frontinus during the first century CE. Vegetius’s work provides a synopsis of the military science known to the Romans throughout their history. The Roman Army required not only physical training also but knowledge of tactics and strategy to ensure that the army could function properly. The soldiers needed to exercise almost constantly so they could handle the physical exertions of battle. The Roman Army required soldiers to be more versatile so that instead of a mass of men moving forward, the Roman maniples allowed for more flexibility to fight as independent units. To achieve this flexibility, the Roman soldier had to have physical ability. Vegetius records that the recruit needed to endure hardships such as marching under dangerous conditions in all types of weather. The republican army prized those who could endure hardships, such as farmers. Vegetius states that a soldier who is strong is more prized than one who is big. To achieve this, the soldiers first had to be trained to march together so they could keep together and not create stragglers, which could be easily picked off or disrupt the entire unit. Vegetius indicated that during the summer months the soldiers were required to march for 20 miles in five hours. He differentiated between the short pace or military pace used for the tight drill and the full pace required for regular marching over the long journey.

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Ancient authors indicated that a soldier needed to be intelligent. Recruits with the ability to read, write, and do math were often chosen for more specialized positions such as spy, courier, and scout. After enduring strength training and running, the recruit learned the fine art of weapon training. The Roman recruit then learned how to use the sword (gladius) and shield (scutum). Vegetius records how the soldiers first used wicker shields and wooden swords, both twice as heavy as the usual weapons, for practice against wooden stakes or models, not real soldiers. The trainers probably thought that using heavier models would increase their physical training along with their agility. The recruit then learned how to fight as a unit but still had independent action. This meant learning how to protect his fellow soldiers to prevent being overrun Bone plaque of a Roman soldier wearing full military and defeated. Crucial to this was dress: a tunic, cuirass, and plumed helmet with cheek the understanding of commands guards. Roman military training included marching and fighting in full armor. (The Walters Art Museum) through signals and sounds. After training with props, the recruit moved to training against fellow soldiers in the same fashion as the gladiatorial schools, where they used wooden weapons of the same weight as actual weapons. The recruit learned the proper use of the sword in combat and learned which techniques gave the best blow to inflict a fatal wound. This usually involved stabbing rather than slashing. Using the smaller gladius as opposed to the long broadside sword, the legionnaire would stab upward from the hip, keeping the sword close to his body so as to stab into the abdominal cavity below the ribs to inflict as much damage while using as much force needed without wasting energy. By avoiding the slashing movement, his right side would be protected from attacks by the enemy. To help in these fights, the recruit learned that the shield was not only a defensive weapon to protect from blows and arrows but could also be used as an offensive weapon, as the boss in the shield’s middle could punch the enemy. The recruits then learned how to use the spear, or pilum. Again, the spear used for training was twice the weight of the actual combat spear. The legionnaires often carried

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five throwing spears that could disrupt the enemy. Some recruits learned how to use the bow and arrow or slings to disrupt the enemy and produce terror. Archaeological remains indicate that training was so important that indoor facilities were constructed so the soldiers could train year-round. After learning the basics of fighting with sword and spear, the Roman recruit learned how to construct a marching camp. During the early empire these camps were constructed in Germany, Britain, and the Danube provinces. The camps kept the soldiers safe at night and used a standard layout so that any and all soldiers would know how the camps were laid out, with each component similar in all the camps. Crucial to setting up camp was its location and what resources were needed to protect the camp. A camp on high ground was always preferred so as to prevent the enemy from firing into the camp from above. In addition, a camp on the high ground prevented it from flooding. The troops were to almost constantly train once they were in the army, with legions marching three times a month and one such march being fully armed for 10 miles out and then back on uneven ground. See also: Military: Recruitment and Service; Weapons Further Reading Flavius Vegetius Renatus. 2017. The Military Institutions of the Romans (De Re Militari). Translated by John Clarke. Los Angeles: Enhanced Media Publishing. Hyland, A. 1993. Training the Roman Cavalry: From Arrian’s Ars Tactica. Phoenix Mill, UK: Alan Sutton. Rodgers, N., and H. Dodge. 2005. The Roman Army: Legions, Wars and Campaigns. London: Southwater.

Triumph During the republic a Roman general’s greatest reward was being granted a triumph. This celebration commemorated his victory over a foreign enemy and was granted by the Senate. The origin of the triumph dates to the monarchy or even earlier with Romulus, Rome’s first king, receiving three triumphs. During the republic the triumphs continued, with each one seemingly more lavish and ornate than the last. Pompey held three triumphs, with the last seen as a testament to the Greek east Hellenistic ruler-cult of Alexander the Great, including an enormous bust of Pompey decked in pearls. With the victory of Augustus the triumph became reserved for the imperial family, and individuals who won victories won them in the name of the emperor. In 28 BCE when Augustus refused Marcus Licinius Crassus a triumph for his victory over the barbarian tribes in Thrace, it was based on Crassus being a legate of Augustus, so any victory was therefore by his power and auspices. The following year Augustus granted Crassus a triumph, but Crassus was not allowed to claim the spolia opima, the reward of killing the enemy general in combat, or take the name “Scythicus,” or “conqueror of the

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Scythians” as had been practiced before. When the emperor or a member of his family celebrated a triumph, it was for the successful conclusion of a war. Often in celebration of this event a triumphal arch would also be erected. The general was hailed as imperator, with his troops hailing him, and then the triumph was awarded by the Senate. Upon his return the general was allowed to enter the city with his unarmed army, the only time his army was allowed in the city, and make his way to the Capitoline Hill, where he would offer sacrifice in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. The triumphal army first assembled in the Campus Martius, outside the city of Rome near the Tiber River in the area where the Pantheon would later be built. Here the army started its procession, or pompa, through the Porta Triumphalis (Triumph Gate) along the south side of the Capitoline Hill toward the Circus Maximus and then north, west, and back south through the Roman Forum up to the Capitoline Hill and the temple to Jupiter. The procession started with the captives, if fortunate their king or other leader, held in chains. Many were destined to be executed in the prison or fight in the arena, although some such as Caratacus from Britain under Claudius was allowed to live his life in retirement. When Vespasian and Titus celebrated their triumph over the Jews in 71 CE, they led 700 Jewish prisoners, selected from the tallest and most handsome, in their procession. This was followed by the booty taken from the enemy, his gold, silver, pictures, furniture, and other valuable possessions. Often pictures of the battles or models of the cities taken were displayed.

Frieze on a triumphal arch portrays Romans leading Gaulish captives away in chains, 10–25 CE, near Saint-Rémy-de-Provence, France. Granted by the Senate, a triumph sanctioned the celebration by the victorious general and his troops of a successfully concluded military campaign. It was traditionally the only time a general could bring his army into the city of Rome with celebrations and religious rites. (Moreno Soppelsa/Dreamstime.com)

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The senators and magistrates followed by the general’s lictors, clad in their red cloaks and carrying their fasces, preceded the general or emperor. The general then arrived in a chariot pulled by four horses and accompanied by a slave or his children to show his humanity. Germanicus, when he celebrated his triumph in 17 CE, had his five young children with him. He was accompanied by his generals or elder sons on horseback followed by his unarmed army. They would sing both praises and ribald songs about their general. During the procession the two white oxen destined for sacrifice moved along toward the temple. Often these processions were said to last for several days. The general wore the ornamenta triumphalia, or triumphal vestments and accoutrements. He wore a wreath of bay leaves, which symbolized the purification of the state, the army, and himself. His breastplate was decorated with a gold palm, the symbol of victory, and he wore a gold-embroidered purple cloak, symbol of the regal period of Rome. He carried a laurel branch in one hand and often an ivory scepter with a gold eagle on top. The cloak and accompanying accoutrements were only worn for the day of triumph; afterward they were displayed in his house. During the empire the emperors would wear triumphal insignia, including the purple cloak, as a sign of their power and divine legitimacy in ruling. After depositing his laurel branch on the statue of Jupiter, the general/emperor would sacrifice the two white oxen, and the captive leader was strangled, to the cheers of the crowd. Afterward a great banquet was held for the city, funded by the general. In addition, it was common for games (ludi) to be held. The general or emperor would give out cash rewards during the triumph. Many of these gifts to the people and soldiers were substantial. Augustus’s triumph and resulting funds brought into the city from Egypt after his victory over Cleopatra resulted in interest rates declining and land prices increasing. The general often erected a statue or other public monument commemorating his victory. The most common structure was the arch, with the surviving arches commemorating a victory over the enemy. Some emperors, notably Trajan, erected columns that portrayed their accomplishments as well. While Augustus and his successors only allowed a triumph to be celebrated by members of the imperial family, it was still important to recognize the deeds of their generals. Here the emperors would allow a general to receive the Triumphal Decorations, those accoutrements of the triumph, without the procession. In addition, it was common for generals to receive an ovation, or minitriumph, in which they rode through the streets on horseback. Triumphs were a way in which the city and people of Rome could celebrate the successes of their armies and leaders. The triumph was also a means for them to have a ritual purification of the city after a war. The imperial triumphs were often few and far between, since the emperors wanted to be careful in how they presented successes and only reward themselves or their families. See also: Cities: Rome; Individuals: Augustus; Military: Command; Legion Further Reading Beard, Mary. 2007. The Roman Triumph. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.

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Uniforms During the empire the Roman Army not only created standardized uniforms but also had unique elements. The legionary soldiers dressed in common with standard armor and, unlike the republican period, had a semistandard uniform. The Roman state massproduced its armor, but it was not with a completely standard plan, since regional workshops could and did have their own variations. Additionally, a Roman soldier could wear usable armor produced earlier. One of the most important elements was the helmet, or galea. The varied republican helmets gave way to the imperial helmet, subdivided into the two main production regions, imperial Italic and imperial Gallic. Both had more advanced features over their republican counterparts, including a more pronounced neck guard, ear protection, and brass shielding, and were later reinforced by skull ridges. A few factories or workshops were given state contracts and mass-produced these helmets. The body armor, the lorica, was divided into various components. There was the lorica hamata, a chain mail–type armor composed of rings and wire that gave the wearer freedom of movement and good protection. This type of production was timeconsuming but produced a strong and durable armor to be used for decades. More common and supplanting the lorica hamata was the lorica segmentata, due to being cheaper and quicker to make. As the name suggests, the armor plating was segmented, composed of circular strips fastened to leather straps overlapped downward. The armor was composed of two halves or segments that were then joined or fastened in both front and back. This type of armor had to be constantly maintained to prevent rust. The lorica squamata, another common form of armor, was made of scales six millimeters wide by nine millimeters tall and were arranged to overlap when sewn onto a leather shirt and thus were very strong. Protecting the legs were a pair of greaves constructed of leather or metal. Some examples have the entire leg protected up to the thigh, while others were made to only guard the lower leg. During the early empire the legionnaires wore greaves on both legs, while in the late empire they were no longer worn. Additional types of clothing helped them not only during battle but also in normal daily life. The shoes, the caligae, were for marching and battle. Resembling sandals, they were heavy-duty and had hobnails, similar to cleats, providing traction and stability. They were open and worn without socks to prevent blisters, due to no friction, and to prevent fungal diseases, since the feet could breathe. During the empire soldiers in the north wore braccae, or pants made of wool. Adopted from the Gauls after initial derision, the braccae provided protection and warmth during cold spells. Their length ranged from falling to the ankles to just above the knees depending on the season. The

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braccae soon replaced the Roman tunic, a long shirt worn from the shoulder to above the knees. The braccae could also be worn with a belt at the waist. The belt, or balteus, was worn over one shoulder and held the soldier’s sword. In addition, the soldier might have a scarf to prevent chafing from the armor. The soldier had a cloak, or paludamentum, usually only worn by officers and fastened on one shoulder. The cloak can be seen as a coat, allowing the wearer to keep warm during nasty weather. The typical soldier instead had the sagum, a rectangular piece of wool fastened on the shoulder and worn over the armor. A cheaper alternative to the sagum was the poncho, or paenula. The troops also had a small pack, or loculus, that probably held his rations or valuables. Since individuals were responsible for their own outfit, it was probably common for the lower-ranked infantry and new recruits to have lesser-quality clothes. The soldier often had his clothes deducted as part of his pay, which made it easier for him to pay for his clothes. See also: Military: Order of Battle; Weapons Further Reading Nosch, M.-L. 2012. Wearing the Cloak: Dressing the Soldier in Roman Times. Oxford, UK: Oxbow Books. Warry, J. G. 1980. Warfare in the Classical World: An Illustrated Encyclopedia of Weapons, Warriors, and Warfare in the Ancient Civilizations of Greece and Rome. New York: St. Martin’s.

Weapons The Roman Army had a variety of weapons used by individual soldiers. These different types of weapons were used for different purposes to ensure success. The standard legionnaire and auxiliary was equipped with a sword. By the time of the late republic the Romans had adopted the gladius; it was not as long as the early republican sword, which did not give as much mobility. The gladius was about a foot and a half long and two inches wide and was double-edged. For balance, the sword had a large ball at the end of the handle that could also be used as a weapon. The sword was worn on the right side, not the left as commonly portrayed in the media, so as to keep it clear of the shield (left) arm. The gladius was versatile, since it could be used for slashing or stabbing especially in close quarters, where a larger sword used for slashing only could not be brought to bear. The gladius would become the standard sword for the Roman Army until the late empire. The Roman cavalry typically used a longer sword, the spathea, that allowed them more protection and power than the gladius. This sword allowed the horseman to still combat the foot enemy without leaning over the horse and provide a powerful blow from above. The Romans also carried a dagger, or pugio. The dagger varied in length from six inches to a foot long and was as wide as the gladius. The pugio could act as a backup weapon if the gladius was lost or broken.

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Iron spear head, Greco-Roman or Parthian, excavated from Dura-Europos, Syria. While weaponry did not change dramatically during the Roman period, Roman military tactics, training, and discipline usually ensured victory. The traditional weapons used by Roman soldiers included bows, spears, and swords. (Yale University Art Gallery)

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The shield that the soldier carried was the scutum. Unlike the round republican shield, the imperial shield was rectangular and curved inward with a brass or iron boss in the middle to give it strength and to be used as an offensive weapon. The soldier could use the shield to bash the enemy, inflicting damage. The scutum was standardized so that the army could use it for other operations such as the testudo, or turtle, where in a small rectangular-shaped unit the interior soldiers could lift their shields over themselves as a roof, while those on the edge could have their shields as body protection so the unit could advance under a siege, with other soldiers without shields minding the walls. Just as critical as the sword was the spear. In the early republic the legion fought like the Greek phalanx, which employed the long spear. The first few lines had their spears out, while the later lines held them up and shoved the forward lines. The Romans changed this system to the legion, which had three lines. The first two lines used swords, while the strongest and best line, the third, the triarri, had the hasta, or long spear, about six and a half feet long. The heavy spear was used not for throwing but instead for thrusting. The Romans found that the hasta was not the best weapon for offense; for this they used the second type of spear, the pilum, used by the first two lines. The pilum was about six feet long and had a thin iron shank with a barbed tip and a heavy shaft. The design gave the Romans some distinct advantages. The pilum could be thrown from 50–70 feet away. In addition, the shank, about 2 feet long, could pierce a shield or body armor. But what made the pilum even more useful was that when the spear struck a shield, the weight of the shaft would bend the shank, making it nearly impossible to pull out of the shield. With the pilum dangling at 90 degrees and the nearly 4-foot shaft, heavy and cumbersome, pulling the shield to the ground, the enemy was forced to throw away the shield, making himself open and vulnerable. The pilum then became a defensive weapon that turned into an offensive weapon, which the Romans could discharge on an approaching enemy (defensive) to blunt the advance and allow the Romans to charge (offensive). A Roman soldier often had several spears. An effective defensive and offensive weapon was the bow. The Romans used the composite bow made of horn and wood. The archers were often placed on the wings and behind the three lines, shooting over the infantry to break up the enemy charge. Offensively the archers produced fear in the enemy. Unless the attackers were sufficiently protected, they were liable to be hit by arrows from either above or straight on. Defensively the archers provided cover during a march or while they were encamped. A similar type of weapon for the same use was the sling. A simple weapon, the sling was used effectively and was inexpensive to outfit. See also: Military: Catapults; Order of Battle; Recruitment and Service; Training Further Reading Bishop, M. C., and J. C. N. Coulston. 2006. Roman Military Equipment: From the Punic Wars to the Fall of Rome. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Goldsworthy, Adrian Keith. 2003. The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames and Hudson.

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OVERVIEW ESSAY The variety of material remains of the ancient world, especially for Rome, is tremendous. While Roman history is mainly known from literary works, other material, such as archaeological remains, provides great insight into the culture and development of the Roman world. Papyri excavated mainly from Egypt provide a wealth of information about such areas as law, finance, and leases. Inscriptions set up by individuals or cities often highlight emperors or other important individuals and their contributions to a region. Coins, numismatic materials, provide valuable information concerning imagery, metal content, and dating through archaeological excavations of coin hoards and site finds. These various types of information allow for economic history, trade interactions, and art. Inscriptions allow important laws and decrees to be known. They provide not only the information but also the settings or background. Papyri as material remains as well as literary works and documents provide an understanding of society, economics, and law. Architectural remains such as buildings, especially those preserved at Ostia and Pompeii, provide insight into how the Romans not only constructed structures but also used them for domestic, religious, commercial, and industrial activities. Arches, aqueducts, bridges, and roads provide insight into how the Romans organized their society for travel, troop deployment, sanitation, and public health. Roman temples, often preserved as churches, give valuable insight into Roman religion and the connection between the people and the elites in how the Romans presented their communal religious consciousness. While literary sources are still the most important material, since they provide a narrative that can tell the story more coherently than isolated fragments, often without context, other remains are crucial. Roman literature, especially histories written by such authors as Tacitus, Suetonius, Cassius Dio, and Ammianus Marcellinus, provide the material often in a biased or moralistic theme. These authors and others, however, can be supplemented by other pieces of information, especially from archaeology. Inscriptions not only provide testimony about events and people but can also help identify important monuments. Inscriptions also detail how certain programs were enacted. These two literary archaeological sources often corroborate or dispute the traditional literary material. These works then allow for the system of Roman propaganda to be understood. The emperors attempted to sway their inhabitants by using a variety of methods, both literary and nonliterary, to highlight their accomplishments. The propaganda is often known only from nonliterary sources and provides different insights into 137

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how the Roman elites conveyed their ideas to a largely illiterate society. Some of the nonliterary material included the visual arts; statues, for example, that were often repurposed from their original intent give insight into an emperor’s policies. An example of this can be seen in the colossus placed outside of Nero’s lake of that emperor, which was then changed to the god Helios after Vespasian drained the lake and built his amphitheater. Votive offerings had a similar purpose to that of statues, in this case honoring the gods and placing before them an individual’s hopes and pleas. The individual often put gifts, money, food, or a small statue before a god’s statue in the temple to ask for help. Here the arts provided the chance of honoring not only the gods but also emperors. Further examples of nonliterary works include mosaics that decorated floors of houses and buildings, often of events or mythological or allegorical themes. These motifs highlighted Rome’s glories. Despite the destruction of Pompeii many of these mosaics survived and can be seen today. Mosaics allowed for the drab floors to be enhanced artistically. Paintings, although not surviving as frequently as mosaics, likewise show how the Romans attempted to integrate art into their lives. The paintings are mainly known from Pompeii as well and show the evolution of styles from the early geometric simplicity to 3-D perspectives of the early empire. Finally, pottery exists and helps modern scholars not only understand the economic and social life but also place it within the realm of archaeology for dating of sites as well as other economic, social, and artistic ideas. These works all help the modern reader understand the complexity of remains in the Roman world. Archaeology has allowed the modern scholar the opportunity to unearth many of these pieces that supplement the literary history. While inscriptions, pottery, mosaics, statues, and the like are archaeological remains, they are also artistic and literary works. Buildings can also be seen as archaeological works but are also structures that often continued to be used for centuries afterward and may still exist. Their remains allow the modern reader to understand more fully the diverse culture of the Roman world. Some buildings were used both for commercial and domestic entities, such as wealthy homes in Pompeii where the front held small shops, protecting the homes behind them from the noise and dangers of the streets. This connection allowed commercial and domestic lives to be intertwined. Many of the remains deal with structures such as burial sites. For example, there are catacombs throughout Rome that contain the remains of the dead and at the same time are decorated with wall paintings depicting events from mythology or allegorical themes. The catacombs had miles of tunnels often several layers down, which contained inhumation grave sites. Individuals often built a mausoleum to house their remains. Several exist in Rome, such as the mausoleums of Augustus and Hadrian. These structures would later be used for other purposes. The mausoleums were built by wealthy individuals not only as depositories for the remains of the dead, usually funerary urns, but also as symbols of their power and wealth. Ships discovered undersea are a form of remains, which allow us to understand how the Romans transported their goods. Temples are some of the best archaeological remains, since many were converted into churches and therefore saved. One structure, the Ara Pacis, was built by Augustus to celebrate the peace and tranquility of his reign. What makes this structure

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so important is that it was a pictorial piece of propaganda that glorified not only the emperor but also his extended family. Many of the pieces of marble art, such as statues, graced the Roman palaces in Rome and some of the provincial cities. While these palaces were descendants of villas, they were usually decorated in great detail and with objects of greater magnitude. The villas that have been excavated often include works of art, coins, mosaics, and statues, attesting to their wealth and providing for a better understanding of society. These structures became the houses of the rich both in urban areas and in the countryside. Many of these villas and palaces had gardens, which allowed their residents to enjoy their surroundings in peace. In cities there were more urban structures including theaters, which often distinguished a town from a village. For many cities an amphitheater, such as the Colosseum, provided the necessary outlet for the inhabitants to get away from their troubles. In addition to structures, there were gardens in cities that allowed for peace and tranquility. These peaceful areas were different from the fora or commercial regions, which provided spaces for trade and social interaction and were filled with the hustle and bustle of city life. Often found at archaeological sites are coins, which allow the modern scholar to not only examine the date of the site but also learn some valuable information about economics. While clothing has rarely been discovered, some fragments do exist, but we find it more displayed on mosaics, statues, and paintings. These images allow us to understand how individuals made use of their accoutrements. The roads and aqueducts are some of the most visible and iconic remains of the Roman world, helping us understand Roman influence. Roads crisscrossed the empire and provided the inhabitants with the ability to travel throughout the provinces, reaching nearly all areas. Aqueducts allowed cities to flourish, since potable water could be carried for miles to a city and ensure that the population had an adequate supply to survive. These architectural and archaeological remains are some of the most iconic monuments that show Roman civilization. There were, of course, other places that help us to understand the Roman world and its culture. For example, marble quarries have been examined and studied to show where many of the building blocks for great structures came from and how they were cut and shaped. In addition, mines provide information about how important metals such as gold, silver, copper, and tin were extracted and the complexity of machines and methods used in their production. These stones and metals were used for a variety of structures including ports, which allowed ships to dock safely and unload their wares to be sold. Ports also allowed the Mediterranean to be connected, producing a vibrant global economy. The structures, palaces, and archaeological remains all help the modern scholar to understand the Roman people in greater detail. These objects and artifacts allow us to see how the Romans lived and what their creations were often of. The remains give us a fuller picture on society during the Roman Empire. Further Reading Bagnall, Roger S. 2011. The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology. New York: Oxford University Press.

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|  The Roman Empire Bowersock, G. W. 2006. Mosaics as History: The Near East from Late Antiquity to Islam. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Gardner Coates, Victoria C. and Jon L. Seydl. 2007. Antiquity Recovered: The Legacy of Pompeii and Herculaneum. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum. MacKendrick, Paul Lachlan. 1970. Romans on the Rhine: Archaeology in Germany. New York: Funk and Wagnalls. Mattingly, D. J. 2011. Imperialism, Power, and Identity: Experiencing the Roman Empire. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Mattingly, Harold. 1977. Roman Coins from the Earliest Times to the Fall of the Western Empire. London: Spink. Rivet, A. L. F. 1964. Town and Country in Roman Britain. 2nd ed. London: Hutchin University Library.

Aqueducts One of the Romans’ most famous architectural creations and one of the most utilitarian was their construction of aqueducts. Together with drains and roads, Dionysius of Halicarnassus stated that these three architectural achievements were viewed as Rome’s greatest (Dionysius 1937, 3.67). These structures allowed for the transportation of water from great distances to cities, camps, and industry. What differentiated the Romans from other societies was their ability to bring extensive amounts of running water to cities for baths, carrying away sewage, and providing potable water to houses and fountains. The earliest aqueducts were nothing more than ditches, which allowed for water to enter a city by use of gravity alone. While other societies had water tunnels or ditches, what made the Romans so successful was their ability to convey water over great distances through their aquaeductus (aqueduct). The earliest aqueducts, the Aquae Appia, constructed in 312 BCE, and the Anio Vetus, constructed in 272 BCE, were tunneled underground in imitation of the earlier channels. By the time of Augustus at the end of the republic there were two more aqueducts, the Aqua Marcia and Tepula. These four channels delivered about 450,000 cubic meters of water at the end of the republic and nearly half of the city’s supply by the late empire. Augustus built three more aqueducts, the Aquae Julia (33 BCE), Virgo (19 BCE), and Alsietina (2 BCE), adding about 165,000 cubic meters of water. Claudius built two more aqueducts, the Aquae Claudia (52 CE) and Novus (52 CE), which added about 375,000 cubic meters. Trajan constructed the Aqua Traiana (109 CE), and Severus Alexander constructed the Aqua Alexandrina (226 CE), which supplied an additional 120,000 to 320,000 cubic meters. Throughout the Roman world, remains of aqueducts have been found outside of Italy in Spain, Portugal, England, France, Germany, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Macedonia, Turkey, Lebanon, Israel, and Tunisia. An example of a provincial aqueduct is the Pont du Gard in southern France near Nîmes. Given this extensive distribution, it is clear that the use of freshwater was extensive and contributed to the rise of Roman cities.

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Pont du Gard bridge and aqueduct, built in 19 BCE, supplied Nemausus (present-day Nîmes, France) with an estimated nine million gallons of water a day to the city’s baths, fountains, public buildings, and houses. Aqueducts allowed the Romans to move water over great distances, usually underground, but with occasional above ground structures crossing rivers and valleys. Remains of aqueducts have been found throughout the Roman world. (Allan T. Kohl/Art Images for College Teaching)

These aqueducts delivered enough water for a city of one million and would not be replicated until the twentieth century. The city of Rome needed water, since the local groundwater was not acceptable and the Tiber River was known for its pollution and disease. This was the common system throughout Roman territory, since the Romans protected the water supply from being cut or disrupted. These underground channels had vertical shafts at periodic distances to allow for servicing. The iconic arched structures were used to cross valleys, rivers, and ravines or when they needed to enter a town. These structures were sometimes up to 100 feet high and three arches tall, each holding separate streams. The Romans were able to lift water vertically by using water pressure, as in a U-trap in modern plumbing. The Romans needed to make sure there was a constant supply of water for the aqueducts. Springs were the most common source. Occasionally these were combined, with several springs feeding into a common tank before entering the aqueduct. Sometimes dams were constructed to hold the water so as to control its flow. The aqueduct was created so that gravity allowed the water to run from its source to its destination. The conduits were constructed initially of stone and later during the imperial age of brick and concrete. They were either underground or if aboveground were covered to prevent contamination.

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The libratores surveyed the water sources and ensured sufficient water flow, including that the size of pipes from the holding tanks, or castellum, were sufficient and that the pipes running to the rest of the city were of proper size. To ensure that the aqueducts were always functioning properly, it was important to continually monitor them. Those who inspected the conduits were called circitores, and they organized repairs when needed. They were also responsible for preventing individuals from illegally inserting pipes into the system for private use. The individuals who actually measured the pipes from the castellum were the metitores, who measured the quantity of water distributed to each district using a meter called a calix, useful for preventing illegal siphoning. In addition to these holding tanks, the Romans constructed cleaning or sediment tanks where water flowed in and was allowed to settle before being distributed. This tank had several chambers that could be closed off to allow for the removal of sediment. The tank ensured the purity of the water and was constructed at the beginning of the aqueduct, the end, or both. Water from aqueducts was used in farming for irrigation. One of the most remarkable uses of water was in industry. In southern France and even Rome there exist remains of water mills that were used to ground wheat into flour. The water was also flowing into the cities to supply the bath complexes and private consumption. This private consumption could be either fountains or homes. Sometimes a group of individuals received permission from the city or emperor to have a castellum privatum (private reservoir) for their home paid for by the individuals and distributed through private pipes that they maintained. These pipes, called fistula, were usually made of lead, called plumbum, or clay, although one found at Emperor Antoninus Pius’s villa at Lanuvium was pure silver. The common inhabitants of Rome benefited from the water flowing through the aqueducts that ran into the city. Many of them were laborers working on the construction and maintenance of the aqueducts. Since the livelihood of the city depended on the constant supply of potable water, it was crucial to have individuals who could maintain and enhance the supply. See also: Cities: Rome; Institutions: Public Health and Sanitation; Public Works; Objects and Artifacts: Machines; Primary Documents: Document 22 Further Reading Dionysius. 1937. The Roman Antiquities of Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Edited by Edward Spelman. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Hodge, T. 2001. Roman Aqueducts and Water Supply. 2nd ed. London: Duckworth. Ruddock, T. 2000. Masonry Bridges, Viaducts, and Aqueducts. Aldershot, Hants: Ashgate/ Variorum.

Ara Pacis The Ara Pacis was an Augustan monument that epitomized the new emperor’s view of his power and position in the Roman state. Proposed in July 13 BCE when Augustus

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returned to Rome after three years fighting in Spain and Gaul, the altar to Roman (or Augustan) Peace was dedicated in 9 BCE. The altar displayed the emperor’s view on the traditional Roman religion and how the imperial family was the guardian of Roman strength, power, and morality. The altar was located on the northeast region of the Campus Martius on the Via Flaminia, about a mile before the road left Rome, and was constructed in the region where Augustus’s mausoleum was located, as was the Horologium-Solarium, the sundial that had references to Augustus’s birth. Augustus’s mausoleum lay to the northwest of the Ara Pacis, while the Horologium-Solarium was to the east. The region was originally prone to flooding, and Augustus made the project of draining and protecting the region one of his priorities. The altar as well as other buildings reflected the efforts of Augustus and other Romans during the first century of the empire to make this region a utilitarian site for the populace. The monument over time was buried by the rising street level so that when it was finally excavated in the early twentieth century, it was buried under 12 feet of dirt. The altar was on a raised base of marble, with steps leading up to it. The 3-meter-tall altar is on a podium 6 by 7 meters high surrounded by walls 11.6 by 10.6 meters high. The altar was thus enclosed in a precinct with decorations on both sides. Made of Luna

Dedication ceremony on a frieze from the Ara Pacis Augustae (Altar of the Augustan Peace) in Rome, built by order of the Roman emperor Augustus and dedicated in 9 BCE. The Ara Pacis celebrated Augustus’s safe return to Rome from Spain. More importantly, the altar promoted Augustus, his family, and his concept of imperial power. (Emi Cristea/Dreamstime.com)

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marble, the structure has two openings opposed to each other now arranged on socalled east and west walls, with the steps on the west being fewer due to the raised topography of its original site. The altar was the centerpiece of the structure, but unfortunately its sculptural remains and ideas are speculative. It was a utilitarian altar, as witnessed by drain holes that allowed for blood to be washed from the altar. One scene has the procession of sacrificial animals being led to the altar, while another scene has six vestal virgins in declining height, probably representing their status. The podium has scenes of the vestal virgins, priests, and sacrificial animals, depicting the religious nature of the group and its meaning. The interior precinct wall has garlands with fruit hanging from ox skulls, or bucrania, signifying plenty, one of Augustus’s themes after the chaotic civil wars. The bucrania signify sacrificial piety, hence the use of oxen for important state sacrifices. The lower part of the precinct wall was sculpted in imitation of the ancient wooden altars used during the republic for important state sacrifices of victory. The most fascinating aspect of the Ara Pacis is the exterior walls of the temple precinct, which display a variety of themes. These are best seen by examining the various walls and their portraits. The frontal approach, often termed the eastern side, originally faced the north-south Via Flaminia. The approach had on the left-facing upper panel the image of Pax, Italia, Tellus, and Venus, the true identities unclear, while that of Roma was located on the opposite side, with both looking inward into the opening passageway. The lower panels have a scrolling acanthus relief. The opposite side, often called the west side, was the ceremonial side, where the doorway opened directly to the steps leading to the altar. The upper left relief was the lupercal relief showing Romulus and Remus being suckled by the she-wolf. The opposite side relief was perhaps Aeneas or Rome’s second king Numa, both of whom would have been held in reverence by the Romans. Like the frontal approach, this side had the lower panel with scrolling acanthus relief. The other two walls, often referred to as the south or Augustan wall and the north or processional wall, did not have openings leading into the altar precinct. The Augustan wall likewise had two panels, the upper with a procession and the lower with scrolling acanthus frieze. The modern reconstruction, due to missing parts, has the two togaclad figures, Augustus and Agrippa, appearing more to the right; originally they were probably more to the left, leading the procession. The image of Augustus in this monument is different from other imperial iconography. Here Augustus is not clearly elevated and does not stand out; his identification occurs from other images, unlike other imperial iconography where the emperors are clearly identified. Augustus is flanked by two priests. At the other end of this central procession is Agrippa, Augustus’s son-in-law and right-hand man, followed by other imperial family members. The woman beside Agrippa is now thought to be his wife Julia. Tiberius, Livia’s son, appears as well in this grouping. The heads did not have incised pupils or irises, indicating that they were originally painted. Other members of Augustus’s family are also presented on this side. These include Antonia Minor, daughter of his sister Octavia and Marc Antony, and her husband, Drusus, son of Augustus’s wife Livia, who are looking at each other. And although

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missing, Livia, Augustus’s wife, must have been portrayed. The four children present were probably imperial family members, including Germanicus, son of Antonia Minor and Drusus. The side opposite the Augustan frieze, which originally faced north, has another procession. It too had the two friezes, the upper with a procession and the lower with scrolling acanthus. The procession again has Augustus’s family members and the college of priests. One of the women presented was probably Octavia, Augustus’s sister, and her daughter Marcella. Fragments of the monument came to light in 1568, and others found their way to major museum collections before the excavations began in the early twentieth century. In 1903 the excavations began but were soon halted due to instability. The reconstruction of the altar was undertaken by Benito Mussolini in his attempt to glorify his regime. In 1937 the Italian government undertook new excavations by freezing the ground so as to remove the altar without destroying the building overtop. In 1938 Mussolini built the pavilion, which housed the altar, and in 2006 a new covering replaced Mussolini’s structure. See also: Government and Politics: Pontifex Maximus; Groups and Organizations: State Religion; Individuals: Augustus; Livia Drusilla; Tiberius; Institutions: Priests; Religion; Sacrifices Further Reading Platner, Samuel Ball. 1929. “Ara Pacis.” In A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, 30–32. London: Oxford University Press. Torelli, Mario. 1982. Typology and Structure of Roman Historical Reliefs. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Zanker, Paul. 1990. The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus. Translated by Alan Shapiro. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Catacombs Inhumation, or burying a body, was one of two methods used to dispose of the dead in the Roman world, the other being cremation. The Romans believed that it was sacrilegious to leave the body unburied, and burial was initially done to prevent disease, stench, and consumption by wild animals. While inhumation was common during the early Roman period, especially with the Etruscans who buried their dead in underground chambers, by the middle of the republican era there was a shift to cremation. During the second century CE inhumation became popular again, especially with the rise of Christianity. Throughout the Roman world different methods were used for inhumation, from simple shrouds or sacks to coffins made of wood, lead, or stone. Many of the coffins were ornate and included death masks that presented lifelike representations and were for the wealthy and middle class. The tunnels or catacombs dug around Rome were volcanic stone and tufa.

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The Catacombs of San Gennaro, the largest Christian catacomb complex in southern Italy, second century CE. Catacombs were burial sites for all classes during the early Roman period. They were dug into the volcanic blocks, or tufa, which hardened when exposed to air. Contrary to popular belief, Christians did not use catacombs to worship or celebrate. (Vladimir Korostyshevskiy/Dreamstime.com)

Near Rome the catacombs dug from the volcanic stone often went deep into the earth. The diggers, or fossores (sing. fossor), excavated into the stone usually 20 to 60 feet deep in passageways. Along the passageways were niches, or loculi, for the bodies, similar to modern mausoleums, that had marble plaques covering the opening. These spots were usually indicative of the poor and were often placed vertically. Wealthy families often had an area that was excavated into a larger chamber called an arcosolium where a coffin or sarcophagus, made of limestone, was placed. In the fourth century CE shafts for light and air called luminaria were dug to the surface. The family often had multiple coffins and/or niches around the central area of the room. Originally the sarcophagus was named for the type of stone from Assos in Asia Minor near the ancient city of Troy. The stone (alum-slate) had the property of consuming the body in 40 days, since the stone was a type of limestone. Since the stone was highly sought after, it was used to line other coffins. Ultimately the name was applied to any stone coffin. Since it was forbidden to bury a body in the city limits, the catacombs were excavated outside the walls and away from the city. They usually followed the Roman roads that left the city, such as the Via Appia. The earliest catacombs were dug by Jewish inhabitants in Rome during the first century CE, followed by Christians a century later. The two major Jewish catacombs were on the Via Appia and Via Portuensis, where

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graves have representations of the menorah. Most of the catacombs today take their names from early Christian saints. Several catacombs exist from the first century. The earliest on the Via Ardeatina are the Catacombs of Domitilla, the largest and best preserved and containing a secondcentury fresco of the Last Supper. They received their name from the niece of Emperor Domitian. On the Via Salaria are the Catacombs of Priscilla in a former quarry, used by Christians from the second through fourth centuries. On the Via Ostiensis are the Catacombs of Commodilla, with the earliest portrait of a bearded Christ and supposedly having the body of Paul. During the second century the Catacombs of San Callisto, from 150 CE and along the Appian Way, was the burial site for many early popes. The Catacombs of San Sebastiano, one of the most visited sites, was in operation from the second century. The Catacombs of Praetextatus, on Via Appia, were built at the end of the second century; originally a pagan burial place, it contains a depiction of Christ crowned with thorns. During the third century the Catacombs of San Lorenzo, containing the final site for Saint Lawrence from 258 CE, was excavated, and the Catacombs of San Valentino, on the Via Flaminia, was probably in use since the mid-third century. The Catacombs of Saint Agnes, in use with the burial of Saint Agnes during the late third century, was home to her family’s burial plot and probably originated in the mid-third century, while the Catacombs of Via Anapo on the Via Salaria date from the late third or early fourth century and has numerous frescoes. Later catacombs include the Catacombs of Marcellinus and Peter, who were buried in the fourth century on the ancient Via Labicana on the site of the Diocletianic persecution of Saint Tiburtius; the Catacombs of Generosa, during Diocletian’s persecution; and the Catacombs of San Pancrazio, originally built around 500 on the site of Saint Pancras’s tomb from Diocletian’s persecution. With the end of Rome the use of catacombs as burial sites declined, and by 500 they were no longer used. During the eighth century many of the remains of the martyrs were transferred from the catacombs into churches for preservation. A common misconception is that the Christians worshipped in the catacombs. Given that most passageways were only wide enough for two grave diggers and were often without adequate light and ventilation, this was not the case. While family members would visit the graves and perhaps have some semblance of remembrance rites, they were not used for worship. Instead, the catacombs became the great cemeteries of ancient Rome, possessing probably over 2 million graves. See also: Cities: Rome; Groups and Organizations: Christians Further Reading Awan, Heather T. 2007. “Roman Sarcophagi.” Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://www .metmuseum.org/toah/hd/rsar/hd_rsar.htm. Jongste, P. F. B. 1992. The Twelve Labours of Hercules on Roman Sarcophagi. Roma: “Erma” di Bretschneider. Koortbojian, Michael. 1995. Myth, Meaning, and Memory on Roman Sarcophagi. Berkeley: University of California Press.

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Clothing During the Roman Empire the clothing worn by its inhabitants varied according to the region in which they lived, social status, official rank, and other factors. The official citizen garment for a man was the toga. The counterpart for the married woman was the stola, a long sleeveless garment fastened at the shoulder. Rome’s fashion expanded as it conquered new territories, importing new forms of clothing such as pants, long-sleeve shirts, and more. The toga was a large piece of cloth that was wrapped around the body and arranged in such a fashion as to allow the wearer to be covered through a variety of folds. The right arm was usually bare, with the fold thrown over the left shoulder. The edges were folded, and the garment could be drawn over the head to allow the individual cover and to appear distinguished. The process of wearing the toga was called togatus. The toga was the national dress but was heavy, making it hard to move about in. The toga was used for official business and public appearances and not for strenuous work. Usually the cloth was white, although during times of mourning the color could be more somber. For the poor the toga was not usually cleaned and with its dirt looked like the toga used by the elites in mourning. There were different types of togas, such as the toga praetexta worn like a regular toga, white with a broad border of purple, that was worn by chief magistrates, namely the dictator, consuls, praetors, aediles, and some of the priests but also worn by children. The common toga was made of white wool and was also called the toga pura or toga virilis. In the republic a consul and during the empire the emperor celebrating a triumph wore the toga picta. The toga picta worn by the triumphant general was usually purple, not white. The outer garments included such clothing as the amictus, denoting something wrapped around someone rather than an inner garment, which was put on. The primary outer Roman coat was the paenula, which was a round piece of cloth with a hole in the middle for the head to be put through, similar to a poncho. It had an attached hood for further protection. Without sleeves, it often had a slit in the middle down the front so that it could be thrown over the shoulders. It was worn over a tunic for protection against the elements. Another outer garment was the birrus, which was a short hooded cape worn for traveling or by those in the countryside. After Julius Caesar conquered Gaul, the Romans in the late republic and the early empire imported their carcalla, which was a short cloak, and the lacerna, which was a longer garment. The sagum was a coarser garment with the nap left on and tied in a knot on the left shoulder so that the left arm was covered but the right arm was free. The typical undergarments were for the first layer and were called the indutus, meaning a close-fitted garment that a person put on or then inserted one’s arms or legs, as

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opposed to the amictus. This type of garment could be the subucula or the interula, the innermost wool tunic worn next to the skin. It had long sleeves to provide protection for the arms. An individual then wore a tunica, the basic type of undergarment worn by both sexes. It could be worn next to the skin or over the subucula. The most common was called the colobium, which was sleeveless, came down to just above the knees, and tied around the waist with a cord. It could be worn under the toga or as a garment by itself. A variation was the slit tunic, which was closed on the left side but open on the right and fastened on the shoulder by pins, which allowed for freer movement for work. Individuals often wore two or more tunics as undergarments, with the innermost being called the tunica interior or intima, often with sleeves down to the wrists. This import, originally seen as barbaric or effeminate, was then adopted by the Romans as a form of luxury garment to keep them warm. The outer garment was then just called the tunica. Women wore the tunica muliebris, a longer and looser garment than men’s tunics. Fastened not at the waist but under the breast by a girdle, it had longer sleeves, down to the elbow instead of open arms like for men. The sleeves had a slit that was fastened by pins and rings so that some of the skin was exposed. It was typically seen as an extravagant female style that was worn by a Roman matron under her stola.

Statue of a Roman citizen wearing a toga, from the Nymphaeum at Olympia, Greece, second century CE. The toga was the traditional clothing of the male Roman citizen. It was a cumbersome and formal dress that during the imperial period became more commonly associated with elites. (Allan T. Kohl/Art Images for College Teaching)

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The Roman clothing for the rural regions tended to be simple and straightforward to allow for ease of movement and work. The more elaborate clothing seen in sculpture tended to be for those residing in the city and of the upper class. For those living in the north pants were common, being adopted from the conquered regions. In addition, it was common for men to wear long-sleeve shirts. In both instances the early writers viewed these as barbarian, but by the end of the first century CE the Romans had adopted them into their fashion. The clothing variety allowed the Romans to operate in the harsh environments of their empire. With the influx of non-Italians into power, the fashion of the elites began to change. By the end of the second century even emperors were wearing non-Italian garments. See also: Cities: Ostia; Institutions: Regulations, Commercial; Military: Uniforms Further Reading Bartman, Elizabeth. 1999. Portraits of Livia: Imaging the Imperial Woman in Augustan Rome. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cleland, Liza, Glenys Davies, and Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones. 2007. Greek and Roman Dress from A to Z. London: Routledge. Sebesta, Judith Lynn, and Larissa Bonfante, eds. 1994. The World of Roman Costume. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Coins Coins are among the most remarkable and important objects recovered from archaeological finds. Numismatics, the study of coins and medals, produces a major source of data for historians. Coins are actual physical objects that can be compared to one another over time. Since coins can be analyzed physically, their history and changes can be traced. This in turn can provide useful information about monetary trends, inflation, and purity of metals, all of which can help historians understand the Roman economy and history. Our knowledge about coins comes from several sources; while there are few literary references, there are numerous finds at archaeological sites. The casual-site finds from towns allow historians to date a particular layer or structure, while hoards, those hidden for security and never recovered, allow historians to examine what an individual deemed valuable. The Romans minted their coins originally in bronze, which were basically lumps of metal, the aes rude, whose value was based on weight; these were later replaced with cast and struck medallions, with images noted as as or aes (pl. asses) weighing a Roman pound (336 grams or 0.74 English pound). These in turn were then reformed so that the as was one-twelfth its original weight and value. During the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE) the Romans introduced the silver coin, the denarius, which became the standard coin throughout most of Rome’s history. Ultimately during the republic, the denarius was valued at 16 asses.

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By the end of the republic Augustus settled the monetary affairs by reforming the coinage in 24 BCE, which would set the standard for the next three centuries. There was the gold aureus struck at 40 to the Roman pound, which Nero changed to 45 to the pound and Caracalla changed to 50 to the pound. The silver denarius, at a ratio of 25 denarii to the aureus, was struck at 84 to the pound, which Nero changed to 96 to the pound to keep the same ratio with gold. The brass sestertium had a ratio of 4 sestertia to the denarius or 100 to the gold aureus, while the bronze as had a ratio of 16 asses to the denarius and 400 to the aureus. Later emperors introduced the double denarius, often called the antoninianus. It was actually one and a half times the weight of the denarius but was worth twice its value (50 denarii). Nero introduced another change by adding 10 percent copper to the coinage, creating a debasement in the silver coinage. Later emperors continually increased the amount of copper and decreased the silver content so that “silver” coins only had about 5 percent silver. This was a complete reversal from the Augustan age, when a

Sestertius (bronze coin) of Emperor Nero. Coins provided not only a monetary medium for the economy, but also displayed religious, political, and military motifs. Coins also allow modern scholars to date events and show changes in economic history. (Jeff Dalton/Dreamstime.com)

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silver coin had 95 percent silver and 5 percent copper or bronze; now a silver coin was 95 percent bronze and only 5 percent silver. This move of course contributed to the sudden increase in prices, or inflation, seen during the third century CE. Diocletian introduced a new copper coin, the nummus, and a new silver coin, the argenteus, based on Nero’s silver coin, and a restored Neronian gold coin, now called a solidus, was minted at 60 to the pound. This reform, however, did not last long, as Constantine reduced the solidus with 72 to the pound and effectively eliminated the silver coin. Coins also had images on them. During the empire these images were often the head of the emperor, giving his titles and name. On the reverse the coins often had other images such as military triumphs, goddesses and gods showing favor to the Romans, architectural monuments such as a column, or even a harbor. These images were intended to display the benefits of Roman rule. While the propagandistic function of coinage has often been debated, it seems clear that the emperors must have had some concept of such a function, since they minted so many different types of coin legends and scenes. Coin hoards and site finds provide another source of evidence. Coin hoards can illustrate changes in metal content, circulation patterns, and general disturbances. For example, when a new change in the coinage occurred, such as decreasing the silver content, the number of hoards containing previous higher-level silver coins increased. People were attempting to safeguard their savings. In addition, the importance of coin hoards during a particular reign—for example, the Diocletianic period when coins have mint marks—can attest to the circulation patterns of money during this time. This can be useful in showing routes, trade centers, and distribution patterns. Hoards also allow for help in dating disturbances, since most hoards were probably buried by individuals to prevent their seizure during an attack. Finally, coin hoards show the general value placed on coins during various eras. Site finds include the casual loss of a coin. This is when someone drops a coin and either does not know it or cannot find it. If the coin is of little value, the individual may not care. Most site finds are small-value coins. Site finds can help provide a correlation to the hoards in circulation patterns, especially if mint marks are known. In addition, site finds can help date archaeological sites and provide insight into the economics of a particular area. Finally, coins can be seen as art. The images created by the engraver were often of great detail. For example, a coin with the god Mercury minted during the reign of Augustus has his winged feet, nearly undetected to the human eye but present when examined by a microscope. So detailed a coin shows the care with which the engraver made the die. See also: Government and Politics: Currency Systems; Institutions: Mints Further Reading Howgego, C. J. 1995. Ancient History from Coins. London: Routledge. Reece, Richard. 1970. Roman Coins. London: Ernest Benn. Salmon, E. Togo. 1999. Roman Coins and Public Life under the Empire. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

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Colosseum Perhaps no structure is more iconic of Rome than the Colosseum, or Flavian Amphitheatre. Its history is wrapped in myth and fact, making it the most important public structure in imperial Rome. Begun in 72 CE and completed in 80 CE, the structure impacted politics, society, and imagery. Originally this site was populated with small shops, tenement houses, and other urban structures. When the great fire in Rome occurred in 64 CE, destroying much of the region and other parts of downtown Rome, Nero decided to turn the area into his own private estate. He built his palace, the Domus Aureus (Golden House), a large statue of himself, and a lake with gardens nearby. After Nero’s downfall and the rise of Vespasian and his establishment of the Flavian dynasty, the region was transformed from this private imperial space into a public utilitarian zone. The Domus Aureus was torn down and its remnants buried; the large statue of Nero, the Colossus, which stood in front of Nero’s Golden House, was reconfigured into a statue of Helios or Apollo. Vespasian turned his attention to the great lake and began the construction of a great amphitheater. Typically, these structures were built outside a city’s center, but Vespasian wanted to convert a private space into a public space. In addition, the size of the lake allowed for the amphitheater to fit nicely. Construction was paid for by the conquests from Judea, which Vespasian and Titus had handled. Slaves from Judea quarried the stone at Tivoli, 20 miles away, and transported

The Flavian Amphitheater, better known by its popular name, the Colosseum, derived its name from the nearby (now vanished) colossal bronze statue of Nero. The Colosseum was constructed by the new emperor Vespasian on the site of Nero’s lake next to his palace, the Domus Aureus. The Colosseum provided a space for gladiatorial contests and could hold 50,000 spectators. (Romaoslo/iStockphoto.com)

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the blocks to Rome to build the structure. The lake was filled in, and construction began. The structure is 189 meters long and 156 meters wide, encompassing an area of approximately six acres. It is freestanding, unlike Greek theaters built into a hill, and its design was two theaters joined together to create an elliptical pattern. It stood 45 meters high and had an outer circumference of 545 meters with an inner oval arena measuring 87 by 55 meters and a 5-meter wall running around the edge to separate the spectators from the arena. The outer wall had three levels of arcades framed by halfcolumns of the three classical orders for columns, Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian, with an attic having windows and Corinthian pilaster, or fake columns. The arches on the second and third floors framed statues, probably of gods and goddesses. Around the attic were 240 corbels that held the support for the retractable awning, which provided shade for the spectators. Handled by the sailors from the nearby fleet, the awning sloped downward. To ensure proper crowd control, including quickly filling and emptying the structure, the architects created 80 entrances around the amphitheater of which 76 were used by the general populace. The northern entrance was for the emperor, and the 3 remaining entrances on each cardinal or axial point were probably reserved for important groups such as senators, priests and priestesses, and benefactors. Each entrance and exit was numbered, as was the staircases that led up to the seating area, similar to a modern stadium. An individual was given a ticket that indicated the entrance and section. Spectators climbed the stairs to their level and entered the seating area through a passageway, or vomitorium, from the rear or beneath. These passageways allowed for quick exiting in case of an emergency. The emperor’s box was at the north end, and opposite him were the seats for the vestal virgins. In between these two boxes was a broad podium reserved for the senatorial order, who brought their own comfortable seats. Some senators’ names are inscribed in the podium, probably indicating that they had reserved spots. This lower or first level gave the best viewing for the arena. The next level, the maenianum primum, had benches and was reserved for the equites, the next level in the Roman social order. The third level, or maenianum secundum, was reserved for Roman citizens and was divided into a lower section, called immum, for wealthy citizens and an upper section, or summum, for the poor. Other sections were reserved for other different groups such as soldiers, priests, and foreign dignitaries and had marble benches where cushions could be placed. A final level was added by Domitian, the maenianum secundum in legneis, which was for slaves, women, and the common poor. It was probably for standing or perhaps contained wooden benches. Each tier was divided into sections called maeniana, which in turn were divided into wedges, or cunei, which the steps from the vomitorium led into. These in turn had rows of seats, or gradus, that were marked, and each seat in the row was numbered. Therefore, a ticket had the entrance, section or tier (maeniana), wedge (cunei), row (gradus), and seat numbers. The arena was a wooden floor covered with sand, with an underground region, or hypogeum, a two-level system of tunnels and rooms used for storage. Holding pens for

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animals and gladiators were constructed in these lower levels. Eighty vertical shafts allowed for cages to be raised and lowered to the arena level. There were also large hinged platforms, or hegmata, to allow larger animals such as elephants to be brought into the arena. The underground hypogeum was connected with tunnels from the outside to allow animals and gladiators to be brought in securely. Nearby were the gladiatorial schools, the ludus, that trained and housed the combatants. There were machines used to raise and lower scenes, cages, gladiators, and dead bodies to and from the arena. The Colosseum was used for hunts and gladiator combats. A wide variety of animals were slaughtered in the arena throughout its history. What it was not used for was chariot racing, as the arena was too small and the curves too tight. Titus dedicated the amphitheater in 80 or 81 CE with great games, where over 9,000 animals were killed before 50,000 spectators. Trajan held over 123 days of contests in 107 CE to commemorate his Dacian victories where 11,000 animals and 10,000 gladiators were displayed. The Baths of Titus were constructed nearby in 81 CE, and Trajan built an even larger bath complex. The baths provided the public with a utilitarian structure that everyone could enjoy instead of the select few. Throughout the Roman period the Colosseum was the center for Roman public displays and interaction. See also: Cities: Rome; Government and Politics: Punishment; Groups and Organizations: Gladiators; Individuals: Domitian; Nero; Vespasian, Titus Flavius; Institutions: Public Works; Primary Documents: Document 25; Document 38 Further Reading Hopkins, Keith, and Mary Beard. 2005. The Colosseum. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Pearson, John. 2013. Arena: The Story of the Colosseum. London: Bloomsbury Reader. Welch, Katherine E. 2007. The Roman Amphitheatre: From Its Origin to the Colosseum. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Gardens The Romans created gardens in Rome and in their villas based on the influences of the Hellenistic Greeks, who had in turn appropriated them from the Persians and Alexander the Great’s conquest in 332 BCE. The gardens’ history preceded Persia, which had been influenced by the other cultures in the Near East, deriving them from the Egyptians and Babylonians, who used gardens for places of retreat and relaxation. This concept of a retreat formed the Roman concept of the hortus, or garden, and in 60 BCE the Roman general Lucullus created a sumptuous retreat that became known as the Gardens of Lucullus on the Pincian Hill. Under the early empire they were owned by Valerius Asiaticus, and they were desired by Empress Messalina (wife of Claudius), who forced Valerius to commit suicide and then seized them. The ancient authors viewed these gardens as among the richest and most beautiful in Rome.

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Wealthy Romans soon copied Lucullus, and gardens became a common sight in villas. Typically, a garden contained a terrace covered with a portico for year-round enjoyment. Below the terrace was the formal garden with trees, shrubs, a fountain, and a walking course for relaxation. A final component was the exercise track, often with a covered roof to allow for running or horseback riding. Not all were required for a garden, since some city villas did not have the room. Nevertheless, the garden became the place of relaxation. During the early empire many of the gardens had their origin in the republican gardens, which were soon appropriated. Marcus Agrippa, Augustus’s general, left his gardens to the people of Rome. They were part of personal holdings and were located near the baths he built in the Campus Martius. His daughter, Agrippina, wife of Germanicus, had gardens on the modern site of St. Peter’s Church in the Vatican. Her grandson Nero had gardens here as well that were traditionally said to be where the Christians were persecuted. Near here were the gardens of Julius Caesar; when he died he left them to the people of Rome. The gardens of the later emperor Galba were also located here. The gardens of Domitian’s wife were located where the Mausoleum of Hadrian (Castel San Angelo) was later erected and continued to be known until the time of Aurelian. During the early empire a series of gardens were laid out on the Esquiline Hill. The freedman Epaphroditus, living under Nero to Domitian, had his gardens here, where the aqueduct Anio Novus deposited its water, but it probably existed even before. In 3 CE the consul L. Aelius Lamia laid out his gardens here, and there were also the gardens laid out earlier by Maecenas that became imperial property upon his death. Maecenas converted this wild area into a beautiful region with gardens and promenades. Other gardens here were those of M. Lollius, the consul of 21 BCE; Pallas, Claudius’s freedman; and Statilius Taurus, which were seized by Agrippina. These imperial gardens were joined by those of Pompey, Scipio Africanus, the Drusus family, and numerous other gardens or parks that had grown up during the republic. Cicero mentions at least eight other gardens in existence at his time. Many of these were located on the right side of the Tiber River and became places of refuge and relaxation. It is clear that many parts of Rome included extensive green space, which allowed the city to have places of retreat from the noise and hustle of the city. These gardens may have been fairly small, similar to numerous city parks located on a small intersection, or fairly large, such as Central Park in New York. Many of the gardens mentioned in the classical sources exist because of the notoriety of their owner or circumstances. There were other gardens that existed and were mentioned, and it is possible that many gardens, especially on the right bank of the Tiber River, were reconfigured and renamed so that in fact two or more different gardens may have been the same one. Some gardens such as the Gardens of Commodus, named after the emperor, are mentioned in a source, but their location and even certainty are unknown. Others such as those of Seneca are known from reliable sources, but their location is unclear. His gardens were said to be extensive and after his suicide were probably absorbed by Nero. The gardens produced green areas in the city and allowed everyone to have a chance for peace and quiet. During the night they were known to be dangerous places where

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thieves could rob travelers. The gardens became examples of Rome’s wealth, since important and large green spaces were reserved instead of turned over to other commercial activities. See also: Cities: Pompeii; Rome; Primary Documents: Document 29 Further Reading Farrar, L. 1998. Ancient Roman Gardens. Stroud, UK: Sutton. Platner, Samuel Ball. 1929. A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome. London: Oxford University Press. Available at http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places /Europe/Italy/Lazio/Roma/Rome/_Texts/PLATOP*/horti.html. Semple, Ellen Churchill. 1929. “Ancient Mediterranean Pleasure Gardens.” Geographical Review 19(3) (July): 420–443.

Imperial Fora The central part of a Roman city was the forum (pl. fora), the business center of the town serving as a meeting place with buildings and a marketplace. The city of Rome around 150 CE was a conglomeration of structures built during the last several centuries. Using the Colosseum as a point of reference, it lay to the east of the Roman Forum and southeast of the imperial forum. Moving directly in a line toward the west lay the Arch of Titus, which entered into the Roman Forum, and along the right (northern) side heading up to the Palatine Hill lay the temple to Antoninus Pius, then the republican Basilica Aemilia, and the Curia, or Roman Senate house. Keeping these three structures as a line, the imperial fora rising north and east created a new part of Rome. The Temple of Antoninus Pius and the eastern half of the Basilica Aemilia abutted the lateral side of Vespasian’s Temple of Peace. The western half of the basilica abutted the short western entrance to the Forum of Nerva. The Curia formed the axis for the beginning of the front wall for the Forum of Julius into the piazza, the northern wall for the Forum of Nerva, and the southern wall of the Forum of Augustus. The Temple of Venus Genetrix, in line with the Palatine Hill, was also in line with the entrance of the Forum of Trajan. The Roman Forum, constructed during the republic, had outgrown its space by the end of the republic, when the city of Rome burgeoned to nearly 1 million people. Julius Caesar constructed the first imperial forum, the Forum Julius or Caesar, beginning in 54 BCE and finished in 46 to relieve pressure from the nearby Roman Forum, measured 160 by 75 meters. Unlike the Roman Forum, which was a conglomeration of public and religious buildings, the Forum of Caesar was a large open piazza facing the Temple of Venus Genetrix. While the forum was mainly used for public meetings and functions, under Augustus the outer sides of the piazza had colonnades that created tabernae (shops) so that the forum became a shopping center and relieved the business pressure from the Roman Forum.

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View of the Imperial Fora from Monte Tarpeo Street, Rome, Italy. Outgrowing the old Republican Forum, emperors beginning with Julius Caesar and continuing through Trajan created five more marketplaces, the largest and latest being the Forum of Trajan. These fora allowed for the cultivation and expansion of commerce and government. (Massimiliano Ranauro/Dreamstime.com)

At the Battle of Philippi in 42 BCE, Augustus vowed that if victorious he would build a temple to Mars Ultor. This promise came in the form of the Augustan Forum, formally inaugurated in 2 BCE. The forum was nearly square, 125 by 118 meters, with walls at 33 meters tall and had extending exedras on the north and south sides from long, deep, covered porticoes. The temple was situated in the rear and had eight columns in front and seven on the sides. The forum was used for civil authorities and actions. There was a Hall of Colossus at the end of the northern portico that probably housed the great statue to Augustus. Needing still more room for business, the Romans under Vespasian created the complex known as the Temple of Peace, or the Forum of Vespasian, finished in 75 CE. The entrance was off the Via Argiletum on the north, with the temple opposite to it on the south. Porticoes flanked the temple, and the two approaching walls created a covered peaceful area where the large map of Rome was incised in the early third century CE. The area before the temple was a garden, and together the area was seen as a place of peace and respite. While not functioning as a true forum since it was not used for the public, it should be seen as a forum since it was a place for public use and could be used for public gatherings. Vespasian’s son Domitian constructed the Forum Transitorium, or what would be called the Forum of Nerva, begun in 85 CE and dedicated in 97. It provided a transit,

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hence its name “Transitorium,” between the Forum of Augustus on the north and the Forum of Vespasian on the south and was located on the ancient street Via Argiletum, which ran to Subura and was the home to booksellers. The forum continued to be a market zone and still allowed for the flow of traffic into and out of Subura, a district in central Rome known for its congestion, noise, crime, filthy housing, and the trade and manufacturing centers; this should not be confused with the idea of modern suburbia, which would be the Trans-Tiberim district. The forum was long and narrow, 131 by 45 meters, with a temple to Minerva at the western end with a monumental entrance. Due to the exedra from the south wall of the Forum of Augustus, the forum was not completely aligned. The sides did not have porticoes but instead had protruding columns with scenes from the myth of Arachne. The final and largest forum was the Forum of Trajan, inaugurated in 112. The forum measured 300 by 180 meters, with the front piazza being 120 by 90 meters. The forum had a monumental entrance, an archway into the piazza with a statue of Trajan on horseback, with porticoes on the side decorated with art. The piazza fronted a large basilica with two libraries behind it and the great Column of Trajan in between. The Temple of Trajan, constructed by Hadrian, stood behind the column. The imperial fora allowed the public business district in Rome to expand beyond its original republican district. The imperial fora were able to provide administrative offices, law courts, business shops, and places of peace and solitude. By the mid-second century the age of expanding these imperial fora ceased, and with a stable population Rome was able to handle the new administrative duties of the empire. See also: Cities: Rome; Individuals: Augustus; Caesar, Gaius Julius; Domitian; Trajan; Vespasian, Titus Flavius; Institutions: Public Works Further Reading Anderson, James C., Jr. 1984. The Historical Topography of the Imperial Fora. New York: Johnson Reprint. Packer, James. 1997. Trajan’s Forum: A Study of the Monuments. Berkeley: University of California Press. Platner, Samuel Ball, and Thomas Ashby. 1929. A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome. London: Oxford University Press, H. Milford. Stamper, John W. 2005. The Architecture of Roman Temples: The Republic to the Middle Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Inscriptions Among the most important objects that allow historians to examine the Roman imperial history are the surviving epigraphs, or inscriptions. The study of inscriptions is called epigraphy and includes any kind of marking or grapheme. The marking may be a single character or an elaborate document. Epigraphy is typically classified as a

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separate study of documents from literary works on paper. Examples of inscriptions include marks on a pot, or amphorae, identifying the owner or potter, perhaps just a single letter; numbers on a milestone indicating distance from another point; dedications on a lead sewer pipe showing who constructed it or who owned the line; and elaborate regulations laid down by a ruler. Inscriptions are usually viewed as indicating a relationship to the material it is inscribed upon, such as a mark showing ownership of a pot or the dedication of a statue, or can be a freestanding announcement independent of the material it is inscribed on, such as a law or graffiti. In order to glorify their rule and stress their importance, emperors and others erected monuments, often in bronze or stone, as inscriptions commemorating their deeds. These commemorations often provide the only evidence for acts or events, and many times they provide support or even information contradictory to literary sources. A useful check on literary sources is documentary evidence, public and private records intended for the contemporary period and usually not for posterity or publication. Public documents are laws, decrees, resolutions, treaties, administrative records, official letters, petitions, dedicatory and miscellaneous inscriptions, and papyri. Private documents include business records and accounts; memoranda; individual legal documents such as wills, contracts, agreements, divorce deeds, and private letters; and sepulchral inscriptions. Epigraphic evidence provides important sources for imperial policy and is generally divided into two major types: honorary and regulatory. Honorific inscriptions commemorated someone or something, such as a battle, an office, a career, or someone’s generosity. Dedicatory works, such as votives, milestones, and statues, provide material showing the extent of an individual’s or emperor’s generosity. These inscriptions were set up by the emperor, his agents, or a city and often detailed a law for a territory or even the entire empire. Several examples can be used to highlight the importance of inscriptions. An example of an honorific or dedicatory inscription is the work by Augustus, who placed his achievements, or Res Gestae, in front of his mausoleum incised on bronze pillars. His Res Gestae celebrated his accomplishments and provided documentary evidence for a statement found in his life by Suetonius. Although the original bronze tablets are gone, copies have been found including a nearly complete copy in Ancyra, Turkey, on a temple to Augustus and copies at Apollonia and Antioch, both in Pisidia. This type of inscription follows a tradition in the ancient world of recording one’s deeds, such as Darius I of Persia and the sarcophagus of Scipio Barbatus in the republic. Many inscriptions record mundane events such as milestones and formulaic dedications of buildings and statues. Others are more personal, such as funeral inscriptions recording age of the deceased and occupations or major events. Extensive epigraphic material, such as honorary, dedicatory, and imperial inscriptions, point to emperors’ energy, popularity, patronage, and importance. An example of an honorific inscription is when Claudius extended Roman offices to Gallic citizens in Lyon, which were recorded on a bronze tablet in that city. Regulatory inscriptions can indicate a specific problem and the measures taken by an official to correct it. Examples of regulatory inscriptions exist where there is often a penalty for individuals who do not follow the rules. In the late empire, our knowledge of two major economic reforms, the Price Edict and the Coinage Decree, come from

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Inscriptions, such as this one from Herculaneum, could commemorate important events, places, and individuals. Inscriptions were set up throughout the empire in a variety of languages, usually Latin or Greek. Some important documents such as Augustus’s achievements and Diocletian’s price edict are mainly known from inscriptions. (Richard Billingham/Dreamstime.com)

inscriptions, and both are regulatory. While the Price Edict is mentioned briefly in a literary source, it is from inscriptions that the text and magnitude come through. The Price Edict, perhaps the most famous Diocletianic inscription, clearly shows the emperor’s attempt to control the market; here an individual who fails to follow the new maxima of prices is subject to death. Diocletian’s Coinage Decree, only known from an inscription, points to the emperor’s attempt to adjust the internal monetary system, when the coin values were doubled without any physical changes in the coin. While we do not know of a penalty, it is clear that the value accepted by the government was twice as high as before. Neither economic act could be well documented if not for these inscriptions. Inscriptions were made on a variety of materials, including wood, metal, and, most commonly, stone. Originally the inscription was probably painted on walls and then later, to ensure their permanent creation, was inscribed by a sculptor. For stone, the sculptor used a chisel, or scalprum, struck by a hammer, or malleus, to inscribe the letters. To ensure that the letters were the same size, a ruler, or regula, was employed. To place the letters and lines straight, a compass, or scircinus, square, or norma, and plumb line, or labella et perpendiculum, were used. The sculptor marked a guideline with chalk

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or another material and then inscribed the letters. The letters were cut with a chisel shaped as an inverted isosceles triangle. The mark was not oblong or curved but instead was angular, since it was done with a straight edge on the chisel. This system was probably also used on metal tablets. For coins, the inscriptions were made either from molds inscribed with the metal poured in or, more likely, from dies inscribed and then struck with a hammer onto the metal, making a punch. See also: Objects and Artifacts: Literature; Papyri Further Reading Bruun, Christer, and J. C. Edmondson. 2015. The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Keppie, Lawrence. 1991. Understanding Roman Inscriptions. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Lightfoot, Christopher. 2009. “Roman Inscriptions.” Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/insc/hd_insc.htm.

Literature The period 14–117 CE has usually been called the silver age of Latin literature to distinguish it from the late republican period, 70 BCE to 14 CE, or the golden age. During these periods there were rich varieties of styles and forms of Latin. The golden age included the reign of Augustus, and he in fact promoted some of the literary figures of this period. During the Roman imperial period, poetry, in which Latin did not rely on the stressed and unstressed syllables like English, produced the perfected hexameter by Virgil. The major poetic form was the elegy, composed of alternating lines of hexameter and pentameter verse. The love poets, typified by Ovid in the Augustan golden age, and Martial, who wrote epigrams in the late silver age, became popular. Virgil, the great Augustan poet, wrote didactic poetry for instruction and often concentrated on bucolic poetry. His most famous poem, the Aeneid, was the epic poem that had its roots in Homer and was seen as the pinnacle of poetry. Other Augustan poets included Albius Tibullus (55–19 BCE), a Roman elegiac poet and friend of Horace and Ovid who wrote two books of elegies and works that romanticized country life., Sextus Propertius (50–16 BCE), also an elegiac poet, gave praise to the early reign of Augustus by glorifying his regime and attesting to the virtues of the Roman matron when he wrote a funeral oration for Cornelia, daughter of Scribonia, the first wife of Octavian (not his daughter). The Romans had written prose from the early republic, and it was initially developed from the speeches their politicians had given in the Forum or from Roman law speeches given at trials. In the late republic Cicero developed these forms to perfection and was known as a great orator. With the advent of the imperial age the prose tended to become standardized and more formulaic, especially in oratory. Tacitus, writing at the

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end of the silver age (110 CE), was known for his compact style. In addition to historical works, prose included such genres as letters, best seen in the work of Pliny the Younger (61–113 CE) writing about a wide variety of subjects, geographical and ethnographic works such as those of Tacitus and Pomponius Mela (d. 45 CE), and panegyrics or praises to individuals best seen in the late third-century/early fourth-century collection (Nixon and Rodgers 1994). In addition, two novels survive: Petronius’s Satyricon, the earliest novel, and Apuleius’s Metamorphoses, the only complete novel. Petronius, writing under Nero, produced a work probably in 20 books of which fragments of books 14, 15, and 16 survive; the most complete is the Cena Trimalchionis (Trimalchio’s Meal), which portrays the life of a freedman who has become a millionaire and wishes to show off his wealth and attempt to become part of the upper class. Apuleius wrote in the second century CE and produced his work Metamorphoses, or the Golden Ass, telling the story of Lucius, who becomes enthralled with witchcraft and the other black arts and is transformed into an ass on his journey to enlightenment. Satire appears to be of Roman origin and developed through a variety of subjects and forms. Although created from prose and poetry, the genre developed as personal commentaries on subjects and included humor, morals, and contemporary events and people. The poet Horace (65–8 BCE) became the archetype of the genre in the early empire. Born at Venusia in Apulia to a freedman and given an excellent education in Rome and Athens, Horace met Virgil, who became his mentor, and Maecenas, adviser to Augustus, who became his patron. Horace published his first book of satires in 35 BCE and his second in 30 BCE. His witty satires about life and the countryside show his ability to portray people and their lives in a vivid manner, describing universal truths and their significance. Horace’s satires were written in dactylic hexameter. The successor of Horace was Juvenal (ca. 60–140), born Decimus Junius Juvenalis in Aquinum, about 80 miles south of Rome. Living during the reign of Emperor Domitian (81–96 CE), Juvenal probably wrote afterward, since many of his satires paint Domitian as an insane, corrupt tyrant who destroyed the empire. His 16 satires in five books present a vivid picture of Roman life. The most important writers of the silver age were Seneca, Tacitus, and Suetonius. Seneca the Younger (4 BCE–65 CE) wrote philosophical works such as the ethical work called Dialogues and moral essays on clemency and benefits. His satirical work Apocolocyntosis denigrated the former emperor Claudius while elevating his successor, Nero. Seneca’s most popular works during his lifetime were his nine tragedies, which he adapted from Greek works such as Trojan Women, Medea, Phaedra, Opedipus, and Hercules Oetaeus. Tacitus, born Publius Cornelius Tacitus (56–117 CE), wrote several Roman histories including the annals covering the period from Augustus’s death to Nero’s suicide (14–68 CE) and the histories from the Year of the Four Emperors to Domitian’s death (69–96 CE); in addition, he wrote an ethnographic work on Germany and a biography of his father in law, Agricola. The third writer was Suetonius, born Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, who wrote a series of sensational biographies on the first-century emperors (The Lives of the Caesars) from Julius Caesar to Domitian. Roman literature produced a varied and vibrant history during the early empire. From these authors historians learn about the struggles, victories, and defeats of individuals,

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both famous and common. For the everyday Roman, many of these works were mentioned by the elites even if the common person did not know of them. See also: Government and Politics: Propaganda; Individuals: Caesar, Gaius Julius; Institutions: Language Further Reading Flower, Harriet I. 2004. The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Republic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nixon, C. E. V., and Barbara Saylor Rodgers, eds. and trans. 1994. In Praise of Later Roman Emperors: The Panegyrici Latini. Berkeley: University of California Press. Palmer, L. R. 1954. The Latin Language. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Machines The Romans may not have always invented the machines, especially for building and construction, that allowed them to promote their civilization; but technological advances of the Romans by using these machines allowed them to reduce the need of manpower or multiple and inefficient workshops. In the late empire circa 300 CE just north of Arles, France, a place known as the Barbegal mill exists. Water from an aqueduct went downhill through a series of watermills, eight sets of two mills, that ground wheat into flour for about 15,000 people, the entire city of Arles. Likewise, in Rome on the Janiculum Hill and dated to the early third century CE, a water mill existed that allowed the state to take over the milling of grain. And from Hierapolis in Turkey a relief shows a water-powered stone sawmill. Technologically, one of the most important machines was the crane, which could lift heavy objects from one place to another. The first type used the single pulley and was invented by the ancient Greeks. The Romans then adapted this system by using multiple pulleys using a block and tackle to require even less energy. The Romans called this a trispastos, and the pulleys (orbiculi) were set in a single frame or case (trochlea). To calculate the advantage, one merely needs to know the number of pulleys. If a person can lift 100 pounds, then a triple pulley can lift 300 pounds. For example, a crane with three pulleys, two attached to the crane and one hanging down to attach to the load, gives a mechanical advantage of three to one, one with four gives a four-to-one advantage, and so forth. When changing the number of pulleys to increase the advantage, one would also need more rope. To lift a load 10 feet with three pulleys would require the individual to pull 30 feet of rope. The trade-off is then more lifting power but also more materials (rope). But this system is not limitless, for the Romans learned that only a maximum of five pulleys could be used with one machine due to the increase in friction. If they needed more power, the Romans would increase the number of pulley sets. In addition, the Romans learned that by using multiple men on each pulley component they could increase the lifting power and height.

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View of an ancient Roman tread-wheel crane, Cebreiro, Spain. Excelling in engineering, the Romans were able to create complicated machines to help in performing tasks normally requiring extensive manpower. The Romans used men, animals, and water to power these machines. (Giuseppe Anello/Dreamstime.com)

Improving on the pulley was the use of the winch and capstan, allowing individuals to exert even less energy for the same lifting capacity as a pulley. A winch has a horizontal axis and can be powered by one or more individuals; for example, a bucket on a piece of rope turned by the winch allowed the heavy bucket to be pulled up with ease. Like a winch, a capstan has a vertical axis. For both a winch and a capstan there is a slotted axle drum where spikes can be placed so as to turn the drum and axle, winding the rope to move the load. Here the mechanical advantage is the radius of the axle to the radius of the spikes. If the axle radius is 2 inches and the handspike radius is 12 inches (1 foot), the mechanical advantage is six to one. Therefore, to wind up 1 foot of rope the axle would need to be turned 6 feet. Taken together with the compound pulley, the winch/ capstan machine could lift extremely heavy loads with less energy. To make a comparison, the ancient Egyptians would need 30 to 60 men to pull a 3,000-pound stone up a ramp using only their muscles, while the Romans only needed 1 man exerting a force

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of 100 pounds and using a five-pulley block and tackle with a winch to lift the same amount. Capstans, like winches, could be operated by more individuals and even animals. So, using the above example, if 4 men operated the capstans, they could lift 12,000 pounds (4 x 100 x 6 x 5 using the above equation). But in the above examples, to lift the stone 1 foot they would need to pull in 30 feet of rope. The Romans were able to expand on this by using a tread wheel with which the human leg muscle, more powerful than arms, could lift even more with less chance of injury. For example, a tread wheel that was 14 feet across with an axle 1 foot in diameter had a lifting power advantage of 14 to 1. So, if a person had a lifting force of 100 pounds and used this wheel with a five-compound pulley system, this one individual could lift 7,000 pounds (100 x 5 x 14), or 3.5 tons. This would be 70 times more than if he lifted with just a simple pulley. To raise even heavier loads, the Romans had lifting towers that used a combination of different types of machines. See also: Institutions: Public Works; Objects and Artifacts: Aqueducts; Ports and Harbors Further Reading Derry, Thomas Kingston, and Trevor I. Williams. 1993. A Short History of Technology: From the Earliest Times to A.D. 1900. New York: Dover. Hodge, T. 2001. Roman Aqueducts and Water Supply. 2nd ed. London: Duckworth. Ritti, Tullia, Klaus Grewe, and Paul Kessener. 2007. “A Relief of a Water-Powered Stone Saw Mill on a Sarcophagus at Hierapolis and Its Implications.” Journal of Roman Archaeology 20: 138–163. White, K. D. 1975. Farm Equipment of the Roman World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Marble Quarries The Romans used extensive amounts of marble and other stone similar to marble to construct and decorate their buildings. Marble provided a veneer or finished surface for walls, which enhanced the setting. Additional types of stone could also be used for construction as well, such as tufa and travertine. The evidence indicates that hundreds if not thousands of quarries existed throughout the Roman world (Russell 2013). Nearly every province contained several quarries with deposits located near most important towns. Evidence from the towns and cities indicate that marble was used quite extensively and that most of it came from the local regions. Even remote rural areas had at least one source of marble available to be quarried. Although most of these have not been explored or excavated, the marble trade must have been an important component of industry. One of the most famous types of marble is Carrara from the Apuan Alps in northern Italy near the port of Luni. The Romans named it marmor lunensis, meaning the “marble of Luni.” Initially the marble was cut from the natural fissures using wood wedges

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inserted into cracks and then soaked with water so that the wood would expand and break free the marble stone. Another way to quarry the stone was to use a metal chisel, and after continuous pounding the marble sheet would be dislodged. Marbles from various regions of the Mediterranean were often sought after due to their particular color or fame. For example, for white marble there was the Pentelic marble used in the Arch of Titus. From the Greek island of Paros came marble used in the Temple of Castor and Pollux. Carrara marble was used in the Forum of Augustus, and marble was transported from Numidia for the Arch of Constantine. In the second century CE colored marble was used in the Pantheon, where Numidian yellow marble or pavonazzetto decorated two columns and a breccia or rock has fragments of other stones, often marble, from Phrygia (Turkey). A green and white streaked marble, cipollino from Karistos in Greece, was used in Roman temples and in the Library of Hadrian in Athens. From Egypt came porphyry, prized for its deep red color (Puellin 1894, 1–40). The quarrying of marble included not only the actual cutting of the stone from the land but also the movement, storage, and shipping of the marble. The island and city of Proconnesus, an ancient city colonized by the Greeks in the Propontis Sea, affords a good example of what could occur. The island/city’s prosperity was due to the marble trade. With six excellent harbors, it could readily export its marble. One such harbor, near modern-day Saraylar, had the quarries nearby, which made transportation to the boats easy. Emperor Tiberius organized the quarriers into a state corporation, and their exploitation began in earnest. The island soon dominated the eastern Mediterranean marble trade during the second century. When Constantine established his capital at nearby Byzantium (renamed Constantinople), the island trade received a boom. Once the marble was quarried, it needed to be transported to the construction site. This transportation might involve only a short local distance or a trans-Mediterranean journey. For example, the eight Proconnesian marble columns from Turkey used in the Basilica of Maxentius in Rome (ca. 306 CE) needed to be transported over 1,200 miles. These eight columns were each over 45 feet tall and weighed over 90 tons. They would have arrived by boat to the Portus near Ostia and then been transported by river barge up the Tiber to Rome and when needed transported by over 200 oxen to the building site before being raised. These were not the only types of marble used in this structure, which included Africano, Cipollino, Numidian Yellow, gray granite, Pavonazzetto, Portasanta, red porphyry, and green porphyry in addition to Proconnesian (Sahotsky 2012, 3–4). The resources needed to produce, transport, erect, and dress these eight marble columns was immense. When applied to sites over the entire empire it becomes apparent that the marble business was extensive. The use of marble was further enhanced by other stone, some less expensive such as travertine. This stone is cheaper and lighter than marble and is produced naturally from the precipitation of calcium carbonate in limestone. It has a yellowish tint and is found near the city of Rome at Tibur. The Romans used the stone in temples, aqueducts, and amphitheaters, including the Colosseum. Another stone, tufa, was used for the construction of buildings and was often faced with marble or travertine. Cut into blocks, tufa is derived from volcanic ash that has been compacted. A gray/yellowish rock, it is porous and was used in the early construction projects. The stone was mainly

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used for the core, since it was hard to polish. Another volcanic stone, peperino, is formed by cinders and sand; it is softer and is able to be cut and polished. Other stones such as granite, sandstone, and limestone were also used in the construction of Roman buildings. All of these stones were quarried and provided part of the economic picture of the Roman Empire. See also: Cities: Rome; Institutions: Public Works; Objects and Artifacts: Sculpture Further Reading Hirt, Alfred M. 2015. “Centurions, Quarries, and the Emperor.” In Ownership and Exploitation of Land and Natural Resources in the Roman World, edited by Paul Erdkamp, Koenraad Verboven, and Arjan Zuiderhoek, 289–314. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Puellin, H. W. 1894. Handbook of Ancient Roman Marbles or a History and Description of All Ancient Columns and Surface Marbles Still Existing in Rome, with a List of the Buildings in Which They Are Found. London: John Murray. Russell, B. J. 2013. Gazetteer of Stone Quarries in the Roman World. Version 1.0. Roman Economy, www.romaneconomy.ox.ac.uk/databases/stone_quarriers_database/. Sahotsky, Brian. 2012. “Masons, Materials, and Machinery: Logistical Challenges in Roman Building.” University of Pennsylvania Center for Ancient Studies, http://www.sas.upenn .edu/ancient/masons/Sahotsky-Masons_Materials.pdf.

Mausoleums Roman imperial mausoleums were a continuation of the family tombs constructed in the republican period. These tombs could hold the sarcophagi of Roman families wealthy enough to afford the expensive limestone coffins or the funerary urns after cremation. The housing of imperial remains allowed for the celebration of the imperial cult. Augustus, as the first emperor, constructed his family tomb, the Mausoleum of Augustus, in the Campus Martius near the Tiber River. The mausoleum was built in 28 BCE and measured 90 meters in diameter and 42 meters in height, an impressive monument. The tomb was constructed of concentric circles made of brick and earth that probably rose to a conical cap and a statue of the emperor. It had cypress trees planted on its upper levels. The interior was vaulted, which supported the spaces below used to house the remains. Two pink granite obelisks flanked the entrance to the mausoleum. The corridor ran into the interior chamber, with three niches where golden urns held imperial remains. The interior had travertine marble facing. Two pillars stood outside on which the Acts of Augustus, or his Res Gestae, were inscribed. Those whose ashes were buried here included Marcellus (23 BCE), Augustus’s nephew and son-in-law, marked originally as his successor; Agrippa (12 BCE), Augustus’s son-in-law, general, and marked successor; Drusus (9 BCE), his stepson, and his wife Antonia, Augustus’s niece; Octavia (9 BCE), his sister; Lucius (2CE) and Gaius (4 CE), his grandsons and marked successors; Augustus (14 CE); Livia, his wife;

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Germanicus, son of Drusus, and his wife Agrippina the Elder, also Augustus’s granddaughter, and their children Julia, Nero, Drusus, and Caligula, emperor and Tiberius’s successor; Tiberius, emperor and successor to Augustus and his son Drusus; Claudius, emperor, brother to Germanicus, and successor to Caligula and his son Britannicus; the embalmed body of Poppaea Sabina the Younger, the second wife of Nero; and Nerva, the last emperor to have his remains placed in the mausoleum. The bodies of Geta and his mother Julia Domna were placed in the mausoleum but were later moved to the mausoleum of Hadrian. The remains of the Julio-Claudian emperors included Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius. Nero was buried in his family mausoleum, the Mausoleum of the Domitii Ahenobarbi on the Pincian Hill near the modern-day Villa Borghese. Vespasian and Titus were initially probably buried in Augustus’s mausoleum, but Domitian commissioned a Flavian Mausoleum on the Quirinal Hill and probably had his father and brother’s ashes reburied. Domitian, who was assassinated, was cremated and probably had his ashes entombed in the Flavian Mausoleum as well. Trajan decided to break with the previous system and had his ashes placed in his column located in his forum. His plan may have been to start a new system, as had Augustus. Whether or not this was the case, his nephew and successor Hadrian decided to construct another great mausoleum, the present-day Castel Sant’ Angelo across the Tiber River from the Campus Martius. This structure was built between 134 and 139 CE. Like Augustus’s mausoleum, it was topped with a garden and had a golden quadriga, a chariot with four horses. The ashes of Hadrian, his wife Vibia Sabina, and his first adopted son Lucius Aelius were placed in the structure. Succeeding emperors down to Caracalla in 217 CE had their ashes deposited there as well, probably in the room called the Treasury Room. Hadrian’s successor Antoninus Pius’s remains were deposited there, as were those of his wife Faustina the Elder. Marcus Aurelius, the next emperor, likewise had his ashes placed in the mausoleum. His son and successor Commodus, after his assassination, was buried here, as was his successor Septimius Severus, his wife Julia Domna, and sons Geta and Caracalla, the latter emperor. This was the last great mausoleum built in Rome. Other mausoleums built for emperors included the Mausoleum of Maxentius outside of Rome on the Appian Way. This structure was probably going to be used for Maxentius’s family, although only his son Romulus was buried here. The mausoleum or pyramid of Caius Cestius was built in 12 BCE and, faced with white marble, is still intact. The Mausoleum of Helena is also located in Rome; Emperor Constantine I originally built it for himself, but his mother’s coffin, now in the Vatican Museum, was placed there instead. Diocletian was buried in a mausoleum in Split, while Galerius was buried at Gamzigrad, Serbia. A late Roman mausoleum for Galla Placidia was constructed in Ravenna. There were other mausoleums in the Roman world. Like the ones in Rome that glorified the emperors, the mausoleums throughout the Roman world attempted to glorify those who built them and their families. They were erected so that the dead would be honored and the living would know their accomplishments. See also: Cities: Rome; Individuals: Augustus; Hadrian; Institutions: Public Works

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Mines As a settled society, Rome needed vast resources to run its communities and economy. One of the most important resources was metal. The major forms of metals used by the Romans included gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, and iron, which in turn were smelted and combined with other elements to produce bronze and steel. Metals were used for a wide variety of purposes such as coinage, weapons, and art. Some ancient writers including Diodorus of Sicily and Pliny the Elder mention mines and mining activities, while much more is known from modern archaeological excavations. The Romans mention that for gold there were three possible means of obtaining it in nature: finding it in river streams, surface mining, and deep-vein extraction (Pliny and Rackham 1938, 33.66). The latter two means were the most common type of mining in the ancient world, since most metals normally do not happen to be lying around. The surface mining often followed from discovering deposits in streambeds and following the trail back to a mountain, where excavations began. Surface mining involved short shafts or removal of layers to expose the ore. The most difficult and dangerous method was deep-vein extraction, in which tunnels dug vertically and then horizontally into mountains could follow the vein of metals and produce great profits. This type of mining was extremely dangerous both from internal issues such as breathable air and potential groundwater flooding to external forces such as cave-ins. The production of metals, however, often outweighed the risks, especially since slaves usually preformed the work. Diodorus describes how miners would dig deep into the mountains following the vein and often branch out in different directions (Diodorus and Oldfather 1976, 5.36–38). Lighting, drainage, and ventilation were major issues with deep-vein mining and often forced the abandonment of the mine before all of its metals were successfully excavated. One of the most famous mines in antiquity was the Riotinto mine in southwestern Spain. The mine has been excavated for over 5,000 years, producing silver and copper for successive civilizations. The amount of mining has filled in the valleys and leveled the hillsides, changing the geographical terrain of the region. The Phoenicians arrived and traded with the local population, who controlled and mined the hills for silver and copper. When the Romans took over the region around 200 BCE, they continued the mining activities, increasing production because they had a large supply of slaves and advanced technology and engineering skills. The Roman production peaked during the

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second century CE and may have produced more silver and copper than any other mine in the Roman world. The number of burials during this period in the local cemeteries indicates that the scale was larger than at any time before. In addition, the depth of shafts reached over 400 feet. Two bronze tablets discovered nearby show how the mines were leased out to local businessmen, who paid 50 percent commission for the metals, and contain rules about mine safety, conditions for slaves, and concessions for barbers and even bathhouse owners, who were regulated (Hirt 2010, 6.1.3; Hirst 1885, 32). The mining operations here dropped off in the late third century with invasions from the Mauri from North Africa. In northwestern Spain near León, a large gold mine was in operation during the Roman imperial period. A large gold pit mine has been discovered that shows complicated hydraulics for high-pressure water delivery for processing. The water would fill small man-made cracks and tunnels in the rock, which would exert pressure and cause the gold ore to break off. This type of mining was practiced by the ancient Egyptians and was used in North Africa as well. Mines existed throughout the empire, with concentrations in Spain, Britain, Dacia, North Africa, Egypt, and Turkey. The Romans exploited these mines throughout their history and in some cases began wars partially to seize the deposits in a region, such as Trajan’s conquest of Dacia. The return of resources was extensive. The ancient Roman mines produced resources to help the empire fulfill its needs in the economy. The thirdcentury disturbances caused some of the mines to shut down. See also: Government and Politics: Punishment; Roman Law; Groups and Organizations: Christians Further Reading Diodorus and Charles Henry Oldfather. 1976. Diodorus of Sicily in Twelve Volumes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Hirst, Joseph. 1885. “On the Mining Operations of the Ancient Romans with Special Reference to Blast Furnaces.” Archaeological Journal 42: 20–40. Hirt, Alfred Michael. 2010. Imperial Mines and Quarries in the Roman World: Organizational Aspects, 27 BC–AD 235. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pliny and H. Rackham. 1938. Natural History. London, Heinemann.

Mosaics The most dramatic art form in the Roman world was the mosaic, since there are such a variety and number of mosaics known to exist. Similar to wall paintings but more permanent, the mosaics originally were floor decorations, but in the late empire artists began to attach mosaics to walls and ceilings to produce dramatic representations, especially in Christian design. They were created using tesserae, or small cubes made of marble, limestone, or glass. Mosaics began as simple two-dimensional geometric and

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Mosaic from Volubilis, Morocco, depicts Hercules capturing the Cretan bull, one of his 12 labors. Mosaics not only provided flooring, but also displayed colorful historical, religious, and natural motifs. Different schools or workshops throughout the Roman world became known for their own unique mosaic style. (RobertoGennaro/iStockPhoto.com)

figured designs, mainly white on black, where the artist used natural unshaped pebbles. This technique was then improved upon using smooth flat surfaces (opus tessellatum), followed later by three-dimensional figures, usually termed opus vermiculatum; another type had large thin shaped pieces of marble used in floral or geometric patterns called opus sectile. Opus tessellatum was a mosaic composed of larger pieces of tesserae that were laid on-site by the worker. Typically, the artist/worker laid out the plan, which was fairly simple, and laid the larger tesserae down on the cement. This was the normal system used, since it was quick, easy, and cheaper. For more detailed and delicate work, usually costing much more, the mosaic called opus vermiculatum existed mostly in wealthy homes and palaces. Opus vermiculatum used very small tesserae typically produced and constructed at the workshop and then transported to the site and glued in place. Usually this type of mosaic had an emblem or small “pictures” inserted into a floor of coarser design. The emblem was the most vibrant part and typically was surrounded by the coarse design, often black on white, which was a common Italian style. During the late republic, the Hellenistic patterns that the Romans copied created a picture usually on the floor, although some examples exist on walls and ceilings, which provided the viewer a picture seen from one vantage point. These mosaics were small and usually the point of distinction in a room or hallway. During the empire in Italy

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and North Africa the trend developed so that mosaics now covered the entire floor, showing a picture visible from any side. This in turn made the mosaic more of a covering than a picture. Due to the nature of mosaics, dating is difficult and usually can only be made in connection with the date of the building. For example, from Pompeii the mosaics cover a period from 250 BCE to 79 CE, and dating is often based on the house or building rather than the artist. The mosaics from Pompeii, many now housed in the Naples National Museum, provide some of the best examples of Roman and Hellenistic art. Mosaics exist all over the Roman Empire and provide a wide variety of themes in great detail. These mosaics show not only a variety of styles and workmanship within a classical setting but also the influx of non-Roman influence. While many workshops existed, those that have the name of the artist attached to them appear to be Greek, especially in the early period. These private workshops throughout the Roman world produced mosaics for both public buildings, such as baths, basilicas, and fountains (often with glass), and private homes. Some of the important sites included Italy, North Africa especially around Carthage, and Britain. Mosaics exist from all provinces, where most were associated with wealthy villas and public buildings. The size of the tesserae influenced the cost of the mosaic; the smaller pieces, which produced a more intricate and therefore more detailed picture, increased the cost proportionally. It is clear that these workshops not only used stock figures but could also customize the design for the owner. In the Christian and Byzantine era mosaics were also used for wall paintings, showing figures from the Bible and other religious motifs. Some of the important sites where Christian mosaics exist are at Ravenna, especially from the fifth century. The Mausoleum of Galla Placidia has mosaics on a blue background including a central panel having a cross on a starry background. The use of mosaics allowed the Romans to decorate their floors and walls to create a permanent style that enhanced a building. The mosaics were of a variety of themes and allow modern historians and artists to understand the culture of the Roman period. See also: Cities: Pompeii; Objects and Artifacts: Paintings; Villas Further Reading Dunbabin, Katherine M. D. 2006. Mosaics of the Greek and Roman World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Witts, Patricia. 2010. Mosaics in Roman Britain: Stories in Stone. Stroud, UK: History Press.

Paintings Given the fragile nature of paint and the potential for weathering and gradual decay, there are few sites that provide modern viewers with ancient paintings. The buried city of Pompeii provides the best evidence for Roman painting. Near modern-day Naples,

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the Mount Vesuvius eruption in 79 CE destroyed Pompeii and covered the city in ash. Since paintings are fragile they rarely survived elsewhere due to environmental damage, but the volcanic eruption and the ash that covered the city preserved some of the paintings. Roman paintings were mainly done in fresco on damp stucco; that is, the pigment mixed in water merged with the damp plaster so that when it dried the pigment was merged with the stucco. The ancient Romans knew such pigments as red. One of the oldest pigments came from red clay or from calcining yellow ochre, and white was probably silicate of magnesia or white lead, an artificial compound of carbonate of lead. Red could also be made from disulphide of arsenic, a deadly poison and often replaced by burning white lead. Yellow was derived Painted fresco of Cupid, Pompeii. Paintings could be from orpiment (trisulphide of arsmall and highlight a particular part of a wall, or could cover the entire surface. In these instances, they senic) and yellow ochre. Certain regions were known for their pigwere similar to modern wallpaper, often showing a theme or event. The style of these paintings could also ments, such as cinnabar from vary widely. (Floriano Rescigno/Dreamstime.com) Spain; purple originated from the eastern Mediterranean around the city of Tyre from the purple secretion of the murex, or sea snail. Tradesmen kept the secret for generations so as to prevent duplication and loss of livelihood. Blue could be produced from a blue silicate of copper mixed with lime; another blue, lapis lazuli, was produced from a silicate of sodium, from calcium and aluminum, or through carbonate of copper. The ancients discovered an artificial way to produce blue by heating sand, carbonate of soda, and copper filings, which produced the so-called Egyptian azure, a deep sky blue. There were several green pigments that existed naturally such as malachite, ochre, and acetate of copper, while black was produced through burning, such as burnt resin and pine twigs. These pigments allowed the Romans, learning techniques from the Greeks and Egyptians, to paint their walls in vivid colors. The Pompeian paintings on interior walls often portrayed everyday household furnishings and furniture depicted with great realism, providing for a vibrant setting for

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the modern observer. Because of their survival in Pompeii, Roman paintings often are distinguished by the progression of their change according to the time period and are called Pompeian style. There are four distinct periods represented in Pompeii, giving rise to the classifications of First through Fourth Style. The First Style is from the middle republican period and dates from the early second century BCE, when the Romans returned from Greece and Asia Minor, bringing Greek culture to Italy. This style included imitation marble blocks painted on walls in the form of friezes on the top. The Second Style began a century later around 90 BCE, developing from the First Style but with the paintings having three-dimensional architectural form such as windows, doors, and columns as imitated marble panels. During the later paintings in the Second Style landscape scenes were added, giving the perception that one was looking out a window onto a pastoral setting. The Second Style shows the full introduction of Hellenistic realism seen in statues and other pieces of art. During the Augustan age the Third Style occurred, where the wall paintings had minor architectural or monochromatic backgrounds of two-dimensional scenes instead of the elaborate three-dimensional life scenes of the Second Style. This may have been a reflection of the mood of the nation, with its attempt to portray the austerity of the republic and honor the past. The Third Style also produced scenes often based on mythological pictures as the main center of focus, wherein the Second Style and its illusion of depth gave way to the strength of the wall. The walls were often highlighted with intricate design and not the full-fledged extravagant Second Style. What allowed the Third Style to be even more dramatic was the artists’ ability to use the wall to feature copied Greek masters and the influence of Egyptian motifs, which occurred after Augustus’s conquest of Egypt. This motif became a common scene throughout Italy. Sphinxes from pharaonic Egypt, scenes of the Nile River, and cult figures of Isis populated Roman paintings after 30 BCE. The Third Style also gave rise to a peculiar Roman artistic creation that makes it distinct from Greek Hellenistic, the so-called sacro-idyllic whereby a pastoral scene in a rural setting populated by farm creatures is interspersed with a sacred object such as a temple, a column, etc. Again this seems to be a motif of the new emperor and his attempt to instill peace and calmness after a century of civil wars. The Fourth Style developed in the mid-first century CE and combines the realism of the Second Style with the elements of pattern in the Third Style, producing the fullest measure of Roman painting. The best example comes not from Pompeii but from Nero’s Golden Palace (Domus Aureus) in Rome, which was covered by Vespasian and only rediscovered by Renaissance artists, who termed them “grotesque” (from “grotto”) due to their having to climb down into a hole or grotto to view them. These paintings allowed the Romans to decorate their homes and buildings. The paintings gave a sense of perception and a richness of style. Seen by everyone, they show how the Romans decorated their homes and enriched their surroundings. See also: Cities: Pompeii; Groups and Organizations: Merchants; Objects and Artifacts: Mosaics; Villas

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|  The Roman Empire Further Reading Department of Greek and Roman Art. 2004. “Roman Painting.” Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/ropt/hd _ropt.htm. Lehmann, Phyllis Williams. 1953. Roman Wall Painting from Boscoreale in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Cambridge, MA: Archaeological Institute of America. Ling, Roger. 1991. Roman Painting. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Strong, Donald, et al. 1995. Roman Art. 2nd ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Palaces During the empire there were three basic forms of palaces. The first were the palaces constructed during the first century CE in Rome that housed the emperor and his staff and from where they ran the empire. The second occurred in the late third century when the emperors were no longer in Rome but were on the frontiers and had palaces used as local capitals. The final type occurred throughout the imperial age and can be seen as places of solitude or retreat. When Augustus became emperor, in 23 BCE he bought the house of Quintus Hortensius on the Palatine Hill. The house was not one of the largest but was well situated on the south side overlooking the Circus Maximus and was in keeping with Augustus’s philosophy of not being ostentatious. It was arranged around two courtyards linked with an open promenade. Nearby was a house now called the House of Livia, his wife, with inscriptions bearing her name, Julia Augusta. Augustus’s house was destroyed by fire in 3 CE and rebuilt and then probably burned again during the great fire under Nero. Augustus’s successor, Tiberius, desired to impress on his subjects his position and so acquired on the Palatine the property facing the Capitoline, Rome’s religious center on the northwest side. It appears to have survived the fire of Nero, for it is mentioned in connection with the assassination of Emperor Galba, but it seems to have been destroyed in the fire of 80 CE. Caligula continued the expansion by building a bridge from the Palatine to the Capitoline and its temples toward the northeast. After the Great Fire of 64 CE when most of central Rome was destroyed, Nero converted the land into his private house. He built a grand palace, the Domus Aureus, from the Palatine to the Esquiline and Caelian Hills. The palace complex included a large lake, later filled in by the Colosseum; a large park, later converted into the Temple of Peace; and his actual house, which was covered, with the baths of Titus built over the structure. The palace had opulent rooms and was an architectural wonder, with a dining room whose ceiling with painted stars revolved (Suetonius and Bradley 1914, Nero 31.1–2). After Nero’s death, Vespasian moved the imperial palace back to the Domus Tiberiana. Domitian, his son, reconstructed the palace and enlarged it to create the Domus Augustana, or Domus Flavia. The palace had large rooms, creating grandiose public

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Palace of Domitian on the Palatine Hill in Rome, Italy. Roman emperors progressively built more elaborate and grandiose palaces as imperial power became entrenched. By the end of the first century CE, after a century and a half in power, imperial palaces were not only residences, but centers of government power and operations. (Scaliger/Dreamstime.com)

and private sections. The northern section had a basilica next to a great throne room followed at the other side with a temple. The center part of the palace contained dining rooms including a fountain, while the southern end of the palace had a large gymnasium. The palace was multistoried, and its southern side overlooked the Circus Maximus. This palace became the regular palatial residence for the remaining imperial period. The second type of palace was constructed in the cities throughout the empire and housed the government structures and personnel in the late empire. Palaces existed in Trier in Germany, where the late tetrarchic (corulers with Diocletian) emperors Maximian and Constantius controlled the German frontier. Maximian also had palaces in Lugdunum (Lyon) in Gaul, Milan, and Carthage in North Africa. The tetrarch Galerius had a palace in Sirmium and Salonika, while Diocletian had palaces in Nicomedia, Antioch, and Alexandria. These palaces all were large official structures, which showed the power and grandeur of the emperors. Many of these palaces started out as residences of governors; they were enlarged during the late third centuries. When Constantine moved the capital from Rome to Constantinople, he constructed a large palace that was used throughout the Byzantine period. The third type of palace was the kind used for retreat and solitude. A few examples have survived. Tiberius created a place for retreat and solitude on the island of Capri

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called the Villa Jovis. Situated on the northeast side of the island, it had numerous levels and terraces. Completed in 27 CE, it was Tiberius’s main residence for the remaining 10 years of his life. Another palace like Tiberius’s retreat was Hadrian’s villa outside of Rome at Tivoli. Hadrian, who disliked the city of Rome and also suffered from illness, had the villa built to be his residence. He began using it in 128 CE and had a large retinue there. The villa had a large number of gardens and pools, which gave a relaxing and pastoral setting. The palace had a large bath complex and rambling paths that allowed for peace and quiet, unlike the hustle and bustle of Rome. A late palace in this vein was the palace or villa of Diocletian at Split. Unlike the earlier palaces that had a relaxed layout, Diocletian’s villa was laid out like a military camp. The villa had four walls with towers on the north, east, and west walls and four gates named after the metals gold in the north, silver in the east, iron in the west, and bronze in the south facing the sea where the emperor arrived in his boat. The first three gates led to a courtyard, while the southern gate led into the official domestic quarters. Included in this area was his mausoleum. The Roman emperors used their palaces not only as living quarters but also as official seats of government. The palaces were used throughout the empire and became associated with power. The Roman palaces showed the development of power through their architecture and form. While the city palaces were more in line with showing strength and power, those used for retreats often had a bucolic and relaxed form. See also: Cities: Rome; Individuals: Augustus; Nero; Tiberius; Objects and Artifacts: Villas; Primary Documents: Document 29 Further Reading Bužancic, Radoslav. 2015. “Croatia: Diocletian’s Palace; So Much More Than the Emperor’s Vegetable Patch.” Current World Archaeology 71 (May 20): 28–34, http://www.min -kulture.hr/userdocsimages/TISAK%20NOVO%202/028–034_CWA071_Diocletian _MECMcCSC.pdf. McKay, Alexander G. 1975. Houses, Villas, and Palaces in the Roman World. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Suetonius and K. R. Bradley. 1914. Lives of the Caesars. Revised ed. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Papyri The study of papyri, or papyrology, examines writing on papyrus. This includes ancient literature, legal texts, receipts, correspondence, and acts. The Romans did not use paper as we know it; instead, they used the papyrus plant to write on after it had been processed. Papyri, the term used here for the final product, came from the papyrus plant, a reed that grew along the Nile River and in the marshes of Egypt. Although the reed has mainly disappeared due to climate change, it once was one of the chief industries of

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Egypt. The wild reed was cultivated and improved into a domesticated plant, and great plantations of papyrus reeds were established along the Nile in marshes. The papyri scrolls were used throughout the ancient world for record keeping. Papyri scrolls were made by pulling up the entire plant and then cutting the triangular reed stalk and peeling the interior stalk into long strips. The tough outer layer could be used for other things such as weaving baskets, but only the inner stalk was used for making papyri. The strips were of the same length and thickness so as to have uniformity. The strips were then soaked in water to loosen the natural juices. The ancient Egyptians believed that the Nile had mystical powers in this process, but as modern research has shown, any type of water would suffice. After a few days the strips were then laid out, and a roller flattened them, expelling the water and making the strips broader. These strips were then laid side by side to form a layer going in the same direction, and then a second layer was made and laid down perpendicular to the first and pressed together. As they were pressed the natural gum was released from the strips and became glue, binding all the sheets together. The sheets were pressed and dried for a few days and then taken out of the press. The sheet was somewhat rough and was probably scrubbed with a stone to smooth the surface. Longer scroll sheets were made by combining these sheets end on end and pressing so that the gum created glue to hold them together. The sheet was about 1 foot in height, and a roll could be up to 100 feet in length. The final product was then ready to be used for writing. Most of the surviving papyri come from Egypt due to its climate. Since it was hot and dry, Egypt preserved many of its documents. During the nineteenth century archaeologists began to realize the importance of these documents, and excavations uncovered hundreds of thousands of them, often in ancient rubbish or trash dumps. Although most are fragmentary, their value is immense. Ultimately papyri gave way to parchment and then paper, and by 1100 CE it had disappeared from use. Papyri, analogous to inscriptions, not only provide imperial decrees but also contain the most information on daily life. Like inscriptions, papyri are often fragmentary and isolated, but their value again lies in their unique position as primary sources and their sheer volume. Unfortunately, the study of papyri is still viewed as the province of specialists, leading to their underutilization, from a nonspecialist’s point of view, of the breadth of material and the unavailability of many works. Since various excavators from different institutions discovered many papyri and split them up among a consortium, some documents may not be widely known, often not published. Nevertheless, papyri provide many receipts for taxes, declarations, and commercial transactions and are the raw data for any analysis dealing with the economic and social lives of the society. Papyri have independently confirmed different aspects of literary texts. For example, the Dead Sea Scrolls written between 100 BCE and 100 CE have biblical texts from nearly all of the Old Testament books. They provide examples where the text handed down in the west from medieval manuscripts are exactly the same, showing how the Old Testament became canonical by the end of the first century BCE. Some works discovered have fragments of ancient literary texts long lost and not surviving in later manuscripts. Probably the most numerous pieces are accounts or receipts and letters from individuals. Papyri receipts show how ancient farms and estates operated.

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Some of the letters that survive allow historians to see how private individuals and officials relayed important events and mundane occurrences. For example, a letter from an official could announce the schedule of tax collections that was coming out, while a letter from an individual might ask his wife how their daughter was. Papyri have also brought to light some important events. For example, a papyrus exists that relays the extension of Roman citizenship to all free inhabitants of the Roman world (Johnson 1961). The use of papyri by historians allows for a more complete understanding of the ancient world. When used with different sources, papyri can confirm or dispute the event or issue and supply us with an alternative. Since the number of papyri is extensive, the field is ever changing and growing. See also: Cities: Alexandria; Objects and Artifacts: Inscriptions; Literature Further Reading Bagnall, Roger S. 1995. Reading Papyri, Writing Ancient History. London: Routledge. Johnson, Allan Chester. 1961. Ancient Roman Statutes: A Translation. Austin: University of Texas Press. “Papyrus Making 101: Rediscovering the Craft of Making Ancient Paper.” n.d. University of Michigan Papyrus Collection, University Library System, University of Michigan. https://www.lib.umich.edu/papyrus_making/#. Turner, E. G. 1980. Greek Papyri: An Introduction. Oxford, UK: Clarendon.

Ports and Harbors While ancient mariners used a variety of terms for harbors, they were not always clear what the terms could denote; at first they were simply naturally sheltered sites such as bays, coves, or even stretches of beach. Harbors were crucial for the protection of ships especially when storms or rough seas existed. The Romans, often borrowing terms from the Greeks, who were better sailors, had a variety of definitions relating to harbors to distinguish them from open or closed, natural or man-made, commercial sites or stoppage points, etc. These terms may not always be precise, but they help determine how the harbors varied. General terms exist such as limen, which denotes a large or important port in a specific commercial sense. It may contain architectural remains or have breakwaters or quays. It could be a natural or artificial harbor and is often translated merely as “harbor.” It was clearly seen as an important spot for travelers. Hormos denotes a medium or small natural or artificial harbor, generally circular or ring shaped; it could also mean an inner basin containing a breakwater. Hormos can be variously translated as “haven,” “anchorage,” or “roadstead” but is usually called a roadstead, denoting a place that is a sheltered offshore spot providing anchorage for ships. The word “roadstead” comes from the word rode, meaning “an anchorage.” Uphormos means a minor natural

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Porticciolo Romano Di Formia, Lazio, Italy. Ports, artificial and natural, allowed Rome to transport materials throughout their empire. Roman engineers often used hydraulic cement, a Roman invention, to enhance natural harbors or create artificial ports. Ports allowed local regions to import and export goods across regions, and not be totally self-reliant. (Kcho/Dreamstime.com)

anchorage, never really predictable, perhaps a concealed anchorage or one lying below a headland; as such, it was not sheltered from the environment or winds and had to be used carefully. Uphormos can be translated as “natural anchorage” or “just anchorage,” often distinguished from a sheltered spot. “Emporium” is a functional term referring exclusively to harbors and commercial ports of an inland city. It arose due to the commercial aspect as a place where merchants arrived to do business. Typically it means a commercial port, but the term “emporium” is often kept, since it is used in English similarly. Salos technically denotes a tossing or rolling of the seas, but it can also mean an open natural anchorage. This would have been dangerous to use extensively, since the elements could prove disastrous for a ship. Alimenos means “without a harbor”; in addition, places without a harbor could be termed limena ouk and ouk hormos, where ouk means “no,” such as “no harbor.” Again, these terms would have a distinct meaning and should probably be viewed as meaning not having a harbor or a roadstead. Rather, they would mean an open area. The Latin term portus usually denoted a man-made construction. Often natural harbors were located near estuaries of rivers so as to provide a communication hub for interior locations using the rivers to and from the sea, such as Ostia for the Tiber River, which provided contact with inland Rome. A harbor associated with a city was called a port. With the advent of concrete, especially underwater cement, the Romans were able to create artificial harbors, allowing them to construct

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their ports anywhere. These ports became important for the safety and well-being of ships and sailors. Harbors and ports often had facilities to accommodate ships. Quays were built to provide mooring facilities for ships so as to avoid dragging ships onto beaches. The Romans built them of stone and cement and had large iron rings imbedded into the stone so ships could be tied up. At Rome along the Aventine Hill, the wharf had large corbels 8 feet by 3 feet deep with a hole 1 foot in diameter to tie up the vessel placed about every 50 feet. These wharves provided for the loading and unloading of cargo. Machines were placed along the quay to help in unloading the ships. Some of these machines could lift between 5,000 and 10,000 pounds of goods. The cargo was then often stored in nearby warehouses not only for storage and distribution in the city but also for the reloading of ships to sail to other nearby ports and cities. The warehouses, or horrea, often held the grain supplies for the city to be distributed and used during the winter months. Remains from Ostia show that warehouses could be two or more stores high with ramps to allow loading onto the different levels with carts. Many of the warehouses were built on pillars to allow for air circulation so that the goods, especially grain, could be kept dry. At Ostia and other large ports there were facilities for repairing, outfitting, and building ships. One such structure at Ostia was 475 feet long by 200 feet wide and over 50 feet tall with pillars over 10 feet wide, capable of holding a wooden roof over eight bays. Being close to the harbor, this facility could handle most sea-venturing ships. Often to protect a harbor the Romans would build a mole, which could extend out into the harbor and provide safety from the waves. At Ostia, Emperor Claudius used Julius Caesar’s plans to build two moles, one on the north 1,600 meters long and one on the south 1,300 meters long, which enlarged the previous harbor. Emperor Trajan then enlarged the harbor even more to provide more space and protection; he also built a smaller hexagonal-shaped port to enclose an area interior to the previous Claudian harbor. This entire complex allowed for a large number of ships to arrive and load or unload their goods for the city of Rome. Unfortunately, the silting of the harbor by the Tiber River resulted in the port being unusable after the fifth century CE. Many harbors such as those at Ostia and Alexandria had lighthouses. These structures allowed sailors to navigate into the harbor during night or rough weather. At Ostia the lighthouse was called the Pharos and was three stores tall and could be seen from 20 miles away. On the southern shore of Britain near Dover is a Roman lighthouse that provided guidance for sailors to nearby ports. Throughout the Roman world harbor facilities often became the central part of a city, and all of its inhabitants would have known their complexity and importance. See also: Cities: Caesarea Maritima; Ostia; Government and Politics: Grain Trade; Groups and Organizations: Merchants; Traders; Institutions: Regulations, Commercial; Objects and Artifacts: Machines; Ships; Primary Documents: Document 22 Further Reading Boin, Douglas. 2013. Ostia in Late Antiquity. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Objects and Artifacts | Leonard, John R. 1997. “Harbor Terminology in Roman Periploi.” In Res Maritimae: Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean from Prehistory to Late Antiquity; Proceedings of the Second International Symposium “Cities on the Sea”, Nicosia, Cyprus, October 18–22, 1994, edited by Stuart Swiny, Robert L. Hohlfelder, and Helena Wylde, 163–200. Atlanta: Scholars Press. Welsh, Jennifer. 2011. “Huge Ancient Roman Shipyard Unearthed in Italy.” NBCNews, September 24, http://www.nbcnews.com/id/44652693/ns/technology_and_science-science /t/huge-ancient-roman-shipyard-unearthed-italy/#.WUq4pesrJph.

Pottery Unlike modern dinnerware and food storage containers often made of plastic, Roman vessels used to store food and supplies or tableware were made of pottery. While there was some use of glass, clay was the most common medium. The Romans were able to mass-produce vessels so that pottery became a common commodity and production technique. The Romans made use of molds but usually used the potter’s wheel, known since 1000 BCE. Typically, small vessels were made in one piece, especially bowls, cups, and plates, while large vessels such as goblets, amphorae, and pots that had a body, handles, feet, and a neck were made in pieces that were joined together. The pottery was first dried in the sun and then twice baked in a kiln. If painting or decorations were to

Remains of jugs in Casa del Frutteto, or House of the Orchard, Pompeii. Produced throughout the Roman world, pottery was used for all aspects of life, mainly for utilitarian needs. Pottery can provide not only detailed dating of archaeological material but important information on trade and economics. (Wessel Cirkel/Dreamstime.com)

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be added, this occurred after the first baking. In the early period the Romans copied the two major Greek styles, black and red based on the figures. The pottery was first thrown so that it was red, and for black figures clay with water, producing near cream or “slip,” was applied to the turning pot. The figure was then outlined before sun-drying and then glazed before the first baking. The black figure was then enameled and fired again, with the details incised down to the clay. To produce red figures, the ground had black enamel, and the figures were left as is, which showed the red “slip” covering the whole vase so that the figures were then painted instead of incised; this was easier and allowed for more precise decorations. For Italy and Rome, the area around Arretium became the local manufacturing center for red pottery. The Arretium style had relief figures and was coral red and glazed. During the republic this became the dominant form of pottery, and the Romans imitated the pottery from the Greek island of Samos, a fine, thin baked red-color clay, very hard and delicate, that they also called terra sigillata. Here, plates and bowls were made on the pottery wheel using a wooden template, and the decorations were simple. For more elaborate and intricate decorations, the Romans would use molds, pieces of fired or baked clay in which fresh wet clay was pressed and then fired. After firing the baked clay shrank, and the piece could be removed. For terra sigillata, a glossy coat would be achieved by dipping the vessel into liquid clay slip before firing. Terra sigillata became the most common form of Roman pottery during the late republic and early empire. It could be made from molds or by using the potter’s wheel, and it had a red glossy coating. From Italy the terra sigillata, or Arretine ware, made its way into Gaul after Julius Caesar’s conquest and then during the Augustan age to Britain, where it retained its designation as Samian ware. It later was seen in Spain and North Africa, where it was called African Red Slip ware. This type of pottery was not luxurious but was fine, so it tended to be more expensive, as it was made from molds and was superior to coarse pottery but not as fine as silver ware used by the upper middle class. The Roman countryside and poorer regions of the city continued to use coarse ware, and local traditions continued for the making of pots, pans, and dishes used throughout the Roman period well into the late empire. These wares continued to be used in kitchens alongside bronze and other metal pots and were especially common for storage. Many of these pieces of pottery were found throughout the Mediterranean and were derived from Greece in the early republican period. A peculiar Roman vessel was the mortaria, mortars used for the preparation of food and medicine. These were strong bowls, shallow with a wide, thick rim, with an edge or flange for gripping and a spout for pouring; they were used in a variety of ways. The interior had grit to make it rough and strong. The mortaria was peculiarly Roman, with few examples being found in the east. In the west it spread first to Gaul and then to Britain, arriving before the conquest in 43 CE. As production of pottery increased and became profitable, an industry arose for the making of a variety of pieces. To differentiate the various shops, stamps were used by their makers and provide modern historians with a way to date the pieces and study their production and use. These stamps were made with an inverse die so that the name could be read normally, and they were usually located on the interior; this proved to be a form

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of advertising, since the buyer or user would be able to identify the maker and presumably purchase more specimens from a particular shop. These shops often became major employers and were located throughout the Roman world, and since everyone needed different types of vessels for cooking, storing, and eating, there was always a ready need for new and replacement dishes. During the empire even the families of emperors established pottery factories, and they were often financed by imperial women. In addition to tableware, these factories also produced bricks for construction. The production of pottery became one of the standard industries in Rome. Since all members of society needed vessels and since pottery was easy and cheap to make, potters were established in all communities. For the average Roman, clay pots were as ubiquitous as modern plastic ware. See also: Government and Politics: Grain Trade; Institutions: Markets; Objects and Artifacts: Ships Further Reading Bailey, Donald M. 1983. “Terracotta Revetments, Figurines and Lamps.” In Handbook of Roman Art: A Comprehensive Survey of All the Arts of the Roman World, edited by Martin Henig, 191–205. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Hayes, John P. 1972. Late Roman Pottery. London: British School at Rome. Pena, J. Theodore. 2007. Roman Pottery in the Archaeological Record. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sculpture The presentation of events and people in wood, stone, or pottery is called sculpture if freestanding or three-dimensional and relief if attached to a backing. Sculptures and reliefs provide examples of individuals in everyday life as well as political, economic, and military events and appeared in both public and private settings. By the time of the Roman Empire the evolution of Greco-Roman art had progressed to what is called Hellenistic art, where realism was clearly exhibited. In lands beyond Italy, Greece, Asia Minor, and Africa the art was often cubism in which identity was difficult to discern. The Romans used sculpture and reliefs to glorify their history and position in the Mediterranean world. They especially commemorated historical and religious events to provide a story for everyone. Examples of sculptures that commemorated the individual can be seen in the Prima Porta statue of Augustus, a youthful character, confident, virile, and leading the state through his power. This representation might be countered with a relief of Augustus on the Ara Pacis showing him with his toga over his head in a pious look; both pieces were probably produced about the same time, but each had different messages to relay. Some of the great reliefs that survive in Rome from the imperial age include the Ara Pacis or Altar of Peace to Augustus, the Arch of Titus commemorating the conquest of

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Jerusalem, Columns of Trajan denoting his victory over the Dacians, Marcus Aurelius and the conquest of the Sarmatians, and the Arch of Constantine celebrating his victory over Maxentius. Commemorating Emperor Augustus’s safe return to Rome from Gaul and Spain, the Ara Pacis was dedicated on January 30, 9 BCE. It was located in the Campus Martius and served to celebrate the imperial family. A walled precinct surrounded the Altar, where mythological scenes were located on the outer upper walls on the east and west, while the north and south walls give a rendition of the procession on the day of consecration, July 4, 13 BCE. The altar had portraits of the imperial family. In addition to Augustus, it included Agrippa, the emperor’s right-hand man and son-in-law, and his wife Julia (daughter of Augustus), the emperor’s stepsons Tiberius and Drusus with his wife Antonia (also Augustus’s niece), and their son Germanicus. Other reliefs on the Altar include priests and senators. The Altar was meant to show the interconnection of the imperial family and the individuals who ruled or hoped to rule the empire. Domitian, brother of Titus, built the Arch of Titus in 82 CE to commemorate Titus’s capture and destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE; it was probably started earlier by Titus before he died in 81 CE. Standing at the entrance of the Roman forum, the Pentelic marble arch was painted blue with gold gilding (no longer extant) and commanded the view to and from the Capitoline Hill, the very center of the empire. The northern panel shows a triumphant Titus in a quadriga, or four-horse chariot, while the southern panel displays the spoils of the war from Jerusalem, including the golden Menorah, the Silver Trumpets, and the Table of Shew Bread. The columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius depict Roman victories over their enemies told as if in a moving diorama. Trajan’s column commemorated his victories in the two Dacian wars (101–102 and 105–106), signaled by the personification of Victory separating the two events. Standing at 35 meters and completed in 113 CE, the column stood in his forum between two multistoried libraries from which to view the monument. The scenes cut in low relief and difficult to view from the ground are mainly military, with soldiers, sailors, different types of weapons, and the emperor himself appearing 59 times. The frieze was not generally viewable from outside the forum, but it was viewable from the libraries, which would allow an individual to view it at various levels in greater detail than just standing on the ground. The column became an example of Roman power, the last scene, Pax (Peace), showing the former enemy territory as now a Roman field for cultivation and cattle grazing. The Column of Marcus Aurelius depicts a victory over unnamed barbarian tribes, probably the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Sarmatians in 176 CE. It is not known when it was built, but it was probably built by his son Commodus and was placed before the Temple of Marcus Aurelius. It was completed by 193 CE. Like Trajan’s column there are two expeditions, with Victory again separating the two wars. The frieze begins with the army crossing the Danube from Carnuntum, with the first “war” perhaps against the Marcomanni and Quadi, while the second was against the Sarmatians. Although the column was modeled after the Column of Trajan, it was distinctly different, with the reliefs deeply cut and visible from the ground. For example, the heads are proportionally larger to give a better view of the expressions, while the figures are not carved as fine as in Trajan’s column, with the scenes being more collective. The Column of

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Soldiers on the column of Marcus Aurelius in Rome. The Romans used sculptural reliefs to record a variety of events such as religious rites, military triumphs, and political institutions. They provide important insight into how Romans viewed their empire, and at the same time provide us with images of how they viewed their world and actions. (Vof Vermeulen Perdaen & Steyaert/Dreamstime.com)

Marcus Aurelius shows the enemy’s destruction with the emperor on-site commanding the action with more vigor and emotion than on Trajan’s column. The sculptures and friezes showed numerous religious, historical, and personal accomplishments displayed on public buildings and in private homes. These pieces of sculpture allowed the Romans to record important events and people for commemoration and glorification. See also: Objects and Artifacts: Ara Pacis; Marble Quarries; Votive Offerings Further Reading Conlin, Diana Attnally. 1997. The Artists of the Ara Pacis. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Department of Greek and Roman Art. 2002. “Roman Copies of Greek Statues.” Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, Metropolitan Museum of Art, http://www.metmuseum.org /toah/hd/rogr/hd_rogr.htm. Kleiner, Diana E. E. 1992. Roman Sculpture. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Strong, Donald, et al. 1995. Roman Art. 2nd ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

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Ships Roman ships during the imperial age consisted of military and commercial ships. By the end of the republic the Romans controlled the Mediterranean Sea and had used their navy to defeat not only the great states of Carthage and Greece but also the pirates from Asia Minor who harassed the merchants during the second and first centuries BCE. The standard classical warship was the trireme, or three-banked warship, with an iron prow used for ramming an enemy ship. The Romans would transform this ship with the addition of a plank that would crash onto the enemy ship to create a bridge, allowing marines to board and combat the enemy. Later Roman warships had multiple banks of rows up to six banks. Later Roman imperial warships were built for rivers and coastal patrols and were smaller and more maneuverable. The commercial craft tended to be powered by sail only and were of various sizes, many holding a capacity more than 300 tons. Commercial craft consisted of seagoing ships, which would ply across the sea with coastal-hugging craft mainly along the shoreline from harbor to harbor dropping off and picking up goods and passengers.

An ancient Roman ship inside the Museum of Nemi, Italy. Although not known for its naval skill, Rome successfully controlled the Mediterranean for over three centuries. The Romans used a variety of ship types for both military and commercial purposes, which further promoted their power and prestige. (Danilo Mongiello/Dreamstime.com)

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Military ships were mainly used for protection against pirates in the Mediterranean and for patrolling against the barbarians along the Rhine and Danube Rivers. These craft tended to be powered by oars, although they had sails as well, and were smaller in size than the commercial craft. Commercial craft varied in size and function. At the simplest level were the boats joined by planks of wood and used to ferry cargo on a river. These boats could often be disassembled and carried on land back upstream such as those used on the Tiber River, since the fast currents made it hard to row upstream. They might be termed ratis (flat-bottom rafts) or caudicarius (barges). There were a variety of small boats used for crossing a river or lake or discharging cargo from a larger boat. These boats had various names such as musculus, scapha, barca, cymba, lembus, linter, ponto, and rataria. Often these words referred to the same type of boat, but the boats were given different names due to geographical reasons or to the type of work performed. A craft with a double prow, meaning it could go in either direction, was called a biporus, while a corbita (from corbis, or a sack on top of the mast), was a large sailing vessel that usually transported grain. A popular oar-powered merchant ship, the cercurus, was invented by the Cyprians; used for rapidly transporting goods, it was also known for being fast and roomy (Casson 1971, 166). The Romans, unlike the Greeks, did not have a great affinity for the sea. While the Etruscans had fleets in the early republic, the Romans preferred to stay inland. The Romans, however, soon adapted and began to use the sea for commerce. Roman shipbuilding increased during the republic and became a crucial industry during the empire. The Romans typically transported wood near the water and constructed their ships from the shell, or from the outside in, and not the skeleton, or inside out. The merchant ships could be keeled or keelless, round-hulled or flat-bottomed. Typically, they would lay the keel if it had one and the forward and aft posts, and they fastened the stakes or planks overlapping them. Only then did they build the skeleton for internal support. Unlike later ships with rudders controlled by a steering wheel, the Romans used two steering rudders on both sides of the stern. Although the tight-fitting planks made the craft watertight, the Romans would caulk and paint the ship for further protection. The ships had a mast and a square sail, with the hold being filled with ballast. The ballast was often heavy items such as stone, tile, or amphorae that were placed alongside the outer planks, while lighter and more perishable items were stored above for safety. The hold also contained the potable water used by the crew. The deck had access to the hold via hatches that could be covered, and there was additional storage on deck. The galley was to stern and large enough for a smokestack to allow for cooking. Some larger ships had multiple decks and even a deckhouse and an overhang for a latrine. The deckhouse could accommodate the captain, the owner, or special guests. Numerous types of ships were used. The merchant vessels referred to as smaller ships were used to hug the coastline and carry goods from port to port, while the sailing ships were more likely used for large bulk items and traveled on the open sea. An example of the latter was the great grain ships sailing from Egypt and Africa to Rome. The smallest sailing vessel appears to have carried about 70 tons, while the average

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ships had a capacity of 150 tons, with 300-ton loads being common. Often the seagoing vessels carried the bulk commodities such as grain and wine to a large port, where they were transferred to smaller merchant vessels that could then transport them to inland towns on rivers or other seaports not capable of handling the great sailing vessels. The sailing ships had sails attached to masts that allowed them to sail with or against the wind. The merchant ships could have both sails and oars depending on their needs. The ships allowed the Romans to transport goods and personnel throughout the Roman world. The ships united the Roman world and ensured that the goods were capable of being delivered on time and to their correct destination. See also: Cities: Caesarea Maritima; Ostia; Military: Navy; Objects and Artifacts: Ports and Harbors Further Reading Casson, Lionel. 1971. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Pitassi, Michael. 2012. The Roman Navy: Ships, Men and Warfare, 350 BC–AD 475. Barnsley, UK: Seaforth Publishing.

Theaters, Odeons, and Arenas One of the most common physical structures found throughout the Roman world was the theater and its ancillary structures, the odeon and the arena. While the Roman theater dated to the early republic, inherited from the Greeks in southern Italy, the Romans transformed it into the arena and exported it to the provinces. The early Roman theaters were temporary structures, since the Senate had decreed that no permanent theater could be built. Opposed to Greek influence after the Second Punic War (218–201 BCE), the Senate had decided that only temples and other consecrated places could be permanent public structures, thereby preventing theaters from being made of stone. Only when Pompey the Great built his stone theater with a temple to Venus attached to the structure did the city of Rome receive its first permanent auditorium, dedicated in 55 BCE. Pompey built his theater with enough seats for 27,000 visitors after seeing the great Greek theater at Mytilene when he was fighting overseas during the 60s BCE. Pompey’s theater included a quadriporticus behind the stage and the largest crypt, where refreshments were sold, exercise could take place, and there was protection from the elements. The long covered porticoes contained artwork, meeting halls, and fountains, making the theater different from the Greek edifices and now purely Roman. Unlike Greek theaters built into a hillside, Pompey used a concrete superstructure so that its position and axis could be in the right direction without natural interferences. With their knowledge of concrete and use of engineering, the Romans could situate their theaters anywhere. This knowledge further allowed them to create concrete vaults supporting the curving and sloping auditorium, or cavea, and the semicircular orchestra. In

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The theater at Gerasa, in present-day northwestern Jordan, built about 90 CE. Theaters became ubiquitous throughout the Roman world and a hallmark of cities showcasing Roman influence and culture. Most towns of any repute would have a theater. (Pierre Jean Durieu/Dreamstime .com)

addition, the vaults allowed for access to the different levels and seating. The long and narrow stage, 120 by 24 feet, placed only about 3 feet in front of the orchestra, fronted a building as high as the cavea so as to produce a dramatic background for the audience, unlike the open and unobstructed view of the Greek theater. The background could be painted in any way to allow for scenery. With either three or five doors, flanked by columns with niches for statues, the stage had access to the back rooms, or crypta. Small curtains could be used to hide and mask different parts of the stage if needed. Finally, unlike the Greek theater, a wooden roof provided protection for the actors and allowed for the sound to be reflected out into the theater audience. The area in front of the stage contained a trench, or aulaeum, where the curtain was lowered and stored. In front of this rose the seats, with the best seats in the front. The choice seats were only 16 inches wide and were used by the wealthy, while the higher levels for everyone else had benches. Under Augustus, the theaters of Balbus and Marcellus (still standing) were constructed; together with the theater of Pompey, these three stone theaters gave the people of Rome their place for distractions. A special type of theater was the odeon, used for musical performances. Smaller and more intimate, the odeon typically had a roof. These structures were often made of wood due to their size. There are few examples of these structures, although in Pompeii one has been excavated next to the theater complex. Here it was created by building it into a hillside, with the backdrop building used to support the roof. It held about 1,000

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seats, was used for music and plays, and was built about 100 BCE. An example of an odeon in the provinces was at Athens; the Odeon of Herodes Atticus built in 160 CE could seat 8,000. In Rome, Domitian constructed the first odeon, while Trajan built the second shortly thereafter. When two theaters were put together they formed an arena or amphitheater, with the most famous being the Colosseum in Rome built by Vespasian and his son Titus. The arena became most famous for the gladiatorial combats that took place. While the combats could take place in a larger setting such as the circus, the arena was the preferred place. Here the games could be witnessed up close. Originally constructed of wood, they too were soon made of stone. The arenas in the provinces could be elaborate and made of stone, such as at Nîmes in Gaul, or in a hill hollowed out, such as in Britain. Throughout the Roman world, especially in conjunction with the military camps but not exclusively, the amphitheaters were very popular. From the far north of Britain to the hot deserts of North Africa, the arenas were a common component. The gladiatorial contests were popular, since they allowed for distraction. The populace realized that they could comment on policies and acts without being singled out. Emperors realized that by giving them games the people could be pacified; their frustrations could be relieved and rebellion prevented, similar to modern sporting events where crowds can cheer for their favorite athlete and hopefully not cause mayhem. Although like in modern events occasionally riots took place, they were usually the result of sporting events and not politics. See also: Cities: Rome; Institutions: Public Works; Objects and Artifacts: Machines Further Reading Beacham, Richard C. 1996. The Roman Theatre and Its Audience. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Chase, R. G. 2002. Ancient Hellenistic and Roman Amphitheatres, Stadiums, and Theatres: The Way They Look Now. Portsmouth, NH: P. E. Randall. Sear, F. 2006. Roman Theatres: An Architectural Study. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Villas During the Roman Empire the villa became the archetypal residence for the wealthy and elite. While a villa could be any kind of home, or domus, it ultimately became synonymous with the palatial urban home or the gentrified rural estate, classified as villa urbanus and villa rustica. Originally the urban villa was not located in a city but instead was nearby, allowing for the owner to have a quick retreat so as to spend a short amount of time before returning to business in the city. The villa rustica originally was an income-producing farm away from the city operated by slaves and managed by an overseer. The owner would occasionally spend some time there but not as an active participant in running the estate. During the republic these estates became more

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Villa of the Mysteries, Pompeii, Italy. A variety of estates, classified as villas, existed throughout the Roman Empire. Some, like the Villa of the Mysteries, were palatial, in urban locations, while others could be small working farms. Often, wealthy Romans would have several villas, with those in the countryside offering a place of refuge from city life. In the later empire, these villas often acted as protected sites from invaders. (Merlin1812/Dreamstime.com)

common, and many elites would own numerous villas; Cicero had at least seven. Many of these estates were called latifundia and were operated by slaves captured in foreign wars, who cultivated cash crops such as vines and olives; some latifundia were ranches. Many returned high profits for the owners. Even the urban villa had commercial activities, which may not have been managed as a high-profit running farm but instead were owned by gentleman farmers to provide some income. The best examples of surviving villas are in the region around Mount Vesuvius, especially Pompeii and Herculaneum. One such villa, the Villa of the Mysteries outside Herculaneum, was initially built at the end of the republic. Situated on a slope with a view of the sea, it was continually reworked between 200 BCE and 79 CE. Initially it was an atrium-style house; this was followed by the addition of a peristyle around 100 BCE, producing a courtyard with rooms surrounding it that was protected by a wall surrounding the villa. The entrance at this time shifted from the atrium to the peristyle. As with many of the villas, over time they became large and more opulent, allowing the owners’ wealth and power to be displayed. The villas during the late republic and early empire allowed for the Roman nobility to create refuge from the city and potentially the civil discord at the end of the republic. The two architectural styles that emerged showing the change to opulence were the peristyle

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and the porticus (colonnade). The peristyle home usually started as a traditional atrium house with a peristyle in the rear enclosing a garden to allow for peace and quiet. While they were not rural homes, the Romans desired to re-create the image of the idyllic pastoral life. With the increase in wealth new types of villas were created, the most desired being the maritime villas, especially along the Campanian and Latium coastlines of Italy. Many had piscinarii (fishponds) created in the sea with the use of concrete. The porticus maritime villa developed differently, with a series of rooms arranged in a row opening onto the road, coastline, or court rather than from an atrium. The porticus brought the rooms together and allowed for the villa to have various levels along the coastline while still creating a union between the house and nature. These villas tended to be expansive, hugging the coastline with views of the sea. Unlike the peristyle home, these villas did not have a standardized plan. An example of this is the Villa of Daecuta on the island of Capri. Some of these villas would also have peristyle courtyards, several porticoes, and numerous other rooms and architectural motifs. These villas were also multilevel. Nearly every region of the empire had villas. Many of them were located away from cities and developed as centers of power. During the empire these villas became important for the development of provincial power. Local elites would build these villas in imitation of the Romans. These villas would then become economic centers in the region. These centers might have fairs allowing for the buying and selling of goods, both local and foreign. During the chaos of the third century CE the rural villas became centers of protection. Wealthy owners could protect the local inhabitants, since they had the capital to arm themselves or bribe local forces. The local inhabitants were often tenants of the powerful landowner. In exchange for protection, the local farmer often had to agree to work for the landowner for specific periods. While this was not the medieval system of the manor, it was in fact its precursor. Some of these villas had the form of a fort, a protected villa, where the villa structure was surrounded by a wall with protective towers and a protected gate. The provincial villas imitated the Italian villas of the first century CE. The opulent villas seen in and around Pompeii were probably similar to what existed elsewhere. Archaeological remains of mosaics throughout the Roman world show how these homes were decorated with these elaborate pieces of art. The archaeological sites indicate that many of these villas were large and sophisticated, with bath complexes, gardens, courtyards, and other examples of wealth. Many of these villas were multistoried, and many had elaborate gardens with exquisite examples of artwork, especially sculptures that show how these regions attempted to become Roman. With the end of the empire, the wealthy and powerful tended to flee the cities and put their resources into the country villas even more. See also: Objects and Artifacts: Mosaics; Paintings; Palaces Further Reading Francovich, Ricardo, and Richard Hodges. 2003. Villa to Village: The Transformation of the Roman Countryside. London: Duckworth Debates in Archaeology.

Objects and Artifacts | Frazer, Alfred, ed. 1990. The Roman Villa: Villa Urbana. Williams Symposium on Classical Architecture. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. McKay, Alexander G. 1975. Houses, Villas, and Palaces in the Roman World. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Percival, John. 1981. The Roman Villa: A Historical Introduction. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Votive Offerings In antiquity it was common for individuals to seek help from the gods for some favor. This could be in the form of a promise such as “if you help me I will build a temple” or some other vow. Upon successful reception of a promise the individual would be bound to complete the promise; otherwise, it would have been seen as sacrilegious and the individual would suffer. These vows and the subsequent votive offerings were part of the ancient religious philosophy whereby the gods needed to be pleased. Many of the votive offerings have not survived, such as wooden structures and statutes. Some of the buildings have not survived but have been mentioned in ancient sources, while others have survived either intact or as fragments. Some remains, however, have been recovered from archaeological digs. Often the votive offering was for a personal issue, perhaps an ailment. From the Tiber River artifacts of broken statue pieces such as feet, hands, heads, arms, uteruses, legs, and other parts of deliberately broken statues correspond to the idea that throwing the piece into the river would hopefully help cure whatever ailed the individual. The largest numbers of fragments have been discovered near Tiber Island, which was sacred to the god Asclepius and indicates that the site was viewed to have powers of healing. This included the ritual of bathing or dipping individuals, especially women, in the river for curative results. In other parts of the empire similar instances occurred, with some dating before the Roman arrival such as at the source of the Seine River, a site viewed with curative powers. Throughout the Roman period votive offerings were made, with coins of emperors dating from Augustus to Magnus Maximus (383–388 CE) being recovered. In addition, there were bronze plaques, statues, and other ex-voto offerings showing fulfillment of a vow or offering. The site became popular for visitors and had a swimming pool where water was piped in from the river. Architectural offerings were common among the great families of the republic and the emperors during the imperial period. Livy has numerous examples of Roman consuls and generals vowing to build a temple if successful in war. For example, G. Cornelius Cethegus as consul in 197 BCE said that if he was successful against the Gauls he would build a temple to Juno Sospita, the protective goddess of Lanuvium; he was victorious and dedicated the temple in 194 (Livy et al. 1919, 33.21). The vowing of temples was usually done by someone with imperium, that is, one who held a position in the upper magistracy and the right to command an army. During the empire this would be reserved for the emperor and his family. Some of these were also

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commemorated on arches set along the triumphal procession and used to glorify the general or emperor and his family. For other individuals the gift was not as extravagant. For the poor the gift could be a coin or small statue, purchased from a shop specializing in votive gifts, or implements representing the god or goddess and given as a gift. For example, in some temples there are remains of small axes seemingly representing the tools used for the killing of sacrificial animals. The gift might be a plaque often made of silver or bronze with a saying on it to honor the god or goddess. Often the statue of the god or goddess given as a votive offering would have space for the individual to write his or her name or plea. Models of tools and weapons were also used for votive offerings. The latter were probably from soldiers thanking the gods for their safety after returning from battle. What is of particular interest is the number of offerings deliberately broken or damaged. Coins that have been defaced or bent or figurines with parts of the body broken show a conscious effort to destroy or deface the image. It is thought that the idea was that the offeror was “killing” the gift, similar to the sacrifice of an animal at a temple. The concept was that the gift was no longer usable by people and therefore was reserved for the gods. It is clear from the location of these votive gifts, found in wells, rivers, and lakes, among other places, that the offeror had no intention of retrieving the gift. A final aspect of votive offerings was those made to threaten others. Numerous curse tablets exist where the writer attempted to cast a spell on another. These were likewise deposited in temples and other sacred spots. In addition to these curse tablets there are countercurse tablets asking the gods for protection against curses. This aspect of votive offerings shows the level of superstition and magic that was prevalent in ancient society. Likewise associated with this concept was the use of anatomical models of afflicted body parts deposited with the gods to ensure healing. While some may see it as superstitious or invoking magic, the Romans believed that the gods had power to heal human bodies. This concept is still prevalent in modern society. See also: Groups and Organizations: Mystery Religions; State Religion; Institutions: Religion; Objects and Artifacts: Sculpture Further Reading Hughes, Jessica. 2017. Votive Body Parts in Greek and Roman Religion, translated by Evan T. Sage. New York: Cambridge University Press. Livy et al. 1919. History of Rome. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Scarborough, John. 1969. Roman Medicine. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Warrior, V. 2006. Roman Religion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Primary Documents

1. REPUBLICAN FIRE BRIGADE UNDER CRASSUS Plutarch (Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus, ca. 46–120 CE) relates how Crassus during the republic used slaves to fight fires. While they did so to enable Crassus to buy the houses and make a profit, it shows how the city had issues with order and dealing with natural calamities. The reading also shows how Crassus would use the problem of overcrowding by buying up neighboring houses from owners who were afraid of seeing their houses destroyed at a reduced rate. By this fashion he was able to amass a large part of the city. During the empire, Augustus formulated official fire brigades, the vigiles, to fight fires without the profit motives of wealthy individuals such as Crassus. 2 1 The Romans, it is true, say that the many virtues of Crassus were obscured by his sole vice of avarice; and it is likely that the one vice which became stronger than all the others in him weakened the rest. The chief proofs of his avarice are found in the way he got his property and in the amount of it. 2 For at the outset he was possessed of not more than three hundred talents; then during his consulship he sacrificed the tenth of his goods to Hercules, feasted the people, gave every Roman out of his own means enough to live on for three months, and still, when he made a private inventory of his property before his Parthian expedition, he found that it had a value of seventy-one hundred talents. 3 The greatest part of this, if one must tell the scandalous truth, he got together out of fire and war, making the public calamities his greatest source of revenue. For when Sulla took the city and sold the property of those whom he had put to death, considering it and calling it spoil of war, and wishing to defile with his crime as many and as influential men as he could, Crassus was never tired of accepting or of buying it. 4 And besides this, observing how natural and familiar at Rome were such fatalities as the conflagration and collapse of buildings, owing to their being too massive and close together, he proceeded to buy slaves who were architects and builders. Then, when he had over five hundred of these, he would buy houses that were afire, and houses which adjoined those that were afire, and these their owners would let go at a trifling price owing to their fear and uncertainty. In this way the largest part of Rome came into his possession. 5 But though he owned so many artisans, he built no house for himself other than the one in which he lived; indeed, he used to say that men who were fond of building were their own undoers, and needed no other foes. And though he owned

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numberless silver mines, and highly valuable tracts of land with the labourers upon them, nevertheless one might regard all this as nothing compared with the value of his slaves; 6 so many and so capable were the slaves he possessed,—readers, amanuenses, silversmiths, stewards, table-servants; and he himself directed their education, and took part in it himself as a teacher, and, in a word, he thought that the chief duty of the master was to care for his slaves as the living implements of household management. 7 And in this Crassus was right, if, as he used to say, he held that anything else was to be done for him by his slaves, but his slaves were to be governed by their master. For household management, as we see, is a branch of finance in so far as it deals with lifeless things; but a branch of politics when it deals with men. He was not right, however, in thinking, and in saying too, that no one was rich who could not support an army out of his substance; 8 for “war has no fixed rations,” as King Archidamus said, and therefore the wealth requisite for war cannot be determined. Far different was the opinion of Marius, who said, after distributing to each of his veterans fourteen acres of land and discovering that they desired more, “May no Roman ever think that land too small which suffices to maintain him.” Source: Plutarch, Lives, Vol. 3, Pericles and Fabius Maximus, Nicias and Crassus, translated by Bernadotte Perrin (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1916), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Plutarch/Lives/Crassus*.html.

2. CURSUS HONORUM Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) in his biography of Julius Caesar provides a full discussion of the offices that noblemen might take in their rise within the state. These offices comprised the Cursus Honorum and were meant to give opportunities to individuals to have increasing power and responsibilities. In this reading Caesar’s career can be seen, starting with his election as military tribune and then as quaestor, the first public office followed by aedile, an office that often bankrupted many families since the official had to make a name for himself through buildings and the giving of games. Caesar ran for and won the office of pontifex maximus (chief priest), not a usual part of the cursus, before being elected praetor, the first office where he could command an army, and then the consulship. His other offices, dictator and censor, were part of the cursus, but he held them under questionable situations. The office of dictator was abolished after his assassination. 5 1 While serving as military tribune, the first office which was conferred on him by vote of the people after his return to Rome, he ardently supported the leaders in the attempt to re-establish the authority of the tribunes of the commons, the extent of which Sulla had curtailed. . . . 6 1 When quaestor, he pronounced the customary orations from the rostra in praise of his aunt Julia and his wife Cornelia, who had both died. . . . 7 1 As quaestor it fell to his lot to serve in Further Spain. When he was there . . . [he made] the

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circuit of the assize-towns, to hold court under commission from the praetor.  .  .  . 10 1 When aedile, Caesar decorated not only the Comitium and the Forum with its adjacent basilicas, but the Capitol as well, building temporary colonnades for the display of a part of his material. He exhibited combats with wild beasts and stage-plays too, both with his colleague and independently. The result was that Caesar alone took all the credit even for what they spent in common, and his colleague Marcus Bibulus openly said that his was the fate of Pollux: “For,” said he, “just as the temple erected in the Forum to the twin brethren, bears only the name of Castor, so the joint liberality of Caesar and myself is credited to Caesar alone.” Caesar gave a gladiatorial show besides, but with somewhat fewer pairs of combatants than he had purposed; for the huge band which he assembled from all quarters so terrified his opponents, that a bill was passed limiting the number of gladiators which anyone was to be allowed to keep in the city. . . . 13 1 After giving up hope of the special commission, he announced his candidacy for the office of pontifex maximus, resorting to the most lavish bribery. Thinking on the enormous debt which he had thus contracted, he is said to have declared to his mother on the morning of his election, as she kissed him when he was starting for the polls, that he would never return except as pontifex. And in fact he so decisively defeated two very strong competitors (for they were greatly his superiors in age and rank), that he polled more votes in their tribes than were cast for both of them in all the tribes. . . . 15 1 On the first day of his praetorship he called upon Quintus Catulus to render an account owing to the people touching the restoration of the Capitol, proposing a bill for turning over the commission to another. . . . 20 1 Caesar’s very first enactment after becoming consul was, that the proceedings both of the senate and of the people should day by day be compiled and published. . . . 76 1 Yet after all, his other actions and words so turn the scale, that it is thought that he abused his power and was justly slain. For not only did he accept excessive honours, such as an uninterrupted consulship, the dictatorship for life, and the censorship of public morals, as well as the forename Imperator, the surname of Father of his Country, a statue among those of the kings, and a raised couch in the orchestra; but he also allowed honours to be bestowed on him which were too great for mortal man: a golden throne in the House and on the judgment seat; a chariot and litter in the procession at the circus; temples, altars, and statues beside those of the gods; a special priest, an additional college of the Luperci, and the calling of one of the months by his name. In fact, there were no honours which he did not receive or confer at pleasure. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Julius*.html.

3. CALENDAR Julius Caesar was faced with a difficult problem: how to ensure that the calendar, a political document, corresponded to the natural seasons. The previous Roman calendar was developed along the lines of the seasons so that religious festivals were held to celebrate

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such natural events as planting and harvesting at the appropriate season. Adding to these events were the political acts such as voting and holding political duties that allowed the Roman state to develop politically. Since the original calendar was based on the lunar cycle it varied year to year, necessitating additions, intercalary days and months, to be added so that days of the months and seasons could align. During the republican civil war these changes were often ignored so that summer festivals were now celebrated in winter, meaning that the political calendar was out of sync. Caesar, according to Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE), solved this entire issue by creating a calendar based on the solar year, creating new months to bring the total from 10 to 12. In addition, he created leap year to solve the variance in the solar calendar. 40 1 Then turning his attention to the reorganisation of the state, he reformed the calendar, which the negligence of the pontiffs had long since so disordered, through their privilege of adding months or days at pleasure, that the harvest festivals did not come in summer nor those of the vintage in the autumn; and he adjusted the year to the sun’s course by making it consist of three hundred and sixty-five days, abolishing the intercalary month, and adding one day every fourth year. 2 Furthermore, that the correct reckoning of seasons might begin with the next Kalends of January, he inserted two other months between those of November and December; hence the year in which these arrangements were made was one of fifteen months, including the intercalary month, which belonged to that year according to the former custom. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Julius*.html.

4. JULIUS CAESAR’S FUNERAL With Julius Caesar’s assassination in 44 BCE, Rome was plunged into grief and chaos. In this passage by Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE), the funeral, normally a solemn occasion, became more of a political event. The normal celebration of the deceased’s life, the eulogy, was replaced by the decree granting Caesar divine status. The cremation ceremony soon erupted into a spontaneous event, with people throwing combustibles and offerings onto the bier. Not only the Romans but also foreigners lamented his passing. The crowd then attempted to seek revenge against Brutus and Cassius, indicating their anger at the assassination. 84 1 When the funeral was announced, a pyre was erected in the Campus Martius near the tomb of Julia, and on the rostra a gilded shrine was placed, made after the model of the temple of Venus Genetrix; within was a couch of ivory with coverlets of purple and gold, and at its head a pillar hung with the robe in which he was slain. Since it was clear that the day would not be long enough for those who offered gifts, they were directed to bring them to the Campus by whatsoever streets of the city they wished, regardless

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of any order of precedence. 2 At the funeral games, to rouse pity and indignation at his death, these words from the “Contest for the Arms” of Pacuvius were sung:— “Saved I these men that they might murder me?” and words of like purport from the “Electra” of Atilius. Instead of a eulogy the consul Antonius caused a herald to recite the decree of the Senate in which it had voted Caesar all divine and human honours at once, and likewise the oath with which they had all pledged themselves to watch over his personal safety; to which he added a very few words of his own. 3 The bier on the rostra was carried down into the Forum by magistrates and ex-magistrates; and while some were urging that it be burned in the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, and others in the Hall of Pompey, on a sudden two beings with swords by their sides and brandishing a pair of darts set fire to it with blazing torches, and at once the throng of bystanders heaped upon it dry branches, the judgment seats with the benches, and whatever else could serve as an offering. 4 Then the musicians and actors tore off their robes, which they had taken from the equipment of his triumphs and put on for the occasion, rent them to bits and threw them into the flames, and the veterans of the legions the arms with which they had adorned themselves for the funeral; many of the women too, offered up the jewels which they wore and the amulets and robes of their children. At the height of the public grief a throng of foreigners went about lamenting each after the fashion of his country, above all the Jews, who even flocked to the place for several successive nights. 85 1 Immediately after the funeral the commons ran to the houses of Brutus and Cassius with firebrands, and after being repelled with difficulty, they slew Helvius Cinna when they met him, through a mistake in the name, supposing that he was Cornelius Cinna, who had the day before made a bitter indictment of Caesar and for whom they were looking; and they set his head upon a spear and paraded it about the streets. Afterwards they set up in the Forum a solid column of Numidian marble almost twenty feet high, and inscribed upon it, “To the Father of his Country.” At the foot of this they continued for a long time to sacrifice, make vows, and settle some of their disputes by an oath in the name of Caesar. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Julius*.html.

5. ROMAN PRAYER The poet Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus, December 8, 65 BCE–November 27, 8 BCE) provides a prayer that commemorates the Roman psyche. In it he praises nature and agriculture especially. The riches of the Roman Empire are extolled, and yet he desires to have a healthy body and mind at the end.

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What blessing shall the bard entreat The god he hallows, as he pours The winecup? Not the mounds of wheat That load Sardinian threshing floors; Not Indian gold or ivory—no, Nor flocks that o’er Calabria stray, Nor fields that Liris, still and slow, Is eating, unperceived, away. Let those whose fate allows them train Calenum’s vine; let trader bold From golden cups rich liquor drain For wares of Syria bought and sold, Heaven’s favourite, sooth, for thrice a year He comes and goes across the brine Undamaged. I in plenty here On endives, mallows, succory dine. O grant me, Phoebus, calm content, Strength unimpaird, a mind entire, Old age without dishonour spent, Nor unbefriended by the lyre! Source: Horace, “Ode 1.31,” in The Odes and Carmen Saeculare of Horace, translated by John Conington (London: George Bell and Sons, 1882), http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc =Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0025%3Abook%3D1%3Apoem%3D31.

6. AUGUSTUS’S FIRE BRIGADES Augustus realized the dangers facing Rome and developed a unit of freedmen to fight fires in the city. As related by Cassius Dio (Lucius Cassius Dio, ca. 155–235, also referred to as Cassius Dio Cocceianus), who wrote two centuries later, this unit was supposed to be temporary but in fact remained a permanent force due to its usefulness. With seven subunits, each in charge of keeping watch over two districts, the entire city could be helped. While the unit did not prevent and contain all fires, its existence probably prevented numerous fires from spreading. 4 When many parts of the city were at this time destroyed by fire, he organized a company of freedmen, in seven divisions, to render assistance on such occasions, and appointed a knight in command over them, expecting to disband them in a short time. 5 He did not do so, however; for he found by experience that the aid they gave was most valuable and necessary, and so retained them. These night-watchmen exist to the present day, as a special corps, one might say, recruited no longer from the freedmen only, but from the other classes as well. They have barracks in the city and draw pay from the public treasury.

Primary Documents | Source: Cassius Dio, Roman History, Vol. 6, Books 51–55, translated by Earnest Cary, 26.4–5 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1917), http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E /Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/55*.html#26.5.

7. DISPOSITION OF FORCES UNDER AUGUSTUS Augustus’s military reforms concerning the disposition of forces and pay provided the Roman state with a stable system after the chaotic century of the late republic. Unlike the republic, where armies were raised annually and sent out to regions to campaign, Augustus placed troops permanently on the frontier. More important, he developed a system of pay and rewards so that troops could not be bribed by commanders to rebel. His development of the Praetorian Guard provided him with a large military force near Rome in case he needed their help, but as Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) mentions, they were not overly present in the capital, since only a quarter resided in the city at any one time and did not have a camp. This was altered by his successor, Tiberius. 49 1 Of his military forces he assigned legions and auxiliaries to the various provinces, stationed a fleet at Misenum and another at Ravenna, to defend the Upper and Lower seas, and employed the remainder partly in the defence of the city and partly in that of his own person, disbanding a troop of Calagurritani which had formed a part of his body-guard until the overthrow of Antony, and also one of Germans, which he had retained until the defeat of Varus. However, he never allowed more than three cohorts to remain in the city and even those were without a permanent camp; the rest he regularly sent to winter or summer quarters in the towns near Rome. 2 Furthermore, he restricted all the soldiery everywhere to a fixed scale of pay and allowances, designating the duration of their service and the rewards on its completion according to each man’s rank, in order to keep them from being tempted to revolution after their discharge either by age or poverty. To have funds ready at all times without difficulty for maintaining the soldiers and paying the rewards due to them, he established a military treasury, supported by new taxes. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Augustus*.html.

8. VARUS AND THE GERMAN WARS Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) describes the actions of Tiberius, Augustus’s stepson and leading general, after the disaster in Germany under Varus. During the period 6–9 CE Tiberius put down a rebellion in Illyricum; when victory was obtained Rome suffered a disaster in Germany in 9 CE, when Varus and his three legions

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were wiped out. Augustus put aside the celebration of Tiberius’s victory since Germany was in danger, although Tiberius was honored in Rome. Augustus then sent Tiberius to Germany to resolve the situation there, which he did by reintroducing discipline and planning. Although Rome did not advance beyond the Rhine now, Tiberius was able to prevent Gaul from rebelling. 17 1 Circumstances gave this exploit a larger and crowning glory; for it was at just about that time that Quintilius Varus perished with three legions in Germany, and no one doubted that the victorious Germans would have united with the Pannonians, had not Illyricum been subdued first. Consequently a triumph was voted him and many high honours. 2 Some also recommended that he be given the surname of Pannonicus, others of Invictus, others of Pius. Augustus however vetoed the surname, reiterating the promise that Tiberius would be satisfied with one which he would receive at his father’s death. Tiberius himself put off the triumph, because the country was in mourning for the disaster to Varus; but he entered the city clad in the purple-bordered toga and crowned with laurel, and mounting a tribunal which had been set up in the Saepta, while the senate stood alongside, he took his seat beside Augustus between the two consuls. Having greeted the people from this position, he was escorted to the various temples. 18 1 The next year he returned to Germany, and realising that the disaster to Varus was due to that general’s rashness and lack of care, he took no step without the approval of a council; while he had always before been a man of independent judgment and self-reliance, then contrary to his habit he consulted with many advisers about the conduct of the campaign. He also observed more scrupulous care than usual. When on the point of crossing the Rhine, he reduced all the baggage to a prescribed limit, and would not start without standing on the bank and inspecting the loads of the wagons, to make sure that nothing was taken except what was allowed or necessary. 2 Once on the other side, he adopted the following manner of life: he took his meals sitting on the bare turf, often passed the night without a tent, and gave all his orders for the following day, as well as notice of any sudden emergency, in writing; adding the injunction that if anyone was in doubt about any matter, he was to consult him personally at any hour whatsoever, even of the night. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Tiberius*.html.

9. AUGUSTUS’S LOOKS Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) provides a description of Rome’s first emperor. While the account is generally favorable, Suetonius does provide some critiques such as weakness in the limbs or blotches of the skin. Since statues are often portrayed in idealistic views and without accurate paintings, literary descriptions allow us the

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chance to visualize the individual. According to Suetonius he would have been about five foot nine with dirty blond hair with curls, eyebrows that met into one, poor teeth with gaps, an upturned and bent nose, and a darkish complexion and skin blotches. He also suffered from poor eyesight in old age as well as kidney stones. 79 1 He was unusually handsome and exceedingly graceful at all periods of his life, though he cared nothing for personal adornment. He was so far from being particular about the dressing of his hair, that he would have several barbers working in a hurry at the same time, and as for his beard he now had it clipped and now shaved, while at the very same time he would either be reading or writing something. His expression, whether in conversation or when he was silent, was so calm and mild, that one of the leading men of the Gallic provinces admitted to his countrymen that it had softened his heart, and kept him from carrying out his design of pushing the emperor over a cliff, when he had been allowed to approach him under the pretence of a conference, as he was crossing the Alps. 2 He had clear, bright eyes, in which he liked to have it thought that there was a kind of divine power, and it greatly pleased him, whenever he looked keenly at anyone, if he let his face fall as if before the radiance of the sun; but in his old age he could not see very well with his left eye. His teeth were wide apart, small, and ill-kept; his hair was slightly curly and inclining to golden; his eyebrows met. His ears were of moderate size, and his nose projected a little at the top and then bent slightly inward. His complexion was between dark and fair. He was short of stature (although Julius Marathus, his freedman and keeper of his records, says that he was five feet and nine inches in height), but this was concealed by the fine proportion and symmetry of his figure, and was noticeable only by comparison with some taller person standing beside him. 80 1 It is said that his body was covered with spots and that he had birthmarks scattered over his breast and belly, corresponding in form, order and number with the stars of the Bear in the heavens; also numerous callous places resembling ringworm, caused by a constant itching of his body and a vigorous use of the strigil. He was not very strong in his left hip, thigh, and leg, and even limped slightly at times; but he strengthened them by treatment with sand and reeds. He sometimes found the forefinger of his right hand so weak, when it was numb and shrunken with the cold, that he could hardly use it for writing even with the aid of a finger-stall of horn. He complained of his bladder too, and was relieved of the pain only after passing stones in his urine. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Augustus*.html.

10. TREASON TRIALS UNDER TIBERIUS Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) relates how treason trials began under Tiberius normally in the guise of insulting the memory of Augustus. These trials

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presumably were initially aimed at rivals, elites who may challenge Tiberius in politics. Suetonius, however, describes how the trials devolved into attacks on any individual producing a culture of fear in the state. Whether these instances truly happened is not clear; for example, someone charged with treason for carrying a coin with Augustus’s image into a bath or brothel would have seemed absurd, since so many coins with Augustus’s image existed. The instances, however, point to a growing fear of upsetting the image of the emperor and its political office. 58 1 It was at about this time that a praetor asked him whether he should have the courts convened to consider cases of lese-majesty; to which he replied that the laws must be enforced, and he did enforce them most rigorously. One man had removed the head from a statue of Augustus, to substitute that of another; the case was tried in the senate, and since the evidence was conflicting, the witnesses were examined by torture. After the defendant had been condemned, this kind of accusation gradually went so far that even such acts as these were regarded as capital crimes: to beat a slave near a statue of Augustus, or to change one’s clothes there; to carry a ring or coin stamped with his image into a privy or a brothel, or to criticize any word or act of his. Finally, a man was put to death merely for allowing an honour to be voted him in his native town on the same day that honours had previously been voted to Augustus. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Tiberius*.html.

11. GERMANICUS CONQUERS THE GERMANS Tacitus (Publius [or Gaius] Cornelius Tacitus, ca. 56–120 CE) describes the campaign of Germanicus, son of Drusus and nephew of Emperor Tiberius, during 14–16 CE. Having a large army, eight legions, Germanicus campaigned against the Chattis who had been involved in the destruction of Varus and his three legions in 9 CE. The campaigns were undertaken after the death of Augustus and a subsequent rebellion quelled by Germanicus and Tiberius’s son Drusus and may have been an attempt by Tiberius to consolidate his power in the army and keep the military occupied in order to prevent any further distraction. The second force led by Caecina likewise engaged the Cherusci, another tribe in the federation that had defeated Varus, and likewise defeated them and the Marsis, a third tribe. 56. Germanicus accordingly gave Caecina four legions, five thousand auxiliaries, with some hastily raised levies from the Germans dwelling on the left bank of the Rhine. He was himself at the head of an equal number of legions and twice as many allies. Having established a fort on the site of his father’s entrenchments on Mount Taunus he hurried his troops in quick marching order against the Chatti, leaving Lucius Apronius to direct works connected with roads and bridges. With a dry season and comparatively shallow streams, a rare circumstance in that climate, he had accomplished, without obstruction,

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rapid march, and he feared for his return heavy rains and swollen rivers. But so suddenly did he come on the Chatti that all the helpless from age or sex were at once captured or slaughtered. Their able-bodied men had swum across the river Adrana, and were trying to keep back the Romans as they were commencing a bridge. Subsequently they were driven back by missiles and arrows, and having in vain attempted for peace, some took refuge with Germanicus, while the rest leaving their cantons and villages dispersed themselves in their forests. After burning Mattium, the capital of the tribe, and ravaging the open country, Germanicus marched back towards the Rhine, the enemy not daring to harass the rear of the retiring army, which was his usual practice whenever he fell back by way of stratagem rather than from panic. It had been the intention of the Cherusci to help the Chatti; but Caecina thoroughly cowed them, carrying his arms everywhere, and the Marsi who ventured to engage him, he repulsed in a successful battle. Source: Cornelius Tacitus et al., Annals of Tacitus, Book 1, translated into English with notes and maps by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb, 1st ed. (London: Macmillan, 1888), http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/tac/a01050.htm.

12. THE PISO AFFAIR Tacitus (Publius [or Gaius] Cornelius Tacitus, ca. 56–120 CE) relays a fascinating tabloid story concerning the imperial family and politics. The emperor’s nephew Germanicus died in Syria in 19 CE under strange circumstances, leading to rumors of poison and sorcery. Chief among the suspects were Piso, governor of Syria, whom Germanicus had removed, and his wife Plancia, known to be against Germanicus’s wife Agrippina. Piso had left Syria shortly before Germanicus’s death and was soon charged with malfeasance in the province and poisoning Germanicus. Tacitus relays how Piso hoped that the emperor, his friend, would save him, but the trial continued, and Plancia, getting support from Tiberius’s mother, Augusta Livia, distanced herself from her husband. He was found dead alone in his bed chambers. Tacitus adds that he had heard from those who had been alive at the time that Piso had incriminating evidence on Tiberius, who had ordered Piso to deal with Germanicus, and that in reality Piso had been assassinated. Book 3 13. Two days were then assigned for the bringing forward of the charges, and after six days’ interval, the prisoner’s defence was to occupy three days. Thereupon Fulcinius Trio began with some old and irrelevant accusations about intrigues and extortion during Piso’s government of Spain. This, if proved, would not have been fatal to the defendant, if he cleared himself as to his late conduct, and, if refuted, would not have secured his acquittal, if he were convicted of the greater crimes. Next, Servaeus, Veranius, and Vitellius, all with equal earnestness, Vitellius with striking eloquence, alleged against Piso that out of hatred of Germanicus and a desire of revolution he had so corrupted

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the common soldiers by licence and oppression of the allies that he was called by the vilest of them “father of the legions” while on the other hand to all the best men, especially to the companions and friends of Germanicus, he had been savagely cruel. Lastly, he had, they said, destroyed Germanicus himself by sorceries and poison, and hence came those ceremonies and horrible sacrifices made by himself and Plancina; then he had threatened the State with war, and had been defeated in battle, before he could be tried as a prisoner. 14. On all points but one the defence broke down. That he had tampered with the soldiers, that his province had been at the mercy of the vilest of them, that he had even insulted his chief, he could not deny. It was only the charge of poisoning from which he seemed to have cleared himself. This indeed the prosecutors did not adequately sustain by merely alleging that at a banquet given by Germanicus, his food had been tainted with poison by the hands of Piso who sat next above him. It seemed absurd to suppose that he would have dared such an attempt among strange servants, in the sight of so many bystanders, and under Germanicus’s own eyes. And, besides, the defendant offered his slaves to the torture, and insisted on its application to the attendants on that occasion. But the judges for different reasons were merciless, the emperor, because war had been made on a province, the Senate because they could not be sufficiently convinced that there had been no treachery about the death of Germanicus. At the same time shouts were heard from the people in front of the Senate House, threatening violence if he escaped the verdict of the Senators. They had actually dragged Piso’s statues to the Gemonian stairs, and were breaking them in pieces, when by the emperor’s order they were rescued and replaced. Piso was then put in a litter and attended by a tribune of one of the Praetorian cohorts, who followed him, so it was variously rumoured, to guard his person or to be his executioner. 15. Plancina was equally detested, but had stronger interest. Consequently it was considered a question how far the emperor would be allowed to go against her. While Piso’s hopes were in suspense, she offered to share his lot, whatever it might be, and in the worst event, to be his companion in death. But as soon as she had secured her pardon through the secret intercessions of Augusta, she gradually withdrew from her husband and separated her defence from his. When the prisoner saw that this was fatal to him, he hesitated whether he should still persist, but at the urgent request of his sons braced his courage and once more entered the Senate. There he bore patiently the renewal of the accusation, the furious voices of the Senators, savage opposition indeed from every quarter, but nothing daunted him so much as to see Tiberius, without pity and without anger, resolutely closing himself against any inroad of emotion. He was conveyed back to his house, where, seemingly by way of preparing his defence for the next day, he wrote a few words, sealed the paper and handed it to a freedman. Then he bestowed the usual attention on his person; after a while, late at night, his wife having left his chamber, he ordered the doors to be closed, and at daybreak was found with his throat cut and a sword lying on the ground.

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16. I remember to have heard old men say that a document was often seen in Piso’s hands, the substance of which he never himself divulged, but which his friends repeatedly declared contained a letter from Tiberius with instructions referring to Germanicus, and that it was his intention to produce it before the Senate and upbraid the emperor, had he not been deluded by vain promises from Sejanus. Nor did he perish, they said, by his own hand, but by that of one sent to be his executioner. Neither of these statements would I positively affirm; still it would not have been right for me to conceal what was related by those who lived up to the time of my youth. The emperor, assuming an air of sadness, complained in the Senate that the purpose of such a death was to bring odium on himself, and he asked with repeated questionings how Piso had spent his last day and night. Receiving answers which were mostly judicious, though in part somewhat incautious, he read out a note written by Piso, nearly to the following effect:—”Crushed by a conspiracy of my foes and the odium excited by a lying charge, since my truth and innocence find no place here, I call the immortal gods to witness that towards you Caesar, I have lived loyally, and with like dutiful respect towards your mother. And I implore you to think of my children, one of whom, Cneius is in no way implicated in my career, whatever it may have been, seeing that all this time he has been at Rome, while the other, Marcus Piso, dissuaded me from returning to Syria. Would that I had yielded to my young son rather than he to his aged father! And therefore I pray the more earnestly that the innocent may not pay the penalty of my wickedness. By forty-five years of obedience, by my association with you in the consulate, as one who formerly won the esteem of the Divine Augustus, your father, as one who is your friend and will never hereafter ask a favour, I implore you to save my unhappy son.” About Plancina he added not a word. Source: Cornelius Tacitus et al., Annals of Tacitus, Book 3, translated into English with notes and maps by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb, 1st ed. (London: Macmillan, 1888), http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/tac/a03010.htm.

13. THE THRACIAN WAR During Tiberius’s reign a rebellion among the Thracian allies broke out, resulting in the governor of Moesia, Poppaeus Sabinus, having to deal with them. The Thracians were not conquered but as allies were required to render service, which they did not do regularly. Sabinus moved against them and attempted to engage the Thracians in open combat, but they refused. His next plan was to build a rampart around the enemy and besiege them by cutting off their water supply and fodder for the animals. The tactic worked, and soon the Thracians attempted to break out under the cover of night but were defeated. Tacitus (Publius [or Gaius] Cornelius Tacitus, ca. 56–120 CE) describes in detail the various tactics and ploys used by both sides.

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Book 4 46. In the consulship of Lentulus Gaetulicus and Caius Calvisius, triumphal distinctions were decreed to Poppaeus Sabinus, for a crushing defeat of some Thracian tribes, whose wild life in the highlands of a mountainous country made them unusually fierce. Besides their natural ferocity, the rebellion had its origin in their scornful refusal to endure levies and to supply our armies with their bravest men. Even native princes they would obey only according to their caprice, and if they sent aid, they used to appoint their own leaders and fight only against their neighbours. A rumour had then spread itself among them that, dispersed and mingled with other tribes, they were to be dragged away to distant countries. Before however they took up arms, they sent envoys with assurances of their friendship and loyalty, which, they said, would continue, if they were not tried by any fresh burden. But if they were doomed to slavery as a conquered people, they had swords and young warriors and a spirit bent on freedom or resigned to death. As they spoke, they pointed to fortresses amid rocks whither they had conveyed their parents and their wives, and threatened us with a difficult, dangerous and sanguinary war. 47. Sabinus meantime, while he was concentrating his troops, returned gentle answers; but on the arrival of Pomponius Labeo with a legion from Moesia and of king Rhoemetalces with some reinforcements from his subjects, who had not thrown off their allegiance, with these and the force he had on the spot, he advanced on the enemy, who were drawn up in some wooded defiles. Some ventured to show themselves on the open hills; these the Roman general approached in fighting order and easily dislodged them, with only a small slaughter of the barbarians, who had not far to flee. In this position he soon established a camp, and held with a strong detachment a narrow and unbroken mountain ridge, stretching as far as the next fortress, which was garrisoned by a large force of armed soldiers along with some irregulars. Against the boldest of these, who after the manner of their country were disporting themselves with songs and dances in front of the rampart, he sent some picked archers, who, discharging distant volleys, inflicted many wounds without loss to themselves. As they advanced, a sudden sortie put them to the rout, and they fell back on the support of a Sugambrian cohort, drawn up at no great distance by the Roman general, ready for any emergency and as terrible as the foe, with the noise of their war songs and the clashing of their arms. 48. He then moved his camp near to the enemy, leaving in his former entrenchments the Thracians who, as I have mentioned, were with us. These had permission to ravage, burn, and plunder, provided they confined their forays to daylight, and passed the night securely and vigilantly in their camp. This at first they strictly observed. Soon they resigned themselves to enjoyment, and, enriched by plunder, they neglected their guards, and amid feasts and mirth sank down in the carelessness of the banquet, of sleep and of wine. So the enemy, apprised of their heedlessness, prepared two detachments, one of which was to attack the plunderers, the other, to fall on the Roman camp,

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not with the hope of taking it, but to hinder the din of the other battle from being heard by our soldiers, who, with shouts and missiles around them, would be all intent on their own peril. Night too was chosen for the movement to increase the panic. Those however who tried to storm the entrenchment of the legions were easily repulsed; the Thracian auxiliaries were dismayed by the suddenness of the onset, for though some were lying close to their lines, far more were straggling beyond them, and the massacre was all the more savage, inasmuch as they were taunted with being fugitives and traitors and bearing arms for their own and their country’s enslavement. 49. Next day Sabinus displayed his forces in the plain, on the chance of the barbarians being encouraged by the night’s success to risk an engagement. Finding that they did not quit the fortress and the adjoining hills, he began a siege by means of the works which he had opportunely begun to construct; then he drew a fosse and stockade enclosing an extent of four miles, and by degrees contracted and narrowed his lines, with the view of cutting off their water and forage. He also threw up a rampart, from which to discharge stones, darts, and brands on the enemy, who was now within range. It was thirst however which chiefly distressed them, for there was only one spring for the use of a vast multitude of soldiers and non-combatants. Their cattle too, penned up close to them, after the fashion of barbarians, were dying of want of fodder; near them lay human bodies which had perished from wounds or thirst, and the whole place was befouled with rotting carcases and stench and infection. To their confusion was added the growing misery of discord, some thinking of surrender, others of destruction by mutual blows. Some there were who suggested a sortie instead of an unavenged death, and these were all men of spirit, though they differed in their plans. 50. One of their chiefs, Dinis, an old man who well knew by long experience both the strength and clemency of Rome, maintained that they must lay down their arms, this being the only remedy for their wretched plight, and he was the first to give himself up with his wife and children to the conqueror. He was followed by all whom age or sex unfitted for war, by all too who had a stronger love of life than of renown. The young were divided between Tarsa and Turesis, both of whom had resolved to fall together with their freedom. Tarsa however kept urging them to speedy death and to the instant breaking off of all hope and fear, and, by way of example, plunged his sword into his heart. And there were some who chose the same death. Turesis and his band waited for night, not without the knowledge of our general. Consequently, the sentries were strengthened with denser masses of troops. Night was coming on with a fierce storm, and the foe, one moment with a tumultuous uproar, another in awful silence, had perplexed the besiegers, when Sabinus went round the camp, entreating the men not to give a chance to their stealthy assailants by heeding embarrassing noises or being deceived by quiet, but to keep, every one, to his post without moving or discharging their darts on false alarms. 51. The barbarians meanwhile rushed down with their bands, now hurling at the entrenchments stones such as the hand could grasp, stakes with points hardened by

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fire, and boughs lopped from oaks; now filling up the fosses with bushes and hurdles and dead bodies, while others advanced up to the breastwork with bridges and ladders which they had constructed for the occasion, seized it, tore it down, and came to close quarters with the defenders. Our soldiers on the other side drove them back with missiles, repelled them with their shields, and covered them with a storm of long siegejavelins and heaps of stones. Success already gained and the more marked disgrace which would follow repulse, were a stimulus to the Romans, while the courage of the foe was heightened by this last chance of deliverance and the presence of many mothers and wives with mournful cries. Darkness, which increased the daring of some and the terror of others, random blows, wounds not foreseen, failure to recognise friend or enemy, echoes, seemingly in their rear, from the winding mountain valleys, spread such confusion that the Romans abandoned some of their lines in the belief that they had been stormed. Only however a very few of the enemy had broken through them; the rest, after their bravest men had been beaten back or wounded, were towards daybreak pushed back to the upper part of the fortress and there at last compelled to surrender. Then the immediate neighbourhood, by the voluntary action of the inhabitants, submitted. The early and severe winter of Mount Haemus saved the rest of the population from being reduced by assault or blockade. Source: Cornelius Tacitus et al., Annals of Tacitus, Book 4, translated into English with notes and maps by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb, 1st ed. (London: Macmillan, 1888), http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/tac/a04040.htm.

14. PERSECUTION OF CULTS The Romans traditionally were suspicious of foreign rites, as seen in this passage by Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE), especially from the east. This passage shows how Tiberius dealt with astrologers, Egyptians, and Jews. Astrologers were feared, since the Romans believed that they could foretell the future, in particular if an individual would become emperor or a great leader. Egyptians, presumably in the worship of Isis, may have been feared because of Isis’s connection with Cleopatra, who had challenged Rome only a short time earlier. The Jews, who had been recognized by Rome, were still held in suspicion, since they believed in monotheism and did not allow for the emperor to be revered. 36 1 He abolished foreign cults, especially the Egyptian and the Jewish rites, compelling all who were addicted to such superstitions to burn their religious vestments and all their paraphernalia. Those of the Jews who were of military age he assigned to provinces of less healthy climate, ostensibly to serve in the army; the others of that same race or of similar beliefs he banished from the city, on pain of slavery for life if they did not obey. He banished the astrologers as well, but pardoned such as begged for indulgence and promised to give up their art.

Primary Documents | Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Tiberius*.html.

15. TIBERIUS’S RELATIONS WITH AGRIPPINA Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) relates how the family of Augustus was constantly at odds with one another. Here Emperor Tiberius feared the rise and power of Agrippina, granddaughter of Augustus and widow of Germanicus, Tiberius’s nephew and designated coheir by Augustus. When Germanicus died in the east his widow became the foil of Tiberius in the imperial family. Her sons were designated to succeed Tiberius over his own family, which may have caused him fear. Tiberius, with the help of his Praetorian Guard commander Sejanus, began the systematic attack on Agrippina and her family, causing their downfall and death. Only the youngest son, Gaius, was spared, and he ultimately succeeded Tiberius and is better known as Caligula. 53 1 When his daughter-in-law Agrippina was somewhat outspoken in her complaints after her husband’s death, he took her by the hand and quoted a Greek verse, meaning, “Do you think a wrong is done you, dear daughter, if you are not empress?” After that he never deigned to hold any conversation with her. Indeed, after she showed fear of tasting an apple which he handed her at dinner, he even ceased to invite her to his table, alleging that he had been charged with an attempt to poison her; but as a matter of fact, the whole affair had been pre-arranged, that he should offer her the fruit to test her, and that she should refuse it as containing certain death. 2 At last, falsely charging her with a desire to take refuge, now at the statue of Augustus and now with the armies, he exiled her to Pandataria, and when she loaded him with reproaches, he had her beaten by a centurion until one of her eyes was destroyed. Again, when she resolved to die of starvation, he had her mouth pried open and food crammed into it. Worst of all, when she persisted in her resolution and so perished, he assailed her memory with the basest slanders, persuading the senate to add her birthday to the days of ill omen, and actually taking credit to himself for not having had her strangled and her body cast out on the Stairs of Mourning. He even allowed a decree to be passed in recognition of this remarkable clemency, in which thanks were offered him and a golden gift was consecrated to Jupiter of the Capitol. 54 1 By Germanicus he had three grandsons, Nero, Drusus, and Gaius, and by Drusus one, called Tiberius. Bereft of his own children, he recommended Nero and Drusus, the elder sons of Germanicus, to the senate, and celebrated the day when each of them came to his majority by giving largesse to the commons. But as soon as he learned that at the beginning of the year vows were being put up for their safety also, he referred the matter to the senate, saying that such honours ought to be conferred only on those of tried character and mature years. 2 By revealing his true feelings towards them from that time on, he exposed them to accusations from all quarters, and after

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resorting to various tricks to rouse them to rail at him, and seeing to it that they were betrayed when they did so, he brought most bitter charges against them both in writing; and when they had in consequence been pronounced public enemies, he starved them to death, Nero on the island of Pontia and Drusus in a lower room of the Palace. It is thought that Nero was forced to take his own life, since an executioner, who pretended that he came by authority of the senate, showed him the noose and hooks, but that Drusus was so tortured by hunger that he tried to eat the stuffing of his mattress; while the remains of both were so scattered that it was with difficulty that they could ever be collected. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Tiberius*.html.

16. SEJANUS AND THE POWER OF THE PRAETORIAN GUARD The growth of the Praetorian Guard began under Tiberius, and almost immediately the emperor was placed in danger. The commander, Sejanus, attempted to overthrow Tiberius. The plot failed this time, and Tiberius, fearful of the power that Sejanus had built up, readied himself to flee if necessary. The whole sequence of events relayed by Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) shows how the emperor, living in exile, no longer had a grasp on power and the situation in Rome. The event foreshadowed what would happen during the remainder of the empire, when the Praetorian Guard and/ or its commander could make and unmake emperors. 65 1 When Sejanus was plotting revolution, although he saw the man’s birthday publicly celebrated and his golden statues honoured everywhere, yet it was with difficulty that he at last overthrew him, rather by craft and deceit than by his imperial authority. First of all, to remove him from his person under colour of showing him honour, he chose him as his colleague in a fifth consulship, which, with this very end in view, he assumed after a long interval while absent from the city. Then beguiling him with hope of marriage into the imperial family and of the tribunicial power, he accused him when he least expected it in a shameful and pitiable speech, begging the senators among other things to send one of the consuls to bring him, a lonely old man, into their presence under military protection. 2 Even then distrustful and fearful of an outbreak, he had given orders that his grandson Drusus, whom he still kept imprisoned in Rome, should be set free, if occasion demanded, and made commander-in-chief. He even got ships ready and thought of flight to some of the legions, constantly watching from a high cliff for the signals which he had ordered to be raised afar off as each step was taken, for fear the messengers should be delayed. But even when the conspiracy of Sejanus was crushed, he was no whit more confident or courageous, but for the next nine months he did not leave the villa which is called Io’s.

Primary Documents | Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Tiberius*.html.

17. TIBERIUS’S DEPRAVITY It was common for authors to report on gossip concerning the imperial family. Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) relays information concerning the supposed sexual depravities that Emperor Tiberius committed. In detail the author paints a picture of an elderly man who retired from politics to live a carefree life on the island of Capri, an imperial resort, and give himself over to sexual pleasures. Other evidence, mainly documentary from inscriptions, shows Tiberius actively engaged in running the government from Capri. The true answer is probably in the middle. Tiberius retired from Rome to Capri, where it was more relaxed and pleasant, but for the Romans this was viewed as an insult and clearly showed that he had something to hide, hence the stories that Suetonius relayed. 43 1 On retiring to Capri he devised a pleasance for his secret orgies: teams of wantons of both sexes, selected as experts in deviant intercourse and dubbed analists, copulated before him in triple unions to excite his flagging passions. 2 Its bedrooms were furnished with the most salacious paintings and sculptures, as well as with an erotic library, in case a performer should need an illustration of what was required. Then in Capri’s woods and groves he arranged a number of nooks of venery where boys and girls got up as Pans and nymphs solicited outside bowers and grottoes: people openly called this “the old goat’s garden,” punning on the island’s name. 44 1 He acquired a reputation for still grosser depravities that one can hardly bear to tell or be told, let alone believe. For example, he trained little boys (whom he termed tiddlers) to crawl between his thighs when he went swimming and tease him with their licks and nibbles; and unweaned babies he would put to his organ as though to the breast, being by both nature and age rather fond of this form of satisfaction. 2 Left a painting of Parrhasius’s depicting Atalanta pleasuring Meleager with her lips on condition that if the theme displeased him he was to have a million sesterces instead, he chose to keep it and actually hung it in his bedroom. The story is also told that once at a sacrifice, attracted by the acolyte’s beauty, he lost control of himself and, hardly waiting for the ceremony to end, rushed him off and debauched him and his brother, the flute-player, too; and subsequently, when they complained of the assault, he had their legs broken. 45 1 How grossly he was in the habit of abusing women even of high birth is very clearly shown by the death of a certain Mallonia. When she was brought to his bed and refused most vigorously to submit to his lust, he turned her over to the informers, and even when she was on trial he did not cease to call out and ask her “whether she was sorry”; so that finally she left the court and went home, where she stabbed herself, openly

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upbraiding the ugly old man for his obscenity. Hence a stigma put upon him at the next plays in an Atellan farce was received with great applause and became current, that “the old goat was licking the does.” Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Tiberius*.html.

18. CALIGULA’S CRUELTY The aged Emperor Tiberius brought his young grandnephew, Gaius (Caligula), to Capri to ostensibly protect him from his enemies, including Sejanus, Tiberius’s commander of the Praetorian Guard. Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) relays how the young man showed his true character to the emperor, who while concerned still allowed him to continue to reside on the island and indulge in his passions and acts. Suetonius puts into the mouth of Tiberius what Caligula turned out to be, a disaster for the Roman state. 11 1 Yet even at that time he could not control his natural cruelty and viciousness, but he was a most eager witness of the tortures and executions of those who suffered punishment, revelling at night in gluttony and adultery, disguised in a wig and a long robe, passionately devoted besides to the theatrical arts of dancing and singing, in which Tiberius very willingly indulged him, in the hope that through these his savage nature might be softened. This last was so clearly evident to the shrewd old man, that he used to say now and then that to allow Gaius to live would prove the ruin of himself and of all men, and that he was rearing a viper for the Roman people and a Phaethon for the world. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Caligula*.html.

19. FLOODING OF THE TIBER RIVER This passage deals with the perennial problem facing Rome, the flooding of the Tiber River. During the reign of Tiberius the flooding was so great that the emperor sought to determine how best to solve it. A commission was created, and several ideas were developed, most involving the changing of the tributaries that flowed into the Tiber. Since most of the affected areas would be away from Rome, those regions sent delegations to oppose the measures. In the end the commission decided to do nothing. The passage by Tacitus (Publius [or Gaius] Cornelius Tacitus, ca. 56–120 CE) is interesting in that it contradicts the view that the imperial government could do as it pleased to the other regions of the empire.

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Book 1 76. In the same year the Tiber, swollen by continuous rains, flooded the level portions of the city. Its subsidence was followed by a destruction of buildings and of life. Thereupon Asinius Gallus proposed to consult the Sibylline books. Tiberius refused, veiling in obscurity the divine as well as the human. However, the devising of means to confine the river was intrusted to Ateius Capito and Lucius Arruntius. . . . 79. A question was then raised in the Senate by Arruntius and Ateius whether, in order to restrain the inundations of the Tiber, the rivers and lakes which swell its waters should be diverted from their courses. A hearing was given to embassies from the municipal towns and colonies, and the people of Florentia begged that the Clanis might not be turned out of its channel and made to flow into the Arnus, as that would bring ruin on themselves. Similar arguments were used by the inhabitants of Interamna. The most fruitful plains of Italy, they said, would be destroyed if the river Nar (for this was the plan proposed) were to be divided into several streams and overflow the country. Nor did the people of Reate remain silent. They remonstrated against the closing up of the Veline lake, where it empties itself into the Nar, “as it would burst in a flood on the entire neighbourhood. Nature had admirably provided for human interests in having assigned to rivers their mouths, their channels, and their limits, as well as their sources. Regard, too, must be paid to the different religions of the allies, who had dedicated sacred rites, groves, and altars to the rivers of their country. Tiber himself would be altogether unwilling to be deprived of his neighbour streams and to flow with less glory.” Either the entreaties of the colonies, or the difficulty of the work or superstitious motives prevailed, and they yielded to Piso’s opinion, who declared himself against any change. Source: Cornelius Tacitus et al., Annals of Tacitus, Book 1, translated into English with notes and maps by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb, 1st ed. (London: Macmillan, 1888), http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/tac/a01070.htm.

20. NEW TAXES The passage by Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) shows several peculiarities of the Roman financial system and Emperor Caligula’s supposed insanity. Traditionally, the Romans were loath to raise rates on existing taxes; instead, they preferred to create new taxes, leaving the rates unchanged for preexisting taxes. Caligula, in need of funds, resorted to creating new types of taxes, especially on services such as prostitution, a sales tax on food, and legal proceedings. The passage, however, also shows that the emperor resorted to unusual ways to increase revenue, such as opening up an imperial brothel. The acts of Caligula were meant to show his unstable mind. 40 1 He levied new and unheard of taxes, at first through the publicans and then, because their profit was so great, through the centurions and tribunes of the Praetorian Guard; and there was no class of commodities or men on which he did not impose

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some form of tariff. On all eatables sold in any part of the city he levied a fixed and definite charge; on lawsuits and legal processes begun anywhere, a fortieth part of the sum involved, providing a penalty in case anyone was found guilty of compromising or abandoning a suit; on the daily wages of porters, an eighth; on the earnings of prostitutes, as much as each received for one embrace; and a clause was added to this chapter of the law, providing that those who had ever been prostitutes or acted as panders should be liable to this public tax, and that even matrimony should not be exempt. 41 1 When taxes of this kind had been proclaimed, but not published in writing, inasmuch as many offences were committed through ignorance of the letter of the law, he at last, on the urgent demand of the people, had the law posted up, but in a very narrow place and in excessively small letters, to prevent the making of a copy. To leave no kind of plunder untried, he opened a brothel in his palace, setting apart a number of rooms and furnishing them to suit the grandeur of the place, where matrons and freeborn youths should stand exposed. Then he sent his pages about the fora and basilicas, to invite young men and old to enjoy themselves, lending money on interest to those who came and having clerks openly take down their names, as contributors to Caesar’s revenues. 2 He did not even disdain to make money from play, and to increase his gains by falsehood and even by perjury. Having on one occasion given up his place to the player next to him and gone into the courtyard, he spied two wealthy Roman knights passing by; he ordered them to be seized at once and their property confiscated and came back exultant, boasting that he had never played in better luck. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 1, Julius, Augustus, Tiberius, Gaius, Caligula, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago .edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Caligula*.html.

21. LEGAL COURTS This passage by Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) shows how Emperor Claudius, known for his study of law and history, is laid out to be a fool and easily manipulated by those in the courts. While the instances may seem to show the emperor in a negative light, it is also possible to show how one side of the case viewed his decisions. The emperors often heard cases, both in public and in private, and were often faced with decisions running from the mundane to the exceptional. While Suetonius relates how Claudius seemingly debased the courts and rendered results based on questionable testimony, it should be noted that Roman courts acted in this fashion throughout their history. Even the great jurist Cicero was not above telling lies in court if doing so could help his client. 15 1 But in hearing and deciding cases he showed strange inconsistency of temper, for he was now careful and shrewd, sometimes hasty and inconsiderate, occasionally silly and like a crazy man. In revising the lists of the divisions of jurors he disqualified a man

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who had presented himself without mentioning that he was immune because of the number of his children, on the ground that he had a passion for jury-duty. Another, who was challenged by his opponents about a suit of his own, said that it did not come before Caesar’s tribunal, but the ordinary courts; whereupon Claudius compelled him at once to bring the case before him, saying that the man would show in a case affecting his own interests how just a juror he would be in the affairs of others. 2 When a woman refused to recognise her son, the evidence on both sides was conflicting, he forced her to admit the truth by ordering her to marry the young man. Whenever one party to a suit was absent, he was prone to decide in favour of the one who was present, without considering whether his opponent had failed to appear through his own fault or from a necessary cause. On a man’s being convicted of forgery, some one cried out that his hands ought to be cut off; whereupon Claudius insisted that an executioner be summoned at once with knife and block. In a case involving citizenship a fruitless dispute arose among the advocates as to whether the defendant ought to make his appearance in the toga or in a Greek mantle, and the emperor, with the idea of showing absolute impartiality, made him change his garb several times, according as he was accused or defended. 3 In one case he is credited with having rendered the following decision, which he had actually written out beforehand: “I decide in favour of those who have told the truth.” By such acts as these he so discredited himself that he was held in general and open contempt. One man in making excuses for a witness that the emperor had summoned from one of the provinces, said that he could not appear, but for a long time would give no reason; at last, after a long series of questions, he said: “He’s dead; I think the excuse is a lawful one.” Another in thanking the emperor for allowing him to defend his client added “After all, it is usual.” I myself used to hear older men say that the pleaders took such advantage of his good-nature, that they would not only call him back when he left the tribunal, but would catch hold of the fringe of his robe, and sometimes of his foot, and thus detain him. 4 To prevent any surprise at this, I may add that a common Greek pettifogger let slip this remark in a hot debate: “You are both an old man and a fool.” All the world knows that a Roman knight who was tried for improper conduct towards women, but on a false charge trumped up by unscrupulous enemies, seeing common strumpets called as witnesses against him and their testimony admitted, hurled the stylus and tablets which he held in his hand into the emperor’s face with such force as to cut his cheek badly, at the same time loudly reviling his cruelty and stupidity. . . . 23 1 The season for holding court, formerly divided into a winter and a summer term, he made continuous. Jurisdiction in cases of trust, which it had been usual to assign each year and only to magistrates in the city, he delegated for all time and extended to the governors of the provinces. He annulled a clause added to the lex Papia Poppaea by Tiberius, implying that men of sixty could not beget children. 2 He made a law that guardians might be appointed for orphans by the consuls, contrary to the usual procedure, and that those who were banished from a province by its magistrates should also be debarred from the city and from Italy. He himself imposed upon some a new kind of punishment, by forbidding them to go more than three miles outside of the city.

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|  The Roman Empire Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Claudius*.html.

22. CLAUDIUS’S PUBLIC WORKS Emperors were known for their public works, which not only provided employment but often gave the empire needed works for utilitarian purposes. Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) in this passage praises Emperor Claudius for undertaking a series of public works that benefited the city of Rome, especially new aqueducts and the new harbor at Ostia, Rome’s port. The passage indicates the manpower needed for some works such as the draining of the Fucine Lake, requiring 30,000 men working for 11 years. Perhaps his greatest achievement was the new harbor at Ostia, a project envisioned a century earlier under Julius Caesar but never accomplished due to the difficulty and the dictator’s assassination. 20 1 The public works which he completed were great and essential rather than numerous; they were in particular the following: an aqueduct begun by Gaius; also the outlet of Lake Fucinus and the harbour at Ostia, although in the case of the last two he knew that Augustus had refused the former to the Marsians in spite of their frequent requests, and that the latter had often been thought of by the Deified Julius, but given up because of its difficulty. He brought to the city on stone arches the cool and abundant founts of the Claudian aqueduct, one of which is called Caeruleus and the other Curtius and Albudignus, and at the same time the spring of the new Anio, distributing them into many beautifully ornamented pools. 2 He made the attempt on the Fucine lake as much in the hope of gain as of glory, inasmuch as there were some who agreed to drain it at their own cost, provided the land that was uncovered be given to them. He finished the outlet, which was three miles in length, partly by levelling and partly by tunnelling a mountain, a work of great difficulty and requiring eleven years, although he had thirty thousand men at work all the time without interruption. 3 He constructed the harbour at Ostia by building curving breakwaters on the right and left, while before the entrance he placed a mole in deep water. To give this mole a firmer foundation, he first sank the ship in which the great obelisk had been brought from Egypt, and then securing it by piles, built upon it a very lofty tower after the model of the Pharos at Alexandria, to be lighted at night and guide the course of ships. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Claudius*.html.

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23. THE GRAIN SUPPLY As Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) relates, the importance of the grain supply in Rome was paramount. Emperor Claudius was attacked in the Forum by a mob when the grain supply ran low. Emperors realized that a riot among the population could result in a general uprising spreading to other quarters, most notably the soldiers. To prevent these uprisings, emperors took seriously the supplying of grain. Claudius here not only took care of the city by helping prevent and put out fires but also paid for the expenses of grain merchants and gave individuals rewards for helping provide grain to the city. 18 1 He always gave scrupulous attention to the care of the city and the supply of grain. On the occasion of a stubborn fire in the Aemiliana he remained in the Diribitorium for two nights, and when a body of soldiers and of his own slaves could not give sufficient help, he summoned the commons from all parts of the city through the magistrates, and placing bags full of money before them, urged them to the rescue, paying each man on the spot a suitable reward for his services. 2 When there was a scarcity of grain because of long-continued droughts, he was once stopped in the middle of the Forum by a mob and so pelted with abuse and at the same time with pieces of bread, that he was barely able to make his escape to the Palace by a back door; and after this experience he resorted to every possible means to bring grain to Rome, even in the winter season. To the merchants he held out the certainty of profit by assuming the expense of any loss that they might suffer from storms, and offered to those who would build merchant ships large bounties, adapted to the condition of each: 19 1 to a citizen exemption from the lex Papia Poppaea; to a Latin the rights of Roman citizenship; to women the privileges allowed the mothers of four children. And all these provisions are in force to day. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Claudius*.html.

24. FOREIGN RELATIONS How emperors dealt with various groups, soldiers, slaves, and foreigners was often complicated by the politics and mores in Rome. In this passage Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) describes some of the policies that Emperor Claudius imposed to prevent disturbances and also to reward/punish others. Claudius appears to have viewed the treatment of slaves more humanely than others, allowing slaves abandoned due to illness to be free if they recovered. He attempted to keep the noise level in cities down by prohibiting carts for travelers. Claudius was conscious of foreign views, giving some cities

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tax exemptions while others were brought into Roman jurisdiction. He also dealt with religious sects such as the Druids, Eleusinian rites, and perhaps Christianity through a reference to Chrestus. 25 1 He rearranged the military career of the knights, assigning a division of cavalry after a cohort, and next the tribunate of a legion. He also instituted a series of military positions and a kind of fictitious service, which is called “supernumerary” and could be performed in absentia and in name only. He even had the Fathers pass a decree forbidding soldiers to enter the houses of senators to pay their respects. He confiscated the property of those freedmen who passed as Roman knights, and reduced to slavery again such as were ungrateful and a cause of complaint to their patrons, declaring to their advocates that he would not entertain a suit against their own freedmen. 2 When certain men were exposing their sick and worn out slaves on the Island of Aesculapius because of the trouble of treating them, Claudius decreed that all such slaves were free, and that if they recovered, they should not return to the control of their master; but if anyone preferred to kill such a slave rather than to abandon him, he was liable to the charge of murder. He provided by an edict that travellers should not pass through the towns of Italy except on foot, or in a chair or litter. He stationed a cohort at Puteoli and one at Ostia, to guard against the danger of fires. 3 He forbade men of foreign birth to use the Roman names so far as those of the clans were concerned. Those who usurped the privileges of Roman citizenship he executed in the Esquiline field. He restored to the senate the provinces of Achaia and Macedonia, which Tiberius had taken into his own charge. He deprived the Lycians of their independence because of deadly internecine feuds, and restored theirs to the Rhodians, since they had given up their former faults. He allowed the people of Ilium perpetual exemption from tribute, on the ground that they were the founders of the Roman race, reading an ancient letter of the senate and people of Rome written in Greek to king Seleucus, in which they promised him their friendship and alliance only on condition that he should keep their kinsfolk of Ilium free from every burden. 4 Since the Jews constantly made disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus, he expelled them from Rome. He allowed the envoys of the Germans to sit in the orchestra, led by their naïve self-confidence; for when they had been taken to the seats occupied by the common people and saw the Parthian and Armenian envoys sitting with the senate, they moved of their own accord to the same part of the theatre, protesting that their merits and rank were no whit inferior. 5 He utterly abolished the cruel and inhuman religion of the Druids among the Gauls, which under Augustus had merely been prohibited to Roman citizens; on the other hand he even attempted to transfer the Eleusinian rites from Attica to Rome, and had the temple of Venus Erycina in Sicily, which had fallen to ruin through age, restored at the expense of the treasury of the Roman people. He struck his treaties with foreign princes in the Forum, sacrificing a pig and reciting the ancient formula of the fetial priests. But these and other acts, and in fact almost the whole conduct of his reign, were dictated not so much by his own judgment as that of his wives and freedmen, since he nearly always acted in accordance with their interests and desires.

Primary Documents | Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Claudius*.html.

25. GAMES The emperors soon learned the importance of keeping the people of Rome distracted with activities, especially the games. These games could be singing and acting events or chariot and gladiatorial competitions. In these passages Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) relates the various games given by Emperors Claudius and his successor Nero. Both emperors realized that the games not only provided distractions for the commoners but also allowed the emperor to give his beneficence to the public. The number of performances clearly allowed the public to have a variety of games and events to choose from. The chariot races soon became the most popular and with the Circus Maximus, holding nearly 200,000 people, allowed for the emperor to be on display. Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars: Claudius 21 1 He very often distributed largesse to the people. He also gave several splendid shows, not merely the usual ones in the customary places, but some of a new kind and some revived from ancient times, and in places where no one had ever given them before. He opened the games at the dedication of Pompey’s theatre, which he had restored when it was damaged by a fire, from a raised seat in the orchestra, after first offering sacrifice at the temples in the upper part of the auditorium and coming down through the tiers of seats while all sat in silence. 2 He also celebrated secular games, alleging that they had been given too early by Augustus and not reserved for the regular time; although he himself writes in his own History that when they had been discontinued for a long time, Augustus restored them to their proper place after a very careful calculation of the intervals. Therefore the herald’s proclamation was greeted with laughter, when he invited the people in the usual formula to games “which no one had ever seen or would ever see again”; for some were still living who had seen them before, and some actors who had appeared at the former performance appeared at that time as well. He often gave games in the Vatican Circus also, at times with a beast-baiting between every five races. 3 But the Great Circus he adorned with barriers of marble and gilded goals, whereas before they had been of tufa and wood, and assigned special seats to the senators, who had been in the habit of viewing the games with the rest of the people. In addition to the chariot races he exhibited the game called Troy and also panthers, which were hunted down by a squadron of the praetorian cavalry under the lead of the tribunes and the prefect himself; likewise Thessalian horsemen, who drive wild bulls all over the arena, leaping upon them when they are tired out and throwing them to the ground by the horns.

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4 He gave many gladiatorial shows and in many places: one in yearly celebration of his accession, in the Praetorian Camp without wild beasts and fine equipment, and one in the Saepta of the regular and usual kind; another in the same place not in the regular list, short and lasting but a few days, to which he was the first to apply the name of sportula, because before giving it for the first time he made proclamation that he invited the people “as it were to an extempore meal, hastily prepared.” 5 Now there was no form of entertainment at which he was more familiar and free, even thrusting out his left hand, as the commons did, and counting aloud on his fingers the gold pieces which were paid to the victors; and ever and anon he would address the audience, and invite and urge them to merriment, calling them “masters” from time to time, and interspersing feeble and far-fetched jokes. For example, when they called for Palumbus he promised that they should have him, “if he could be caught.” The following, however, was both exceedingly timely and salutary; when he had granted the wooden sword to an essedarius, for whose discharge four sons begged, and the act was received with loud and general applause, he at once circulated a note, pointing out to the people how greatly they ought to desire children, since they saw that they brought favour and protection even to a gladiator. 6 He gave representations in the Campus Martius of the storming and sacking of a town in the manner of real warfare, as well as of the surrender of the kings of the Britons, and presided clad in a general’s cloak. Even when he was on the point of letting out the water from Lake Fucinus he gave a sham sea-fight first. But when the combatants cried out: “Hail, emperor, they who are about to die salute thee,” he replied, “Or not,” and after that all of them refused to fight, maintaining that they had been pardoned. Upon this he hesitated for some time about destroying them all with fire and sword, but at last leaping from his throne and running along the edge of the lake with his ridiculous tottering gait, he induced them to fight, partly by threats and partly by promises. At this performance a Sicilian and a Rhodian fleet engaged, each numbering twelve triremes, and the signal was sounded on a horn by a silver Triton, which was raised from the middle of the lake by a mechanical device. Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars: Nero 11 1 He gave many entertainments of different kinds: the Juvenales, chariot races in the Circus, stage-plays, and a gladiatorial show. At the first mentioned he had even old men of consular rank and aged matrons take part. For the games in the Circus he assigned places to the knights apart from the rest, and even matched chariots drawn by four camels. 2 At the plays which he gave for the “Eternity of the Empire,” which by his order were called the Ludi Maximi, parts were taken by several men and women of both the orders; a well known Roman knight mounted an elephant and rode down a rope; a Roman play of Afranius, too, was staged, entitled “The Fire,” and the actors were allowed to carry off the furniture of the burning house and keep it. Every day all kinds of presents were thrown to the people; these included a thousand birds of every kind each day, various kinds of food, tickets for grain, clothing, gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, paintings, slaves, beasts of burden, and even trained wild animals; finally, ships, blocks of houses, and farms. . . . 25 1 Returning from Greece, since it was at Naples that he had made his first appearance, he entered that city with white horses through a part of the

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wall which had been thrown down, as is customary with victors in the sacred games. In like manner he entered Antium, then Albanum, and finally Rome; but at Rome he rode in the chariot which Augustus had used in his triumphs in days gone by, and wore a purple robe and a Greek cloak adorned with stars of gold, bearing on his head the Olympic crown and in his right hand the Pythian, while the rest were carried before him with inscriptions telling where he had won them and against what competitors, and giving the titles of the songs or of the subject of the plays. His car was followed by his claque as by the escort of a triumphal procession, who shouted that they were the attendants of Augustus and the soldiers of his triumph. 2 Then through the arch of the Circus Maximus, which was thrown down, he made his way across the Velabrum and the Forum to the Palatine and the temple of Apollo. All along the route victims were slain, the streets were sprinkled from time to time with perfume, while birds, ribbons, and sweetmeats were showered upon him. He placed the sacred crowns in his bed-chambers around the couches, as well as statues representing him in the guise of a lyre-player; and he had a coin too struck with the same device. 3 So far from neglecting or relaxing his practice of the art after this, he never addressed the soldiers except by letter or in a speech delivered by another, to save his voice; and he never did anything for amusement or in earnest without an elocutionist by his side, to warn him to spare his vocal organs and hold a handkerchief to his mouth. To many men he offered his friendship or announced his hostility, according as they had applauded him lavishly or grudgingly. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Claudius*.html.

26. NERO’S PUNISHMENT OF CHRISTIANS Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) mentions the suppression of Christians by Emperor Nero. In a section dealing with how the emperor dealt with abuses, Nero punished Christians, who were called a new and mischievous superstition. Not dwelling on them, Suetonius then goes on to relate how Nero dealt with other problems such as chariot drivers, actors, and new cults. While many of these problems relate to any large city, some of them such as religious issues show the clash between cultures that was arising, especially between the traditional rites of Rome and eastern religions. 16 . . . 2 During his reign many abuses were severely punished and put down, and no more new laws were made: a limit was set to expenditures; the public banquets were confined to a distribution of food; the sale of any kind of cooked viands in the taverns was forbidden, with the exception of pulse and vegetables, whereas before every sort of dainty was exposed for sale. Punishment was inflicted on the Christians, a class of men given to a new and mischievous superstition. He put an end to the diversions of the

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chariot drivers, who from immunity of long standing claimed the right of ranging at large and amusing themselves by cheating and robbing the people. The pantomimic actors and their partisans were banished from the city. . . . 56 1 He utterly despised all cults, with the sole exception of that of the Syrian God, and even acquired such a contempt for her that he made water on her image, after he was enamoured of another superstition, which was the only one to which he constantly clung. For he had received as a gift from some unknown man of the commons, as a protection against plots, a little image of a girl; and since a conspiracy at once came to light, he continued to venerate it as a powerful divinity and to offer three sacrifices to it every day, encouraging the belief that through its communication he had knowledge of the future. A few months before his death he did attend an inspection of victims, but could not get a favourable omen. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Nero*.html.

27. WARS IN BRITAIN Tacitus (Publius [or Gaius] Cornelius Tacitus, ca. 56–120 CE) describes the troubles in Britain under Nero. Suetonius Paulinus, the governor, was away dealing with the Druids and their army on the island of Mona. Suetonius Paulinus successfully defeated the enemy after crossing to the island. While dealing with them, the whole province of Britain rebelled when their king had died without a male heir. In his will he left his kingdom to Nero and his two daughters. The Roman commander then attacked the Britons; the king’s wife Boudicca led a rebellion, destroying Roman settlements across the southern part of the island. Suetonius Paulinus returned to London, which he soon abandoned and which was destroyed, to find a more advantageous battlefield. Finding an area that favored his smaller force, Suetonius Paulinus successfully defeated Boudicca and the Britons. The passage below shows not only Roman military supremacy but also the Romans’ arrogance in dealing with the local natives. 29. In the consulship of Caesonius Paetus and Petronius Turpilianus, a serious disaster was sustained in Britain, where Aulius Didius, the emperor’s legate, had merely retained our existing possessions, and his successor Veranius, after having ravaged the Silures in some trifling raids, was prevented by death from extending the war. While he lived, he had a great name for manly independence, though, in his will’s final words, he betrayed a flatterer’s weakness; for, after heaping adulation on Nero, he added that he should have conquered the province for him, had he lived for the next two years. Now, however, Britain was in the hands of Suetonius Paulinus, who in military

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knowledge and in popular favour, which allows no one to be without a rival, vied with Corbulo, and aspired to equal the glory of the recovery of Armenia by the subjugation of Rome’s enemies. He therefore prepared to attack the island of Mona which had a powerful population and was a refuge for fugitives. He built flat-bottomed vessels to cope with the shallows, and uncertain depths of the sea. Thus the infantry crossed, while the cavalry followed by fording, or, where the water was deep, swam by the side of their horses. 30. On the shore stood the opposing army with its dense array of armed warriors, while between the ranks dashed women, in black attire like the Furies, with hair dishevelled, waving brands. All around, the Druids, lifting up their hands to heaven, and pouring forth dreadful imprecations, scared our soldiers by the unfamiliar sight, so that, as if their limbs were paralysed, they stood motionless, and exposed to wounds. Then urged by their general’s appeals and mutual encouragements not to quail before a troop of frenzied women, they bore the standards onwards, smote down all resistance, and wrapped the foe in the flames of his own brands. A force was next set over the conquered, and their groves, devoted to inhuman superstitions, were destroyed. They deemed it indeed a duty to cover their altars with the blood of captives and to consult their deities through human entrails. 31. Suetonius while thus occupied received tidings of the sudden revolt of the province. Prasutagus, king of the Iceni, famed for his long prosperity, had made the emperor his heir along with his two daughters, under the impression that this token of submission would put his kingdom and his house out of the reach of wrong. But the reverse was the result, so much so that his kingdom was plundered by centurions, his house by slaves, as if they were the spoils of war. First, his wife Boudicea was scourged, and his daughters outraged. All the chief men of the Iceni, as if Rome had received the whole country as a gift, were stript of their ancestral possessions, and the king’s relatives were made slaves. Roused by these insults and the dread of worse, reduced as they now were into the condition of a province, they flew to arms and stirred to revolt the Trinobantes and others who, not yet cowed by slavery, had agreed in secret conspiracy to reclaim their freedom. It was against the veterans that their hatred was most intense. For these new settlers in the colony of Camulodunum drove people out of their houses, ejected them from their farms, called them captives and slaves, and the lawlessness of the veterans was encouraged by the soldiers, who lived a similar life and hoped for similar licence. A temple also erected to the Divine Claudius was ever before their eyes, a citadel, as it seemed, of perpetual tyranny. Men chosen as priests had to squander their whole fortunes under the pretence of a religious ceremonial. It appeared too no difficult matter to destroy the colony, undefended as it was by fortifications, a precaution neglected by our generals, while they thought more of what was agreeable than of what was expedient. 32. Meanwhile, without any evident cause, the statue of Victory at Camulodunum fell prostrate and turned its back to the enemy, as though it fled before them. Women

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excited to frenzy prophesied impending destruction; ravings in a strange tongue, it was said, were heard in their Senate-house; their theatre resounded with wailings, and in the estuary of the Tamesa had been seen the appearance of an overthrown town; even the ocean had worn the aspect of blood, and, when the tide ebbed, there had been left the likenesses of human forms, marvels interpreted by the Britons, as hopeful, by the veterans, as alarming. But as Suetonius was far away, they implored aid from the procurator, Catus Decianus. All he did was to send two hundred men, and no more, without regular arms, and there was in the place but a small military force. Trusting to the protection of the temple, hindered too by secret accomplices in the revolt, who embarrassed their plans, they had constructed neither fosse nor rampart; nor had they removed their old men and women, leaving their youth alone to face the foe. Surprised, as it were, in the midst of peace, they were surrounded by an immense host of the barbarians. All else was plundered or fired in the onslaught; the temple where the soldiers had assembled, was stormed after a two days’ siege. The victorious enemy met Petilius Cerialis, commander of the ninth legion, as he was coming to the rescue, routed his troops, and destroyed all his infantry. Cerialis escaped with some cavalry into the camp, and was saved by its fortifications. Alarmed by this disaster and by the fury of the province which he had goaded into war by his rapacity, the procurator Catus crossed over into Gaul. 33. Suetonius, however, with wonderful resolution, marched amidst a hostile population to Londinium, which, though undistinguished by the name of a colony, was much frequented by a number of merchants and trading vessels. Uncertain whether he should choose it as a seat of war, as he looked round on his scanty force of soldiers, and remembered with what a serious warning the rashness of Petilius had been punished, he resolved to save the province at the cost of a single town. Nor did the tears and weeping of the people, as they implored his aid, deter him from giving the signal of departure and receiving into his army all who would go with him. Those who were chained to the spot by the weakness of their sex, or the infirmity of age, or the attractions of the place, were cut off by the enemy. Like ruin fell on the town of Verulamium, for the barbarians, who delighted in plunder and were indifferent to all else, passed by the fortresses with military garrisons, and attacked whatever offered most wealth to the spoiler, and was unsafe for defence. About seventy thousand citizens and allies, it appeared, fell in the places which I have mentioned. For it was not on making prisoners and selling them, or on any of the barter of war, that the enemy was bent, but on slaughter, on the gibbet, the fire and the cross, like men soon about to pay the penalty, and meanwhile snatching at instant vengeance. 34. Suetonius had the fourteenth legion with the veterans of the twentieth, and auxiliaries from the neighbourhood, to the number of about ten thousand armed men, when he prepared to break off delay and fight a battle. He chose a position approached by a narrow defile, closed in at the rear by a forest, having first ascertained that there was not a soldier of the enemy except in his front, where an open plain extended without any danger from ambuscades. His legions were in close array; round them, the light-armed

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troops, and the cavalry in dense array on the wings. On the other side, the army of the Britons, with its masses of infantry and cavalry, was confidently exulting, a vaster host than ever had assembled, and so fierce in spirit that they actually brought with them, to witness the victory, their wives riding in waggons, which they had placed on the extreme border of the plain. 35. Boudicea, with her daughters before her in a chariot, went up to tribe after tribe, protesting that it was indeed usual for Britons to fight under the leadership of women. “But now,” she said, “it is not as a woman descended from noble ancestry, but as one of the people that I am avenging lost freedom, my scourged body, the outraged chastity of my daughters. Roman lust has gone so far that not our very persons, nor even age or virginity, are left unpolluted. But heaven is on the side of a righteous vengeance; a legion which dared to fight has perished; the rest are hiding themselves in their camp, or are thinking anxiously of flight. They will not sustain even the din and the shout of so many thousands, much less our charge and our blows. If you weigh well the strength of the armies, and the causes of the war, you will see that in this battle you must conquer or die. This is a woman’s resolve; as for men, they may live and be slaves.” 36. Nor was Suetonius silent at such a crisis. Though he confided in the valour of his men, he yet mingled encouragements and entreaties to disdain the clamours and empty threats of the barbarians. “There,” he said, “you see more women than warriors. Unwarlike, unarmed, they will give way the moment they have recognised that sword and that courage of their conquerors, which have so often routed them. Even among many legions, it is a few who really decide the battle, and it will enhance their glory that a small force should earn the renown of an entire army. Only close up the ranks, and having discharged your javelins, then with shields and swords continue the work of bloodshed and destruction, without a thought of plunder. When once the victory has been won, everything will be in your power.” Such was the enthusiasm which followed the general’s address, and so promptly did the veteran soldiery, with their long experience of battles, prepare for the hurling of the javelins, that it was with confidence in the result that Suetonius gave the signal of battle. 37. At first, the legion kept its position, clinging to the narrow defile as a defence; when they had exhausted their missiles, which they discharged with unerring aim on the closely approaching foe, they rushed out in a wedge-like column. Similar was the onset of the auxiliaries, while the cavalry with extended lances broke through all who offered a strong resistance. The rest turned their back in flight, and flight proved difficult, because the surrounding waggons had blocked retreat. Our soldiers spared not to slay even the women, while the very beasts of burden, transfixed by the missiles, swelled the piles of bodies. Great glory, equal to that of our old victories, was won on that day. Some indeed say that there fell little less than eighty thousand of the Britons, with a loss to our soldiers of about four hundred, and only as many wounded. Boudicea put an end to her life by poison. Poenius Postumus too, camp-prefect of the second legion, when he knew of the success of the men of the fourteenth and twentieth, feeling that he had

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cheated his legion out of like glory, and had contrary to all military usage disregarded the general’s orders, threw himself on his sword. 38. The whole army was then brought together and kept under canvas to finish the remainder of the war. The emperor strengthened the forces by sending from Germany two thousand legionaries, eight cohorts of auxiliaries, and a thousand cavalry. On their arrival the men of the ninth had their number made up with legionary soldiers. The allied infantry and cavalry were placed in new winter quarters, and whatever tribes still wavered or were hostile were ravaged with fire and sword. Nothing however distressed the enemy so much as famine, for they had been careless about sowing corn, people of every age having gone to the war, while they reckoned on our supplies as their own. Nations, too, so high-spirited inclined the more slowly to peace, because Julius Classicanus, who had been sent as successor to Catus and was at variance with Suetonius, let private animosities interfere with the public interest, and had spread an idea that they ought to wait for a new governor who, having neither the anger of an enemy nor the pride of a conqueror, would deal mercifully with those who had surrendered. At the same time he stated in a despatch to Rome that no cessation of fighting must be expected, unless Suetonius were superseded, attributing that general’s disasters to perverseness and his successes to good luck. 39. Accordingly one of the imperial freedmen, Polyclitus, was sent to survey the state of Britain, Nero having great hopes that his influence would be able not only to establish a good understanding between the governor and the pro-curator, but also to pacify the rebellious spirit of the barbarians. And Polyclitus, who with his enormous suite had been a burden to Italy and Gaul, failed not, as soon as he had crossed the ocean, to make his progresses a terror even to our soldiers. But to the enemy he was a laughing-stock, for they still retained some of the fire of liberty, knowing nothing yet of the power of freedmen, and so they marvelled to see a general and an army who had finished such a war cringing to slaves. Everything, however, was softened down for the emperor’s ears, and Suetonius was retained in the government; but as he subsequently lost a few vessels on the shore with the crews, he was ordered, as though the war continued, to hand over his army to Petronius Turpilianus, who had just resigned his consulship. Petronius neither challenged the enemy nor was himself molested, and veiled this tame inaction under the honourable name of peace. Source: Cornelius Tacitus et al., Annals of Tacitus, Book 14, translated into English with notes and maps by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb, 1st ed. (London: Macmillan, 1888), http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/tac/a14030.htm.

28. FIRES IN ROME While fires had always existed in Rome, the fire under Nero in July 64 CE was perhaps the greatest, leaving most of the city damaged. Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca.

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69–125 CE) makes it clear that Nero set the fire so as to profit by the disaster, especially since his new palace, the Domus Aureus (Golden House) was built on the ruins of the fire. Tacitus (Publius [or Gaius] Cornelius Tacitus, ca. 56–120 CE) in this passage indicates that there were various accounts of how the fire started, either on purpose by Nero or by accident. The results were catastrophic. For six days the fire raged, and ultimately of the 14 districts in Rome, only 4 escaped damage. Suetonius, Life of Nero 38 1 But he showed no greater mercy to the people or the walls of his capital. When someone in a general conversation said: “When I am dead, be earth consumed by fire,” he rejoined “Nay, rather while I live,” and his action was wholly in accord. For under cover of displeasure at the ugliness of the old buildings and the narrow, crooked streets, he set fire to the city so openly that several ex-consuls did not venture to lay hands on his chamberlains although they caught them on their estates with tow and fire-brands, while some granaries near the Golden House, whose room he particularly desired, were demolished by engines of war and then set on fire, because their walls were of stone. 2 For six days and seven nights destruction raged, while the people were driven for shelter to monuments and tombs. At that time, besides an immense number of dwellings, the houses of leaders of old were burned, still adorned with trophies of victory, and the temples of the gods vowed and dedicated by the kings and later in the Punic and Gallic wars, and whatever else interesting and noteworthy had survived from antiquity. Viewing the conflagration from the tower of Maecenas and exulting, as he said, in “the beauty of the flames,” he sang the whole of the “Sack of Ilium,” in his regular stage costume. 3 Furthermore, to gain from this calamity too all the spoil and booty possible, while promising the removal of the debris and dead bodies free of cost he allowed no one to approach the ruins of his own property; and from the contributions which he not only received, but even demanded, he nearly bankrupted the provinces and exhausted the resources of individuals. Tacitus, Annals: Book 15 38. A disaster followed, whether accidental or treacherously contrived by the emperor, is uncertain, as authors have given both accounts, worse, however, and more dreadful than any which have ever happened to this city by the violence of fire. It had its beginning in that part of the circus which adjoins the Palatine and Caelian hills, where, amid the shops containing inflammable wares, the conflagration both broke out and instantly became so fierce and so rapid from the wind that it seized in its grasp the entire length of the circus. For here there were no houses fenced in by solid masonry, or temples surrounded by walls, or any other obstacle to interpose delay. The blaze in its fury ran first through the level portions of the city, then rising to the hills, while it again

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devastated every place below them, it outstripped all preventive measures; so rapid was the mischief and so completely at its mercy the city, with those narrow winding passages and irregular streets, which characterised old Rome. Added to this were the wailings of terror-stricken women, the feebleness of age, the helpless inexperience of childhood, the crowds who sought to save themselves or others, dragging out the infirm or waiting for them, and by their hurry in the one case, by their delay in the other, aggravating the confusion. Often, while they looked behind them, they were intercepted by flames on their side or in their face. Or if they reached a refuge close at hand, when this too was seized by the fire, they found that, even places, which they had imagined to be remote, were involved in the same calamity. At last, doubting what they should avoid or whither betake themselves, they crowded the streets or flung themselves down in the fields, while some who had lost their all, even their very daily bread, and others out of love for their kinsfolk, whom they had been unable to rescue, perished, though escape was open to them. And no one dared to stop the mischief, because of incessant menaces from a number of persons who forbade the extinguishing of the flames, because again others openly hurled brands, and kept shouting that there was one who gave them authority, either seeking to plunder more freely, or obeying orders. 39. Nero at this time was at Antium, and did not return to Rome until the fire approached his house, which he had built to connect the palace with the gardens of Maecenas. It could not, however, be stopped from devouring the palace, the house, and everything around it. However, to relieve the people, driven out homeless as they were, he threw open to them the Campus Martius and the public buildings of Agrippa, and even his own gardens, and raised temporary structures to receive the destitute multitude. Supplies of food were brought up from Ostia and the neighbouring towns, and the price of corn was reduced to three sesterces a peck. These acts, though popular, produced no effect, since a rumour had gone forth everywhere that, at the very time when the city was in flames, the emperor appeared on a private stage and sang of the destruction of Troy, comparing present misfortunes with the calamities of antiquity. 40. At last, after five days, an end was put to the conflagration at the foot of the Esquiline hill, by the destruction of all buildings on a vast space, so that the violence of the fire was met by clear ground and an open sky. But before people had laid aside their fears, the flames returned, with no less fury this second time, and especially in the spacious districts of the city. Consequently, though there was less loss of life, the temples of the gods, and the porticoes which were devoted to enjoyment, fell in a yet more widespread ruin. And to this conflagration there attached the greater infamy because it broke out on the Aemilian property of Tigellinus, and it seemed that Nero was aiming at the glory of founding a new city and calling it by his name. Rome, indeed, is divided into fourteen districts, four of which remained uninjured, three were levelled to the ground, while in the other seven were left only a few shattered, half-burnt relics of houses. 41. It would not be easy to enter into a computation of the private mansions, the blocks of tenements, and of the temples, which were lost. Those with the oldest ceremonial,

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as that dedicated by Servius Tullius to Luna, the great altar and shrine raised by the Arcadian Evander to the visibly appearing Hercules, the temple of Jupiter the Stayer, which was vowed by Romulus, Numa’s royal palace, and the sanctuary of Vesta, with the tutelary deities of the Roman people, were burnt. So too were the riches acquired by our many victories, various beauties of Greek art, then again the ancient and genuine historical monuments of men of genius, and, notwithstanding the striking splendour of the restored city, old men will remember many things which could not be replaced. Some persons observed that the beginning of this conflagration was on the 19th of July, the day on which the Senones captured and fired Rome. Others have pushed a curious inquiry so far as to reduce the interval between these two conflagrations into equal numbers of years, months, and days. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E /Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Nero*.html; Cornelius Tacitus et al., Annals of Tacitus, Book 15, translated into English with notes and maps by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb, 1st ed. (London: Macmillan, 1888), http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/tac/a15030.htm.

29. NERO’S PRIVATE HOUSE The following two passages from Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) and Tacitus (Publius [or Gaius] Cornelius Tacitus, ca. 56–120 CE) describe the building program of Nero, especially his private residence, the Golden House. Criticizing Nero for building private structures that were opulent, the two authors describe how Nero built an immense palace in downtown Rome and also his plan to link Rome via Ostia with Avernus in the south by canal, never completed, so the emperor could journey by boat but not on the open sea. In addition, he attempted to regulate the building of new structures to provide not only for beauty but also for protection from future fires. Suetonius, Life of Nero 31 1 There was nothing however in which he was more ruinously prodigal than in building. He made a palace extending all the way from the Palatine to the Esquiline, which at first he called the House of Passage, but when it was burned shortly after its completion and rebuilt, the Golden House. Its size and splendour will be sufficiently indicated by the following details. Its vestibule was large enough to contain a colossal statue of the emperor a hundred and twenty feet high; and it was so extensive that it had a triple colonnade a mile long. There was a pond too, like a sea, surrounded with buildings to represent cities, besides tracts of country, varied by tilled fields, vineyards, pastures and woods, with great numbers of wild and domestic animals. 2 In the rest of the house all parts were overlaid with gold and adorned with gems and mother-of pearl.

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There were dining-rooms with fretted ceils of ivory, whose panels could turn and shower down flowers and were fitted with pipes for sprinkling the guests with perfumes. The main banquet hall was circular and constantly revolved day and night, like the heavens. He had baths supplied with sea water and sulphur water. When the edifice was finished in this style and he dedicated it, he deigned to say nothing more in the way of approval than that he was at last beginning to be housed like a human being. 3 He also began a pool, extending from Misenum to the lake of Avernus, roofed over and enclosed in colonnades, into which he planned to turn all the hot springs in every part of Baiae; a canal from Avernus all the way to Ostia, to enable the journey to be made by ship yet not by sea; its length was to be a hundred and sixty miles and its breadth sufficient to allows ships with five banks of oars to pass each other. For the execution of these projects he had given orders that the prisoners all over the empire should be transported to Italy, and that those who were convicted even of capital crimes should be punished in no other way than by sentence to this work. He was led to such mad extravagance, in addition to his confidence in the resources of the empire, by the hope of a vast hidden treasure, suddenly inspired by the assurance of a Roman knight, who declared positively that the enormous wealth which queen Dido had taken with her of old in her flight from Tyre was hidden away in huge caves in Africa and could be recovered with but trifling labour. Tacitus, Annals: Book 15 42. Nero meanwhile availed himself of his country’s desolation, and erected a mansion in which the jewels and gold, long familiar objects, quite vulgarised by our extravagance, were not so marvellous as the fields and lakes, with woods on one side to resemble a wilderness, and, on the other, open spaces and extensive views. The directors and contrivers of the work were Severus and Celer, who had the genius and the audacity to attempt by art even what nature had refused, and to fool away an emperor’s resources. They had actually undertaken to sink a navigable canal from the lake Avernus to the mouths of the Tiber along a barren shore or through the face of hills, where one meets with no moisture which could supply water, except the Pomptine marshes. The rest of the country is broken rock and perfectly dry. Even if it could be cut through, the labour would be intolerable, and there would be no adequate result. Nero, however, with his love of the impossible, endeavoured to dig through the nearest hills to Avernus, and there still remain the traces of his disappointed hope. 43. Of Rome meanwhile, so much as was left unoccupied by his mansion, was not built up, as it had been after its burning by the Gauls, without any regularity or in any fashion, but with rows of streets according to measurement, with broad thoroughfares, with a restriction on the height of houses, with open spaces, and the further addition of colonnades, as a protection to the frontage of the blocks of tenements. These colonnades Nero promised to erect at his own expense, and to hand over the open spaces, when

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cleared of the debris, to the ground landlords. He also offered rewards proportional to each person’s position and property, and prescribed a period within which they were to obtain them on the completion of so many houses or blocks of building. He fixed on the marshes of Ostia for the reception of the rubbish, and arranged that the ships which had brought up corn by the Tiber, should sail down the river with cargoes of this rubbish. The buildings themselves, to a certain height, were to be solidly constructed, without wooden beams, of stone from Gabii or Alba, that material being impervious to fire. And to provide that the water which individual license had illegally appropriated, might flow in greater abundance in several places for the public use, officers were appointed, and everyone was to have in the open court the means of stopping a fire. Every building, too, was to be enclosed by its own proper wall, not by one common to others. These changes which were liked for their utility, also added beauty to the new city. Some, however, thought that its old arrangement had been more conducive to health, inasmuch as the narrow streets with the elevation of the roofs were not equally penetrated by the sun’s heat, while now the open space, unsheltered by any shade, was scorched by a fiercer glow. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Nero*.html; Cornelius Tacitus et al., Annals of Tacitus, Book 15, translated into English with notes and maps by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb, 1st ed. (London: Macmillan, 1888), http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla /tac/a15040.htm.

30. NERO’S SINGING The private lives of the emperors fascinated everyone, and writers enjoyed relating about their peculiarities. Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) describes how Emperor Nero desired to learn how to sing and eagerly trained and practiced to perform. As he began to sing in public he soon enjoyed the attention and, although occasionally feigning modesty, constantly continued his activities. Encouraged by his entourage, he would sing not only at private venues but even in public competitions, winning, of course. He even sang in the theater, something unbecoming of a noble, as actors were on par with prostitutes in the social system. 20 1 Having gained some knowledge of music in addition to the rest of his early education, as soon as he became emperor he sent for Terpnus, the greatest master of the lyre in those days, and after listening to him sing after dinner for many successive days until late at night, he little by little began to practise himself, neglecting none of the exercises which artists of that kind are in the habit of following, to preserve or strengthen their voices. For he used to lie upon his back and hold a leaden plate on his chest, purge

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himself by the syringe and by vomiting, and deny himself fruits and all foods injurious to the voice. Finally encouraged by his progress, although his voice was weak and husky, he began to long to appear on the stage, and every now and then in the presence of his intimate friends he would quote a Greek proverb meaning “Hidden music counts for nothing.” 2 And he made his début at Naples, where he did not cease singing until he had finished the number which he had begun, even though the theatre was shaken by a sudden earthquake shock. In the same city he sang frequently and for several days. Even when he took a short time to rest his voice, he could not keep out of sight but went to the theatre after bathing and dined in the orchestra with the people all about him, promising them in Greek, that when he had wetted his whistle a bit, he would ring out something good and loud. 3 He was greatly taken too with the rhythmic applause of some Alexandrians, who had flocked to Naples from a fleet that had lately arrived, and summoned more men from Alexandria. Not content with that, he selected some young men of the order of knights and more than five thousand sturdy young commoners, to be divided into groups and learn the Alexandrian styles of applause (they called them “the bees,” “the roof-tiles,” and “the bricks”), and to ply them vigorously whenever he sang. These men were noticeable for their thick hair and fine apparel; their left hands were bare and without rings, and the leaders were paid four hundred thousand sesterces each. 21 1 Considering it of great importance to appear in Rome as well, he repeated the contest of the Neronia before the appointed time, and when there was a general call for his “divine voice,” he replied that if any wished to hear him, he would favour them in the gardens; but when the guard of soldiers which was then on duty seconded the entreaties of the people, he gladly agreed to appear at once. So without delay he had his name added to the list of the lyre-players who entered the contest, and casting his own lot into the urn with the rest, he came forward in his turn, attended by the prefects of the Guard carrying his lyre, and followed by the tribunes of the soldiers and his intimate friends. 2 Having taken his place and finished his preliminary speech, he announced through the ex-consul Cluvius Rufus that “he would sing Niobe”; and he kept at it until late in the afternoon, putting off the award of the prize for that event and postponing the rest of the contest to the next year, to have an excuse for singing oftener. But since even that seemed too long to wait, he did not cease to appear in public from time to time. He even thought of taking part in private performances among the professional actors, when one of the praetors offered him a million sesterces. 3 He also put on the mask and sang tragedies representing gods and heroes and even heroines and goddesses, having the masks fashioned in the likeness of his own features or those of the women of whom he chanced to be enamoured. Among other themes he sang “Canace in Labor,” “Orestes the Matricide,” “The Blinding of Oedipus” and the “Frenzy of Hercules.” At the last named performance they say that a young recruit, seeing the emperor in mean attire and bound with chains, as the subject required, rushed forward to lend him aid. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence,

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31. PRAETORIAN GUARD Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) in describing the act of Vitellius in punishing the Praetorian Guard for the murder of Emperor Galba shows how powerful this force had become so early in the empire. Vitellius had been proclaimed emperor in Gaul, and his army defeated the forces of Emperor Otho, who committed suicide after the defeat. Otho had risen to power by having the praetorians assassinate Galba. Vitellius was praised for this act, since it showed an attempt to reassert imperial authority. Vitellius was soon defeated by Vespasian, and the praetorians were once again reconstituted and would continue to be a powerful political force in the city. 10 1 He heard of the victory at Betriacum and of the death of Otho while he was still in Gaul, and without delay by a single edict he disbanded all the praetorian cohorts, as having set a pernicious example, and bade them hand over their arms to their tribunes. Furthermore, he gave orders that one hundred and twenty of them should be hunted up and punished, having found petitions which they had written to Otho, asking for a reward for services rendered in connection with Galba’s murder. These acts were altogether admirable and noble, and such as to give hope that he would be a great prince, had it not been that the rest of his conduct was more in harmony with his natural disposition and his former habits of life than with imperial dignity. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Vitellius*.html.

32. CIVILIS REBELLION A by-product of civil war was the destabilization of the provinces, which left them open to attack and mayhem. As Tacitus (Publius [or Gaius] Cornelius Tacitus, ca. 56–120 CE) relates, when Nero had perished and the Year of the Four Emperors (69 CE) occurred, the defenses of the provinces were stripped. Germany was particularly vulnerable, since one of the emperors, Vitellius, had been commander on the Rhine and had now moved into Italy with most of the able-bodied legions from the region. He was soon challenged by Vespasian and the legions from the Danube region. All of this allowed the local German commander, Civilis, to plan a rebellion. Civilis was an auxiliary from one of the German tribes; he used the Roman civil war as cover and planned his attacks. Civilis

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knew that if Vitellius was victorious the emperor could not respond quickly, so Civilis pledged his support to Vespasian so that if he won the new emperor would be favorably disposed toward him. Book 4 13. Julius Paullus and Claudius Civilis, scions of the royal family, ranked very high above the rest of their nation. Paullus was executed by Fonteius Capito on a false charge of rebellion. Civilis was put in chains and sent to Nero, and, though acquitted by Galba, again stood in peril of his life in the time of Vitellius, when the army clamoured for his execution. Here were causes of deep offence; hence arose hopes built on our disasters. Civilis, however, was naturally politic to a degree rarely found among barbarians. He was wont to represent himself as Sertorius or Hannibal, on the strength of a similar disfigurement of his countenance. To avoid the opposition which he would encounter as a public enemy, were he openly to revolt from Rome, he affected a friendship for Vespasian and a zealous attachment to his party; and indeed a letter had been despatched to him by Primus Antonius, in which he was directed to divert the reinforcements which Vitellius had called up, and to keep the legions where they were by the feint of an outbreak in Germany. The same policy was suggested by Hordeonius in person; he had a bias towards Vespasian, and feared for the Empire, the utter ruin of which would be very near, were a fresh war with so many thousands of armed men to burst upon Italy. 14. Civilis, who was resolved on rebellion, and intended, while concealing his ulterior designs, to reveal his other plans as occasion presented itself, set about the work of revolution in this way. By command of Vitellius all the Batavian youth was then being summoned to the conscription, a thing naturally vexatious, and which the officials made yet more burdensome by their rapacity and profligacy, while they selected aged and infirm persons, whom they might discharge for a consideration, and mere striplings, but of distinguished beauty (and many attained even in boyhood to a noble stature), whom they dragged off for infamous purposes. This caused indignation, and the ringleaders of the concerted rebellion prevailed upon the people to refuse the conscription. Civilis collected at one of the sacred groves, ostensibly for a banquet, the chiefs of the nation and the boldest spirits of the lower class. When he saw them warmed with the festivities of the night, he began by speaking of the renown and glory of their race, and then counted the wrongs and the oppressions which they endured, and all the other evils of slavery. “There is,” he said, “no alliance, as once there was; we are treated as slaves. When does even a legate come among us, though he come only with a burdensome retinue and in all the haughtiness of power? We are handed over to prefects and centurions, and when they are glutted with our spoils and our blood, then they are changed, and new receptacles for plunder, new terms for spoliation, are discovered. Now the conscription is at hand, tearing, we may say, forever children from parents, and brothers from brothers. Never has the power of Rome been more depressed. In the winter quarters of the legions there is nothing but property to plunder and a few old

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men. Only dare to look up, and cease to tremble at the empty names of legions. For we have a vast force of horse and foot; we have the Germans our kinsmen; we have Gaul bent on the same objects. Even to the Roman people this war will not be displeasing; if defeated, we shall still reckon it a service to Vespasian, and for success no account need be rendered.” 15. Having been listened to with great approval, he bound the whole assembly with barbarous rites and the national forms of oath. Envoys were sent to the Canninefates to urge a common policy. This is a tribe which inhabits part of the island, and closely resembles the Batavians in their origin, their language, and their courageous character, but is inferior in numbers. After this he sent messengers to tamper with the British auxiliaries and with the Batavian cohorts, who, as I have before related, had been sent into Germany, and were then stationed at Mogontiacum. Among the Canninefates there was a certain Brinno, a man of a certain stolid bravery and of distinguished birth. His father, after venturing on many acts of hostility, had scorned with impunity the ridiculous expedition of Caligula. His very name, the name of a family of rebels, made him popular. Raised aloft on a shield after the national fashion, and balanced on the shoulders of the bearers, he was chosen general. Immediately summoning to arms the Frisii, a tribe of the farther bank of the Rhine, he assailed by sea the winter quarters of two cohorts, which was the nearest point to attack. The soldiers had not anticipated the assault of the enemy; even had they done so, they had not strength to repulse it. Thus the camp was taken and plundered. Then the enemy fell upon the sutlers and Roman traders, who were wandering about in every direction, as they would in a time of peace. At the same time they were on the point of destroying the forts, but the prefects of the cohorts, seeing that they could not hold them, set them on fire. The standards, the colours, and what soldiers there were, concentrated themselves in the upper part of the island under the command of Aquilius, a centurion of the first rank, an army in name rather than in strength. Vitellius in fact, after withdrawing the effective troops from the cohorts, had loaded with arms a crowd of idlers from the neighbouring villages of the Nervii and the Germans. Source: Tacitus, The History of Tacitus, translated by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb (London: Macmillan, 1905), 147–149, http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/tac/h04010 .htm.

33. URINE TAX Finding the treasury depleted after Nero’s reign and the civil war that followed, the new emperor, Vespasian, instituted several new taxes, one of which was a tax on urine. The story contained in Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) has his son and future emperor Titus questioning his father’s act. Vespasian’s act may have been a charge on those who collected the urine from the baths. While Titus’s aversion to the tax was noted, it was clear that the tax proceeds were more important.

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23 . . . 3 When Titus found fault with him for contriving a tax upon public conveniences, he held a piece of money from the first payment to his son’s nose, asking whether its odour was offensive to him. When Titus said “No,” he replied, “Yet it comes from urine.” On the report of a deputation that a colossal statue of great cost had been voted him at public expense, he demanded to have it set up at once, and holding out his open hand, said that the base was ready. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Vespasian*.html.

34. SIEGE OF JERUSALEM Tacitus (Publius [or Gaius] Cornelius Tacitus, ca. 56–120 CE) details the defenses of Jerusalem, which faced the general Caesar Titus, son of Emperor Vespasian. After initial skirmishes between the Romans and Jews in front of the city gates, the Jewish forces remained behind the city walls, and the Romans prepared a siege. Tacitus describes how the city was well defended with walls and towers and that inside the city there were other defensive positions such as the Fortress Antonia and the great Temple. The major issue for the Jewish forces was their division, at first led by three separate generals controlling three different sections for the defense of the city. Since they were fractured, a cohesive defensive position was more difficult. While Titus had hoped for a quick victory, he now settled in for a protracted siege. Book 5 11. The Jews formed their line close under their walls, whence, if successful, they might venture to advance, and where, if repulsed, they had a refuge at hand. The cavalry with some light infantry was sent to attack them, and fought without any decisive result. Shortly afterwards the enemy retreated. During the following days they fought a series of engagements in front of the gates, till they were driven within the walls by continual defeats. The Romans then began to prepare for an assault. It seemed beneath them to await the result of famine. The army demanded the more perilous alternative, some prompted by courage, many by sheer ferocity and greed of gain. Titus himself had Rome with all its wealth and pleasures before his eyes. Jerusalem must fall at once, or it would delay his enjoyment of them. But the commanding situation of the city had been strengthened by enormous works which would have been a thorough defence even for level ground. Two hills of great height were fenced in by walls which had been skilfully obliqued or bent inwards, in such a manner that the flank of an assailant was exposed to missiles. The rock terminated in a precipice; the towers were raised to a height of sixty feet, where the hill lent its aid to the fortifications, where the ground fell, to a height of

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one hundred and twenty. They had a marvellous appearance, and to a distant spectator seemed to be of uniform elevation. Within were other walls surrounding the palace, and, rising to a conspicuous height, the tower Antonia, so called by Herod, in honour of Marcus Antonius. 12. The temple resembled a citadel, and had its own walls, which were more laboriously constructed than the others. Even the colonnades with which it was surrounded formed an admirable outwork. It contained an inexhaustible spring; there were subterranean excavations in the hill, and tanks and cisterns for holding rain water. The founders of the state had foreseen that frequent wars would result from the singularity of its customs, and so had made every provision against the most protracted siege. After the capture of their city by Pompey, experience and apprehension taught them much. Availing themselves of the sordid policy of the Claudian era to purchase the right of fortification, they raised in time of peace such walls as were suited for war. Their numbers were increased by a vast rabble collected from the overthrow of the other cities. All the most obstinate rebels had escaped into the place, and perpetual seditions were the consequence. There were three generals, and as many armies. Simon held the outer and larger circuit of walls. John, also called Bargioras, occupied the middle city. Eleazar had fortified the temple. John and Simon were strong in numbers and equipment, Eleazar in position. There were continual skirmishes, surprises, and incendiary fires, and a vast quantity of corn was burnt. Before long John sent some emissaries, who, under pretence of sacrificing, slaughtered Eleazar and his partisans, and gained possession of the temple. The city was thus divided between two factions, till, as the Romans approached, war with the foreigner brought about a reconciliation. 13. Prodigies had occurred, which this nation, prone to superstition, but hating all religious rites, did not deem it lawful to expiate by offering and sacrifice. There had been seen hosts joining battle in the skies, the fiery gleam of arms, the temple illuminated by a sudden radiance from the clouds. The doors of the inner shrine were suddenly thrown open, and a voice of more than mortal tone was heard to cry that the Gods were departing. At the same instant there was a mighty stir as of departure. Some few put a fearful meaning on these events, but in most there was a firm persuasion, that in the ancient records of their priests was contained a prediction of how at this very time the East was to grow powerful, and rulers, coming from Judaea, were to acquire universal empire. These mysterious prophecies had pointed to Vespasian and Titus, but the common people, with the usual blindness of ambition, had interpreted these mighty destinies of themselves, and could not be brought even by disasters to believe the truth. I have heard that the total number of the besieged, of every age and both sexes, amounted to six hundred thousand. All who were able bore arms, and a number, more than proportionate to the population, had the courage to do so. Men and women showed equal resolution, and life seemed more terrible than death, if they were to be forced to leave their country. Such was this city and nation; and Titus Caesar, seeing that the position forbad an assault or any of the more rapid operations of war, determined to proceed by earthworks and covered approaches. The legions had their respective duties assigned

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to them, and there was a cessation from fighting, till all the inventions, used in ancient warfare, or devised by modern ingenuity for the reduction of cities, were constructed. Source: Tacitus, The History of Tacitus, translated by Alfred John Church and William Jackson Brodribb (London: Macmillan, 1905), 198–200.

35. SIEGE OF MASADA Josephus (Titus Flavius Josephus, born Yosef ben Matityahu, 37-ca. 100 CE), a captured Jewish general, describes the siege of the Palace of Herod the Great at Masada between the Romans, led by their general Silva, and the Jewish rebels, or Sicarii. Silva decided to bring his battering ram up to the walls of Masada by constructing a great ramp made of stone and dirt. Once this was achieved, the Romans brought up a great tower to provide protection for their ram, which battered the walls. The outer wall broke, but the Jews constructed an inner wall of dirt that could absorb the impact; unfortunately, this inner wall was framed and held in place with wood, which the Romans set on fire. The fire nearly destroyed the Roman tower, but the winds changed course and burned the Jewish wall. Wars of the Jews: Book 7 8.5. Since therefore the Roman commander Silva had now built a wall on the outside, round about this whole place, as we have said already, and had thereby made a most accurate provision to prevent any one of the besieged running away, he undertook the siege itself, though he found but one single place that would admit of the banks he was to raise; for behind that tower which secured the road that led to the palace, and to the top of the hill from the west; there was a certain eminency of the rock, very broad and very prominent, but three hundred cubits beneath the highest part of Masada; it was called the White Promontory. Accordingly, he got upon that part of the rock, and ordered the army to bring earth; and when they fell to that work with alacrity, and abundance of them together, the bank was raised, and became solid for two hundred cubits in height. Yet was not this bank thought sufficiently high for the use of the engines that were to be set upon it; but still another elevated work of great stones compacted together was raised upon that bank; this was fifty cubits, both in breadth and height. The other machines that were now got ready were like to those that had been first devised by Vespasian, and afterwards by Titus, for sieges. There was also a tower made of the height of sixty cubits, and all over plated with iron, out of which the Romans threw darts and stones from the engines, and soon made those that fought from the walls of the place to retire, and would not let them lift up their heads above the works. At the same time Silva ordered that great battering ram which he had made to be brought thither, and to be set against the wall, and to make frequent batteries against it, which with some difficulty broke down a part of the wall, and quite overthrew it. However, the Sicarii made haste, and presently built another wall within that, which should not be liable to the same misfortune from the machines with the other; it was made soft and yielding, and so was capable of avoiding the

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terrible blows that affected the other. It was framed after the following manner: They laid together great beams of wood lengthways, one close to the end of another, and the same way in which they were cut: there were two of these rows parallel to one another, and laid at such a distance from each other as the breadth of the wall required, and earth was put into the space between those rows. Now, that the earth might not fall away upon the elevation of this bank to a greater height, they further laid other beams over cross them, and thereby bound those beams together that lay lengthways. This work of theirs was like a real edifice; and when the machines were applied, the blows were weakened by its yielding; and as the materials by such concussion were shaken closer together, the pile by that means became firmer than before. When Silva saw this, he thought it best to endeavor the taking of this wall by setting fire to it; so he gave order that the soldiers should throw a great number of burning torches upon it: accordingly, as it was chiefly made of wood, it soon took fire; and when it was once set on fire, its hollowness made that fire spread to a mighty flame. Now, at the very beginning of this fire, a north wind that then blew proved terrible to the Romans; for by bringing the flame downward, it drove it upon them, and they were almost in despair of success, as fearing their machines would be burnt: but after this, on a sudden the wind changed into the south, as if it were done by Divine Providence, and blew strongly the contrary way, and carried the flame, and drove it against the wall, which was now on fire through its entire thickness. So the Romans, having now assistance from God, returned to their camp with joy, and resolved to attack their enemies the very next day; on which occasion they set their watch more carefully that night, lest any of the Jews should run away from them without being discovered. Source: Josephus, The Genuine Works of Flavius Josephus, translated by William Whiston (New York: William Borradaile, 1824), 356–358.

36. ERUPTION OF MOUNT VESUVIUS During the short reign of Emperor Titus, Mount Vesuvius exploded in 79 CE, producing a massive destruction of lava and ash, burying the cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum and the surrounding region. Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) briefly records the disaster as one of several occurring during Titus’s reign and how the emperor helped its victims. More poignant and personal was the letter written by Pliny the Younger (Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus, 61–113 CE) concerning his uncle, Pliny the Elder, who attempted to help wealthy friends in the region and died due to the poisonous gases. Pliny the Younger describes the explosion he and his mother saw occurring in the distance. Pliny the Elder and his ships arrived to help, but in the process he died. Pliny the Younger’s account indicates that the explosion and resulting ash darkened the sky for three days. Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars: Titus 8 . . . 3 There were some dreadful disasters during his reign, such as the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in Campania, a fire at Rome which continued three days and as many

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nights, and a plague the like of which had hardly ever been known before. In these many great calamities he showed not merely the concern of an emperor, but even a father’s surpassing love, now offering consolation in edicts, and now lending aid so far as his means allowed. 4 He chose commissioners by lot from among the ex-consuls for the relief of Campania; and the property of those who lost their lives by Vesuvius and had no heirs left alive he applied to the rebuilding of the buried cities. During the fire in Rome he made no remark except “I am ruined,” and he set aside all the ornaments of his villas for the public buildings and temples, and put several men of the equestrian order in charge of the work, that everything might be done with the greater dispatch. For curing the plague and diminishing the force of the epidemic there was no aid, human or divine, which he did not employ, searching for every kind of sacrifice and all kinds of medicines. Pliny the Younger, 6.16, To Tacitus YOUR request that I would send you an account of my uncle’s death, in order to transmit a more exact relation of it to posterity, deserves my acknowledgments; for, if this accident shall be celebrated by your pen, the glory of it, I am well assured, will be rendered forever illustrious. And notwithstanding he perished by a misfortune, which, as it involved at the same time a most beautiful country in ruins, and destroyed so many populous cities, seems to promise him an everlasting remembrance; notwithstanding he has himself composed many and lasting works; yet I am persuaded, the mentioning of him in your immortal writings, will greatly contribute to render his name immortal. Happy I esteem those to be to whom by provision of the gods has been granted the ability either to do such actions as are worthy of being related or to relate them in a manner worthy of being read; but peculiarly happy are they who are blessed with both these uncommon talents: in the number of which my uncle, as his own writings and your history will evidently prove, may justly be ranked. It is with extreme willingness, therefore, that I execute your commands; and should indeed have claimed the task if you had not enjoined it. He was at that time with the fleet under his command at Misenum. On the 24th of August, about one in the afternoon, my mother desired him to observe a cloud which appeared of a very unusual size and shape. He had just taken a turn in the sun, and, after bathing himself in cold water, and making a light luncheon, gone back to his books: he immediately arose and went out upon a rising ground from whence he might get a better sight of this very uncommon appearance. A cloud, from which mountain was uncertain, at this distance (but it was found afterwards to come from Mount Vesuvius), was ascending, the appearance of which I cannot give you a more exact description of than by likening it to that of a pine-tree, for it shot up to a great height in the form of a very tall trunk, which spread itself out at the top into a sort of branches; occasioned, I imagine, either by a sudden gust of air that impelled it, the force of which decreased as it advanced upwards, or the cloud itself, being pressed back again by its own weight, expanded in the manner I have mentioned; it appeared sometimes bright and sometimes dark and spotted, according as it was either more or less impregnated with earth and cinders. This phenomenon seemed to a man of such learning and

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research as my uncle extraordinary and worth further looking into. He ordered a light vessel to be got ready, and gave me leave, if I liked, to accompany him. I said I had rather go on with my work; and it so happened, he had himself given me something to write out. As he was coming out of the house, he received a note from Rectina, the wife of Bassus, who was in the utmost alarm at the imminent danger which threatened her; for her villa lying at the foot of Mount Vesuvius, there was no way of escape but by sea; she earnestly entreated him therefore to come to her assistance. He accordingly changed his first intention, and what he had begun from a philosophical, he now carries out in a noble and generous spirit. He ordered the galleys to be put to sea, and went himself on board with an intention of assisting not only Rectina, but the several other towns which lay thickly strewn along that beautiful coast. Hastening then to the place from whence others fled with the utmost terror, he steered his course direct to the point of danger, and with so much calmness and presence of mind as to be able to make and dictate his observations upon the motion and all the phenomena of that dreadful scene. He was now so close to the mountain that the cinders, which grew thicker and hotter the nearer he approached, fell into the ships, together with pumice-stones, and black pieces of burning rock: they were in danger too not only of being aground by the sudden retreat of the sea, but also from the vast fragments which rolled down from the mountain, and obstructed all the shore. Here he stopped to consider whether he should turn back again; to which the pilot advising him, “Fortune,” said he, “favours the brave; steer to where Pomponianus is.” Pomponianus was then at Stabiæ, separated by a bay, which the sea, after several insensible windings, forms with the shore. He had already sent his baggage on board; for though he was not at that time in actual danger, yet being within sight of it, and indeed extremely near, if it should in the least increase, he was determined to put to sea as soon as the wind, which was blowing dead inshore, should go down. It was favourable, however, for carrying my uncle to Pomponianus, whom he found in the greatest consternation: he embraced him tenderly, encouraging and urging him to keep up his spirits, and, the more effectually to soothe his fears by seeming unconcerned himself, ordered a bath to be got ready, and then, after having bathed, sat down to supper with great cheerfulness, or at least (what is just as heroic) with every appearance of it. Meanwhile broad flames shone out in several places from Mount Vesuvius, which the darkness of the night contributed to render still brighter and clearer. But my uncle, in order to soothe the apprehensions of his friend, assured him it was only the burning of the villages, which the country people had abandoned to the flames: after this he retired to rest, and it is most certain he was so little disquieted as to fall into a sound sleep: for his breathing, which, on account of his corpulence, was rather heavy and sonorous, was heard by the attendants outside. The court which led to his apartment being now almost filled with stones and ashes, if he had continued there any time longer, it would have been impossible for him to have made his way out. So he was awoke and got up, and went to Pomponianus and the rest of his company, who were feeling too anxious to think of going to bed. They consulted together whether it would be most prudent to trust to the houses, which now rocked from side to side with frequent and violent concussions as though shaken from their very foundations; or fly to the open fields, where the calcined stones and cinders, though light indeed, yet fell in

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large showers, and threatened destruction. In this choice of dangers they resolved for the fields: as resolution which, while the rest of the company were hurried into by their fears, my uncle embraced upon cool and deliberate consideration. They went out then, having pillows tied upon their heads with napkins; and this was their whole defence against the storm of stones that fell round them. It was now day everywhere else, but there a deeper darkness prevailed than in the thickest night; which, however, was in some degree alleviated by torches and other lights of various kinds. They thought proper to go farther down upon the shore to see if they might safely put out to sea, but found the waves still running extremely high, and boisterous. There my uncle, laying himself down upon a sail-cloth, which was spread for him, called twice for some cold water, which he drank, when immediately the flames, preceded by a strong whiff of sulphur, dispersed the rest of the party, and obliged him to rise. He raised himself up with the assistance of two of his servants, and instantly fell down dead; suffocated, as I conjecture, by some gross and noxious vapour, having always had a weak throat, which was often inflamed. As soon as it was light again, which was not till the third day after this melancholy accident, his body was found entire, and without any marks of violence upon it, in the dress in which he fell, and looking more like a man asleep than dead. During all this time my mother and I, who were at Misenum—but this has no connection with your history, and you did not desire any particulars besides those of my uncle’s death; so I will end here, only adding that I have faithfully related to you what I was either an eye-witness of myself or received immediately after the accident happened, and before there was time to vary the truth. You will pick out of this narrative whatever is most important: for a letter is one thing, a history another; it is one thing writing to a friend, another thing writing to the public. Farewell. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Titus*.html; Pliny the Younger, Letters, Vol. 9, Part 4, translated by William Melmoth, revised by F. C. T. Bosanquet (London: George Bell and Sons, 1903), 193–198.

37. DOMITIAN AS A GOD After the brief reign of Titus, power passed to his younger brother, Domitian. In this passage Suetonius (Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, ca. 69–125 CE) informs his readers that Domitian believed himself to be a god. He would continually address himself and be addressed as if he were a god. This included not only in writing and in addresses but also having gold and silver statues of himself set up around the capital. He even had the months of September and October renamed to his surname Germanicus, a victory appellation, and Domitianus, since he was born in those months. It is clear from sources that Domitian

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had a grandiose view of himself, but other sources indicate that he was not deranged, so it is hard to know if he truly viewed himself a god, as had Caligula. 13 1 When he became emperor, he did not hesitate to boast in the senate that he had conferred their power on both his father and his brother, and that they had but returned him his own; nor on taking back his wife after their divorce, that he had “recalled her to his divine couch.” He delighted to hear the people in the amphitheatre shout on his feast day: “Good Fortune attend our Lord and Mistress.” Even more, in the Capitoline competition, when all the people begged him with great unanimity to restore Palfurius Sura, who had been banished some time before from the senate, and on that occasion received the prize for oratory, he deigned no reply, but merely had a crier bid them be silent. 2 With no less arrogance he began as follows in issuing a circular letter in the name of his procurators, “Our Master and our God bids that this be done.” And so the custom arose of henceforth addressing him in no other way even in writing or in conversation. He suffered no statues to be set up in his honour in the Capitol, except of gold and silver and of a fixed weight. He erected so many and such huge vaulted passage-ways and arches in the various regions of the city, adorned with chariots and triumphal emblems, that on one of them someone wrote in Greek: “It is enough.” 3 He held the consulship seventeen times, more often than any of his predecessors. Of these the seven middle ones were in successive years, but all of them he filled in name only, continuing none beyond the first of May and few after the Ides of January. Having assumed the surname Germanicus after his two triumphs, he renamed the months of September and October from his own names, calling them “Germanicus” and “Domitianus,” because in the former he had come to the throne and was born in the latter. Source: Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Vol. 2, Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, Vespasian, Titus, Domitian; Lives of Illustrious Men: Grammarians and Rhetoricians; Poets (Terence, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, Persius, Lucan); Lives of Pliny the Elder and Passienus Crispus, translated by J. C. Rolfe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1914), http://penelope.uchicago.edu /Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/12Caesars/Domitian*.html.

38. A FEMALE GLADIATOR Juvenal (Decimus Iūnius Iuvenālis, ca. 50–130 CE) in his satire presents the image of a female gladiator. The image is one of contrast, the feminine delicacies of fine clothes versus the coarse armor of a gladiator. While not common, there were female gladiators, and they were considered exotic. Domitian was said to have had featured female gladiators. The reading may have been to excite the Roman reader or perhaps to mock some of the elites. Juvenal Satire 6.252 . . . Why need I tell of the purple wraps and the wrestling-oils used by women? Who has not seen one of them smiting a stump, piercing it through and through with a foil,

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lunging at it with a shield, and going through all the proper motions?—a matron truly qualified to blow a trumpet at the Floralia! Unless, indeed, she is nursing some further ambition in her bosom, and is practising for the real arena. What modesty can you expect in a woman who wears a helmet, abjures her own sex, and delights in feats of strength? Yet she would not choose to be a man, knowing the superior joys of womanhood. What a fine thing for a husband, at an auction of his wife’s effects, to see her belt and armlets and plumes put up for sale, with a gaiter that covers half the left leg; or if she fight another sort of battle, how charmed you will be to see your young wife disposing of her greaves! Yet these are the women who find the thinnest of thin robes too hot for them; whose delicate flesh is chafed by the finest of silk tissue. See how she pants as she goes through her prescribed exercises; how she bends under the weight of her helmet; how big and coarse are the bandages which enclose her haunches; and then laugh when she lays down her arms and shows herself to be a woman! Tell us, ye grand-daughters of Lepidus, or of the blind Metellus, or of Fabius Gurges, what gladiator’s wife ever assumed accoutrements like these? When did the wife of Asylus ever gasp against a stump? Source: Juvenal and Persius, Juvenal and Persius, translated by George Gilbert Ramsay (London: W. Heinemann, 1918), 103–105.

39. EDICT OF TOLERATION Lactantius (Lucius Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius, ca. 250–ca. 325) provides the imperial edict of Galerius allowing for the Christians to no longer be persecuted and to be able to worship openly. The importance of the edict cannot be ignored. For nearly a decade the emperors, especially Galerius, had attempted to eliminate the Christians in a great persecution. What the edict indicates is that a dying Galerius had realized that the persecution had failed and, perhaps desiring divine help for his disease, attempted to make a bargain with the Christians for their prayers, a common system in paganism. As Lactantius relates, it did not work. The edict allowed Christians to be set free and worship openly. Lactantius: Of the Manner in Which the Persecutors Died CHAP. XXXIV Amongst our other regulations for the permanent advantage of the commonweal, we have hitherto studied to reduce all things to a conformity with the ancient laws and public discipline of the Romans. It has been our aim in an especial manner, that the Christians also, who had abandoned the religion of their forefathers, should return to right opinions. For such wilfulness and folly had, we know not how, taken possession of them, that instead of observing those ancient institutions, which possibly their own forefathers had established, they,

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through caprice, made laws to themselves, and drew together into different societies many men of widely different persuasions. After the publication of our edict, ordaining the Christians to betake themselves to the observance of the ancient institutions, many of them were subdued through the fear of danger, and moreover many of them were exposed to jeopardy; nevertheless, because great numbers still persist in their opinions, and because we have perceived that at present they neither pay reverence and due adoration to the gods, nor yet worship their own God, therefore we, from our wonted clemency in bestowing pardon on all, have judged it fit to extend our indulgence to those men, and to permit them again to be Christians, and to establish the places of their religious assemblies; yet so as that they offend not against good order. By another mandate we purpose to signify unto magistrates how they ought herein to demean themselves. Wherefore it will be the duty of the Christians, in consequence of this our toleration, to pray to their God for our welfare, and for that of the public, and for their own; that the commonweal may continue safe in every quarter, and that they themselves may live securely in their habitations. CHAP. XXXV This edict was promulgated at Nicomedia on the day preceding the kalends of May, in the eighth consulship of Galerius, and the second of Maximin Daia. Then the prisongates having been thrown open, you, my best beloved Donatus, together with the other confessors for the faith, were set at liberty from a jail, which had been your residence for six years. Galerius, however, did not, by publication of this edict, obtain the divine forgiveness. In a few days after he was consumed by the horrible disease that had brought on an universal putrefaction. Dying, he recommended his wife and son to Licinius, and delivered them over into his hands. This event was known at Nicomedia before the end of the month. His vicennial anniversary was to have been celebrated on the ensuing kalends of March. Source: Victorinus et al., Fathers of the Third and Fourth Centuries: Lactantius, Venantius, Asterius, Victorinus, Dionysius, Apostolic Teaching and Constitutions, Homily, and Liturgies; Authorized edition, American reprint of the Edinburgh edition, revised and chronologically arranged, with brief prefaces and occasional notes by A. Cleveland Coxe, ed. (Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature, 1886), 315.

40. CONSTANTINE AND THE CHI-RHO The fourth-century Christian writer Lactantius (Lucius Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius, ca. 250–ca. 325) describes the preparation of the battle between Constantine and Maxentius

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before Rome at the Milvian Bridge. Maxentius had the stronger position, defending Rome with a larger army and the advantage of being able to withstand a siege. He had been warned in a prophecy not to leave the city or else he would die. Constantine came down with a force and in a dream was told to put the symbol of the XP, or Chi-Rho, the first two letters of Christ in Greek, on his men’s helmets and shields. While the battle began Maxentius remained in Rome, but when the people shouted in favor of Constantine, he left the city and, as the prophecy indicated, perished in the battle. Constantine was now victorious in the west. Lactantius: Of the Manner in Which the Persecutors Died Chapter 44 And now a civil war broke out between Constantine and Maxentius. Although Maxentius kept himself within Rome, because the soothsayers had foretold that if he went out of it he should perish, yet he conducted the military operations by able generals. In forces he exceeded his adversary; for he had not only his father’s army, which deserted from Severus, but also his own, which he had lately drawn together out of Mauritania and Italy. They fought, and the troops of Maxentius prevailed. At length Constantine, with steady courage and a mind prepared for every event, led his whole forces to the neighbourhood of Rome, and encamped them opposite to the Milvian bridge. The anniversary of the reign of Maxentius approached, that is, the sixth of the kalends of November, and the fifth year of his reign was drawing to an end. Constantine was directed in a dream to cause the heavenly sign to be delineated on the shields of his soldiers, and so to proceed to battle. He did as he had been commanded, and he marked on their shields the letter X, with a perpendicular line drawn through it and turned round thus at the top, being the cipher of Christ. Having this sign (XP), his troops stood to arms. The enemies advanced, but without their emperor, and they crossed the bridge. The armies met, and fought with the utmost exertions of valour, and firmly maintained their ground. In the meantime a sedition arose at Rome, and Maxentius was reviled as one who had abandoned all concern for the safety of the commonweal; and suddenly, while he exhibited the Circensian games on the anniversary of his reign, the people cried with one voice, “Constantine cannot be overcome!” Dismayed at this, Maxentius burst from the assembly, and having called some senators together, ordered the Sibylline books to be searched. In them it was found that:— “On the same day the enemy of the Romans should perish.” Led by this response to the hopes of victory, he went to the field. The bridge in his rear was broken down. At sight of that the battle grew hotter. The hand of the Lord prevailed, and the forces of Maxentius were routed. He fled towards the broken bridge; but the multitude pressing on him, he was driven headlong into the Tiber.

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This destructive war being ended, Constantine was acknowledged as emperor, with great rejoicings, by the senate and people of Rome. And now he came to know the perfidy of Daia; for he found the letters written to Maxentius, and saw the statues and portraits of the two associates which had been set up together. The senate, in reward of the valour of Constantine, decreed to him the title of Maximus (the Greatest), a title which Daia had always arrogated to himself. Daia, when he heard that Constantine was victorious and Rome freed, expressed as much sorrow as if he himself had been vanquished; but afterwards, when he heard of the decree of the senate, he grew outrageous, avowed enmity towards Constantine, and made his title of the Greatest a theme of abuse and raillery. Source: Victorinus et al., Fathers of the Third and Fourth Centuries: Lactantius, Venantius, Asterius, Victorinus, Dionysius, Apostolic Teaching and Constitutions, Homily, and Liturgies; Authorized edition, American reprint of the Edinburgh edition, revised and chronologically arranged, with brief prefaces and occasional notes by A. Cleveland Coxe, ed. (Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature, 1886), 318.

41. EDICT OF MILAN Lactantius (Lucius Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius, ca. 250–ca. 325) relates how after Licinius defeated Maximin Daia, the last of the persecutors, he now issued an edict that he and Constantine had agreed to earlier in Milan in 313. The edict reinforced the Edict of Toleration but went further by making Christianity now equal in terms of being freely worshipped and, more important, ordering the restoration of Church property and goods. The edict indicated that those who had purchased the property or goods from the state could make a claim for reimbursement from the government. What is clear is that the status of the property could not be challenged. It was seen as Christian and was to be delivered back to them if requested. Lactantius: Of the Manner in Which the Persecutors Died CHAP. XLVIII Not many days after the victory, Licinius, having received part of the soldiers of Daia into his service, and properly distributed them, transported his army into Bithynia, and having made his entry into Nicomedia, he returned thanks to God, through whose aid he had overcome; and on the ides of June, while he and Constantine were consuls for the third time, he commanded the following edict for the restoration of the Church, directed to the president of the province, to be promulgated:— “When we, Constantine and Licinius, emperors, had an interview at Milan, and conferred together with respect to the good and security of the commonweal, it seemed to us that, amongst those things that are profitable to mankind in general, the

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reverence paid to the Divinity merited our first and chief attention, and that it was proper that the Christians and all others should have liberty to follow that mode of religion which to each of them appeared best; so that that God, who is seated in heaven, might be benign and propitious to us, and to every one under our government. And therefore we judged it a salutary measure, and one highly consonant to right reason, that no man should be denied leave of attaching himself to the rites of the Christians, or to whatever other religion his mind directed him, that thus the supreme Divinity, to whose worship we freely devote ourselves, might continue to vouchsafe His favour and beneficence to us. And accordingly we give you to know that, without regard to any provisos in our former orders to you concerning the Christians, all who choose that religion are to be permitted, freely and absolutely, to remain in it, and not to be disturbed any ways, or molested. And we thought fit to be thus special in the things committed to your charge, that you might understand that the indulgence which we have granted in matters of religion to the Christians is ample and unconditional; and perceive at the same time that the open and free exercise of their respective religions is granted to all others, as well as to the Christians. For it befits the well-ordered state and the tranquillity of our times that each individual be allowed, according to his own choice, to worship the Divinity; and we mean not to derogate aught from the honour due to any religion or its votaries. Moreover, with respect to the Christians, we formerly gave certain orders concerning the places appropriated for their religious assemblies; but now we will that all persons who have purchased such places, either from our exchequer or from any one else, do restore them to the Christians, without money demanded or price claimed, and that this be performed peremptorily and unambiguously; and we will also, that they who have obtained any right to such places by form of gift do forthwith restore them to the Christians: reserving always to such persons, who have either purchased for a price, or gratuitously acquired them, to make application to the judge of the district, if they look on themselves as entitled to any equivalent from our beneficence. “All those places are, by your intervention, to be immediately restored to the Christians. And because it appears that, besides the places appropriated to religious worship, the Christians did possess other places, which belonged not to individuals, but to their society in general, that is, to their churches, we comprehend all such within the regulation aforesaid, and we will that you cause them all to be restored to the society or churches, and that without hesitation or controversy: Provided always, that the persons making restitution without a price paid shall be at liberty to seek indemnification from our bounty. In furthering all which things for the behoof of the Christians, you are to use your utmost diligence, to the end that our orders be speedily obeyed, and our gracious purpose in securing the public tranquillity promoted. So shall that divine favour which, in affairs of the mightiest importance, we have already experienced, continue to give success to us, and in our successes make the commonweal happy. And that the tenor of this our gracious ordinance may be made known unto all, we will that you cause it by your authority to be published everywhere.”

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Licinius having issued this ordinance, made an harangue, in which he exhorted the Christians to rebuild their religious edifices. And thus, from the overthrow of the Church until its restoration, there was a space of ten years and about four months. Source: Victorinus et al., Fathers of the Third and Fourth Centuries: Lactantius, Venantius, Asterius, Victorinus, Dionysius, Apostolic Teaching and Constitutions, Homily, and Liturgies; Authorized edition, American reprint of the Edinburgh edition, revised and chronologically arranged, with brief prefaces and occasional notes by A. Cleveland Coxe, ed. (Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature, 1886), 320–321.

42. BATTLE OF ADRIANOPLE Ammianus Marcellinus (ca. 325–400 CE) describes the disaster at Adrianople in 378 when the eastern emperor Valens was defeated by the Goths. Ammianus describes in detail the actions of Valens and the fact that he acted rashly, not waiting for his nephew Gratian to arrive because he did not want to share in the glory. Valens marched out in the heat of summer, August 9, and attacked the Goths. The battle went badly for the Romans from the beginning, and they were routed. The disaster was viewed by Ammianus as equal to Cannae during the war with Hannibal some five centuries earlier. Book 31 XII . . . 4. Marching on with his army in battle array, he came near the suburb of Hadrianople, where he pitched his camp, strengthening it with a rampart of palisades, and then impatiently waited for Gratian. While here, Richomeres, Count of the Domestici, arrived, who had been sent on by that emperor with letters announcing his immediate approach. 5. And imploring Valens to wait a little while for him that he might share his danger, and not rashly face the danger before him single handed, he took counsel with his officers as to what was best to be done. . . . 7. However, the fatal obstinacy of the emperor prevailed, fortified by the flattery of some of the princes, who advised him to hasten with all speed, so that Gratian might have no share in a victory which, as they fancied, was already almost gained. . . . 10. When the day broke which the annals mark as the fifth of the Ides of August, the Roman standards were advanced with haste, the baggage having been placed close to the walls of Hadrianople, under a sufficient guard of soldiers of the legions; the treasures and the chief insignia of the emperor’s rank were within the walls, with the prefect and the principal members of the council. 11. Then, having traversed the broken ground which divided the two armies, as the burning day was progressing towards noon, at last, after marching eight miles, our men came in sight of the waggons of the enemy, which had been stated by the scouts to

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be all arranged in a circle. According to their custom, the barbarian host raised a fierce and hideous yell, while the Roman generals marshalled their line of battle. The right wing of the cavalry was placed in front; the chief portion of the infantry was kept in reserve. 12. But the left wing of the cavalry, of which a considerable number were still straggling on the road, were advancing with speed, though with great difficulty; and while this wing was deploying, not as yet meeting with any obstacle, the barbarians being alarmed at the terrible clang of their arms and the threatening crash of their shields (since a large portion of their own army was still at a distance, under Alatheus and Saphrax, and, though sent for, had not yet arrived), again sent ambassadors to ask for peace. XIII. § 1. And while arms and missiles of all kinds were meeting in fierce conflict, and Bellona, blowing her mournful trumpet, was raging more fiercely than usual, to inflict disaster on the Romans, our men began to retreat; but presently, roused by the reproaches of their officers, they made a fresh stand, and the battle increased like a conflagration, terrifying our soldiers, numbers of whom were pierced by strokes from the javelins hurled at them, and from arrows. 2. Then the two lines of battle dashed against each other, like the beaks (or rams) of ships, and thrusting with all their might, were tossed to and fro, like the waves of the sea. Our left wing had advanced actually up to the waggons, with the intent to push on still further if they were properly supported; but they were deserted by the rest of the cavalry, and so pressed upon by the superior numbers of the enemy, that they were overwhelmed and beaten down, like the ruin of a vast rampart. Presently our infantry also was left unsupported, while the different companies became so huddled together that a soldier could hardly draw his sword, or withdraw his hand after he had once stretched it out. And by this time such clouds of dust arose that it was scarcely possible to see the sky, which resounded with horrible cries; and in consequence, the darts, which were bearing death on every side, reached their mark, and fell with deadly effect, because no one could see them beforehand so as to guard against them. 3. But when the barbarians, rushing on with their enormous host, beat down our horses and men, and left no spot to which our ranks could fall back to deploy, while they were so closely packed that it was impossible to escape by forcing a way through them, our men at last began to despise death, and again took to their swords and slew all they encountered, while with mutual blows of battle-axes, helmets and breastplates were dashed in pieces. 4. Then you might see the barbarian towering in his fierceness, hissing or shouting, fall with his legs pierced through, or his right hand cut off, sword and all, or his side transfixed, and still, in the last gasp of life, casting round him defiant glances. The plain was covered with carcases, strewing the mutual ruin of the combatants; while the groans of the dying, or of men fearfully wounded, were intense, and caused great dismay all around.

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5. Amidst all this great tumult and confusion, our infantry were exhausted by toil and danger, till at last they had neither strength left to fight, nor spirits to plan anything; their spears were broken by the frequent collisions, so that they were forced to content themselves with their drawn swords, which they thrust into the dense battalions of the enemy, disregarding their own safety, and seeing that every possibility of escape was cut off from them. 6. The ground, covered with streams of blood, made their feet slip, so that all that they endeavoured to do was to sell their lives as dearly as possible; and with such vehemence did they resist their enemies who pressed on them, that some were even killed by their own weapons. At last one black pool of blood disfigured everything, and wherever the eye turned, it could see nothing but piled-up heaps of dead, and lifeless corpses trampled on without mercy. 7. The sun being now high in the heavens, having traversed the sign of Leo, and reached the abode of the heavenly Virgo, scorched the Romans, who were emaciated by hunger, worn out with toil, and scarcely able to support even the weight of their armour. At last our columns were entirely beaten back by the overpowering weight of the barbarians, and so they took to disorderly flight, which is the only resource in extremity, each man trying to save himself as well as he could. 8. While they were all flying and scattering themselves over roads with which they were unacquainted, the emperor, bewildered with terrible fear, made his way over heaps of dead, and fled to the battalions of the Lancearii and the Mattiarii, who, till the superior numbers of the enemy became wholly irresistible, stood firm and immovable. As soon as he saw him. Trajan exclaimed that all hope was lost, unless the emperor, thus deserted by his guards, could be protected by the aid of his foreign allies. 9. When this exclamation was heard, a count named Victor hastened to bring up with all speed the Batavians who were placed in the reserve, and who ought to have been near at hand, to the emperor’s assistance; but as none of them could be found, he too retreated, and in a similar manner Richomeres and Saturninus saved themselves from danger. 10. So now, with rage flashing in their eyes, the barbarians pursued our men, who were in a state of torpor, the warmth of their veins having deserted them. Many were slain without knowing who smote them; some were overwhelmed by the mere weight of the crowd which pressed upon them; and some were slain by wounds inflicted by their own comrades. The barbarians spared neither those who yielded nor those who resisted. 11. Besides these, many half slain lay blocking up the roads, unable to endure the torture of their wounds; and heaps of dead horses were piled up and filled the plain with their carcases. At last a dark moonless night put an end to the irremediable disaster which cost the Roman state so dear. 12. Just when it first became dark, the emperor being among a crowd of common soldiers, as it was believed—for no one said either that he had seen him, or been near him—was mortally wounded with an arrow, and, very shortly after, died, though his body was never found. For as some of the enemy loitered for a long time about the field in order to plunder the dead, none of the defeated army or of the inhabitants ventured to go to them.

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13. A similar fate befell the Cæsar Decius, when fighting vigorously against the barbarians; for he was thrown by his horse falling, which he had been unable to hold, and was plunged into a swamp, out of which he could never emerge, nor could his body be found. . . . 19. Nor, except the battle of Cannæ, is so destructive a slaughter recorded in our annals; though, even in the times of their prosperity, the Romans have more than once had to deplore the uncertainty of war, and have for a time succumbed to evil Fortune; while the well-known dirges of the Greeks have bewailed many disastrous battles. Source: Ammianus Marcellinus, The Roman History of Ammianus Marcellinus during the Reigns of the Emperors Constantius, Julian, Jovianus, Valentitnian, and Valens, translated by C. D. Yonge, M.A., with a general index (London: Bohn, 1862), 609–619.

43. CITY OF ALEXANDRIA Outside of Rome the greatest city of the Roman imperial era was probably Alexandria. Strabo (63 BCE–ca. 24 CE) here describes the region in and around Alexandria in the Nile Delta. The region had numerous small towns and canals that allowed for transport. At the coast, often reached by canals and branches of the Nile River, there were other villages. The region, according to Strabo, had connections with Greece from the time of the Trojan War and was known for its curative powers. Strabo here describes the founding of many of the cities and regions and their mythological basis. Book XVII 16 On the right of the Canobic Gate, as one goes out, one comes to the canal which is connected with the lake and leads to Canobus; and it is by this canal that one sails, not only to Schedia, that is, to the great river, but also to Canobus, though first to Eleusis. Eleusis is a settlement near both Alexandria and Necropolis, is situated on the Canobic canal itself, and has lodging-places and commanding views for those who wish to engage in revelry, both men and women, and is a beginning, as it were, of the “Canobic” life and the shamelessness there current. On proceeding a slight distance from Eleusis, and on the right, one comes to the canal which leads up the Schedia. Schedia is four schoeni distant from Alexandria; it is a settlement of the city, and contains the station of the cabin-boats on which the praefects sail to Upper Aegypt. And at Schedia is also the station for paying duty on the goods brought down from above it and brought up from below it; and for this purpose, also, a schedia has been laid across the river, from which the place has its name. After the canal which leads to Schedia, one’s next voyage, to Canobus, is parallel to that part of the coast-line which extends from Pharos to the Canobic mouth; for a narrow ribbon-like strip of land extends between the sea and the canal, and on this, after Nicopolis, lies the Little Taposeiris, as also the Zephyrium, a promontory which contains a shrine of Aphroditê Arsinoê. In ancient times, it is said, there was also a city called Thonis here, which was named after the king who received

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Menelaüs and Helen with hospitality. At any rate, the poet speaks of Helen’s drugs as follows: “goodly drugs which Polydamna, the wife of Thon, had given her.” 17 Canobus is a city situated at a distance of one hundred and twenty stadia from Alexandria, if one goes on foot, and was named after Canobus, the pilot of Menelaüs, who died there. It contains the temple of Sarapis, which is honoured with great reverence and effects such cures that even the most reputable men believe in it and sleep in it—themselves on their own behalf or others for them. Some writers go on to record the cures, and others the virtues of the oracles there. But to balance all this is the crowd of revellers who go down from Alexandria by the canal to the public festivals; for every day and every night is crowded with people on the boats who play the flute and dance without restraint and with extreme licentiousness, both men and women, and also with the people of Canobus itself, who have resorts situated close to the canal and adapted to relaxation and merry-making of this kind. 18 After Canobus one comes to the Heracleium, when contains a temple of Heracles; and then to the Canobic mouth and the beginning of the Delta. The parts on the right of the Canobic canal are the Menelaïte Nome, so called from the brother of the first Ptolemy—not, by heaven, from the hero, as some writers say, among whom is also Artemidorus. After the Canobic mouth one comes to the Bolbitine mouth, and then to the Sebennytic, and to the Phatnitic, which is third in size as compared with the first two, which form the boundaries of the Delta; for not far from the vertex of the Delta the Phatnitic splits, sending a branch into the interior of the Delta. Lying close to the Phatnitic mouth is the Mendesian; and then one comes to the Tanitic, and, last of all, to the Pelusiac. There are also others in among these, pseudo-mouths as it were, which are rather insignificant. Their mouths indeed afford entrance to boats, but are adapted, not to large boats, but to tenders only, because the mouths are shallow and marshy. It is chiefly, however, the Canobic mouth that they used as an emporium, since the harbours at Alexandria were kept closed, as I have said before. After the Bolbitine mouth one comes to a low and sandy promontory which projects rather far into the sea; it is called Agnu-Ceras. And then to the Watch-tower of Perseus and the Wall of the Milesians; for in the time of Psammitichus (who lived in the time of Cyaxares the Mede) the Milesians, with thirty ships, put in at the Bolbitine mouth, and then, disembarking, fortified with a wall the above-mentioned settlement; but in time they sailed up into the Saïtic Nome, defeated the city Inaros in a naval fight, and founded Naucratis, not far above Schedia. After the Wall of the Milesians, as one proceeds towards the Sebennytic mouth, one comes to two lakes, one of which, Buticê, has its name from the city Butus, and also to the Sebennytic city, and to Saïs, the metropolis of the lower country, in which Athena is worshipped; and in her temple lies the tomb of Psammitichus. In the neighbourhood of Butus is also an Hermupolis, which is situated on an island; and in Butus there is an oracle of Leto. 19 In the interior above the Sebennytic and Phatnitic mouths lies Xoïs, both an island and a city, in the Sebennytic Nome. Here, also, are an Hermupolis and a Lycupolis, and

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Mendes, at which place they worship Pan and, among animals, a he-goat; and, as Pindar says, the he-goats have intercourse with women there: “Mendes, along the crag of the sea, farthermost horn of the Nile, where the goat-mounting he-goats have intercourse with women.” Near Mendes lie also a Diospolis and the lakes in its neighbourhood and Leontopolis; and then, at a greater distance, the city Busiris in the Busirite Nome, and Cynospolis. According to Eratosthenes, the expulsion of foreigners is a custom common to all barbarians, and yet the Aegyptians are condemned for this fault because of the myths which have been circulated about Busiris in connection with the Busirite Nome, since the later writers wish falsely to malign the inhospitality of this place, although, by heavens, no king or tyrant named Busiris ever existed; and, he says, the poet’s words are also constantly cited—“to go to Aegypt, long and painful journey”—the want of harbours contributing very much to this opinion, as also the fact that even the harbour which Aegypt did have, the one at Pharos, gave no access, but was guarded by shepherds who were pirates and who attacked those who tried to bring ships to anchor there; and the Carthaginians likewise, he adds, used to drown in the sea any foreigners who sailed past their country to Sardo or to the Pillars, and it is for this reason that most of the stories told about the west are disbelieved; and also the Persians, he says, would treacherously guide the ambassadors over roundabout roads and through difficult regions. 20 Bordering on this Nome is the Athribite Nome and the city Athribis, and also the Prosopite Nome, in which is a City of Aphroditê. Above the Mendesian and Tanitic mouths lie a large lake and the Mendesian and Leontopolite Nomes and a City of Aphroditê and the Pharbetite Nome; and then one comes to the tanitic mouth, which some call Saïtic, and to the Tanite Nome, and to Tanis, a large city therein. 21 Between the Tanitic and Pelusiac mouths lie lakes, and large and continuous marshes which contain many villages. Pelusium itself also has marshes lying all round it, which by some are called Barathra, and muddy ponds; its settlement lies at a distance of more than twenty stadia from the sea, the wall has a circuit of twenty stadia, and it has its name for the pelos and the muddy ponds. Here, too, Aegypt is difficult to enter, I mean from the eastern regions about Phoenicia and Judaea, and from the Arabia of the Nabataeans, which is next to Aegypt; these are the regions which the road to Aegypt traverses. The country between the Nile and the Arabian Gulf is Arabia, and at its extremity is situated Pelusium; but the whole of it is desert, and impassable for an army. The isthmus between Pelusium and the recess of the gulf at Heroönpolis is one thousand stadia, but, according to Poseidonius, less than one thousand five hundred; and in addition to its being waterless and sandy, it contains a multitude of reptiles, the sand-burrowers. 22 From Schedia, as one sails towards Memphis, there are, on the right, a very large number of villages, extending as far as Lake Mareia, among which is the Village of Chabrias, as it is called; and, on the river, one comes to an Hermupolis, and then to Gynaeconpolis and the Gynaecopolite Nome, and, next in order, to Momemphis and

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the Momemphite Nome; but in the interval there are several canals which empty into Lake Mareotis. The Momemphitae honour Aphroditê; and a sacred cow is kept there, as is Apis in Memphis and Mneuïs in Heliupolis. Now these animals are regarded as gods, but those in the other places (for in many either a bull or cow is kept)—those others, I say, are not regarded as gods, though they are held sacred. 23 Above Momemphis are two nitre-beds, which contain very large quantities of nitre, and the Nitriote Nome. Here Sarapis is held in honour; and they are the only people in Aegypt who sacrifice a sheep. Near by, and in this Nome, is a city Menelaüs; and on the left, in the Delta, lies Naucratis, which is on the river, whereas Saïs lies at a distance of two schoeni from the river. A little above Saïs is the asylum of Osiris, in which the body of Osiris is said to lie; but many lay claim to this, and particularly the inhabitants of the Philae which is situated above Syenê and Elephantinê; for they tell the mythical story, namely, that Isis placed coffins of Osiris beneath the earth in several places (but only one of them, and that unknown to all, contained the body of Osiris), and that she did this because she wished to hide the body from Typhon, fearing that he might find it and cast it out of its tomb. 24 Now this is the full description of the country from Alexandria to the vertex of the Delta; and, according to Artemidorus, the voyage up the river is twenty-eight schoeni, that is, eight hundred and forty stadia, reckoning the schoenus as thirty stadia. When I made the voyage, however, they used different measures at different times when they gave the distances, so that even forty stadia, or still more, was the accepted measure of the schoenus, according to the place. That the measure of the schoenus among the Aegyptians in unstable is made clear by Artemidorus himself in his next statement; for from Memphis to Thebaïs each schoenus, he says, is one hundred and twenty stadia, and from Thebaïs to Syenê sixty, and, as one sails up from Pelusium to the same vertex of the Delta, the distance, he says, is twenty-five schoeni, that is, seven hundred and fifty stadia, using the same measure. The first canal, as one proceeds from Pelusium, he says, is the one which fills the Marsh-lakes, as they are called, which are two in number and lie on the left of the great river above Pelusium in Arabia; and he also speaks of other lakes and canals in the same regions outside the Delta. There is also the Sethroïte Nome by the second lake, although he counts this Nome too as one of the ten in the Delta; and two other canals meet in the same lakes. Source: Strabo, Geography, Vol. 8, Book 17, General Index, translated by Horace Leonard Jones (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1932), http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E /Roman/Texts/Strabo/17A2*.html.

44. CITY OF JERUSALEM Before its destruction by the Romans in 70 CE, the city of Jerusalem was known for its size and history. Josephus (Titus Flavius Josephus, born Yosef ben Matityahu, 37–ca. 100 CE)

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relates the geographical setting of the city before its destruction by Titus. The city was superbly defended by three walls and numerous towers as well as by the natural defenses of the hills and valleys. Josephus not only explains the history of walls and towers but also relates a general topography of the regions of the city, usually in connection to hills and valleys. He describes the palace of the Herods and how well defended it was. The picture here by Josephus is a mighty city that was well defended, making its conquest by the Romans more impressive. War of the Jews: Book 5, Chapter 4 Description of Jerusalem 1. The city of Jerusalem was fortified with three walls, on such parts as were not encompassed with unpassable valleys; for in such places it had but one wall. The city was built upon two hills, which are opposite to one another, and have a valley to divide them asunder; at which valley the corresponding rows of houses on both hills end. Of these hills, that which contains the upper city is much higher, and in length more direct. Accordingly, it was called the “Citadel,” by king David; he was the father of that Solomon who built this temple at the first; but it is by us called the “Upper Market-place.” But the other hill, which was called “Acra,” and sustains the lower city, is of the shape of a moon when she is horned; over against this there was a third hill, but naturally lower than Acra, and parted formerly from the other by a broad valley. However, in those times when the Asamoneans reigned, they filled up that valley with earth, and had a mind to join the city to the temple. They then took off part of the height of Acra, and reduced it to be of less elevation than it was before, that the temple might be superior to it. Now the Valley of the Cheesemongers, as it was called, and was that which we told you before distinguished the hill of the upper city from that of the lower, extended as far as Siloam; for that is the name of a fountain which hath sweet water in it, and this in great plenty also. But on the outsides, these hills are surrounded by deep valleys, and by reason of the precipices to them belonging on both sides they are every where unpassable. 2. Now, of these three walls, the old one was hard to be taken, both by reason of the valleys, and of that hill on which it was built, and which was above them. But besides that great advantage, as to the place where they were situated, it was also built very strong; because David and Solomon, and the following kings, were very zealous about this work. Now that wall began on the north, at the tower called “Hippicus,” and extended as far as the “Xistus,” a place so called, and then, joining to the council-house, ended at the west cloister of the temple. But if we go the other way westward, it began at the same place, and extended through a place called “Bethso,” to the gate of the Essens; and after that it went southward, having its bending above the fountain Siloam, where it also bends again towards the east at Solomon’s pool, and reaches as far as a certain place which they called “Ophlas,” where it was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple. The second wall took its beginning from that gate which they called “Gennath,” which belonged to the first wall; it only encompassed the northern quarter of the

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city, and reached as far as the tower Antonia. The beginning of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north quarter of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and then was so far extended till it came over against the monuments of Helena, which Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter of Izates; it then extended further to a great length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings, and bent again at the tower of the corner, at the monument which is called the “Monument of the Fuller,” and joined to the old wall at the valley called the “Valley of Cedron.” It was Agrippa who encompassed the parts added to the old city with this wall, which had been all naked before; for as the city grew more populous, it gradually crept beyond its old limits, and those parts of it that stood northward of the temple, and joined that hill to the city, made it considerably larger, and occasioned that hill, which is in number the fourth, and is called “Bezetha,” to be inhabited also. It lies over against the tower Antonia, but is divided from it by a deep valley, which was dug on purpose, and that in order to hinder the foundations of the tower of Antonia from joining to this hill, and thereby affording an opportunity for getting to it with ease, and hindering the security that arose from its superior elevation; for which reason also that depth of the ditch made the elevation of the towers more remarkable. This new-built part of the city was called “Bezetha,” in our language, which, if interpreted in the Grecian language, may be called “the New City.” Since, therefore, its inhabitants stood in need of a covering, the father of the present king, and of the same name with him, Agrippa, began that wall we spoke of; but he left off building it when he had only laid the foundations, out of the fear he was in of Claudius Caesar, lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs; for the city could no way have been taken if that wall had been finished in the manner it was begun; as its parts were connected together by stones twenty cubits long, and ten cubits broad, which could never have been either easily undermined by any iron tools, or shaken by any engines. The wall was, however, ten cubits wide, and it would probably have had a height greater than that, had not his zeal who began it been hindered from exerting itself. After this, it was erected with great diligence by the Jews, as high as twenty cubits, above which it had battlements of two cubits, and turrets of three cubits altitude, insomuch that the entire altitude extended as far as twenty-five cubits. 3. Now the towers that were upon it were twenty cubits in breadth, and twenty cubits in height; they were square and solid, as was the wall itself, wherein the niceness of the joints, and the beauty of the stones, were no way inferior to those of the holy house itself. Above this solid altitude of the towers, which was twenty cubits, there were rooms of great magnificence, and over them upper rooms, and cisterns to receive rain-water. They were many in number, and the steps by which you ascended up to them were every one broad: of these towers then the third wall had ninety, and the spaces between them were each two hundred cubits; but in the middle wall were forty towers, and the old wall was parted into sixty, while the whole compass of the city was thirty-three furlongs. Now the third wall was all of it wonderful; yet was the tower Psephinus elevated above it at the north-west corner, and there Titus pitched his own tent; for being seventy cubits high it both afforded a prospect of Arabia at sun-rising, as well as it did

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of the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions at the sea westward. Moreover, it was an octagon, and over against it was the tower Hipplicus, and hard by two others were erected by king Herod, in the old wall. These were for largeness, beauty, and strength beyond all that were in the habitable earth; for besides the magnanimity of his nature, and his magnificence towards the city on other occasions, he built these after such an extraordinary manner, to gratify his own private affections, and dedicated these towers to the memory of those three persons who had been the dearest to him, and from whom he named them. They were his brother, his friend, and his wife. This wife he had slain, out of his love [and jealousy], as we have already related; the other two he lost in war, as they were courageously fighting. Hippicus, so named from his friend, was square; its length and breadth were each twenty-five cubits, and its height thirty, and it had no vacuity in it. Over this solid building, which was composed of great stones united together, there was a reservoir twenty cubits deep, over which there was a house of two stories, whose height was twenty-five cubits, and divided into several parts; over which were battlements of two cubits, and turrets all round of three cubits high, insomuch that the entire height added together amounted to fourscore cubits. The second tower, which he named from his brother Phasaelus, had its breadth and its height equal, each of them forty cubits; over which was its solid height of forty cubits; over which a cloister went round about, whose height was ten cubits, and it was covered from enemies by breast-works and bulwarks. There was also built over that cloister another tower, parted into magnificent rooms, and a place for bathing; so that this tower wanted nothing that might make it appear to be a royal palace. It was also adorned with battlements and turrets, more than was the foregoing, and the entire altitude was about ninety cubits; the appearance of it resembled the tower of Pharus, which exhibited a fire to such as sailed to Alexandria, but was much larger than it in compass. This was now converted to a house, wherein Simon exercised his tyrannical authority. The third tower was Mariamne, for that was his queen’s name; it was solid as high as twenty cubits; its breadth and its length were twenty cubits, and were equal to each other; its upper buildings were more magnificent, and had greater variety, than the other towers had; for the king thought it most proper for him to adorn that which was denominated from his wife, better than those denominated from men, as those were built stronger than this that bore his wife’s name. The entire height of this tower was fifty cubits. 4. Now as these towers were so very tall, they appeared much taller by the place on which they stood; for that very old wall wherein they were was built on a high hill, and was itself a kind of elevation that was still thirty cubits taller; over which were the towers situated, and thereby were made much higher to appearance. The largeness also of the stones was wonderful; for they were not made of common small stones, nor of such large ones only as men could carry, but they were of white marble, cut out of the rock; each stone was twenty cubits in length, and ten in breadth, and five in depth. They were so exactly united to one another, that each tower looked like one entire rock of stone, so growing naturally, and afterward cut by the hand of the artificers into their present shape and corners; so little, or not at all, did their joints or connexion appear. low as these towers were themselves on the north side of the wall, the king had a palace

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inwardly thereto adjoined, which exceeds all my ability to describe it; for it was so very curious as to want no cost nor skill in its construction, but was entirely walled about to the height of thirty cubits, and was adorned with towers at equal distances, and with large bed-chambers, that would contain beds for a hundred guests a-piece, in which the variety of the stones is not to be expressed; for a large quantity of those that were rare of that kind was collected together. Their roofs were also wonderful, both for the length of the beams, and the splendor of their ornaments. The number of the rooms was also very great, and the variety of the figures that were about them was prodigious; their furniture was complete, and the greatest part of the vessels that were put in them was of silver and gold. There were besides many porticoes, one beyond another, round about, and in each of those porticoes curious pillars; yet were all the courts that were exposed to the air every where green. There were, moreover, several groves of trees, and long walks through them, with deep canals, and cisterns, that in several parts were filled with brazen statues, through which the water ran out. There were withal many dove-courts (11) of tame pigeons about the canals. But indeed it is not possible to give a complete description of these palaces; and the very remembrance of them is a torment to one, as putting one in mind what vastly rich buildings that fire which was kindled by the robbers hath consumed; for these were not burnt by the Romans, but by these internal plotters, as we have already related, in the beginning of their rebellion. That fire began at the tower of Antonia, and went on to the palaces, and consumed the upper parts of the three towers themselves. Source: Josephus, The Genuine Works of Flavius Josephus, translated by William Whiston (New York: William Borradaile, 1824), 192–197.

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Selected Bibliography

Abbott, Frank Frost. 1911. The Common People of Ancient Rome: Studies of Roman Life and Literature. New York: Scribner. Ando, Clifford. 2000. Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire. Berkeley: University of California Press. Arnold, William T., and E. S. Bouchier. 1974. The Roman System of Provincial Administration to the Accession of Constantine the Great. 3rd ed. Chicago: Ares Publishers. Bagnall, Roger S. 2011. The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology. New York: Oxford University Press. Baillie Reynolds, P. K. 1926. The Vigiles of Imperial Rome. London: Oxford University Press. Balsdon, V. D. 1934. The Emperor Gaius. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Barnes, Timothy D. 1982. The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Barnes, Timothy David. 1981. Constantine and Eusebius. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Baynes, Norman H. 1930. Constantine the Great and the Christian Church. London: Milford. Beard, M., S. Price, and J. North. 1998. Religions of Rome: A History, Illustrated. 2 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Beard, Mary. 2008. The Fires of Vesuvius: Pompeii Lost and Found. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Birley, Anthony. 1971. Septimius Severus: The African Emperor. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode. Blois, Lukas de. 1976. The Policy of the Emperor Gallienus. Leiden: Brill. Bowersock, G. W., Peter Brown, and Oleg Grabar, eds. 1999. Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Bradley, K. R. 1987. Slaves and Masters in the Roman Empire: A Study in Social Control. New York: Oxford University Press. Brunt, P. A. 1971. Italian Manpower, 225 BC–AD 14. London: Oxford University Press. Buckland, W. W. 1921. A Textbook of Roman Law from Augustus to Justinian. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Burckhardt, Jacob. 1949. The Age of Constantine the Great. London: Routledge. Burns, Thomas. 2003. Rome and the Barbarians, 100 B.C.–A.D. 400. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

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|  Selected Bibliography Bury, J. B. 1922. A History of the Roman Empire from its Foundation to the Death of Marcus Aurelius. London: J. Murray. Carcopino, Jérome, Henry T. Rowell, and E. O. Lorimer. 1940. Daily Life in Ancient Rome: The People and the City at the Height of the Empire. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Casson, Lionel. 1971. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Cheesman, George Leonard. 1914. The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Chisholm, Kitty, and John Ferguson. 1981. Rome: The Augustan Age; A Source Book. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Connolly, Peter, and Hazel Dodge. 2000. The Ancient City: Life in Classical Athens & Rome. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cumont, Franz Valery Marie. 1903. The Mysteries of Mithra. London: Kegan Paul. Translation, http://www.sacred-texts.com/cla/mom/index.htm. Downey, Glanville. 1960. Constantinople in the Age of Justinian. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Drinkwater, J. F. 2007. The Alamanni and Rome (213–496). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ferrill, Arther. 1986. The Fall of the Roman Empire: The Military Explanation. New York: Thames and Hudson. Forster, E. M. 1922. Alexandria: A History and a Guide. Alexandria: W. Morris. Frank, Tenney. 1914. Roman Imperialism. New York: Macmillan. Frank, Tenney, ed. 1975. An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome. New York: Octagon Books. Fraser, P. M. 1972. Ptolemaic Alexandria. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Frend, William H. C. 1967. Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church: A Study of a Conflict from the Maccabees to Donatus. New York: New York University Press. Galinsky, Karl. 2012. Augustus: Introduction to the Life of an Emperor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Garnsey, P., K. Hopkins, and C. R. Whittaker. 1983. Trade in the Ancient Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press. Gibbon, Edward. 1993. The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. New York: Knopf. Goffart, Walter. 1980. Barbarians and Romans, A.D. 418–584: The Techniques of Accommodation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Grant, Michael. 1969. From Imperium to Auctoritas: A Historical Study of Aes Coinage in the Roman Empire, 49 B.C.–A.D. 14. Reprint ed. with corrections. London: Cambridge University Press. Grant, Michael. 1985. The Roman Emperors: A Biographical Guide to the Rulers of Imperial Rome, 31 BC–AD 476. New York: Scribner. Hammond, M. H., and H. Scullard. 1970. Oxford Classical Dictionary. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Harl, K. W. 1996. Coinage in the Roman Economy, 300 B.C. to A.D. 700. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Heather, Peter. 1996. The Goths. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.

Selected Bibliography | Henderson, Bernard W. 1923. Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian. London: Methuen. Henderson, Bernard W. 1969. Five Roman Emperors: Vespasian, Titus, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, A.D. 69–117. New York: Barnes and Noble. Holder, P. A. 1980. Studies in the Auxilia of the Roman Army from Augustus to Trajan. Oxford, UK: B.A.R. Hopkins, Keith. 1978. Conquerors and Slaves: Sociological Studies in Roman History, Vol. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Howgego, C. J. 1995. Ancient History from Coins. London: Routledge. Isaac, Benjamin. 1992. The Limits of Empire: The Roman Army in the East. Revised ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Johnson, Allan Chester. 1961. Ancient Roman Statutes: A Translation. Austin: University of Texas Press. Jones, A. H. M. 1970. Augustus. London: Chatto and Windus. Jones, A. H. M. 1964. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic, and Administrative Survey. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Jones, A. H. M. 1971. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. 2nd ed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Jones, A. H. M., J. R. Martindale, and J. Morris. 1971. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, Vol. 1, A.D. 260–395. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Keppie, Lawrence. 1994. The Making of the Roman Army from Republic to Empire. New York: Barnes and Noble Books. Levick, Barbara. 1999. Tiberius the Politician. Oxford, UK: Routledge. Levick, Barbara. 2000. The Government of the Roman Empire: A Sourcebook. 2nd ed. London: Routledge. Lewis, Naphtali. 1983. Life in Egypt under Roman Rule. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Lewis, Naphtali, and Meyer Reinhold. 1951. Roman Civilization: Selected Readings. New York: Columbia University Press. Luttwak, Edward. 1976. The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire from the First Century A.D. to the Third. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. MacDonald, William L. 1982. The Architecture of the Roman Empire I: An Introductory Study. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. MacDonald, William L. 1986. The Architecture of the Roman Empire II: An Urban Appraisal. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. MacKendrick, Paul Lachlan. 1970. Romans on the Rhine: Archaeology in Germany. New York: Funk and Wagnalls. MacMullen, Ramsay. 1984. Christianizing the Roman Empire, A.D. 100–400. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. MacMullen, Ramsay. 1963. Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Mattingly, Harold. 1959. Roman Imperial Civilisation. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Mattingly, Harold. 1977. Roman Coins from the Earliest Times to the Fall of the Western Empire. London: Spink.

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|  Selected Bibliography Meiggs, R. 1973. Roman Ostia. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Millar, Fergus. 1968. The Roman Empire and Its Neighbours. 1st American ed. New York: Delacorte. Millar, Fergus. 1977. The Emperor in the Roman World, 31 BC–AD 337. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Mommsen, Theodor. 1909. The Provinces of the Roman Empire. 2 vols. London: Ares Publishers. Nilsson, Martin P. 1962. Imperial Rome. New York: Schocken Books. Nixon, C. E. V., and Barbara Saylor Rodgers, eds. and trans. 1994. In Praise of Later Roman Emperors: The Panegyrici Latini. Berkeley: University of California Press. Oliver, James H. 1953. “The Ruling Power: A Study of the Roman Empire in the Second Century after Christ through the Roman Oration of Aelius Aristides.” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, new series, 43(4): 871–1003. Parker, Henry Michael Denne. 1993. The Roman Legions. New York: Barnes and Noble. Percival, John. 1981. The Roman Villa: A Historical Introduction. Berkeley: University of California Press. Platner, Samuel Ball, and Thomas Ashby. 1929. A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome . . . Completed and Revised by Thomas Ashby. London: Oxford University Press. Reinhold, Meyer. 1933. Marcus Agrippa: A Biography. Geneva: W. F. Humphrey. Rostovtzeff, M. 1957. Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire. 2nd ed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Salmon, E. T. 1970. Roman Colonization under the Republic. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Scullard, H. H. 1979. Roman Britain: Outpost of the Empire. London: Thames and Hudson. Scullard, H. H. 1982. From the Gracchi to Nero: A History of Rome from 133 B.C. to A.D. 68. 5th ed. London: Routledge. Seager, Robin. 2005. Tiberius. 2nd ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Sherwin-White, A. N. 1981. Roman Foreign Policy in the East, 168 BC–AD 1. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Sherwin-White, A. N. 1973. The Roman Citizenship. 2nd ed. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Smallwood, E. Mary. 2001. The Jews under Roman Rule: From Pompey to Diocletian; A Study in Political Relations. Leiden: Brill. Speidel, Michael. 1994. Riding for Caesar: The Roman Emperors’ Horse Guards. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Starr, Chester G. 1960. The Roman Imperial Navy, 31 B.C.–A.D. 324. 2nd ed. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Stillwell, MacDonald Richard, William L. McAlister, and Marian Holland. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Strong, Donald, et al., 1995. Roman Art. 2nd ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Suolahti, Jaakko. 1963. The Roman Censors: A Study on Social Structure. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia. Sutherland, C. H. V., et al. 1984. The Roman Imperial Coinage. Revised ed. London: Spink.

Selected Bibliography | Thompson, E. A. 1948. A History of Attila and the Huns. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Todd, Malcolm. 2004. The Early Germans. 2nd ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Treggiari, Susan. 1993. Roman Marriage: Iusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Turner, E. G. 1980. Greek Papyri: An Introduction. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Van Deman, Esther Boise. 1934. The Building of the Roman Aqueducts. Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington. Warmington, Brian Herbert. 1969. Nero: Reality and Legend. London: Chatto and Windus. Webster, Graham. 1998. The Roman Imperial Army of the First and Second Centuries A.D. 3rd ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Westermann, W. L. 1955. The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. White, K. D. 1975. Farm Equipment of the Roman World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

ONLINE Ancient History, History, BBC, 2014, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history//ancient/ and more specifically http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans/. Articles on Ancient History, Livius.org, http://www.livius.org/. Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000–2017, http://www .metmuseum.org/toah/essays/. Internet History Sourcebooks Project, Fordham University, 1996, http://sourcebooks.fordham .edu/Halsall/index.asp. Perseus Digital Library, Tufts University, http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/. The Roman Empire, PBS, 2006, http://www.pbs.org/empires/romans/index.html. Thayer, Bill. LacusCurtius, University of Chicago, 2017, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E /Roman/home.html. VROMA, http://www.vroma.org/.

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About the Author

James W. Ermatinger received his PhD in ancient history in 1988 from Indiana University–Bloomington, writing his dissertation on the economic reforms of Diocletian. He is the author of five books: Economic Reforms of Diocletian (Pharos 7), Decline and Fall of Rome (Greenwood), Daily Life in Ancient Rome (Greenwood), Daily Life in the New Testament (ABC-CLIO), and The World of Ancient Rome (2 vols., ABC-CLIO). He is currently dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and professor of history at the University of Illinois–Springfield.

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Bold indicates volume numbers. Actium, Battle of (31 BCE), 1:xx, 166, 2:5–8, 110 Agrippa at, 1:187–188, 2:1, 7 Antony at, 1:xx, 194, 2:1, 7 Cleopatra at, 1:206, 2:1, 7 Octavian’s forces at, 1:187–188, 2:1, 7 Adoption, 1:xxi, xxiii, xxvi, 191 Antoninus adopted by Hadrian, 1:xxiv, 185, 192, 218 Hadrian adopted by Trajan, 1:xxiv, 185, 216–217 Marcus Aurelius adopted by Antoninus, 1:xxiv, 185, 192, 225 Nero adopted by Claudius, 1:227 Tiberius adopted by Augustus, 1:xxi, 238 Trajan adopted by Nerva, 1:xxiii, 185, 240 Adrianople, Battle of (378 CE), 1:xxvii, 2:2, 8–10 Primary Document, 2:253–256 Valens and, 1:xxvii, 179, 243, 2:2, 8–10 Adriatic Fleet, 1:46, 47–48 Aediles, 1:59, 62–64, 254 cost of putting on games, 1:62, 63, 89 imperium of, 1:62 Julius Caesar’s use of office, 1:63 number of, 1:62, 89 Aeneid, 1:109, 2:162 Agricola, 1:215, 2:20, 163 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius (64–12 BCE), 1:xx, 187–188 children of, 1:188 wife Julia (Augustus’ daughter), 1:184, 188, 195, 2:44 Agrippina the Elder (14 BCE–33 CE), 1:189– 191, 200

children of, 1:190, 2:213–214 exile to Pandataria, 1:190, 2:213 relations with Tiberius, 1:185, 190, 232, 239, 2:213–214 Agrippina the Younger, 1:21, 204 Nero and, 1:227 Alamanni and Juthungi, 1:129–131, 149, 242, 2:59 Alaric, 1:179–180, 2:54–55 Albinus, Clodius (150–197), 1:233–234, 2:70 Alexander the Great, 1:2, 4, 165 Mausoleum of, 1:6 Alexandria, 1:2, 4–6, 2:256–259 as administrative center for Egypt, 1:4 Augustus and, 1:2, 4 Cleopatra and, 1:205, 206 Donations of Alexandria, 1:206 grain supply from, 1:2, 4 library at, 1:2 lighthouse (Pharos) at, 1:5, 6, 2:182 Primary Document on, 2:256–259 Roman navy in, 2:110 Alimenta, 1:252–254 Trajan and, 1:241, 252–253 Altar of Peace. See Ara Pacis Ambrose (ca. 340–397), 1:220–221, 236, 244 Amici principis, 1:78 Annona, 1:95, 249, 254–255 law cases relating to, 1:297 praefectus annonae, 1:62, 96, 255, 282 tax for, 2:62 See also Grain trade Antioch, 1:2, 6–9

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|  Index Diocletian’s “Golden House” church in, 1:8 Olympic Games and, 1:8 Antonine plague, 2:10–12 Antonine Wall, 1:xxiv, 170, 192, 2:20, 77–80, 105 Antoninus Pius (86–161), 1:xxiv, 191–193 adopted by Hadrian, 1:xxiv, 185, 192, 218 adoption of Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius by, 1:225 military inactivity of, 1:192, 225 public works, law, and taxes, 1:192 Antony, Marc, 1:xix at Caesar’s funeral, 2:201 children by Cleopatra, 1:xx, 206, 2:7, 8 Cleopatra and, 1:xx, 194, 205–206, 2:7 defeat at Actium, 1:xx, 194, 2:7 on dictatorship, outlawing of, 1:91 Praetorian Guard and, 2:114 in Second Triumvirate, 1:xxxi, 80, 187, 2:6 son Iullus Antonius, 2:44, 45 suicide of, 1:194, 2:7 Apuleius, 2:163 Aqueducts, 2:140–142 amount of water transported, 2:140, 141 Claudius and, 1:204 curatores aquarium, 1:84 maintenance of, 1:84 tunnels for, 2:122 Aquincum (Budapest), 1:9–12 Contra-Aquincum (Pest), 1:10 Trans-Aquincum (Buda), 1:10 Ara Pacis, 1:174, 2:142–145 imperial family depicted on, 2:143, 144–145, 186 importance of, 2:138–139 reliefs on, 1:109, 116, 2:143–144 Aramaic language, 1:270–271 Arcadius, 1:236–237 Archers, 2:113, 126, 135 Arches in aqueducts, 2:141 in bridges, 2:122 of Constantine, 2:46, 186 of Titus, 2:40, 41, 185 Arenas, 2:190, 192 in the provinces, 1:8, 11, 151 Arianism, 1:35, 208, 221, 236, 2:23–25 Aristocracy. See Patricians

Arius, 2:23–24 Arminius, 2:57–58 Armor. See Uniforms Army. See Military Arrows, 2:113, 135 Assemblies (comitia), 1:75–77 political unrest and violence and, 1:76–77 powers transferred to Senate, 1:117 Astrology, 1:64, 2:212 Athens, 1:1, 12–13 Roman emperors associated with, 1:12 Attila the Hun, 1:36, 153–154, 2:55 Pope Leo I negotiation with, 1:51, 154 tribute paid by Rome to, 1:154, 237 Augures/augury, 1:64–66, 283–284, 301–302 Augustan Settlement, 2:2, 12–14, 43 Augustine (354–430), 1:221–222 Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE), 1:xix-xxi, 193–196 actions after Caesar’s assassination, 1:xx, 187, 193 Actium, Battle of (31 BCE), 1:xx, 194, 2:1, 5–8 adoption in Caesar’s will, 1:187, 193, 199 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius, and, 1: 187–188 and Alexandria, 1:2, 4 Altar of Peace (Ara Pacis), 2:142–145 auctoritas of, 2:13 bureaucracy under, 1:66, 281 consilium principis of, 1:78 conspiracies against, 1:121 daughter Julia, 1:194, 195, 2:3, 43–45 disposition of forces under, 2:203 exclamation on Varus’ loss of legions, 2:58 execution of Caesarion, 1:xx, 2:8 expansion of empire under, 1:285, 2:91 family life of, 1:195 fire brigades of, 1:124, 2:36, 202–203 Forum of, 2:158 full name of, 1:145, 195, 2:13 key events under, 1:xx-xxi legal system and, 1:112–113 looks of (Primary Document), 2:204–205 mausoleum of, 1:50, 2:168–169 Octavian persona transformed, 2:13 offered dictatorship, 1:91 peace and prosperity during reign of, 1:193, 195

Index | as pontifex maximus, 1:65, 101–102, 108, 174, 2:13 power of offices assumed by, 1:91–92, 108, 195, 2:1, 12–14 princeps title, 1:92, 108, 2:13 propaganda of, 1:108–109 Res Gestae of, 2:160, 168 retirement rejected by Senate, 1:xx, 2:13 in Second Triumvirate, 1:xxxi, 80, 187, 194, 2:6 succession by Tiberius, 1:92, 195 title “Augustus” bestowed, 1:188, 193, 195 treason trials justified as insults to, 2:205–206 virtues claimed by, 1:108 wife Livia. See Livia Drusilla wife Scribonia, 1:194 See also Ara Pacis; Augustan Settlement Aurelian, Lucius Domitius (ca. 215–275), 1:184, 196–198 assassination of, 1:197–198 Germanic campaigns of, 1:130, 196 Palmyra, conquest of, 1:196–197, 230, 2:60 as restorer of the east, 1:197, 2:60 as restorer of the world, 2:60 triumph with Zenobia marched in golden chains, 1:230 Aurelian Wall, 1:130 Aureolus, 2:65–66 Auspices or augury, 1:64–66, 283–284 Auxiliaries, 2:76, 80–81, 112 auxiliary cohorts, 2:88 Avaritia, 2:62 Bacchus, cult of, 1:128, 131–134, 164 Ballistae, 2:82–83, 124–125 Banishment, 1:111 Basilica, 1:1, 292–293 Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion (69 CE), 1:xxii, 2:3, 14–16 Primary Document, 2:237–239 Baths, 1:44, 52 Baths of Caracalla, 1:xxvi Battering ram, 2:124 Boudicca Rebellion (60 or 61 CE), 2:16–18, 226–230 Roman tactics and, 2:126, 228–230 See also British Conquest

Bow and arrows, 2:113, 126, 135 Bridges, 2:120, 122 Britain Caractacus, 1:261, 2:19–20, 130 Celts and Picts in, 1:127, 134–136 client kings in, 1:261–262 Druids, 1:135–136, 2:222, 226–227 Iceni tribe, 1:261–262, 2:227 Limes Britannicus, 2:105 London, 1:31–33 Roman legions in, 2:101 Roman navy and, 2:111 British Conquest, 1:127, 2:19–21 Boudicca Rebellion (60 or 61 CE), 1:135, 228, 2:16–18 Caesar’s invasions of Britain, 1:134–135 Claudius and, 1:135, 204, 2:19 Hadrian and, 2:20 Prasutagus and, 2:16–17, 227 Primary Document on, 2:226–230 resources gained by, 2:20 Suetonius Paulinus and, 1:31, 136, 228, 2:16–18, 226–230 Vespasian and, 1:247, 2:19 Budapest (Aquincum), 1:9–12 Bureaucracy, 1:66–68, 251 Claudius’s transformation of, 1:66 control by equestrians and senators, 1:66–67, 281 freedmen in, 1:61, 66, 281 Hadrian and, 1:67 imperial bureaucracy, 1:xx, xxi, xxiv, 66 increase in, 1:67 officials in, 1:60, 280–282 Septimius Severus and, 1:67 size of, 1:67 use to increase personal power, 1:67 See also Government and politics Burebista, 1:140 Burial clubs, 1:251, 255–257 Burials, 2:138 catacombs, 2:145–148 Byzantine Empire, 1:xxviii, 24 Byzantine period (330–1453), 1:81 Caesar, Gaius Julius (102–44 BCE), 1:198–200 assassination of, 1:199 calendar and, 1:69, 2:199–200

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|  Index in civil wars (49 BCE), 1:xix, 77, 2:6 Cleopatra and, 1:xx, 199, 205 commentary on Gallic Wars, 1:134–135, 199–200 crossing the Rubicon, 1:199 cursus honorum of, 2:198–199 dictator for life, 1:89, 91, 199, 2:199 First Triumvirate, 1:xxxi, 80, 166, 187, 198–199 forum of (Forum Julius), 2:157 funeral of (Primary Document), 2:200–201 Gaul, conquest of, 1:134–135, 183, 198, 2:6 as model military leader, 1:183 Octavian (later Augustus) and, 1:187, 193, 199 offered title of king, 1:91 son by Cleopatra (Caesarion), 1:199, 205, 206–207, 2:7, 8 Sulla and, 1:198 use of aedile office to advance career, 1:63 Caesarea Maritima, 1:2, 14–15 Caesarion, 1:199, 205, 206–207, 2:7 execution of, 1:206–207, 2:8 Calendar, 1:67–70 eight-day market cycle, 1:70 intercalary month, 1:69, 102, 2:200 Julius Caesar and, 1:69, 2:199–200 kalends, nones, and ides, 1:69–70 leap year, 2:200 pontifex maximus and, 1:102 Primary Document, 2:199–200 seven-day week, 1:70 year of emperor and, 1:70 Caligula (12–41 CE), 1:200–202 assassination of, 1:121 claim of divinity while alive, 1:202 cruelty of (Primary Document), 2:216 family of, 1:200 Isis cult and, 1:156 mother Agrippina honored by, 1:190–191 new taxes and, 2:217–218 positives of reign, 1:201, 202 reign of terror by, 1:201–202 Tiberius and, 1:200–201 Camps, legionary, 2:99–101 construction of, 2:129 Caracalla (211–217), 1:xxv, 34, 233, 234 Baths of, 1:xxvi

citizenship extended by, 1:260, 290, 2:118 Caractacus, 1:261, 2:19–20 allowed to retire, 2:130 Carausius Rebellion (286–293 CE), 2:21–23 Carnuntum, 1:16–17 Carthage, 1:2, 18–20, 261 as center for Christians, 1:19–20 Punic language, 1:270 Queen Dido of, 1:18 siege of, 2:123 strategic importance of, 1:2, 18–19 tax exempt status for, 1:19 See also Punic Wars Catacombs, 2:145–148 Christians and, 2:147 Jewish, 2:146–147 Catapults, 2:81–84, 112, 124–125 Cavalry, 2:84–86 auxiliary mixed cohort, 2:84 camel units, 2:85 equites Illyrici, 2:84 exploratores and reconnaissance, 2:84–85, 112 heavy cavalry (clibanarii), 2:84, 85 imperial, 2:85 Numidian (equites Mauri), 2:84 order of battle and, 2:112, 113 special units, 2:84–85 swords of, 2:133 Celts, 1:134–136 Druidism, 1:135–136 geographic groups, 1:134 Censor, 1:70–72, 89, 257 decline in importance, 1:60 public morality supervised by, 1:70, 71–72 sacredness of, 1:71 Census, 1:70, 71, 257–259 freeing slaves through, 1:100 importance of, 1:257–258 for provinces, 1:257–258, 285 and tax collection, 1:119 Centuria (legionary unit), 2:97 Centuries (citizen groups), 1:76 Centurions, 2:76, 86–87, 98 primus pilus, 2:86, 87, 104 Chair, ceremonial, 1:62, 71 Chariot races, 1:72–75 Circus Maximus, 1:49, 73–75, 2:223

Index | not held in Colosseum, 1:73–74, 2:155 Chi-Rho sign, 2:32, 47, 249–251 Christianity, 1:186, 218–220, 300 Arianism and, 1:35, 208, 221, 236, 2:23–25 Caesarea Maritima as center of, 1:15 Carthage as center of, 1:19–20 Constantine and, 1:207, 208–209, 2:24, 47, 48 Council of Nicaea (325 CE), 1:208, 2:4, 23–26 Edict of Milan and, 1:35, 2:4, 31–33, 251–253 Edict of Toleration (311), 1:138, 2:4, 33–34, 248–249 Jesus and, 1:218–220, 2:23–26 Latin Fathers and, 1:186, 220–223 Nicean Creed, 1:221, 2:25 Rome as seat of Christian religion, 1:48, 51 as state religion, 1:xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, 218 viewed as Jewish sect, 1:137 Christians, 1:136–139, 186 beliefs of, 1:128, 138–139 blamed for great fire in Rome, 1:137, 228 catacombs and, 2:147 Chi-Rho sign and, 2:32, 47, 249–251 Decian persecution, 2:50 delatores and, 1:266 Diocletian Persecutions, 1:xxvi, 138, 213, 2:28–31 Donatists, 1:19–20, 208, 2:29, 51 edicts of Valerian to, 1:245 honestiores, 2:28–29 humiliores, 2:28–29 lapsed, remedies for, 2:51 military service and, 2:51–52 Nero’s punishment of (Primary Document), 2:225–226 nomen Christianum, 2:29 Paul, 1:24, 54, 137, 259 persecution of, 1:137–138, 186, 244, 2:28–31, 50–52 pre-Diocletianic persecutions, 2:50–52 sacrifices to Roman gods required for, 2:28–30, 50, 245 torture of, 2:30 traditio (handing over books), 2:29, 51 traditores, 1:19

Cicero, 1:12, 13, 80, 2:162 exile of, 1:90–91 full name of, 1:145 as novus homo, 1:79 Pro Milone speech of, 1:98–99 Circus, 1:72–75, 2:223–225 Circus Flaminius, 1:73 Circus Maximus, 1:49, 73 types of games, 1:74–75 Cities, 1:1–57 about (overview), 1:1–4 Alexandria, 1:4–6 Antioch, 1:6–9 Aquincum, 1:9–12 Athens, 1:12–13 Caesarea Maritima, 1:14–15 Carnuntum, 1:16–17 Carthage, 1:18–20 civitas and, 1:259–260 Colonia Agrippina, 1:20–22 Constantinople, 1:22–24 Corinth, 1:24–26 Ephesus, 1:26–28 five chief cities of the empire, 1:19 Greek cities, 1:1 Jerusalem, 1:28–31 London, 1:31–33 Lugdunum, 1:33–34 Mediolanum, 1:35–36 Mogontiacum, 1:36–38 municipia classification, 1:259–260 Ostia, 1:38–41 Petra, 1:41–43 Pompeii, 1:43–45 Ravenna, 1:45–48 Rome, 1:48–51 Split and Salona, 1:51–53 standard layout for, 1:1 Thessalonica, 1:53–55 Trier, 1:55–57 Citizenship civitas and, 1:259–260 conubium and, 2:88 extension of, 1:60, 61, 260, 290, 2:77, 118 for freed slaves, 1:61, 99, 146 military as path to, 2:80–81, 88, 111, 119–120 for provincials, 1:290

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|  Index removal from roles (for immorality), 1:71–72 rights of Roman citizens, 1:259, 289, 2:117 for whole Roman Empire (under Caracalla), 1:260, 290, 2:118 Civil war (49 BCE–31 BCE), 1:xxxi, 2:5–7 Actium, Battle of, 1:xx, 2:5–8 Caesar and, 1:xix, 77, 2:6 Octavian as final victor, 1:xix, 2:5–7 Philippi, Battle of, 1:xxxi, 149, 2:6 See also Triumvirates Civilis Rebellion. See Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion (69 CE) Civitas, 1:259–260 Claudius (10 BCE–54 CE), 1:xxi, 203–205 British conquest and, 1:135, 204, 2:19 death of, 1:121, 204 family of, 1:203, 224 foreign relations and, 2:221–223 games of, 2:223–224 grain supply and, 2:221 impediments of, 1:203 law courts and, 2:218–220 Praetorian Guard and, 1:185, 202, 203–204, 2:115 Primary Documents, 2:218–225 public works program, 1:xxi, 204, 2:220 Cleopatra (69–30 BCE), 1:205–207, 2:7–8 Antony and, 1:194, 205–206, 2:7–8 at Battle of Actium, 1:206, 2:1, 7 Caesar and, 1:xx, 199, 205 children by Antony, 1:xx, 206, 2:7, 8 Isis cult and, 1:155–156 son by Caesar (Caesarion), 1:xx, 199, 205, 206–207, 2:7, 8 suicide of, 1:206, 2:7–8 Client kings, 1:250–251, 260–263 Clothing, 2:148–150 in army uniforms, 2:132–133 toga, 2:148, 149 of women, 2:148, 149 Coemperors, 1:xxvi, xxvii, 212, 234 Cognomen, 1:144, 145 Cohors amicorum, 1:77, 78 Cohort, 2:87–89, 97 centurion and, 2:86, 88–89 Urban Cohorts, 1:125, 2:116

Coins, 2:150–152 brass sestertium, 1:86–87, 2:151 bronze coins, 1:85–86, 87, 213, 2:150 copper in, 2:151–152 copper nummus, 2:152 debasement of metal percentage in, 1:87, 2:151–152 double denarius, 1:234, 2:151 forgeries and counterfeits, 1:280 gold aureus, 1:86, 87, 2:61, 151 images on, 1:108, 109, 254, 279, 2:152 propagandistic function of, 2:152 silver argentius, 1:87, 213, 2:152 silver denarius, 1:86, 87, 2:61, 150, 151 size, weight, and purity of, 1:87, 213, 215, 234, 2:61, 150–152 substitute coinage, 1:88 See also Currency systems; Mints Collegia, 1:83, 244–247 Colonia Agrippina (Koln), 1:20–22 Colonies, 1:250, 263–265 Colosseum, 2:153–155, 192 arena and underground structures, 2:154–155 constructed by Vespasian, 1:xxiii, 246, 248, 2:153 financing of construction, 2:153 not used for chariot races, 1:73–74, 2:155 site for, 1:228, 2:153–154 size and design of, 2:154 vomitorium at, 2:154 Comitia, 1:75–77 comitia centuriata, 1:76 comitia curiata, 1:76 comitia populi tribute, 1:76 decrease in power of, 1:60 political unrest and violence and, 1:76–77 powers transferred to Senate, 1:117 Comitium, 1:293 Command, military, 1:183–184, 2:89–91 centurions, 2:76, 86–87, 98, 104 dux, 1:105, 2:89, 90 emperor, 2:89 legate, 2:89, 90, 103 legionary officers, 2:103–104 of navy, 2:111 prefect of the camp, 2:89, 103–104 tribune, 2:89, 90, 103, 104

Index | Commodus (180-92), 1:xxiv, 225 death of, 2:69 deterioration of government under, 2:69 as gladiator, 2:69 price reduction by, 2:53, 54 Consilium, 1:60, 77–79 consilium principis, 1:78 Constans (323–350), 1:209, 210 Constantine (285–337), 1:xxvi, 207–209 Arch of, 2:46, 186 Chi-Rho sign and, 2:32, 47, 249–251 Christianity and, 1:207, 208–209, 2:24, 48 Constantinople and, 1:2, 23–24, 208 Council of Nicaea and, 2:24 Edict of Milan, 1:35, 2:4, 31–33, 251–253 Galerius and, 1:207–208 Milvian Bridge, Battle of the, 2:46–48 Constantine, House of, 1:xxvi, 186, 209–211 Constans (323–350), 1:209, 210 Constantine II (316–340), 1:209, 210, 2:25 Constantius II (317–361), 1:209–210 Gallus (325–354), 1:209, 210 Julian (332–363), 1:209, 210–211 Constantinople, 1:2, 22–24, 186, 208 Golden Gate in, 1:23 renamed Istanbul, 1:23 Constantius I (father of Constantine), 1:xxvi, 56, 207, 2:22–23 Christians and, 2:29 Constantius II (317–361), 1:xxvi, 23, 209–210, 2:25 Constantius III, 1:46, 236 Constantius Chlorus, 1:32, 170, 2:33 Constitutiones principum (imperial legislation), 1:114 Consul, 1:50–60, 79–82 censor duties assumed by, 1:71 changes under Augustus, 1:80–81 emperors as, 1:89 imperium of, 1:81, 89, 103, 104 military function of, 1:79, 80 office as a reward, 1:60, 89–90 proconsul (ex-consul), 1:103, 281 in Senate meeting, 1:117 suffect consults, 1:81 Conubium, 2:88 Corinth, 1:24–26 Corporations, 1:66, 82–83

fake, 1:95 slaves as co-owners for, 1:82–83, 95 types of, 1:83 Council of Nicaea (325 CE), 1:208, 2:4, 23–26 Cranes, 2:164–166 Crassus, Marcus Licinius fire force of, 1:124, 2:36, 197–198 First Triumvirate and, 1:80, 166, 2:6 triumph granted to, 2:129–130 Crucifixion, 1:111, 220 Cults, 1:299–300 of Bacchus, 1:131–134 of Isis and Osiris, 1:155–157 of Mithras, 1:164–165, 300 persecution of (Primary Document), 2:212–213 Curatores, 1:60, 84–85 for aqueducts (curatores aquarium), 1:84 fiscal (procurator augustii), 1:281 for games (curatores ludorum), 1:84 for grain (curatores annonae), 1:84 for public works (curatores operum publicorum), 1:84 for regions of Rome (curatores regionum), 1:85 for roads (curatores viarum), 1:84 Curia, 1:293 Currency systems, 1:85–88, 213 Augustus and, 2:151 Caracalla and, 1:234 devaluation, 1:87, 119, 2:151–152 Diocletian and, 1:213, 2:161 Domitian and, 1:215 inflation, 1:87, 119, 213, 2:54, 62, 152 size, weight, and purity of coins, 1:87, 213, 215, 234, 2:61, 150–152 substitute coinage, 1:88 unified currency, 1:61 value of metal in coins, 1:85, 2:150 See also Coins; Mints Curse tablets, 2:196 Cursus honorum, 1:88–90 of Julius Caesar, 2:198–199 Curule seat (sella), 1:62, 71 Curules, 1:62 Dacian Wars (101–102 and 105–106 CE), 1:xxii, 141, 2:1, 26–28

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280

|  Index Column of Trajan commemorating, 2:26, 28, 82, 186 Dacians, 1:127, 139–142 Decebal/Decebalus and, 1:140–141, 241, 2:27–28 Domitian and, 1:215, 2:27 First Dacian War, 2:27–28 Second Dacian War, 2:28 Trajan and, 1:240–241, 2:27–28 Dagger (pugio), 2:133 Decebal/Decebalus, 1:140–141, 241, 2:27–28 Defensive policy, 2:91–92 Deification of emperors, 1:102, 117 Delatores, 1:251, 265–267 Democracy, 1:75–76 Denarius, 1:86, 87, 2:61, 150, 151 Denouncement. See Delatores Desert tribes, 1:128, 142–144 Dictator, 1:60, 90–92 absolute power of, 1:90–91 for life, Julius Caesar as, 1:89, 91, 199, 2:199 number of instances of, 1:91 Diocese, 1:267–268 Diocletian (ca. 244–313), 1:xxvi, 212–214, 2:63 coemperor and vice emperors of, 1:xxvi Coinage Decree, 2:161 mausoleum of, 2:169 military achievements and changes, 1:184, 212, 2:91 Price Edict, 2:52–54, 161 reforms of, 1:213, 2:54 Diocletian Persecutions (303–311), 1:xxvi, 213, 2:28–31 Dionysius. See Bacchus Domitian (51–96), 1:xxii-xxiii, 214–216 as a God (Primary Document), 2:246–247 assassination of, 1:xxiii, 121, 215 building projects of, 1:214–215 Dacian Wars and, 2:26, 27 damnatio memoriae (name erased from monuments), 1:216 father Vespasian and, 1:248 Flavian Mausoleum of, 2:169 Forum Transitorium of, 2:158–159 military career, 1:183–184, 215 regarded as a cruel emperor, 1:214 Domus Aureus. See Golden House Donatists, 1:19–20, 208, 2:29, 51

Druids, 1:135–136, 2:222, 226–227 Drusus, 1:37, 190, 203, 223, 231–232, 238 Tiberius and, 2:213–214 Dry cleaning, 1:40 Dux, 1:105, 2:89, 90 dux limites, 2:105 Edict of Milan (313), 1:35, 2:31–33 Primary Document, 2:251–253 Edict of Thessalonica (380), 1:54 Edict of Toleration (311), 1:138, 2:33–34 Primary Document, 2:248–249 Egypt Alexandria, 1:4–6, 2:256–259 governor of, 1:281–282 grain trade and, 1:2, 4, 161 Isis and Osiris, cult of, 1:155–157 See also Cleopatra Elagabalus (218–222), 1:xxv, 233, 234–235 Emperors about, 1:185–186 adoptive. See Adoption classification of, in antiquity, 1:214 system of succession, 1:186 worship of, 1:102, 117, 174, 300 See also specific emperors Ephesus, 1:1–2 Epigraphy, 2:159–160 Equestrian order, 1:66–67, 81, 92–94 See also Equites Equites, 1:60, 92–94 in bureaucracy, 1:66–67, 93, 94 eques versus ordo equites, 1:93 promotion to the Senate, 1:81, 93 as provincial governors, 1:103, 104, 281, 285 responsibilities of, 1:93 trade and commerce by, 1:93, 94, 175 Exile, 1:98, 120 of Agrippina the Elder, 1:190, 2:213 of Cicero, 1:90–91 Exploratores, 2:84–85, 93–94, 112 Family, 1:128–129 depicted on Ara Pacis, 2:143, 144–145, 186 depicted on Mausoleum of Augustus, 2:168–169 encouragement of reproduction, 1:252 paterfamilias, 1:71, 275–276

Index | religion and household shrines, 1:298 vestal virgins and, 1:122, 123 Family names, 1:144–146 cognomen, 1:144, 145 full name examples, 1:145 nomen, 1:144, 145 praenomen, 1:144, 145 single-name system, 1:144, 146 tria nomina, 1:144–145, 146 two-name system, 1:144–145 for women, 1:145 Fasces, 1:62, 79 Fires, 2:34–36, 230–233 fire brigade of Crassus, 1:124, 2:36, 197–198 fire brigades of Augustus, 1:124, 2:36, 202–203 great fire in Nero’s reign (64 CE), 1:137, 228, 2:4, 35, 153, 230–233 methods of fire fighting, 1:125, 2:35, 36 preventing spread of fires, 1:125, 2:235 in Rome (Primary Document), 2:230–233 vigiles and, 1:124–125 First Jewish Rebellion. See Jewish Rebellion, First First Triumvirate, 1:xxxi, 80, 166, 187, 198–199, 2:6 Flavian Amphiteatre. See Colosseum Flavian Mausoleum, 2:169 Flavio-Antonines (68–192), 1:xxi-xxv, 185 Floods, 1:219, 225, 2:37–38 Primary Document, 2:216–217 Foreign relations (Primary Document), 2:221–223 Forts, 2:91, 92, 100 Forum (pl. fora), 1:162, 273, 2:157–159 imperial fora, 2:157–159 Franks, 1:21, 130–131, 149, 2:59 Freedmen, 1:129, 146–148 in bureaucracy, 1:61, 66, 281 citizenship for, 1:61, 99, 146 naming of, 1:146 patronage and, 1:147 Frumentarii, 2:93, 94 Gaiseric (390–477), 2:55–56 Galba, Servius Sulpicius, 1:228, 247, 2:15, 71– 72, 237

Galen, 2:10, 11 Galerius, 1:xxvi, 54, 55 Constantine and, 1:207–208 defeat of the Persians, 1:184, 212, 2:126 Diocletian and, 1:xxvi, 212 Edict of Toleration, 2:33–34, 248 Galla Placidia, 1:180, 236 mausoleum of, 1:46–47, 2:169 Gallienus (218–268), 1:xxv, 130, 244–246 campaigns against the Alamanni, 1:35, 2:59 Gallic Empire of, 1:21, 56 Thirty Tyrants and, 2:64–66 Valerian and, 1:xxv, 130, 244–246 Gallus, Cornelius (325–354), 1:121, 209, 210 Games, 1:59, 2:131, 223–225 aediles and, 1:59, 63, 89 chariot races, 1:72–75 in the Colosseum, 2:155, 192 cost of putting on, 1:59, 62, 63 curatores ludorum, 1:84 gladiators, 1:150–153 importance of, 2:223 Primary Document on, 2:223–225 types of, 1:74–75 See also Circus Gardens, 2:155–157 Gaul, 1:127 Caesar’s commentary on, 1:134–135, 199–200 Caesar’s conquest of, 1:183, 198, 199–200, 2:6 Cisalpine, 1:45, 198 cities in, 1:3, 33–34, 56 invasion by Vandals, 1:177 Lugdunum (Lyon), 1:33–34 Postumus’s rebellion and Gallic Empire, 1:21, 34, 37, 56, 246, 2:59, 60, 64, 65–66 Roman legions in, 2:101 Vercingetorix, 1:134–135, 198 Gens, 1:145 German cities, 1:2–3 Colonia Agrippina (Koln), 1:2–3, 20–22 Mogontiacum (Mainz), 1:36–38 Trier, 1:55–57 Germanic tribes, 1:148–150 Alamanni and Juthungi, 1:129–131, 149 Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion, 2:14–16, 237–239

281

282

|  Index conquered by Germanicus (Primary Document), 2:206–207 Germania, term use by Caesar, 1:148–149 Marcus Aurelius’ campaigns against, 1:226 Odacer and, 1:180 origins of, 1:148 Romanization of, 1:149 Varus and the German wars (Primary Document), 2:203–204 Germanicus, 1:7, 21, 189–190, 200 campaigns against Arminius, 2:58 Claudius and, 1:190, 204 death of, 1:190, 2:207–208, 213 German campaign of (Primary Document), 2:206–207 sons of, 1:190, 2:213 tactics of, 2:126 Tiberius and, 1:190, 238–239 Germany Free Germany, 1:127 Germania, term use, 1:148–149 Germanic kingdoms, 1:184 Limes Germanicus, 2:105–106 Roman legions in, 2:101–102 Roman navy and, 2:111 Teutoburg Forest, Battle of, 2:56–59 Gladiators, 1:150–153 female (Primary Document), 2:247–248 gladiatorial schools, 1:16, 106, 151, 2:155 popularity of, 1:151–152 Gold coins, 1:86, 87, 2:61, 151 mines for, 2:170 Golden House (Domus Aureus), 1:xxi, xxiii, 228, 2:153, 176–177 Primary Document, 2:233–235 Goths, 1:149, 178–181, 2:59–60 Adrianople, Battle of, 2:8–10, 253–256 Government and politics, 1:59–125 about (overview), 1:59–62, 250–251 aediles, 1:62–64 auspices or augury, 1:64–66 bureaucracy, 1:66–68 calendar, 1:67–70 censor, 1:70–72 comitia, 1:75–77 consilium, 1:77–79 consuls, 1:79–82

corporations, 1:82–83 curatores, 1:84–85 currency systems, 1:85–88 cursus honorum, 1:88–90 dictator, 1:90–92 equites, 1:92–94 foreign relations, 2:221–223 grain trade, 1:94–96 law courts, 1:96–99 manumission, 1:99–101 officials, 1:280–282 political key events, 2:2–3 pontifex maximus, 1:101–103 praeses (Roman governors), 1:103–105 prisons, 1:105–107 propaganda, 1:107–110 punishment, 1:110–112 Roman law, 1:112–115 Roman Republic, offices from, 1:59–60 Senate, 1:115–117 taxation, 1:118–119 third-century political chaos, 2:59–61 treason trials, 1:120–121 vestal virgins, 1:122–124 vigiles, 1:124–125 See also Bureaucracy; Taxation Governors, 1:60, 103–105, 251, 281 Gracchus, Gaius (154–121 BC), 1:76 Gracchus, Tiberius (166–133 BCE), 1:76 Grain supply, 1:254–255 annona, 1:95, 249, 254–255 distribution/subsidies to citizens, 1:59, 161, 252, 255 importance of, 2:221 Judea, importance for, 1:158 law cases relating to, 1:297 Primary Document on, 2:221 Vespasian’s control of, 1:247 Grain trade, 1:94–96 aediles and, 1:62 agents for, 1:95–96 Carthage and, 1:19 curatores annonae, 1:84 Egypt and, 1:2, 4, 161 grain commissioner (praefectus annonae), 1:62, 96, 255, 282 grain merchants, 1:161 navy protection for, 2:110–111

Index | price of grain, 1:295, 2:52–54 transport system for, 1:95 Gratian (359–383), 1:xxvii, 235, 236, 242, 243–244 Battle of Adrianople and, 2:9, 253 Greek language, 1:270 Greeks, Roman opinion on, 2:116 Groups and organizations, 1:127–181 about (overview), 1:127–129 Alamanni and Juthungi, 1:129–131 Bacchus, cult of, 1:131–134 Celts, 1:134–136 Christians, 1:136–139 Dacians, 1:139–142 desert tribes, 1:142–144 family names, 1:144–146 freedmen, 1:146–148 Germanic tribes, 1:148–150 gladiators, 1:150–153 Huns, 1:153–155 Isis and Osiris, cult of, 1:155–157 Jews, 1:157–159 Mauri, 1:159–160 merchants, 1:160–161 mystery religions, 1:163–165 Parthians, 1:165–167 Persians, 1:167–169 Picts, 1:169–170 slaves, 1:171–173 state religion, 1:173–175 traders, 1:175–178 Vandals, 1:176–178 Visigoths, 1:178–181 Hadrian (76–138), 1:xxiv, 216–218 adopted by Trajan, 1:xxiv, 185, 216–217 adoption of Antoninus by, 1:xxiv, 185, 192, 218 Athenian architecture associated with, 1:12, 13 British conquest and, 2:20 defenses of the empire, 1:217 Isis cult and, 1:156 mausoleum of, 2:169 questions on adoption by Trajan, 1:216–217, 241 Hadrian’s Wall, 1:170, 217, 2:95–97 composition and construction of, 2:105 purpose of, 2:20, 95, 96, 105

Hannibal, 1:50, 134, 164 Haruspex, 1:65, 283–284 Hellenistic age (336–31 BCE), 1:1 Herod Agrippa, 1:14, 202, 2:42–43 Herod Antipas, 1:42, 107, 2:41–42 Herod Archelaus, 1:262–263, 2:41 Herod the Great, 1:14, 29, 158, 218, 262 Masada and, 2:107 Honestiores, 2:28–29, 90 Honorius (395–423), 1:xxviii, 46, 236, 237 Visigoths and, 1:179–180, 236 Horace (65–8 BCE), 2:163 House arrest, 1:106 Humiliores, 2:28–29, 90 Huns, 1:153–155 Attila the Hun, 1:51, 153–154, 2:55 invasion of Italy, 1:154 Pope Leo I negotiating with, 1:51, 154 tribute paid by Rome to, 1:154, 237 Illyricum, 1:51–52, 235 troops from (equites Illyrici), 2:84 Imperium, 1:89 of aedile, 1:62 of censor, 1:71 of consul, 1:81, 89, 103, 104 of dictator, 1:71, 90 of praetor, 1:103, 104 Individuals, 1:183–248 about (overview), 1:183–186 Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius, 1:187–188 Agrippina the Elder, 1:189–191 Antoninus Pius, 1:191–193 Augustus, 1:193–196 Aurelian, Lucius Domitius, 1:196–198 Caesar, Gaius Julius, 1:198–200 Caligula, 1:200–202 Claudius, 1:203–205 Cleopatra, 1:205–207 Constantine, 1:207–209 Constantine, House of, 1:209–211 Diocletian, 1:212–214 Domitian, 1:214–216 Gallienus, 1:244–246 Hadrian, 1:216–218 Jesus, 1:218–220 Livia Drusilla, 1:223–225 Marcus Aurelius, 1:225–227

283

284

|  Index Nero, 1:227–229 Palmyra, House of, 1:229–230 Sejanus, Lucius Aelius, 1:231–233 Severan Dynasty, 1:233–235 Theodosius, House of, 1:235–238 Tiberius, 1:238–240 Trajan, 1:240–242 Valentinian, House of, 1:242–244 Valerian, 1:244–245 Vespasian, Titus Flavius, 1:246–248 Infamia, 1:72 Infantry, 2:80, 112, 113, 125 heavy infantry, 2:113, 125, 126 Inflation, 1:87, 119, 213, 2:54, 62, 152 Informants (delatores), 1:265–267 Ingenuus, 2:65 Inscriptions, 2:159–162 honorific, 2:160 materials and techniques, 2:161–162 regulatory, 2:160–161 Institutions, 1:249–302 about (overview), 1:249–252 alimenta, 1:252–254 annona, 1:254–255 burial clubs, 1:255–257 census, 1:257–259 civitas, 1:259–260 client kings, 1:260–263 colonies, 1:263–265 delatores, 1:265–267 diocese, 1:267–268 language, 1:268–271 mansio (road system), 1:271–273 markets, 1:273–275 marriage, 1:275–278 mints, 1:278–280 officials, 1:280–282 priests, 1:283–284 provinces, 1:284–286 provincial capitals, 1:286–288 provincial law, 1:288–290 public health and sanitation, 1:290–292 public works, 1:292–294 regulations, business, 1:284–286 regulations, commercial, 1:296–298 religion, 1:298–301 sacrifices, 1:301–302 Intelligence gathering, 2:84–85, 93–94

Isis and Osiris, cult of, 1:128, 155–157, 164 Cleopatra and, 1:155–156 Javelin, 2:113 Jerome (345–420), 1:222–223, 2:55 Jerusalem, 1:28–31, 2:259–263 destruction of, 1:xxii, xxiv, 29, 30 Primary Document on, 2:259–263 renamed Aelia Capitolina, 1:30 Siege of, 2:240–242 Temple in, 1:29, 30, 158, 2:41 Jesus (ca. 4 BCE–29 CE), 1:218–220 nature of, Council of Nicaea and, 2:23–26 public ministry of, 1:219–220 trial and execution of, 1:219, 289, 2:117 viewed as Messiah, 1:136–137, 220 Jewish Rebellion, First (66–73 CE), 1:29, 2:38–41 destruction of the Temple, 2:41 Masada, Siege of, 2:107–110, 242–243 results of, 2:3 Roman statues places near Temple, 2:43 Sicarii and, 2:40, 42, 108, 242 Titus and, 2:39–41, 108 Jewish Rebellion, Second (Bar Kokhba Revolt) (132–136), 1:xxiv, 29 Jews, 1:128, 157–159 expelled from Rose, 2:222 Jesus and, 1:218–219 Jewish catacombs, 2:146–147 Sanhedrin, 1:289, 2:42, 117 Siege of Jerusalem and, 2:240–242 taxes on, 1:xxii, 158, 2:41 Zealots, 2:38, 40–41, 42, 108 Josephus, 2:39, 108, 109, 242, 259 Judaism, 1:299 Judea importance to grain supply, 1:158 Judea Provincial Disruption, 2:41–43 Julia (daughter of Augustus), 1:194, 195, 2:3, 43–45 arrest of, 2:45 death of, 2:45 married to Agrippa, 1:184, 188, 195, 2:44 married to Tiberius, 1:195, 224, 2:43–45 Julia Conspiracy (2 BCE), 2:3, 43–45 Julian (332–363), 1:209, 210–211 Julianus, Didius (133–193), 2:69–70

Index | Julio-Claudians (44 BCE–67 CE), 1:xix-xxi, 183, 227 Jurists, 1:112–113, 114 Jury, 1:97–98 Justinian law code, 1:113, 114 Juvenal (ca. 60–140), 2:163, 247–248 Kalends, 1:69–70 Key events, 2:1–73 about (overview), 2:1–5 Actium, Battle of, 2:5–8 Adrianople, Battle of, 2:8–10 Antonine plague, 2:10–12 Augustan Settlement, 2:12–14 Batavian (Civilis) Rebellion, 2:14–16 Boudicca Rebellion, 2:16–18 British Conquest, 2:19–21 Carausius Rebellion, 2:21–23 Council of Nicaea, 2:23–26 Dacian Wars, 2:26–28 Diocletian Persecutions, 2:28–31 Edict of Milan, 2:31–33 Edict of Toleration, 2:33–34 fires, 2:34–36 floods, 2:37–38 Jewish Rebellion, First, 2:38–41 Judea Provincial Disruption, 2:41–43 Julia Conspiracy, 2:43–45 Milvian Bridge, Battle of the, 2:46–48 Piso Conspiracy, 2:48–50 Pre-Diocletianic persecutions, 2:50–52 Price Edict, 2:52–54 Sack of Rome (410 CE), 2:54–56 Teutoburg Forest, Battle of, 2:56–59 third-century political chaos, 2:59–61 third-century social chaos, 2:61–64 Thirty Tyrants, 2:64–66 Vesuvius Eruption, 2:66–68 Year of the Five Emperors, 2:68–70 Year of the Four Emperors, 2:71–73 Laelianus, 2:64–65 Land tax, 1:118–119, 2:117 Land tenure, 2:62–63 Language, 1:268–271 Latin classification for civitas, 1:259 language, 1:268–270, 271

Latin Fathers of the Western Church, 1:186, 220–223 Ambrose (ca. 340–397), 1:220–221 Augustine (354–430), 1:221–222 Jerome (345–420), 1:222–223 Latrines, 1:291–292 Law, 1:96–99 ius gentium (law of nations), 1:114 Justinian law code, 1:113, 114 provincial law, 1:250, 288–290 Roman law, 1:112–115, 192 Theodosian Law Code, 1:xxviii, 235, 237 See also Provincial law; Roman law Law courts, 1:96–99, 297 accuser, witnesses, jury, and defense, 1:97–98 for broken contracts, 1:297 modification by emperors, 1:61 Primary Document, 2:218–220 private prosecution, 1:97–98, 110, 265 public prosecution, 1:114 speeches in, 1:98–99, 2:162 transferred to the Senate, 1:120 verdict and sentences, 1:98, 106–107, 110–112 Leap year, 2:200 Legate (legatus), 1:104, 2:89, 90, 103 legatus augusti, 1:281, 282, 2:89 legatus legionis, 2:89, 98, 103 Legion, 2:97–99 centurions and, 2:98, 104 commander (legatus legionis), 2:89, 98, 103 personal loyalty to commander, 2:98 reduction in number of, 2:98 Legionary camps, 2:99–101, 129 Legionary deployment, 2:101–103 Legionary officers, 2:103–104 Lex Julia, 1:120, 259 Liber, 1:131, 133 Licinius, 1:xxvi, 23, 208 Edict of Milan, 2:31–33, 251–253 Lictors, 1:62, 79 Lighthouses, 1:5, 6, 39, 2:182 Limes (pl. limites), 1:217, 2:104–107 Antonine Wall, 2:77–80 dux limites, 2:105 enlargement of, 1:234 Hadrian’s Wall, 2:95–97, 105 Limes Arabicus, 2:106

285

286

|  Index Limes Britannicus, 2:105 Limes Germanicus, 2:105–106 Limes Noricum, 2:106 Limes Pannonicus, 2:106 Limes Tripolitanus, 2:106–107 major limites, 2:105 purpose of, 2:95, 96, 104–105, 107 Literature, 2:162–164 golden and silver ages of, 2:162 inscriptions and, 2:159–160 poetry, 2:162 prose, 2:162–163 satire, 2:163 See also Primary Documents Liturgies (compulsory labor duty), 2:61 Livia Drusilla (58 BCE–29 CE), 1:184, 223–225 divine status granted, 1:224 sons Tiberius and Drusus, 1:223–224, 238 Loans, 1:297 London, 1:31–33 London Wall, 1:31–32 Lugdunum (Lyon), 1:33–34 Luxury goods, regulation of, 1:294–295 Macedon, 1:53–54, 261 Machines, 2:164–166 Macrianus Major, 2:65 Macrianus Minor, 2:65 Macrinus (217–18), 1:233, 234, 243, 245 Magistrates, 1:66–68 consilium (advisory council), 1:77–79 Malaria, 1:291 Mamertine Prison, 1:105–106 Mansio (road system), 1:251, 271–273 Manumission, 1:99–101 citizenship for freed slaves, 1:61, 99, 146 limits on, 1:100 tax on, 1:146 types of, 1:100 See also Freedmen Manus, 1:276 Marble quarries, 2:166–168 Carrara, 2:166 colors of marble, 2:167 methods of quarrying, 2:166–167 stones other than marble, 2:167–168 transportation of marble, 2:167

Marcus Aurelius (121–180), 1:xxiv, 225–227 adopted by Antoninus, 1:xxiv, 185, 192, 225 Column of, 2:186–187 coruler Lucius Verus, 1:225–226 crises during reign of, 1:225–226 Meditations of, 1:10, 16, 226 Marius (usurper in 269 CE), 2:64 Marius, Gaius (157–86 BCE), 1:76, 198, 2:5 Markets, 1:176, 249, 273–275, 293 aediles and, 1:62–63, 274 bartering, 1:273 days/cycles, 1:70, 273, 275 fairness of, 1:59, 63, 274 forum, 1:162, 273 macellum, 1:176, 274, 293 mercatus, 1:273, 293 money, use in, 1:273–274 nundinae, 1:275 price controls, 1:295 regulation of, 1:294–296 specialized, in Rome, 1:274 Marriage, 1:275–278 coemptio, 1:276 confarreatio, 1:276 customs of, 1:277 manus and, 1:276 sine manu, 1:276–277 types of, 1:276–277 usus, 1:276 of vestal virgins, 1:122 wedding cake and sacrifice, 1:277 wedding procession, 1:277–278 Masada, Siege of (73/74 CE), 2:107–110, 125 Primary Document on, 2:242–243 suicides at, recent evidence on, 2:109 Mauri, 1:128, 159–160 Mausoleums, 2:168–170 of Alexander the Great, 1:6 of Augustus, 1:50, 2:160, 168–169 of Galerius, 1:55 of Galla Placidia, 1:46–47, 2:169 Maxentius, 2:46–48, 169, 250–251 Maximian, 1:xxvi, 35, 36, 56, 2:21–22 persecution of Christians, 2:33 Medallions, 1:278, 2:150 Mediolanum (Milan), 1:35–36, 130 Edict of Milan, 1:35, 2:31–33, 251–253 Mercatores, 1:160, 175

Index | Merchants, 1:160–161 mercatores, 1:160, 175 navicularii, 1:160–161 negotiatores, 1:160, 175 regulation of, 1:296–298 Metamorphoses, 2:163 Military, 2:75–135 about (overview), 2:75–77 Antonine Wall, 2:77–80 auxiliaries, 2:80–81 bureaucracy and, 1:66 careers, examples of, 2:90 catapults, 2:81–84 cavalry, 2:84–86 centurions, 2:86–87 citizenship, military as path to, 2:80–81, 88, 111, 119–120 cohort, 2:87–89 comitia (assemblies) and, 1:76–77 command, 1:183–184, 2:89–91 consuls and, 1:79 defensive policy, 2:91–92 Hadrian’s Wall, 2:95–97 infantry, 2:80 legion, 2:97–99 legionary camps, 2:99–101, 129 legionary deployment, 2:101–103 legionary officers, 2:103–104 limes, 2:104–107 Masada, Siege of, 2:107–110, 125 navy, 2:110–112 number of troops, 2:91 order of battle, 2:112–114 Praetorian Guard, 2:114–116 provincial treatment, 2:116–118 recruitment and service, 2:118–120 reforms and forces under Augustus, 2:203 removal of property requirement for, 1:76 roads and projects, 2:120–123 shock troops, 2:84, 85, 126 siege, 2:123–125 social advancement through, 2:75, 76, 80, 90 tactics, 2:125–127 training, 2:76, 127–129 triumph, 2:129–132 uniforms, 2:132–133 weapons, 2:133–135

Military camps, 2:75–76 construction of, 2:129 Military ships, 2:188–190 Milvian Bridge, Battle of the (312 CE), 1:208, 2:46–48 Mines, 2:170–171 Mints, 1:249–250, 278–280 Diocletian reforms of, 1:213 forgeries and counterfeits, 1:280 locations of, 1:87–88 minting process, 1:278–280 provincial, 1:56, 61, 87 traveling with the emperor, 1:280 Mithras, cult of, 1:164–165, 300 Mogontiacum (Mainz), 1:36–38 Monetary system. See Currency systems Morality, supervision by censors, 1:70, 71–72 Mosaics, 2:171–173 Municipia, 1:259–260 Mystery religions, 1:128, 163–165, 299–300 Nabataeans, 1:41–42 Names. See Family names Natural disasters, 2:4 Navy, 2:110–112 Actium, Battle of, 2:5–8, 110 commanders, 2:111 in frontier regions, 2:110–111 grain supply, protection of, 2:110–111 military ships, 2:188–190 protection of grain trade, 2:110–111 sailors, 2:111 Negotiatores, 1:160, 175 Nero (37–68), 1:xxi, 227–229, 2:3 adopted by Claudius, 1:227 games of, 2:223–224 Golden House (Domus Aureus) of, 1:xxi, xxiii, 228, 2:153, 176–177, 233–235 great fire and, 1:227, 2:3, 35, 153 mausoleum of, 2:169 mother Agrippina and, 1:227 persecution of Christians by, 1:xxi, 2:225–226 Piso Conspiracy and, 2:48–50 rebellions under, 1:xxi, 228, 2:48, 50 singing of, 2:235–237 suicide/death of, 1:xxi, 185, 228

287

288

|  Index Nerva (30–98 CE), 1:xxiii, 216 adoption of Trajan by, 1:xxiii, 185, 240 Nicean Creed, 1:221, 2:25 Niger, Pescennius (135–194), 2:70 Nomen, 1:144, 145 Novus homo (new man), 1:79 Numina, 1:173 Objects and artifacts, 2:137–196 about (overview), 2:137–140 aqueducts, 2:140–142 Ara Pacis, 2:142–145 catacombs, 2:145–148 clothing, 2:148–150 coins, 2:150–152 Colosseum, 2:153–155 gardens, 2:155–157 imperial fora, 2:157–159 inscriptions, 2:159–162 literature, 2:162–164 machines, 2:164–166 marble quarries, 2:166–168 mausoleums, 2:168–170 mines, 2:170–171 mosaics, 2:171–173 paintings, 2:173–176 palaces, 2:176–178 papyri, 2:178–180 ports and harbors, 2:180–183 pottery, 2:183–185 sculpture, 2:185–187 ships, 2:188–190 theaters, odeons, and arenas, 2:190–192 villas, 2:192–195 votive offerings, 2:195–196 Octavian. See Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE) Odaenathus, Lucius Septimius (220–267), 1:229–230, 2:60, 66 Odeons, 2:190, 191–192 Officers, legionary, 2:103–104 Officials, 1:280–282 Olympic Games, 1:8 Order of battle, 2:112–114 types of attacks, 2:113–114 Ostia, 1:xxi, 38–41, 162, 2:182 building program of Claudius, 1:204, 2:182, 220 silting of harbor, 1:39, 2:182

Ostrogoths, 1:180 Otho, Marcus Salvius, 2:72 Ovid, 2:162 Paganism, 1:298 attempted restoration under Julian, 1:xxvi, 7, 2:11 Christians and, 1:15, 35, 221 Edict of Thessalonica and, 1:54 in Egypt, 1:4 Jews and, 1:157 outlawing of, 1:xxviii, 28, 221, 236 Sibylline Books, 1:102–103, 284 Paintings, 2:173–176 pigments, 2:174 styles of, 2:175 Palaces, 2:176–178 for government and personnel, 2:177 as residences, 2:176–177 for retreat and solitude, 2:177–178 See also Golden House Palmyra, House of, 1:229–230 Aurelian and, 1:196–197, 230, 2:60 Odaenathus and, 1:229–230, 2:60, 66 Zenobia and, 1:143, 196–197, 230, 2:60 Pannonia, 1:9–10, 16, 52, 177 Limes Pannonicus, 2:106 Roman navy and, 2:111 Pantheon, 1:188, 218 Papyri, 2:178–180 Parthians, 1:128, 165–167, 225–226 Paterfamilias, 1:71, 275–276 Patricians, 1:xx, 71, 92 Patronage, 1:147 Paul, 1:24, 54, 137 rights as Roman citizen, 1:259, 289, 2:117 trial of, 1:97 Peculium, 1:82, 101 Persians, 1:128, 167–169, 230, 245 defeat by Galerius, 1:184, 212, 2:126 peace treaty with, 1:237 Shapur I, 1:167–168, 229, 2:59–60 Shapur II, 1:168, 210 Pertinax, Publius Helvius (126–193), 2:69 Petra, 1:41–43 Petronius, 2:163 Philippi, Battle of, 1:xxxi, 149, 2:6 Picts, 1:127, 169–170

Index | Pilate, Pontius, 1:15, 136, 219, 2:42 Piso Conspiracy (65 CE), 1:228, 239, 2:48–50 Primary Document, 2:207–209 Plague, 1:166, 185, 226, 2:4 alternate diseases possibly named as, 2:10, 11 Antonine plague, 2:10–12 Cyprian plague, 2:11 Plebeians, 1:62, 76 Pliny the Elder, 2:243 Pliny the Younger (61–113 CE), 2:68, 163, 243 on Vesuvius eruption, 2:244–246 Plutarch, 2:49, 197 Poetry, 2:162 Policing of markets (by aediles), 1:62 of morals (by censors), 1:71–72 by Praetorian Guard, 1:125 of regions of Rome (by curatores regionum), 1:85 by Urban Cohorts, 1:125 by vigiles, 1:124–125, 2:36 Politics. See Government and politics Poll tax, 1:118–119, 2:117 Pompeii, 1:43–45, 2:66–68, 138 paintings at, 2:173–175 Pomponius Mela (d. 45 CE), 2:163 Pontifex maximus, 1:101–103, 283, 284 Augustus as, 1:65, 101–102, 108, 174, 2:13 Pope Leo I, 1:51, 154 Population, 1:249, 252 encouragement of families and reproduction, 1:252 growth of, 1:249 of Rome, 1:48, 51, 94 subsidies and, 1:249 Ports and harbors, 2:180–183 Postumus, Agrippa, 1:189, 190 Postumus, C. Latinius, rebellion and Gallic Empire of (260–269), 1:21, 34, 37, 56, 246, 2:59, 60, 64, 65–66 Postumus, Poenius, 2:16, 18 Pottery, 2:183–185 Praenomen, 1:144, 145 Praeses (Roman governors), 1:60, 103–105 Praetor, 1:62, 89, 112, 114 edicts of, 1:112, 114 praetor urbanus, praetor peregrinus, 1:89 propraetor (ex-praetor), 1:103, 104

Praetorian Guard, 2:114–116, 237 Augustus and, 2:203 Claudius and, 1:185, 202, 203, 2:115 emperor-making by, 1:185, 202, 2:115 Macrinus, 1:233, 234 Macro, 1:200, 201 number of, 2:114, 116 pay rate for, 2:114–115 power of, 1:231–233, 2:115, 214–215, 237 Praetorian Camp outside Rome, 1:231, 2:115 Primary Documents, 2:214–215, 237 Sejanus and, 1:231–233, 2:115, 214–215 Strabo, 1:231 Tiberius and, 1:231–233, 2:115 Urban Cohorts and, 2:115–116 Praetorian prefect (praefectus praetorio), 1:282 Prasutagus, 2:16–17, 227 Prayer, Roman, 2:201–202 Pre-Diocletianic persecutions, 2:50–52 Prefects (praefecti), 1:63, 218, 282 praefectus annonae, 1:62, 96, 255, 283 praefectus castrorum (prefect of the camp), 2:89, 98, 103–104 praefectus praetorio, 1:282 praefectus urbanus, 1:282 Price Edict (301), 1:213, 295, 2:52–54 inscriptions of, 2:161 Prices inflation/avaritia and, 2:62, 152 price controls, 1:295, 2:52–54 Priests, 1:283–284 Primary Documents, 2:197–263 Augustus’s fire brigades, 2:202–203 Augustus’s looks, 2:204–205 Battle of Adrianople, 2:253–256 Calendar, 2:199–200 Caligula’s cruelty, 2:216 City of Alexandria, 2:256–259 City of Jerusalem, 2:259–263 Civilis Rebellion, 2:237–239 Claudius’s public works, 2:220 Constantine and the Chi–Rho, 2:249–251 Cursus Honorum, 2:198–199 Disposition of forces under Augustus, 2:203 Domitian as a God, 2:246–247 Edict of Milan, 2:251–253 Edict of Toleration, 2:248–249 Eruption of Mount Vesuvius, 2:243–246

289

290

|  Index Female gladiator, 2:247–248 Fires in Rome, 2:230–233 Flooding of the Tiber River, 2:216–217 Foreign relations, 2:221–223 Games, 2:223–225 Germanicus conquers the Germans, 2:206–207 Grain supply, 2:221 Julius Caesar’s funeral, 2:200–201 Legal courts, 2:218–220 Nero’s private house, 2:233–235 Nero’s punishment of Christians, 2:225–226 Nero’s singing, 2:235–237 New taxes, 2:217–218 Persecution of cults, 2:212–213 Piso Affair, 2:207–209 Praetorian Guard, 2:237 Republican fire brigade under Crassus, 2:197–198 Roman Prayer, 2:201–202 Sejanus and the power of the Praetorian Guard, 2:214–215 Siege of Jerusalem, 2:240–242 Siege of Masada, 2:242–243 Thracian War, 2:209–212 Tiberius’s depravity, 2:215–216 Tiberius’s relations with Agrippina, 2:213–214 Treason trials under Tiberius, 2:205–206 Urine tax, 2:239–240 Varus and the German wars, 2:203–204 Wars in Britain, 2:226–230 Princeps title, 1:90, 91, 92, 108, 2:13 Prisons, 1:105–107, 110–111 as holding places, 1:105 Proconsul (ex-consul), 1:103, 281 Procurators (procuratores), 1:281, 282 Profit avaritia, 2:62 Crassus’ fire brigade and, 2:197 Propaganda, 1:107–110, 2:137–138 Ara Pacis as, 2:138–139 coinage and, 2:152 Propraetor (ex-praetor), 1:103, 104 Provinces, 1:250, 284–286 census in, 1:257–258, 285 citizenship and, 1:260, 290, 2:117–118 colonies and, 1:263–265

dioceses, 1:250, 267–268 imperial, 1:281–282, 286 local population, support from, 1:289–290, 2:117 major provinces, 1:284–285 noncitizens, treatment of, 2:116–117 Roman view of provincials, 1:288–289, 2:116–118 senatorial, 1:281 splitting of, 1:67, 267 taxes/tax collection, 1:60, 281, 285, 288, 2:117 Provincial capitals, 1:286–288 Provincial government and offices, 1:59, 103–105 aediles, 1:63 corruption in, 1:250 courts, 1:61 legates (legatus augusti), 1:281, 282, 285 Roman governors (praeses), 1:103–105, 281– 282, 285, 286, 289 taxation, 1:60 terms of office, 1:285 Provincial law, 1:250, 288–290 applications of Roman law, 1:115 civil versus criminal law, 1:289 governors’ abuse of power, 1:290 local population, support from, 1:289–290 Roman control over noncitizens, 1:289 Roman governors and, 1:286, 288, 289 tax cases, 1:290 Provincial treatment, 2:116–118 Public enemy, 1:120, 228, 266 Public health and sanitation, 1:290–292 Public works, 1:292–294 of Claudius, 1:xxi, 204, 2:220 creation of jobs with, 1:251 curatores for, 1:84 of Domitian, 1:214–215 financing of, 1:292 in Flavio-Antonine period, 1:xxiv-xxv of Vespasian, 1:xxiii, 248 Publicani, 1:60, 66, 118 Pulleys, 2:164–166 Punic Wars, 1:18, 48 Hannibal and, 1:50, 134, 164 Second (218–201 BCE), 1:43, 134, 261, 2:93, 123

Index | Third (149–146), 2:123 use of spies during, 2:93 Punishment, 1:110–112 banishment, 1:111 examples of, 1:98 execution, 1:107, 111, 2:117 exile, 1:98, 120 immediacy of, 1:98, 2:117 sentences, 1:98, 106–107 suicide and, 1:98 transportation, 1:111 Quaestors, 1:59, 116 number of, 1:88 Quarries, 2:166–168 Quietus, 1:229, 2:65

Races. See Chariot races; Circus Ravenna, 1:45–48 Adriatic Fleet and, 1:46, 47–48 as capital of Roman Empire, 1:46 Galla Placidia’s mausoleum in, 1:46–47, 2:169 Roman emperors ruling from, 1:xxviii, 3, 46 Reconnaissance, 2:84–85, 112, 125 Recruitment and military service, 2:118–120 age for, 2:119 Christians and, 2:51–52 noncitizens, 2:119 Roman citizens, 2:118–119 Regulations, business, 1:284–286 Regulations, commercial, 1:296–298 broken contracts, 1:297 loans and repayment, 1:297 verification of goods, 1:297 Regulatory inscriptions, 2:160–161 Reliefs, 2:185–186 Religion, 1:128, 186, 250, 298–301 auspices, interpreting, 1:64–66, 283–284 Bacchus, cult of, 1:131–134, 164 Christianity, 1:300 cults, 1:299–301, 2:212–213 emperors and, 1:101, 250 family and household shrines, 1:298 flamines, 1:102 importance to Roman emperors, 1:61 Isis and Osiris, cult of, 1:155–157, 164

Judaism, 1:299 key events, 2:3–4 mystery religions, 1:163–165, 299–300 pontifex maximus, 1:101–103, 283, 284 priests, 1:283–284 rex sacrorum, 1:283 Roman prayer (Primary Document), 2:201–202 sacrifices and, 1:250, 301–302 salii, 1:102 state religion, 1:128, 173–175, 298 as tool for peace and justice, 1:250 votive offerings, 2:195–196 worship of emperors, 1:102, 117, 174, 300 See also Christianity; Jews; Paganism Republican Fire Brigade under Crassus, 2:197–198 Res Gestae, 2:160, 168 Rex sacrorum, 1:283 Road system (mansio), 1:251, 271–273 trade and, 1:175 Roads and projects, 2:120–123 bridges and arches, 2:122 construction specifics, 2:120 curatores for, 1:84, 2:120 financing of, 2:120 military roads, 2:77, 121–122 survey and routes, 2:121–122 tunnels, 2:122 types of roads, 2:120 Via Appia, 2:120, 121 Roman citizenship. See Citizenship Roman Empire chief cities of, 1:19 chronology of, 1:xxxi-xxxiii collapse of, 1:xxvii-xxviii expansion of, 1:xix-xxi, 240–242, 285, 2:91 greatest extent of, 1:xxii (map) introduction to, 1:xix-xxix periods in, 1:xix-xxix Roman law, 1:112–115 Antoninus Pius and, 1:192 civil law, 1:113 commentaries on, 1:115 constitutiones principum (imperial legislation), 1:114 delatores and, 1:265–267 evolution of, 1:113–115

291

292

|  Index ius gentium (law of nations), 1:114 jury in, 1:97–98 law code (Corpus Juris Civilis), 1:14, 113 law courts, 1:96–99 lay judges, 1:113 Lex Julia, 1:120, 259 praetors and, 1:112, 113, 114 praetors’ edicts, 1:112, 114 precedents and, 1:112, 113 private prosecutions, 1:97–98, 110, 265 provinces, application in, 1:115 public prosecution, 1:114 punishment, 1:110–112 responsa prudentium, 1:114–115 rights for provincials, 1:60 senatus consultum, 1:114 Twelve Tables, 1:112, 114 See also Provincial law Roman psyche, 2:201–202 Roman Republic, 1:59–60, 75 Rome, 1:48–51 fires in, 2:34–36, 230–233 fora in, 2:157–159 foundation myth, 1:64 great fire (64 CE), 1:137, 228, 2:4, 35, 153, 230–233 hills of, 1:49 markets in, 1:274 population of, 1:48, 51, 94 provision of grain for, 1:94–96, 254–255, 2:221 public architecture in, 1:xxiv-xxv, 2:157–159 regions of, 1:49, 85, 124 sack of. See Sack of Rome sanitation in, 1:290–292 as seat of Christian religion, 1:48, 51 Tiber River and, 1:48, 49, 2:216–217 triumphs in, 2:129–132 walls of, 1:50, 130, 196, 2:60 See also Ostia; Sack of Rome Romulus calendar and, 1:68 founding of Rome and, 1:48, 64 Rubicon, Caesar’s crossing of, 1:199 Sack of Rome by Alaric (410 CE), 1:180, 2:54–56 beliefs on causes for, 1:102

by Gauls, 1:71, 134 by Vandals (455 CE), 1:xxxiii, 51, 178, 2:55–56 Sacrifices, 1:250, 301–302 human, 1:302 required of Christians (to Roman gods), 2:28–30, 50, 245 Sanhedrin, 1:289, 2:42, 117 Sanitation, 1:290–292 Saracens, 1:142 Satire, 2:163 Saturninus, rebellion of, 1:xxiii, 37, 215 Satyricon, 2:163 Scaurus, Marcus Aemilius, 1:41–42 Scipio Africanus, 2:93 Sculpture, 2:185–187 Second Triumvirate, 1:xxxi, 80, 187, 194, 2:6 Sejanus, Lucius Aelius (20 BCE–31 CE), 1:231–233, 2:115, 214–215 condemnation by Senate, 1:232 Primary Document, 2:214–215 Tiberius and, 1:185, 231–232, 239 Senate, 1:115–117 comitia centuriata power transferred to, 1:76 consuls and, 1:117 creation of dictators, 1:90 decrease in power of, 1:60 emperor at meetings of, 1:117 entry into the Senate, 1:116–117 number of senators, 1:116 princeps senatus, 1:92 purges of, 1:72 rank of senators, 1:117 senators prohibited from trade and commerce, 1:93, 95, 296 senatus consultum, 1:114, 117 Senatorial order, 1:92–93 Seneca, 1:227, 228 Seneca the Younger (4 BCE- 65 CE), 2:163 Septimius Severus (193–211), 1:xxv, 16, 233– 234, 2:70 bureaucracy changes under, 1:67 Severan Dynasty (193–235), 1:184, 233–235 Caracalla (211–217), 1:233, 234 Elagabalus (218–222), 1:233, 234–235 Septimius Severus (193–211), 1:233–234 Severus Alexander (222–235), 1:233, 235 Severan era of chaos (192–284), 1:xxv-xxvi

Index | Severus Alexander (222–235), 1:233, 235 price controls under, 2:53–54 Sewer system, 1:291–292 Cloaca Maxima, 1:291 Shapur I (241–272), 1:167–168, 229, 2:59–60 Shapur II (309–379), 1:168, 210 Shield, 2:135 Ships, 2:188–190 Roman navy, 2:110–112 Shock troops, 2:84, 85, 126 Shoes (caligae), 2:132 Sibylline Books, 1:102–103, 284 Siege, 2:76–77, 123–125 of Jerusalem, 2:240–242 of Syracuse, 2:82, 123 Slaves, 1:128–129, 171–173 as corporation co-owners, 1:82–83, 95 freed slaves, citizenship for, 1:61, 99, 146 manumission of, 1:99–101 penal servitude, 1:111 sales tax on, 1:119, 124 slave rebellions, 1:172–173 sources of, 1:171–172 types of, 1:172 See also Freedmen Social chaos, third-century, 2:61–64 Spain, Roman legions in, 2:101 Spears, 2:134, 135 hasta, 2:135 javelins, 2:113 pilum, 2:126, 128–129, 135 Speculatores, 2:93–94 Spies, 2:93–94, 125 Split and Salona, 1:51–53 baths at Split, 1:52 Diocletian and, 1:3, 52–53, 212, 213, 2:169 State religion, 1:128, 173–175, 298 Christianity as, 1:xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, 218 emperor and, 1:173–174 pontifex maximus and, 1:101–103, 174 versus mystery religions, 1:163–164, 300 worship of emperors, 1:102, 117, 174, 300 Stilicho, 1:177, 236 Stone (other than marble), 2:167–168 Suetonius (author/historian), 2:163 See also Primary Documents Suetonius Paulinus (governor of Britain), 1:31, 136, 228, 2:16–18, 20

Druids, dealing with, 2:226–227 tactics against Boudicca, 2:17, 18, 126, 228–230 wars in Britain (Primary Document), 2:226–230 Sulla, Lucius Cornelius (138–78 BCE), 1:13, 76, 2:5 as dictator, 1:91 march on Rome, 1:76–77 treason, definition of charge, 1:120 Sumptuary laws, 1:295 Swords gladius, 2:128, 133 spathea, 2:133 Syracuse, Siege of, 2:82, 123 Tabularium, 1:293 Tacitus (56–117 CE), 1:215, 265–266, 2:162–163 on father-in-law Agricola, 2:20, 163 See also Primary Documents Tactics, 2:125–127 flexibility of, 2:125–126 order of battle, 2:112–114 surprise and, 2:127 See also specific battles and campaigns Taxation, 1:118–119, 2:62 annona, 2:62 census and, 1:257–258 cities as guarantor for, 2:62 inheritance tax, 1:119 manumission, tax on, 1:146 new taxes, 1:118, 119, 247, 2:217–218 payment in money or kind, 1:119 poll and land taxes, 1:118–119, 2:117 portoria (import/export taxes), 1:119 Primary Document: new taxes, 2:217–218 in the provinces, 1:60, 281, 285, 288 publicani, 1:60, 66, 118 sales tax on slaves, 1:119, 124 tax collection, 1:60, 66, 118, 119, 288, 2:117 urine tax, 1:40, 247, 2:239–240 Tesserae, 2:171–172 Tetrarchic-Constantinian period (284–364), 1:xxvi-xxvii, 170, 212 Teutoburg Forest, Battle of the (9 CE), 2:1, 56–59 Theaters, odeons, and arenas, 2:190–192 Theodoric the Great (Ostragoth chieftain), 1:180

293

294

|  Index Theodosian Law Code, 1:xxviii, 235, 237 Theodosius (347–395), 1:xxvii-xxviii, 235–236, 2:9 campaigns against the Visigoths, 1:235–236 closing of pagan temples, 1:221, 236 excommunication and penance, 1:54 massacre at Thessalonica, 1:54 Theodosius, House of, 1:184, 235–238 Arcadius, 1:236–237 Honorius (395–423), 1:236, 237 Theodosius (347–395) (the Great), 1:235–236 Theodosius II (401–450), 1:237 Vandal leader Stilicho and, 1:177, 236 Thessalonica, 1:53–55 Edict of Thessalonica, 1:54 Epistles to the Thessalonians, 1:54 massacre at, 1:54 Third-century political chaos, 2:59–61 Third-century social chaos, 2:61–64 Thirty Tyrants, 2:64–66 Thracian War (Primary Document), 2:209–212 Tiber River, 1:48, 49, 2:37 flooding of, 1:219, 225, 2:37–38 flooding of (Primary Document), 2:216–217 Tiberius (42 BCE–37 CE), 1:xxi, 238–240 abolishment of foreign cults, 2:212 adopted by Augustus, 1:xxi, 238 brother Drusus, 1:238, 2:213–214 character of, 1:265–266 as chief commander under Augustus, 2:90 depravity of (Primary Document), 2:215–216 exiled by Augustus, 1:195 expansion of empire under, 1:240–242, 285 German campaigns of, 2:204 Piso conspiracy and, 1:228, 239, 2:207–209 Praetorian Guard and, 1:231–233, 2:115 relations with Agrippina, 1:185, 190, 232, 239 relations with Agrippina (Primary Document), 2:213–214 Sejanus and, 1:185, 231–233, 239 son Drusus, 1:231–232 treason trials under, 1:120–121, 239, 2:205–206 use of delatores, 1:265–266 wife Julia, 1:195, 224, 2:43–45

wife Vispania, 1:195 withdrawal to Capri, 1:232, 238, 239, 2:178, 215 Titus (son of Vespasian), 1:xxi, xxii, 214, 247, 248 Arch of Titus, 2:40, 41, 185 Jewish Rebellion and, 2:39–41, 108 Toga, 1:62, 2:148, 149 Tortoise/turtle (testudo), 2:124, 135 Torture, 1:111 Trade commercial ships, 2:189–190 Ostia and, 1:38–40, 162 portoria (import/export taxes), 1:119 regulations regarding, 1:296–298 road system and, 1:175 senators prohibited from, 1:93, 95, 296 Thessalonica and, 1:54 verification of goods, 1:297 See also Grain trade Traders, 1:175–178 mercatores and negotiatores, 1:160, 175 Training of military, 2:127–129 Trajan (53–117), 1:xxiii-xxiv, 240–242 adopted by Nerva, 1:xxiii, 185, 240 adoption of Hadrian by, 1:xxiv, 185, 216– 217, 241 alimenta and, 1:241, 252–253 Column of Trajan, 2:26, 28, 82, 159, 169, 186 Dacian Wars and, 1:240–241, 2:27–28 declared optimus princeps (best of rulers), 1:240 expansion of Roman Empire under, 1:xxii (map), 240–242, 285 Forum of, 2:159 relations with the Senate, 1:240 triumphal arch in Antioch, 1:8 Transportation (as punishment), 1:111 Treason laws, 1:120–121, 266 Treason trials, 1:120–121 Lex Julia, 1:120 majestas (charge of treason), 1:120 modification of the courts and, 1:61 perduellio (public enemy), 1:120 Primary Document, 2:205–206 Tiberius and, 1:120–121, 239, 2:205–206 Tribal assembly, 1:76 Tribal system, Roman, 1:145

Index | Tribune, 1:88–89 military, 2:89, 90, 103, 104 Tribute, 1:22, 66 exemptions from, 2:14, 222 paid to Huns (by Rome), 1:154, 237 Trier, 1:55–57 mint at, 1:56 Trireme, 2:188 Triumph, 2:129–132 army allowed inside Rome for, 2:130 captives in chains, 1:230, 2:130 cash rewards during, 2:131 games after, 2:131 procession through Rome, 2:130–131 reserved for imperial family, 2:129, 131 vestments and accoutrements for, 2:131 Triumvirates First (Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus), 1:xxxi, 80, 166, 187, 198–199, 2:6 Second (Octavian, Antony, and Lepidus), 1:xxxi, 80, 187, 194, 2:6 Tunnels, 2:122 Turtle/tortoise (testudo), 2:124, 135 Twelve Tables, 1:112, 114 Uniforms (of army), 2:132–133 body armor, 2:132 clothing, 2:132–133 helmet, 2:132 shoes, 2:132 woolen pants, 2:132–133 See also Clothing Urban Cohorts, 1:125, 2:116 Urine tax, 1:40, 247 dry cleaning and, 1:40 Primary Document, 2:239–240 Valens (328–378), 1:23, 242, 243 Battle of Adrianople and, 1:xxvii, 179, 243, 2:9, 253–256 as coemperor, 1:xxvii, 184 Valentinian, House of, 1:242–244 Gratian (359–383), 1:xxvii, 235, 236, 242, 243–244 Valens (328–378), 1:xxvii, 23, 242, 243 Valentinian I (321–375), 1:xxvii, 242–243 Valentinian II (371–392), 1:236, 242 Valentinian III, 1:154, 180, 236

Valentinian-Theodosian Collapse (364–476), 1:xxvii-xxviii Valerian (ca. 193–260), 1:xxv, 244–245, 2:59–60 Gallienus and, 1:xxv, 130, 244–245, 2:59 military career of, 1:184 Vandals, 1:149, 176–178, 2:25, 51 Gaiseric, 2:55–56 sack of Rome (455 CE), 1:xxxiii, 51, 178, 2:55–56 Varus, Publius Quintilius, 2:56–59 German wars of (Primary Document), 2:203–204 loss of Roman legions, 2:58 Vercingetorix, 1:134–135, 198 Verus, Lucius, 1:225–226, 2:10 Vespasian, Titus Flavius (9–79 CE), 1:xxi-xxii, 246–248, 2:72–73 accomplishments, 2:71 British conquest and, 1:247, 2:19 Colosseum construction under, 1:xxiii, 246, 248, 2:153 Flavian dynasty and, 1:185, 2:71 Forum of, 2:158 as governor of Africa, 1:247 Isis cult and, 1:156 Jewish Rebellion and, 2:38, 39 military career of, 1:183 public works of, 1:xxiii, 248 sons Titus and Domitian, 1:247, 248 taxes and, 1:247, 2:239–240 Vestal virgins, 1:122–124 as keepers of wills, 1:123 length of career, 1:122 Vesuvius Eruption (79 CE), 1:xxii, 2:66–68 Primary Document, 2:243–246 Via Appia, 2:120, 121 Victorinus, 2:64–65 Vigiles, 1:124–125, 274, 2:36, 115 commander of (praefectus vigilum), 1:282 Villas, 2:192–195 provincial, 2:194 Villa of the Mysteries, 1:163, 2:193 villa rustica, 2:192–194 villa urbanus, 2:192 Vindobona, 1:16, 226 Virgil, 2:162, 163 Visigoths, 1:178–181, 236–237 Alaric and, 1:179–180, 2:54–55

295

296

|  Index Battle of Adrianople and, 1:179, 2:8–10 Galla Placidia and, 1:180 sack of Rome by (410 CE), 1:180, 2:54–56 Valens and, 1:179, 243 Vitellius, Aulus, 1:21, 37, 123, 214, 2:72–73 Civilis Rebellion under, 2:237–239 Votive offerings, 2:195–196 architectural offerings, 2:195–196 broken in pieces, 2:195, 196 vowing of temples, 2:158, 195–196

Weapons, 2:77, 133–135 of cavalry, 2:84 dagger (pugio), 2:133 shield, 2:135 spears, 2:126, 128–129, 134, 135 swords, 2:128, 133

Warehouses (horrei), 1:293, 2:192 Watchtowers, 2:91, 92 Water mills, 2:164

Zenobia, 1:143, 196–197, 2:60, 66 marched in chains in Aurelian’s triumph, 1:230

Year of the Five Emperors (193 CE), 1:xxv, 2:3, 68–70 Year of the Four Emperors (69 CE), 1:185, 2:3, 39, 71–73