The Rodrigo Chronicles: Conversations About America and Race 9780814721025

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The Rodrig o Chronicle s

THE RODRIG O CHRONICLES Conversations abou t Americ a and Rac e

Richard Delgad o

New York Universit y Pres s New York and London

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New York and Londo n Copyright © 199 5 by New York Universit y All rights reserved Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a Delgado, Richard . The Rodrig o chronicles : conversations about America an d rac e / Richard Delgado . p. cm . Includes bibliographical references . ISBN 0-8147-1863- 9 1. Afro-Americans—Civil rights . 2 . Civil rights—Unite d States . 3. Unite d States—Rac e relations . 4 . Racism . I . Title. E185.615.D45 199 5 323. l'l 1969073—dc2 0 94-4815 5 CIP New York University Pres s books are printed o n acid-free paper , and thei r binding material s are chosen fo r strength an d durability . Manufactured i n the Unite d State s of America 10 9

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When we feel we are loved by the person we love, we love more, and nothing inflames our love so much as to know we are loved by the person we love, and being loved more makes the other love more too. When we think about the person we love, we love him more until we are nothing but one burning flame of love. —Ernesto Cardenal, "Love, " in Vida en el Amor (1974)

Contents

Acknowledgments i x Foreword by Robert A. Williams, ]r. x i Introduction xvi i 1. RODRIGO' S FIRS T CHRONICLE 1 2. RODRIGO' S SECON D CHRONICLE 1 9 The Economic s an d Politic s of Race 3. RODRIGO' S THIR D CHRONICLE 3 5 Care, Competition , an d the Redemptive Tragedy of Race 4. RODRIGO' S FOURT H CHRONICL E 5 8 Neutrality and Stasi s in Antidiscrimination La w 5. RODRIGO' S FIFT H CHRONICL E 8 3 Civitasy Civi l Wrongs, an d the Politics of Denial 6. RODRIGO' S SIXT H CHRONICL E 10 6 Intersections, Essences , an d the Dilemma o f Social Refor m 7. RODRIGO' S SEVENT H CHRONICL E 13 5 Race, Democracy , an d the Stat e 8. RODRIGO' S EIGHT H CHRONICL E 16 4 Black Crime, Whit e Fears—O n th e Socia l Construction o f Threat 9. RODRIGO' S FINA L CHRONICLE 19 0 Cultural Power , La w Reviews, and th e Attack on Narrativ e Jurisprudenc e Notes 21 3 Appendixes 26 5 vu

Acknowledgments

I wish to thank Jean Stefanci c fo r her inspiration and encouragement; Bonni e Kae Grove r fo r he r unflaggin g researc h assistance ; an d Pete r Johnson , fo r technical suppor t durin g th e final stage s o f thi s book' s production . Specia l thanks go to Derrick Bell, who graciously lent me some of his personae along with hi s mora l support . Harrie t Cummings , Devon a Futch , Las h LaRue , Michael Olivas , Kell y Robinson , Eric h Schwiesow , Louis e Teitz, an d Ger ald Torre s contribute d t o on e o r mor e Chronicles . Marg e Brunner , Ki m Clay, Ann e Guthrie , Cynthi a Shafer , an d Ka y Wilki e prepare d th e manu script with precision an d intelligence . My gratitud e als o goe s t o m y edito r Nik o Pfun d an d th e Ne w Yor k University Press , an d t o th e Rockefelle r Foundatio n Scholar-in-Residenc e Program i n Bellagio , Italy , wher e muc h o f Rodrigo' s Sevent h Chronicl e was written. I a m gratefu l t o th e followin g journal s fo r permissio n t o reprin t o r adap t essays tha t first appeare d i n thei r pages : Yale Law Journal, fo r Rodrigos Chronicle [101 YALE L.J . 135 7 (1992)]; Michigan Law Review for Rodrigos Second Chronicle: The Economics and Politics of Race [91 MICH. L . REV . 1183 (1993)] ; California Law Review fo r Rodrigos Third Chronicle: Care, Competition, and the Redemptive Tragedy of Race [8 1 CAL . L . REV . 38 7 (1993)]; Stanford Law Review for Rodrigo's Fourth Chronicle: Neutrality and Stasis in Antidiscrimination Law [4 5 STAN . L . REV . 113 3 (1993) ] an d IX

x Acknowledgments Rodrigos Fifth Chronicle: Civitas, Civil Wrongs, and the Politics of Denial [45 STAN . L . REV . 158 1 (1993)] ; NYU Law Review fo r Rodrigos Sixth Chronicle: Intersections, Essences, and the Dilemma of Social Reform [6 8 NYU L . REV . 63 9 (1993)]; UCLA Law Review for Rodrigos Seventh Chronicle: Race, Democracy, and the State [4 1 UCL A L . REV . 72 1 (1994)] ; Virginia Law Review fo r Rodrigos Eighth Chronicle: Black Crime, White Fears—On the Social Construction of Threat [8 0 VA. L . REV . 50 3 (1994)]; and Southern California Law Review for Rodrigos Final Chronicle: Cultural Power, the Law Reviews, and the Attack on Narrative Jurisprudence (forth coming).

Foreword

In th e Nativ e American tradition , t o assume th e rol e of Storyteller i s to take on a ver y weight y vocation . Th e share d lif e o f a peopl e a s a communit y i s defined b y an intricat e we b of connections: kinship and blood , marriag e an d friendship, allianc e an d solidarity . I n th e India n way , th e Storytelle r i s th e one wh o bear s th e heav y responsibilit y fo r maintainin g al l o f these connec tions. Sacre d storie s an d profan e ones ; storie s o f th e clan , th e camps , th e hunts, th e loves, the feuds, th e names given and the nameless ones banished from th e trib e fo r som e unspeakabl e crime ; trickste r storie s an d ghos t sto ries—the Storytelle r share s all o f these s o that th e nex t generation wil l recal l these narrativ e link s betwee n generations . W e recal l th e memorie s o f ou r grandmothers an d grandfathers , an d thei r grandmother s an d grandfathers , through th e stories told by the Storyteller . To b e a Storyteller , then , i s t o assum e th e awesom e burde n o f remem brance fo r a people , an d t o perfor m thi s paramoun t rol e wit h laughte r an d tears, jo y an d sadness , melanchol y an d passion , a s th e occasio n demands . The Storytelle r neve r wholly belong s to himself o r herself. Th e Storytelle r is the on e wh o sacrifice s everythin g i n th e telling s an d retelling s o f the storie s belonging to the tribe. There i s an ar t t o being a Storyteller , bu t ther e i s great skil l a s well. Th e good Storytellers , th e one s who are mos t listened t o and truste d i n th e tribe, will always use their imagination t o make the story fit the occasion. Whethe r XI

xii Foreword the stor y get s th e "facts " righ t i s reall y no t al l tha t important . A n India n Storyteller i s much mor e intereste d i n th e "truth " contained i n a story. An d a grea t Storytelle r alway s make s tha t "truth " i n th e stor y fit th e need s o f the moment . Tha t i s wha t Aun t Susi e an d Aun t Alice , tw o Storyteller s extraordinaire, did , Lagun a Puebl o write r Lesli e Marmo m Silk o tell s u s i n her appropriatel y title d autobiography , Storyteller. The y "woul d tel l m e stories the y ha d tol d m e befor e bu t wit h change s i n detail s o r descriptions . . . . There wer e eve n storie s about th e different version s of stories and ho w they imagine d thes e different version s came to be." Here i s th e har d par t abou t bein g a Storyteller . "W e ar e wha t w e imag ine," the great Native American Storytelle r o f our time, N . Scot t Momaday , tells us. "Ou r very existence consists in our imaginatio n o f ourselves." To be a Storyteller is to transcend th e ordinary ways we have of imagining ourselves and ou r world . T o b e a Storyteller , a really good Storyteller , yo u hav e to go beyond yourself , yo u hav e t o be a daring guide , a seer even; you tak e other s where yo u an d the y hav e neve r though t o f going . Yo u mus t tak e th e ol d stories, th e reall y goo d ones , an d mak e the m better . Nobod y listen s t o someone wh o tell s th e sam e stor y i n th e sam e wa y al l th e time . Yo u mus t make i t new , lik e a son g o f yourself , o f you r people , o f you r community . That i s what i t mean s t o b e a Grea t Indigenou s America n Storyteller . Yo u must tel l an d retel l th e storie s tha t ar e reall y important , th e tru e ones , th e ones tha t reall y challeng e you r imaginatio n an d th e imagination s o f you r audiences. I t i s hard wor k to be a Storyteller , bu t a great Storytelle r relishe s this typ e o f har d wor k becaus e ultimately , i t i s jus t play , jus t gaming , jus t telling stories. The Christian Bible , that great compilation o f meta-stories of the Western narrative tradition , say s that a false prophe t i s one wh o tells the peopl e wha t they want to hear. A great Storyteller, i n the Native American tradition , tell s the peopl e wha t the y d o no t expec t t o hear . A Storyteller , i n thi s sense , i s always a prophet. Richard Delgad o i s jus t suc h a grea t Storyteller . H e coul d pas s a s a n indigenous America n Storyteller , bu t then, w e are all indigenou s American s now. W e ar e al l nativ e son s and daughters . It' s jus t that som e o f us are stil l outsiders in our native land. Delgado's storie s ar e man y things , bu t mostl y the y ar e outside r stories . They help us imagine the outside in America, a place where some of us have never bee n an d som e o f u s hav e alway s been , an d wher e a fe w o f us , lik e Rodrigo, shift-shape, lik e the trickster, askin g the hard questions, the bedevil-

Foreword xiii ing questions, withou t answers, question s about what it means to be outside, what it means to be inside, an d what it means to be in-between i n America. A good stor y should alway s remind u s of other goo d stories. Whe n I read The Rodrigo Chronicles, I a m reminde d o f a favorit e stor y o f mine , tol d t o me by an India n elde r who could se e that I needed a certain kin d o f story on this particula r occasion . "Whe n I was growing up , I had t o wal k dow n thi s wash, whic h wa s the pat h t o my school," this elder tol d me . "On e day , tw o big white boys jumped ou t in front o f me, an d tol d me to empty my pockets. 'Indians shouldn' t hav e money / the y said , an d the y too k m y lunc h money . It wasn't much, bu t it was all I had, an d I went hungry that day. " "What happene d then? " I asked th e elder , a s I found mysel f being drawn into hi s story . "Oh , nothin g much . I didn't tel l m y grandmother , wh o wa s taking car e o f m e then . I didn't wan t t o worr y her . Bu t th e nex t day , I was walking dow n tha t sam e path t o school , an d thos e tw o whit e boy s jumpe d out at me again. " "What happene d thi s time, " I asked . "Thi s time, " th e elde r said , "the y asked me to empty m y pockets, bu t I had hi d m y lunch mone y i n m y shoes. They go t rea l ma d whe n I showed the m m y empt y pockets . T o punis h me , they took m y jacke t along with m y money. I t was the onl y jacke t I had, an d I went around col d that day." "Surely yo u di d somethin g then? " I asked . "Wha t coul d I do?" he said . "They wer e bigge r tha n me , an d I didn' t wan t t o worr y m y grandmother , who wa s watchin g m e whil e m y mothe r wa s of f workin g i n Phoenix . I thought, 'Mayb e now, they'v e got what they want, they'l l leav e me alone.' " "Did they? " I asked. "No , th e next day, the y stopped m e in the path, an d decided t o beat me up. They took my money, m y shirt off my back, eve n my shoes. I crie d awhile , an d wen t bac k t o m y grandmother' s house . 'Grand mother,' I said , 'thes e whit e boys , fo r th e pas t thre e days , hav e take n m y lunch money , m y jacket , th e shir t of f m y bac k an d th e shoe s of f m y feet . What shoul d I do? Every time I walk down tha t path , the y wait for me. ' My grandmother looke d a t me. I was a small boy, sh e knew I couldn't fight those boys waitin g fo r m e o n tha t pat h an d com e ou t o f i t better of f tha n whe n I came in . 'Grandson, ' sh e sai d quietl y t o me , 'fo r now , yo u nee d t o thin k about taking a different path. ' " The Rodrigo Chronicles are abou t th e mos t importan t stor y ther e i s i n America, th e story of different race s of peoples confronting eac h other on th e different path s o f America n contemporar y life . Thes e confrontation s occu r in the classrooms, in the streets, i n the boardrooms, i n the courts of America.

xiv Foreword Rodrigo walk s dow n man y o f thes e paths . Sometime s h e i s th e incessan t questioner, a t othe r times , th e neophyt e waif , th e hyper-educate d intellec tual, th e mercurial critic . H e i s all these and more , bu t n o matter what path he i s on h e always keeps us interested i n hi s projects an d schemes . H e keeps us questioning the answers he develops to the questions he asks. H e keeps us imagining what kind of human bein g this many-faceted characte r Rodrigo is. How yo u rea d thi s boo k wil l depen d o n ho w yo u imagin e yourself—o n the outside, o n the inside, in-between. I f you read it with the clouds covering your eyes , a s th e Indian s say , s o tha t th e Su n whic h shine s trut h o n al l peoples canno t revea l itsel f t o you , i f yo u rea d i t a s someon e wh o alread y knows the endings he or she wants to hear, yo u will probably no t read muc h of i t a t all . Bu t i f you imagin e yoursel f a s a perso n wh o listen s seriousl y t o the storie s tol d b y others , i f yo u ar e patien t an d a n engage d listene r an d understand tha t a stor y create s a magi c whic h unfold s accordin g t o it s ow n scheme o f time and things, the n yo u will find many useful things . You wil l find storie s tha t mak e yo u as k question s abou t th e economic s and politic s o f rac e i n America , abou t civi l right s an d civi l wrongs , abou t antidiscrimination la w aan d socia l reform . Som e o f thes e storie s yo u wil l want t o retell ; yo u wil l chang e the m i n th e retellings , o f course , t o mak e their trut h fit th e occasion , an d perhap s i n tim e yo u wil l forge t wher e th e stories even came from. Thi s insidious ability of a good Storyteller—to creat e a stor y s o importan t tha t w e appropriat e i t an d dispens e i t a s ou r own , an d then conveniently forge t it s source—require s bot h ar t an d skill . Al l grea t Storytellers striv e t o mak e themselve s disappear . Onl y thei r storie s liv e on . That i s why , i n th e Nativ e America n tradition , t o b e a Storytelle r i s t o sacrifice everything . When I wa s growin g up , m y Lumbe e elder s woul d ofte n loo k a t m e sternly an d as k m e i n a n almos t accusator y fashion , "Wha t hav e yo u don e for you r peopl e today? " Ther e wa s reall y onl y on e righ t answe r t o thi s question, a s I no w realize . "Today , I hav e tol d th e storie s o f m y people , through m y deed s an d m y thoughts . Today , I hav e assume d th e heav y burden o f being the Storyteller, th e one who sustains the tribe. Today, I have made the sacrifice. " Our live s are the storie s we are ultimatel y responsibl e fo r telling , an d th e richness o f the storie s w e tell wil l b e a reflectio n o f the richnes s o f the live s we live . I t i s a ric h perso n wh o ha s storie s t o giv e awa y tha t other s wan t t o hear and tak e to heart as their own. Delgad o is one of the richest Storyteller s we have in America today .

Foreword xv We liste n seriousl y t o th e storie s tol d b y other s i n orde r t o mak e thei r stories a part of our lives, to give our lives that richness and depth which onl y stories ca n provide . I f you imagin e yoursel f a s a Storyteller , yo u wil l liste n closely t o thes e stories , thes e chronicle s o f Rodrigo ; yo u wil l retel l the m many times , t o yoursel f an d t o you r children , an d t o you r children' s chil dren. W e are all Rodrigo, we are all Storytellers . ROBERT A. WILLIAMS , JR .

Introduction

Who i s Rodrigo ? Wher e di d h e com e from ? An d wha t i s a la w professo r doing writing fiction, anyway? To a large extent, th e reader curious about these matters will find answers in th e dialogs themselves. Th e first and secon d Chronicles , fo r example , tel l about th e persona l histor y o f my exuberan t youn g alte r ego , Rodrigo—wh o his father an d mothe r are, where he was educated, ho w he came to spend his teen an d colleg e years i n Italy , an d wha t h e want s to do i n life . I n th e thir d Chronicle, th e reade r learn s abou t "Giannina, " hi s companio n an d soul mate; i n th e fourth , sixth , an d seventh , abou t hi s struggl e t o becom e a law professo r lik e hi s mento r an d straigh t man , th e narrato r o f thi s book . Throughout, th e reade r learn s quit e a bit abou t Critica l Rac e Theor y (wit h as little jargo n a s possible), ho w two typical intellectual s o f color talk to each other, wha t the y thin k abou t inconsequentia l thing s lik e food , persona l security, an d coffee , an d abou t quit e consequentia l thing s like racial justice , economic fairness, th e black left, th e rise of the black right, an d black crime. In th e first, second , fifth, an d sevent h Chronicles , th e reade r listen s i n a s Rodrigo and the professor discus s legal scholarship and som e of the ideas and currents tha t professors , particularl y th e young (which , th e professo r admits , does no t includ e him) , hav e bee n discussin g aroun d th e nation , includin g the legal storytelling movement itself. Rodrigo is not the first black narrator and storyteller. Befor e him there was xvn

xviii Introduction his sister , Genev a Crenshaw , th e African-America n superlawye r o f Derric k Bell's Civil Rights Chronicles an d 198 7 book , And We Are Mot Saved. Indeed, thi s is a good place for me to mention ho w grateful I am to Professo r Bell fo r hi s permissio n t o borro w Geneva' s person a an d develo p he r famil y tree a little further, a s I have done. Bell's boo k an d thi s on e ar e part s o f th e lega l storytellin g movement , which spran g u p a fe w year s ag o and which , i n turn , build s o n a legac y o f storytelling b y outsider s goin g al l th e wa y bac k t o th e slav e narrative s an d even before . Thes e earl y teller s o f tale s use d storie s t o tes t an d challeng e reality, t o construct a counter-reality, t o hearten an d support each other, an d to probe, mock , displace, jar , or reconstruct the dominant tale or narrative— for example , abou t thei r ow n laziness , lac k o f intelligence, o r deservingnes s to shar e i n life' s bounty . Man y o f today' s lega l storytellers—writer s lik e Derrick Bell , Mar i Matsuda , Milne r Ball , Patrici a Williams , an d myself — write fo r man y o f th e sam e reasons . T o b e sure , muc h o f ou r wor k i s classically legal , densel y footnoted, hardl y intelligibl e t o the ordinar y reader . But much i s readily accessible, and the reader who finds Rodrigo compelling, engaging, a good read, wil l not have to search hard to find more. The event s o f The Rodrigo Chronicles form a n integrate d whole , wit h characters, a plot , an d intellectua l discussion s tha t buil d o n chapter s tha t came before. Thus , th e best way to read thi s book i s sequentially. Neverthe less, the reader with limited time or with particular interests may wish to pick and choose . Mos t o f th e Chronicle s ar e abou t race , sex , an d class , matter s that ar e very much o n m y two protagonists' minds . Th e reade r intereste d i n feminism ma y wis h t o not e particularl y chapte r 6 ; th e reade r intereste d i n law school and lega l pedagogy, chapter s 1 an d 5 . The reade r intereste d i n economi c condition s i n th e West , th e ris e o f global market s an d competition , an d wha t thi s mean s fo r minoritie s i n th e U.S. wil l wis h t o rea d chapter s 1 and 2 . Th e reade r intrigue d b y economic s and th e questio n o f wh y th e fre e marke t doe s no t driv e ou t discriminatio n may wis h t o not e particularl y chapte r 2 . Chapte r 3 i s th e mos t hopeful ; chapter 4 , th e bleakest. Chapte r 8 , o n blac k crime, ma y strike many reader s as the most audacious, a s Rodrigo, who has been out of the country for mor e than te n year s an d see s ou r societ y wit h ne w eyes , put s forwar d a strikin g theory: White crime , no t black, i s the majo r proble m i n U.S . societ y today. I hop e th e reade r finds Rodrig o a s engagin g an d challengin g a s I di d a s author. H e cam e int o m y lif e a t a tim e whe n I wa s i n transition , jus t as law—indee d Wester n civilizatio n generally—i s i n transitio n today . I n

Introduction xix reflecting o n thes e cultura l an d persona l currents , i t bega n t o daw n o n m e that Geneva mus t have a brother, tha t he must be part black, par t Latin, an d that he mus t have much t o say about all the matter s that trouble me and m y countrymen. Withi n a fe w days , I knew tha t h e woul d b e intereste d i n th e West's predicament , th e cultura l war s no w ragin g ove r multiculturalism , affirmative action , an d th e legal canon . Writing i n a fever , I produce d Rodrigo' s first Chronicl e i n jus t a fe w weeks, edite d him , adde d footnote s (wit h th e hel p o f m y computer-literat e research assistants ) and maile d hi m of f to Yale Law Journal where a talented editor, Jame s Forman , Jr. , pushe d m e t o flesh hi m ou t eve n more , the n when h e wa s satisfie d I ha d don e al l I coul d do , edite d him , brushe d hi m up, an d mad e him shine . A final word: The professor , lik e Rodrigo , i s not a n actua l person , bu t a composite o f man y individual s I have known , an d shoul d no t b e identifie d with an y singl e one . A s I hav e draw n him , th e professo r i s a ma n o f colo r teaching at a major la w school i n the same city where Rodrigo will eventually land, an d i s in th e lat e stage s o f his career . Lik e Rodrigo , th e professo r i s a civil right s schola r an d activis t but , unlik e th e youn g man , ha s suffere d scars an d disappointment s fro m year s i n th e trenches . H e need s Rodrigo' s impetuous energ y as much a s Rodrigo needs his caution an d counsel . To plac e th e openin g scene , imagin e m y office , a small, somewha t dar k place packe d wit h book s an d littere d wit h th e too-man y project s I hav e undertaken—a lette r o f recommendatio n fo r thi s student , a reques t fo r a n annotated bibliograph y fo r tha t journal , th e note s fo r a talk a t an upcomin g conference I to o hastil y agree d t o giv e si x month s ago , blu e book s t o b e graded, boxe s to be unpacked. I t is late in the afternoon, an d m y energy level is at low ebb. As though b y magic, a tall figure appears in my doorway. . . .

1 RODRIGO'S FIRST CHRONICLE

Introduction: Ente r Rodrig o "Excuse me , Professor , I' m Rodrig o Crenshaw . I believ e w e hav e a n ap pointment." Startled, I put dow n th e boo k I was reading 1 an d glance d quickl y first at my visitor , the n a t m y des k calendar . Th e tall , rang y ma n standin g i n m y doorway was of indeterminate age—somewher e betwee n twent y and forty — and, fo r tha t matter , ethnicity . Hi s tightly curle d hai r an d oliv e complexio n suggested tha t h e migh t b e African-American. Bu t h e coul d als o be Latino , perhaps Mexican , Puert o Rican , o r an y on e o f the man y Centra l America n nationalities tha t hav e been applyin g i n large r number s t o m y la w school i n recent years. "Come in, " I said. " I thin k I remember a messag e fro m you , bu t I seem not t o hav e entere d i t int o m y appointmen t book . Pleas e excus e al l thi s confusion," I added, pointin g to the pile of papers and boxes that had littere d my office floor since my recent move. I wondered: Was he an undergraduat e seeking admission ? A faculty candidat e o f color lik e the man y wh o see k my advice about entering academia? I searched m y memory without success. "Please sit down," I said. "Wha t can I do for you?" T m Genev a Crenshaw' s brother. 2 I want to talk to you abou t the LSAT , as well a s the procedur e fo r obtainin g a n appointmen t a s a la w professo r a t an American university. " J

2 Rodrigos

First Chronicle

As thoug h sensin g m y surprise , m y visito r explained : "Shortl y afte r Ge neva's accident , I move d t o Ital y wit h m y father , Lorenzo , wh o wa s i n th e Army. Afte r h e retired , w e remained i n Italy , wher e h e worke d a s a civilia n at th e sam e bas e wher e h e ha d bee n serving . I finished hig h schoo l a t th e base, the n attende d a n Italia n university , earnin g m y la w degre e las t June . I've applie d fo r th e LL.M . progra m a t a numbe r o f U.S . la w schools , including you r own . I wan t t o tal k t o yo u abou t th e LSAT , whic h al l th e schools wan t m e t o take , an d which , believ e i t or not , I'v e neve r taken . I' d also lik e t o discus s m y chance s o f landin g a teachin g positio n afte r I ear n the degree." I reflecte d a moment , the n said : "You r situatio n i s somewha t unusual . But I'll do my best. I didn't know Geneva ha d a brother." "We're onl y half-siblings, " h e explained , "an d separate d b y nearly twent y years. Bu t I'v e kep t i n touc h a s bes t I could , an d I' m gratefu l t o yo u fo r bringing her message to the attention o f your friends. Sh e has a rather acerbic manner, a s you know. Bu t she respects you and your work enormously. " "Your siste r i s a remarkabl e woman, " I said . " I hav e learne d a t leas t a s much fro m he r as she from me. "

Small Talk : Rodrig o Worrie s abou t th e LSA T I continued, "Yo u sai d you ar e going to be taking the LSAT . Wha t are your concerns about that?" "The usual, " he replied , "includin g tha t I don't se e why I should hav e to take i t at all. I graduated secon d i n m y class at a law school eve n olde r tha n yours.31 should thin k i t would be obvious to anyone that I can rea d a case or make a legal argument. Bu t I'm mor e than a little worried abou t the cultura l bias peopl e tel l m e th e tes t contains . I' m proficien t i n English , a s you ca n tell. Bu t I've been away from th e United State s for nearly ten years; I'm afrai d some o f th e question s ma y assum e informatio n I lac k simpl y becaus e I'v e taken hal f my schooling outside the culture." 4 "I've mad e th e sam e argumen t mysel f i n th e cas e o f minoritie s i n th e United States, " I said. "Bu t i t goes nowhere . The y sa y the tes t i s not biase d because i t predict s la w schoo l grades , whic h alway s seeme d lik e a no n sequitur t o me. 5 I didn' t realiz e tha t w e require d th e tes t fo r foreig n la w graduates." I paused , the n added , "Mayb e the y thin k i t provide s a chec k against grades, which migh t vary from on e system to another. "

Rodrigo s First Chronicle 3 "Yet i n eac h system, " Rodrig o countere d levelly , "thos e grades reflect , i n most cases , broade r an d mor e pervasiv e form s o f cultura l power , includin g the background s an d advantage s o f thos e wh o ear n them . The y als o corre spond t o the la w firm jobs and prestigiou s government position s the student s will hol d afte r the y graduate . Identifyin g th e LSA T as a predictor o f grades, or eve n o f late r jo b performance , tell s u s onl y tha t thi s narro w tes t wil l identify peopl e who thrive i n particular type s of environments—the ones , of course, tha t rely on the test to do a certain type of screening." Not bad , I thought— I hope d h e woul d com e t o m y la w school . Bu t instead I asked: "So, wha t ar e yo u goin g t o do? I f you ski p the test , yo u ca n kiss your LL.M. good-bye. " "I know, I know," he said . "I f I have to take the test, I will. I bought on e of those practice books. I' m sur e I'l l d o OK—although I can't help thinkin g the whole thing is a waste of time." "I agree—on bot h scores, " I added.

Rodrigo an d th e Professo r Discus s th e La w Schoo l Hiring Marke t "But th e mai n reaso n I' m her e i s t o as k yo u abou t th e la w schoo l hirin g market. I'v e heard it' s extremely tight. Bu t Fm also worried abou t somethin g else. Genev a sai d it' s becomin g saturate d wit h minorit y professors . I thin k she use d th e ter m 'tippin g point ' an d mentione d a n experienc e sh e ha d recently a t a schoo l wher e sh e wa s teaching. 6 Sh e produce d severa l goo d candidates o f colo r bu t couldn' t ge t he r colleague s t o tak e the m seriousl y because the school alread y ha d si x minority professor s an d was thought to be in dange r o f losin g it s characte r a s a white-dominate d institution . I s thi s happening at other places?" "Too few!" I replied. "Mos t of them profes s to be searching desperately fo r candidates of color." "Profess?" Rodrigo's eyebrows arched. "Those that sa y they are looking the hardest complai n th e loudest that th e pool i s too small . And , o f course , i f they star t wit h tha t assumption , tha t i s what they are likely to find, whether it' s true or not." 7 "How can tha t be?" Rodrigo asked. "Ther e mus t be many lawyer s of color like Genev a an d m e wit h excellen t grades , practica l experience , an d s o on . Why are the schools having such trouble finding us?"

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"It work s somethin g lik e this, " I said , reachin g fo r a much-thumbe d reprint.8 "Ever y la w schoo l appointment s committe e start s ou t i n Octobe r looking fo r a candidat e wit h stella r credentials— a super-graduat e wit h to p grades fro m on e o f the to p la w schools, a law revie w editorship, a Suprem e Court clerkship , an d jus t th e righ t amoun t o f experienc e a t th e righ t firm. This individua l shoul d b e humane, compassionate , an d wise. Ideally , sh e or he should hav e published a classic Note in the law review." "I hav e som e o f those things , bu t no t all, " Rodrig o note d wit h a trace o f anxiety. "D o the schools actually find and hire people like that?" "No, no t a t all, " I replied. "They'r e lookin g fo r mythi c figures, o f which there are very few. T o be sure, i f they do find one who i s black or Hispanic, they'll hir e hi m o r he r i n a flash—as the y would , o f course , i f th e perso n were white. Bu t the AALS's own figures show that the pool o f those actuall y hired, blac k o r white , i s muc h les s prepossessin g tha n that . Onl y abou t a third serve d o n th e la w review, an d hal f tha t figure were elected t o Order of the Coif. Onl y a small percentage published anythin g at all." 9 "So they obviously lower their standards at some point. " "Precisely. Althoug h th e committe e member s al l begi n th e hirin g seaso n with thes e paragons i n mind , b y February the y hav e managed t o hire few, i f any, o f them. Severa l sho w u p fo r interviews , onl y t o turn dow n offers . So , now it' s Februar y an d th e dea n i s pressuring the m t o find someone t o teac h the UC C cours e an d Trust s an d Estates . Althoug h b y the n ther e ar e fe w candidates left wh o were Supreme Cour t clerk s and a t the top of their classes at Harvar d o r Yale , ther e ar e severa l a notc h belo w that—wh o graduate d high, bu t not from a top school, o r went to a top school but did not graduate at th e hea d o f thei r class . Still , th e committe e member s kno w tha t thes e people are intellectually able and ca n d o the job. They know this either fro m personal experience—someone o n the committee practiced, clerked , o r went to law school with one of them—or fro m someon e they trust. Harr y told Bill that Smit h i s really smar t an d wil l b e a fine teacher. An d s o it works out — Smith i s hired an d goes on to have a fine career." "I se e wha t you'r e saying, " Rodrig o said . "Thos e hire d accordin g t o th e relaxed, informa l criteri a school s us e i n Februar y whe n the y ar e unde r pressure are always white—right?" "Exactly," I said. "Wit h th e resul t tha t majority-rac e candidate s hav e two chances o f being hired , whil e w e have jus t one . The y ca n b e hire d earl y i n the season , jus t a s w e can , b y bein g mythi c figures—by satisfyin g th e ostensible criteria , th e supersta r one s yo u hea r about . Bu t the y ca n als o b e

Rodrigo s First Chronicle 5 hired b y word o f mouth, unde r th e relaxe d criteri a tha t ar e employed lat e in the game." "A sort of affirmative actio n for whites," Rodrigo observed. "You are Geneva's brother ! You ma y be twenty years younger, bu t something of her rubbed of f on you. " "We've alway s kep t i n touch . I mus t als o confess , Professor , I'v e bee n reading you r stuf f an d tha t o f you r colleague s i n th e Critica l Rac e Theor y movement.10 It' s fairl y popula r i n Europe ; man y Italia n la w student s rea d and discuss it. " "I'm flattered. Bu t I wis h th e new s wer e better . Th e troubl e i s tha t th e patterns I mentioned ar e self-perpetuating. Whe n th e all-white appointment s committee hire s th e whit e professo r lat e i n th e year , i t doesn't troubl e the m at all—although i t should." "It wouldn't feel lik e an exception," Rodrigo interjected, "becaus e business as usua l neve r does . On e o f ou r ow n intellectual s sai d somethin g simila r during a period o f hard times for him." 11 "To b e sure, " I quickl y added , "onc e i n a grea t whil e a la w schoo l wil l bend th e rule s an d hir e a professo r o f colo r wh o fall s slightl y shor t o f th e nominal criteria , wh o i s jus t sh y o f Pau l Freun d o r Thurgoo d Marshal l i n attainments an d promise . An d whe n the y do so, the hiring will seem lik e an exception. The y will congratulate themselves for bending down to lift u p one of th e downtrodden . Th e conservative s amon g the m wil l complai n tha t something unethica l ha s been done—a grea t injustice t o whites." 12 "From m y studies, i t appears that those in the majority alway s see merit as God-given, fixed, and eternal," Rodrigo responded . "And o f course the y ar e th e one s who have it , whil e affirmativ e actio n i s necessary for u s who lack it," I replied. "Yet your account of the two avenues for whites paints a different picture . I'm sur e you've had the experience, Professor , o f trying to get your colleagues to hire one of us." "Many times," I replied. "They'r e some of the most predictably frustratin g moments i n m y career . Ever y yea r th e sam e thin g happens . The y sa y the y are lookin g fo r candidate s wit h qualification s A , B , an d C . I produc e a hungry, hard-drivin g candidat e o f colo r wit h credential s A , B , an d C , an d they say , Well , there' s reall y als o qualificatio n D , whic h you r candidat e does not have. So , we cannot hire him afte r all. ' Then I produce a candidate who possesses credentials A , B , C, an d D , an d the y say, 'W e als o meant E. ' Or, 'W e mean t something different b y B from wha t you understood.' "

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"So, th e criteri a regres s unti l i t dawn s o n yo u the y ar e reall y talkin g about themselves—th e criteri a wil l fit onl y candidate s wh o ar e lik e them , i.e., white. " "Exactly," I said . "Althoug h ever y no w an d the n I tr y a differen t ap proach—namely pointin g ou t tha t man y o f thei r mos t highl y value d col leagues ar e als o glaringl y deficien t i n on e o r mor e o f th e criteria . Professo r Jones hasn' t publishe d anythin g i n twent y years . Professo r Smit h i s suc h a lackadaisical teache r that none but the unwary take his classes, and so on." "And what happens when yo u point this out?" "They always have some excuse. Jones wrote the leading article on contingent remainder s i n 194 9 and i s obviously germinatin g a n equall y impressiv e one, whic h account s fo r hi s silence. Fiftee n year s ago, Smith , th e notoriou s teacher, sa t o n a prestigiou s commission . An d s o on. I t turns ou t ther e i s a whole se t o f defense s availabl e t o thei r colleague s t o justif y thei r curren t positions—but no t for us." "Merit sound s lik e white people' s affirmativ e action! " Rodrigo exclaimed . "A way o f keepin g thei r ow n deficiencie s neatl y hidde n whil e assurin g tha t only people like them ge t in." "I've often though t that myself," I said. Rodrigo wa s silen t fo r a time . Then : " I wonde r ho w they'l l se e me ? I' m black, an d m y family i s middle class. But I went to one of the great universities of the world." "My gues s i s that on e o f them wil l hir e you . An d a s with th e res t o f us, when i t does so it will mak e sur e tha t yo u know—an d tha t th e student s do, too—what a huge favor i t has done by extending an offer t o you." Rodrigo was silent for a long time. Then h e mused, "Ironic , but I suppose that's the price I have to pay for wanting to return t o the States." "Ironic?" I questioned. "Ho w so? Tragic, unjust , wron g are what come to mind, min e at least. Wha t i s the irony that you see?" "The iron y is that those who most need our help are those who most resist getting it. "

In Whic h Rodrig o Begin s t o See m a Littl e Demente d "I'm no t sure I follow you. " "Let's start with somethin g familiar—academic publishing . A recent article pointed ou t that nearl y three-fourth s o f articles o n equalit y o r civil right s

Rodrigo s First Chronicle 7 published i n th e leadin g journal s durin g th e las t five years wer e writte n b y women o r minorities. 13 Ten year s ago, th e situation wa s reversed: minoritie s were beginning t o publish, bu t their work was largely ignored. 14 The same is true i n othe r area s a s well . Critica l lega l studie s an d othe r modernis t an d postmodern approache s t o la w ar e virtuall y th e nor m i n th e to p reviews . Formalism ha s run it s course." 15 "Perhaps," I said . "Yo u don' t se e man y article s i n th e classi c vei n today. I n fact , I haven' t see n on e o f thos e plodding , case-crunching , 150-page blockbuster s wit h si x hundre d footnote s i n a to p journa l fo r a while." "No one believes that wa y of writing is useful anymore . Som e are writing chronicles.16 Other s ar e writin g abou t storytellin g i n th e law, 17 narrativ e theory,18 o r Voice ' scholarship. 19 Th e feminist s ar e writin g abou t changin g the term s o f legal discours e an d puttin g wome n a t the center. 20 Eve n main stream writers—th e seriou s ones , a t an y rate—hav e move d beyon d mer e doctrinal analysi s to political theory , lega l history, an d interdisciplinar y anal ysis. Ther e i s a whol e ne w emphasi s o n lega l culture , perspective , an d o n what some call 'positionality,' 21 a s well as a renewed focus on the sociopolitical dimension o f judging and lega l reasoning." 22 "I'm no t up on al l these postmodern approaches , Rodrigo, " I said quickly, "although I hav e rea d you r countryma n who , a s yo u say , go t int o troubl e with th e authorities. 23 I find hi s wor k quit e helpful . An d I gathe r tha t th e current fermen t i n America n la w is one o f the reason s why you ar e thinkin g of returning here for your graduate degree?" "In part . Bu t I wa s mainly respondin g t o you r questio n abou t irony . However progressive certain mainstrea m scholar s may be in their writing and analysis, th e institution s the y contro l stil l exclud e an d oppres s minoritie s b y manipulating th e statu s qu o an d refusin g t o challeng e thei r ow n informa l expectations. Th e iron y i s tha t th e old , dyin g orde r i s resistin g th e new , rather than welcomin g i t with open arms. " Hmm. I thought o f the word s o f a Bo b Dyla n song, 24 bu t instea d asked : "And jus t who, o r what, d o you think this new order is, Rodrigo?" "Well, le t m e pu t i t thi s way, " Rodrig o explained . "You'v e heard , I assume, o f double consciousness?" "Of course . It' s W . E . B . D u Bois' s term. 25 I t refer s t o th e propensit y o f excluded peopl e t o se e th e worl d i n term s o f tw o perspective s a t th e sam e time—that o f th e majorit y race , accordin g t o whic h the y ar e demonized , despised, an d reviled , an d thei r own , i n whic h the y ar e normal . Lately ,

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some—particularly feminist s o f color—hav e invente d th e ter m 'multipl e consciousness' to describe their experience." 26 "And yo u kno w tha t man y member s o f minorit y group s spea k tw o lan guages, grow up in two cultures?" "Of course , especiall y ou r Hispani c brother s an d sisters ; for them , bilin gualism i s a s muc h a n articl e o f fait h as , say , Marti n Luthe r Kin g an d hi s writings are for African-Americans. " "And so, " Rodrig o continued , "wh o ha s th e advantag e i n masterin g an d applying critica l socia l thought ? Wh o tend s t o think o f everything i n tw o or more ways at the same time? Who i s a postmodernist virtuall y as a condition of his or her being?" "I suppose you are going to say us—people o f color." Rodrigo hesitated . "Remembe r tha t I hav e bee n sittin g i n Italia n la w libraries al l thes e years , readin g an d learnin g abou t lega l movement s i n th e United State s secondhand. I suppose it looks different t o you here. " "It has scarcel y bee n a bed o f roses," I replied dryly. 27 "Th e ol d order , a s you pu t it , ha s no t welcome d th e ne w voice s wit h an y grea t warmth , al though I mus t agre e tha t th e la w review s see m muc h mor e ope n t o the m than m y facult y colleagues . An d you r notio n tha t i t i s we—person s o f color—who hav e the edge in masterin g critica l analysi s would strik e most of them a s preposterous. I f double consciousnes s turn s ou t t o be an advantage , they'll eithe r deny i t exists or insist that they can hav e it, too . Aren't you jus t trying t o inver t th e hierarchy , placin g a t th e to p a group tha t unti l no w ha s occupied th e bottom—an d isn' t thi s jus t a s wron g a s wha t th e other s hav e been doing to us?" Rodrigo paused. " I see your point. Bu t maybe this way of looking at things seems hars h onl y becaus e i t i s s o unfamiliar . I n m y circle s everyon e talk s about th e declin e o f Wester n thought , s o finding evidenc e o f i t i n la w an d legal scholarshi p doesn' t see m s o strange . I' m surprise d i t doe s t o you . Ar e you familiar wit h the term 'fals e consciousness?'" 28 "Yes, o f course," I said (with som e irritation—the impuden t pup!) . "It' s a mechanism whereb y oppresse d peopl e tak e o n th e consciousnes s o f th e oppressor group , adjustin g t o and becomin g partie s t o their ow n oppression . And I suppose you think I' m laborin g under some form o f it?" "Not you , Professor . Fa r fro m it . Bu t whe n yo u rebuke d m e a momen t ago, I wondere d i f yo u weren' t i n effec t counselin g m e t o internaliz e th e views of the majority grou p about such things as hierarchy and the definitio n of a 'troublemaker.'" 29

Rodrigo s First Chronicle 9 "Perhaps," I admitted . "Bu t m y mai n concer n i s fo r yo u an d you r pros pects. I f you want to succeed i n your LL.M. studies , no t to mention landin g a professorshi p a t a U.S . la w school , perhap s yo u ha d bette r 'coo l i f fo r a while. Criticizin g mainstrea m scholarshi p i s one thing; everyone expects that from youn g firebrands lik e you . Bu t thi s busines s abou t a mor e genera l 'decline o f the West'—that' s ou t o f our field, frowne d o n a s flaky rhetoric, and nearl y impossibl e t o suppor t wit h evidence . Eve n i f yo u di d hav e evi dence to support your claims, n o one would wan t to listen to you." "Yes, I suppose so," admitted Rodrigo . "It' s not the story you usually hear . If I had tol d yo u tha t I' m returnin g t o the Unite d State s because it' s the best country o n earth , wit h ros y prospects , a hig h qualit y o f life , an d th e faires t political syste m fo r minorities , you r countryme n woul d accep t tha t withou t question. N o one would thin k of asking me for documentation, eve n thoug h that is surely as much a n empirical clai m a s its opposite." "You hav e a point, " I said . "Th e dominan t stor y alway s seem s tru e an d unexceptionable, no t i n nee d o f proof. I'v e writte n abou t tha t myself , alon g with others. 30 An d yo u an d I discusse d a cas e o f i t earlie r whe n w e talke d about minority hiring . Bu t tell me more about your thoughts on the West." "Well, a s I mentioned, m y program o f studies at Bologna centere d o n th e history o f Wester n culture . I' m mainl y intereste d i n th e ris e o f Norther n European though t an d it s contribution t o ou r curren t predicament . Durin g my early work I had hope d t o extend m y analysis to law and lega l thought. " "I thin k I kno w wha t yo u wil l sa y abou t lega l though t an d scholarship . Tell m e mor e abou t th e bi g picture—ho w yo u se e Norther n Europea n thought." "I've been studyin g it s rise in th e lat e Middle Ages and declin e beginnin g a fe w decade s ago . I' m intereste d i n wha t cause s culture s t o evolve, the n g o into eclipse. America n society , eve n more than it s European counterparts , i s in the early stages of dissolution an d crisis . It' s like a wave that is just starting to crest. A s you know , wave s travel unimpede d acros s thousands o f miles of ocean. Whe n the y approac h th e shore , the y ris e u p fo r a shor t time , the n crest an d los e thei r energy . Wester n culture , particularl y i n thi s country , i s approaching that stage. Which explains , i n part, wh y I am back. " I ha d alread y switche d of f m y telephone . Now , hearin g m y secretary' s footsteps, I stepped ou t into the hallway to ask her to cancel my appointments for the rest of the afternoon. I had a feeling I wanted to hear what this strange young thinke r ha d t o sa y undisturbed . Whe n I returned , I sa w Rodrig o eyeing my computer inquiringly .

J 0 Rodrigo

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Returning hi s gaz e t o me , Rodrig o wen t on : Tm sur e al l th e thing s I' m going t o sa y hav e occurre d t o you . Norther n European s hav e bee n o n to p for a relatively shor t period— a mer e win k i n th e ey e of history. An d durin g that tim e the y hav e accomplishe d little—excep t causin g a significant num ber o f death s an d th e disruptio n o f a numbe r o f mor e peacefu l cultures , which the y conquered , enslaved , exterminated , o r relocate d o n thei r wa y to empire. Thei r principa l advantage s wer e linea r thought , whic h len t itsel f to the development an d productio n o f weapons and othe r industria l technol ogies, an d a kind o f messianic self-imag e accordin g to which the y were justified i n dominatin g othe r nation s an d groups . Bu t now , a s yo u ca n see, " Rodrigo gesture d i n th e directio n o f the windo w an d th e murk y ai r outside , "Saxon-Teuton cultur e ha s arrive d a t a terminus, demonstrate d it s own ab surdity." T m no t sur e I follo w you . Linear thought , a s yo u cal l it , ha s surel y conferred man y benefits. 31 An d i s it really on its last legs? Aside from smogg y air, Wester n cultur e look s firmly in control to me." "So doe s a wave , eve n whe n it' s cresting—an d yo u kno w wha t happen s shortly thereafter. Tur n o n your computer, Professor, " Rodrigo said, pointin g at my new terminal. "Le t me show you a few things." For th e nex t ten minutes , Rodrig o led m e o n a tour o f articles an d book s on th e West' s economi c an d politica l condition . Hi s fingers fairl y dance d over th e key s o f m y computer . Accessin g dat a base s I didn' t eve n kno w existed, h e showe d m e treatise s o n th e theor y o f cultura l cyclicity , article s and editorial s fro m th e Economist, Corriere della Sera, th e Wall Street Journal, and othe r leadin g newspapers , al l o n ou r declinin g economi c posi tion; material fro m th e Statistical Abstract and other source s on ou r increasing crim e rate , rapidl y dwindlin g fossi l fuels , los s o f markets , an d switc h from a production- to a service-based econom y with high unemployment, a n increasingly restles s underclass , an d increasin g rate s o f dru g addiction , sui cide, an d infan t mortality . I t was a sobering display o f technical virtuosity . I had th e feelin g h e ha d don e thi s before an d wondere d ho w he ha d com e by this proficiency whil e in Italy. Rodrigo finally turne d of f th e computer 32 an d looke d a t m e inquiringly . "A bibliograph y alon e wil l no t persuad e me, " I said . "Bu t let' s suppos e fo r the sak e o f argumen t tha t yo u hav e mad e a prim a faci e case , a t leas t wit h respect to our economic problem s and t o issues of race and th e underclass . I suppose you have a theory on how we got into this predicament?" "I do," Rodrigo said with tha t combination o f brashness and modest y tha t

Rodrigo s First Chronicle 11 I find s o charmin g i n th e young . "A s I mentione d a momen t ago , i t has t o do wit h linea r thought—th e hallmar k o f th e West . Whe n developed , i t conferred a grea t initia l advantage . Becaus e o f it , th e cultur e wa s abl e t o spawn, earl y on , classica l physics , which , wit h th e ai d o f a fe w borrowing s here an d there , lik e gunpowde r fro m th e Chinese , quickl y enable d i t t o develop impressiv e armies . And , becaus e i t was basically a ruthless , restles s culture, i t quickl y dominate d other s tha t la y i n it s path . I t eradicate d one s that resisted , enslave d others , an d remove d th e Indians , al l i n th e nam e o f progress.33 I t opene d u p an d mine d ne w territories—her e an d elsewhere — as soo n a s the y becam e availabl e an d extracte d al l th e availabl e minera l wealth s o rapidl y tha t fossi l fuel s an d othe r minera l good s ar e no w runnin g out, a s you and you r colleagues have pointed out. " "But yo u ar e indictin g jus t on e civilization . Haven' t al l group s acte d similarly? Nonlinea r societie s ar e accomplishin g a t leas t a s muc h environ mental destructio n a s Wester n societie s ar e capabl e of . An d wha t abou t Genghis Khan , Cortez , Columbus , th e crueltie s o f th e Chines e dynasties ? The Turkis h genocid e o f the Armenians , th e wa r machin e tha t wa s ancien t Rome?" "Sure. Bu t at least these other groups limited thei r own imperia l impulse s at some point. " "Hah! With a little help from thei r friends," I retorted. "Anyway," continued Rodrigo , "thes e group s produced valuabl e art , mu sic, o r literatur e alon g th e way . Norther n European s hav e produce d nex t t o nothing—little sculpture , art , o r music worth listening to, and only a modest amount o f trul y grea t literature. 34 An d th e fe w accomplishment s the y ca n cite with pride can be traced t o the Egyptians, a n African culture." 35 "Rodrigo, yo u greatly underestimate th e dominant culture. Som e of them may b e derivativ e an d warlike , a s you say . Other s ar e not ; the y ar e creativ e and humane . An d eve n th e one s yo u impeac h hav e a kin d o f dogge d ingenuity fo r whic h yo u d o not give them credit . The y hav e the stayin g and adaptive powers to remain o n top. Fo r example, whe n linea r physics reached a dea d end , a s yo u pointe d out , the y develope d relativit y physics . Whe n formalism expired , a t leas t som e o f the m develope d Critica l Lega l Studies , reaching bac k an d drawin g o n existin g strand s o f thought , suc h a s psychoanalysis, phenomenology, Marxism , an d philosoph y o f science." "Good point, " admitted Rodrig o a little grudgingly, "althoug h I'v e already pointed ou t the contributions o f Gramsci, a Mediterranean. Fano n an d you r Critical Rac e Theor y friend s ar e blac k o r brown . An d Freu d an d Einstei n

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are, o f course , Jews . Consider , a s well , Cervantes , Verdi , Michelangelo , Duke Ellington, th e current crop of black writers—non-Saxons all. " "But Norther n Europeans , a t leas t i n th e cas e o f the tw o Jewish giants, " I interrupted . "True, peopl e move," he countered . "Don't b e flip," I responded . "Sinc e whe n ar e th e Spanis h an d Italian s exempt from criticis m for 'Western' foibles? What about the exploitive capacity of the colonizing conquistadors ? Wasn't th e ris e of commercial city-state s in Renaissanc e Ital y a centra l foundatio n fo r subsequen t Europea n cultura l imperialism? Mos t idea s o f Eurocentri c superiorit y dat e t o th e Renaissanc e and draw on it s rationalist, humanis t intellectual , an d artistic traditions." "We've ha d ou r lapses, " Rodrigo conceded . "Bu t their s ar e far wors e an d more systematic." Rodrigo was again eyein g my computer . Wondering wha t els e h e ha d i n mind , I continued : "Wha t abou t Rem brandt, Mozart , Shakespeare , Milton ? And American popula r culture—i s i t not th e env y o f th e res t o f th e world ? What' s more , eve n i f som e o f ou r Saxon brothers and sister s are doggedly linear , or , a s you pu t it, exploitiv e of nature an d warlike , surel y yo u canno t believ e tha t thei r behavio r i s biologically based—tha t ther e i s something geneti c tha t prevent s the m fro m doin g anything excep t inven t an d manufactur e weapons? " Rodrigo' s earnes t an d shrewd retellin g o f histor y ha d intrigue d me , although , t o b e honest , I was alarmed. Wa s he an Italia n Loui s Farrakhan ? "The Saxon s do all that , plu s dig up the eart h t o extract mineral s that ar e sent t o factories tha t darke n th e skies , unti l everythin g runs ou t and w e find ourselves i n th e situatio n wher e w e are now. " Then afte r a pause: "Why d o you so strongly resist a biological explanation , Professor ? Their own scientists are happy to conjure u p and appl y them t o us. 36 But from on e point of view, it is they whose exploits—or rathe r lack of them—need explaining. " "I'd lov e to hear your evidence." "Let me begin this way. Do you remember that famous photo of the finish of the hundred-meter das h a t the World Game s this past summer? I t showed six magnificen t athlete s strainin g t o brea k th e tape . Th e first tw o finished under the world record . Al l were black." "I do remember. " "Black athletes dominated mos t of the events, th e shorter ones at any rate. People o f colo r ar e simpl y faste r an d quicke r tha n ou r whit e brother s an d sisters. Eve n th e maratho n ha s com e t o b e dominate d b y peopl e o f color . And, t o anticipate you r question, ye s I do believe the same holds true i n th e

Rodrigo's First Chronicle 1 3 mental realm . I n th e ghett o the y pla y 'th e dozens'— a gam e tha t require s throwaway speed . Th e dominan t grou p ha s nothin g similar . An d tak e you r field, law . Saxon s develope d th e hundred-page , linear , densel y footnoted , impeccably crafte d article—saying , i n mos t cases , ver y little . The y als o brought u s th e LSAT , whic h test s th e sam e boring , linea r capacitie s the y developed ove r tim e an d tha t no w exclud e th e ver y voice s the y nee d fo r salvation. Ye t you , Matsuda , Lawrence , Torres , Peller , an d other s tos s of f articles wit h ridiculou s ease—critica l though t come s eas y fo r you , har d fo r them. 37 I can't, o f course, prov e your friend s ar e genetically inferior ; i t may be their mindse t or culture. Bu t they act like lemmings. They go on buildin g factories unti l th e natura l resource s ru n out , thermonuclea r weapon s whe n their absurdity is realized and everyone knows they cannot be used, hundred page la w revie w article s tha t rehas h case s when everyon e know s that vei n o f thought ha s run dry—an d the y fail eve n t o sense their ow n danger. Yo u say they are adaptive. I doubt it. " "Rodrigo," I burs t in . "Yo u seriousl y misrea d th e times . You r idea s o n cultural superiorit y an d inferiorit y wil l obviousl y generat e resistance , a s you yourself concede . Wai t til l yo u se e ho w the y respon d t o your hundred-yar d dash example ; you're sur e t o find yoursel f labele d a s racist . Mayb e w e both are—half th e time I agree with you. Bu t even the other things you say about the West's predicament an d it s need for a n infusio n o f new thought—thing s I strongl y agre e with—wil l fal l o n dea f ears . Al l th e movemen t i s th e other way . Thi s i s a tim e o f retrenchment . Th e countr y i s listenin g t o th e conservatives, no t to people like you and me. " "I know, " said Rodrigo . "I'v e bee n readin g abou t tha t retrenchment . W e do get The New York Times in Italy , eve n i f it comes a few days late." "And s o yo u mus t kno w abou t conservativ e writer s lik e Alla n Bloom, 38 Thomas Sowell, 39 Glen n Loury, 40 Roge r Kimball, 41 Shelb y Steele, 42 E . D . Hirsch,43 an d Dines h D'Souza, 44 an d th e tremendou s receptio n the y hav e been receiving , bot h i n popular circle s and i n the academy?" "Yes. I read D'Souz a o n th e flight over, i n fact . Lik e the others, h e ha s a number o f insightfu l thing s t o say . Bu t he' s seriousl y wrong—an d hardl y represents the wave of the future, a s you fear. " "They certainl y represen t th e present, " I grumbled , glancin g a t th e D'Souza boo k o n m y desk. " I can't remembe r a period—except perhap s th e late 1950s—whe n I have see n suc h resistanc e t o racia l reform . Th e publi c seems tire d o f minorities , an d th e curren t Administratio n i s littl e different . The backlas h i s apparent i n th e universit y settin g a s well: African-America n

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studies department s ar e underfunde d an d th e exclusionar y Eurocentri c cur riculum i s making a comeback." "But it' s ordinary , natural—an d wil l pass, " Rodrigo responded . "I n trou bled times, a people turns to the past, t o its own more glorious period. That' s why these neoconservative writer s are popular—they preac h tha t the cultur e need no t chang e directio n t o survive , bu t onl y d o th e thing s i t di d before , harder and mor e energetically. " "What ou r psychologist friends cal l 'perseveration,"' I said. "Exactly. I n m y studies , I foun d tha t mos t beleaguere d peopl e d o this , plus searc h fo r a scapegoat— a grou p the y ca n depic t a s th e sourc e o f al l their troubles." 45 "An ol d story, " I agreed ruefully . "D'Souza , fo r example , place s mos t of the blame for colleges' troubles at the doorstep of those demanding minoritie s who, alon g wit h a fe w delude d whit e sympathizers , hav e bee n broadenin g the curriculum , institutin g Third Worl d courses , hirin g minorit y professors , and recruiting 'unqualified' student s of color—all a t the expense of academic rigor an d standards. 46 H e say s th e barbarians—meanin g us—ar e runnin g the place 47 an d urge s universit y administrator s t o hold th e lin e agains t wha t he sees as bullying and a new form o f racism." 48 "Have yo u eve r though t i t curious, " Rodrig o mused , "ho w som e white s can se e themselve s a s victimize d b y us— a pristin e exampl e o f th e sor t o f postmodern mov e the y profess t o hate. I suppose i f one ha s been i n powe r a long time , an y chang e seem s threatening , offensive , unprincipled , wrong . But realit y eventuall y intervenes . Wester n culture' s predicamen t runs ver y deep—every indicato r shows it. And, ther e are straws in the wind, harbinger s of hopeful change. " "Rodrigo, I'l l sa y thi s fo r you—you'v e propose d a nove l approac h t o affirmative action . Unti l now , we'v e struggled wit h finding a moral basi s fo r sustaining wha t looke d lik e breaches o f the meri t principle , lik e hiring a less over a more qualifie d perso n fo r racia l reasons . Bu t you're sayin g that whit e people should welcom e nonwhites int o their fold a s rapidly as possible out of simple self-interest—tha t is , i f the y wan t thei r societ y t o survive. 49 Thi s i s something tha t they are not accustomed t o hearing, t o put i t mildly. D o you have any support for this assertion?" "Turn o n your computer again, Professor . Thi s won't take but a minute." I obliged him , an d was treated to a second lightnin g display of technological wizardr y a s Rodrig o showe d m e book s o n Asia n busines s organization ,

Rodrigo's First Chronicle 15 Eastern mysticism , Japanes e schooling , ancien t Egyptia n origin s o f moder n astronomy an d physics , an d eve n o n th e deb t ou r Foundin g Father s owe d the Iroquoi s fo r th e politica l idea s that shape d ou r Constitution . H e showe d me article s o n th e Japanes e compute r an d automobil e industries , th e seem ingly mor e successfu l approac h tha t Africa n an d Latin o societie s have take n to family organizatio n an d the treatment o f their own aged and destitute, an d even the roots of popular American musi c in black composers and groups. 50 "It's only a beginning," Rodrigo said, switchin g off my computer. " I want to make this my life's work. D o you think anyone will listen t o me?" "It's har d t o say . I don' t kno w i f th e time s ar e right . Mos t American s believe tha t thei r economi c problem s ar e jus t temporar y an d tha t the y hav e the best , faires t politica l syste m i n th e world—convenientl y forgettin g a chapter o r tw o o f their ow n history. 51 Bu t neve r min d that . Le t m e as k you instead a persona l question : I f thing s ar e reall y a s ba d a s yo u say , wh y ar e you thinkin g o f returning ? Shouldn' t yo u remain safel y i n Ital y whil e you r native cultur e self-destructs ? Whe n a wav e crests , the n hit s th e beach , i t creates a n immediat e commotion . There' s a lo t o f foam , a lou d noise , a great expenditur e o f energy , an d sometime s a n undertow . I shoul d thin k someone like you would be at some risk here—particularly i f you go around speaking a s candidly a s you hav e t o m e today—notwithstandin g ou r much vaunted syste m of free expression. "

Rodrigo Explain s Wh y H e Ha s Returne d "I'm bac k fo r famil y reasons . Genev a an d m y othe r half-brother s an d sister s are here. An d sinc e m y mother died , I have no other clos e relatives in Italy . Your decreasin g qualit y o f life 52 an d hig h white-colla r crim e rate 53 gave me pause. An d I coul d b e quit e comfortabl e i n Italy , no w tha t I'v e go t m y military servic e out of the way. I suppose I thought, a s well, tha t with a little more trainin g I could d o something t o ease the pain o f my native country as it goes through a difficult transition. " "You mea n helpin g America adjus t t o it s new multiracia l character , plu s its own shrinking share of world markets? " I asked. "That an d more, " Rodrig o answere d quietly . "Th e dominan t grou p wil l need help. All of us will." "What i f the y don' t se e i t tha t way? " I pressed . "Ha s a dominan t grou p ever given up power gracefully? Ha s it ever abandoned th e modes of thought,

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military organization , an d extractiv e industrie s tha t brough t i t t o powe r without a struggle? 54 And i f so, ho w are we—I mea n thos e who believe like you—going t o conduct such a campaign? I' m afrai d the y have all the power. You ma y thin k trut h an d histor y ar e o n you r side . Bu t wha t i f the y don' t go along?" "They will, " Rodrig o replie d wit h conviction , "a s soon a s they recogniz e their ow n dilemma . Th e earl y Visigoth s destroye d themselve s b y warring . We ca n hel p th e curren t dominan t cultur e avoi d a simila r fate. 55 W e ma y even hav e som e friend s an d allie s i n th e majorit y group—one s wh o believ e as w e do. 56 Mayb e w e ca n bil l ou r offering s a s 'hybri d vigor 7—something they already endorse." "And, onc e again—wha t i f they refuse ? Paradigm s chang e slowly . Wha t if your transformation require s a hundred years?" "In tha t case , w e can simpl y us e sabotag e an d wha t yo u cal l terroris m t o speed thing s up . Th e mor e advanced , th e mor e technologicall y comple x a society becomes , th e mor e vulnerabl e i t i s to disruption. 57 Imagin e wha t a few strategic—and nonviolent—tap s o n telephone switching stations around the country could do—or a few computer viruses, for that matter. Disruptio n is economically efficient fo r the subordinated group . I n Italy, the government tried fo r a tim e t o exclud e leftis t organizations . A fe w kidnapping s an d commando raids , an d the y wer e read y fo r seriou s negotiation . Somethin g like that could happe n here—o r d o you think I' m wrong , Professor? " "Rodrigo, I hav e man y doubt s abou t al l th e thing s yo u hav e said—an d particularly thi s one. I f you repea t eve n hal f of what you hav e told m e today to your colleagues or students, you will find yourself out of academia o n your ear—and probabl y disbarred t o boot." "I ha d n o ide a thos e wer e th e rule s o f discourse . O n th e Continen t w e discuss thes e thing s openly—especiall y sinc e recen t event s i n Easter n Eu rope showe d tha t rapi d refor m is , i n fact , possible . You r societ y certainl y perpetrated plent y o f terrorism o n blacks , Chicanos , an d Indians . Neverthe less, i f on e canno t discus s thes e thing s in—ho w d o yo u pu t it?—polit e company, I'l l kee p them t o mysel f an d fo r m y close friends . I don't wan t t o be seen as having an attitude problem. " Our conversatio n soo n concluded . I ha d t o prepar e fo r a facult y colloquium I was to giv e a t m y ne w schoo l tha t afternoon , an d Rodrig o quickl y excused himself , sayin g h e ha d t o ge t read y fo r th e LSAT—"tha t dinosau r relic o f a n outmode d syste m o f thought"—th e comin g Saturday . Bu t I

Rodrigo7 s First Chronicle 17 couldn't shak e hi s image . Her e wa s a ma n wh o spok e wha t h e saw . I feare d

for him. 58

Exit Rodrig o I hear d fro m hi m a fe w mor e time s i n th e week s ahead . H e lef t a messag e the followin g Monda y sayin g h e ha d foun d th e LSA T easie r tha n expecte d and hope d h e ha d don e well . Abou t a wee k later , I receive d a polit e lette r saying ho w muc h h e ha d enjoye d meetin g m e an d askin g whether , i n vie w of our length y conversation , I felt I could writ e letter s o f recommendation o n his behal f t o certai n LL.M . programs . I calle d hi m a t Geneva' s Greenwic h Village apartmen t wher e h e wa s staying , an d w e spok e fo r nearl y hal f a n hour, durin g whic h I trie d t o ge t a bette r sens e o f hi s professiona l an d personal goals . I n particular , I wante d assuranc e tha t h e woul d no t to o openly advocat e o r prematurel y engag e i n disruptiv e act s o f th e sor t h e ha d mentioned s o casually i n m y office . Hearin g enoug h t o satisf y myself , I wrot e four letter s o f recommendation , eac h t o a different LL.M . program , ove r th e next week . All m y wor k wa s wasted . Thre e week s later , I receive d a lon g letter , o n flimsy airmai l stationery , writte n fro m a cit y i n souther n Italy . I t read : Dear Professor : Thank yo u fo r al l you r effort s o n m y behalf. A s you ca n see , I am bac k i n Italy , courtesy o f you r immigratio n authorities . I t seem s I mad e th e fundamenta l erro r o f performing si x months o f part-time militar y trainin g i n th e Italia n Arm y shortly afte r my twentiet h birthday . A t th e tim e i t seeme d a reasonabl e wa y o f payin g bac k th e Italian natio n fo r subsidizin g m y education a t a fine university. Also , I don't know if I tol d you , bu t m y lat e mothe r wa s a n Italia n citizen . Ho w al l thi s cam e t o th e attention o f your authorities , I do no t know . I s it possible your offic e o r telephone i s being monitored? 59 Th e immigratio n office r wh o conducte d m y hearin g seeme d t o know a great deal about my political attitude s and interests . At any rate , I have been informe d tha t I am subjec t t o denaturalization, whateve r that means . I hav e t o appl y fo r a U.S . vis a lik e an y othe r foreigner , whic h coul d mean a delay o f several years . S o you will be deprived o f further exchange s with me , in person a t any rate , fo r th e foreseeable future . I'v e found decen t employment here , but ha d looke d forwar d t o returnin g t o m y homeland . I gues s ther e i s no reaso n t o assume tha t a cultur e ben t o n demonstratin g it s ow n destructiv e absurdit y wil l interrupt tha t demonstratio n fo r critica l remonstrance . Well , a s they say , Qu e sera , sera. Arrivederci, Rodrigo

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As I walked acros s Washington Squar e park that evening I thought: Have we lost a prophet , o r a madman ? A racis t o r a savior ? On e wit h a messag e o f hope, o r of hatred an d confusion ? Al l these things at once? A homeless man , hi s fe w possession s stacke d neatl y o n th e benc h besid e him, looke d u p a t m e despairingl y a s I walke d past . Rodrigo' s imag e o f a wave cresting rose in my consciousness. I wondered i f I would see him again .

2 RODRIGO'S SECON D CHRONICLE : The Economic s an d Politic s of Race

Introduction: Rodrigo' s Retur n "Rodrigo. M y God , you'r e back! " (Normally, I do no t us e profanit y o r tak e the nam e o f the Lor d i n vain . Bu t th e familia r lank y figure standing i n m y office doorwa y had given me quite a start.) My visitor brok e int o a broad grin . " I neede d a while t o get m y affair s i n order, tak e car e o f tha t immigratio n problem , an d pack . I was admitte d t o the LL.M . progra m o f that school uptown . S o we'll be neighbors—living i n the same city, a t any rate." T m delighted, " I stammered, puttin g down the book I had been reading 1 and reachin g ou t t o shak e hi s hand . " I wrot e th e IN S a s soon a s I got you r letter. Bu t I didn't expect to see you so soon. Thi s is wonderful news. " "It took a little doing. I received some letters from colleague s of yours who must hav e rea d you r accoun t o f my predicament. The y urge d m e t o return . But I' d alread y resolve d t o do that myself . An d her e I am—just move d int o my new apartmen t o n uppe r Riversid e las t week. M y sister Genev a gav e m e a hand. You'r e the first person I'v e looked u p since getting settled." "You have no idea ho w glad I am t o see you. I was afraid you' d spen d th e rest o f you r lif e a s a caf e intellectua l i n sunn y Italy . A t leas t m y letter s o f recommendation t o th e LL.M . program s weren' t wasted . Tel l m e ho w yo u 19

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did it . I talke d t o som e colleague s abou t you r immigratio n problem ; the y were stumped." I motioned fo r hi m t o take a seat in m y still cluttered office . "Would yo u like a cup of coffee? " "Thanks," Rodrigo replied , castin g a glance a t my office coffeemake r an d supply o f beans. T m afrai d I became addicted t o espresso in Italy , wher e it' s practically the national drink. " As I busie d mysel f grindin g th e bean s an d settin g th e timer , Rodrig o launched int o his story. "First , I appealed the INS decision, emphasizin g the brevity o f m y servic e wit h th e Italia n arm y an d m y reason s fo r performin g it.2 Bu t the agency was having none of it—they acte d a s though the y had n o discretion, whic h o f cours e yo u kno w the y do . The y kep t tellin g m e t o reapply, a s though I hadn't been born her e and ha d n o good reaso n for being in Ital y while I was growing up." I poured th e coffe e an d asked , "S o are you her e o n a student visa? And if so, ho w ar e yo u goin g t o ge t a la w teachin g jo b late r withou t lyin g abou t your intent?" 3 "That worried me , too , Professor , becaus e as you may know I hate lying." "So, wha t di d yo u do? " I asked, indicatin g th e crea m an d sugar . "What ever i t is, I hope it' s legal. You'r e no t on e o f those undocumente d aliens , a s our Anglo friends cal l them, ar e you?" "Both, please, " h e replied . " I use d a two-ste p procedure . A s yo u know , the Europea n Communit y wen t int o effec t recently . Unde r th e basi c agreement, a citizen o f one member state is entitled to travel freely an d settl e in any other. " "Sounds sensibl e t o me, " I said. "Althoug h I can' t hel p contrastin g i t t o the situatio n here . I f anything, we'v e been tightenin g u p our ow n immigra tion policie s i n respons e t o growing xenophobia aime d a t limiting th e influ x of outsiders—particularl y one s wit h coloratio n lik e your s an d mine . I t re minds m e o f those waves of 'nativism' tha t seem to rise up when ou r cultur e is under threat." 4 "I heard about that. S o I planned thing s carefully. First , I became an Irish national. Thi s wa s muc h easie r tha n yo u migh t think , sinc e bot h Ital y an d Ireland ar e members o f the E C and , a s a graduate lawyer , I had n o proble m proving I wouldn't becom e a publi c charge . Withi n a shor t tim e I had m y own apartmen t an d paralega l jo b i n Dublin , whic h b y th e wa y ha s a grea t literary and intellectua l life. " Probably a clos e call , I thought , fo r I kne w ho w Rodrig o love d suc h settings. "An d how did you get from Irelan d t o here?"

Rodrigo's Second Chronicle 21 "Oh, tha t par t wa s easy . I enliste d th e suppor t o f a n Iris h immigratio n society locate d i n a n easter n U.S . city . I tol d the m I wa s a lawye r wit h American forebears , an d the y agree d t o sponso r me . Technically , th e rout e used was a private bill." "A private bill?" I asked. "I wa s surprised , too . But , a s the y explained , it' s fairl y routine . A U.S . senator of great prestige and standing , himsel f o f Irish descent, sponsor s such bills fairly regularly . H e think s th e Unite d State s needs more Iris h me n an d women, an d hi s colleagues go along even i f that year's quota i s filled." 5 "And I suppos e ther e wa s nothin g i n th e recor d t o sho w tha t yo u ha d previously bee n exclude d o r tha t yo u ar e a budding racia l reforme r an d th e subject o f a recent law journal articl e laying bare your somewhat unflatterin g analysis of Western culture. " "I think your term for it is 'separation o f powers/ The immigratio n servic e did lear n o f m y pla n an d ma y wel l hav e trie d t o intervene . Bu t the y go t nowhere, becaus e it' s a differen t ar m o f government . It' s on e o f th e nic e features o f your—I mea n our—politica l system." 6 I looke d u p an d foun d m y youn g interlocuto r lookin g slightl y guilty . "What i s it?" I asked. "There's one more thing I ought to tell you. I may have overdone it—bu t you mus t understan d I really wanted t o get back. Whil e i n Ireland , I bought a title for a few thousand pound s from som e down-at-the-heel membe r of the English nobility . I wanted t o assure favorable consideratio n b y your authori ties. I t turne d ou t probabl y t o hav e bee n unnecessary ; m y la w degre e an d American ancestr y were probably enough. " "So, wha t are you—Rodrigo, th e third duke of Crenshaw?" "Something lik e that," Rodrig o muttered , lookin g down a t his feet. "Th e incongruity ha s not escaped me. " "I'm jus t glad you made it back. It' s quite a story."

Getting Caugh t Up : Rodrigo an d I Discuss th e Economics an d Politic s o f Race "Aside fro m Genev a an d th e folk s a t th e Bosto n Iris h immigratio n office , you're the onl y person who' s heard it . What ar e you working on thes e days?" Rodrigo crane d hi s nec k i n a n effor t t o rea d upsid e dow n th e title s o f th e books lyin g o n m y desk. 7 "Th e las t time w e talked yo u wer e strugglin g wit h black neoconservatism." 8

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"Your memor y i s good. Now , I' m tryin g to get a handle on their counter parts, the law-and-economics movement. " "I di d notic e tha t footnot e i n th e reprin t yo u sen t me . An d yo u guesse d right. Whe n w e spok e i n you r offic e I knew ver y littl e abou t tha t schoo l o f scholarship. It' s no t wel l know n ye t i n Italy—ther e ar e hardl y an y book s available excep t th e first on e b y Richar d Posner. 9 Bu t ther e wer e mor e i n Dublin and , a s yo u ca n imagine , dozen s i n th e librar y o f m y ne w school . I've bee n readin g everythin g I could la y m y hand s on . Wha t motivate d yo u to dive into this stuff? " "Even a t my advanced age , Rodrigo , we'r e expected t o keep abreast. And , as luc k woul d hav e it , I'v e bee n invite d t o a conferenc e o n th e economic s and politic s of racial discrimination. Th e organizers plan to pair conservative law-and-economics type s wit h racia l reformer s lik e me . I thin k the y ar e hoping som e spark s wil l fly, although frankl y I' m no t sur e we'l l hav e muc h to say to each other. " "Really?" Rodrigo brightened . (Hah— I thought , mayb e I'l l lear n some thing. Littl e do students kno w how muc h w e get from them . Thei r enthusi asm an d eve n thei r sometime s half-bake d idea s kee p u s goin g an d provid e the spark necessary to sustain u s in an otherwise drab and desolate world.) "Yes, really, " I replied, refillin g hi s coffe e cup . "Th e law-and-economic s folks writ e page s ful l o f formula s an d littl e squiggl y signs . The y tal k abou t things like transaction costs , speak of racism as a 'taste,' and spen d more time showing why governmental effort s t o cure i t would b e 'inefficient ' tha n the y do deplorin g th e practic e itself . We , o n th e othe r hand , trea t racis m a s subordination, no t a mistake, muc h les s an idiosyncrati c 'taste, ' and struggl e to understand it s connection wit h culture, history , an d the search for psychic and economi c advantage." 10 "I have noticed tha t gulf between th e two groups," Rodrigo agreed. "Som e LL.M. student s an d I were talking abou t i t the othe r day . Mayb e that' s on e of the thing s you an d th e othe r panelist s coul d tal k about a t the conference , don't you think?" Smart kid , I thought. Tha t on e ide a shoul d b e enoug h t o get my speec h off and running . "Maybe yo u coul d eve n ti e tha t differenc e t o the notio n o f 'positionality ' that you se e emerging i n feminism , Critica l Rac e Theory, an d othe r critica l literature.11 Th e law-and-economic s scholar s hav e a certai n background , training, an d se t o f disciplinar y assumptions , s o naturall y the y loo k upo n discrimination th e wa y the y do . The y trea t civi l right s statute s a s a for m o f

Rodrigo7 s Second Chronicle 23 tariff becaus e that' s ho w the y se e th e government—a s a well-meaning , i f clumsy, regulator . That' s thei r slant , thei r disciplinar y bias , thei r 'position ality.'" "That's a start," I said, refillin g m y own coffe e cu p despit e the latenes s of the afternoo n hou r an d m y doctor' s warnin g t o cu t dow n o n caffeine . "Bu t where d o you g o from there ? Position , color , an d eve n lif e experienc e don' t determine all, a s our friend Randal l Kenned y has been good enough t o point out.12 To m Sowell , fo r example , a leadin g economis t o f race , i s black . And h e take s a s di m a vie w o f affirmativ e actio n a s an y bluebloo d Eas t Coase theorist." 13 Rodrigo looke d a t m e sharply . "Interestin g doubl e entendre, " h e said . "You're righ t tha t perspectivis m onl y goes so far." H e paused fo r a moment . "Maybe yo u coul d challeng e thei r basi c premis e tha t racis m i s a for m o f irrationality."14 "Good idea, " I said. " I had planne d t o take them t o task for failing t o take into accoun t th e intentional , interest-servin g dimensio n o f white-over-blac k prejudice. Mayb e I'l l cal l the m 'reductionist. ' They'r e sur e t o hat e tha t because they all fancy themselve s scientists." "But o f cours e they'l l repl y tha t peopl e lik e yo u ar e jus t a s muc h a t fault, wit h you r loos e tal k abou t a cultur e o f racism , interest-convergence , hegemony, fals e consciousness, an d othe r vague and unquantifiable things. " "You're right, " I conceded . " I hav e t o sho w the m tha t thei r approac h i s not only reductionist, bu t wrong." "That's easy, " said Rodrig o wit h hi s customar y elan . "Wh y no t tak e thei r major premis e abou t th e marke t an d sho w that i t doesn't explain , muc h les s cure, racism ? Show them the y need critica l thought i f they are to understand and deal with that scourge." "It's no t clea r t o me exactly how to do that, althoug h I definitely woul d if I could," I said. "Correct m e i f I' m wrong , Professor , bu t don' t you r law-and-economic s colleagues believ e that , i n th e absenc e o f monopoly , th e marke t ough t t o cure most forms o f irrationality?" "At least some of them do." 15 "And don't they think of racism a s a form o f irrationality?" "They do. 16 But the marke t obviousl y doesn' t work that way. Consider — the Unite d State s has had a free marke t economy fo r over two centuries, an d racism i s a s firmly entrenche d a s ever . Th e economist s reaso n tha t a n employer o r rea l estat e owne r who discriminate s agains t African-Americans ,

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gays, o r wome n place s himsel f o r hersel f a t a competitiv e disadvantage . Nonracist landlord s o r employer s wil l b e abl e t o emplo y o r ren t t o bette r people—at leas t i f the y ca n ge t thei r othe r worker s o r tenant s t o g o along . Over time , the y shoul d driv e ou t competitor s wh o discriminate , becaus e these others will end u p hiring or renting to less qualified whites. " "That's th e theory , al l right , bu t yo u an d I know th e realit y i s quite dif ferent. " Rodrigo draine d hi s cup . "Remin d m e later , Professor , t o explai n wh y things work just the opposite—why racis m tend s to increase over time rathe r than dampen , a s th e economist s sa y i t should . Th e first step, though , i s to explain wh y competitive pressures don't eliminat e racis m i n the market. " "I thin k I know wha t you'r e goin g t o say," I said. "Competitiv e pressure s don't wor k becaus e discriminator s a s a grou p kno w tha t irrational-seemin g individual decisions , i f followe d b y al l o r mos t whites , creat e a syste m o f social advantage. I'v e written abou t that myself, alon g with others." 17 "I know. But , actually , I was going to add something else." "Please go ahead. I didn't mea n t o interrupt. " "Racism persists , i n part , fo r th e reaso n yo u mentioned—simpl e grou p self-interest. Bu t there' s anothe r dimension , a s well. Tak e employmen t dis crimination. Antiracis t hirin g decisions are so rare that they make news, an d the reaso n i s that i t neve r occur s t o individua l white s t o thin k tha t hirin g a black could benefit them—tha t is , the whites." "But isn' t tha t jus t regula r irrationality , whic h th e economist s sa y will b e cleared u p onc e th e laggin g firms ge t th e messag e tha t nonracis t one s d o better in competition? " "With du e respect , Professor , I thin k it' s different . Loo k a t i t thi s way . You an d you r friend s hav e writte n abou t th e socia l construction o f reality , including racia l reality , hav e you not?" 18 "Others mor e tha n I, " I grumbled . "Althoug h I' m familia r wit h tha t literature, I haven' t foun d i t a s usefu l a s som e have . I t seem s t o m e tha t racism offer s suc h powerfu l economi c an d psychologica l incentive s t o any grou p abl e t o ge t away wit h i t that resortin g t o fancy theorie s i s unnec essary." "Maybe so, " Rodrig o conceded . "Althoug h I'l l jus t not e tha t yo u ar e considered a leading proponent o f legal storytelling, on e function o f which is to deconstruct an d displac e comfortable , self-servin g majoritaria n myth s and replace them wit h les s sexist and racis t views. 19 So in a way you're contribut ing to the reconstruction o f social worlds."

Rodrigo7 s Second Chronicle 25 "I know some have said that. Bu t I think of myself as just an ordinary foo t soldier. I f others want to put an elaborat e postmodern glos s on it , that' s thei r privilege. I just don't find it necessary." "Bear with m e for a second," said Rodrigo. I noticed h e was furrowing hi s brow, th e first tim e I' d eve r see n hi m depar t fro m hi s ai r o f youthfu l exuberance. "Let' s suppose there's a world wher e all the As hate and disdai n all th e Bs , who m the y conside r stupid , lazy , an d morall y debased . Th e B s think o f themselve s a s normal , an d o f th e A s that wa y a s well—except fo r this unlovely trait. " "Sounds a little bit like a society I know," I said. "And let' s suppose, Professor , tha t the reaso n th e As hold thi s view of the Bs is not that there is anything wrong with the Bs. Rather, the y were brought to their current land i n chains to perform menia l work, an d the As coined a n attitude—call i t B-inferiority—to justif y tha t practice . Later , the y free d th e Bs, but the attitude remaine d becaus e i t was advantageous to maintain it . S o the A s circulate an d reinforc e storie s an d myth s abou t B-inferiorit y a t every turn—in children' s tales , TV , movies , advertisin g slogans , an d s o on. Thi s all create s a stigma-pictur e o r stereotype , s o tha t virtuall y everyon e i n th e society harbors the attitude to some extent." 20 "This woul d obviousl y benefi t th e As , wh o coul d us e th e B s a s chea p labor, scapegoat s fo r blue-colla r A worker s unhapp y wit h thei r lot , an d so on." "But imagine that a few As are inclined t o be rulebreakers and mavericks . Might the y no t tr y hirin g a fe w Bs , jus t t o se e i f i t works—jus t t o se e i f i t gave them a competitive advantage?" "Certainly—if onl y fo r menia l wor k i n time s whe n th e surplu s labo r supply is exhausted." "No, I mean a t other times, and fo r regula r or high-status jobs." "It's har d t o imagine . I suppos e the y might, " I replied , unsur e o f wher e Rodrigo was going. "But the implicatio n o f your though t an d tha t o f other postmodernists — forgive me , Professor , i f I kee p callin g yo u that—i s tha t thi s i s unlikel y t o happen. Th e share d construc t o r stereotyp e o f the B s makes i t unlikel y tha t anyone a t al l wil l d o this. 21 The perso n woul d almos t hav e t o stand outsid e the culture." "Like yourself." 22 "Perhaps," Rodrig o brushe d of f th e complimen t impatiently . "Anothe r way o f lookin g a t i t i s i n term s o f knowledge . Al l th e economist s sa y th e

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market won' t operat e perfectl y unles s everyon e ha s perfect knowledge. 23 But the stigma-pictur e tha t whit e peopl e hol d o f black s operate s a s a screen . Because o f the thousand s o f stories, jokes , scripts , an d narrative s the y hear , whites ca n neve r hav e tha t degre e o f knowledge—even th e proverbia l one s who boast that they count some of us among their best friends. " "Very funny, " I acknowledged . "Although , i n on e wa y o f lookin g a t it , they d o hav e 'perfec t knowledge / I understan d tha t you r favorit e author s equate knowledge with power, hol d tha t it is inseparable from socia l conven tion and practice. 24 White people in that sense know us perfectly: the universality o f th e stereotypes , th e wa y i n whic h the y ar e embedde d i n th e ver y paradigm w e requir e t o communicat e wit h an d understan d eac h other , means tha t th e marke t i n a wa y wil l operat e perfectly—tha t is , wit h wha t passes for perfect knowledge. " "And wil l thu s perfectl y reinforc e racia l reality—white s ove r blacks—al l the whil e maintainin g tha t i t i s perfectl y neutral, " Rodrig o adde d sardoni cally.25 Now that's somethin g I ca n us e a t th e conference, I thought . Wort h getting caffeine nerve s over. "We nee d a good example , o r your audienc e wil l neve r ge t it . Wha t ca n we use? " Bot h o f u s wer e quie t fo r a while . I switche d th e burne r o n th e coffeepot t o "Warm. "

In Whic h Rodrig o Explain s Wh y th e Fre e Marke t Does No t Cur e Racis m "I have an idea, " Rodrigo said at last. "I'd love to hear it. " "Imagine thi s thought-experiment . I t concern s children , anothe r disem powered group." "Do you mean whit e children o r black children—or an y kind?" I asked. "Any kind . Imagin e a farm state , sa y Minnesota , decide s t o licens e chil dren t o driv e vehicles . A lo t o f childre n ar e neede d t o driv e cars , tractors , etc., aroun d th e farm, somethin g they now can do perfectly legall y as long as they stay on private property." "Okay," I said. "An d wh y d o the y decid e t o le t the m driv e o n th e roads , which I assume your licensing scheme allows them t o do?" "Two reasons. Sometime s the young drivers need t o take the tractor or car

Rodrigo's Second Chronicle 2 7 on a public roa d fo r a short distance t o get from on e par t of the family far m to another. " "So, t o get from th e front te n to back twenty acres, the y can no w drive on County Roa d 112. " "Right—that's th e practica l reason . Bu t th e othe r on e i s empirical. Let' s suppose the legislature conducts studies to show that young children betwee n the ages often an d thirteen ar e likely to prove quite safe drivers. Psychologist s testify tha t childre n o f this age are apt to be careful, conscientious , an d law abiding. Male s unde r th e ag e o f twenty-one, b y contrast, ar e high-ris k driv ers. S o the stat e adopts a new licensing schem e i n whic h childre n ca n driv e between th e age s o f te n an d thirteen , bu t th e male s hav e t o giv e u p thei r licenses when the y become young adults." "A pretty outlandis h idea, " I said, nevertheles s intrigued . " I suppos e yo u think there is some connection betwee n childre n driver s and race?" "Yes, a s you'll se e in a minute. Bu t first we have to suppose tha t Minne sota's experiment actuall y works. Things are much mor e convenient for far m families, plu s the ten- to thirteen-year-olds tur n ou t to be the safe drivers the experts though t the y would . Wit h teenager s an d youn g male s of f th e roads , the death rat e o n th e highway s plummets . Everybody' s insuranc e rate s g o down fifty percent." "An intriguin g scenario, " I allowed. "An d wha t conclusio n d o yo u dra w from it? " "This. Woul d ou r state' s hypothetical progra m b e followed? Woul d forty nine other states quickly bring their own licensing schemes in line with Min nesota's?" "I suppose you are going to say no, bu t I' m curiou s why." "They woul d al l find reason s no t t o follo w th e Minnesot a experiment , distinguishing thei r state from tha t one in some minor respect , whe n th e real reason ha s to do with the idea of a child." "I se e wha t you'r e saying, " I sai d wit h interest . "Th e ide a o f a n eleven year-old hunche d ove r a steerin g wheel , cheerfull y an d safel y drivin g a ca r all b y himself o r herself , i s inconsistent wit h ou r socia l construc t o f a child . It's out o f role, lik e the ide a o f women i n combat today, 26 o r of blacks in th e Navy a few years ago." 27 "Exactly," Rodrig o said . "Societ y can' t accep t th e notio n o f childre n a s independent, o f having the autonomy an d freedom o f movement that driving a ca r o n publi c highway s brings . Childre n ar e mean t t o be watched, depen -

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dent, small , an d helpless . W e wan t the m t o b e tha t way . So , whateve r th e evidence disclosed, we' d find ways to ignore or discount it. " Hmmm, I thought . Hadn' t I hear d o f evidenc e la w discussion s i n a similar vein ? I mad e a menta l not e t o as k a colleagu e wh o teache s i n that area . Th e studie s I diml y seeme d t o remembe r indicate d tha t chil d eyewitnesses, althoug h actuall y bette r tha n olde r ones , ar e stil l no t allowe d to testify . Th e ful l implicatio n o f what Rodrig o ha d bee n sayin g struc k me . "So, it' s a kind o f market failure—no othe r stat e would follo w th e first one's example, jus t a s racis t firms woul d refus e t o follo w th e lea d o f a nonracis t one, eve n i f this meant giving up a competitive edge." "They won' t d o i t for th e sam e reason s tha t w e won't empowe r children , let wome n fight i n combat , o r accep t gay s in certai n line s o f work. 28 Thes e things g o agains t th e grain . Racism , sexism , an d homophobi a ar e i n th e cultural paradigm—i n th e very set of values, ideas , and meanings we rely on to construct, order , an d understan d th e world, a s well as communicate wit h each othe r about it." 29 "And sinc e the y ar e i n th e paradigm , w e don' t se e them , canno t spea k against the m withou t seemin g an d feelin g foolish , muc h les s take actio n t o correct them. " "Exactly, an d it' s a dimensio n you r economist s ignor e i n thei r focu s o n the microcosm , o n th e individual , atomize d aspec t o f huma n interactio n and choice. Becaus e of who they are, their disciplinary bias or 'positionality,' they systematically misperceiv e the essence of racism." "Rodrigo, I need som e dinner . Yo u se t a fast pac e and , a s fascinating a s all thi s is , I' m no t a s young a s I used t o be. Wh y don' t w e walk down t o the Village for a bite?" I noticed Rodrigo' s quic k flash of concern, the n added , "Don' t worry , I'l l pay. Thi s i s helpin g m e ge t read y fo r m y conference . I know wha t it' s lik e living in the city on a student's budget. You'r e my guest."

Wherein M y Young Frien d Stand s La w an d Economics o n It s Hea d wit h a Little Assistanc e from th e Sociolog y o f Knowledg e We wer e comfortabl y settle d i n a n Italia n restauran t tha t Rodrig o pro nounced "good—a t leas t equa l t o th e one s I use d t o patroniz e bac k there . The past a seem s fresh an d homemade . An d th e wine—no t bad , althoug h I see it's from California. "

Rodrigo's Second Chronicle 2 9 "I com e her e ofte n wit h colleagues . It' s chea p an d the y le t yo u sta y a s long as you want. Yo u had been explaining why law and economics does not account fo r racism' s continuin g vitality—fo r th e market' s failur e t o mak e much o f a dent in it. " "Posner, Epstein , an d other s try , bu t can't . Thei r approac h i s to o con fined. The y focu s o n individua l choices , o n th e microcosm , whe n th e essence o f racis m an d othe r form s o f prejudic e i s muc h broade r tha n that . Epstein, fo r example , speak s o f the righ t t o exclud e fro m a circl e o f friend s and associate s a s standin g o n th e sam e footin g a s th e righ t t o joi n suc h a circle. H e speak s o f th e antidiscriminatio n law s a s forcin g individual s int o 'undesired interaction, ' somethin g whos e 'totalitaria n implication s becom e clear onl y whe n on e realize s th e . . . step s tha t mus t b e take n t o enforc e [them].' Individual s kno w thei r ow n preference s bette r tha n anyon e else , s o any governmental meddlin g is inefficient an d likel y to make matters worse. 30 Charles Murray, 31 Thoma s Sowell, 32 an d eve n Gar y Becker 33 ech o som e of these conclusions . Wha t the y don' t see m t o realiz e i s that , wit h race , w e don't s o muc h operat e irrationall y i n a n otherwis e soun d worl d a s creat e a world with irrationalit y built int o its very structure. 34 Once we create a world where rac e matters , w e becom e unawar e o f ou r creation' s contingency . Racial generalization s com e t o see m natural , a sor t o f baseline , 'th e wa y things are. ' Wha t no w seem s irrationa l i s to hir e a black o r le t on e i n you r law school. Thes e decision s requir e 'affirmativ e action ' an d ar e thus morall y troublesome, a s yo u an d I discusse d earlier . Individua l action s wor k i n concert ineluctabl y t o reinforc e th e racia l statu s quo . I t feel s lik e freedom , like individual choice . Ye t the effect i s tyranny." "This has been quit e useful," I said. " I hope you don't mind i f I steal your ideas. Yo u aske d m e earlie r t o remin d yo u t o tel l m e something . I'v e forgotten wha t it was—something abou t the future perhaps? " Rodrigo was silent for a moment. "Oh , yes . I was discussing this with on e of the othe r LL.M . students , wh o i s from Ghana . It' s my thesis tha t racis m gets wors e ove r time , no t better—i n othe r words , exactl y th e opposit e o f what the law-and-economics scholar s tell us." "I've bee n pointin g tha t ou t myself , althoug h possibl y fo r differen t rea sons.35 An d I doub t you'l l hav e an y mor e succes s tha n I'v e had . I' m sur e you've noticed, Rodrigo , tha t it' s almost impossibl e to get most white folks to see tha t thing s ar e gettin g worse . The y lov e t o faste n o n th e myt h o f blac k progress. Tell the m twent y dismal statistic s about African-American poverty , early death , an d despair , an d they'l l com e u p wit h a single cheerfu l statisti c

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that the y hear d somewher e tha t suggest s that thing s ar e gettin g better—tha t today ther e ar e mor e partiall y sighte d Hispani c plumber' s apprentice s i n Ohio tha n ther e wer e twenty-fiv e year s ago , mor e blac k undergraduate s majoring i n Nava l R.O.T.C . a t lan d gran t colleges , o r som e suc h thing . But tel l m e you r theor y o f wh y th e marke t doe s no t driv e ou t racis m bu t accentuates it. " "It's simple, " said Rodrigo , deftl y wrappin g a long stran d o f pasta aroun d his fork . "Onc e yo u understan d tha t racia l difference s ar e socia l construct s and tha t racia l mytholog y i s intensely interest-promotin g ye t firmly believed, you se e ho w racis m accelerates , feed s o n itself . Th e imag e become s reality , which i n tur n reinforce s th e image , whic h seem s true r an d true r an d ulti mately beyond refutation. " "Sort of a self-fulfilling prophecy, " I offered. T o be truthful, I didn't quit e get his drift an d wante d hi m t o spell i t out a little more. Wa s my blood suga r level low , o r wa s I jus t no t u p t o following thi s wunderkind? I took anothe r bite of my fettucini Alfredo . As though readin g my thoughts, Rodrig o added, "Mayb e that's a little too elliptical. Wha t I meant wa s that w e have constructed a n imag e o f blacks as inferior—as unintelligent , no t ver y ambitious , an d s o on . Originally , thi s served transparentl y majoritaria n purposes—justifyin g slaver y first, and late r the blac k codes . Bu t ove r time , thi s transparency drop s out. Now , w e really begin t o se e blacks , women , children , th e wa y th e construc t holds . Th e occasional high-achievin g blac k o r woman—o r independen t self-sufficien t child—is disregarde d o r lauded a s an aberration . Fo r their parts , th e object s of the stereotyp e eithe r internaliz e i t or are coerced int o their assigne d roles . Minorities, i n fact , becom e poor , wome n domestic , childre n passiv e an d 'cute.' Th e imag e become s real , tru e i n th e sens e o f beyon d refutation . Young childre n ar e probabl y mor e dependen t toda y tha n the y wer e a hun dred year s ago. Women ar e just as much objectifie d sexually , i f not more so. And so on."

In Whic h Rodrig o Explain s Hi s Neo-Crypto Theologico Doubl e Feedbac k Loo p "I'm stil l no t convinced , Rodrigo . You r argumen t lack s rigor . I t ma y see m plausible t o me , bu t th e law-and-economic s type s o n m y pane l se e them selves a s hardheade d scientists . Moreover , fe w o f them ar e familiar , a s yo u and I are, wit h th e day-to-da y realit y o f life a s a person o f color. The y thin k

Rodrigds Second Chronicle 31 things ar e gettin g better , tha t al l w e hav e t o d o i s le t th e marke t operate . You'll nee d t o sho w the m th e exac t mechanis m b y which racis m tend s t o worsen, no t improve , ove r time . Yo u can' t jus t offe r vagu e idea s lik e self fulfilling prophecie s an d socia l construction s tha t fee d o n themselves . You r Minnesota exampl e was interesting, bu t not persuasive in my opinion." "I don' t kno w ho w els e t o sho w someon e wh o believe s al l disease s ar e individual tha t there is such a thing as social pathology. " Both o f u s wer e silent . Rodrig o wa s furrowing hi s bro w a secon d time . "Professor, ar e man y o f you r law-and-economic s colleague s religious? " h e asked. The questio n too k m e by surprise. " I don't know . Probably . Yes , at least one tha t I know o f is—fairly devoutl y so . Bu t what's th e relevance o f their faith o r lack of it?" "Religion i s somethin g beyon d empirica l proof . Mayb e yo u ca n buil d on tha t t o questio n thei r fait h i n microtransaction s an d analysi s a s th e whole story. " "I don't follow you." "Well, haven' t man y religion s emphasize d miracles , predestination , th e notion o f a fair and just world, an d other manifestations o f God's efficacy?" 36 "Yes, I suppose so," I said. "And haven' t all conquerors fro m Hammurab i o n down invoke d religiou s explanations to justify thei r conquests and rule over other nations?" "Of course . Ou r youn g frien d Rober t William s wrot e a brillian t articl e entitled 'Document s o f Barbarism ' showin g ho w th e earl y settler s applie d European myth s of supremacy an d Manifest Destin y t o justify genocid e and plunder o f Indian lands. 37 Eve n th e judiciary wa s complicit i n developing a version o f this—th e Discover y Doctrine , accordin g t o whic h India n land s might be appropriated b y any European perso n o r nation." 38 "So, ca n we say that religion , t o the extent it speaks to the issue, confirm s a cultur e i n wha t i t think s an d does ? I f societ y i s unjust , i f upo n lookin g about the m th e member s se e manifest difference s betwee n th e standard s of living, level s of employment, infan t mortalit y rates, and so on, of their group and others—the n somethin g mus t b e wron g wit h thos e others . The y lac k character, ambition , th e righ t genes . Th e socia l syste m i s fine, becaus e divinely ordained ; the fault lie s with individua l actor s like you and me." "Religion, lik e an y powerfu l narrative , i s canonical, " I observed . "Any thing tha t deviate s fro m th e narrativ e o r tends t o cast doub t upo n i t is itself put i n question . Th e povert y an d despai r o f communitie s o f colo r pu t the

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fair-world tene t in question. So , the narrative supplies a reason—our fault. " "Are you and I free o f that narrative, Professor? " T m no t sure," I answered. "The y conclude that, becaus e the world i s fair yet w e ar e poo r an d despised , ther e mus t b e somethin g wron g wit h u s individually, o r wit h ou r cultur e o r family—w e ar e no t amon g th e elect . We, b y contrast, havin g the sam e belief i n a fair worl d bu t knowin g that we are normal—lik e everyon e else 39—interpret difference s i n th e distributio n of socia l good s lik e jobs , longevity , wealth , an d happines s a s evidenc e o f malevolence o r neglect o n th e part of those in power , o r else as basic defect s in the social system. " "And s o eac h grou p interpret s th e ver y sam e realit y t o reinforc e it s ow n beliefs abou t racial justice, " Rodrigo concluded . "And whites become mor e and mor e convinced tha t blacks and Hispanic s are complainers , alway s conjurin g u p exaggerate d claim s o f discriminatio n when al l w e nee d t o d o i s go ou t an d wor k an d find th e opportunitie s tha t are there." "Your colleagu e Thoma s Sowel l say s more o r les s that, an d he' s black. 40 He says if the Irish , Chinese , an d West Indian s can mak e it, s o can African Americans."41 "But yo u sai d bot h group s seiz e o n th e sam e evidenc e t o confir m thei r positions, thus drifting farthe r an d farther apar t over time." "Oh, yes, " Rodrigo replied. "Peopl e of our persuasion see the same events, the same history, an d either give up and withdraw—feeling what' s the use— or else clamor, riot , o r write pungent la w review articles and book s like you, Professor.42 Eac h group' s conduc t jus t reinforce s th e other' s vie w tha t th e second grou p i s unjust an d impossible . Ove r time , black s ge t more militan t and white s mor e complacent , wit h a littl e help—o n bot h sides—fro m th e legacy of John Calvin , Charle s Darwin , an d Adam Smith. " "A double feedbac k loo p wit h root s i n religio n an d fait h i n a fair world, " I mused. "Something like that," he said. "I think I may tr y this ou t o n m y law-and-economic s friends . No w that I think abou t it , man y o f them ar e religious—even i f they only believe in th e Invisible Hand. 43 Mayb e I can ge t them t o see that societal discriminatio n i s something mor e tha n irrationalit y an d tha t it' s likel y t o ge t wors e befor e i t gets better." "Good luck. "

Rodrigo7 s Second Chronicle 3 3 A fe w minute s elapse d whil e w e finished desser t an d I summone d th e waiter. I gave hi m m y credi t card , an d a s we waite d I expresse d a concer n that ha d bee n naggin g a t me . Choosin g m y word s carefully , I aske d m y young friend : "Rodrigo, i f thi s i s th e pictur e tha t th e ne w Critica l though t introduces , I'm no t sure I or many other s will want to see it. Balefu l image s deepen an d rigidify. Racis m an d sexis m increas e ove r time . Compare d t o that , mos t o f us wil l tak e liberalism . Where' s th e openin g fo r transformation , fo r hope ? Why struggle if things are the way you say? What's the point?" "Some of those criticisms have been directed a t your own work, Professor , as Fm sur e you know, " Rodrigo replie d levelly. 44 "The world i s not ordaine d to be a pleasant place—that's wis h fulfillment. On e shouldn't pick a philosophy or perspective merely because it makes one feel good. " "Agreed. Bu t where do you go from there ? What's the point o f struggle? I assume yo u ar e bac k fro m sunn y Ital y fo r a reason . Wh y di d yo u retur n t o this vale of tears?"

In Whic h Rodrig o Explains , Wh y Struggl e "Because, a s I mentione d earlier , th e Unite d States's—indee d th e entir e West's—dominant cultur e i s i n disarray. 45 Thei r economy , infrastructure , educational system , cities , an d environmen t ar e i n shar p decline , ye t the y are stuck—perseverating—diggin g i n an d doin g harde r an d wit h mor e en ergy th e ver y thing s tha t go t the m int o troubl e i n th e first place. 46 They'r e listening t o th e neoconservative s an d nativist s wh o tel l the m the y ca n b e great agai n b y bein g American—thereb y turnin g thei r back s o n th e ver y voices and point s o f view that migh t sav e them, migh t enabl e the m t o break free fro m deadloc k and stagnation. " "But I thought I just hear d yo u sa y that th e potentia l fo r basi c change, a t least on the racial front, i s highly limited. I f the United State s is to save itself, it mus t incorporat e idea s an d peopl e fro m non-Wester n sources—an d ye t these are the very sources they've constructed , a s you pu t it , t o seem unwor thy, ridiculous , lazy , an d morall y debased. " I pause d t o driv e hom e t o Rodrigo the blind alle y to which hi s analysis seemed inexorabl y to lead. "There's a wa y out, " Rodrig o sai d quietly . "They'r e ou r stigma-pictures , after all . W e mad e them , w e ca n unmak e them . There' s n o objectiv e inferiority o f peoples of color to worry about, n o reason why white folks must

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always b e o n top , n o reaso n wh y al l person s canno t hav e equa l level s o f dignity an d respect . A s soon a s one see s this, on e place s oneself o n th e pat h of liberation . Th e culture , th e practices , th e thousan d image s an d role s they've assigne d t o us , al l reinforcin g th e ide a o f our inferiority 47—all thes e are reveale d a s contingent, no t necessary. W e ca n accep t them o r not. The y can, too . Ou r approac h i n thi s sens e i s muc h mor e liberating—an d mor e subversive—than liberalism . W e nee d no t liv e i n a worl d w e d o no t like , that w e did no t hel p create , an d the n see k mino r adjustment s an d change d positions withi n tha t unfairl y structure d world . W e ma y wor k for change . I f we don't, everythin g will fail." 48 "And so , law and economic s i s . .. " "A useful wa y of ordering relations and transactions within a given system, say, Wester n capitalism—bu t a poor way of understanding an d dealin g with broad, systemi c distortions buil t int o th e ver y structure o f that system . Rely ing o n economi c theor y t o solv e problem s o f rac e an d se x make s abou t a s much sens e as reading Gramsci for help with one's household budget. " "Speaking o f budgets , ho w ar e yo u managin g you r finances? Thi s i s a n awfully expensiv e city for a student." "I ha d save d u p som e fro m m y yea r o f practic e i n Rom e an d Dublin . Geneva wa s nice enough t o help me find a rent-controlled apartment . An d I got a loan , lik e two-third s o f m y fello w students . Whic h remind s me , Professor—my tuitio n bill' s due tomorro w morning . Thank s fo r th e dinner , but I' d bette r ge t to my bank befor e i t closes. Goo d luc k at your conference , if I don't see you before then. " I watche d hi s lank y figure disappea r fro m sight , pai d th e bil l an d left , ignoring a s best I could th e stare s o f a yuppifie d couple a t th e nex t table. 49 As I walked hom e throug h th e lat e summer evening , I felt on e o f those rar e surges o f happines s ove r bein g a teacher . I was happy t o hav e nex t month' s talk largely mappe d out , an d gratefu l t o Rodrigo for havin g helpe d m e thin k it through . Wha t a rar e student ! Wit h a star t I realize d tha t th e afternoon' s discussion ha d focuse d almos t entirel y o n m y concern s and , excep t fo r th e first part, littl e o n his . I hoped hi s adjustmen t t o America n lega l educatio n and pedagog y wen t well , an d resolve d t o cal l hi m u p afte r a week o r tw o of classes to see how things were going.

3 RODRIGO'S THIR D CHRONICLE : Care, Competition , an d th e Redemptive Tragedy o f Race

Introduction: Rodrig o Account s fo r Hi s Recent Activitie s "Rodrigo, I was jus t thinkin g abou t you. " This wa s not th e usua l hyperbol e busy professors us e to flatter their favorit e students . Sinc e returnin g fro m m y talk a t th e Economic s o f Rac e conference, I ha d bee n meanin g t o cal l Rodrigo to thank hi m fo r helpin g m e prepare for it . "Ho w has the term bee n treating you?" "Not bad. Ho w was your conference? " "Good. They'r e thinkin g o f making a book ou t o f the proceedings . I f so, I'll ge t a chapte r ou t o f it . M y tal k wen t ove r well , thank s i n par t t o our conversation. " "You giv e m e to o muc h credit, " Rodrig o replied . " I wa s jus t a soundin g board. Bu t i f yo u hav e a minute , I nee d you r ea r i n connectio n wit h something I' m workin g on myself. " "Glad t o oblige , thoug h I hop e you'l l first tel l m e abou t you r LL.M . program. I fee l I ha d som e rol e i n gettin g yo u started . Ho w ar e thing s uptown?" I asked, motionin g hi m t o hav e a seat on m y offic e couch . "Lik e some coffee? " 35

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"You know my weakness," Rodrigo replied. "I'v e been staying up late with two seminar papers, includin g the one I need to talk to you about. "

In Whic h Rodrig o Explain s Ho w H e Wo n a National Essa y Competition , Solve d th e Riddl e of the Ages , Ye t Go t int o Troubl e wit h Hi s Seminar Professo r As I busie d mysel f makin g a po t o f espress o o n m y offic e coffeemaker , Rodrigo launched int o his tale: "Things ar e goin g fine. You r Socrati c metho d take s a littl e gettin g use d to. Bu t I' m enjoyin g myself , excep t fo r somethin g curiou s tha t happene d i n my Socia l Legislatio n seminar . It' s taugh t b y a famou s professor , someon e you probabl y know . W e ha d t o writ e papers , s o I wrote o n a proble m tha t I'd bee n thinkin g abou t fo r a while—namely , ho w t o reconcile socialis m and capitalism. " "No small challenge, Rodrigo! " I replied. I was struck by his audacity but, on secon d thought , wa s no t reall y surprised . Th e brash , talente d Rodrig o never had seeme d t o me one to shy away from difficul t challenges . "So , you addressed th e riddl e o f th e ages , on e tha t ha s trouble d som e o f th e finest political mind s of our times?"* "You kno w tha t I studie d worl d culture s befor e returnin g here. 2 Plus , there ha s always been grea t interes t i n socialis m an d Marxis m amon g Italia n intellectuals. Yet , al l my professors her e in the U.S . see m deeply committe d to fre e marke t solution s fo r everything . I t struc k m e a s a n are a warrantin g examination. S o I resolved to see what I could do." "And that's what you wrote about for your course paper?" "Yes, an d I wo n a nationa l essa y competitio n fo r studen t writing . Th e judges loved it . I even receive d a small cas h award, whic h I gave to my sister to pay her back for some of the moving-in expense s she helped m e with." "Congratulations!" I replied . "You r professo r mus t hav e bee n proud. " Gesturing toward the shelf, I said, "Crea m an d sugar?" "Thanks," said Rodrigo , pourin g an d stirrin g wit h gusto . "A s a matte r o f fact, that' s wha t I' m her e t o se e yo u about . Patienc e ha s neve r bee n m y strong point, an d when I learned o f the essay competition, I sent a draft eve n before showin g it to my professor. Th e deadline was in early November, an d I felt confident enoug h o f my analysis that I sent it in." "And then wha t happened?"

Rodrigo7 s Th ird Ch ron icle3 "I go t a phon e cal l announcin g th e award . Bu t m y professor , althoug h happy tha t I won , want s m e t o rewrit e th e paper . H e say s it' s no t lega l enough. Plus , t o d o rea l justic e t o th e topic , h e say s i t reall y ough t t o be a book. But , sinc e there' s no t time fo r that , h e wants me to scale it down. H e suggested tha t m y next draft focu s o n race—o n th e 'problems o f my people,' as he put it. " "Fascinating," I replied . "The y ar e alway s commentin g tha t w e cluste r together i n cafeteria s an d s o forth, an d onl y wan t t o teac h an d writ e abou t civil rights . Then , whe n w e address somethin g o f broad socia l interest , the y want t o her d u s back int o ou r cubbyhole s a s quickly a s possible. I t happen s often.3 You' d thin k ther e woul d b e a cumulativ e embarrassmen t effect , bu t apparently not . Bu t tell m e what your paper i s about—the on e that won th e prize, I mean." "As I said , Professor , I set ou t t o reconcile socialis m an d capitalism , th e two principa l system s o f economic organizatio n i n th e world . They'v e lon g been though t t o b e i n conflict . S o I though t tha t tryin g t o reconcil e the m would be a good thing to do, especiall y for a Social Legislation paper. " "Some ver y goo d mind s hav e addresse d thi s ver y problem , Rodrigo, " I replied wryly . "I f you'v e pulle d i t off , you' d b e a candidat e fo r th e Nobe l Prize i n law , i f ther e wer e suc h a thing , no t jus t first plac e i n a studen t competition. Tel l m e abou t you r analysis . Later , w e ca n tal k abou t wha t your professo r want s i n th e wa y of a redraft. Incidentally , yo u shouldn' t fee l offended tha t he wants you to submit two drafts. It' s a very common require ment i n American la w school courses." "I know . H e explaine d tha t durin g th e first meeting. I jus t didn' t expec t the revisio n woul d tak e the direction h e suggested—although, a s you know , I'm fascinate d b y problems o f race. " Rodrig o peere d a t th e jacke t o f a book lying open o n m y desk . "I' m readin g th e sam e one . I t looks like it might b e useful fo r m y rewrite." 4 I refille d Rodrigo' s cu p an d sa t bac k expectantly . Rodrig o love d t o tal k about book s an d ideas . An d I wa s especiall y curiou s t o lear n hi s thought s about socialis m an d fre e marke t capitalism , sinc e I had jus t returne d fro m a conference o n a related subject . "How did you decide on your topic?" I asked. "I wa s readin g abou t nursin g hom e scandals , includin g a recen t cas e i n which a n elderl y patien t die d fo r lac k o f care. 5 Anothe r LL.M . student , a friend o f mine fro m Ghana , i s writing about th e problem o f regulating suc h homes, s o th e issu e wa s o n m y mind . I t occurre d t o m e tha t w e hav e n o

7

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such proble m i n Italy , no r i n an y othe r Mediterranea n countr y I kno w about. An d th e sam e seem s t o b e tru e o f blac k an d Chican o cultur e here . No matte r ho w poor a n elderl y person , ther e i s generally someon e wh o will take care of them." "I know of exceptions/' I interjected. "Bu t as a generalization, yo u may be right. I t is mainly ou r friends o f the majorit y rac e who seem mos t concerne d about being alone and uncare d fo r i n their old age." "And thi s go t m e t o thinking , no t s o much abou t whit e versu s nonwhit e differences, bu t th e proble m o f car e generally . I t struc k m e tha t th e care giving secto r o f a societ y shoul d almos t alway s b e socialized , whil e th e productive sector should b e relegated t o the free marke t economy. " "A nice , elegan t solution, " I replied . "Bu t o f cours e th e law-and-econo mists will argue that everything should be governed by the market, 6 includin g nursing homes. Where , an d why, d o you draw the line?" "Let m e explai n b y means o f th e exampl e I jus t mentioned, " Rodrig o replied, finishing hi s coffee an d lookin g u p animatedly . "Th e nursin g hom e had hire d th e minimu m numbe r o f employee s the y coul d ge t awa y wit h under th e law . An d the y wer e al l hig h schoo l graduate s o r less . Whe n th e elderly patien t wen t int o a semi-coma , the y wer e to o bus y t o notice , eve n though th e othe r patient s trie d t o cal l hi s predicamen t t o thei r attention . Three day s later , th e famil y cam e t o visi t hi m and , noticin g hi s condition , called a n outsid e doctor . Bu t i t wa s to o late . Th e grandfathe r die d th e next day." "And the moral you draw from thi s is . . . ?" "Caregiving an d th e profi t motiv e ar e incompatible . Th e temptatio n i s to cut corners , whic h i s contrary t o what's needed . Wit h caregiving , th e focu s has t o b e o n th e individual , no t o n th e profi t line . I f wha t yo u nee d t o dispense i s love , compassion , nurturance , the n yo u nee d t o socializ e th e caregiving enterprise . Tha t way , w e al l bea r th e cos t o f it , an d can , i f w e decide, hir e high-quality caregivers. " I sat up with interest . "An d since our society is getting older, 7 and none of us know s i f he o r sh e wil l nee d a caretake r sometim e i n th e future , peopl e can perhap s be made to go along." I am considerably olde r than Rodrig o and had given more than passin g thought to what will happen to me when I enter old age. "With th e productiv e sector, " Rodrig o continued , "it' s fine t o tr y t o cu t corners. A firm that succeed s i n reducin g th e pric e o f a good o r service will drive it s competitors out , whic h i s good an d t o be expected . Bu t peopl e ar e

Rodrigo s Third Chronicle 3 9 not commodities , no t can s o f soup . So , wit h chil d care , nursin g care , primary education , program s fo r th e mentall y il l and othe r dependen t popu lations, w e shoul d socializ e ever y one . Som e w e already do . W e shoul d d o the same with all the rest, eve n i f it costs more in the short run. " "So, th e tric k i s t o dra w th e righ t lin e betwee n th e productiv e sector , which shoul d b e governed b y aggressive, dog-eat-do g capitalism—the sor t of thing our conservative friends love—an d th e caregiving sector, whic h shoul d be socialized. Model-fitting , a s they say." "Right. An d that' s wha t m y origina l pape r wa s about. I even gav e exam ples of industries and services that we currently socialize, like the Post Office , which i t makes no sens e to treat that way . The y ough t to be relegated t o the private sector as soon as possible." "You ma y no t kno w this , Rodrigo , becaus e youV e bee n livin g i n Italy . But we've actually been coming around t o that view. Recently , we'v e allowed companies lik e U.P.S . an d Federa l Expres s to compete wit h th e Pos t Offic e for th e deliver y o f mail an d packages . They'v e becom e ver y popular becaus e they're faster an d don't charge any more." "I know . A friend o f min e go t a n expres s packag e i n Dubli n fro m som e friends i n America . I t go t ther e i n onl y tw o days ; the mai l usuall y take s a week. An d whe n yo u thin k o f it, i t makes sense. Ther e i s no reaso n a t all to have th e Pos t Offic e b e a socialize d bureaucracy , othe r tha n tha t you r Constitution make s som e vague referenc e t o one. 8 The clerk s are bored an d slow. Th e Pos t Office can' t attrac t intensely idealisti c persons with nurturin g skills, sinc e there's littl e about a letter to love. No r i s there the zes t and elan associated wit h competitiv e enterprise—tryin g t o delive r a servic e o r goo d cheaper an d bette r tha n th e nex t business. N o wonde r complaint s abou t th e service run rampant." 9 "Let's say we do what you suggest, Rodrigo . W e commit all the caregiving activities—the one s w e can' t handl e a s individuals , a t an y rate—t o th e public sector, an d socializ e them. An d we relegate the Post Office, manufac turing, an d othe r productiv e activitie s t o th e competitiv e sector . Won' t thi s just se t u p tw o nation s withi n one , wit h th e idealisti c caregiver s workin g a t jobs everyon e wil l regar d a s secon d class ? W e alread y hav e thi s t o som e extent.10 Won't your plan jus t exacerbate it?" "No," Rodrigo replied quickly, "becaus e we'll be free t o pay the caregivers a living salary. A s you mentioned , thi s shouldn't b e hard t o arrange, becaus e with an aging society, everyon e fears that they might need to be taken care of some day. Bu t there are additional arguments. "

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T d lov e to hear them. " "Well, first o f all , everyon e toda y i s seein g firsthand th e economi c an d psychic consequences o f lack o f care," Rodrigo gestured towar d th e boo k o n my desk , "al l th e thing s Professo r Hacke r write s about—increase d crime , juvenile delinquency , schoo l dropouts—an d more . Th e cas e for socializin g caregiving toda y i s plainer an d mor e urgen t tha n eve r before . Personalized , loving attentio n t o dependent individual s i s today a cultural mandate—on e that even make s economic sense." "Then wh y not leave it to the private sector?" "Because b y it s very nature , i t i s needed b y those wh o ca n leas t afford it . We mus t socialize caregiving if it is to be effective. " "You ma y have a point, Rodrigo , bu t I' m stil l worried abou t th e proble m of second-clas s citizenship . Wit h caregivin g a functio n o f th e socialize d sector an d productio n lef t t o the privat e side, won' t al l the caregiver s end u p being minorities, jus t like in the bad old days?" "No, I don't thin k so, " Rodrigo replied . "Man y whit e folks hav e idealisti c impulses, too , an d woul d gladl y wor k takin g car e o f children , th e aged , o r the disable d i f those job s pai d a decent salary . Som e o f them d o now , eve n with what they get paid. An d for the many caregivers who suffer demoraliza tion an d 'burn-out, ' th e bette r pa y an d greate r prestig e tha t woul d g o wit h socialization ma y b e th e toni c the y nee d t o sta y wit h thei r stressful , de manding job s longer." 11 I was silent fo r a moment whil e Rodrig o poure d himsel f a second cu p of coffee. I marvelle d a t hi s youthfu l constitution . Tw o cup s i n th e afternoo n would hav e ha d m e awak e hal f th e night . "Yo u mentione d ther e wer e a number o f arguments in favor o f your plan. Wha t are the others?" "One i s synergy—interaction s betwee n th e tw o sectors . Th e productiv e sector woul d develo p technolog y fo r high-qualit y caregiving—fo r example , monitoring machines , wheelchairs , interactiv e learnin g device s fo r youn g schoolchildren. The y coul d sel l these to the caregiving sector, compensatin g for th e somewha t highe r ta x bill th e productiv e secto r would hav e to absorb. At th e sam e time , th e caregivers , fre e t o giv e first-rate attentio n t o thei r charges, shoul d b e abl e t o sen d man y o f the m int o th e privat e secto r equipped wit h skills , a hig h self-image , an d goo d jo b prospects . Currently , half a generatio n o f inner-cit y childre n grow s u p unemploye d o r underem ployed—if the y don' t tur n int o criminal s o r dru g dealers. 12 Concentrate d caregiving fro m a n earl y ag e wil l redee m man y o f them , enabl e the m t o become Thoma s Edisons , Coli n Powells , o r Jona s Salks . Ou r econom y

Rodrigo s Third Chronicle 41 would flourish, instea d o f sinking t o th e poin t wher e i t i s now barely i n th e top five in the world. 13 You recal l our discussion before , Professor. " "I do. And your ideas have a certain idealisti c appeal. Certainly we should try anything rathe r tha n succum b t o the predicament Andrew Hacker , Stud s Terkel, an d other s describ e s o starkly. 14 Bu t wha t abou t th e proble m o f incentive, o f motivation ? Wouldn' t thos e i n th e caregivin g secto r becom e lazy and refus e t o work hard? Why should they , i f they can't be fired, if their businesses can't ever go under?" "Mothers ar e no t paid , no r ar e fathers . D o the y tak e frequen t coffe e breaks, become lazy and bored?" "No, o f cours e not . Bu t that' s becaus e the y hav e tie s o f blood . Natur e equips the m t o care . Parents—mos t parents , anyway—hav e a n instinctua l love o f thei r children . Wh y shoul d anyon e lov e othe r people' s children , o r an elderly, incontinen t retire e in a nursing home?" Rodrigo wa s silen t fo r a moment . "Som e peopl e d o car e abou t others , even i n ou r dog-eat-do g syste m whic h value s competition an d succes s above everything else . M y approach woul d enabl e thes e people to do what they are inclined t o do naturally—help others . A s things now stand, thos e who go to work fo r Lega l Aid , th e publi c defender , o r d o socia l wor k wit h th e inner city poor , becom e demoralized. 15 Societ y doe s no t valu e thei r work . The y are underpai d i n relatio n t o wha t the y do—whic h ofte n exceed s i n impor tance tha t whic h a Madiso n Avenu e advertisin g specialis t doe s i n a lifetim e of getting people hooked o n cigarettes or consumerism. " "But, Rodrigo , i f changin g bedpan s i n a nursin g hom e wer e highl y val ued, wage s would no t be what they are . Peopl e hav e little taste for tha t kin d of work. Muc h o f it is so simple, anyon e can d o it. That's why it's not highly recompensed. Aren' t yo u tryin g t o distor t th e market , an d isn' t tha t alway s inefficient, a s ou r friend s i n th e law-and-economic s movemen t pu t it , and , therefore, a bad idea?" "Good point, " Rodrig o conceded . "Bu t taste s ar e created . The y com e from somewhere . Th e sam e i s tru e o f distastes. 16 Peopl e sh y awa y fro m helping professions becaus e they're taught those jobs are low status. Conside r your ow n students . Don' t man y o f the m com e t o la w schoo l imbue d wit h idealism, read y t o chang e th e world , t o represen t th e poo r an d th e un derdogs?" "Yes, o f course. You'r e like that now, fo r some reason. " Rodrigo shrugge d of f th e compliment . "An d wha t happen s t o the m ove r time?"

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"You kno w a s well a s I do. The y change . La w schoo l depict s corporate , big-firm practic e a s the best , an d crimina l an d povert y la w a s no t nearl y s o prestigious o r challenging . Afte r a year o r two , mos t o f the one s wh o bega n certain tha t the y wante d t o vindicat e justic e an d defen d th e outcast s star t t o think o f la w a s a technica l game. 17 An d th e gam e i s mor e enjoyabl e whe n played i n a larg e firm wit h secretaries , paralegals , offic e parties , Xero x an d fax machines—and, o f course, a high salary. " "So, ever y yea r yo u se e firsthand, Professor , tha t taste s an d distaste s change?" "Unfortunately so. " "Could no t th e patter n b e reversed ? Wha t i f la w schoo l painte d povert y practice as the best, an d big-fir m practic e as repetitious, sterile , mechanical , and lackin g in any serious intellectual content? " "A few o f my colleague s wil l actuall y sa y that i n unguarde d moments, " I said.18 "I f they preache d i t to the student s a s consistently a s they preac h th e opposite message , w e might ge t a better balance amon g the fields our gradu ates go into." "My point exactly," Rodrigo said quietly. "Rodrigo, I' m tryin g to think of all the objections you r plan woul d fac e so that you'l l b e prepared . Here' s one : Let' s suppos e yo u ar e righ t tha t car e i s best give n b y someon e whos e temperament , training , an d jo b descriptio n incline hi m o r he r t o trea t th e cared-fo r perso n individually , withou t rus h or haste." "Just th e opposit e o f th e factor y system , i n othe r words, " Rodrig o inter jected. "Yes. An d let' s concede als o that non e o f us knows whether h e or she will need tha t kin d o f car e late r i n life . Wh y doe s i t follo w tha t w e shoul d therefore socializ e th e entir e caregivin g industry ? Tha t goe s agains t ou r national grain . An d yo u mus t admi t i t migh t lea d t o a certai n amoun t o f sandbagging by halfhearted caregiver s who are attracted t o the helping professions becaus e o f th e increase d salar y an d prestig e tha t wil l g o alon g wit h them. Woul d no t a bette r solutio n b e t o encourage person s t o purchas e private insurance ? I f someon e feel s h e o r sh e i s likel y t o nee d a nursin g home, o r i f young newlywed s thin k the y ma y hav e childre n wh o ma y nee d child care , etc. , wh y no t le t the m protec t agains t thos e contingencie s b y buying insurance?" 19 "Then, i f th e nee d arose , the y coul d us e th e insuranc e proceed s t o bu y care—is that the idea, Professor? "

Rodrigo's Third Chronicle 4 3 "Something like that. I' m jus t trying to anticipate what they might say." "You can't buy love," said Rodrigo levelly. I couldn' t believ e wha t I had jus t heard , an d wondere d i f Rodrig o kne w he wa s echoin g a lin e fro m a well-know n song. 20 I n a moment , I learne d the answer. "It's trite , bu t true . Marriage s base d o n mone y fal l apart . Primate s sepa rated fro m thei r mother s b y a glas s wall di e o r fai l t o grow , eve n i f fed an d warmed adequately. 21 Patient s eve n i n well-ru n nursin g home s di e soone r than one s wh o sta y a t home. 22 An d loo k a t the crim e an d delinquenc y rat e among th e childre n ou r societ y currentl y neglects . Th e conservative s ar e right—you can' t solv e a proble m b y throwin g mone y a t it. 23 But , i f yo u address it with care and concern, ofte n yo u can. Yet , i n our society, overbal anced towar d productio n values , ther e i s no t enoug h car e an d lov e t o g o around." "Perhaps volunteerism i s the answer, a s the Republicans say, " I suggested. "That only goes so far," Rodrigo replied. "Ou r communal, lovin g instincts have atrophie d fro m disuse . W e ar e to o caugh t u p i n a linear , production oriented mentality . No t to demean it—i t was highly useful durin g the period of colonia l an d industria l expansion . Bu t no w ou r need s ar e mor e diverse , yet we are equipped wit h all the wrong impulses." "And I suppose you think other societies have struck a better balance." "Actually, yes, " said Rodrigo , lookin g slightl y uncomfortable . "Althoug h to b e truthful , som e o f the m hav e gon e overboar d i n th e othe r direction , have sacrificed efficienc y an d productivity fo r a rather smarm y form o f social life based on connection and—wha t d o you call it? Good vibes." I wondered i f Rodrigo migh t b e referrin g t o countrie s associate d wit h hi s own ethni c backgroun d an d heritage . Bu t noticin g hi s discomfort, I decided not to press him to o closely. "I commen d yo u fo r you r honesty . I agree tha t ther e i s often a n invers e relationship betwee n th e tw o faculties . Th e mor e productiv e a societ y be comes, th e mor e stunted the y tend to be in love, affection , spontaneity . But , if a culture goe s all ou t fo r lov e an d emotion , develop s it s affective sid e too much, i t ma y pa y a pric e i n efficienc y o r productivity . Wha t you'r e saying , then, i s that we have to keep them i n balance—right? " "Not quite. Th e ide a i s to relegate activities that lie on the caregiving side to intelligent socialist treatment, an d ones on the productive side to aggressive laissez fair e capitalism . Withi n eac h sphere , it' s fine to be a s unbalanced a s one wants . Th e capitalist s i n m y idea l societ y coul d b e aggressiv e an d eve n

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devoid o f human feelings—s o lon g as they did no t break the law or interfer e with wha t th e mor e nurturin g caregiver s wer e doin g o n th e othe r side . An d so similarly wit h th e caregivers . Oh—an d b y the way , Professor . T o answe r your question abou t sandbagging: Any caregiver caugh t doing substandard o r halfhearted wor k would simpl y be fired and sent over to the private sector." "And you think that a society run alon g those lines would b e efficient? " "Yes, for two reasons. Firs t there would be a decided trickle-u p effect. 24 A vibrant an d well-funde d helpin g secto r woul d tur n ou t abl e worker s an d reduce th e numbe r o f delinquent s an d welfar e drags . An d th e productiv e sector, realizin g i t ca n sel l commoditie s t o th e caregivin g sector—becaus e that secto r i s no w well-financed—woul d inves t heavil y i n 'huma n capital ' thereby developin g powerfu l ne w domesti c market s i t doe s no t hav e now . And b y the way , Professor , yes , I do thin k tha t Hispani c an d blac k popula tions hav e don e a better jo b at providin g care , certainl y fo r thei r dependen t elderly, an d probabl y fo r childre n an d th e mentall y il l a s well. You r Angl o friends, wit h al l thei r productio n expertise , coul d wel l loo k t o thes e source s for models." "But, I thought tha t yo u sai d earlie r tha t al l on e woul d nee d t o do i s put out th e cal l an d thousand s o f talente d schoolteachers , child-car e workers , and the like would com e surging forward. " "Some would. Bu t they might need lessons in how to do it." "Kind o f a reverse Peace Corps." "Something lik e that, " Rodrig o said . "W e talke d a littl e abou t thes e things before. " "I remember . Giv e m e a secon d whil e I thro w thi s out . Wan t anothe r cup?" Rodrig o shoo k hi s hea d no , an d I carried th e coffeemake r an d po t t o the sin k outside , wher e I deposited th e ground s an d no w thic k coffee . A s I walked back , I reminde d mysel f t o as k Rodrig o abou t th e matte r tha t ha d brought hi m t o my office i n the first place. When I returned , Rodrig o wa s leafin g throug h th e boo k o n m y desk , Andrew Hacker' s Two Nations. I remembered tha t h e ha d bee n readin g it , too, an d so seized o n thi s t o ask him abou t th e matte r tha t ha d bee n o n m y mind: "Rodrigo, I sense we're nearly finished talking about you r paper—th e first version, I mean. Now , I' d lik e to find out wh y you hav e t o revis e i t for your professor. Bu t first, tell me a little more about the prize. Ho w much did you win? Did you get to make a trip to receive your award?" "Two hundre d fifty dollars, bu t n o trip . The y sen t me th e certificate , th e

Rodrigds Third Chronicle 45 check, an d a nice award lette r by mail. Non e of this did me much goo d with my instructor, however . Whe n I told him about the prize, h e hardly blinked. He wa s havin g appointment s wit h eac h o f hi s students , on e ever y fifteen minutes. H e ha d a sheet o f notes o n eac h draft . Th e mai n gis t of mine wa s that thi s wa s a n interestin g idea , bu t a littl e unfocused . H e urge d m e t o concentrate o n th e problem s o f inner-cit y blacks . I' m suppose d t o writ e u p what the ideal civil rights policy would be—'if any / h e said." "And so , doe s h e wan t yo u t o buil d o n you r insigh t abou t socialis m and capitalism? " "I think that's pretty much u p to me, bu t I'm thinkin g of doing it if I can. There's actuall y a secon d essa y competitio n I ca n ente r i f I writ e fast . It' s entitled, ' A Civil Right s Policy for the '90 s and Beyond, ' and i s sponsored by a conservative organization. Bu t they make clear that there are no ideological restrictions. Liberal s and folks like me are free to apply," Rodrigo said smiling at his own joke . "Sinc e i t would b e a more o r less completely revise d paper , I'm prett y sure I could submi t it. " "You migh t check with them first," I suggested. "Bes t to avoid any hint of scandal. Conservative s can get righteous about the darnedest things." "Maybe I'l l disclos e i n a footnot e ho w thi s essa y build s o n th e previou s one." "That should do it," I said. "But before getting into this one, tell me: Were you disappointe d whe n you r professo r aske d you t o restructure you r article?" "No, no t really," Rodrigo replied cheerfully. "He' s a good teacher, eve n if he didn' t war m u p t o m y paper . I think hi s mindse t wa s that I was going to write abou t civi l rights . It' s natura l o n hi s part , give n wh o I am . An d it' s possible I gave hi m tha t impressio n whe n w e met fo r ou r initia l conferenc e early in th e semester. I don't reall y mind. It' s an opportunit y t o look at some things I've always wanted to read. " I marvelled onc e again a t Rodrigo's good natur e i n th e face o f what som e would hav e seen as insufferable paternalis m o n the professor's part . As thoug h readin g m y mind , Rodrig o interjected : "Yo u coul d se e hi s reaction a s an instantiatio n o f the ver y mechanis m I wrote abou t i n th e first paper: corruptio n o f taste , disdai n fo r anythin g smackin g o f socia l service . Civil right s ha s a n urgent , social-engineerin g rin g t o som e member s o f society's elites. Mayb e the professor unconsciousl y though t al l m y talk about love, caregiving , an d compassio n wa s 'soft, ' an d tha t a pape r focusin g o n eliminating ghetto crime would b e more like it."

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"Who knows?" I said as noncommittally a s possible, no t wanting to be too harsh o n a fello w facult y member . "Tel l m e you r thought s o n revisin g th e paper. D o I get a cut if you win another prize?" "How about a dinner?" "You're on. No w let's hear what you are thinking of saying."

Wherein Rodrig o Attempt s t o Solv e the Problem s of "His People " T m thinkin g of linking the new paper to the general theory I outlined i n the first one." T m no t sure what you mean. I hope you're not going to maintain tha t all ghetto kids need i s a little love." "Not a t all, " Rodrig o replied , a littl e sharply . "Althoug h lov e doe s hav e something t o d o wit h it . Yo u see , I thin k you r country— I mean , ou r country—has it s civil rights policy exactly reversed. I n terms of the structur e I lai d ou t earlier , I mean . W e showe r love , affection , an d indulgen t treat ment on minority group members who least need it—th e middle-class , welltrained, an d intellectuall y able." 25 "I ca n definitel y thin k o f a fe w cases, " I replied . "I n fact , I'v e writte n about that myself." "So w e adulat e an d greas e th e skid s for talente d professional s o f color — those wh o woul d hav e succeede d withou t tha t anyway . An d w e tell th e res t to lif t themselve s b y thei r bootstraps , ge t a job , sto p bein g welfar e leeches , and s o on. 26 We tur n a cold shoulde r t o those who nee d individualize d car e and concern , implyin g that they should tak e their chances—nil, i f the trut h were known—i n th e fre e market. 27 An d w e hold clos e to ou r bosom s thos e who ar e mos t lik e us—wh o d o no t nee d th e embrace . Black s at the botto m of the hea p get little personalized treatment , unless , o f course, the y commi t crimes.28 W e exclud e the m fro m ou r consciousnes s a s muc h a s possible , while thos e wh o ar e bright , well-educated , an d able , w e faw n ove r an d promote." "Like you." "That remain s to be seen. I' m goin g on the teaching market this winter — if I ever get my paper done, tha t is." "It sounds like you have it well in hand . Bu t tell me, what' s your solutio n to the problem you'v e just identified? You r professor, lik e most white people, will wan t t o kno w no t jus t what' s wron g wit h ou r civi l right s approach , bu t

Rodrigo s Third Chronicle 47 how t o fix it . D o yo u wan t t o brin g bac k massiv e socia l program s lik e i n the sixties?" "It wil l tak e a majo r nationa l effort/ ' Rodrig o conceded . "Bu t i t wil l require both targeting the poor of color with individua l care and concern an d integrating them int o the economy. Th e essenc e of being a colonized peopl e is to be both beyon d lov e and exclude d fro m th e mai n avenue s o f economic well-being."29 "I've rea d tha t literature . Bu t th e America n rac e proble m i s differen t somehow," I said. "An d harder. " "It i s indeed, " Rodrig o agreed . T m thinkin g o f callin g it , Th e Proble m of Being Beyond Love/ " "Beyond love?" "Yes. An d i f you'l l giv e m e a secon d t o cal l m y roommate , I'l l tel l yo u what I mean. Ma y I borrow your phone? We were going to go out for dinner, but I need som e more time with you. Thi s i s helping m e get my thoughts i n order. You'r e a good listener—I lik e the way you push me. " I gesture d towar d th e telephone , the n picke d u p Hacker' s boo k fro m m y desk. I had bee n readin g i t avidly a s a welcome relie f fro m th e raf t o f books written b y conservatives, whic h I had rea d i n preparatio n fo r th e Economic s of Race meeting. "Don't leave, " sai d Rodrigo . "Thi s wil l jus t tak e a minute . I t ha s some thing to do with the subject o f that very book." As promised, Rodrigo' s phon e cal l was brief. I was intrigued t o learn tha t his roommate was named 'Giannina. ' "Beyond Love 7: In Which Rodrigo Explains What Stands in the Way of Our National Civil Rights Policy "There," said Rodrigo, puttin g down the phone. "We'r e all set for later. Ho w much o f that book have you read?" "I'm jus t finishing. I t present s a prett y disma l picture . Befor e starting , I sneaked a look at the conclusion t o see if the author make s a grand proposal , offers an y sor t of hope o r 'quick fix' at the end . Nothin g that I could see . S o your work is definitely cu t out for you. " "The mai n task , a s I see it, i s to deal with the problem o f blacks' being, as I call it , 'beyon d love. ' Fo r th e vas t majority, ou r societ y i s prepared t o offe r neither entre e int o th e economi c syste m no r lov e an d concern . The y ar e excluded bot h from th e economy an d from network s of love."

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"So th e progra m o f enhanced , synergistic , an d reinvigorate d sphere s o f love an d economi c development , whic h yo u outline d earlier , woul d leav e them out—i.e. , unbenefited. " T m afrai d so . Somethin g more is required." "I agree. I and other s hav e writte n tha t ou r curren t syste m o f white-overblack ascendancy i s far fro m accidental. 30 I t benefits whites ; indeed, on e can see ou r entir e curren t syste m o f civi l right s law s an d policie s a s a sor t o f homeostat, assurin g tha t th e syste m ha s exactly th e righ t amoun t o f racism . Not to o much , fo r tha t woul d b e destabilizing, no r too little, fo r tha t woul d require tha t white s forfei t importan t psychi c an d pecuniar y advantages . W e have writte n abou t interest-convergence , an d th e wa y i n whic h periodi c ringing victories, lik e Brown v. Board of Education, en d u p benefiting white s more tha n blacks , legitimiz e a basicall y unfai r system , and , whe n the y become to o inconvenient , ar e simpl y cu t bac k b y narro w judicia l construc tion, administrativ e foot-dragging , o r delay." 31 "I've rea d tha t wor k an d agre e wit h it, " Rodrig o sai d quietly . " I hop e t o build o n it . Th e tric k i s t o offe r a solutio n tha t recognize s an d take s int o account th e interest-maintaining , homeostati c elemen t o f ou r curren t ap proaches to race." "If you pull that off , I'l l nominat e you for a second Nobel Prize," I said— then immediatel y regrette d i t when Rodrig o shot me an appraising look. T m sorry, " I said. T m o n you r side . Th e searc h fo r a solution i s urgent and important . T m jus t a battle-scarre d vetera n o f man y defeats . Don' t le t my jadedness put you off. It' s an occupational hazard . Pleas e continue." As I ha d hoped , Rodrig o brightene d up . T m glad . Wit h th e upcomin g election, ther e ma y b e a windo w o f opportunit y fo r ne w approaches , one s that may actually do some good." He paused for a moment, the n continued : "Have yo u noticed , Professor , ho w fe w animal s kil l member s o f thei r own species?" "I have. Althoug h yo u shoul d kno w some sociobiologists ar e pointing ou t exceptions. Jan e Goodal l ha s show n tha t th e grea t apes , fo r example , d o sometimes war against and kil l each other." 32 "I didn' t mea n t o mak e a universa l point . Bu t there' s som e trut h i n th e generalization, don' t you think?" "Yes, o f course. An d i f you mea n t o apply i t to human beings , I suppose it's a valid startin g point . W e rarel y go to war against thos e whom w e see as closely relate d b y blood an d tradition . It' s easier to demonize an d kil l mem bers of that other tribe or clan or nation." 33

Rodrigds Third Chronicle 49 "And migh t no t somethin g lik e tha t accoun t fo r ou r racia l predicament ? Society ha s marginalize d an d exclude d African-American s fro m th e begin ning, rendere d the m th e Othe r i n s o man y setting s tha t eve n afte r th e enactment o f civil rights laws, most Americans cannot think of them a s their equals. Hacke r point s thi s ou t a s forcefull y a s anyone. 34 Blacks , especiall y the blac k poor , hav e s o fe w chances , s o littl e interactio n wit h majorit y society, tha t the y migh t a s wel l b e exiles , outcasts , permanen t blac k shee p who wil l neve r b e permitte d int o th e fold . Majorit y societ y has , i n effect , written the m off . W e migh t a s well erec t walls around thei r communities — as a few neighborhoods hav e tried to do."35 "I remember som e of Hacker's figures." "The ma n wield s number s an d statistic s th e wa y a classica l compose r wields note s an d instruments . Hi s voic e i s cal m an d temperate . Bu t th e picture h e render s i s devastating . Full y eight y percen t o f blac k student s i n New Yor k atten d segregate d schools , a s d o mor e tha n hal f i n man y othe r states.36 Eve n i n school s tha t ar e integrated , blac k an d brow n student s com prise a majorit y o f th e slow-learne r tracks , s o tha t ostensibl y desegregate d schools reall y consis t o f whit e an d nonwhit e classroom s withi n th e sam e building.37 Affirmativ e actio n ha s helpe d man y whit e wome n an d a fe w middle an d professiona l clas s blacks. 38 Bu t blacks , especiall y blac k men , have mad e fe w gain s i n th e jo b market . Durin g th e 1980s , th e incom e o f black me n ros e onl y fro m $71 5 pe r $100 0 o f whit e incom e t o $71 6 pe r $1000.39 Th e fe w blac k familie s tha t hav e mad e i t t o middle-clas s status , defined b y a famil y incom e o f $50,00 0 o r more , generall y hav e tw o earn ers.40 A white famil y makin g ove r tha t amoun t i s three o r fou r time s mor e likely than a black family t o have a single earner, usuall y a husband makin g $75,000, an d a nonworkin g spouse. 41 Th e typica l blac k middle-clas s famil y is more likel y to consist of a male bu s driver earnin g $32,00 0 whil e hi s wif e brings i n $28,00 0 a s a teache r o r a nurse. 42 Ther e ar e man y blac k nurses , but fe w dental hygienists." 43 Rodrig o picke d u p Hacker' s boo k an d rea d aloud, "Whil e whit e patient s see m willin g t o b e care d fo r b y blac k nurses , they apparently draw the line at having black fingers in their mouths." "Of course , ou r conservativ e an d neolibera l friend s wil l conced e thes e dismal statistics , bu t maintai n tha t the y ar e th e faul t o f welfare dependenc y or a culture of poverty,"44 I asserted. "Hacker ha s a n answe r t o that," Rodrig o retorted . "Black s live i n deterio rated neighborhoods , suffe r debilitatin g diseases, liv e shorter lives , an d com mit crime s i n fa r greate r frequenc y tha n d o whites. 45 I n a fe w cases , thes e

SO Rodrigo's Third Chronicle may be the products of individual choice, laziness, o r inertia. Bu t when large numbers o f peopl e liv e thi s way , th e suspicio n arise s tha t socia l force s ar e responsible. An d Hacke r say s h e know s wha t th e force s are : Whit e racis m and neglect . Whites , wh o hol d al l the cards , simpl y ar e unwillin g t o permi t blacks to achieve equality with them." 46 "What abou t blacks who achieve wealth and fame? Som e do." "Most ar e i n sport s an d entertainment , o r els e o n TV . A s Hacker point s out, th e averag e young blac k gang member, i f he watche d T V a t all, woul d be amazed a t the number o f cardigan-wearing blac k doctors and lawyer s that appear there—all ou t of proportion t o their numbers i n real life." 47 "But don't most black criminals prey on black victims?" I asked. "Of course . Bu t it' s black-on-whit e crim e tha t societ y finds terrifying . Blacks have a three-times greate r chanc e o f dying from a policeman's bulle t than d o whites. 48 Th e prison s ar e nearl y one-hal f black. 49 An d murderer s who kill white s ar e te n time s mor e likel y t o receiv e th e death sentenc e tha n ones who kill blacks." 50 "His statistics certainl y hel p you establis h you r case . A s a group, African Americans liv e i n a conditio n o f near-apartheid . Ye t fe w white s wil l accep t any responsibilit y fo r ou r deplorabl e condition . We'r e a s fa r remove d fro m national consciousnes s a s I can eve r remember. Ever y one of our needs is on the bac k burner . I t i s eve n permissible , i f no t fashionable , t o blam e black s for thei r predicament , t o view us as the aggressors, t o see us as opportunistic whiners who do not want to work." "I'm rapidl y getting that sense, " replied Rodrigo , "bot h fro m thing s I read and fro m th e remark s o f m y fello w student s i n class . It' s been a revelation . Where I cam e from , I wa s littl e mor e tha n a curiosit y fo r m y ski n color . Here, it' s practically a badge of identification—although I must confes s tha t a few whites and a professor o r two have taken a great interest i n m e and m y ideas. As have you." "But of course I'm a man o f color." "True. Althoug h yo u mov e i n a whit e world . I hop e t o b e lik e yo u one day." "You flatter m e to o much . Besides , first thing s first. Yo u nee d t o finish this paper. An d wha t a dilemma you'v e painted. Blac k people ar e desperate, poor, demoralized , an d confine d t o inferio r school s an d all-blac k neighbor hoods. A s soo n a s a neighborhoo d become s mor e tha n abou t eigh t percen t black, al l th e white s star t t o leave. 51 Wha t doe s you r schem e fo r adjustin g love and production hav e to say about that?"

Rodrigo's Third Chronicle 5

J

Rodrigo leane d forward . "W e nee d bot h a ne w myt h an d a for m o f coercion." I sense d tha t h e ha d though t abou t this , bu t h e seeme d mor e tentative now than before . S o I said encouragingly : "I lov e t o hea r abou t myths . I writ e abou t narrative s an d storie s myself , and believ e thi s i s a fruitfu l lin e o f scholarship. 52 I' d lik e t o hea r wha t yo u mean by coercion, too. " Rodrigo began : "I' m sur e yo u kno w abou t Hobbe s an d hi s belie f i n a commonwealth create d through mutua l covenants?" 53 I nodded, s o he went on: "It's a powerful image , no t so much becaus e it' s true i n an y litera l sense—n o on e make s explici t promise s whe n the y ar e born int o th e huma n community—bu t becaus e o f it s mythi c significance . People in the majority grou p know that if all, o r most of them, obe y the law, everyone wil l b e bette r off . An d s o the y pa y thei r taxe s eve n i f the y coul d cheat, sto p at red light s in the middle o f the night when n o one i s watching, and s o on. Th e Rul e o f La w prevails becaus e everyon e know s that i f we all adhere t o society' s rule s an d regulations, w e wil l al l benefit . Otherwise , we coul d declin e int o savagery , an d i t woul d b e ever y perso n fo r himsel f or herself." 54 "What abou t the 'free rider ' o r sociopath wh o discovers that he or she can gain an edge by disobeying the law?" 55 "A fe w d o that, " Rodrig o replied , "bu t th e myt h discourage s the m b y designating the m bad . The y kno w tha t i f they'r e caught , the y wil l ear n everyone's disapproval. " "If not be prosecuted criminally, " I added. "That's wher e coercio n come s in—fo r thos e wh o ar e no t adequatel y socialized i n the myth, o r who simply succumb to temptation." "And I gather you'r e sayin g tha t th e socia l compac t an d forc e o f law ar e inadequate to protect minority people—to enforce an d guarantee the success of our civil rights laws and policies?" "Precisely. Woul d yo u like me to spell it out a little more, Professor? " "I'm stil l goin g strong, " I insisted—eve n thoug h I wa s definitel y feelin g the lat e hou r an d fas t pace . "An d i t i s m y lin e o f work . I hop e we'r e no t going to make you late for your dinner appointment. " "Giannina sai d it' s okay , bu t onl y o n conditio n tha t I agree t o introduc e her to you someday. Sh e admires your work enormously." "Is she a law student like you?" "I'll le t he r explai n tha t whe n yo u mee t her . Perhap s we'l l hav e yo u ove r when th e term finishes."

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T d b e delighted/' I said. "Bu t tell me more about myths and coercion. " Rodrigo glanced briefl y a t some papers on my desk, the n continued . In Which Rodrigo Explains the New Civil Rights Myth and Form of Coercion "The basi c problem , a s your ow n wor k suggests , Professor , i s that black s li e outside the socia l compact. 56 W e are, a s I call it , beyon d love . The majorit y group has figured out that they don't need us , that it's more profitable t o keep us a s a read y suppl y o f menia l worker s an d a sourc e o f psychic consolatio n for blue-collar , working-clas s whites . Outsid e thes e uses , w e ar e surplus , annoyances, o f concer n onl y insofa r a s we imping e o n societ y throug h th e occasional violen t crime , o r hav e babies , thu s increasin g th e ta x burden . They ar e prepared t o write us off, eliminat e u s from thei r concern , t o accept little from u s so long as we demand littl e in return. " "Some of them ar e calling for concern, fo r attention t o our needs." 57 "But the y ar e voice s i n th e wilderness . Th e averag e middle-clas s white , according to Hacker, know s and cares for no blacks, ha s none living in his or her neighborhood, ha s his or her childre n atten d school s where few if any of us attend—and i s quite satisfied wit h that state of affairs. " "A blea k indictment, " I mused . "Bu t yo u sai d yo u ha d a solutio n o f some sort." "More lik e a n approach , mor e lik e wha t on e woul d d o i f one desire d t o change things . Bu t o f cours e I admit , a s you'v e written , tha t an y desir e t o better our dire estate may be missing from societ y today." "That may change. I f so, what would you do?" "I would disseminat e a new myth . Th e curren t on e does not work for us. With ordinar y laws , whit e folk s kno w that i f everyone follows them , w e will all be better off. Bu t with civil rights, the situation i s exactly the reverse." "Racism benefits whites, " I chimed in . "The y know that as a class they are better of f wit h u s marginalize d an d excluded . So , the y don' t tak e thei r civi l rights obligations that seriously." "Except fo r a few token s neede d t o legitimat e th e system . Mos t o f us fal l outside th e clan . Lik e a specie s o f wil d animal , w e ar e entitle d t o littl e consideration. It' s no t tha t w e ma y b e kille d a t random , bu t fellow-feelin g simply doe s no t exten d t o us . W e ar e beyon d lov e an d concern . Norm breaking behavio r b y a membe r o f th e majorit y tha t breache s th e country' s

Rodrigo s Third Chronicle 5 3 professed ideal s abou t brotherhood , equality , an d dignit y fo r al l confer s a benefit o n th e lawbreake r an d hi s group. That' s wh y eve n blatan t lawbreak ers, person s wh o refus e t o ren t t o or hire qualifie d one s of us, rarel y receiv e any punishment." 58 "With ordinar y laws , someon e wh o act s i n a law-abidin g manner , stop ping at a red ligh t i n th e middl e o f the night , fo r example , get s to feel good , satisfied, an d proud ; he believe s himsel f a good citizen . Ar e you sayin g tha t the same isn't true for people who adhere to the civil rights laws?" "Yes. Th e good-citize n myt h i s much weaker , i f it exists at all . Enforce ment i s infrequen t an d ineffectual . Ther e ar e al l th e well-know n excuses . The breac h wa s unintentional. I t was justified b y a business necessity. Ther e was another caus e for the rejection. An d so on." 59 "So we need bot h a better, o r at least a different, myth , an d a new way of enforcing it. " "It's easie r t o thin k o f wha t th e ne w for m o f coercio n woul d be, " sai d Rodrigo. "And I think it must come from us , not from them , a t least initially. I think it would be some form o f what your society calls terrorism or sabotage. We migh t cal l i t self-help , liberation , o r somethin g o f th e sort . Bu t ther e would nee d t o be some form o f redress for flagrant breaches of equal respect . And i t would nee d t o be as swift an d effectiv e a s the penalties society applie s to ordinary lawbreakers." I shuddered . "Rodrigo , it' s fine fo r yo u t o discus s thes e matter s wit h friends lik e me , i n th e privac y o f m y office . Bu t I mus t urg e yo u i n th e strongest terms to keep your idea s to yourself." 60 I looked at the door to see if I had close d i t after emptyin g th e coffee ; wit h grea t relie f I saw I had. "Ital y may be different, bu t here the very word 'terrorism' raises hackles. I wouldn't be surprise d i f your advocac y o f suc h tactic s di d no t hav e somethin g t o d o with your earlier troubles with the INS." "Fine," sai d Rodrigo , seemin g no t a t all abashe d b y my heate d warning . "Although surel y th e mos t perceptiv e amon g you r whit e friend s kno w tha t continued neglec t ca n onl y caus e mor e violence , mor e frustration , mor e uprisings lik e thos e i n Ne w Yor k and Lo s Angeles. I' m merel y pointin g ou t that at some point, thi s anger might get channeled. " "A few o f u s hav e dare d t o broach tha t suggestion. 61 Bu t unlik e you , w e have tenure. Perhap s you ha d bette r backpedal o r at least glide over the par t about coercion, an d go on to the part about myth. Whit e people love myths. All of us do."

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"What's neede d i s a reason— a plausibl e an d inspirin g reason—fo r ex panding ou r circl e o f sympathie s t o includ e group s wh o ar e no w excluded . Group self-interest , lik e that whic h accompanie s payin g one' s taxe s o r stopping a t re d lights , doesn' t wor k becaus e wit h respec t t o thos e exclude d groups, th e majority' s incentive s poin t th e othe r way . W e nee d a reason fo r caring when carin g is costly and does not benefit th e caregiver in any obvious way. W e nee d a reaso n fo r makin g a group, no w situate d outsid e th e socia l compact, a membe r o f it . Curren t antidiscriminatio n la w applie s coercion , ineffectively, t o injure th e broader group , t o deny i t benefits, good s it wants. So the myth mus t take this into account. " "A tall order," I commented dryly . "True, sinc e with our treatment o f minorities—in thi s area alone—whe n we break the la w we are bette r off . An d th e 'fre e rider, ' th e deviationist wh o defiantly break s the law, wh o stands up against affirmative action , i s cheered as a hero, on e who dares to tell the truth, t o call spade a spade." 62 "So t o speak. " I winced, resolvin g sometim e t o le t th e innocen t Rodrig o in o n th e meanin g o f the term. 63 "So , unlik e wit h ordinar y laws , on e can' t appeal to the myth of the social compact. " "Only weakly , a t best. Black s lie outside society . The y ar e the Other. W e refer t o the m a s 'them, ' a s 'thos e people. ' Hacke r say s lyin g behin d thi s aversion i s the sens e that African-Americans ar e an inferio r orde r o f being. 64 This is a white society; these others live here at our sufferance. The y mustn' t get to o close , begi n livin g i n ou r neighborhoods , g o t o schoo l wit h ou r children, dat e ou r women . African-American s wer e brough t her e fo r thei r labor, an d a n attitude—racism—wa s develope d t o justif y tha t practice . Slavery was abolished, bu t the attitude remained, becaus e society still needed blacks fo r menia l work . Afte r thre e centurie s o f this , it' s hardl y surprisin g that th e dominan t grou p see s black s a s outsid e thei r circl e o f friend s an d families, outsid e thei r spher e o f concern . Ther e are , o f course , nationa l norms o f brotherhood , equality , an d s o on—a s a prim e example , th e fine words of the Declaration o f Independence. Bu t these have little impact. Th e dreadful condition s o f which Hacke r speak s ar e no t a t al l upsettin g becaus e they are their problem, no t ours." "And th e syste m works, " I adde d glumly . "Discriminatio n benefit s th e dominant group. " "That's wh y man y whit e fol k canno t b e mad e t o se e discriminatio n th e way they d o the re d light . Obeyin g the civi l right s laws does not mak e the m feel particularl y goo d and virtuous . I n acting generously toward a black, the y

Rodrigo s Third Chronicle 55 do no t se e themselve s a s buildin g a safer , mor e cohesiv e community . An d the reason i s that the black is not part of their community. " "So the virtue myth doesn't work. Wha t i s your alternative?" "This i s th e final par t o f m y paper , an d it' s a littl e har d t o explain, " Rodrigo said. H e paused, a s though collectin g his thoughts. "Take you r time. " I leane d bac k i n m y chai r an d draine d th e las t bi t o f coffee fro m m y cup. "There are actually two parts to my plan. First , th e implementation woul d be put i n the hand s of'bridge people' 65—those olde r folks, ofte n themselve s marginal bu t ye t working o r respectable , wh o stil l liv e in th e neighborhood s and barrios and have a degree of contact with the lost kids of the gangs. They might b e th e posta l clerk , retire d serviceman , o r porter—peopl e lik e th e 'Mayor o f the Block' in the movi e Do the Right Thing. W e would giv e them MacArthurs and larg e grants and pu t them i n charge of redeeming their own neighborhoods, especiall y th e leas t lovabl e resident s wh o liv e there—th e black kid s in th e sweatsuits , tenni s shoes , an d gan g insignia—th e one s wh o terrify whites , the ones that whites cannot relate to." "There i s actually a body of emerging writing that says empathy onl y goes so far, tha t w e cannot identif y wit h o r love anyone wh o i s too different fro m us, canno t resonat e to a 'story' too unlike the one we usually hear. 66 S o your idea o f finding bridg e people , peopl e wh o spli t th e ga p betwee n th e stable , taxpaying whit e suburbanit e an d th e alienate d ghett o kid , make s sense . Bu t where would the money come from? Ho w would you get middle-class society to give millions o f dollars to bridge people for th e benefit o f welfare mother s and teenage hoodlums?" "That's th e othe r part, " Rodrig o said . "W e nee d t o persuad e the m tha t burdening themselve s t o reliev e anguis h amon g African-American s benefit s them." "And ho w would yo u do that?" "We woul d tel l the m the y shoul d pa y becaus e th e recipients—peopl e o f color—have a secret. Th e secre t i s one tha t the y wil l lear n onl y later , onc e the program s ar e i n place , an d tha t onc e disclose d wil l brin g the m a n incalculable benefit. " Rodrig o wa s speakin g softl y ye t emphatically . "Th e secret i s one the y canno t lear n unti l black s an d othe r outsider s ar e brough t fully inside , ar e mad e equa l member s o f society . The y wil l lear n i t whe n they hav e relaxe d th e barriers , whe n the y hav e decided , a s a group , tha t blacks and Mexican s and gays and lesbians are no longer beyond love. " "So, b y sayin g ' I lov e you, ' white s wil l receiv e thi s benefit , lear n thi s

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secret?" I wante d t o ge t Rodrig o t o clarif y hi s thought s befor e h e hande d in hi s paper , wit h it s extraordinar y thesis , t o a skeptica l professo r a t hi s law school. "Yes, somethin g lik e that . An d b y i t I mea n learnin g t o lov e thos e wh o are leas t lik e you , thos e wh o frighte n an d pu t yo u off . I mea n th e sixteen year-old blac k youth s i n joggin g suit s an d gan g paraphernalia , walkin g i n groups of four an d lookin g mean. I mean lovin g the unlovable, th e ones you now think o f as the enemy, th e Other, th e ones least like you." "Whites ar e pragmatic . They'l l wan t t o kno w wha t th e secre t i s befor e they agre e t o lov e th e unloved , pa y t o redres s centuries o f neglec t an d indifference, remed y th e deferre d maintenanc e tha t i n a thousan d way s we have allowed to build u p within populations o f color." I was silent a moment. The n I blurted out : "Rodrigo, the current situatio n brings benefit s t o th e majorit y group , a s yo u yoursel f conceded . Yo u can' t seriously thin k the y will give them u p i n retur n fo r a vague 'secret ' that the y might receiv e a t som e undesignate d futur e time . I' m no t sur e I woul d g o along, an d I' m no t even white!" "You giv e yoursel f to o littl e credit , Professor . Yo u hav e alread y bee n doing something like that—loving thos e who are least deserving of love."67 I calmed down , sensin g Rodrigo's seriousness. I did no t want to deter hi m from tellin g me more, fro m explorin g the vein he was following. "Their ow n cultur e supplie s a hos t o f narratives , reason s w e coul d dra w on t o suppor t th e ne w myth . I t woul d no t b e s o unlik e storie s the y alread y subscribe to , one s abou t receivin g a benefi t b y giving . W e coul d ta p thes e narratives to show why the current policy that relegates African-Americans t o a life beyond lov e is iniquitous and unworthy. " "I hope you're right. " "The effor t woul d b e redemptive. A s society integrate s outsiders , achieve s unity, s o woul d th e individual s engage d i n tha t task . Th e socia l healin g would be mirrored b y a psychic, individua l one. " "Bearing another's burden does sometimes make one feel lighter—particu larly i f it enables th e othe r t o do surprisin g things . An d I suppose you thin k our white friends wil l know the reward when the y have done enough?" "Yes," Rodrigo replied. "Th e benefit wil l come naturally, i n it s time. You see, I believ e tha t al l ar e innocen t a t birth . Childre n com e int o th e worl d asking onl y fo r healt h an d care. The y begi n lif e helpless . Som e becom e corrupted b y circumstances . Non e choos e th e corruptin g condition s tha t society or outside influences create. " Rodrigo was speaking with great anima-

Rodrigo s Third Chronicle 57 tion now . I wondered wha t recent experiences he might have had with smal l children, o r whethe r th e mysteriou s Giannin a someho w la y behin d thi s near-spiritual tac k o f his. I had imagine d hi m t o be a n atheis t o r agnostic; I resolved to ask him sometime . He continued: "An d som e children the n chang e fro m innocen t being s to Them, a tragedy both fo r them an d us . We can perhap s redeem them—an d ourselves—by workin g t o revers e th e process . I n som e ways, th e greate r si n is ours for havin g allowed ourselve s to become slothful , uncaring , unloving , hedonistic t o th e poin t wher e w e thin k th e anguis h o f th e inne r citie s i s 'their problem.' " "So, w e are the ones in th e joggin g suits, afte r all, " I said slowly. "W e are the ones in need o f redemption. " "A littl e to o harsh , Professor . I prefe r t o thin k w e al l wea r th e sam e jogging suit, whethe r w e have bought i t i n a store o r stole n i t during a riot , whether we are rich or poor, blac k or white." Something made me glance suddenly at my watch. "Rodrigo , this reminds me—I hav e a date t o go joggin g with Professo r Abercrombi e i n th e Par k i n five minutes. Fascinatin g a s all this is , I' m afrai d I must break i t off. Woul d you like to join us?" "Thanks, Professor , bu t Giannin a i s waitin g fo r me . P d bette r tak e off . So, yo u think my paper has promise?" "Yes," I said. "Th e theological par t at the end is a little surprising, comin g from you , bu t I like it. I' m sur e your professor will , too." "I hop e so . An d kee p you r fingers crosse d tha t th e Federalis t Societ y doesn't reject i t out of hand whe n I send i t in." I had hear d strain s from th e law school choral e group, whic h wa s practicing downstairs for it s Christmas program . "Title your last section 'Amazin g Grace,'" I suggested. Rodrigo looke d bac k intentl y a t m e a s he lef t m y office, hi s things unde r his arm. " I think I will," he said.

4 RODRIGO'S FOURT H CHRONICLE : Neutrality an d Stasi s in Antidiscrimination La w

Introduction: I n Whic h Rodrig o an d I Commiserat e and Catc h u p wit h Development s i n Eac h Other's Live s I wa s i n m y offic e lat e on e afternoon , puzzlin g ove r ho w t o incorporat e certain book s addressin g th e rol e o f courts i n protectin g minorit y right s int o the nex t editio n o f m y casebook. * I wa s gettin g nowher e whe n a familia r lanky figure appeared a s though b y magic in my doorway. "Rodrigo!" I exclaimed. T m gla d to see you. Pleas e come in." I peered at him closely . Th e usuall y ebullien t Rodrig o stoo d i n m y doorway , lookin g down. "I s something wrong?" "Well, a s a matte r o f fact , yes . D o yo u hav e a minute ? I trie d phonin g first, but you were out." "Of course," I assured him , gladl y pushing the four book s aside. "Th e last time w e talked , thing s wer e goin g wel l fo r you . Yo u ha d wo n tha t writin g prize an d wer e ho t o n th e trac k o f a secon d pape r tha t sounde d intriguing . Has school taken a turn fo r the worse?" "Well, yes . An d i n a way, i t has t o d o with th e pape r tha t I am workin g on." 58

Rodrigos Fourth Chronicle 5 9 "I'd lik e t o hea r abou t it . Ca n I offe r yo u a cu p o f coffee ? I hav e a new coffeemaker. " "Yes, thanks. Oh—Giannina an d I have one of those." Rodrigo examined my new gadget with interest. "W e have the smaller version. " As I busie d mysel f measurin g th e ground s an d settin g th e switches , m y visitor inquired : "Doe s you r la w schoo l hav e a n annua l libe l show / Pro fessor?" "Yes. I think mos t do . Here , they'r e calle d th e Follies— a littl e singing , some ba d dancing , an d a lo t o f mocker y o f th e professors. 2 They'r e a goo d way fo r student s t o le t of f steam , althoug h th e facult y sometime s grumbl e over the irreverent way they are portrayed." "We had something similar back in Italy , too. Bu t the one they had at my school this year set a new low. Hal f the skits were antifemale o r antiminority. One mad e fu n o f affirmative action ; another , o f gays and lesbians . A third, perhaps th e mos t tasteless of all, lampoone d a gay scholar wh o ha d die d les s than a year earlier of AIDS—even thoug h he r one-time lover and young son were in the audience." 3 "In ba d taste , t o sa y th e least, " I commented . "Di d anyon e d o anythin g about it?" "A number o f students and severa l of the faculty complaine d an d signed a petition demandin g action . Bu t th e administratio n di d nothing . Severa l faculty member s side d wit h th e student s wh o produce d th e show . The y said that , despit e th e odiousnes s o f som e o f th e idea s expressed , i t wa s free speech." 4 "Reminds m e o f th e positio n certai n libera l organization s tak e o n th e campus hate-speec h controversy . The y deplor e racis m an d racis t remark s but thro w u p thei r hand s an d sa y ther e i s littl e w e ca n d o becaus e the y include speech." 5 "I know. Bu t that's onl y th e beginning . Whe n th e administratio n refuse d to tak e actio n agains t thos e wh o pu t o n th e first production , m y grou p o f nearly fifty LL.M. student s decide d t o produc e a show of our own . I t was a kind o f counter-parody. W e mad e fu n o f the origina l production , a s well as of a number o f law school institutions , practices , an d sacre d cows . Man y of us ar e fro m foreig n countries , s o w e chos e target s tha t struc k u s a s funn y about the U.S . o r legal education here. " "And what happened?" "There wa s a hug e turnout—probabl y a s bi g a s fo r th e origina l event , even thoug h w e didn' t serv e alcohol . Th e crow d love d it . W e satirize d th e

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Socratic method , recruitin g season , casebook s with unanswerabl e questions , ultraconservative studen t organizations , an d professor s wh o tak e seve n months to grade bluebooks that we write in three hours." "Sounds inoffensive enough . Ho w did this get you i n trouble?" "One o f our skit s poked fu n a t the la w school fo r curryin g favor wit h ric h alumni. W e calle d th e skit "Blood Money " and acte d it out to the music of a popular tune . Whe n wor d go t out , on e wealth y an d well-know n dono r rescinded hi s pledge to give the law school $ 3 million fo r a new library. Th e administration wa s furious. Severa l of us got letters formally reprimandin g us for conduct inimical t o the institution. Other s of us were told informally tha t we had better not count on the school's help in getting teaching jobs." "No smal l threat, " I acknowledged . "I f you r progra m i s a t al l lik e ours , most o f th e LL.M. s ar e ther e becaus e the y wan t t o becom e academics . What's the point of getting the degree if you can't teach later?" Rodrigo shrugge d an d the n continued , " I couldn' t hel p b e struc k b y th e different treatmen t o f the tw o programs . Th e first one wa s raunchy , mean spirited, an d reall y prett y amateurish . Our s wa s muc h mor e light-hearte d and, i f I may sa y so, literate . Giannin a helpe d wit h th e lyrics—as yo u ma y know, she' s a published playwright. " "No, I didn' t know. " Actually , I ha d no t ye t me t Giannina , Rodrigo' s companion, an d was curious to find out more about her . "So, th e word s wer e reall y funny . Swiftian , eve n Voltairean , i n thei r deftness. Bu t i t mad e n o differenc e t o th e administration . W e wer e al l reprimanded, an d no w I'm no t sure I'll be able to get a job." "Rodrigo, don' t worry . You'r e a to p graduat e o f a majo r la w school , and yo u hav e alread y wo n a nationa l priz e fo r studen t writing . You'l l d o fine." "I hope so," Rodrigo responded, a little uneasily. "Bu t the whole business got me thinking abou t neutralit y an d colo r blindness i n th e jurisprudenc e of race.6 A s yo u ma y recall , m y secon d paper—th e on e I' m writin g fo r tha t other contest— " "You mea n th e on e sponsore d b y the conservativ e organization? " I inter jected. "Yes, tha t one . I'v e bee n strugglin g wit h a wa y t o articulat e jus t what' s wrong wit h neutrality . I t seem s logica l t o thin k tha t a societ y tha t set s ou t scrupulously t o treat blacks and whites alike in ever y setting—jobs, housing , education, credit , an d th e like—shoul d hav e n o discrimination . Yet , i t obviously doesn't work that way."

Rodrigo s Fourth Chronicle 61 "Rodrigo, I know you'r e widel y read . Bu t possibl y yo u don' t kno w tha t a number o f u s i n th e Critica l Rac e Theory movemen t hav e bee n sayin g jus t that: Mainstrea m jurisprudence' s neutralit y i s bogus , a mask , a cover. 7 I n feminist theory , Catharin e MacKinno n ha s bee n sayin g th e sam e thing — that th e law' s procedura l regularity , it s emphasi s o n legality, ' serve s t o conceal an d legitimat e a n antiwoma n bias. 8 So , you r observation , whil e trenchant, i s not particularl y novel , althoug h i n ligh t o f your recen t experi ence I can se e why you ar e preoccupied wit h it . Woul d yo u lik e me to refe r you to some things to read?" I reached for the four book s on the corner of my desk and began mentall y composing a short additional readin g list that would get Rodrigo started. I n a moment, I regretted m y offer . "I've rea d those, " Rodrig o replie d levelly . "An d I'v e rea d you , an d Bell , and MacKinnon , an d Freeman , an d man y others on this subject. Bu t I want to go further. " I could feel the blood rushin g into the tiny capillaries in my face. I should have know n bette r tha n t o patronize Rodrigo . I f not tw o step s ahead o f me, he's almost always at my own level. "What d o yo u mean , 'g o further'? " I aske d quickly , i n par t t o cove r m y own gaffe, bu t also because I very much wante d to hear his thoughts. Perhap s Rodrigo coul d hel p m e discove r a wa y t o incorporat e th e fou r book s I ha d been strugglin g with int o my teaching materials. "Many Critical Rac e Theorists condem n neutralit y an d colo r blindness as merely maintainin g th e racia l advantag e o f whites . But , asid e fro m pres enting the 'playing field' or 'starting line' analogy, the y offer littl e explanation of why this is so." "The coffee' s almos t ready . I assum e yo u hav e som e thought s abou t this?" "I do." "I'd lov e to hear them. Le t me wash out these cups."

Wherein Rodrig o Explain s Ho w Neutra l Principle s of Constitutional La w Disadvantag e Black s an d Other Outsider Group s When I returned, Rodrig o was leafing through one of the books on my desk. 9 "I must correc t myself, " he said . " I haven't rea d thi s one. I t looks like it's still in manuscript form. " "It is, " I confirmed . "Th e author , Professo r Spann , wa s kin d enoug h t o

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supply m e wit h a n advanc e copy . It' s a n expansio n o f hi s earlie r Michigan Law Review article." "Ture Politics?" 10 Rodrig o asked . " I rea d tha t article . I though t i t wa s brilliant. H e urge s blac k peopl e t o abando n thei r excessiv e an d misplace d reliance o n th e Suprem e Cour t a s a n instrumen t o f socia l progress , an d t o concentrate instea d o n 'pur e politics'—th e employmen t o f mas s forc e an d influence throug h marche s an d protests , a s well a s elections an d representa tive government. I s that what his new book is about?" "That and more. " "And doe s h e explai n wha t i t i s abou t th e Suprem e Court' s fascinatio n with neutralit y tha t cause s i t t o han d dow n on e hurtfu l decisio n afte r an other?" "Not in the version o f the manuscript that I have." "That's disappointing," Rodrigo lamented. "Non e of the good leftist schol ars seem to have addressed that question. An d the others agree that the courts haven't been abl e to initiate sweeping social change. But , unlik e the folks on the left, they'r e not upset about that; they think it' s the way things should be. In thei r view , a neutralist , quietis t Suprem e Cour t i s simply performin g it s assigned rol e in our political system." 11 "So, bot h side s agre e o n th e effect s o f neutra l jurisprudence . Lef t an d Critical writers view the Supreme Court's failure to do more to benefit peopl e of color wit h outrage ; they conside r ou r system' s nobl e promise s o f equalit y a sham. 12 An d mor e conservativ e judge s an d writer s se e th e sam e thing , but celebrate , since , accordin g t o them , that' s th e wa y court s shoul d be have."13 Rodrigo nodded. "Exactly. " As I mulle d ove r Rodrigo' s observation , I notice d tha t m y coffeemake r had stoppe d makin g noise. "Read y for a cup?" I asked, risin g from m y chair. Rodrigo nodde d enthusiastically . I poured tw o mugfuls o f steaming espress o and hande d on e to Rodrigo. Sittin g back down, I urged Rodrigo , "So tell m e what yo u thin k cause s thi s situation . I n a way , i t i s paradoxical , isn' t it ? I mean, i f a lega l syste m sincerel y set s ou t t o trea t a perso n o f colo r an d a white ma n exactl y th e sam e i n ever y situatio n tha t counts , i n th e lon g ru n this should produc e something like rough equality, shouldn' t it?" "But it' s impossibl e t o assum e awa y th e shor t run, " Rodrig o countered . "African-Americans an d white s liv e i n vastl y differen t circumstances , a s we discussed las t time . I thin k th e reaso n fo r th e parado x ha s t o d o wit h th e

Rodrigo s Fourth Chronicle 6 3 unspoken backgroun d agains t whic h peopl e mak e al l o f thes e ostensibl y neutral decisions. " "In othe r words, " I mused , "ar e yo u sayin g tha t th e variou s decision makers—employers, apartmen t managers , admission s committees , an d s o on—strive t o decid e fairly , bu t carr y aroun d subconsciou s biase s tha t mak e it impossibl e t o b e trul y impartial ? Charle s Lawrenc e say s somethin g lik e that; h e argue s tha t everyon e i n America n societ y harbor s unconsciou s rac ism that manifests itsel f in a myriad o f ways."14 "I think Lawrence is right, bu t the problem i s broader than that. " "In wha t way? " I asked , settin g dow n m y mu g an d leanin g forwar d i n my chair. Rodrigo took a deep gulp. "I n our society, eve n a decision-maker wit h th e most pristin e racia l conscience , on e withou t a trac e o f prejudic e agains t minorities, woul d stil l en d u p makin g decision s advers e t o candidate s o f color. I t ha s mor e t o d o wit h th e cultura l backgroun d agains t whic h lega l criteria ar e applied than wit h any sort of overt antiminority conspiracy. " "What d o yo u mea n b y cultural background ? D o yo u mea n ou r people' s exclusion fro m informa l networks , source s o f information—tha t sor t o f thing?" I had heard this argument before an d thought i t had some validity. "That's par t of it," Rodrigo replied . "Bu t there's more . Lega l and cultura l decisions are made against a background o f assumptions, interpretations , an d implied exceptions , thing s everyon e i n ou r cultur e understand s bu t tha t seldom, i f ever, ge t expressed explicitly." 15 "And I suppos e yo u ar e goin g t o sa y tha t al l thos e assumption s favo r whites?" "Of course . An d the y hav e a t leas t a s muc h efficac y a s doe s la w o n the books." "Could yo u giv e me a n example? " I persisted. "I t still seem s to me that if every relevan t decision-make r set s ou t t o trea t tw o individuals , A an d B , identically eve n thoug h on e i s whit e an d th e othe r black , the n w e hav e achieved forma l equality . How, " I asked with a wry smile, "ca n a system like this possibly disadvantage minorities? " "Take a differen t kin d o f promise, " Rodrig o said , eyein g m y coffe e ma chine. Th e youn g wunderkin d se t a fast pace ; I was happy t o see he neede d fuel fro m tim e to time, too. "Like another cup?" "In a minute . Let' s sa y tha t a fathe r promise s hi s so n a tri p t o th e ic e

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cream parlo r i f th e chil d clean s u p hi s room . Th e chil d says , 'N o matte r what?' The fathe r answers , 'Sure / S o the chil d clean s u p hi s room , bu t th e father neve r ends up taking him ou t for the ice cream." "Hmm," I murmured , turnin g th e hypothetica l ove r i n m y mind . " I suppose th e fathe r ha d a n excus e o f som e sort? " I recalle d wit h n o smal l measure o f guil t time s i n m y ow n lif e a s a paren t whe n I ha d don e some thing similar. "Right. Th e fathe r says , 'You couldn' t have thought that I meant that you had thre e whol e day s jus t t o clea n tha t littl e room. ' Or , th e da y afte r th e promise, th e local ice cream parlor goes out of business, and the nearest shop is a n hou r away . Or , th e fathe r lose s hi s job . Or , th e ca r develop s engin e trouble an d ha s to go to the garage , an d th e onl y way to get the con e woul d be for the two to take a $10 cab ride. Or, th e child develops a milk allergy. I t turns out , then , tha t th e father' s promis e assume d dozen s o f conditions , implied exceptions , an d unstate d excuses . Althoug h th e fathe r neve r spelle d these out , h e insist s th e chil d mus t hav e know n o f them. Th e sam e sor t of unstated condition s underli e our society's promises of racial equality. " "So, yo u ar e sayin g tha t jus t a s al l th e term s o f th e argumen t favo r th e father, mostl y whit e decision-maker s constru e th e interpretiv e structur e i n a manner tha t inevitabl y favor s white s an d disadvantage s nonwhite s i n situa tions like the ones we've been talking about? And they do this, you're saying, not becaus e they'r e biased , bu t rathe r becaus e they'r e full y acculturate d members of society?" "Exactly!" Rodrigo replie d wit h animatio n tha t I didn't thin k wa s entirely caused b y the hig h caffein e conten t o f my mocha Jav a beans, obtaine d fro m a ne w supplier . "Imagin e a n African-America n applie s fo r a jo b o n th e faculty o f an institutio n lik e yours. The onl y other candidat e for the positio n is white. The hiring committee declares its intention to use only scrupulously race-neutral criteria. " "Yet, th e white gets the position, right? " "Yes. Eve n thoug h th e tw o candidate s wen t t o th e sam e la w school, go t the sam e grades—yo u nam e it— a differenc e wil l emerge , on e tha t i s no t part o f the formal , writte n criteria . On e candidat e turn s ou t t o have a mor e pleasant demeanor tha n th e other. Th e white strikes the hiring committee as better a t 'smal l talk. ' Th e whit e ha s mor e seniority , mor e 'solid ' jo b experi ence, bette r 'communicatio n skills, ' o r a stronge r recommendatio n fro m a better-known professor . I t turns ou t tha t th e ne w 'merit ' criteri a jus t happe n

Rodrigo7 s Fourth Chronicle 65 to favo r th e whit e applicant . Non e o f these requirement s wa s mentioned i n the formal jo b description circulate d o r advertised by the employer. " "Yet everyone know s they're there . Th e formal , 'o n th e books' rule—th e only one explicitly stated—look s magnificentl y fair : Trea t black s and white s exactly th e same / Bu t th e cultura l backdro p skew s th e applicatio n o f th e rule, producin g discriminator y results, " I summarized. " I bet you thin k thi s explains wh y th e LL.M . ski t got you int o trouble , whil e thos e students wh o put on the main even t got off unpunished. " "Exactly," Rodrig o replied . "Ther e turne d ou t t o b e a n implie d excep tion t o th e rul e tha t satire s ar e acceptable. 16 Fre e speec h reign s unles s yo u poke fu n a t certai n thing s o r caus e a wealth y alu m t o pu t hi s checkboo k away." T m sur e h e wil l reconside r onc e th e fus s die s down. Alum s lov e havin g their names prominentl y displaye d o n buildings , classrooms , an d lounge s throughout th e law school. I t reminds them o f the good old days." "Even i f th e la w schoo l i s changing—i f th e compositio n o f th e studen t body an d facult y i s radicall y differen t fro m th e wa y h e remembers?" 17 pressed Rodrigo . "You ma y hav e a point . Bu t i n al l fairness , I thin k th e origina l skitster s would hav e earne d retribution , too , i f their progra m cause d a ric h alu m t o revoke a donation." I stopped, realizin g I was uncomfortably clos e to takin g on th e rol e of apologist for th e system . Wa s I losing my own critica l edge ? I had a birthday coming up, an d this had been o n my mind fo r a while. Rodrigo sho t m e a n appraisin g loo k s o I backtracked slightly . " I do agre e with you that i n this case there is a propensity to apply the 'boys will be boys' excuse, an d no t th e other . Th e school' s reactio n doe s see m mor e tha n a little harsh." "Maybe I'l l hav e m y frien d Al i writ e a lette r askin g hi m t o reconsider — the donor , I mean. Ali' s a great conciliato r an d ha s a gift fo r words . Mayb e he ca n remin d th e wealth y philanthropis t tha t th e tru e tes t o f a grea t la w school lie s i n it s ability t o withstand vigorou s criticism , an d tha t th e LL.M . skit simply confirmed hi s old school's greatness." "I'm sure it wouldn't hurt your job chances if you and he were successful, " I added. Rodrigo was silent for a while. Then , returnin g to his critique o f neutrality, h e continued a s follows: "Maybe this is a way to explain it . Imagin e tha t a lawn treatment chemical turn s out to be virulently poisonous. Th e suburb s

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disappear. Overnight , whit e peopl e becom e a minorit y wh o mus t no w dea l with black s an d othe r racia l minoritie s fro m a position o f weakness. A long tradition o f black subculture hold s that one may freely disparag e and ridicul e anyone wh o i s a 'jerk/ 18 Th e definitio n o f 'jerk ' i s a perso n wh o i s naive , slow at sports, ba d a t repartee , lackin g i n stree t smarts. 19 A whole cultur e of songs, myths , stories , an d th e lik e deride s peopl e wh o fit thi s description . Let's suppose that unflattering concep t jus t happens to be associated, fairl y or unfairly, wit h people who have light skins. I s there any doubt that in the new regime, whit e peopl e would com e ou t second-best , eve n i f they wer e jus t as talented, smart , deserving , an d motivate d a s member s o f th e ne w majorit y group? "20 "A vivi d example , i f a littl e far-fetched, " I replied . "White s woul d en d up second-bes t eve n i f black s se t ou t t o trea t the m fairly , humanely , an d evenhandedly. Th e backgroun d assumption s woul d caus e the m t o los e ou t in the race for jobs, slots in law school classes, and so on, eve n if all the rules were color-blind. " I flipped the switch o n th e coffee warme r t o "On." "But let's return t o the world a t hand . Muc h o f th e actio n thes e day s concern s retributive , no t distributive justice . Whit e societ y has already figured out, t o its own satisfac tion a t least, ho w to go about distributing job s and othe r benefits t o blacks— namely, ver y stintingly . Bu t th e attentio n i s now beginnin g t o focu s o n th e remedial aspect s o f civil right s strategy—on wha t society shoul d do , i n ligh t of it s pas t mistreatmen t o f blacks. 21 Ho w doe s you r 'cultura l background ' argument work here?" "In muc h th e sam e way," Rodrigo confidently replied , risin g and walkin g over to my coffeemaker. "Ma y I?" "Of course. The suga r and creamer are over there." Rodrigo poure d himsel f a secon d cup , whil e I marvele d a t hi s youthfu l constitution. "I f you want decaffeinated, I can brew some," I offered . Rodrigo mad e a fac e an d returned t o hi s chair , wher e h e bega n gulpin g his steaming-ho t high-octane . "Implie d exception s aris e i n thi s setting , too . Any remed y fo r pas t discriminatio n mus t no t b e to o costl y t o whites. 22 So called 'innocent ' white s ma y no t b e mad e t o pa y th e penalt y fo r pas t injus tices. Decree s ma y no t bin d white s wh o ar e no t member s o f a clas s befor e the court. 23 Discriminatio n i s not redressable unless an intent to discriminate can be proven. 24 Harm s are not compensable unless tight chains of causation are shown. 25 Standin g rules limit who may complain. 26 And so on." "So, essentiall y wha t you'r e sayin g i s tha t th e dominan t cultur e ha s

Rodrigo s Fourth Chronicle 6 7 somehow manage d t o tak e th e stin g ou t o f any an d al l availabl e remedies? " I asked. "Right," Rodrigo responded . "You know , Rodrigo, " I sai d thoughtfully , " I thin k yo u ma y b e ont o something. Man y o f u s hav e writte n abou t th e wa y i n whic h th e cost s o f racial remedie s always seem to be placed o n blacks—th e face s a t the botto m of the well. Your insight helps explain why this happens." Rodrigo draine d hi s cup . "Neutra l rule s rarel y detec t man y breache s o f the principl e o f nondiscrimination, " Rodrig o continued . "And , whe n breaches ar e detected , thos e violation s ar e remedie d i n a s innocuou s a way as possible, one that does not significantly distur b the prevailing social order. " "How does partisan politic s affect al l of this? Do you think i t makes muc h difference whethe r the conservatives or the liberals are in power?" "Not much, " Rodrig o answered . "Partisa n distinction s ma y b e importan t in othe r areas , suc h a s economic polic y o r foreig n relations , bu t the y mak e little differenc e fo r minorities . Bot h liberal s an d conservative s champio n neutrality i n antidiscriminatio n law , a s thoug h treatin g black s an d white s exactly th e sam e wil l mak e discriminatio n g o away. Bu t as we have seen , i t won't. W e fare little better under one regime than the other. Fo r us, political labels are merely deflections fro m th e issues." 27 T m no t sur e I' d g o tha t far , Rodrigo, " I asserted , "eve n thoug h I agre e that neutrality i s flawed. Obviously, rule s dictating equal treatment of minorities an d white s can' t redres s long-standin g discrimination . Bu t yo u mus t admit, suc h rule s are better than th e old blatantly racis t ones. 28 Perhaps they are way stations to something better. Don' t you agree?" "Maybe," Rodrigo replie d somewha t skeptically . "Althoug h the y increas e the ris k o f complacency. Sinc e minoritie s an d white s ar e no w definitionall y equal unde r th e law , w e ca n tel l ourselve s tha t tha t proble m i s solved. W e can eve n blam e the victim. For , i f after fou r decade s of scrupulously neutra l legal rules , African-American s an d othe r peopl e o f colo r ar e stil l poor , marginalized, an d discontent—well , wha t ca n b e done ? Th e proble m can not be our fault , sinc e we've put i n plac e all these wonderful lega l rule s tha t mandate equa l treatment . I f minorities o f color haven' t bee n abl e to prosper with suc h rule s i n place , the n th e proble m mus t li e with them . The y mus t be shiftless, o r immoral, o r not very smart." 29 "I recogniz e thi s danger , i n fact , hav e writte n alon g somewha t simila r lines myself." "I know, " Rodrig o sai d wit h a n impatienc e I foun d almos t charmin g

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because o f his youth. "An d eve n thos e o f good will , thos e wh o don' t blam e us, en d u p distracted fro m th e realit y o f minorities' plight by the rhetori c of neutrality, an d ar e led off into another direction. Wit h forma l lega l equality , Brown v . Board of Education,30 an d th e principle o f nondiscrimination no w in everyone' s consciousness , th e focu s shift s t o th e courts . Everyon e ask s whether Brown wa s a justifie d decision, whethe r i t wa s principle d o r not . Everyone talks earnestly about the proper judicia l role , abou t whether court s can o r should b e in the business of propelling legal change." 31 Rodrigo gestured towar d Gerald Rosenberg' s The Hollow Hope, one of the books on m y desk. "There' s a n example . Instea d o f writing about blacks and their predicament, everyon e writes about courts—on la w and the appropriate judicial function . W e star t ou t writin g abou t racia l wrongs , abou t racia l justice. But , w e end u p writing about ourselves. It' s a neat shift. " "Traditional lega l scholarshi p seem s muc h mor e concerne d wit h proce dure, th e wa y one shoul d g o about solvin g a problem—rather tha n actuall y solving it. It' s probably a universal human tendency. " "Perhaps so, " Rodrigo replied . "Th e proble m i s how African-Americans , a group that was brought here in chains, ca n achieve retributive justice . Yet , we end u p talking about legal principles. W e endlessly discuss whether som e deviation fro m perfec t forma l equalit y i s principled , whethe r som e paltr y affirmative actio n progra m benefiting a handful o f African-Americans ca n be justified.32 Ho w ca n w e eve r hop e t o achiev e justic e whe n thes e ar e wha t we're callin g th e burnin g issue s o f race ? O f course , thes e issue s ar e muc h more absorbing—no t t o mentio n les s guilt-inspiring—becaus e the y ar e about us." "Well, Rodrigo , I must admi t I find your analysi s intriguing , particularl y the wa y you ti e you r idea s back to neutralit y a s the sourc e o f the trouble . I s this what yo u ar e writing about fo r you r semina r paper : the on e yo u pla n t o submit to the second competition? " "Yes. I' m thinkin g o f focusin g o n th e dichotom y betwee n equalit y o f opportunity an d equalit y o f results . I' m sur e th e conservativ e sponsor s wil l appreciate that. " "Bravo," I responded , wit h a trac e o f amusement . "Conservative s lov e equal opportunit y a s much a s they hate equa l results . I n thei r view , th e first is principled , neutral , an d fair , whil e th e secon d i s unprincipled , result oriented, an d wrong. 33 Yo u wil l definitel y ge t their attention , particularl y i f you ca n manag e t o presen t a ne w angle . Hav e yo u though t abou t ho w yo u

Rodrigo s Fourth Chronicle 6 9 are goin g t o lin k i t u p wit h you r insigh t abou t neutralit y a s a sha m guar antee?" "That's the trick," Rodrigo answered, a bit pensively. Tv e go t a few ideas, though. Ca n I tell you about them ove r dinner?" "Sounds good," I said. "I' m starved . M y doctor told me not to go too long between meals." 'Til pa y this time," Rodrigo offered . "Don't b e ridiculous . I ow e you . You'v e helpe d m e figure ou t ho w t o incorporate thos e book s int o th e ne w editio n o f m y casebook . Plus , I mak e more money than you. " "An odd definition o f neutrality, Professor . Wh y don't we go Dutch? " "Okay, okay , i f you insist," I conceded.

In Whic h Rodrig o an d I Discuss Equalit y of Opportunity versu s Equalit y o f Result s About a n hou r later , Rodrig o an d I found ourselve s comfortabl y ensconce d in a plain bu t comfortabl e Mexica n restaurant , locate d i n th e meat-packin g district, tha t m y frien d Jos e Olivero s ha d introduce d m e t o th e las t time h e was in town. I was struck that Rodrigo, who had been raised in Italy and only been bac k i n th e State s a short time, kne w to order Do s Equis beer with hi s meal. Afte r th e waite r disappeare d wit h ou r orders , Rodrig o continue d ou r earlier conversation . "As I mentioned earlier , P m thinkin g o f using th e tw o type s o f equality , equality o f opportunity an d equalit y o f result, a s my principal illustratio n o f the problems with neutrality. " "A goo d choice . D o yo u inten d t o argu e tha t the y merge , tha t the y constitute a fals e dichotomy? " I worrie d tha t m y youn g frien d migh t hav e fallen pre y t o th e influenc e o f th e deconstructio n movement , whos e mai n goal, s o far as I could determine, i s to show that polar opposites collapse int o each othe r upo n clos e inspection. 34 I hope d Rodrig o wa s no t goin g t o tak e me on a tour o f Continental theory . I didn't feel u p to it—at leas t before we had a bite to eat. Fortunately , m y fears proved groundless. "No, althoug h I suspect on e coul d d o that," Rodrig o replied . "I' m think ing o f doing somethin g mor e alon g th e line s o f a socia l an d conceptua l in quiry." Relieved, I prodded : "I'v e alway s bee n struc k b y th e wa y conservative s

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favor equalit y o f opportunit y ove r th e othe r kind . I f the y wer e genuinel y committed t o neutrality , yo u woul d thin k tha t equa l result s woul d b e th e logical wa y t o measur e th e effectivenes s o f racia l programs . Hav e yo u a theory fo r wh y conservatives—an d man y liberals , too—hav e suc h a n aver sion to equality of results?" "I do, " Rodrig o declared , pausin g fo r a momen t a s th e waite r se t dow n our drinks . I resolved merel y t o sip my own Do s Equi s unti l dinne r arrived . I could se e the outlines of a new subsection o f my book forming, an d wanted to remai n alert . I mad e a menta l not e t o figure ou t som e wa y o f givin g Rodrigo credit . Mayb e a n effusiv e footnot e woul d suffic e fo r now . Later , when h e got his first teaching position, I' d take him o n as coauthor, I mused. He certainly ha d mor e energy than I did these days, an d these revisions were becoming increasingl y tedious . As though readin g my mind, Rodrig o offered: "Yo u o r I might want to do something wit h thi s notio n sometime . T o m y knowledge, n o on e ha s reall y addressed it . I t is truly amazing, whe n yo u think about it , ho w all the leftist s and civi l right s activists , lik e yourself , prefe r equalit y o f results , whil e thos e of moderate or conservative persuasion prefe r equalit y of opportunity." 35 "You said you ha d a theory for this ideological preference? " "Well, I think i t ha s t o d o wit h one' s perspective , one' s baseline . I f you start ou t fro m a certai n position , a given practic e wil l loo k neutral . Fro m a different perspective , th e sam e practic e wil l loo k one-sided , biased , unfair . For example , loo k a t th e quot a issue . It' s n o secre t tha t mos t conservative s dislike quota s fo r black s an d othe r minorit y groups . Suc h scheme s strik e them a s radicall y unfair , becaus e the y assur e tha t a certai n numbe r o f minorities ge t jobs. Impositio n o f a quota seem s nonneutral, becaus e white s are treate d differentl y fro m nonwhites. 36 Withou t th e quotas , tha t numbe r would, n o doubt, b e much smaller . Bu t that, i n larg e part, i s because i n th e absence o f quotas th e jo b criteria operat e t o hir e artificiall y lo w number s o f black an d minorit y applicants . Genuinel y equa l treatmen t wil l alway s strike some as unfair. Apparently , onl y advantage—a tilte d playing field or criteria that favor them—seem s neutra l an d normal . So , with any new arrangemen t we loo k t o se e wh o benefits , wh o i s advantage d o r disadvantaged , an d pronounce regime s fair or unfair accordingly. " "I'm still not sure I understand wh y everyone resists equality of result. I s it merely becaus e suc h a n approac h i s likely to provide mor e job s and benefit s to minorities?" "In part , bu t th e mechanis m i s a littl e mor e complicated . Notic e ho w

Rodrigo s Fourth Chronicle 71 equality o f opportunit y i s a muc h mor e nonformal , multifactoria l measur e than equalit y o f results . Th e latte r kin d o f equalit y i s starkl y simple . Yo u merely compar e th e numbe r o f minoritie s an d white s a t a jo b site , fo r example. Bu t wit h equalit y o f opportunity , man y thing s becom e relevant . This multiplies the opportunity fo r cultural factor s to come into play." "By cultural factor s yo u mea n th e hos t of background assumptions , inter pretations, an d implie d exception s that we discussed earlier?" "Yes. Neutralit y work s best when i t is able to call up and rel y on a s many of these culturally inscribe d routine s an d understanding s a s possible. Thes e understandings, rea d int o the culture long ago, no w seem objective, unchal lengeable, an d true. 37 I mea n thing s lik e th e meri t principle , th e ide a tha t informed consen t shoul d insulat e a doctor fro m malpractic e liability , o r th e impression tha t objectiv e standard s fo r consume r warning s ar e someho w more fair than subjectiv e ones. " "Women hav e bee n pointin g ou t somethin g simila r i n connectio n wit h date rape , urgin g tha t consen t b e examine d fro m a more searchin g perspec tive than Wha t woul d mos t men thin k i n this situation?'" 38 "And I think it' s th e sam e genera l idea . W e inscrib e ou r idea s o f power, authority, an d legitimac y int o th e culture , an d the n preten d t o consul t tha t culture, meekl y and humbly, i n search o f justice—for rule s that are fair an d neutral. A neat trick if you can get away with it. " Rodrigo paused, sinc e the waiter had arrived with our food. Realizin g that our lon g conversatio n ha d mad e u s hungry , i n unspoke n agreemen t w e at e for a few moment s i n silence . Rodrig o attacke d hi s chile rellen o with gusto , while I examine d m y burrit o fo r anythin g forbidde n b y m y doctor— a lis t that seemed t o get longer and longe r each time I visited her . After hi s appetite subsided , Rodrig o continued: "So the nonforma l natur e of equalit y o f opportunit y allow s member s o f a n empowere d grou p t o cal l upon an d invok e th e man y culturally establishe d routines , practices , an d understandings tha t benefit them. " "Could yo u give me an example?" "Sure. Tak e ou r earlie r on e o f th e la w schoo l tha t ca n onl y hir e on e professor. Ther e ar e tw o finalists, a blac k an d a white . Th e forma l jo b description contain s th e standard criteria : potential fo r scholarship, teaching , and publi c service . Th e tw o finalists seem equall y qualifie d i n eac h o f those respects. Equalit y o f results would dictate that the black applicant get the jo b because o f the smal l numbe r o f African-Americans o n th e faculty . Tha t is , the approac h woul d striv e fo r equality , fo r proportiona l representation , o r

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some similar measure. Bu t as we discussed before, unde r equality of opportunity th e whit e wil l inevitabl y ge t th e position . Equalit y o f opportunit y onl y guarantees that both wil l receive initial consideration. An d when both candidates are considered, a myriad o f factors, som e conscious, som e unconsciou s will com e int o play: inflection, smal l talk , background , bearing , socia l class, and th e man y imponderable s tha t g o into evaluatin g collegiality. 39 Suc h a n approach i s exactl y th e opposit e o f fai r an d neutral . Pruden t distrus t o f a decision-maker wh o judge s person s o f a differen t rac e suggest s tha t formal , structured rule s an d strictl y confine d discretio n ar e th e ke y t o jus t suc h decisions.40 But that is the opposite of what we have." "Or tak e case s o f pa y increas e an d promotion, " I suggested . "Forma l equality say s pay and promot e minoritie s th e sam e as whites doing the sam e work. But , i n practice , thi s formal rul e turn s ou t t o have exceptions tha t are applied i n accordance with cultural understandings . Th e white candidate got a higher test score. So , following th e rule of equal treatment would be unfai r to th e white . Th e nex t time , th e tw o candidate s hav e exactl y th e sam e tes t score. Again, th e white gets the promotion—this tim e because he or she had more seniority , o r a riche r jo b background , o r bette r references . An d s o it goes." "In eac h case, " Rodrigo interjected , "societ y manage s t o avoi d th e strict equality rule . An d th e reaso n i s th e same : Som e unstate d cultura l under standing o r premis e come s int o play . So , th e mor e empowere d perso n whose predecessor s wer e i n a positio n t o dictate th e cultura l term s fo r thes e transactions invariably comes out ahead. " "So, equalit y o f opportunity, lik e merit, reall y jus t amounts to affirmativ e action fo r whites, " I interjected . "I t build s i n a backgroun d o f unstate d assumptions tha t confe r a consisten t advantag e i n al l th e competition s tha t matter. I f societ y wer e seriou s abou t equality , i t woul d abolis h thi s wa y o f doing things and op t for equality o f results. Bu t this is something ou r cultur e will never do." "No," Rodrig o adde d quietly . "I t ha s define d equa l opportunity , th e approach tha t permits it s members t o win, a s legal, principled , an d just. 41 If one wer e t o devis e a syste m tha t would , first, produc e raciall y discrepan t results, and , second , enabl e thos e who manag e an d benefi t fro m th e syste m to sleep well at night, i t would loo k very much lik e the present one." "A seriou s charge , Rodrigo, " I cautioned . "No t ever y membe r o f th e majority grou p merit s that indictment . Som e well-wisher s an d sympathizer s want u s t o succeed . Whe n yo u g o ou t o n th e hirin g market , yo u wil l se e

Rodrigo s Fourth Chronicle 7 3 that. Perhap s eve n now , yo u hav e foun d a professor o r two of majority rac e who ha s adopte d an d encourage d you , recognize d you r talent , gon e ou t o f his or her way on your behalf." "Perhaps," Rodrig o conceded . "Bu t no t eve n the y full y understan d th e personal impac t o f racism. 42 Mos t sympathetic white s view our curren t civi l rights laws and regulations as adequate. The only thing missing, the y believe, is the will to enforce the m consistently. " "Isn't there something to that?" I prodded. "Or , wha t if we simply retooled the curren t rule s t o exclud e th e typ e o f favoritis m yo u mentioned ? Then , would yo u view the system as fair?" T m skeptical, " responde d Rodrigo . "Suc h retoolin g woul d entai l th e majority group' s agreement to relinquish it s advantages. The y woul d hav e to agree t o abid e b y quit e comple x rules , nothin g a s simpl e as : Trea t Black s and White s th e Same / But , eve n i f the y di d agree , rule s alon e canno t remedy racism. " "And why is that?" "Because o f th e natur e o f racis m itself . It' s a littl e har d t o explain . I' m working o n thi s part o f my thesi s righ t now . Woul d yo u min d listenin g an d giving me some feedback?" "I'd b e please d to . I' m certai n I'l l benefi t fro m discussin g i t a t leas t a s much a s you will. Unfortunately , al l I've been doin g lately is cutting up case reports an d readin g an d summarizin g books . Neve r writ e a casebook , Ro drigo. I t saps your energy and creativit y like nothing else." Since w e ha d finished ou r dinner , Rodrig o suggested : "Mayb e w e coul d talk abou t i t ove r dessert ? I'v e hear d tha t there' s a wonderfu l bistr o no t fa r from here. " "Good idea . Her e comes the waiter." I gestured tha t we would lik e to pay our bill , an d moment s late r w e were walkin g dow n th e deserte d sid e street , past warehouses and giant tractor-trailers full ( I imagined) of sides of beef. As we walked, Rodrig o began.

Which Treat s o f Racism's Refractor y Natur e in th e Fac e o f Legal Regulatio n "We bot h observe d earlie r tha t man y recen t author s hav e pointe d ou t tha t current law s don' t see m abl e t o mak e muc h o f a den t i n minorit y povert y and despair. Rosenberg , a s you recall , say s as much. Savage , too, point s ou t how th e Cour t i s moving steadil y awa y fro m an y suggestio n o f socia l activ -

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ism. An d Span n an d Bel l seiz e on thes e observation s t o make their pungen t points about the pervasiveness of racism. An d they're not the only ones." "True, althoug h man y conservative s don't find that particularly troubling; for them , judicia l quietis m i s almost a n articl e o f faith. Ou r friend s o n th e left ar e outraged , however . Gerr y Span n al l bu t accuse s th e Cour t o f be traying African-Americans' legitimat e hope s fo r decision s tha t can eliminat e the barriers to black achievement and empowerment." 43 "So, bot h th e lef t an d th e righ t agre e tha t th e lega l syste m doe s littl e t o redress black misery. " T m afrai d so . Now , yo u sai d you'r e workin g o n a n explanatio n fo r thi s sorry stat e o f affairs . I s thi s i n additio n t o you r earlie r comment s abou t neutrality's rol e in concealing and increasin g white privilege?" "Yes. I think that there i s something about racis m that makes it peculiarly difficult t o dismantle throug h an y system o f antidiscrimination laws . Racis m would exis t eve n i f the dominan t grou p treate d minoritie s an d white s simi larly i n al l settings . Eve n i f society recognize d an d cancele d ou t th e myria d cultural interpretation s an d backgroun d factor s tha t no w giv e white s a n edge an d rende r equa l treatmen t a hollo w illusion , I thin k racis m woul d still remain. " "Rodrigo, I'v e bee n accuse d o f undu e pessimis m abou t th e prospect s fo r racial reform . Bu t i t sound s lik e I soo n wil l hav e a n ally—namely , you ! Please explain you r theory about the persistence of racism." "Facially neutra l law s cannot redres s most racism, becaus e of the cultura l background agains t which suc h law s operate. Bu t even i f we could someho w control fo r this , formall y neutra l rule s woul d stil l fai l t o redres s racis m because of certain structura l features o f the phenomenon itself. " Rodrigo's First Structural Reason for Racism's Persistence: Its Vertical Character "Rodrigo, slo w down a little. M y old legs are having trouble keeping up with you." As Rodrigo's speec h becam e mor e animated , h e ha d bee n pickin g u p his pac e a s w e walke d t o th e bistr o wher e w e planne d t o hav e coffe e an d dessert. I was grateful whe n Rodrig o slowed. "Let m e star t thi s way . Yo u an d other s hav e writte n abou t racism' s historical character . Everyon e know s tha t black s wer e brough t her e i n slav e ships. Th e practic e o f chattel slaver y remaine d i n effec t fo r ove r tw o centu -

Rodrigo s Fourth Chronicle IS ries, then wa s replaced by a system of Jim Crow laws and social practices that continues t o thi s ver y day . So , racism' s root s canno t easil y b e ignored. 44 Neutral rule s canno t d o justic e t o th e thickl y embedde d historica l natur e o f American prejudice . W e ac t toda y o n a se t stage . Bu t th e rule s ignor e this. They tel l the acto r no t to favor th e white ove r the black. Th e onl y thing th e rules take into account i s what happens righ t now. I f the actor—say a school board commissioner—ca n truthfull y say , ' I acte d a s I di d fo r n o racia l animus/ tha t i s the end of the inquiry. Thi s is obviously not sufficient. " "Why not?" "Let m e tr y t o giv e yo u a n example. " Rodrig o squinte d int o th e lat e afternoon su n tha t glance d of f th e sidewalk . "Imagin e a schoo l boar d need s to establish a n attendance boundary. Al l of the children wh o live on one side of the boundar y wil l g o to on e school ; thos e wh o liv e o n th e othe r side , t o another one. " "And yo u woul d predic t tha t th e boar d wil l choos e a boundar y tha t maintains segregate d housin g patterns , wit h th e practica l effec t o f main taining segregated schools?" "No. This school board truly wants to do the right thing. Recognizin g that some board s hav e draw n attendanc e line s reflectin g ethni c neighborhoods , this boar d ha s n o desir e t o follo w suit . Besides , i t know s that i f it does, th e ACLU migh t brin g sui t agains t it . So , instead , the y choos e a n existin g freeway a s th e dividin g line , reasonin g tha t suc h a boundary wil l mak e th e children's walk safer and shorter. " "What th e boar d ignores, " I continued , followin g th e logi c o f Rodrigo' s hypothetical, "i s tha t man y year s ag o th e governmen t probabl y place d th e freeway i n tha t location precisel y because minorit y people lived there. I n th e past, government s frequently place d freeways, dum p sites, power substations, and other such undesirabl e things in minorit y neighborhoods. 45 I f the school board toda y select s th e freewa y a s th e boundary , i t give s effec t t o a pas t discriminatory practice . I t ma y d o thi s entirel y innocently . Indeed , i t ma y have a laudabl e motive , on e nobod y coul d quarre l with , namel y makin g children's walk to school as safe as possible." "Exactly." "In othe r words, " I recapped, "neutralit y employ s a sor t o f 'freeze-frame ' approach, lookin g onl y a t presen t factors , whe n redressin g racis m require s a longer view." Rodrigo smiled , "Withou t tha t longe r view , on e misse s things , take s

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action tha t seems innocuous but that actually hurts minority people. There' s a second feature tha t works in a similar way. D o we have time to discuss it?" I checked th e number s o n th e street . "I f you ca n explai n i t in th e cours e of two blocks. Otherwise, wel l hav e to continue inside. " "I'll try my best."

Rodrigo's Second Reason: Racism's Concerted, or Horizontal, Aspect As I had hoped , m y ploy cause d Rodrig o to slo w down. M y leg s had begu n to complain a second time. "The othe r featur e i s tha t white-over-blac k dominatio n i s a concerte d system. Racis m derive s its efficacy fro m it s insidiousness. Man y whites don't realize this . The y equat e racis m wit h isolated , shockin g acts , suc h a s lynchings o r burnin g crosses . Mos t whit e folks , eve n one s o f goo d will , perceive muc h les s racism i n th e world tha n ther e actually is. 46 I n part, tha t is becaus e the y se e fewe r act s o f out-and-ou t racis m tha n minoritie s do. 47 But i t i s also becaus e the y analogiz e racis m t o othe r misfortune s tha t befal l everyone, regardles s of race, lik e having a flat tire or being cursed by another driver whom on e has inadvertently cu t off. " "I've notice d tha t tendenc y i n th e controvers y ove r hat e speec h an d university conduc t codes, " I said. "Man y white s fail t o realize how often th e victim o f one insul t i s the victi m o f another, simila r one . The y analogiz e i t to bein g calle d a 'foo l lad y driver, ' somethin g tha t migh t happe n ever y si x months o r year , an d whic h rarel y threaten s a n importan t featur e o f one' s identity. B y contrast , person s o f colo r ge t almos t dail y reminder s o f ho w different the y are . Eve n m y frien d Professo r Oliveros , a light-skinne d His panic, report s somethin g similar . H e says probably hal f the peopl e h e meet s ask him wher e h e i s from, wha t kind o f name h e has , o r how h e learne d t o speak English s o well." "The proble m involve s what yo u calle d th e 'freeze-frame ' approach , Pro fessor. La w focuses o n micro-transactions , lookin g for somethin g outrageou s in a singl e remark . No t finding anything , i t denie s th e existenc e o f th e underlying racism. An d if you do confine you r attention to the here and now in thi s way , there' s no t tha t muc h differenc e betwee n 'Bac k t o Africa ' an d 'Stay i n you r lane. ' Campu s racis m s o unremittin g tha t youn g minorit y undergraduates sometime s dro p ou t o f college , end s u p analogize d t o a football cheer : 'Boo, Cal.' "

Rodrigo s Fourth Chronicle 77 "I kno w academic s wh o hav e presente d simila r arguments, " I com mented.48 "All o f u s do . Thi s concerte d qualit y o f racis m enhance s it s malevolen t efficacy, makin g i t a n ever-presen t forc e eve n fo r thos e o f u s wit h hig h professional statu s an d wealth . It' s a s thoug h crimina l la w wer e t o lac k any remed y fo r conspiracy , monopoly , an d othe r offense s o f collusio n o r aggregation, and , instead , deal t wit h th e underlyin g evil s o n a cas e b y case basis." "Or lik e tryin g t o identif y an d avoi d poison s b y examinin g thei r atomi c structure whe n it' s th e behavio r o f th e molecul e tha t give s strychnin e it s deadly character," I added. "I t just doesn't show up at that level." Stopping at the entrance to the bistro, Rodrig o asked, "I s this the place?"

Summary: I n Whic h Rodrig o Waxe s Apocalyptic , Explaining Ho w Everythin g Work s Together t o Maintain Racism' s Malevolen t Efficac y Entering th e diml y li t caf e an d lookin g around, I observed, "Luckil y fo r us , it's not very crowded. Hav e you been her e before?" "No, bu t Giannin a an d I have talked abou t comin g here . I'v e hear d the y give free refills , whic h i s great for someone on a student budget. Som e of the other LL.M.s come here, eve n though it' s a long ride." As we settled dow n a t an empt y table, I returned t o our earlier discussion : "Your professor urge d you to try to solve the 'problems o f your people,' as he put it . Instead , yo u see m read y t o conclud e tha t thos e problem s ar e insolu ble. Neutra l principle s o f antidiscriminatio n la w canno t redres s racism . B y defining black s and whites as equals, neutralit y allows society to blame blacks for thei r predicament . And , i f I'v e understoo d th e las t par t o f you r thesis , racism's nature make s it peculiarly resistan t to solution throug h law s like our own. Wha t a bleak vision fo r someon e s o young! For a battered ol d crusade r like me, takin g that stance i s understandable. I think peopl e give me sympa thy fo r bein g s o downbeat , wan t t o rus h in , comfor t me , an d say , 'No , it' s not so. ' But , fo r you , what' s th e poin t o f struggle , what' s th e poin t o f you r working so hard t o become a professor an d schola r of civil rights, i f you hav e so little hope of things ever getting better?" "I didn' t sa y tha t thing s woul d neve r ge t better , Professor . I merel y ob served tha t th e la w would no t mak e the m better . An y neutrality-base d lega l rule will loo k depressingly ineffectua l t o a black o r person o f color who lives

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in thi s society . B y th e sam e token , an y practic e tha t th e majorit y grou p perceives a s favoring minoritie s t o promote racia l justic e will appear unprin cipled an d wrong. " "Like affirmative action? " "Yes. Ou r societ y ha s been base d o n racia l privileg e sinc e it s inception. 49 Formal equalit y toda y serve s th e sam e purpos e a s th e forma l inequalit y o f earlier years . It' s a littl e bi t lik e puttin g a ca r int o neutra l onc e yo u reac h a downhill stretch . I t jus t pick s u p speed ; yo u don' t eve n nee d t o pres s th e accelerator any more. The difference betwee n society and the car is that most people don' t eve n notic e it' s goin g downhill . So , societ y ha s troubl e seein g the racism i n a freeway boundary . Civi l right s law has devolved int o a system of 'nots'—Tho u shal t no t this, ' an d Tho u shal t no t that'—al l centere d around the relatively few cases society is prepared to denounce as unquestionable breaches of the principle of neutral treatment. " "Like hirin g a whit e hig h schoo l dropou t ove r a black Ph.D . an d Nobe l Prize laureate." "Something like that. Majority-rac e person s are safe, s o long as they avoid decisions like those. Nothin g i n the la w requires anyone to do more, t o lend a helpin g hand , t o tr y t o hel p black s find jobs , befrien d them , spea k t o them, mak e ey e contac t wit h them , hel p the m fix a flat whe n the y ar e stranded o n th e highway , hel p the m fee l lik e ful l persons . Th e la w jus t says, 'Don' t se t quotas . Don' t discriminate. ' Ho w ca n a syste m lik e tha t change anything?" "It seems the onl y positiv e duties ar e concerned wit h capitalism—payin g taxes, registerin g for the draft, an d so on," I observed sardonically . The waiter arrived, briefl y interruptin g our conversation t o take our order. I wa s gla d fo r th e break . Rodrig o ordere d a strawberr y tort e an d espresso . Mindful o f my doctor's order s and th e lat e hour, I asked fo r a lemon biscui t and decaffeinated coffee . As the waiter disappeared, Rodrig o continued: "The negativ e character of antidiscrimination laws , alon g with thei r inabilit y t o deal with th e concerte d and culturally roote d qualit y o f racism , mea n tha t neutra l la w can' t d o much. Moreover , neutralit y prevent s white folks fro m seein g how their ow n system advantage s them , indee d i t enables thei r mor e aggressiv e elements t o blame minorities for their plight. " The waite r serve d ou r coffee . "Give n th e natur e an d prevalenc e o f th e cultural background , conservative s an d moderate s ador e neutra l rule s o f a nonformal character , lik e thos e providin g fo r equalit y o f opportunity. Actu -

Rodrigo s Fourth Chronicle 79 ally, nothin g i s intrinsicall y wron g wit h neutra l rules. " I looke d u p wit h surprise. "The y coul d b e written an d applie d fro m minorities ' perspective, i n which cas e they would d o a great deal t o redres s racism. 50 Bu t the rule s tha t minorities woul d enact , an d whic h woul d strik e the m a s fair, woul d appea r one-sided an d biase d t o whites . An d white s wil l us e thei r socia l powe r t o label such rule s unconstitutional, unprincipled , bad. " "So, d o yo u mea n t o sa y tha t neutralit y alway s fail s t o redres s racis m i n practice? I f i t i s applie d agains t a backgroun d o f minorit y cultura l assump tions, i t i s no t politicall y feasible ; i f i t i s applie d i n th e curren t manner , against a background o f white cultural premises , i t fails to achieve retributiv e justice for minorities and ma y even make s matters worse." "Much worse, " Rodrigo nodded. "White s simultaneously ge t to blame the victim, fee l relieve d o f any responsibility fo r the victim's plight, an d congrat ulate themselve s o n thei r fair-mindedness . It' s n o surpris e tha t unde r th e present lega l regim e o f neutrality, th e ga p between white s an d black s i n lif e expectancy, income , tota l wealth , educationa l attainment , infan t mortality , and virtuall y ever y other indicato r o f social well-being has remained roughl y the same. 51 O f course , ther e ha s bee n som e improvement . Afte r all , onl y a few generations ago blacks were formally enslaved . Bu t the economic, social , and politica l ga p betwee n white s an d black s manage s t o remai n almos t identical decad e after decade. " "This hars h realit y pain s an d embarrasse s whit e liberals , mos t o f who m don't understan d wh y this disparity continues. But , I think it' s fair to say that it n o longe r seem s t o bothe r th e conservatives . The y embrac e th e ide a tha t the court s canno t an d shoul d no t functio n a s a mechanis m fo r propellin g social change . A s we've seen , fo r the m socia l refor m i s purely a legislativ e function. O r bette r yet , fro m u s they expec t bootstrapping efforts , economi c development, gettin g a job, tending to our families, an d so on." "I've bee n readin g som e o f those books , too, " Rodrigo said . "Bu t I thin k the conservative s overloo k somethin g whe n the y maintai n tha t th e court s have n o efficacy , an d tha t the y ca n an d shoul d d o littl e i n th e are a o f civil rights." The waite r brough t ou r desserts . Hungr y agai n fro m ou r bris k wal k an d animated discussion , I immediately attacke d m y lemon biscuit . Lookin g up, I challenged Rodrigo : "I'll bite. What are they overlooking?" "Very funny," h e replied. "Wha t conservative s overloo k is that our system of cautious , incremental , negatively-phrased , neutra l civi l right s law s i s i n fact quite efficacious. "

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"It is?" I nearly spilled m y decaffeinated cappuccino . "I n what way?" "The syste m work s ver y well . I t i s jus t tha t it s successes serv e a differen t goal. Fo r example , Geral d Rosenberg' s boo k i s ful l o f tables , charts , an d historical analyses , al l demonstrating tha t Suprem e Court decisions have not brought abou t changes , fo r women' s o r minorities ' rights , tha t wer e no t already underway. 52 H e shows that Roe v. Wade 53 di d no t increas e acces s to abortion54 an d reveal s tha t Brown v. Board of Education55 di d no t increas e the number s o f blac k schoolchildre n attendin g desegregate d schools. 56 Bu t he mistakenly conclude s that the civil rights laws have no effect. " "I suppos e yo u ar e goin g t o sa y that thei r effec t i s too subtl e t o measure , that i t lie s i n a symboli c dimensio n tha t wil l tak e year s t o mak e itsel f felt?" "No, no t at all," Rodrigo replied . "Rather , civi l right s laws efficiently an d smoothly replicat e socia l reality , particularl y black-whit e powe r relations . They ar e a little like the thermostat i n your home o r office. The y assur e that there is just the right amount o f racism. To o much woul d be destabilizing— the victim s woul d rebel . To o littl e woul d forfei t importan t pecuniar y an d psychic advantage s fo r thos e i n power . So , th e existin g syste m o f race remedies la w does, i n fact , gran t minoritie s a n occasiona l victory , a n occa sional Brown v. Board of Education. Ever y now and then, a bigot who burns a cros s o r beat s a black yout h wil l b e convicted . Particularl y i n area s wher e concessions ar e no t to o costly , lik e voting rights, 57 or media licensing, 58 th e courts will grant us an occasional breakthrough. " "One of the authors we mentioned, Davi d Savage , points out in his book, Turning Right, tha t th e Rehnquis t Court , eve n i n a perio d o f civi l right s retrenchment, ha s granted black s victories in occasiona l cases." 59 "I believe that you and others in the Critical Rac e Theory movemen t have a term fo r this?" Rodrigo prompted . "Contradiction-closing cases. " 60 "That's it, " Rodrig o replied . " I use d t o thin k tha t thi s notio n verge d o n tautology. Bu t now I think there might be something to it. What else explains such decision s a s Metro Broadcasting, Inc. v. FCC o r United States v. Fordice in an era in which the Court methodicall y ha s been evisceratin g civil rights protectio n fo r minoritie s an d wome n b y imposin g ne w burden s o f proof, narrowin g standin g t o su e fo r class-base d relief , an d requirin g tigh t claims of causation?" "Under you r theory , then, " I reviewed, motionin g th e waiter to bring the check, "court s are doing their job . Many of us just misconceive what that job

Rodrigo7 s Fourth Chronicle 81 is. Civil rights proponents still believe that the courts want to stamp out racial unfairness, tha t the optimal amoun t o f racism i n society is zero. Bu t it's not. It's a properl y lo w level , maintaine d b y means o f neutra l rule s tha t reac h little conduc t o f significance, administere d an d interprete d b y judge s whos e experiences il l equip them t o understand th e nature o f the problem an d wh o dispense victories as parsimoniously a s possible. I s that your thesis?" "Yes, and I think i t operates at the level of cultural assumptions , whic h is, after all, it s beauty . Ther e i s n o consciou s conspiracy . Libera l white s ar e often a s blithely ignoran t o f the working s o f the system , a s needlessly indig nant a s the mos t rock-ribbe d conservativ e extollin g th e virtue s o f our syste m of individual achievement , wher e every person rise s or falls on her merits." "Spann i s indignant, too. " "Like others on th e left, h e began b y believing—or a t least hoping—tha t the syste m mean s wha t i t say s whe n i t issue s thos e golde n promise s o f equality. It' s a little like the law of gravity. Rosenber g says civil rights law has failed becaus e the position o f women an d minoritie s has not improved muc h as a resul t o f constitutiona l adjudication. 61 Bu t that' s lik e arguin g tha t th e law o f gravit y ha s faile d becaus e no t everythin g ha s fallen . I n fact , gravit y holds everythin g neatl y i n balance , th e sun , th e moon , th e stars , an d th e planets. I n that respect it is quite successful, a s is our civil rights system." "So law works," I said, slowl y grasping the enormity o f what Rodrig o had just articulated. "Bu t it operates to preserve racial advantage, t o maintain th e status quo." "Like th e la w o f gravity, " Rodrig o repeated , drainin g th e las t dro p o f espresso from hi s cup.

Conclusion We soo n parted . Afte r watchin g m y energeti c youn g frien d strid e alon g th e sidewalk i n th e directio n o f hi s la w schoo l severa l mile s away , I bega n m y slow walk back t o m y apartmen t an d ye t another sessio n wit h th e casebook . As I walked , I reflecte d o n ou r conversation . I f cultur e determine s ou r interpretation o f legal text s an d rules , an d i f racism i s woven s o deeply int o our cultura l fabri c tha t w e hardl y notic e it , the n ho w ca n civi l right s law s ever hope t o eradicate racis m i n ou r culture ? Wha t di d Rodrig o mea n whe n he sai d ther e migh t b e caus e fo r hope , bu t no t throug h law ? Perhap s h e meant tha t cultura l chang e migh t occur , possibl y throug h som e for m o f direct action, an d that would mak e legal change possible. I cursed m y fate as

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a caseboo k writer fo r havin g remove d me , i f only temporarily, fro m som e of the drama bein g played ou t on th e pages of the law reviews. I resolved t o get together agai n wit h Rodrig o soon . I wante d t o hea r ho w hi s secon d essa y fared i n th e competitio n h e ha d mentioned . Bu t eve n mor e importantly , I wanted t o kno w whethe r h e sa w an y wa y ou t o f th e cultura l tra p whos e gloomy outlines he had so remorselessly sketche d for my benefit .

5 RODRIGO'S FIFT H CHRONICLE : Civitasy Civil Wrongs, an d the Politics of Denial

I wa s starin g gluml y ou t m y offic e window , awaitin g th e arriva l o f m y secretary wit h a large stack of bluebooks, whe n I heard a polite coug h a t my door. I looked u p and saw Rodrigo's familiar face . "Professor?" "Rodrigo!" I exclaimed. "It' s been a while. Com e in. I'v e been thinking of you lately, an d her e you are. To what do I owe the pleasure of this visit?" "Are you free, Professor ? I don't want to interrupt i f you're busy." "Not a t all . They'r e administerin g m y las t exa m eve n a s w e speak . An y minute now , they'l l delive r 10 7 bluebooks. I' m i n n o hurr y t o start. What' s on your mind? Did you finish that paper we talked about?"* "I did. I' m stil l waiting to hear from th e judges . The professor like d it and gave m e a decen t grade , bu t I' m afrai d th e conservativ e societ y tha t i s sponsoring the competition ma y not know what to make of it. I expect they'll like some aspects of it; others they're sure to find too radical." "If they'r e a s smar t a s I think , they'l l realiz e tha t neoconservativ e an d Critical Rac e though t overla p i n a surprisin g numbe r o f ways. 2 No w ho w about you? Are you finished for the term?" "I too k m y las t exa m o n Friday . I'l l stic k aroun d fo r mos t o f th e break , 83

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although Giannin a an d I ma y visi t Da d i n Florid a fo r a fe w days. 3 I n th e meantime, I' m readin g u p o n lega l pedagog y fo r m y stud y grou p an d a committee repor t I'm writin g for school. " "I didn't know you were in a study group," I remarked. "Wha t kind is it?" "Oh, som e o f the LL.M. s an d a fe w o f the regula r student s ge t togethe r every few weeks at someone's apartment. Whoeve r hosts the next session gets to selec t th e readings . Lega l theory , mostly . W e rea d a numbe r o f you r articles before w e stopped for exams." Rodrigo peere d a t a book half-hidde n unde r th e paper s o n m y desk. "F m reading that one right now." The boo k th e observan t Rodrig o referre d t o was Anarchy and Elegance, 4 which I was reading in anticipation o f my appearance as a panelist at the law school wher e it s author , Chri s Goodrich , studie d fo r a yea r i n a specia l program fo r journalist s an d writers. 5 The conferenc e a t which I was to speak was entitle d "Th e Makin g o f a Lawyer" , an d wa s organized b y th e school' s student association . "What d o yo u thin k o f it? " I asked . "F m speakin g a t Goodrich' s schoo l next term and thought I' d rea d his book for background. M y panel i s on legal education, an d my role is a small one—that o f respondent." "To whom?" Rodrigo asked. "A well-known civi c republican . I haven't see n hi s paper . He'l l probabl y argue tha t la w schoo l shoul d d o mor e trainin g i n socia l responsibilit y an d civic virtue. 6 I' m no t sur e wha t I'l l say . Wh o coul d disagre e wit h th e ide a that w e shoul d striv e t o b e mor e ethical , mor e communit y oriented, mor e concerned wit h eac h othe r tha n w e ar e today ? I suppose th e sponsor s wan t me t o addres s whethe r dialog , love , an d s o on wil l cur e racism . Bu t severa l of us have written abou t that already." 7 "I know, " Rodrig o said . "Bu t th e mor e genera l point—abou t civitas and legal training—i s intriguing , an d i n a wa y dovetail s wit h issue s o f racia l justice. Goodric h addresse s that, di d you notice?" I searched m y memory , bu t fortunatel y th e irrepressibl e Rodrig o contin ued: "I n th e earl y pages , Goodric h write s tha t la w schoo l ha d a n intensel y normative, almos t other-worldl y quality , particularl y i n th e openin g da y speeches. Al l ter m long , onl y on e o f his professor s offere d real-worl d train ing, an d h e di d s o in suc h a cold, mechanica l manne r tha t man y o f Good rich's fello w student s wer e pu t off . Th e othe r professor s emphasize d socia l policy, theory, an d so on, but neglected the realities of the legal profession." 8

Rodrigo s Fifth Chronicle 85 "I thin k student s almos t everywher e complai n tha t lega l trainin g i s no t practical enough , tha t th e facult y don' t pa y enoug h attentio n t o th e nitty gritty details of lawyering. I s it the same at your school?" "The regula r student s grumbl e al l th e time . M y frien d Al i tol d on e o f them it' s a corporate-capitalis t plo t t o rende r the m unfi t fo r anythin g bu t large-firm practice . H e showed he r an essa y by Duncan Kennedy. 9 But most of us i n th e LL.M . progra m don' t find th e approac h particularl y disturbing . Most o f u s lov e theory . Mayb e it' s because we'r e foreig n bor n o r educated . Where we come from, th e professors teac h mainly by lecture. It' s even mor e theoretical tha n here . The y expec t yo u t o ge t practica l experienc e later , i n an apprenticeshi p o r on the job." "What you r U.S.-bor n colleague s ma y not realiz e i s that clinica l trainin g is expensive . Man y la w school s can' t affor d it , s o the y teac h b y mean s o f large lecture classes and the Socrati c method." 10 "Yes, but even so," Rodrigo frowned, "tha t doesn't explain the disjunctio n between rea l life and la w school teaching that many students complain of. " "I assum e yo u hav e a theory? " I asked . Rodrigo , a futur e teacher , wa s probably thinkin g abou t matter s o f pedagogy . A s hi s sometime-mento r I thought i t behooved m e to listen and, perhaps , offe r hi m advice . "Well, som e thoughts, anyway. " "I'd lov e to hear them. " "And I' d lov e you r reactions . I' m intereste d i n th e wa y law i s taught an d its relationshi p t o broade r intellectua l an d cultura l currents . A s you know , I'm hittin g th e jo b market soon . I' m sur e th e interviewer s wil l ask me abou t my views on teaching. I' m hopin g to have something coherent to say." I made a mental not e t o urg e Rodrig o no t to range too far afield , t o offe r too controversia l a theory , durin g hi s all-importan t jo b interviews . Bu t m y brash, talente d youn g frien d alway s ha d somethin g interestin g t o say . Be sides, I thought, i f the "broader intellectua l currents " he had jus t mentione d include- civic republicanism , th e discussio n migh t wel l hel p m e prepar e fo r my upcoming conference . "What connectio n d o you see ? But, befor e w e start, ca n I offer yo u a cup of coffee?" "Of course, " replie d Rodrig o eagerly . "Th e kin d yo u mad e befor e wa s great." "I hav e bot h regula r an d decaf . M y docto r ordere d m e t o cu t down . I assume you want the high-octane kind?"

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"Yes, please. " I adjuste d th e dial s o n m y offic e coffeemaker , adde d bean s an d water , then sa t back expectantly. A s I hoped, Rodrig o soon began.

The Ow l o f Minerva: I n Whic h Rodrig o Explain s Why Lega l Educatio n I s Becoming Mor e Aspirational an d High-Flow n "Have you heard o f the Owl of Minerva, Professor? " I ransacked m y memory. Rodrigo , educate d a t the Universit y of Bologna, seemed t o hav e rea d everything. 11 A t lengt h I asked : "I s i t a phras e fro m Hegel?" "By his translator an d editor , actually . It' s from hi s prefac e t o Philosophy of Right. Th e full phras e is, The Ow l of Minerva spread s its wings only with the falling o f the dusk/" 12 "Ah, yes, " I said. "I t refer s t o th e wa y that philosoph y alway s come s to o late, whe n th e world i s already slipping into dusk. W e achieve wisdom abou t something only when i t is fading, i s passing into history." "The phras e ha s bee n comin g int o m y min d a lo t lately, " Rodrig o said , "in connectio n wit h th e critiqu e o f normativity , i n whic h a group o f young Crits maintai n tha t th e brand o f highly prescriptiv e discours e yo u se e in th e law review s thes e day s serve s man y functions , no t al l o f the m particularl y noble.13 I t occurre d t o m e tha t on e o f thes e function s ma y b e denial — postponing th e realizatio n tha t ou r situatio n ha s indee d deteriorated—tha t the Owl of Minerva ha s flown." "And yo u thin k thi s ha s somethin g t o d o wit h th e students ' complaint s about the overly abstract quality of law teaching?" "Not s o much wit h abstractio n i n general , bu t with the normative qualit y of it: all th e tal k of a lawyer's role , th e profession's ideals , wis e social policy , things of that sort, whe n wha t the students want to learn i s the down-to-eart h details of lawyering." "And you think this is connected wit h broader cultural conditions? " "I do. There' s a general patter n toda y i n th e West of trying to get beyond Self.H I n law school that translates into high-flown, highl y theoretical teach ing. Bu t you see it elsewhere, too. " "In lega l theory, I think you said. " "Yes, especiall y i n thi s ne w movemen t calle d civi c republicanism. " I pricked u p my ears, rememberin g m y date with the famous revivalis t only six

Rodrigo s Fifth Chronicle 87 weeks hence. "I t ha s parallel s i n philosophy, 15 socia l theory, 16 an d politica l science.17 Everyon e i s becoming mor e aspirational , jus t as Western society' s troubles ar e becomin g mor e an d mor e plain. 18 Man y writer s ar e revivin g Aristotle, a s clear-cut a case of Hegel's maxim as there ever has been." "An interestin g hypothesis. I hope you'll fill in the details." "I'll try . Bu t I must confess , th e students ' lament pose s a problem fo r m e that I'v e no t yet resolved . I love legal theory , a s you know . Yet , I agree tha t there i s something wron g with th e wa y law is taught. Ho w to balance thing s is th e trick , an d ho w t o explai n al l thi s succinctl y t o a n appointment s committee at a school where I would like to teach." "You ma y no t nee d t o ente r suc h treacherou s waters , Rodrigo, " I coun seled. "Alread y you'v e wo n a nationa l priz e fo r studen t writing . You'r e getting a n LL.M . fro m a to p school—no t t o mentio n havin g graduate d second i n you r clas s a t th e oldes t la w schoo l i n th e world. " I wa s hopin g Rodrigo woul d soft-peda l som e o f his mor e radica l idea s i n discussion s wit h appointments committees . Th e critiqu e o f normativity I thought particularl y likely to get him i n trouble. Man y found i t corrosive, eve n nihilist , althoug h I could se e why it appealed t o this young enfant terrible. "But that' s no t t o sa y yo u shouldn' t tal k abou t thes e thing s wit h m e o r your friends. Yo u also mentioned a committee at your school." "Oh, yes . I' m o n a joint student-faculty committe e t o review the curricu lum. I t wa s establishe d thi s year , i n par t becaus e al l th e grumblin g i n th e student bod y seem s t o b e comin g t o a head . I' m th e LL.M . representative . My friend Al i is the alternate." The coffe e machin e ha d stoppe d gurgling . "Read y fo r a cup? " I asked . "You said regular, right? " Rodrigo slurpe d hi s steamin g ho t coffe e wit h gusto . "Yo u mak e th e bes t espresso I've had since leaving Italy, Professor . Wher e were we?" "You wer e goin g t o tel l m e ho w al l th e current s yo u mentione d ar e related. Aristotle , too , I think." "Oh, yes . The y al l hav e to do with tryin g to get beyond Self . An d thi s is happening i n many disciplines more or less at the same time. Moreover , thi s is occurrin g a s par t o f a historica l cycle , jus t a s ou r cultur e i s startin g t o decline. Th e civi c republican s ar e arguing that we need mor e virtue i n law , just as our society is fragmenting. The y argue for deliberation an d consensus, just as those things are becoming impossible." 19 "The autho r whos e pane l I' m o n write s abou t al l thos e things . Sinc e th e panel i s o n lega l education , I' m prett y sur e he'l l urg e la w school s t o teac h

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more course s o n ethics , examin e th e rol e o f th e lawyer , cal l fo r mor e discussions of social policy, an d so on." "All quite aspirational an d elevating," Rodrigo added. "And, i f I understan d yo u correctly , exactl y th e opposit e o f wha t th e students want and society needs." "True. Th e student s wan t engagement , wan t t o ge t beyon d Self , jus t a s the faculty do . But their approach i s different. The y want to learn technique , client counseling , black-lette r law . Th e facult y wan t mor e theory , mor e ethics, mor e attention t o the Good. " I was silent for a moment befor e decidin g t o play devil's advocate: "Well, Rodrigo, what' s wron g wit h that ? Shouldn' t w e teac h student s t o b e mor e than technician s an d hire d guns ? Shouldn' t w e teach the m t o identif y wit h professional ideal s an d th e broade r socia l good ? Isn' t th e res t jus t hac k work, grindin g ou t pleadings—sor t o f lik e automobil e mechanic s bu t wit h careful spelling? " "I don' t thin k so . Th e Aristotelia n revival , civi c republicanis m i n it s various forms , an d civitas i n th e law—yo u nee d t o loo k a t al l o f the m i n perspective t o see the function the y serve : namely, denial . Eac h i s a mechanism fo r avoiding the painful realit y of decline." "Not lon g ago, Rodrigo , yo u portraye d aspect s of the ris e of neoconserva tism i n term s o f perseveration , o f doin g th e sam e thin g repeatedl y whe n social condition s cal l fo r a ne w direction. 20 Yo u sai d tha t whe n threatened , we ofte n respon d b y doin g wha t worke d before , eve n thoug h tha t conduc t has ceased to bring us the desired results. Is your Owl of Minerva mechanis m an aspect of the same thing?" "The two are related, bu t no t the same . I n perseveration, th e culture digs in, pretend s tha t ba d thing s aren' t happening . I t tries t o hearke n bac k t o it s own golden era. Sometime s it looks for scapegoats—outsiders o f some sort— to blam e fo r it s current troubles . Bu t this othe r mechanis m i s a little differ ent. Wit h denial , w e aver t ou r gaz e fro m somethin g know n t o exist . Wit h normativity, w e fix our gaze on a point i n space—abov e th e particular mes s in the real world we wish to avoid because it's so distressing." 21 "I could us e an example. " "I'll giv e on e i n a minute . Bu t first let m e explai n ho w neat th e mecha nism is . I f yo u fix you r attentio n o n highe r things , dwel l i n realm s o f abstraction an d normativity , yo u ca n avoi d taking practical action . It' s muc h easier an d mor e enjoyabl e t o sa y that th e Wes t shoul d no t b e slipping , tha t

Rodrigo s Fifth Chronicle 8 9 the lega l professio n shoul d no t b e i n suc h a mess , an d s o on . Yo u ge t t o discuss what ought to be, no t what is and what to do about it. You also get to blame someone, becaus e i f things are bad, ther e must be a cause." "So, th e new normativity i s different fro m perseveration." "Yes. Perseveration , basically , i s fo r conservatives . Normativit y i s fo r moderate leftists, includin g many of your and m y friends. " "But they come down to the same thing—is tha t what you are saying?" "Both disabl e u s fro m appreciatin g ou r dilemma , fro m respondin g t o i t directly. Bot h shif t blame . Bot h enabl e u s t o avoi d comin g t o term s wit h a profession o r society in disarray. It' s another respec t in which the left and th e right converge, a s you mentione d earlier , Professor . Bu t it's a convergence of the moderate left and moderate right, bot h using similar avoidance strategies, and wit h th e sam e effect—thing s ge t worse , th e poo r ge t poorer , thos e excluded fro m societ y are further cas t out." "The lef t wil l no t lik e wha t yo u ar e saying , Rodrigo . Ou r libera l friend s have a positive self-image. " "So do conservatives." "But liberal s thin k o f themselves a s the nic e guys , th e one s wit h a heart . And the y do , i n fact , car e abou t us . Th e civi c republicans , fo r example , deplore th e marginalizatio n o f minorit y groups. 22 Ou r exclusio n fro m life' s bounty, fro m ful l membershi p i n th e huma n community , i s a n affron t t o their ideal of civitas." "I realize that. An d I'l l b e careful no t to overstate. Bu t it seems to me that one functio n o f normativit y an d al l th e tal k o f communit y i s t o buil d consensus an d solidarity. 23 Thing s ar e deteriorating . So , w e respon d b y pulling together , b y arrangin g t o liv e wit h other s i n a kin d o f bubble . Someone wh o come s alon g an d say s the solidarit y i s pathological ca n easil y expect trouble. Histor y is replete with examples. " I was silent fo r a moment . Then : "Rodrigo , fascinatin g a s I find all this , you se t a fas t pace . I d o wan t t o hea r abou t societ y a s bubbles , civi c republicanism a s a response to social decline, an d legal pedagogy. I' m begin ning to get a glimpse of how all these things fit together. Bu t I haven't eate n in several hour s and a m beginnin g to wear down. Wh y don' t we take a short break? Ou r ow n LL.M. s ar e havin g a n end-of-the-ter m part y downstairs . I just heard a couple o f them headin g down th e stairway . W e coul d g o down, have a bit e t o eat , an d mayb e I'l l introduc e yo u t o som e o f you r opposit e numbers here. "

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At the mention o f food, Rodrig o brightened up , the n hesitated . "We'll com e right back. I really want to hear your ideas." "You're my best sounding board, Professor. " "And you , mine . Don' t worry . I' m no t goin g t o tr y t o escape . I'v e go t plenty o f time, an d althoug h yo u ma y no t realiz e it , I get a t leas t a s muc h out of our discussions as you do. I n particular, I need to figure out something halfway intelligen t t o sa y abou t lega l education , civitas, an d th e republica n revival for m y talk next month. " "Then let' s go."

In Whic h Rodrig o Treat s o f How Law' s Reactio n t o Its Own Discontent s Mirror s Aristotelianism , a Certain Owl , an d th e Man y Goo d Folk s Wh o Substitute Dialo g for Socia l Actio n Thirty minute s later , a s w e rod e th e elevato r bac k t o m y offic e balancin g cheese, crackers , an d littl e pape r cup s o f whit e wine , I reflecte d o n ho w I had onc e agai n misjudge d Rodrigo . Whe n h e cam e t o m y doo r a n hou r earlier, I expecte d t o hav e on e o f thos e nice , avuncula r conversation s a senior professo r ha s tw o o r thre e time s a yea r wit h a favorit e protege . I would giv e Rodrig o tip s o n ho w t o handl e himsel f durin g hi s employmen t interviews, pointer s o n ho w t o conduc t hi s first class , an d inquir e politel y into hi s first ventur e wit h student-facult y governance . Instead , w e wer e discussing Hegel, lega l theory, an d cultural analysis. My reveri e didn' t las t long . A s w e rounde d th e corne r an d entere d m y office, I spie d a familia r sight : a 14-inch-hig h pil e o f bluebook s perche d ominously o n th e center o f my desk where my secretary must have deposited them whil e we were at the reception downstairs . "Looks like you have work to do," Rodrigo commented . "It's both th e best and th e wors t part o f teaching, Rodrigo . Yo u ge t to see what you r student s hav e learned . Som e answer s amaz e an d astonis h you . You'll wonde r who the unknow n geniu s i s behind th e number o n the cover. Other bluebook s ar e of f th e mark . Yo u wonde r ho w yo u coul d hav e mis taught someone so badly." "That's another thing students complain about . No t only is law school too theoretical an d abstract , bu t student s fee l the y ge t littl e opportunit y fo r feedback. Fe w professors giv e midterms, s o the single exam at the end o f the course i s the onl y feedbac k yo u get . An d som e professors—no t you , Profes -

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sor, I' m sur e you'r e ver y goo d abou t this—tak e foreve r t o han d i n thei r grades." "It is a lot of work," I added feebly , no t wanting to excuse the conduc t of some o f m y colleague s wh o routinel y retur n thei r grade s three month s afte r final exams. "Bu t this brings us back to law teaching. You'r e on th e curricu lum committee , Rodrigo , an d hav e to write a report recommending change s in the way law is taught. And , i n jus t a few months, yo u are going traveling. You're going to face appointments committee s and faculties wh o will want to know your approac h t o teaching. Let' s focus o n tha t fo r a bit. Wha t ar e you going to say in your report to the committee?" "Ali i s going t o hel p m e draf t it . W e kno w wha t w e are goin g t o recom mend, bu t w e need a theory, a way to crystallize ou r thought s s o the repor t has a structure ou t of which ou r suggestions flow naturally." "Otherwise," I interjected , "th e facult y wil l dismis s i t a s urgin g a n anti intellectual, know-nothin g approac h t o law school." "As I mentione d earlier , that' s on e o f th e seductiv e thing s abou t th e current highl y aspirational , super-normativ e approach . I t enable s yo u t o think o f yourself a s taking th e hig h road , a s being a n idealist . I n fact , we'r e the ones—the studen t grumblers, I mean—who ar e the idealists." "In wanting practical, skills-oriente d training? " "Yes. Th e othe r kin d i s a deflection , a wa y o f seein g nothin g whil e wrapping u p one' s nihilisti c vision s i n a n aur a o f seeming-goodnes s an d social concern. I n normal times, when things were stable, law was not taught this way . Lega l trainin g wa s less prescriptive, mor e experiential . A hundre d years ago, apprenticeships wer e common. It' s the same phenomenon a t work in eac h o f th e area s w e wer e talkin g abou t earlier . La w i s a microcos m o f society. If , a s we discussed earlier , Wester n civilizatio n i s entering a perio d of decline, the n th e Owl of Minerva wil l spread it s wings, righ t on schedule . Our politica l leader s wil l tal k t o u s about ou r collectiv e greatnes s an d redis covering ou r America n identity. 24 Philosopher s wil l resurrec t Aristotl e an d talk of civic virtue.25 And law professors will focus their eyes on the mountai n tops, preachin g policy , ethics , an d th e rol e o f th e goo d lawye r exactl y a t a time whe n lega l practic e i s cutthroat; n o on e make s partner ; senio r lawyer s complain tha t la w i s no t nearl y a s enjoyabl e a s i t onc e wa s an d tha t la w i s now a busines s no t a profession ; th e ba r i s divide d ove r th e distributio n o f attorneys, advertising , an d us e o f paralegals ; an d th e public' s estee m fo r lawyers is at its lowest point ever." 26 "And s o your cure is concreteness?"

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Rodrigo looke d a t m e sharply , s o I quickly rephrased : " I mean , i f thing s are so bad, isn' t there a case for ethics , fo r tryin g to find out how and wher e we went astray?" "Of course," Rodrigo conceded . "Bu t when I said th e complainer s i n th e student bodies are the idealists, I meant in a different sense . They have yet to learn th e deflectio n strategy . The y stil l wan t t o fix things . Som e o f the m entered la w schoo l imbue d wit h th e desir e t o hel p th e unfortunate , t o b e public interes t an d lega l service s attorneys , t o represen t prisoners , battere d women, th e poo r an d hungry. 27 Bu t la w school teache s the m tha t there i s a 'grander' missio n tha n thi s somewhere, an d that the whole task is to find it." "I hav e notice d tha t shif t i n m y students . Man y o f the m com e t o la w school aimin g t o serv e th e poor . Ove r thre e years , the y change . Goodric h notes the same thing. Bu t I don't see the connection yo u are trying to make. Students surel y don' t los e thei r ideal s becaus e w e lectur e the m constantl y about law on a higher level?" "They do, " Rodrigo sai d firmly. " I know it sounds paradoxical. I couldn't even ge t Al i t o se e i t a t first, an d a s I thin k I mentioned , he' s a Marxist . Normativity, th e many platitudes and bromides of what passes as legal ethics, all th e gran d sonorou s phrase s wit h whic h you r fello w professor s fill th e classroom air—n o offens e t o you , Professor—hav e a s thei r natura l an d intended effec t th e buildin g o f solidarity. 28 W e cal l i t professionalism. It' s a certain mindse t o r way of seeing ourselve s as lawyers i n ou r society , wit h al l its problems. And , that' s the whole point of it. I f you focus you r gaze on th e higher reaches , yo u avoi d dealin g wit h th e pai n below . I f yo u ca n ge t everyone els e to look and spea k the same way, yo u build solidarity . Yo u ca n almost persuad e yoursel f tha t al l i s well , tha t w e hav e no t los t ou r forme r greatness. Yo u ca n believe , a littl e longer , tha t la w i s stil l a gentleman' s profession, wit h n o seriou s blemishes. Yo u ca n believ e tha t there i s nothin g seriously wron g wit h th e wa y la w i s taugh t an d practiced , o r th e wa y lega l services are delivered an d distributed. " "But the public doesn't see us that way. I supppose you're going to say that this is because they are outside our bubble." "Exactly," Rodrigo exclaimed, wit h an alacrity that led me to believe that, for once , I had manage d t o point out something implicit in his own thinkin g that enabled hi m t o take it a step further. "An d it' s the same with those other things. All the bubbles are slowly sinking, waftin g dow n to the ground wher e they wil l mee t thei r inevitabl e fate . Bu t withi n each , ther e i s a grou p tha t steadfastly believes its bubble is quite safe, that it is indeed the greatest bubble

Rodrigo s Fifth Chronicle 9 3 there is. I t goes about preaching daily how virtuous, lofty , fair , an d jus t it is. This postpones the day of reckoning a while longer. " "A special form o f perseveration," I observed. "More lik e procrastination, " Rodrig o added . "A n especiall y sweet , enjoy able kind, somethin g we all do together that makes us feel good. " "For a little while." "It ma y b e a perio d o f years . Aristotle , fo r example , wrot e jus t a s th e Greek nation-state s wer e falling apart. 29 I f Hegel's observatio n i s right—an d I thin k i t is—Aristotl e wa s a classi c cas e o f th e Ow l o f Minerva , o f a n intensely normativ e write r wh o preache d wisdom , unity , an d civi c responsi bility just when i t was beginning to be too late." I was astonished. Aristotle , th e great author o f the Nichomachea n Ethic s and Politics , engage d i n th e politic s o f denial ? A s thoug h sensin g m y thought, Rodrig o continued : "Sure. An d don' t worry. I won't tell this to everyone I meet. Bu t Aristotle really wa s the wron g voic e fo r hi s age . H e sprea d hi s wings , bu t thing s ha d already changed, ha d already moved on." 30 T m no t sure I follow you . I' d lik e to hear more , especiall y i f you pla n t o tie it to the current Aristotelian reviva l and subject o f my upcoming panel. " Til try, " Rodrig o said . "Aristotle' s wor k di d unite , mayb e eve n inspire , Greek society ; tha t is , a t leas t it s aristocratic , white-mal e elite . Bu t i t wa s exactly the wrong prescription fo r his times. I t is even more wrong for ours." "Do yo u mea n tha t ou r proble m i s tha t ou r societ y need s t o fin d way s of incorporatin g immigrant s an d outsiders , o f dealin g wit h ou r problem s with racis m an d sexism ? Th e civi c republican s ar e alread y consciou s o f that." 31 "I know," Rodrigo replied. "Bu t serious problems remain. Take , for example, Aristotle' s famou s doctrin e o f th e Golde n Mean. 32 Ever y on e revere s that, bu t a moment' s reflectio n show s tha t i t i s completel y wron g fo r ou r times. A hundre d year s ago , i t woul d hav e serve d som e usefu l purpose . Then, w e were in an age of unchecked development , i n which we mined th e hillsides, damme d th e rivers , lai d th e forests t o waste, and kille d o r relocate d the Indians . Moderatio n woul d hav e bee n a goo d philosoph y t o hav e ha d back then. Bu t i t came too late, jus t as it did for ancien t Greece. Today , th e challenge i s not for the U.S . t o go on doing what it has been doing all along, but moderatel y an d judiciously . Ou r bubbl e i s drifting downward . W e nee d to arrest the fall, bu t we won't discover ho w to do this through th e discours e of moderation."

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"What abou t th e othe r element s civi c republicanis m ha s borrowe d fro m Aristotle, suc h as deliberation b y the citizenry?" 33 "It's the same thing. Deliberation , solidarity , th e search for consensu s ar e reactions to cultural decline . They'r e anothe r aspec t of the Owl spreading its wings. An d jus t lik e th e Golde n Mean , the y lea d u s of f i n th e wron g di rection." "Some o f us in Critica l Rac e Theory hav e been takin g the republican s t o task for their faith i n dialog as a solution t o all our social ills." 34 "I've read that literature," Rodrigo said, "an d agree with it . I f one's bubble is sinking—one's societ y i n trouble , one' s professio n i n tatters—on e need s to tal k with someon e othe r tha n onesel f an d one' s friends . Tha t tal k will b e circular, reassuring , empty , an d 'inscribed, ' a s the critic s o f normativity pu t it.35 I t doesn't ge t you ou t o f your bubble . An d keepin g yo u ther e i s exactly its function . What' s neede d i s no t dialo g wit h eac h other , bu t wit h Thos e Others.' We nee d t o reac h outsid e ou r bubble. Fro m withi n it , w e don't see the rate of descent. W e don't see that the bubble closes in on itself. Fo r that , one needs to consult someone who lives and exist s outside our bubble." "So, i f the legal academy really wants to improve its pedagogy, it s curriculum, i t should confe r wit h students, o r with the bar?" "That woul d b e a start. An d w e should reall y liste n t o what they say . W e should als o talk with ordinary folks, wit h the consumers of legal services. W e should tal k with prisoners, th e poor, an d other underserved groups. " "Get outside our bubble, s o to speak," I observed. "The exact way we—I mea n th e law professoriate . . . " "It'll soon includ e you," I interjected . "The exact way we will do that still remains to be filled in. Al i and I have a fe w commonsens e ideas . S o did Chri s Goodric h i n hi s absorbin g book. 36 But you're the one with years of experience, Professor . D o you have the time to g o on a littl e further ? I could ru n som e o f them pas t you . I like th e way you pus h me . An d I'v e go t a fe w idea s o n civi c republicanis m tha t migh t help you at your lecture." "I'd lov e any hel p I can get . Bu t before goin g on, woul d yo u lik e anothe r cup o f coffee? You'r e goin g strong , I can see . Bu t a t m y age , I'v e learne d I do better i f I pace myself . Eve n thoug h it' s jus t the decaffeinate d kin d thes e days, a little pick-me-up helps keep me going." "I'd lov e another cup. " Rodrigo looked at his watch. "Oh , it' s not too late. Make it regular."

Rodrigo s Fifth Chronicle 9 5

In Whic h Rodrig o Talk s abou t Bubbles , Deflection , and th e Futilit y o f Normative Discours e While we waited for our coffee, I asked, "Woul d yo u like a sliced bagel to go with your brie? I have a new refrigerator. " "I wondere d wha t tha t was . Di d yo u hav e i t las t time? " Rodrig o asked , motioning toward the compact refrigerato r i n the corner of my office . "No, I got it just the other day. I don't know if I told you , bu t I was lucky enough t o ge t a permanent appointmen t her e followin g m y semester' s visit . So, I' m movin g in . On e o f th e first thing s I go t wa s thi s mini-fridge . It' s perfect fo r snacks . M y docto r tol d m e t o hav e a lo t o f smal l meal s a s I go through th e day." "Thanks," said Rodrigo , spreadin g a wedge o f cheese o n hi s bagel. " I get hungry fro m intellectua l conversatio n myself . Giannin a keep s remarkin g how much I eat for such a skinny guy." "Speaking of hunger, i s there a food driv e going on at your school?" "Yes, organize d b y the students. A t your place, too?" "Yes. Ther e ar e a lot of homeless folk s aroun d here . Th e student s collec t cans and other nonperishables. It' s interesting that in both schools, the drives are sponsored b y students, no t the faculty. " "Just a s m y thesi s woul d predict, " Rodrig o replied . "Thos e wh o tal k normatively the most are least likely to take practical steps to better the plight of their fellow humans." 37 "Touche," I said wryly, recallin g with more than a trace of guilt that I had meant t o bring i n a bag of surplus foo d fro m m y apartment i n respons e t o a flyer fro m th e student anti-hunger organization , bu t had never gotten aroun d to doing so. "I thin k i t work s lik e this, " Rodrig o said . "Remembe r al l th e tal k abou t subsistence right s tha t wen t o n durin g th e mid-nineteen-seventie s an d eighties?"38 "I do," I said, wonderin g how Rodrig o knew all this—he mus t hav e been a teenage r completin g hig h schoo l a t th e bas e i n Ital y wher e hi s fathe r wa s serving a t tha t time . "Charle s Blac k an d othe r progressiv e scholar s an d activists wer e hopin g t o establis h a fundamenta l righ t t o housing , food , medical care , education , an d othe r basi c needs. 39 They mad e a numbe r o f powerful arguments , bu t got nowhere." "And yo u don' t hea r thos e argument s muc h an y more , d o you?" Rodrigo

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asked. I shook my head, an d h e continued: "I think I know why. I t has to do with normativ e discourse , an d i t explain s wh y student s an d other s wh o ar e only hal f 'professionalized / a s the y say , ten d t o b e th e one s wh o organiz e food drives. " "Please g o on, " I urged . I wa s intrigued , no t merel y becaus e I ha d jus t upbraided mysel f for neglecting the hungry during the Christmas season, bu t because I had been wondering recently about the connection between charit y and political philosophies , bot h o f the left an d of the right. "As we were saying, I think on e of the functions o f normative discourse is to abstrac t problems , t o translat e the m int o somethin g else . A subsistenc e claim—Tm hungry'—i s answere d by : 'Al l right , 11 1 talk wit h yo u abou t your hunger .'" "That's civic republicanism," I said. "But there are other variations," Rodrigo continued. "Fo r example: 'Hunger is bad. It s persistence must mean there is something wrong with society/ " That strikes close to home, I thought. "That's th e left . Th e moderat e righ t has its version, too—'Well , let' s talk about you r responsibilit y t o solv e your ow n problem , t o ge t a job , tak e car e of your family, an d s o forth.' Or—'Let' s improv e the economy generally , s o there will be more jobs for all/ " "So," I summarized . "W e star t wit h a simpl e human-need s claim : 'I' m hungry.' An d thi s gets translated, swep t u p int o variou s form s throug h stan dard normativ e dialog. " "Which w e repeat over and ove r with our friends. W e begin talking about you an d you r hunger . Bu t five minute s late r we'r e talkin g abou t me , m y conscience, m y favorit e normativ e notions , m y lac k o f responsibility , m y prescriptions fo r socia l change , wha t th e worl d woul d b e lik e i f my kin d o f lawyer was in charge. A neat shift, al l facilitated b y normative discourse." "Now I see better what you mea n b y 'deflection,'" I said. "Bu t I wonder if you're no t bein g to o hars h o n th e lega l academy . Don' t yo u thin k tha t rationalization an d abstractio n ar e universa l huma n tendencies ? Surel y you're not saying that the great thinkers—you mentione d Aristotl e earlier — were guilt y o f duckin g har d issues , lik e hunge r an d th e maldistributio n o f social resources?" "I'm no t the on e who invente d th e 'Ow l o f Minerva' metaphor, " Rodrig o replied, a little defensively . "Maybe that' s wha t th e Crit s mea n whe n the y sa y normative discours e i s inscribed, circular , solipsistic," 40 I offered .

Rodrigo s Fifth Chronicle 9 7 "They're righ t abou t that . I t shifts attentio n fro m th e wa y the worl d i s to my own situation. No w we can talk and discuss my virtue for having listened to you , o r you r frailt y fo r havin g allowe d yoursel f t o becom e hungry , o r society's shortcomings for being structured s o as to have hungry, unemploye d people, an d s o on . I n ancien t Greece , the y bega n discussin g civi c virtu e i n earnest onl y whe n thei r societ y wa s on th e verg e o f collapse. Ou r cultur e i s doing tha t now . Al l th e grea t novelists—Tolstoy , Melville , Dostoyevski — have character s wh o increas e thei r religiosity , thei r normativity , i n time s of trouble." "But, Rodrigo, " I interjected, "mayb e the whole thin g i s less sinister tha n you think . Wha t i f th e mechanis m i s no t perseveratio n bu t preservation ? Just a s th e medieva l monk s labore d t o preserv e wisdo m i n th e dar k ages , maybe th e civi c republican s ar e tryin g t o preserv e th e bes t o f Wester n civilization fo r futur e times . Perhap s tha t account s fo r th e inscribe d qualit y you an d other s note . Mayb e wisdo m come s with th e Owl o f Minerva no t so much t o sav e th e curren t civilization , a s t o improv e wha t come s next . Perhaps w e ar e enterin g a ne w dar k age , an d th e curren t normativos ar e our monks." "I don' t thin k preservatio n bes t capture s wha t w e see . I still thin k avoid ance and denial ar e the most accurate terms. Bu t even if all we are observing is a n effor t t o preserv e th e past , on e woul d hav e t o questio n whethe r th e patterns bein g preserve d ar e wort h preserving . An d i n m y opinion , dealin g with hunger by abstraction, o r with a legal profession i n disarray by means of elegant classroom sermons , i s unlikely to prove useful i n any future society. " "If thes e pattern s ar e near-universal , instinctive , an d inscribed , Rodrigo , why ar e yo u abl e t o se e them ? Ho w ar e w e abl e t o identif y an d tal k abou t them? Why are they not invisible, lik e air?" "You an d I se e thes e thing s becaus e w e are outsiders . Yo u ar e a ma n o f color. I wa s raise d i n Italy . I n som e sens e w e ar e bot h outsid e th e bubble . As outsiders , w e ca n se e th e curvatur e an d th e downwar d drift , a s thos e inside cannot. " "But, Rodrigo , i f as you say we are lost in the wilderness, shouldn' t we do anything to find our way out?" "Talking i n circle s wil l no t d o u s muc h good . No r wil l doin g ove r an d over again , wit h mor e an d mor e energy , wha t i n forme r time s brough t greatness." "So, wha t should w e do?" "That's a normative question. "

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"But it' s a questio n you'l l hav e t o face , Rodrigo , i f onl y t o writ e you r report on ho w to fix legal educatio n a t your school. And , i f you tell appoint ments committee s tha t lega l pedagog y i s too normative, to o ethereal, they'l l want to know what you propos e as its substitute. Law , lik e life, i s concerned with action. That' s why people get impatient with the Crits and accuse the m of nihilism . W e don' t offe r answers . Bu t i n life , ther e mus t b e answers . Every minute, w e are concerned wit h som e practical quer y o r other: Shoul d I hav e anothe r cu p o f coffee ? Shoul d I tel l Rodrig o t o concea l hi s Critica l brilliance i n th e interest s o f getting a job ? On e need s t o answe r suc h ques tions fifty times a day. I wonder i f you're no t being too hard o n practitioner s of normative discourse . Aren' t the y jus t trying to help u s with guideline s fo r practical querie s like these?" "Yes, bu t thei r thinkin g i s to o conventional . Conventiona l answers — what sociologist s o f knowledg e cal l 'norma l science'—wor k onl y durin g normal times. 41 I n eac h o f the arena s we have been discussing , th e difficul ties ar e to o serious , to o basi c fo r th e sor t o f answer s w e get b y talkin g wit h each other . Tha t jus t take s yo u roun d an d roun d i n circles , doe s nothin g about th e bubble , abou t th e discours e paradig m tha t i s itself slowl y sinking , slowly becoming obsolete." "What do you propose to put in it s place?" "I'll tell you, bu t this part of my thesis is not fully worke d out. " "That's m y favorite kind . Lik e another cup of coffee? " Rodrigo quickly glanced a t his watch. "On e more," he said.

In Whic h Rodrig o Explain s Ho w t o Ge t Outsid e One's Bubbl e an d Wh y Aristotl e I s Not th e Righ t Role Mode l fo r Ou r Time s As I returne d fro m throwin g ou t th e ol d coffe e an d busie d mysel f fixing a new batch, Rodrig o began: "What I propose would buil d o n civi c republicanism's centra l insight , bu t go a step further. " "How do you mean?" "Let me put i t this way. I think we need mor e Socrate s and les s Aristotle. We nee d i t i n politica l thought , i n la w schoo l teaching , an d othe r area s as well. An d I' m no t referrin g t o the rathe r tam e practic e yo u cal l th e Socrati c method, i n whic h a professo r ask s simpl e scripte d question s abou t distin guishing this case from that , abou t whether a particular questio n ough t to be

Rodrigos Fifth Chronicle 9 9 resolved b y referenc e t o thi s formulai c polic y principl e o r that . Whe n th e students complain , it' s not becaus e th e la w school classroo m ask s questions, makes demands o n them. Rathe r it' s the sameness and predictability o f those questions, whic h neve r seem to get anywhere." "Civic republicanis m doe s tr y t o ge t somewhere . I t grapple s wit h thing s like racism and the unfair distributio n o f social resources." "But it only goes so far. I was talking about this with Ali and Giannina th e other day . W e agree d th e civi c republican s ar e righ t whe n the y sa y politic s should consis t of more than lo g rolling and balancin g interests. 42 We shoul d struggle t o decide whic h preexistin g desire s ar e worthy , ar e mos t i n keepin g with ou r ide a o f civitas. That , I think, i s a vali d insight . I t ha s rea l critica l bite." "I've hear d i t sai d tha t intellectual s lov e thi s visio n o f politic s becaus e i t affords the m a centra l role , reward s the m fo r somethin g the y d o well , namely, arguing. 43 Well-read, articulat e people are just the ones whose ideas are likel y t o hol d sway , whos e notion s o f th e bes t socia l arrangement s ar e likely to win out in the end. " "Touche, Professor—althoug h I' d not e that , despit e you r radicall y Criti cal stance , you r ow n idea s have no t been withou t effect . Bu t le t m e explai n how civi c republicanism' s progra m need s refining . Cas s Sunstei n say s w e should no t accep t preexistin g preference s a s given, a s exogenous t o politics . Instead, the y shoul d b e mad e th e subjec t o f it . W e shoul d al l struggl e t o determine what we should want as a people." "A commendable insight , especiall y if the preferences tha t they propose to reexamine includ e ones like racism." "You've made that your life's work, Professor . But , a s you know, on e can't stop wit h merel y condemnin g racis m a s unworth y o f a natio n founde d o n equality an d equa l respect . That' s liberalism' s program—declarin g ove r an d over tha t al l me n an d wome n ar e equal , whil e proposin g mostl y ineffectua l laws that reiterate that ideal. " "And it' s that approach whic h Critica l Rac e Theory trie s to go beyond," I said. "Bu t I' m curiou s ho w yo u thin k eve n th e talente d Sunstei n ha s falle n short. An d d o you thin k w e in Critica l Rac e Theory hav e som e retoolin g t o do as well?" "Let's begi n thi s way . Sunstei n an d th e othe r civi c republican s sa y w e should reexamin e preferences , tha t political lif e shoul d no t consist merely i n treating the m a s givens, the n mechanicall y addin g an d subtractin g the m t o determine wha t to do. 44 Yet, the y accept dialog as it is, without subjectin g i t

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to th e searchin g examinatio n the y affor d preferences . Bu t languag e an d discourse—dialog o f al l sorts—prefigur e th e answer s on e reaches , a t leas t unless on e i s very, ver y careful. 45 An d t o answer you r question , yes , Profes sor, I hav e th e sens e tha t yo u an d you r fello w race-Crit s ar e carefu l abou t language, a t leas t sometimes . I' d cit e Patrici a William s a s an example . An d a number o f you have been questionin g the dialogic premise, th e notion tha t merely talkin g t o on e anothe r wil l increas e empathy , reduc e racis m an d other systemic social ills , and lea d to a better world." 46 "I thin k I kno w wha t yo u mea n b y prefiguring . Bu t coul d yo u explai n how the republicans ignor e it? This may be something I can use next month, if you don't min d m y borrowing your ideas." "Not a t all . You'v e helpe d m e i n innumerabl e ways . B y prefigurin g I mean tha t th e terms , metaphors , pictures , an d languag e on e use s ofte n determine th e resul t o f a discussio n o r inquiry . Eve n whe n the y don't , th e cultural backgroun d agains t whic h word s are use d will . Statutor y interpreta tion i s a good example. 47 Or, t o use an area i n which w e both ar e writing— race remedies— a perfectl y neutra l la w suc h as : Trea t white s an d black s the sam e i n suc h an d suc h area, ' wil l inexorabl y caus e white s t o com e out ahead. " "So, you mean tha t the terms and conventions of discourse reflect cultura l power, meanings , an d understanding s establishe d lon g ag o an d tha t no w seem natural, fair , neutral : the way things are." "Speech i s paradigm-dependent. Bu t racism i s a part of the paradigm. It' s hard t o ge t peopl e t o se e that . The y thin k w e mea n physica l power , o r money. I f that were the problem, th e solution woul d be simply to make sure that minoritie s an d othe r disempowered group s have access to microphones , the media, PACs , and s o on." "So th e proble m isn' t jus t th e speaker' s efficacy . I t als o include s th e listener, wh o just won't listen to minorities. I s that what you're saying?" "That's par t o f it . W e hav e littl e credibilit y becaus e terribl e image s hav e been disseminate d abou t u s for hundred s o f years, abou t ou r lac k o f intelligence, immorality , ugliness , unscrupulousness , an d s o on. 48 So , whe n w e talk or write about race , w e are often writte n of f as partial, a s self-interested . Whereas whe n a whit e perso n say s somethin g abou t rac e o r affirmativ e action, everyon e snap s t o attention . Wome n complai n o f simila r disregar d for their views." 49 "But you said that's only part of it."

Rodrigos Fifth Chronicle 101 "The convention s o f discours e ar e anothe r problem—al l th e unstate d expectations abou t ho w th e speake r i s suppose d t o stand , ho w h e shoul d express himself , wha t intonatio n pattern s h e shoul d use . Al l thes e conven tions favor whit e folks, wh o are trained i n suc h mannerism s unti l the y com e naturally. Bu t th e mai n difficult y i s the on e I mentioned before , abou t th e meanings o f term s an d th e wa y the y favo r preexistin g powe r an d prestige . Their meaning s alway s render u s one-down, ye t seem neutra l an d fai r t o everyone." Suddenly I sat upright. " I see what you'r e saying . Sunstei n an d th e othe r civil republican s tel l u s w e shoul d no t accep t preference s a s exogenous , a s givens. Rathe r w e shoul d critiqu e them—grou p critique , t o b e sure . Bu t they d o no t as k th e sam e question s abou t dialog , abou t critiqu e itself . H e ignores the inscribed, homeostatic , maintainin g quality of much dialog . An d so, we remain i n our bubbles instead o f breaking free o f them." From hi s expression, I could se e that Rodrig o once again enjoye d m y use of hi s metaphor . Bu t h e soo n mad e clea r tha t h e ha d othe r matter s tha n flattery on hi s mind . "Ther e seem s t o b e a case , Professor , fo r disavowin g dialog. Predictabl e normativ e discussio n onl y deepen s outgroups ' predica ment. Th e stron g wil l win ; th e wea k wil l lose , an d no t fo r an y lac k o f effective advocacy , articulateness , o r brilliance . And , becaus e civi c virtue , an honorifi c term , wil l attac h t o th e resultin g consensus , w e wil l b e muc h worse off. Racia l disadvantag e wil l harden ; stereotypes strengthen . The y wil l become harde r t o dispe l becaus e the y wil l b e mor e consensual , see m mor e like th e truth . Uncritica l discussio n wil l increas e th e disadvantag e o f th e most disadvantaged. " "A Rawlesian would disapprove," I said. "I hop e so, " he continued . "Bu t th e od d thin g i s that i t will als o deepe n the predicament o f the powerful, a t least in times like ours, even though the y think the y ar e winnin g al l th e arguments—fo r example , abou t affirmativ e action." "I thin k I kno w wha t yo u ar e goin g t o say, " I interjected . "Th e familia r arguments, lade n a s they ar e with term s and meaning s tha t favo r th e power ful, resultin g time afte r tim e i n th e sam e predictable conclusions , seemingl y reinforcing thei r position , nevertheles s injur e the m deepl y a s well . Fo r b y maintaining th e statu s quo , the y preven t u s from seein g whe n ou r situatio n needs changing . The y preven t u s fro m seein g tha t w e ar e encapsulate d i n small, self-limitin g bubbles . W e ru n roun d an d round , lik e hamsters, withi n

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our cages : law school, socia l theory , politica l discourse . Normativit y enable s us to believe ou r bubbl e i s the best, mos t principled, mos t just , withou t an y serious defects . An d al l th e whil e w e are slippin g furthe r an d furthe r down ward. I bet that's why you liked Anarchy and Elegance" Rodrigo looked up , smiling . "Th e author, Goodrich , wa s an outsider. H e never allowe d himsel f t o b e full y socialized , neve r gav e i n t o th e prevailin g law school etho s and pedagogy . H e saw those things as a nonlawyer, an d it' s that perspective that enabled hi m t o be such a powerful critic. " "And d o you thin k that' s true i n general—that socia l refor m relie s on th e perspective o f the outsider, th e heretic who lives outside the culture and thu s sees and i s in a position t o articulate it s defects?" "Yes. And that' s why I think Socrate s was in fact a greater historical figure than Aristotle, because he challenged orthodox y and was, in that sense, mor e 'Critical.' Ou r tim e need s hi s typ e mor e tha n i t need s neo-Aristotelians , classifiers, consolidators , wh o tak e u s roun d an d roun d well-tro d tracks , addressing yesterday's problems , remindin g u s of what we should hav e don e a hundre d year s ago . Systemi c socia l evil s requir e radica l reform , ye t thos e inside th e variou s bubble s canno t se e th e troubl e they'r e in . Formalistic , vaguely inspirin g discourse make s it that muc h harder—eve n thoug h i n less troubled time s conventional civitas can actually do some good." "I tak e i t yo u ar e talkin g abou t orthodo x prescriptions , lik e ' A lawye r should avoi d conflic t o f interes t an d no t b e a n advocat e i n hi s o r he r own cause?'" "Right. O r that 'Society should striv e to maximize both socia l welfare an d an economi c syste m base d o n profit s an d individua l initiative. ' Thos e wer e useful prescript s earlier, bu t are less so today." "And outsiders can hel p us attain th e vision we need, acquir e the reflexiv ity that can sav e us and ou r bubbles from thei r usual fates? " "That's th e directio n t o loo k toward, a t any rate, " Rodrigo replie d firmly. "Multiple consciousness can see warpings, skewings in our own system befor e we, insid e tha t system , hav e a glimmering o f what's wrong. 50 Excellenc e i n microadjustments, i n moderatio n aroun d a central mean , wil l hardl y hel p a system i n real distress." "It's lik e movin g chair s aroun d th e dec k o f th e sinkin g Titanic," I said . "But to play devil's advocate, ho w do I know your approach will help? Maybe the Titanic wil l sink no matter what. " "It alread y ha s helpe d t o som e extent . Outsiders ' demand s hav e spurre d

Rodrigos Fifth Chronicle 1 03 the syste m t o refin e an d strengthe n Firs t Amendmen t law, 51 regulariz e du e process i n schoo l disciplinar y cases, 52 an d mak e th e workplac e faire r fo r everyone, no t jus t minorities. 53 Our plea s for attention t o black poverty hav e caused renewe d attentio n t o the plight of poor whites." 54 "I agre e wit h that . Bu t th e civi c republican s wil l say , W e ar e read y t o talk wit h you , read y t o liste n t o you r perspectives , absor b an d reflec t o n your insights/ " T m afrai d tha t conventional dialog , at least without fundamental reevalu ation o f its terms an d rules , wil l jus t reinforc e th e statu s quo . It' s like trying to see the bac k o f your head . I f you tak e a look at the footnote s an d citatio n patterns o f the civi c republicans , yo u wil l se e that the y ar e littl e bette r tha n other writer s a t incorporatin g th e idea s o f outside r scholars . So , I' m afrai d that increasin g dialo g wil l no t dete r conventiona l thinker s fro m embracin g measures lik e immigratio n control s an d English-onl y initiatives , whil e th e more liberal ones embrace limited forms of affirmative action , whic h do little good, a s you and your friends hav e argued." 55 "Aristotle wa s quit e candid , i f I recall . H e though t dialo g shoul d tak e place onl y wit h one' s equals—wit h th e white-mal e aristocrac y o f Athens . Today's versions are much mor e egalitarian, bu t I gather you think they need to go much further. " "Dialog won' t wor k fo r systemi c socia l ills . Societ y doesn' t see—can' t see—faults i n th e paradigm , th e very structures b y which w e communicate , make ourselve s understood , explain , understand , an d construc t reality . W e won't liste n t o blacks, becaus e w e have assigne d the m lo w status, lo w credibility i n th e stigma-picture s we'v e mad e o f them an d stil l disseminate . Th e master narrativ e include s conquest, disparagement , an d subordinatio n o f the darker races , no t lovin g inclusion , muc h les s respectfu l attentio n t o thei r ideas and worl d views. 56 Aristotle wrote that one should hel p one's friends, 57 a rule that would disadvantag e blacks. Bu t the contrary rule—trea t everyon e alike—will also disadvantage outsiders. Deliberatio n and moderation, indee d all th e conventiona l virtues , ar e inadequat e t o dea l wit h racis m an d othe r broad-scale social ills." "So, Rodrigo , wha t d o yo u advise ? I kno w yo u realiz e it' s a normativ e question, bu t one must do something." "We nee d t o confron t th e unfamilia r unmediated , tak e tim e t o questio n our ow n presuppositions . W e nee d t o stan d bac k an d examin e ou r ow n bubbles. Fo r this, we need to seek out someone unlike us, someone who sees

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things wit h ne w eyes . I f we do no t d o this , w e will pa y a price, namel y th e inability to see system-wide defects that cause our bubble, eve r so imperceptibly, to drift downward. " "So, Rodrigo , you r advice is . . . " "For individuals , rea d book s by unfamiliar writers . Fo r civi c republicans , stop talking with eac h other , see k out outsiders, th e more strange and hereti cal th e better , an d ge t clear o n th e exogenou s presupposition s tha t structur e your ow n elegan t dialog s and inquiries . Fo r society , se e what othe r societie s have don e b y wa y o f treatin g recurrin g problem s mor e effectivel y tha n w e have. Fo r la w professors, tal k to your students—as k ho w they woul d lik e to be instructed, wha t they se e wrong with th e curren t system . Brin g in outsid ers, lik e th e journalist-autho r o f Anarchy and Elegance, an d encourag e your student s t o writ e abou t thei r impressions—an d the n liste n an d tak e them seriously. " "And i f yo u ar e a la w schoo l facult y concerne d wit h curricula r chang e and th e students ' grumblin g ove r pedagog y an d th e teno r o f th e la w schoo l classroom?" "I know , Professor , IV e go t tha t repor t due, " Rodrig o sai d wit h a sligh t grimace. "An d youVe got your encounter wit h the famous civi l libertarian. I hope you've found thi s conversation a s useful a s I have." "That and more," I replied. Rodrigo picke d u p hi s papers . Almos t a s a n afterthought , I aske d him : "But won't w e just be co-opted, yo u an d I , I mean? We'll tak e our 'outside r perspective,' a s yo u cal l it , i n you r cas e t o th e la w facult y committee , i n mine t o th e audienc e a t m y conference . Won' t w e jus t joi n th e bubble , merge whateve r meage r insigh t w e ca n offe r int o th e genera l cultura l mix , reinscribing ourselve s i n th e curren t dysfunctional , hierarchical , an d ofte n racist cultur e o f whic h w e bot h complain ? Won' t w e jus t becom e par t o f that bubble?" Rodrigo pause d a t m y door a moment , the n looke d u p wit h a smile. "A t least it'll be a larger bubble," he said as he disappeared fro m m y view.

Conclusion As hi s footstep s echoe d dow n th e hall , I reflecte d o n wha t w e ha d said . I wondered whethe r h e an d A H would mee t wit h succes s i n revampin g thei r school's curriculum . I wondered ho w m y ow n audienc e nex t mont h woul d respond t o th e ide a o f normativit y an d civitas a s denial . I wondere d ho w

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Rodrigo woul d far e whe n h e entere d th e jo b market . I remembere d tha t bubbles ha d surfac e tension—woul d h e b e abl e to get insid e one ? Throug h my window, I watched a s Rodrigo greeted a slim, dar k young woman o n th e sidewalk—Giannina, I assumed . A s the y strod e away , han d i n hand , I wondered i f m y ow n bubbl e wa s driftin g downward . I wondere d whether , once th e Ow l o f Minerv a ha s flown, i t eve r returns , an d whethe r th e ne w place ca n indee d b e large r an d mor e human e tha n th e ol d one , a s Rodrig o had s o cheerfull y intimated . I wondere d whe n I woul d ge t t o mee t th e elusive Giannina . I picked u p the heavy pile of bluebooks and starte d home .

6 RODRIGO'S SIXT H CHRONICLE : Intersections, Essences , an d th e Dilemma o f Socia l Refor m

Introduction: I n Whic h Rodrig o Tells M e abou t a n Urgent Proble m I was returning to my office fro m th e faculty librar y one flight below, whe n I spied a familiar figure hovering outside my door. "Rodrigo!" I said. "It' s good t o se e you. Pleas e com e in . Yo u loo k a littl e agitated. I s everything OK? " Rodrigo ha d bee n pacin g m y office whil e I was putting my books down and activating my voice mail. I hoped i t was intellectual excitemen t and hi s usual high-pitched energ y that caused hi s restless demeanor. "Professor, P m afrai d P m i n som e trouble . D o yo u hav e a few minutes ? There's somethin g I need to talk over with someone older and wiser. " "Pm definitel y older, " I said. "Th e othe r par t P m no t sur e about. What' s happening?" "There's a big feud goin g on i n th e La w Women's Caucu s a t my school . The wome n o f colo r an d th e whit e member s ar e goin g a t i t hamme r an d tongs. An d like a dummy, I got caught right in the middle." "You? How?" I asked.

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Rodrigo's Sixth Chronicle 107 T m no t a member . I don' t thin k an y ma n is . Bu t Giannin a i s a n honorary member , a s I might hav e mentione d before . Th e Caucu s ha s tried to kee p it s struggl e quiet , bu t I learne d abou t i t fro m Giannina . An d I' m afraid I really—how do you put it?—put m y foot i n the mouth. " "In your mouth, " I corrected . Althoug h Rodrig o ha d bee n bor n i n th e States an d spen t hi s earl y childhoo d here , h e occasionall y faile d t o us e a n idiom correctly , a difficult y I ha d observe d wit h othe r foreigners . "Tel l m e more," I continued. "Ho w did i t happen? Is it serious?" "It's extremely serious, " said Rodrigo , leapin g to his feet and resumin g his pacing. "The y wer e havin g a meetin g dow n i n th e basement , wher e I went after clas s to pick up Giannina . W e wer e going to ride home together , an d I thought he r meetin g woul d b e ove r b y then. I stood b y the doo r a minute , when a woman I knew motioned m e in. Tha t was my mistake." "Are the meetings closed to men?" "I don' t thin k so . Bu t I wa s th e onl y ma n ther e a t th e time . The y wer e talking abou t essentialism 1—as I'v e learne d t o cal l it—an d th e organiza tion's agenda . A woman o f color was complaining tha t th e group neve r pai d enough attentio n t o th e concern s o f wome n lik e her . Som e o f th e whit e women wer e getting upset. I made the mistake of raising my hand. " "What did you say?" "I onl y trie d t o hel p analyz e som e o f th e issues . I dre w a coupl e o f distinctions—or trie d to , anyway . Bot h side s got mad a t me. On e calle d m e an imperia l scholar , a n interloper , a typica l male , an d a pest. 2 I got ou t o f there fast. An d now , n o one will talk to me. Eve n Giannin a mad e me mov e out of the bedroom. I'v e been sleepin g on the couch fo r the last three nights. I feel lik e a leper." A lover's quarrel ! I had no t ha d t o dea l wit h on e o f those sinc e m y son s were young . "I' m sur e yo u an d sh e wil l patc h i t up, " I offered . "You' d better—the tw o of you owe me dinner, remember? " Rodrigo was not cheered b y my joke nor my effort t o console him. " I may never have Giannina's companionshi p again, " he said, lookin g down. "These thing s generall y ge t bette r wit h time, " I said , makin g a menta l note t o address the poin t later . "It' s part o f life. Bu t i f talking about som e of the issue s woul d help , I' m game . I'v e jus t bee n readin g thes e things"— I gestured towar d som e o f the book s and la w revie w articles I had jus t carrie d up from th e library—"on essentialis m an d feminis t lega l theory. They'r e fo r an annotated bibliograph y I' m preparing. "

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Rodrigo peered ove r at the pile on the corner of my desk. " I read that on e last night . An d I' m readin g th e tw o article s now . I f you hav e th e time , I' d love t o talk . Sinc e n o on e els e wil l tal k t o me , I'v e go t lot s o f tim e o n my hands." "Me too," I said. "Woul d yo u like a cup of coffee befor e w e start?" T d lov e one. I'v e been to o distraught to eat." I busie d mysel f grindin g th e bean s an d settin g th e dial s o n m y offic e espresso maker . "So , tel l m e wha t yo u kno w abou t essentialism . Crea m and sugar?" Rodrigo nodded . Afte r I left th e machin e t o its own device s and returne d to my chair, h e began.

In Whic h Rodrig o an d I Review the Essentialis m Debate an d Tr y t o Understan d Wha t Happene d a t the La w Women's Caucu s "The debat e abou t essentialis m ha s bot h a politica l an d theoretica l compo nent," Rodrig o began . "Tha t book, " Rodrig o nodde d i n th e directio n o f Yearning: Race, Gender and Cultural Politics, by bell hooks , lyin g open o n my desk , "an d thos e article s pa y mor e attentio n t o th e politica l dimension . But there's also a linguistic-theory component. " "You mea n th e earl y philosophica l discussio n abou t whethe r word s hav e essences?" I asked , pausin g a momen t t o offe r Rodrig o a cu p o f steamin g espresso. I pointe d ou t th e tra y o f ingredient s an d said , "Hel p yoursel f i f i t needs more cream an d sugar. " "Exactly," Rodrigo replied, slurpin g his coffee. "Th e early antiessentialist s attacked th e belie f tha t word s hav e core , o r central , meanings . I f I' m no t mistaken, Wittgenstei n wa s the first in ou r tim e to point this out. 3 I n a way, it's a particularl y powerfu l an d persuasiv e versio n o f th e antinominalis t ar gument." 4 As always , Rodrig o surprise d m e wit h hi s erudition . I wondere d ho w a young Italian-traine d schola r ha d manage d t o lear n abou t Wittgenstein , whose popularity I thought la y mainly i n th e English-speakin g world . "Ho w did you learn abou t Wittgenstein?" I asked. "He's popula r i n Italy, " Rodrig o explained . " I belonge d t o a stud y grou p that read him. Th e part of his teaching that laid the basis for antiessentialis m was his attack o n th e ide a o f core meanings. A s you know, h e wrote that th e meaning of a term i s its use."

Rodrigo's Sixth Chronicle 109 "I haven't rea d hi m i n a while," I added hastily . "Bu t you mentione d tha t the controversy' s politica l sid e seem s t o b e movin g int o th e for e righ t now , which seem s true . An d I gathe r it' s thi s aspec t o f th e debat e tha t yo u wandered int o at school." "In it s politica l guise, " Rodrig o continued , "member s o f differen t out groups argu e abou t th e appropriat e uni t o f analysis—abou t whethe r th e black communit y i s one o r many , whethe r gay s and lesbian s hav e anythin g in commo n wit h straigh t activists, an d s o on. A t the Law Women's Caucus , they were debating one aspect of this—namely, whethe r ther e i s one, essen tial sisterhood , a s opposed t o many . Th e wome n o f color wer e arguin g tha t to thin k o f th e women' s movemen t a s singula r an d unitar y disempower s them. The y sai d thi s vie w disenfranchise s anyone—sa y lesbia n mothers , disabled women , o r working-clas s women—whos e experienc e an d statu s differ fro m th e norm." 5 "And the others, o f course, were saying the opposite?" "Not exactly, " Rodrig o replied . "The y wer e sayin g tha t vis-a-vi s men , al l women stoo d o n a simila r footing . Al l ar e oppresse d b y a commo n enemy , namely patriarchy , an d ough t to stand together to confront thi s evil." 6 "I've read something similar i n the literature," I said. "We ma y hav e see n som e o f the sam e things . Th e debat e i n th e Caucu s recapitulates a n exchang e betwee n Angel a Harris, 7 a talente d blac k writer , and Marth a Fineman , a leading white feminist scholar. " "Those pieces are on my list of things to read. I n fact—" I paused, rufflin g through th e paper s o n m y littere d desk , "they'r e righ t here . I skimmed thi s one an d se t thi s othe r on e asid e fo r mor e carefu l readin g later . I hav e t o annotate both fo r my editors." "Then yo u hav e at least a general ide a o f how the politica l versio n goes, " Rodrigo said. "I t has to do with agendas and th e sorts of compromises peopl e have to make in an y organization t o keep the group working together. I n th e Caucus's version , th e sister s were complaining tha t th e organizatio n di d no t pay enough attentio n t o the needs of women o f color. The y were urging that the grou p writ e a n amicu s brie f o n behal f o f Haitia n wome n an d tak e a stand fo r th e largel y all-blac k custodia l worker s a t the university . Whil e no t unsympathetic, th e Caucu s leadershi p though t thes e project s shoul d no t have the highest priority." "I see what you mea n b y recapitulation o f the academic debate . Finema n and Harri s argu e ove r som e o f th e sam e things . Harri s write s abou t th e troubled relationshi p between blac k women an d othe r women i n the broader

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feminist mainstream , althoug h she notes that many of the issues this relationship raises reappear i n exchange s between straigh t and ga y women, working and professional-clas s minorities , blac k wome n an d blac k men , an d s o on. 8 She an d other s writ e o f th e wa y i n whic h thes e relationship s ofte n en d u p increasing disempowermen t fo r th e les s influentia l group . The y poin t ou t that whit e feminis t theorists , whil e powerfu l an d brillian t i n man y ways , nevertheless bas e man y o f thei r insight s o n gende r essentialism—th e ide a that wome n hav e a single , unitar y nature . The y poin t ou t tha t certai n feminist scholar s writ e a s thoug h women' s experience s ca n b e capture d i n general terms , withou t takin g int o accoun t difference s o f race o r class . Thi s approach obscure s th e identitie s an d submerge s th e perspective s o f wome n who diffe r fro m th e norm . No t onl y doe s lega l theor y buil t o n essentialis t foundations marginaliz e an d rende r certai n group s invisible , i t fall s pre y t o the tra p o f overabstraction , somethin g th e sam e writer s deplor e i n othe r settings. I t also promotes hierarchy and silencing, evil s that feminists should , and do, see k to subvert." 9 "She spok e a t m y schoo l recently, " Rodrig o said . " I hear d he r sa y a s much." "And somethin g simila r goe s o n withi n th e blac k community, " I continued. "Thi s community i s diverse, man y communitie s i n one . Blac k neocon servatives, for example, complai n tha t folks like you and me leave little room for diversit y b y disparagin g the m a s sellout s an d belittlin g thei r view s a s unrepresentative. The y accus e u s o f writin g a s thoug h th e communit y o f color only has one voice—ours—and o f arrogating to ourselves the power to make generalization s an d declar e ourselve s th e possessor s o f sociopolitica l truth." 10 "I know tha t critique, " Rodrigo replied . "W e talke d abou t i t once before . It seem s t o m e tha t the y migh t wel l hav e a point, althoug h i t does soun d a little strange to hear the complaint of being overwhelmed, smothered , spoke n for by others, comin g from th e mouth o f someone at Yale or Harvard. " "Like you at the La w Caucus, I found mysel f on the end o f some stingin g criticism.11 I have Randall Kenned y an d Stev e Carter, particularly , i n mind . They writ e powerfully , an d o f cours e man y i n th e mainstrea m love d thei r message—so muc h s o tha t the y neglecte d t o rea d th e replies. 12 Bu t let' s get bac k t o th e feminis t version , an d wha t happene d t o yo u a t th e La w Women's meeting. " "Oh, yes . Th e discussio n i n man y way s mirrored th e debat e i n th e lega l literature an d i n tha t book. " Rodrig o agai n pointe d i n th e directio n o f

Rodrigo s Sixth Chronicle 111 the bel l hook s book . "A s yo u know , Harris' s principa l opponen t i n th e antiessentialism debat e has been Marth a Fineman , wh o takes black feminist s to task for wha t she considers their overpreoccupatio n wit h difference. Thei r focus o n thei r ow n uniqu e experienc e contribute s t o a 'disunity ' withi n th e broader feminis t movemen t tha t sh e finds troubling. I t weakens th e group' s voice, th e su m tota l o f powe r i t wields . Emphasizin g mino r difference s between youn g an d old , ga y an d straight , an d blac k an d whit e wome n i s divisive, vergin g o n self-indulgence . I t contribute s t o th e fals e ide a tha t th e individual i s the uni t o f social change , no t th e group . I t results i n tokenis m and plays into the hands of male power." 13 "And th e discussio n i n th e roo m wa s proceedin g alon g thes e lines? " I asked. "Yes," Rodrig o replied . "Althoug h I ha d th e sens e tha t thing s ha d bee n brewing fo r som e time . A s soo n a s som e o f th e leader s expresse d coolnes s toward th e blac k women' s proposa l fo r a day-car e center , th e leve l o f acri mony increase d sharply . A number o f women o f color said, Thi s i s just like what you sai d las t time.' Som e o f the white women accuse d the m o f narrow parochialism. An d so it went." "The whit e feminist s accusin g th e sister s o f disloyalty , th e sister s tellin g the others that they seem uncaring, an d dangerously empowered? " Rodrigo nodded assent , s o I continued, "An d what got you into trouble?" "Well, I starte d t o dra w a n analog y betwee n th e controvers y the y wer e having an d th e on e ragin g about Grea t Book s and th e canon. 14 I had hardl y gotten th e word s ou t o f m y mout h whe n bot h side s were u p i n arms . The y accused m e o f butting in , o f being condescendin g an d o f trying to preach t o them. I got ou t o f there i n a hurry . Bu t eve r since , I'v e fel t a distinct chill . Before, w e al l ha d goo d relationships . Now , eve n Giannin a won' t spea k to me." Rodrigo's distracte d loo k impresse d o n m e th e seriousnes s o f his predica ment, a t leas t i n hi s eyes . So , I resisted th e temptatio n t o joke , an d instea d went on as follows: "Rodrigo, you might not know this because you've been out of the country for—what?—the las t te n years? " Rodrig o nodded . "Thes e issue s ar e reall y heated righ t now . An d they'r e no t confine d t o feminist organizations . Man y of the same arguments are being waged within communitie s of color. Latino s and black s ar e feuding. 15 And , o f course , everyon e know s abou t Korea n merchants an d inner-cit y blacks . Blac k women ar e telling u s men abou t ou r insufferable behavior . We'r e alway s finishing sentence s fo r them , expectin g

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them t o mak e coffe e a t meetings . Som e o f them wit h lon g memorie s recal l how w e mad e the m marc h i n th e secon d ro w during th e civi l right s move ment. W e mak e th e sam e argument s righ t bac k a t them : 'Don' t criticize , you'll weake n th e civi l right s movement, th e greate r evi l i s racism, w e need unity, ther e must be common cause / an d s o on. They'r e startin g to get tired of that form o f essentializing, an d to point out our own chauvinism, ou r own patriarchal mannerism s and faults. " "Those ar e som e o f the thing s I got calle d a t th e meeting . I t look s lik e I have company. " "We al l nee d t o thin k thes e thing s through . Yo u an d I could tal k abou t it som e more , i f yo u thin k i t woul d help . Ca n I offe r yo u anothe r cu p of coffee? " T d lov e some . And , yes , Professor , I' d appreciat e i t a grea t dea l i f yo u could hel p me sort things out. " "I'm sur e I'll benefi t jus t as much a s you. Remembe r tha t I have all those annotations t o write. Yo u always help me get my thoughts in order. "

In Whic h Rodrig o an d th e Professo r Discus s th e Perils o f Making Commo n Caus e I starte d m y espress o make r o n a fres h pot . A s i t settle d int o it s hummin g cycle, I looked up at Rodrigo. H e began: "What go t m e i n trouble , a s I mentioned , Professor , wa s the suggestio n that th e whol e controvers y mirrore d th e on e abou t Grea t Book s an d th e scholarly canon. " "How di d tha t ge t yo u i n trouble ? I mean , I' m no t sur e I eve n se e the connection. " "The whit e feminist s wer e th e maddest . I alread y tol d yo u som e o f th e things the y said . Bu t eve n som e o f th e sister s hissed . I go t th e sens e tha t I should leave , an d did . Bu t before m y hasty exit, I explained tha t essentializ ing struc k m e a s the usua l respons e o f a beleaguere d group , on e tha t need s solidarity i n a struggle against a more powerful one . I t has a close relation t o perseveration—something yo u an d I talked abou t before—i n whic h a cul ture i n declin e insist s o n doin g ove r an d ove r again , wit h mor e an d mor e energy, th e ver y thing s tha t onc e brough t i t greatnes s bu t tha t no w ar e bringing i t doom. 16 S o you se e how th e Grea t Book s analogy go t m e i n ho t water with the Law Caucus." "I thin k I a m beginnin g t o understand, " I said . "Yo u ar e sayin g tha t

Rodrigo7 s Sixth Chronicle 11 3 essentialist thinkin g o f any sort , whit e o r black, mal e o r female , i s an effor t to tam e variety , t o impos e a n artificia l samenes s o n a situatio n tha t ha s bewildering diversity built into it. " "I think it' s an insistenc e o n a single narrative. You'v e been writin g abou t narratives in the law, Professor. 17 I think this is something similar—an effor t to impose a single 'story line' in order to make life simpler than i t really is." "I see, " I said . "Ther e is a sor t o f progression . I n linguisti c theory , Wittgenstein an d others showed that words don't have central, unitar y mean ings. Later , th e focus shifted t o culture, wher e outsider groups began to insist that thei r books , texts , experiences , language , an d special-interes t course s were as valid as those in the mainstream's canon. Ther e i s no one valid set of stories, i n othe r words . Thos e battle s hav e largel y bee n won , a s well. No w the controvers y ha s move d int o th e aren a o f politics an d power . Group s ar e attempting t o coerc e o r persuad e subgroup s no t t o splinte r off . An d a mai n weapon i n this battle is the narrative of a common enemy. " "After leavin g th e meeting , I though t o f a goo d nam e fo r it, " Rodrig o added: "Relational essentialism . It' s the ide a that black women, fo r example , must joi n white women, no t because both groups have the very same experience, perspective , needs , an d agendas . The y don't . Rather , it' s because the y stand o n the same footing wit h respec t to patriarchy. I n this respect, the y are essentially the same, tha t is, oppressed and i n need o f relief." "Black men lik e you and m e are guilty of the same thing when w e tell the sisters t o b e quiet , t o sto p complainin g o f mistreatmen t a t ou r hand s o r at thos e o f certai n famou s blac k men , les t the y weake n th e communit y in general. " "I don' t exemp t us, " Rodrig o sai d quietly . "We'r e al l guilt y o f th e sam e thing o n occasion . It' s a universa l trait . W e wan t t o simplif y th e worl d b y getting deviant , feisty , noncomplian t other s t o com e along . W e wan t the m to se e th e worl d an d ou r struggl e i n exactl y th e sam e wa y w e do. I n essen tialism's politica l guise , w e nee d others—sometime s urgently—t o joi n i n our fight agains t a forc e tha t i s oppressive . Wha t essentialism' s variou s guises18 shar e i s th e searc h fo r narrativ e coherence . M y audienc e a t th e meeting hated this idea." "It's eas y t o se e why, " I sai d afte r a shor t pause . "Everyon e like s t o essentialize others—o r themselves—o n occasion . I s i t possibl e tha t whe n you shared with me your concerns about being banished t o the living room a little earlier , yo u an d I were engagin g i n a t leas t a mil d variet y o f the sam e kind o f essentialism ? I' m sur e yo u kno w th e critiqu e o f 'mal e bonding ' a s

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based t o a large degree on th e sexual objectificatio n o f women. Som e would say tha t you r concer n ove r th e intimat e consequence s o f you r quarre l wit h Giannina reduce s her to her sexual capacity as a woman." "I know," Rodrigo replied . " I try no t t o do it . I t jus t slippe d out , lik e my remark at the Caucus meeting. " "We mus t all struggle against it—the desir e to simplify others , I mean. I t makes th e essentialize d perso n o r grou p angry , o f course . Plus , w e mis s a chance t o lear n something . You'r e righ t t o sugges t tha t it' s a universa l tendency," I said. "Bu t nevertheless it's a power move." "Which i n tur n i s a respons e t o a sense o f one's ow n predicament , one' s own disempowerment," Rodrig o said. "Vis-a-vis someone else, I think you said. And I agree, it's often relational . A essentialize s B , wh o essentialize s C ou t o f fea r ove r D , an d s o o n dow n the line." Rodrigo nodde d i n agreement , s o I continued : "It' s easies t t o se e i n personal life . Th e trick is to connect i t to political an d legal theory." "I ra n acros s a brillian t exampl e th e othe r da y o f wh y essentialis m ha s real, sometime s debilitating consequences fo r individuals. Woul d yo u like to hear it , Professor? " "I'd love to," I said. "Ca n I offer yo u a bagel to go with that second cu p of coffee?" I motioned towar d m y compact offic e refrigerator , whic h I had jus t restocked. Whe n Rodrig o nodde d enthusiastically , I unwrappe d m y ba g o f bagels and spread them ou t on m y desk. "Whic h kin d would you like?" "What are those?" "Those are onion. Thos e others are sesame seed." "I'll tak e on e o f those, " Rodrig o said , pointing . "Giannina' s no t havin g anything to do with me , anyway . Wher e were we?" "You wer e explainin g you r theor y tha t essentialis t thinkin g i s no t harmless." "Oh, yes . Th e othe r author , Kimberl e Crenshaw , i s the on e wh o offer s the example . Le t m e kno w i f you'v e hear d it . Sh e point s ou t tha t blac k women ofte n experienc e discriminatio n a t wor k o n accoun t o f thei r blac k womanhood.19 Ofte n th e employe r i s not particularl y racist—tha t is , treat s black me n fairl y decently—no r sexist , i.e. , treat s whit e wome n fairly . Bu t the employe r think s blac k wome n ar e lazy , stupid , an d sexuall y licentious . So the employer treats them poorly with regard to promotions and job assignments."

Rodrigo s Sixth Chronicle 115 "Such a woman coul d clearl y sue for employment discrimination/' I said, "and recove r damages." "But how? I mean, unde r wha t theory ? Crensha w point s ou t tha t a black woman plaintiff , unti l ver y recently, ha d onl y two options. Sh e could sue for racial discrimination , i n whic h cas e sh e woul d b e abl e t o us e statute s an d case law developed wit h blacks generally i n mind . Or , sh e could su e for sexbased discrimination, invokin g laws framed wit h women i n mind. Ther e was no lega l categor y fo r blac k wome n wh o experience d discriminatio n o n ac count o f their blac k womanhood . So , the y coul d eithe r plac e themselve s i n a clas s o f wome n dominated , numericall y an d i n othe r ways , b y whit e women, an d us e remedies framed wit h them i n mind . Or , the y could sue for racial discrimination , i n whic h cas e the y ende d u p lumpe d i n a categor y containing blac k men . I n eithe r case , the y woun d u p i n a group—whit e women o r blac k men—wit h mor e power , prestige , influence , an d standin g than they." 20 "I believe the author and other s have a name for this." "Intersectionality," Rodrig o replie d quickly . "It' s relate d t o essentialism . As w e hav e seen , th e la w o f remedie s assume s tha t ther e i s on e essentia l black an d on e essentia l woman . Th e blac k i s male, th e woma n white . Th e black woma n ha s t o choose , an d neithe r choic e i s comfortable . Neithe r category i s hers. Neithe r grou p has her agend a an d need s i n mind . An d th e law follows suit. " "But isn't it a wash?" I asked, offerin g Rodrig o some nicely aged brie I had overlooked i n m y refrigerator . " I go t thi s o n sale , bu t it' s prett y good . Try some." Rodrigo slathered hi s bagel with the cheese, and then continued : "I gather you mea n tha t th e perso n situate d a t th e intersectio n o f two categories , lik e the black woman, get s to have two sets of allies." "Exactly," I replied . "I n som e settings , an d i n som e eras , racis m wil l b e the major proble m fo r her. Whe n thi s is the case, sh e can cal l on black me n as allies . I n othe r situations , sexis m wil l b e th e majo r concern . Then , sh e can cal l o n th e whit e women , wh o fac e th e sam e problem . Blac k wome n may end u p getting protection tha t has a poor 'fit' t o their circumstances. Bu t at least they can cal l on double the number o f friends." "So I thought , too . Bu t the n a coo l remar k tha t Giannin a mad e a s w e rode home that night got me thinking that maybe it isn't so." "What do you mean?"

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"At first, I though t a s yo u did . I n fact , th e algebr a o f i t i s kin d o f neat. Anyon e wh o lie s a t th e intersectio n o f tw o categorie s get s halfhearte d protection fro m eac h o f the two groups. An d so , you migh t think the y are at least as well of f as the others . Thi s would, o f course, blun t th e criticism tha t persons margina l t o a particular grou p are injured whe n th e group essential izes it s ow n experience , excludin g thes e other s fro m it s agenda s an d plan ning. I t would blunt i t because the reply would be, simply , tha t the intersectional person ca n cal l on double the number o f allies, ca n find two (or more) groups, no t jus t on e whos e narrativ e wil l overlap , a t leas t i n part , wit h their own. " "But no w yo u ar e thinkin g thi s i s not so ? I think I agree wit h you , bu t I can't quit e pu t m y finger o n why, " I said . Secretly , I wa s hopin g Rodrig o would let his famous imaginatio n loose . I had to write several annotations on these issue s ove r th e nex t fe w days , an d wa s hopin g ou r discussio n woul d enable me to produce a better product . "I hop e you'l l bea r wit h me , Professor . Thi s par t o f m y theor y i s stil l pretty—how d o they call it?—provisional. Pleas e don't be too hard o n me. " "Of course I won't. Intersectionalit y an d antiessentialis m ar e emerging as important issue s i n th e law . I f you ca n d o anythin g t o advanc e th e debate , we'll al l benefit . An d besides , I'v e go t a very concrete reaso n fo r wantin g t o hear what you hav e to say. So , please, go ahead." "There ar e thre e reason s wh y I think tha t a n outside r canno t pla y along , as it were, with the relatively mor e empowered grou p that wants to essentialize it . They'r e al l related . An d the y al l converg e o n a singl e mora l tha t Giannina sai d sh e ha s com e t o liv e by : namely, tha t i f you ar e a relativel y disempowered person , sa y a black man o r woman o r a lesbian single mother , it i s always a big mistake t o take the perspectiv e o f the larger , mor e empow ered group, eve n for strategic reasons." "I'd lik e to hear ho w you ar e going to document that , an d I assume i t has something to do with your three reasons." "Right," the irrepressible Rodrig o responded with alacrity. Rodrigos First Reason for Being Careful about Coalitions—On Marching in the Right Direction "The first reason , Professor , i s strategic. Thi s i s the on e tha t Giannin a wa s referring t o tha t night . It' s tha t it' s bette r t o marc h i n th e righ t directio n

Rodrigos Sixth Chronicle 117 rather than th e wrong one. Suppos e you're a black woman an d you decide to go along wit h th e feminis t agenda , eve n i f all th e leader s ar e white , an d al l the goals seem more calculated t o serve their interest than yours. You reason , what th e heck , a t leas t som e o f th e thing s the y hol d importan t I hol d important, too—fo r example , protectin g the right to an abortion. Moreover , the group has access to power, money , an d channel s of communication. So , even thoug h th e grou p i s lukewar m abou t program s tha t yo u fee l ar e im portant, lik e Hea d Start , yo u a t leas t ge t t o marc h wit h the m o n a n im portant issue." "It's always nice \o hav e company," I said. "Unfortunately, i t turns ou t that it' s generally better to march alon g mor e slowly i n you r ow n direction . I t assure s tha t a t leas t yo u ge t close r t o you r destination.21 I f you marc h wit h the larger group in a direction tha t i s a little off fro m wher e yo u wan t t o go—say , te n degree s skewed—yo u wil l hav e high morale . Ther e wil l b e grea t solidarity . Ther e wil l b e protes t songs . Hands will be linked an d you will have an impressive-lookin g phalanx . You r picture will be in the papers." "But i n tim e you'l l notic e tha t yo u ar e diverging , gettin g furthe r an d further awa y from you r goal, right?" "Yes. Bu t the pric e o f strategic essentialis m i s not onl y tha t yo u ge t away from your agenda and your heart-of-hearts goals. You'll develop what Antonio Gramsci call s false consciousness. 22 You'll forget wh o you are and what your original goals and commitments were. Goals and personal identities and loyalties are socially constructed. I f we work and struggl e with people—no matte r how well-intentioned—whose perspectives , culture , an d agenda are differen t from ours , we will eventually change. Goal s are not atomistic. I can't say, I'l l go along with the Republicans because I agree with their ideas on tax reform , but I'l l b e a Democrat wit h respec t to this other policy , an d s o on. Spendin g time with Republicans means you will inevitably take on the mindset of a Republican. A black ma n activ e i n a white-dominated civi l right s organizatio n will eventually take on the traits and concerns he finds there. A black woman working in a male-dominated grou p will risk losing her identity as a black feminist. Som e social scientists call this 'alienation.'" 23 "I'm no t sure I quite understand al l this high-Crit talk, Rodrigo . I do think that you r metapho r o f marchin g determinedl y of f i n th e wron g direction , with lot s o f compan y an d al l th e band s playing , i s a vivi d an d usefu l one . But you mentioned ther e were other reasons for caution. "

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Rodrigds Second Reason —On the Avoid Triumphalism

Need to

"The secon d reaso n ha s t o d o wit h somethin g yo u an d othe r writer s i n th e Critical Rac e Theor y schoo l hav e expressed—namely , skepticis m o f gain s that seem to have been won through appeal s to social altruism. " "I assum e yo u mea n ou r writin g o n th e phenomeno n o f interes t conver gence and it s pitfalls." 24 "Precisely. Yo u an d other s hav e writte n o f th e wa y i n whic h civi l right s gains fo r black s an d other s alway s see m t o coincid e wit h whit e self-interest . In era s i n whic h whit e self-interes t an d blac k justic e ar e opposed , nothin g happens. When , a s happened aroun d th e time o f Brown v. Board of Education,25 elit e whit e group s nee d t o allo w a 'breakthrough ' fo r minorities , on e miraculously appears . Altruism , a sens e o f compassion , an d racia l justic e count for little, i f anything." 26 "I know and agre e with tha t hypothesis," I said. "Bu t how does it connect with you r thoughts abou t essentialism , an d you r clai m tha t the weaker party has littl e t o gai n b y affiliating wit h th e stronger , eve n wher e bot h ar e strug gling against a common oppressor? " "Oh, I should hav e explained mysel f better," Rodrigo said. " I didn't mea n to be elliptical . Wha t I meant i s that temporar y alliance s alway s have a way of falling back , jus t a s civil right s gains stemming fro m momentar y interest convergences between blacks and whites always erode." "When th e interest-convergence ceases , you mean?" "Yes. Take Brown v. Board of Education. A s everyone knows, the ringin g words of the Court's opinion wer e quickly robbed o f much effec t b y administrative foot-dragging , obstruction , an d delay . Th e cas e ende d u p changin g very little. Schoo l district s are as segregated toda y as they were in th e days of Brown.27 An d o f course muc h th e sam e has happened wit h women' s issues . The right to abortion secure d by Roe v. Wade was quickly cut back by narrow interpretation, refusa l t o provid e funding , an d th e fervo r o f th e religiou s right.28 Despit e a smalle r rat e o f increas e i n th e numbe r o f abortion s sinc e Roe v. Wade, wome n wh o obtai n the m ofte n hav e t o ru n a gauntle t o f opposition an d hassling . Gianinn a describe d a n experienc e a frien d o f her s had. I t was harrowing." "And s o the conclusion yo u draw is . . . ? " "Gains are ephemeral i f one wins them by forming coalitions with individuals who really do not have your interest at heart. It' s not just that the larger,

Rodrigds Sixth Chronicle 119 more divers e grou p wil l forge t yo u an d you r specia l needs . It' s wors e tha n that. You'l l forge t wh o yo u are . An d i f yo u don't , yo u ma y stil l en d u p demonized, blame d fo r sabotagin g th e revolutio n whe n i t inevitabl y an d ineluctably fails. " "Sounds dire," I said. " I hope you'll explai n ho w this happens."

Rodrigos Third Reason—On Normativity and the Inevitable Egocentrism of Rights-Talk "As I mentioned, Professor , th e three reasons converge. Th e third on e has to do wit h th e wa y normativity—prescriptiv e discourse—i s deployed. 29 Imag ine tha t a group , sa y women , i s successfu l i n winnin g a concessio n fro m society a t large , namel y recognitio n o f th e righ t t o a n abortion . Wh o wil l reap the gain s of the ne w right , an d wh o will leav e disappointed? Right s are precious things ; they realig n ho w we think abou t eac h other . Gettin g a new right recognize d i s a lot of work. I n accomplishin g this , on e has likely mad e a lo t of enemies an d calle d i n a lot of favors. Th e victor y ha s not been cost free. Wh o no w wil l pa y thos e costs? 30 Wit h abortion , w e sa w ho w quickl y the right was narrowed. Court s ruled tha t states need not fund abortions , an d that government s ma y prohibi t the m entirel y i n state-supporte d facilities . Poor wome n ofte n canno t affor d abortion s an d are , therefore , i n effect , denied access . A few women i n the majority grou p protested, bu t many went along sinc e th e restriction s di d no t affec t them . Bu t it' s no t merel y tha t th e right wa s cu t bac k i n predictabl e fashion , a s Brown v . Board of Education was fo r blacks . Worse , a s soo n a s th e politica l climat e changed , blac k women's sexualit y cam e unde r fire. Th e ne w rights-and-responsibilitie s movement,31 champione d b y som e well-know n feminists , no w designate s black women's sexualit y as irresponsible, an d th e employment o f abortion a s a means of birth contro l a s an abuse of a right." 32 "Much th e sam e happene d i n th e wak e o f variou s civi l right s 'break throughs, '" I pointed out . "I think it' s a general phenomenon, " Rodrig o agreed. "Rights , onc e won , tend t o be cu t back . An d eve n whe n par t o f them remains , th e pric e o f the newly wo n righ t i s exacte d fro m th e mos t margina l o f it s beneficiaries. 33 For example , affirmativ e actio n benefite d largel y th e middle-class , upward striving blac k person , lik e me—one s wh o likel y woul d hav e succeede d anyway. Desperatel y poor blacks benefited little . And the remedy, affirmativ e action, wa s s o visibl e an d controversia l tha t i t dre w fire, assurin g tha t al l

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blacks pai d th e penalt y o f the benefit s t o th e few—penaltie s i n th e for m o f stigma, hostilit y b y the majority , an d th e overridin g belie f by whites that al l blacks ar e s o undeserving o r s o stupid tha t the y requir e affirmativ e actio n t o have a chance." "So your third reaso n has to do with the way gains won through coalescin g with a mor e powerfu l grou p backfire , causin g on e t o en d u p disappointe d and demonized?" "Normative discours e i s always self-centered, " Rodrig o replied . "Th e cri tique o f normativit y show s tha t i n a numbe r o f ways. Fo r example , societ y may tolerat e o r eve n inaugurat e ne w right s fo r wome n o r minorities . Bu t then i t will invariabl y declare that your and m y exercise of those rights is not what the y ha d i n min d a t all . Whe n a low-incom e blac k woma n ha s a n abortion, tha t will seem lik e lasciviousness and hypersexuality, a n irresponsi ble exercis e o f th e right. 34 Whe n a righ t t o nondiscriminator y treatmen t i n employment i s recognized, everyon e celebrates . Bu t when a black ma n wit h credentials shor t o f Albert Einstein' s get s a job , tha t wil l see m troublesom e and unprincipled." 35 "So, th e conclusion yo u draw from al l this is . . . ?" "That one should neve r adopt the perspective of the more powerful group , even strategically . Adoptin g another' s perspectiv e i s alway s a mistake . On e starts ou t thinkin g on e ca n g o alon g wit h th e mor e numerous , bette r orga nized, an d mor e influentia l group—say , whit e wome n i n th e cas e of sisters of color—an d rea p som e benefits . Yo u thin k tha t yo u ca n jum p nimbl y aside before th e inevitabl e setbacks , disappointments , an d doubl e crosse s set in. Bu t yo u can't . Yo u wil l marc h strongl y an d determinedl y i n th e wron g direction, alienatin g yoursel f i n th e process. You'l l en d u p having the newl y deployed right s cu t bac k i n you r case , eve n bein g criticize d a s irresponsibl e when yo u try to exercise them. Moreover , an y small suggestion fo r deviatio n in th e agenda , an y polit e reques t tha t th e large r grou p conside r you r ow n concerns, wil l brin g quic k denunciation . Yo u ar e bein g divisive . Yo u ar e weakening the movement. " "Rodrigo, yo u hav e me half convinced," I replied. "I'v e long thought tha t the interest-convergence hypothesi s was right. You'v e just elegantly extende d that hypothesis to the essentialism debat e and embedded i t in a linguistic and cultural context . Bu t i f you ar e eve r goin g t o restor e you r credibilit y i n th e eyes of the sisters of color at your law school—not t o mention th e rest—yo u can't sto p a t that . The y wil l wan t t o kno w wher e yo u g o fro m there . I f essentialism an d makin g commo n caus e wit h a too-larg e group , on e tha t

Rodrigo s Sixth Chronicle 121 doesn't pay attention t o your uniqu e needs , i s always a mistake, wha t do you do to replac e it ? You nee d mor e tha n a theory t o explain what' s wrong; you also need t o explain wha t we ought to be doing. Otherwise , yo u ru n th e risk of being see n a s a troublemaker, on e who goes around stirrin g up animosit y among potential allie s and friends. " Rodrigo winced a little. " I think that may have something to do with what happened t o me. An d I'v e given a little thought t o what you sa y needs to be done. Bu t thi s par t o f m y theor y I' m muc h les s certai n abou t tha n th e critique part. D o you have the time to listen? You're a great critic, Professor . And I have a mos t immediat e nee d t o refin e m y thoughts . Giannin a an d I may be finished if I don't." I smiled a t Rodrigo's earnestness, rememberin g m y own youth. "Can I offer yo u som e fruit?" I asked. "We'v e been goin g at i t for quit e a while. I find I need somethin g every now and then t o keep my energy up." Rodrigo nodde d gratefully . I too k dow n a smal l tra y o f nut s an d drie d apricots I kept stowed in a cabinet next to my refrigerator an d offered som e to my friend. Rodrig o selected a handful, the n continue d a s follows:

In Whic h Rodrig o Outline s a Theory o f Antiessentialism an d th e Relatio n o f Smal l Group s to Socia l Chang e "Interest-convergence neve r lasts long, as I said, Professor . An d it's a bad idea to try to stage-manage it by aligning yourself with the next-less-disempowere d group, th e one just up the scale from you , fo r all the reasons I mentioned." "But if we drop out of larger groups, people will accuse us of being narrow nationalists, o f bein g poo r tea m players , o f bein g obsesse d wit h ou r ow n parochial interests . An d won' t the y hav e a point—a t leas t i n thei r wa y o f looking at it?" I asked. "There ar e tw o challenges, " Rodrig o replied . "Th e first i s t o remai n oppositional, no t to give in to the welcome embraces of the group that is not like you . Thi s i s fairl y difficult . Al l th e pressur e i s th e othe r way . W e ar e taught, eve n indoctrinated , t o be cooperativ e tea m players. 36 One wh o pur sues hi s o r he r ow n wa y i s depicted a s disloyal, disruptive , an d deride d a s a 'single-issue' person . I n ou r society , thos e ar e no t nic e words . Bu t on e ca n persevere. The second challeng e i s to understand wh y pursuing a nationalist, counter-essentialist cours e i s a good idea , t o explain ho w it brings benefits t o everyone, no t just to one's own kin-group." 37

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"This F d lov e t o hear, " I said , peelin g a n orang e I' d jus t retrieve d fro m the back of the refrigerator. "Hav e some." "These are delicious. Wher e did you get them?" asked Rodrigo. "At a plac e jus t dow n th e stree t fro m wher e I live, " I replied . "It' s a Korean-run grocer y store. They hav e great produce, an d I go there in part to make a point. Hav e as many as you like. I'v e got more." "The bi g marke t wher e Giannin a an d I shop doesn't hav e nearl y a s good ones. W e may switch. Wher e was I?" "You wer e startin g t o explai n wh y antiessentialis m i s goo d fo r all , eve n the larger group, and not a case of disloyalty or excessive self-preoccupation. " "Oh, yes . My theory has to do with double consciousness. You'r e familia r with the term o f course, Professor. " "Of course . Th e blac k scholar , W . E . B . D u Bois , wrot e o f it. 38 I t holds that person s o f color se e the worl d i n tw o ways at the sam e time. Th e blac k person, fo r example , see s himsel f a s norma l an d abnorma l a t th e sam e time—as other s se e him , an d als o a s he see s himself. It' s a familiar feelin g we all know." "And i n recen t times , blac k an d othe r feminist s o f colo r hav e expande d that notio n t o includ e th e ide a o f multipl e consciousness. 39 A black femal e lesbian, fo r example , see s th e worl d fro m a t leas t thos e thre e differen t perspectives. He r experienc e i s no t th e sam e a s tha t o f th e averag e blac k woman, no r that of a black gay male. It' s a complex interaction amon g those three points of view, an d perhaps others as well." "And yo u wer e saying, Rodrigo , tha t this somehow confers a n advantage ? To the person bearing multiple consciousness , o r to others?" "To both. Th e possessor of multiple consciousness learns to see everything through tw o or more lense s at once. Thi s actually gives you a better grasp of reality. It' s kind o f like looking through a pair of binoculars. Binocula r vision is always bette r tha n th e kin d yo u ge t by lookin g a t somethin g throug h jus t one lens. So , it gives the possessor an advantage. " "I've hear d i t sai d tha t slave s observe d thei r master s bette r tha n thei r masters observed them. I s your theory relate d to that idea?" "In a way i t is . Th e slav e perceive d th e maste r mor e accuratel y tha n th e latter perceive d him ; h e ha d t o t o survive. 40 Readin g th e master' s folkway s and moods was an essential skill the slave developed to avoid harsh treatment . But h e als o observe d th e maste r mor e clearl y becaus e h e ha d doubl e con sciousness—he sa w the maste r both a s a master and a s a human being . Th e

Rodrigo's Sixth Chronicle 123 master, o n the other hand, regarde d the slave one-dimensionally a s a slave or worker only, no t as a human being . There were a few exceptions, o f course." "It's coming back to me. Th e first time we met, yo u argue d tha t multipl e consciousness enable s th e outside r t o se e defect s i n th e prevailin g orde r before on e immersed i n that system could. Yo u said that, i n scholarship, thi s conferred a n advantage , particularl y wit h respec t t o graspin g an d deployin g postmodern theory . But , i f I hear you correctly, yo u are urging that outsider s ought t o han g ont o thei r peculia r for m o f social insight , maintai n i t pristine and separate , i n orde r to benefit th e larger group as well. Bu t isn't it just this larger group that they plan to leave if they followed you r advice?" "I know i t sounds paradoxical , Professor . Bu t bear wit h m e fo r a minute . Merging with th e large r group causes you t o forfeit a kind o f sightedness. S o it's bad fo r you . Bu t it's also bad fo r th e large r group because dissenter s wh o agree t o remai n i n th e large r movement s eventuall y becom e coopte d an d alienated fro m thei r ow n position , wit h th e resul t that the large r group loses an importan t sourc e o f criticism , a kin d o f earl y warnin g signa l b y whic h they could learn something. Systemi c evils, like racism and sexism, ar e never visible within the culture, becaus e those evils are woven into the paradigm — into the syste m o f meanings by which we construct and understan d reality. 41 Speech i s paradigm-dependent. And , i f racism—or an y othe r evil—i s em bedded i n tha t paradigm , on e can' t spea k out agains t i t without bein g hear d as incoherent . That' s wh y racis m an d sexis m ar e harde r t o correc t tha n scientific error. " T m no t sure I see that. Ho w about an example?" Rodrigo was silent a long moment. Then , h e looked u p thoughtfully : "Professor, doe s your school hav e an affirmative actio n program?" "Of course. I think virtually every one does. Yours must, a s well." "It does . Bu t I learne d somethin g interestin g whe n I wa s workin g o n a report for the curriculum committee . A s you recall, we've been working with some o f th e facult y i n revisin g th e first-and second-yea r curriculum . Thi s came u p sor t o f tangentially , bu t no w I thin k it' s important . A t on e point , my friend Ali , wh o i s also on th e committee , an d I asked th e la w school fo r figures abou t employment, salary , jo b offers, an d a few other things, etc . W e were exploring quite a different hypothesis. " "What they call serendipity," I interrupted. "Exactly. An d what we learned turned out , a s you will see, to have a great bearing o n th e matte r w e are currently discussing : namely, th e invisibilit y of

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the statu s quo . W e learne d tha t th e minorit y students , mos t o f whom wer e admitted t o th e schoo l unde r a n affirmativ e actio n program , tende d t o graduate at a rate almost identical to that of law students in general. No t only that, the y tended t o get jobs at roughly the same rate . Las t year, i n fact, the y did better than th e whites. They als o earned a slightly higher average starting salary. Mor e o f them go t judicial clerkships— I mea n o n a percentage basis, of course." "That's fascinating . I remembe r hearin g on e o r tw o figures like thos e a t my school. Wha t do you make of that?" I asked. "Ali an d I wer e intrigued , a s yo u ca n imagine . So , w e looke d aroun d further. I t turne d ou t tha t year s afte r graduating , th e sam e hold s true . Th e minorities en d u p appointed t o judgeship s an d commission s a t a rate greater than thei r proportio n i n th e alumn i body . Al l th e students , o f course , ar e smart, an d man y o f the m g o o n t o quit e distinguishe d careers . Bu t th e minorities ten d t o d o a littl e better . W e checke d a t som e othe r la w school s and foun d th e sam e thing: The minoritie s di d a little better tha n th e whites, or a t leas t no t worse . No t i n ever y case , o f course , an d no t o n ever y singl e measure, bu t in general." "And the conclusion yo u draw from thi s is . . . ? " "I thought tha t ther e ha s to be some for m o f cultural preferenc e encode d and deepl y burie d i n th e wa y w e admi t an d grad e students , something , perhaps i n the way we use letters of recommendation, evaluat e extracurricu lar activities , o r perhap s th e LSATs , tha t give s a n edg e t o th e white s an d disadvantages th e minorities . Th e outpu t figures impl y strongl y tha t th e minorities ar e jus t a s able, o r mor e so . Bu t the y ge t admitted i n quit e smal l numbers. M y law school has only a handful o f students of color." "Mine, too. " "Yet the ones who do get in, excel. " "From whic h you conclude that some form o f favoritism i s going on?" "Some encode d cultura l preferenc e fo r th e slightl y les s qualified whites . I don't wan t t o overstat e this , Professor . A s I mentioned, al l th e graduate s d o well. Bu t judgin g fro m outpu t statistics , th e minoritie s ar e superio r t o o r undifferentiable fro m th e rest. " "Perhaps the y hav e a n unfai r advantage, " I quipped, "namely , a sense of mission." I immediately regrette d m y tongue-in-cheek remar k when Rodrig o shot me a rueful look . "I'm joking . You'v e pointed ou t a serious problem. I don't mea n t o make light o f it . I'v e ofte n reflecte d o n ho w brilliantl y man y o f m y minorit y

Rodrigo's Sixth Chronicle 125 students acqui t themselve s i n clas s an d later . Bu t I thin k yo u wer e men tioning this en rout e to a point about perception, right? " "Exactly. I foun d whe n I ra n som e o f thes e figures pas t peopl e o f th e majority rac e that they did no t draw the inferenc e I did. Rather , the y looke d puzzled o r disbelieving. The y wante d t o know where I got my statistics, an d when I said th e placemen t office , the y wer e flabbergasted. Several sai d tha t the minority-success figures I had mus t themselves be the product of affirma tive action i n wider society." "In othe r words, " I said, "the y begi n wit h th e premise tha t minoritie s ar e inferior, indee d mus t be—otherwise wh y would ther e be affirmative action ? Then, whe n i t turns out that the minorities , despit e everything, nevertheles s do well , i t mus t b e becaus e judges , employers , appointment s committees , and s o o n ar e givin g the m favore d treatment . Yo u dra w on e conclusion , they another. " "And that' s th e whol e poin t o f a canonical mindset. I t means tha t i f you have tw o possible inference s fro m a set of data, on e i n whic h minoritie s ar e the equal o f whites, o r even have a slight edge, an d one in which the y don't , you immediatel y thin k of the second." 42 "I agre e tha t preconception—wha t yo u cal l canonica l thinking—func tions that way . Paradigm s alway s preserve themselves . Bu t I' m unclea r wha t connection al l thi s ha s t o you r argumen t i n favo r o f a n antiessentialis t cultural nationalis m tha t would renounc e coalition politics. " "Let's se e i f I ca n brin g mysel f bac k o n track. " Rodrig o wa s silen t fo r a moment, hi s fingers lightly touchin g hi s forehead. I was glad t o see that m y quick-witted youn g friend , wh o ofte n seeme d abl e t o danc e mile s ahea d o f me, occasionall y neede d t o regroup. A t length h e continued : "The connectio n i s this. Th e large r grou p alway s ha s a canon— a se t of principles, article s of faith, way s of seeing the world. Thes e ma y not includ e you—at leas t a s full y a s yo u migh t like . I f yo u g o alon g wit h them , ther e will inevitabl y aris e occasion s lik e th e on e I jus t mentione d betwee n black s and whites , excep t tha t yo u wil l b e o n th e receivin g en d o f poor o r uncom prehending treatmen t fro m a grou p wit h who m yo u though t yo u ha d a lo t in common. " "Since thei r narrativ e i s designe d fo r a differen t purpose—namely , theirs—your request s wil l see m lik e distractions , evidenc e o f disloyalt y o r overpreoccupation wit h self . The y ma y see m lik e revers e essentialism— a perverse insistenc e o n th e importanc e o f suc h a pett y an d divisiv e thin g "43 as race.

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And s o yo u ar e generally—mayb e always—bette r of f wit h you r own, " Rodrigo concluded . "Yet yo u said , I think , tha t acceptin g thi s woul d benefi t no t jus t th e insurrectionist group but the larger one from whic h i t secedes, as it were. I' m curious ho w yo u se e that. Ho w ca n i t benefit whit e wome n i n th e feminis t movement, fo r example , i f th e blac k wome n g o thei r ow n way ? I s i t th e binocular vision ide a you mentioned before? " "The mai n benefit s inur e t o th e secessionis t group . Bu t th e large r grou p benefits, a s well. They get careful outsid e criticism. The y get a certain degree of protection fro m complacenc y b y reason o f the nee d t o vie for th e suppor t of potential allie s i n outside r groups . The y ge t constant reminder s tha t thei r perspective i s no t th e onl y one . I go t on e jus t th e othe r day, " Rodrig o concluded, a little ruefully . "But Rodrigo , aren' t yo u overlookin g tha t th e next-large r group , th e on e that suffer s th e defection , need s the smalle r group ? I t needs i t to consolidat e cultural change , t o instal l ne w conventions , t o institut e ordinary , concret e reforms, lik e new civil rights laws. What migh t look to you like loyalty to self looks t o other s lik e a cas e o f weakening a revolutio n tha t desperatel y need s you—needs you r numbers , need s you r genius , need s th e credibilit y yo u bring b y virtue o f your ver y diversity. Revolutionar y group s o f all sort s nee d solidarity. Whe n a refor m movemen t start s t o fragment , isn' t i t i n trouble ? Rodrigo, I think fo r onc e yo u ar e guilt y o f excessiv e optimism . Yo u ignor e the cost s o f fragmentation . I don' t se e ho w antiessentialis m ca n possibl y benefit th e group whose solidarity i s weakened. I think one revolution die s to give birth t o another. Isn' t that the best you can say?" Rodrigo smiled a s he listened t o my earnest objection . "Professor, I was about t o sa y that I had a respons e an d tha t i t had t o do with the role of hunger. The n I noticed that it is past dinnertime." "We coul d ge t a bite to eat at the littl e Persia n del i nex t door," I offered . "They jus t opened u p last month. I'v e been there twice. They're pretty good, although I think they close at seven." "It's a fe w minute s of . Wha t d o yo u sa y w e ge t som e take-out ? I'l l trea t this time." "Please le t me, " I said . "You r lif e i s disrupte d enoug h righ t now , an d I assume you have interviews coming up?" "Starting next week." "You'll hav e extr a expenses . Le t m e pay. I f you mak e u p with Giannina ,

Rodrigo's Sixth Chronicle 127 perhaps the two of you can have me over when you're back from th e circuit. " "Okay, i f you'l l promis e t o come . Giannin a ha s bee n wantin g t o mee t you." "It will be my pleasure."

Wherein Rodrig o Posit s a Theory o f Socia l Chang e and th e Rol e o f Oppositional Group s i n Bringin g It About Ten minute s later , w e wer e ridin g u p th e elevato r t o m y office , balancin g cups o f ho t te a an d plate s o f dolma s an d pit a bread . "I' m gla d t o hea r yo u plan t o elaborat e o n you r theor y o f socia l change , Rodrigo . I n on e o f ou r earlier discussions , yo u kin d o f lef t tha t hanging. 44 A s yo u know , I a m a skeptic o n tha t score . A numbe r o f friend s an d I hav e bee n developin g a theory o f wha t w e cal l th e 'empathi c fallacy ' t o explai n wh y refor m i s s o halting and slow. 45 The last time we talked—or mayb e it was the time befor e last—you sai d somethin g t o th e effec t tha t socia l refor m throug h la w wa s unlikely. Bu t you left ope n the possibility that it might come another way." We arrive d a t m y door . A s I struggled t o get out th e ke y without spillin g my food , Rodrig o said , "M y theory—it' s onl y vagu e an d sketch y a t thi s point—consists o f tw o parts . I thin k I kno w a furthe r reason , I mea n i n addition t o th e one s yo u an d you r friend s ar e developing, wh y we never ge t lasting refor m throug h litigation , legislation , etc . That' s th e first part . Th e second par t consist s i n showin g ho w refor m doe s com e about , whe n i t comes." "Which i s rare enough. " "Agreed," Rodrigo said. "Nee d some help with that key?" "No, I'v e go t it. " Moment s late r w e wer e seate d comfortabl y bac k i n my office . "This is like having a picnic," Rodrigo said as he dived into his meal. "I' m glad we got there before the y closed. " "You shoul d g o there sometim e whil e they'r e open, " I said. "Th e servic e is good, an d they let you stay as long as you want. I sometimes go there with my students to continue a discussion w e had i n class." "Are you read y for the first part of my theory?" Rodrigo asked impatiently . I too k a las t bit e o f m y dolmas , washe d i t dow n wit h a swi g of tea, an d said, "I' m al l ears."

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Rodrigo Lays Out a Natural History of Social Ideas "I thin k tha t virtuall y al l revolutionar y idea s star t wit h a n outside r o f som e sort," Rodrig o began . "W e mentione d th e reason s before . Fe w wh o operat e within th e syste m se e it s defects . The y speak , read , an d hea r withi n a discourse system that is self-satisfying. Th e primary function o f our system of free speec h i s to effec t stasis , no t change . Ne w idea s ar e ridicule d a s absurd and extreme , an d discounte d a s political, a t first. It' s no t unti l muc h later , when consciousnes s changes , tha t w e look back and wonde r why we resisted so strongly." 46 "Revolutionaries alway s lea d rock y lives . You'l l se e tha t too , Rodrigo , although I don't kno w i f you classif y yoursel f a s one o r not. Al l the pressur e is i n th e directio n o f conforming , o f doin g wha t other s do , i n teaching , i n scholarship, i n fact i n all areas of life." Rodrigo shrugge d of f m y counsel . "So , ne w idea s an d movement s com e along relativel y rarely . An d whe n the y do , the y ar e beleaguered. Fo r a long time, the y garne r littl e support . Then , fo r som e reason , the y acquir e some thing like a critical mass . Societ y begins to pay attention. Now , th e situatio n is in flux. The grou p at this point need s all the allies they can muster . The y begin t o mak e inroad s an d nee d t o mak e more . The y se e tha t the y ar e beginning to approach th e point where they might be able to change societa l discourse in a direction the y favor. " "Including the power to define wh o is 'divisive,'" I added. "That, too—especiall y that, " Rodrig o sai d animatedly , seein g ho w m y observation fit int o th e theor y h e wa s developing. H e looke d u p wit h grati tude, the n continued : "At thi s point , the y nee d al l th e hel p the y ca n get . I f they ar e you , the y need Gar y Pelle r an d Ala n Freeman. 47 I f they ar e feminists, the y nee d Cas s Sunstein.48 Earlier , the y needed th e religious right in their campaign agains t pornography. An d s o on. Wit h a little growth i n numbers , the y may perhaps reach th e poin t a t whic h powe r begin s t o translat e int o knowledge. 49 An d knowledge, o f course , i s th e beginnin g o f socia l reform . Whe n everyon e knows yo u ar e right , know s yo u hav e a point , yo u ar e wel l o n you r wa y to victory." "And for this, the group needs numbers." "Right. Wit h them , the y can chang e the interpretiv e community. 50 The y can remak e th e mode l o f th e essentia l woman , say , alon g line s tha t ar e genuinely mor e humane. "

Rodrigo's Sixth Chronicle 129 Rodrigo and I Discuss the Role of Reformers and Malcontent Groups "So, Rodrigo, " I continued , "yo u ar e sayin g tha t ne w knowledg e o f an y important, radica l sor t begins wit h a small group . Thi s grou p i s dissatisfied , but believe s i t ha s a point. I t agitates , acquire s ne w members , begin s t o ge t society t o tak e i t seriously . An d it' s a t thi s poin t tha t th e essentialism antiessentialism debat e usually sets in?" "Before i t wouldn' t arise . An d later , whe n th e larg e grou p i s nearin g it s goals, i t doesn't nee d th e disaffecte d faction . S o it's right a t this midpoin t i n a socia l revolution—fo r example , th e feminis t movement—tha t w e hav e debates like the one I got caught in the middle of. " "But yo u wer e sayin g befor e tha t th e disaffecte d cel l ough t t o si t ou t th e revolution, a s it were, an d no t jus t for it s own good but fo r tha t o f the wider society as well?" "It should. An d ofte n suc h group s do , consciousl y o r unconsciously . I' m just saying that when the y do, it' s usually not a bad thing." "And thi s i s becaus e o f you r theor y o f knowledge , I gather , i n whic h canonical thinkin g always gets to a point where i t no longer works and need s a fundamental challenge? " "And this , i n turn , ca n onl y com e fro m a disaffecte d group . Ever y ne w idea, i f i t ha s merit—ha s stayin g power—eventuall y turn s int o a canon . And ever y canonica l ide a a t som e poin t need s t o b e dislodged , challenged , and supplante d b y a new one." "So maverick, malconten t groups are the growing edge of social thought. " "Not every one. Som e are regressive—want t o roll back reform. " "I can thin k o f several tha t fit that bill, " I said shuddering . "Bu t you sai d earlier tha t th e outside r ha s a kin d o f binocula r visio n tha t enable s hi m o r her t o see defects i n th e bubbles i n whic h w e all live—to se e the curvature , the limitations , th e downwar d drif t tha t eventuall y spell s trouble . Bu t jus t now you used another metaphor . Wha t was it?" Rodrigo though t fo r a moment . "Oh , I remember . I t was jus t befor e w e went out for food. Th e metapho r was the role of hunger." "I'd lov e for you to explain." "It's lik e this. " Rodrig o pushe d asid e hi s plate . "Chang e come s fro m a small, dissatisfie d grou p fo r who m canonica l knowledg e an d th e standar d social arrangement s don' t work . Suc h a grou p need s allies . Thus , whit e women i n th e feminis t movemen t reac h ou t t o wome n o f color; black me n

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in the civil rights movement try to include black women, an d so on. Eventu ally, th e large r grou p make s inroads , change s th e paradigm , begin s t o b e accepted, get s laws passed, an d s o on." "Can I take that plate? " I asked. Rodrig o passed i t over and I put i t in th e nonrecyclable bi n outsid e m y office , alon g wit h th e othe r remnant s o f ou r snack. "Thi s i s what yo u argue d before , s o I assum e you'r e gettin g t o you r theory about hunger. " "Correct. Bu t you see , a s soon a s all this happens, th e once-radical grou p begins to lose its edge. I t enters a phase of consolidation, i n which i t is more concerned wit h defendin g an d institutin g reform s mad e possibl e by the ne w consensus, th e ne w paradig m o f Foucault' s Knowledge/Power, 51 tha n wit h pushing th e envelop e toward s mor e radica l change . Th e grou p i s beginning to los e binocula r vision , th e specia l for m o f insigh t mos t outgroup s have , about social inequities and imbalances. " "And s o th e refor m movemen t founders? " I asked . "We'v e see n man y examples of that. A s you know, lega l scholarship i s now extremely intereste d in tha t question . Man y i n th e lef t ar e tryin g t o discove r wh y al l ou r bes t intentions fail , wh y the urg e to transform societ y for the better always comes to naught. " "I'm no t sur e I' d sa y th e movemen t founders, " Rodrig o interjected . "Rather, i t enters into a different phase . I don't want to be too critical." "But at any rate, i t peters out," I said. "I t loses vigor." "But then, eventually , anothe r grou p rise s up to take its place. Ofte n thi s is a disaffecte d subse t o f th e large r group , th e on e tha t wo n reforms , tha t finally got the Suprem e Cour t o r Congress t o recognize th e legitimac y o f its claims. I t turns ou t tha t the reform s di d no t do much fo r th e subgroup. Th e revolution cam e and went, bu t things stayed pretty much th e same for it. So , it renews its effort. " "And that's what you meant by hunger?" "In a way. Thos e who are hungry ar e most desperate for change . Huma n intelligence an d progres s spring from adversity , fro m a sense that the world is not supplyin g wha t th e organis m need s an d requires . A famou s America n philosopher develope d a theory of education base d on this idea. " "I assume you mean John Dewey?" 52 Him an d others . H e was a sometime membe r o f the schoo l o f American pragmatists. Bu t his approach differe d i n significan t respect s from tha t o f the other pragmatists like William Jame s and Charle s Peirce. On e was this. And so I'm thinkin g we can borro w from hi s theory t o explain th e natura l histor y

Rodrigo's Sixth Chronicle 131 of revolutionary movements , applyin g what h e saw to be true for individual s to larger groups." "Where you think i t holds as well?" I asked. "It' s always dangerous extrapolating from th e individual t o the group." "I thin k th e observatio n doe s hol d fo r groups , a s well," Rodrig o replied . "But F d b e gla d t o b e correcte d i f you thin k I am wrong . Th e basi c ide a i s that groups that are victors become complacent. The y lose their critical edge, because ther e i s no nee d t o hav e it . Th e socia l structur e work s for them . I f by intelligence , on e mean s critica l intelligence , w e become dumbe r al l th e time. It' s a kin d o f revers e evolution . Eventually , societ y get s ou t o f kilte r enough tha t a dissident group rise s up, it s critical skill s honed, it s perception equal t o that o f the slave. I t challenges th e maste r by condemning th e statu s quo a s unjust, jus t a s Giannina challenge d me . Sometime s th e injustice s i t points ou t ar e one s tha t genuinel y nee d mending , an d no t jus t fo r th e discontent group . Rather , the y signa l a broader socia l nee d t o refor m thing s that will benefit everybody." 53 I leane d forward ; th e ful l forc e o f wha t Rodrig o wa s sayin g ha d hi t me . "So, Rodrigo , yo u ar e sayin g that th e histor y o f revolutio n is , b y it s nature , iterative. Th e uni t o f socia l intelligenc e i s small ; refor m an d retrenchmen t come i n waves . Thi s fits i n wit h wha t yo u wer e sayin g earlie r abou t th e decline o f th e Wes t an d th e nee d fo r infusio n o f outside r thought . And , i t dovetails wit h othe r current s unde r wa y i n environmenta l thought, 54 eco nomic thought 55—and, a s yo u mentioned , i n America n politica l philoso phy. Mayb e you'l l star t a resurgenc e o f attentio n t o Joh n Dewey , wh o I always thought was a neglected, bu t very brilliant, philosopher. " "Do you see any defects i n m y theory, anythin g I should consider?" After a pause, I said, "Well , there' s the World Trade Center issue." 56 "I'm no t sure what you mean. " "Isn't th e intelligenc e o f radicall y disenfranchise d group s an d subgroup s just as likely to turn crimina l an d take destructive forms, lik e blowing up th e World Trad e Center, a s it is to take the constructive critical turn yo u posit. " "This may happen occasionally, " Rodrigo conceded . "But it' s n o smal l objection , Rodrigo, " I pressed. "Man y believ e tha t th e need toda y i s no t fo r furthe r fragmentation , furthe r nationalism , furthe r multiplication o f smal l group s alon g line s o f ethnicity, politics , o r religion . Rather, th e need is for the opposite—for peace , for cooperation, fo r everyone to acquire a large , ecumenica l understandin g o f the worl d an d ou r plac e i n it.57 W e can' t solv e problem s piecemeal . Everythin g i s connected . What' s

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needed i s a holisti c vision , no t th e parochia l concern , say , o f certain third world nationalists . W e nee d t o se e problems i n national , i f not global , per spective." "But w e won' t ge t tha t unles s th e worl d i s fair. " Rodrig o wa s speakin g slowly an d emphatically now . H e leane d forwar d i n hi s seat . "Yo u see , Professor, th e ecumenical vie w requires that everyon e see the regime as just. If not , the y wil l unit e wit h other s disaffecte d lik e themselves , an d struggl e their hardes t t o brin g thei r grievance s t o th e next-large r group . Th e next larger grou p inevitabl y wil l preac h t o the m abou t th e error s o f division , partisanship, an d disloyalty , an d wil l tell them thei r cooperatio n i s necessary to forward th e large r group's agenda, whateve r that is . But if the Palestinian s thought thei r situatio n wa s fair , the y woul d no t b e disturbin g th e peac e i n the Middle East . I f black women though t they were being dealt with fairly i n the women' s movement—o r a t th e hand s o f th e blac k brothers , fo r tha t matter—they woul d no t be agitating for increased attentio n t o their needs." "So justice comes before peace?" "Logically, yes , an d als o in th e natura l histor y o f ideas," Rodrigo replied . "Of course, i f one is a member o f a more-empowered group , as you and I are vis-a-vis black women, one' s need wil l be for peace, fo r unity , fo r consolida tion, fo r othe r virtue s o f a stabl e an d jus t age . Bu t th e smalle r grou p wil l think jus t th e opposite—tha t th e ag e i s no t jus t an d ha s n o busines s bein g stable." I was silent for a moment. "Now , Rodrigo , isn' t there a lesson i n thi s fo r you and your quarrel with Giannina? " "I think now I understand bette r the conflict betwee n m e and the women. Women themselve s ar e outsiders from th e mainstream. Mayb e they're better able t o se e th e patriarch y i n th e syste m tha n I am . Th e proble m i s tha t I didn't realiz e tha t m y poin t abou t essentialis m bein g a powe r struggl e be tween groups is generalizable to men and women, eve n to me and Giannina . As far a s what happene d a t the meeting , I realize tha t muc h o f my thinkin g follows fro m Giannina' s ow n analysi s o f what wa s taking plac e betwee n th e white women an d the women o f color." Just then I heard th e phone ringin g i n m y secretary's offic e dow n th e hal l and realize d w e were abou t t o be interrupte d b y call-forwarding i f the calle r persevered beyon d fou r rings . While waiting for the call to flip over, I mused to Rodrigo: "Rodrigo, I think I agree with you about your general analysis . Moreover , I want to write your epitaph. I t will say . . . "

Rodrigo's Sixth Chronicle 1 3 3 Just then m y office phon e started to ring, so I quickly finished my thought: "Justice first, then peace— a mott o that others have employed i n differen t versions t o highligh t th e incompatibilit y betwee n a n oppressiv e regim e tha t contains structure s o f unfairness , an d socia l stability . Suc h a regim e i s inherently unstabl e because of the ever-present possibility of revolt." Rodrigo smile d i n appreciation . I picked u p the phone . Wha t I told hi m made him smil e even more: "It's Giannina, " I said . "Sh e want s t o kno w i f w e woul d lik e t o g o t o a movie."

Conclusion Seconds later, Rodrig o was scrambling out of my office, crammin g notes and papers i n hi s boo k bag . A s I watche d hi s lank y fram e disappearin g rapidl y down the hallway, I reflected o n our conversation. I thought that his analysis of essentialis m ha d considerabl e merit , especiall y a s a descriptiv e theor y accounting fo r th e divergen t view s o f commentator s lik e m y frien d Marth a Fineman, wh o write s abou t th e nee d fo r solidarity , an d thos e o f writer s o f color lik e Angel a Harri s an d Ki m Crenshaw , wh o se e the nee d fo r separat e treatment o f subgroups . Hi s furthe r ste p o f connectin g th e antiessentialis m debate t o theorie s o f Critica l though t an d socia l chang e gav e m e greate r pause. Th e literatur e wa s replet e wit h scholar s tryin g t o mak e sens e o f th e failures o f twentieth-century refor m movements , includin g one s I hold dear . My colleagues and I had been exploring the role of normativity, o f misplaced faith i n th e law, an d o f the "empathic fallacy, " i n hope s of making sense out of the trai n o f setbacks . Hi s ide a tha t thing s ar e cyclica l seeme d appealing , and corresponde d t o m y ow n sens e o f how things worked. And , o f course, I was rather flattered at the prominent role it afforded maverick s and disconten t scholars, lik e me, who m Rodrig o considered usefu l mutants ! Yet I hoped fo r further suppor t fo r hi s thesis . Woul d I receiv e anythin g comparabl e t o Rodrigo's printout , whic h h e ha d s o quickl y an d generousl y provide d m e following ou r first conversation? As I walke d dow n th e darkene d corrido r o n m y wa y hom e t o chang e clothes befor e th e movie , I looked throug h th e glas s window o n th e doo r t o the faculty mailboxes . I was startled t o see a small gra y envelope there i n my box. I ha d checke d m y mai l onl y shortl y before . I fished ou t m y ke y an d walked in . Alas , n o printou t o f articles an d books . Instead , I saw, writte n i n a small, nea t hand, th e following poem :

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Docket Entry in the Birmingham City Jail in a hallway of the librar y behind a glassed-in wal l the warden's docket lies open t o the page where twenty-seven year s ago minus two weeks exactly at 5:5 0 in the afternoo n on the twelfth da y of April 196 3 The Reveren d Marti n Luthe r Kin g thirty-four year s old was booked a s number 60 7 for violating section 115 9 of the City Code of Birmingham creating a disorderly disturbanc e by walking down the middle of the street. the Reverend Ralp h Abemath y and five other black persons some male, som e femal e preceded hi m int o the Avenue "F" jail. at 6:06 afte r all the commotion subside d one Robert Groves number 60 8 white and mal e joined the m drunk Giannina(1990) As I continue d dow n th e hallway , I rerea d th e poe m an d wondered : Wh y did sh e writ e it ? An d wha t di d i t mean ? I knew, o f course , tha t a tex t ha d n o single, determinat e meaning , leas t o f all a poem. O n som e level , Giannina' s poem ma y hav e bee n a n effor t t o reac h out— a peac e offering . Perhap s sh e was remindin g u s tha t th e feu d wa s jus t a smal l thing , tha t nobl e ventures , like King's , mus t struggl e no t t o los e themselve s i n banality : O n on e level , we ar e al l brother s an d sisters . Bu t i f on e fail s t o notic e differences , the n Martin Luthe r Kin g become s jus t anothe r prisoner , lik e th e drunks—im portant feature s erased . I lef t th e buildin g an d walke d i n th e directio n o f m y apartment t o prepar e fo r th e evenin g an d fo r m y firs t chanc e t o mee t th e elusive Giannina .

7 RODRIGO'S SEVENT H CHRONICLE : Race, Democracy , an d th e Stat e

Introduction The familia r voic e i n m y receive r gav e m e quit e a start: "Professor, it' s me , Rodrigo Crenshaw. I' m a t the corne r grocer y stor e jus t down th e block fro m your building." I ha d bee n gettin g a numbe r o f call s fro m forme r student s wantin g t o know if I would serv e as a reference fo r the bar examiners or an employer . "Sorry it took me a minute t o recognize your voice," I said. "Com e on u p if you have time. It' s been awhile. " In a fe w minutes , th e tall , lank y Rodrig o wa s standin g i n m y doorway . "How ha s you r summe r bee n going , Professor? " Rodrig o cas t hi s eye s ove r my desk. "Look s like you've got your bluebooks done." "I had to grade fast this year, because—di d I tell you?—I receive d a grant to spend a month a t a study center i n northern Italy . I just got back, i n fact. " "I didn't know . Th e las t time w e talked, I was so wrapped u p i n m y own problems I neglected t o find out about your plans. So , what did you think of my old country?" "I love d it . Th e countrysid e an d foo d wer e great . I' m sur e I'v e pu t o n a couple o f pounds. An d I used th e tim e a t th e cente r t o finish tha t boo k we talked about before. " 135

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"Were the working conditions good?" "Ideal. It' s right by a lake. I thought o f writing you, bu t they said the mai l takes weeks. I would hav e called yo u u p in a day or two, if you hadn't calle d me first." "The government's been i n turmoil. Di d that affect you r trip?" "No—all wa s cal m s o fa r a s I coul d tell . Yo u hav e relative s there , though, right? " Rodrigo nodded. "Distan t ones. I n Bologna, mainly. " "Are they okay?" "Fine. I talked t o them las t week. The y sa y it's no worse than usual . Yo u probably kno w tha t i n Italy , a s i n man y parliamentar y democracies , th e government changes easily and often. " "And no t jus t th e nationa l government, " I offered . "Regiona l an d eve n city government s vary . Yo u ca n trave l thre e mile s an d b e i n a completel y different regime . I n on e town , th e governmen t ca n b e centris t o r socialist . The nex t town over can be communist, an d s o on." "I know. I t makes life there interesting. Whe n I came to the States , I went through th e reverse adjustment. Here , there are only two basic approaches to politics, eac h linke d wit h a competin g conceptio n o f th e state . Thing s seemed t o m e static , almos t boring . O f course , there' s nothin g a Europea n intellectual love s better tha n t o si t in a cafe an d discus s politics . I did som e of that myself." "Do you miss the ferment there? " "A little . I couldn' t hel p bein g struc k b y th e contrast . Here , ther e ar e twenty differen t theorie s o r approache s t o law , rangin g fro m right-win g la w and economic s t o left-win g Critica l Rac e theories , lik e thos e yo u an d you r friends ar e developing. l Yet , thinkin g about the state seems frozen a t a fairly simple level." "Compared t o other countries, yo u mean?" "Yes, it' s remarkably dichotomous . Fo r example , I'v e noticed tha t exactly one-half of my professors thin k government should be large and powerful, a n agent for change." 2 "We both know what political part y they are apt to belong to." "Of course . An d th e other s believe i n th e minimalis t state . Fo r the m th e larger the government, th e more harm i t is likely to do. 3 Of course, there are the communitarians an d civi c republicans, wh o want a greater identificatio n between th e citize n an d th e state. 4 Bu t asid e fro m those , th e possibilitie s

Rodrigo s Seventh Chronicle 137 seem quit e limited . M y friend an d fello w LL.M . studen t Ali say s he almos t never runs into a Marxist." "A growing number o f the students are libertarians," I observed. Tve notice d that, " Rodrig o agreed . "The y strik e m e a s a varian t o f Republicans, eve n i f the y don' t identif y wit h tha t party . Thei r fascinatio n with deregulation, persona l privacy , an d laissez-fair e economic s remind s m e of the strai n o f politica l thinkin g tha t prevaile d durin g you r perio d o f rapi d expansion a century ago." "But you were saying that all those categories were played out. " "I thin k so , Professor . Fo r example , conside r th e age-ol d proble m o f race—something bot h o f u s car e deepl y about . Proponent s o f bot h th e activist an d quietis t stat e sa y the y hav e ou r interest s a t heart . Ye t peopl e o f color see m t o d o littl e bette r i n th e on e regim e tha n th e other . I n som e respects, we folks of color have the worst possible situation here. " I mad e a menta l not e t o as k Rodrig o somethin g abou t tha t late r i f th e opportunity arose , bu t resiste d th e temptatio n fo r now . Instead , I said , a s noncommittally a s possible: "Some of us have written abou t that." 5 "I know." "And I suppose yo u thin k th e solutio n t o ou r socia l ill s is bound u p wit h the concep t o f the stat e i n som e fashion , s o that a different—or a t any rate , better—form o f governmen t i s a necessar y ste p towar d resolvin g thos e problems?" "We talked abou t som e of those things before. A s always, it' s easier to see what's wron g wit h th e curren t syste m tha n t o figure ou t wha t t o pu t i n it s place. Bu t i f yo u hav e th e time , Professor , I' d lov e t o ru n som e idea s pas t you. I' m thinkin g of using them fo r the last part of my dissertation, a draft of which i s due by the end o f the summer. " "I'd b e happ y t o listen . A s always , I' m sur e I'l l lear n a s muc h a s you . Would yo u like some dinner?" "Actually, Giannin a an d I jus t ate . Bu t I' d b e gla d t o joi n yo u fo r a snack." "The two of you made up, I assume?" "Yes, we're doing fine." "I'm gla d t o hea r it . I enjoyed meetin g he r tha t time. " As I gathered u p my keys and sweater , I asked, "An d what are your plans?" "Well, I'v e go t a teaching job . M y friend Al i got one, too . Mine' s i n th e Midwest. I' m no t sur e wha t Giannin a an d I are goin g t o do . We'r e gettin g

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along really well now. Bu t she's reluctant to leave the city, wher e she has all her writing contacts." "Sounds lik e a difficul t decision, " I commiserated. " I kno w couple s wh o have trie d commuting . Som e find i t grueling ; fo r others , it' s no t s o bad . There's a little dessert shop just down the street," I said. "Can I interest you?" "Great. I can always eat dessert," my young friend sai d with enthusiasm .

In Whic h Rodrig o Explain s th e Connectio n betwee n Racism an d Democrac y A few minutes later, w e were comfortably seate d i n the pastry shop down th e block from th e la w school. Afte r selectin g our desserts from a tray the waiter brought, I said: "You wer e sayin g somethin g abou t th e relationshi p betwee n governmen t and racism . Somethin g abou t ou r for m bein g the worst of all for minorities . I'm sur e yo u mea n i n theory , Rodrigo , because , i n practice , othe r culture s are just as bad, i f not worse." "Both i n theory and i n practice, Professor . I t may sound paradoxical. " "It certainly does," I burst in. "Wha t about Cambodia? What about ethnic cleansing? Wha t abou t th e religiou s tyrann y o f Iran ? An d wha t abou t th e honorable moment s of our own history, lik e Brown v. Board of Education?" "Let m e explain , Professor, " Rodrig o replie d mildly . "Ther e i s plenty o f blame t o g o around . Othe r culture s hav e bee n vicious , too . Bu t the y hav e tended t o victimiz e outsiders , generall y nonmember s o r histori c enemies . We—I mea n Wester n democracies—ar e practicall y alon e i n ou r systemati c mistreatment o f our own minorities. 6 I mean, o f course, African-Americans , Native Americans , Asia n Americans , an d Latinos . An d thi s i s a majo r problem fo r an y theor y o f government—understandin g an d regulatin g th e relation betwee n th e majority an d the minority, I mean." 7 "You hav e a theory , I assume? " Rodrig o brightened , whethe r a t m y question o r the arriva l o f the waite r wit h ou r desserts , I couldn't tell . "Wha t are you having?" I looked at his plate. "Flan, " he replied . "Looks good," I said, takin g a spoonful o f my ow n lemo n sherbet . "No w tell me about your theory of government and race. " "I didn' t mea n t o b e to o hars h earlier , Professor . Your— I mea n our — system ha s som e o f th e bes t forma l value s i n th e world . W e hav e languag e declaring that all men an d women ar e equal, abou t the brotherhood o f man,

Rodrigds Seventh Chronicle 1 39 and s o on. O n th e Fourt h o f July, whe n al l the flags are flying, and o n a few other occasion s o f a n officia l natur e American s ca n b e counte d o n t o b e genuinely fair-minded , genuinel y antiracist. " 8 "A few of them ca n be counted o n other times, too, " I interjected . "To b e sure . Ye t i n moment s o f informality , thos e sam e American s fee l free t o tel l a n ethni c joke , t o complai n abou t blacks , o r tal k t o a woma n condescendingly." 9 "We've al l seen that . W e kno w that ther e are certain places , bar s and th e like, wher e we are no t safe. An d w e know that even thos e white folks who m we ca n ordinaril y trust , wh o woul d no t thin k o f sayin g anythin g hurtful , change. A t certain times , i n a certain atmosphere , a t a certain party , i n th e company o f certain others—yo u hav e to watch out. " "I think the axis has something to do with fairness and formality," Rodrig o said. "On formal occasions , such as in court, whe n serving on a jury perhaps, the averag e America n ca n sometime s ge t beyon d race . Yo u hav e al l thos e reminders—the flag, the robes , th e judge , th e solemn words—tha t cu e you that this is an occasion where the formal values , the higher, officia l ones , are to preponderate . Other , mor e intimat e occasion s d o no t evok e thos e sam e values. Th e sam e perso n ca n b e racis t one minute , the n nonracis t th e next , depending on the setting." 10 "Interesting," I replied . " I thin k I agre e wit h you . Bu t wha t abou t a country lik e South Africa? " "There the situation i s exactly reversed. Th e publi c values, unti l recently , were officially racist . Bu t on occasion Sout h African white s could be counted on t o show real compassio n i n thei r privat e lives . I f you were a black and i n trouble o f som e sort , a privat e citizen , no t th e government , woul d b e you r best source of hope." "Maybe that' s wh y America n black s lik e bi g government an d historicall y have looke d t o the Democrati c part y an d th e federa l governmen t a s our salvation." "I thin k i t ma y hav e somethin g t o d o wit h that, " Rodrig o replied . "Bu t more and more , it' s beginning t o appear a vain hope . Neithe r politica l part y does much fo r us . Ou r fortune s ar e little better under th e more big-spendin g Democrats than unde r the less-is-more Republicans." 11 "I agree . I n fact , I'v e writte n s o myself . An d so , I gathe r yo u thin k w e need some wholly new approach?" "I do, " Rodrig o replied . "W e can' t rel y o n formalit y forever . Otherwise , our youn g peopl e wil l ge t job s i n exactl y tw o areas—sport s an d th e Army .

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Superimposed o n th e entir e syste m i s a layer o f antiblack sentiment . T o ge t beyond that , w e mus t d o mor e tha n loo k fo r th e chink s i n th e system , th e few island s o f relativ e safety . W e mus t first understand, the n d o somethin g about, th e system that demeans and submerges our people at every turn." "A large undertaking , Rodrigo . Woul d yo u lik e to discuss i t over coffee? " We had both finished our dessert. Rodrig o looked as though h e could handl e another one . "Or, woul d you like something more to eat? My sherbet was very good." "No thanks, Professor . Jus t coffee. Understandin g what' s wrong is not too hard. I ca n la y i t ou t fo r yo u i n a fe w minutes . Wher e t o g o from ther e i s another matter . Waiter! " Rodrigo ha d caugh t th e attentio n o f th e waite r circulatin g behin d me . Soon w e were sipping cappuccino , decaffeinate d o n m y part , th e rea l thin g on his . Afte r a moment , h e began : "Professor , hav e yo u rea d Catharin e MacKinnon's work?" "Of course. I admire i t greatly. He r analyses of the operation o f patriarchy are at once illuminating an d hard-hitting . Sh e wrote several pieces on sexual harassment o f women i n th e workplace, 12 an d o n pornography. 13 He r boo k Feminism Unmodified 1* i s a classi c i n it s time , bu t sh e ha s writte n muc h more." "Then yo u kno w ho w sh e regard s sexualit y a s th e essenc e o f women' s subordination." "I do. It' s one of her most controversial theses. Sh e says that the sexualization o f women, th e construction o f her in tha t role, i s the very instrument of her oppression , an d no t i n an y contingen t o r means-end s sense . I t i s no t possible t o b e a femal e sexua l bein g i n ou r societ y an d no t b e relegate d t o second-class status . Sexualit y i s women's subordination , pur e an d simple . I t doesn't jus t happen tha t women ar e both sexualize d an d oppressed. The y ar e two sides of the same coin." 15 "And ha d yo u though t whethe r somethin g simila r i s true fo r us , Profes sor—whether ther e i s no t som e paralle l mechanis m tha t account s fo r ou r subordination?" I was silent fo r a moment . I reflected o n suc h theorie s a s socioeconomi c competition, th e colonize d mind , interest-convergence , an d variou s psychological theorie s tha t authoritie s ha d pu t forwar d t o explai n th e persistenc e of racism. "I'm no t sur e I ca n thin k o f anythin g precisel y similar , i f yo u mea n a simple psychological o r political mechanism , lik e sexuality, tha t accounts for

Rodrigo's Seventh Chronicle 141 black subordinatio n an d th e maintenanc e o f a racis t regime . I suppose yo u have one to propose?" "I think it's democracy," he replied . "Democracy?" I wa s thunderstruck . "Th e crownin g achievemen t o f th e West, th e legac y o f Athen s an d Rome , th e jewe l i n politica l theory . Yo u think it' s thi s tha t explain s white-over-blac k powe r relation s an d th e oppres sion of our people?" "Yes," Rodrig o replie d wit h th e remarkabl e insoucianc e tha t wa s hi s trademark, "a t leas t on e varian t o f it . Western-styl e democracies , eve n wit h their formal , for-public-consumptio n rhetori c o f equality, brotherhood , an d all th e rest , basicall y don' t mea n it . Whethe r the y eve r coul d chang e t o b e fair towar d minorities , nonconformists , an d othe r outsiders , I seriousl y doubt. I think minorities always have done better—relatively speaking—an d will continu e t o d o better—i n othe r type s o f regimes . An d thi s i s systemi c and intrinsic , no t accidental." "Rodrigo, o f all the things we have discussed, thi s idea o f yours strikes me as th e mos t counterintuitive . I can thin k o f innumerabl e counterexamples . But le t m e pu t the m o n hol d fo r a moment . I wan t t o lear n mor e abou t your—how shal l I put it?—jade d attitud e towar d th e West . Wha t o n eart h do you se e i n democrac y tha t render s i t the roo t o f our mistreatmen t o f minorities?" "It's th e ide a o f enlightenment, " Rodrig o answered . "I t function s fo r minorities a s sex and sexualizatio n d o fo r women . Yo u recal l MacKinnon' s thesis. Sh e hold s tha t sexuality , or , rathe r society' s constructio n o f it , i s the very mediu m o f women's subordination . I think enlightenment-styl e West ern democrac y i s its parallel, th e source of black people's subordination. No t just in a causal sense . Rather , racis m and enlightenmen t ar e the same thing. They go together; they are opposite sides of a coin." I recalled a powerful scen e i n th e movi e Malcolm X , i n whic h th e youn g Malcolm wa s first introduced t o the systematic nature of color-imagery i n the words o f Webster's dictionar y b y hi s priso n mentor. 16 I asked Rodrigo , "D o you mea n th e wa y i n whic h color-imager y an d symbol s operat e t o devalu e dark skin and place a premium o n white?" "That an d muc h more, " Rodrigo replied . " I think th e syste m o f imagery , the metaphors , th e myth s an d storie s o f Sno w White , whit e man' s burden , dark villain s an d continents , an d th e res t ar e bu t surfac e manifestation s o f something deeper , somethin g tha t lie s a t th e hear t o f Western-style govern ment and politics."

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"And this something distributes power, privileges , socia l roles, disapproval and approval , nicenes s an d it s opposite—and ha s to do with Enlightenmen t philosophy?" "Yes. Th e wor d itsel f i s n o accident . Lock e wrot e essay s justifyin g slav ery.17 Hobbes , Mill , an d eve n Roussea u eithe r di d th e sam e o r wrot e o f a hierarchy o f cultures and the natural subservienc e of the darker-skinned one s to th e lighter. 18 Th e framer s o f th e Unite d State s Constitutio n use d colo r imagery.19 Man y wer e slaveowners. 20 Th e fe w wh o decrie d slaver y publicl y nevertheless though t peopl e lik e yo u an d m e wer e inferio r an d devise d schemes t o sen d ou r unfortunat e dark-skinne d forefathers , a s the y calle d them, bac k t o Africa ; other s blithel y justifie d th e institutio n a s th e lesse r o f two evils."21 "Perhaps tha t wa s a historica l anachronis m whic h Wester n societ y ha s outlived. N o one would advocate those things today except the lunatic fringe . Indeed, les s than tw o centurie s afte r th e perio d yo u ar e describing, Quaker s and other s were turning Enlightenmen t idea s around t o challenge slavery." "I don' t thin k i t wa s simpl y a stage , somethin g w e hav e outgrown . Th e Framers pu t i n plac e a structur e o f governmen t tha t i s inherentl y biase d against the minority. The y thought they were establishing a perfect machine , one predicate d o n th e separatio n o f powers and simila r doctrine s tha t woul d assure tha t i t remaine d foreve r i n perfec t balance , lik e th e heavens, whos e celestial law s o f dynamic s an d motio n Galileo , Descartes , an d Newto n described.22 Suc h a perfec t machin e coul d scarcel y nee d seriou s systemi c correction—that woul d b e contrary to its nature. Intrinsi c to Enlightenmen t thought ar e th e idea s o f order , balance , symmetry , an d control. 23 So , th e idea o f perfection, o f perfect arrangement , mad e i t har d fo r th e minorit y t o get its pleas heard o r taken seriously. I t remains so today. Hav e you ever tried to get a white person t o take complaints of racism seriously?" "It's not easy. They either deny them, o r say racism lies in the past. I f you point out an exampl e they can't deny—the blac k Nobel Priz e winner denied a jo b i n favo r o f a no-goo d high-schoo l dropou t white—the y say , Wel l things are better now than the y used to be, don't we have to admit that?'" 24 Rodrigo smiled, the n said : "It's part of the ide a of perfectionism, whic h i n turn i s an integra l part of Enlightenment philosophy. " "And tha t make s u s see m lik e ingrate s fo r complaining . Bu t yo u men tioned tha t there was more." "There is . Anothe r componen t o f Enlightenmen t though t i s th e ide a o f hierarchy—of on e cultur e o r mod e o f though t bein g alway s an d foreve r

Rodrigo's Seventh Chronicle J4 3 better than another . Ligh t over dark. Enlightene d ove r savage. We over they. Think of all the light-type words with favorable connotations—'enlightened / 'brilliant/ 'insightful/ Enlightenmen t implies a progression, with ourselves— which originall y mean t Western whit e male aristocrats in lac e shirts—at th e top. Ou r class , yo u see , know s mathematics , physics , th e law s o f motio n and philosophy , whil e they are benighted , ignorant , superstitious , mire d i n darkness. Naturally , i t should fal l ou r lo t to develop theories o f government, and to run things . W e have sanitation an d they don't. Q.E.D. " "Quite a combination, " I replied , ironically . " A balanced , perfec t ma chine. An d m y ow n clas s i n charge , pullin g th e levers . Th e on e confer s authority, legitimacy . Th e othe r assure s stasis, resist s challenge. Bu t perhap s we're dealing with benevolent despots, ones who are wise and compassionate. That wouldn' t b e to o bad. Conside r th e Wester n missionaries , fo r example . Surely they did som e good." 25 I was determined t o play the Devil' s advocat e as long as possible. "You're right, " Rodrig o conceded , "excep t fo r on e thing . Enlightenmen t thought an d politic s impl y exclusion , impl y disdai n fo r thos e falling outsid e the charme d circle . I t i s not a warm, embracin g philosophy , lik e som e yo u might have run int o in the villages and small towns of my country, Professor . In it s images , metaphors , an d foundation s i t ha s exclusio n an d cruelt y built in. " "I'm no t sur e what yo u mean . Ar e you referrin g t o something mor e tha n the near-universa l huma n tendenc y t o prefer , t o b e mos t comfortabl e with , to trust, one' s own kind?" "I am. Enlightenmen t thought is exclusionary by its very nature. Conside r what a beam o f light does. I t illuminates a narrow circle or band, leavin g the rest unlit. I t attracts the eye there, discourage s i t from goin g to the rest . Tha t is the guiding metaphor of Enlightenment thought , an d it has exclusion buil t in. An d I don' t mea n i n an y accidental , contingen t sense , bu t inherentl y and necessarily . An y politica l system , suc h a s democracy , buil t o n suc h a foundation wil l b e ba d fo r th e minority . I t i s no t jus t happenstanc e tha t Western democracie s pioneere d th e slav e trade , plantatio n system , cooli e labor, Nativ e America n relocation , an d Bracer o programs. 26 Th e Unite d States wa s on e o f th e las t Wester n countrie s t o abando n slavery. 27 I t maintains an d tighten s stric t immigratio n control s a t th e ver y tim e whe n othe r countries ar e loosenin g them. 28 Th e Wes t use d colo r imager y t o justif y empire—recall th e whit e man' s burden—a s wel l as the Discover y Doctrin e by which w e forced th e Nativ e Americans of f their ancestra l lands. 29 Domi -

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nation an d exclusio n ar e implicit i n the idea of democracy. Al l can't govern, literally—that woul d b e impossible . An d i n th e West , th e basi s o f tha t exclusion i s color, followe d b y sex and property, i n that order. " "I thought you said sex was the basis of female subjugation. " "I sai d sexuality , o r rather , MacKinno n did . Th e wa y societ y construct s sexualized woma n i s th e ver y mean s o f he r subordination . Yo u can' t hav e sex, as currently understood , an d female equalit y at the same time. Bu t that's her thesis . Min e i s that democrac y i s the counterpar t mechanis m fo r us . I f you are black or Mexican, yo u should flee Enlightenment-based democracie s like mad , assumin g yo u hav e an y choice . Enlightenmen t philosoph y i s the very means b y whic h yo u ar e rendere d a nonperson , alway s one-down . A thousand myth s an d tales , a thousan d scripts , plots , narratives , an d storie s will pain t yo u a s hapless , primitive , savage , lascivious , an d not-so-smart , suitable onl y for menia l work. 30 It' s as rigid a system a s the Middl e Ages, yet harder t o chang e becaus e it' s al l informa l an d implicit . Ther e i s nothing t o rebel against . Indeed , th e forma l guarantee s ar e impeccabl y egalitarian . A black person ca n b e president, eve n though non e ever has, an d onl y three of us have ever been i n the Senate. " "Then wh y ar e yo u here? " I asked . "Yo u jus t sai d blac k person s shoul d flee this place, yet you took a teaching jo b in the Midwest! " "I hav e a mission, " Rodrig o replie d levelly , "a s I mentione d before . Besides, I was born here . W e have work to do." "And th e thin g w e have t o work o n i s that whic h al l hav e been taugh t t o treasure—democracy, whic h yo u see as the means of our oppression?" "The ver y instrument, " Rodrig o replie d cheerfully . "Libera l democrac y and racia l subordinatio n g o han d i n hand , lik e th e sun , moon , an d stars . Enlightenment i s to racis m a s sexuality i s to women's oppression—th e ver y means by which w e are kept down." "And t o think I once studied mathematic s an d Descartes, " I shuddered i n mock disbelief . "Rodrigo , d o yo u hav e an y ide a ho w strang e you r equatio n is? Democrac y a s th e ver y sourc e no t jus t o f majoritaria n oppression — many hav e warne d o f that—bu t o f racism , o f steady , enduring , systemi c subjugation o n the basis of color!" "All trut h i s paradoxical," Rodrig o replied . "I t start s ou t wit h a question , goes underneath wha t is accepted." "There ar e paradoxes an d the n ther e ar e paradoxes. A s I have done mor e than once , I must encourage you to keep these ideas to yourself, a t least until you ar e finished with your degree and hav e tenure. I see nothing but troubl e

Rodrigo s Seventh Chronicle 14 5 ahead if you air them too freely. Ou r white friends hav e a healthy self-image . For them , Enlightenmen t philosoph y i s the crow n jewe l o f civilization, th e pride o f Western culture . T o portra y i t a s the sourc e o f bigotry an d oppres sion—along tha t way lies trouble. I f I were you, Rodrigo , I would keep these ideas of yours quiet for a while." Rodrigo looke d a t m e mildly . " I kno w you'r e o n m y side , Professor . I appreciate your counsel. " "Besides," I added, "there' s an economic side to all this. It' s very complex, having t o d o wit h laissez-fair e capitalism , a companio n syste m t o wha t you cal l Enlightenmen t politica l thought. 31 It s practitioner s maintai n tha t everything should b e efficient. Ho w does your indictment of Western liberal ism deal with this? It's not particularly libera l or romantic, bu t pretends to be hardheaded science. " "I've actuall y give n i t som e thought . Wil l yo u scol d m e i f I tel l yo u about it?" "No, please , I' d lov e to hear. "

In Whic h Rodrig o Explain s th e Connectio n betwee n Racism an d Fre e Marke t Economic s "The scientifi c trapping s o f economic s ar e n o guarante e agains t racism, " Rodrigo began. "Yo u recal l what anthropologists were saying about us as late as 1925. 32 Not e th e parallels—bot h fre e marke t economic s an d Enlighten ment politica l philosoph y ar e erecte d o n mechanisti c premises . Th e on e visualizes government a s a grand, nobl e machine, perfectl y i n balance, a s we mentioned. Th e othe r regard s economic activity in much th e same way, as a broad summatio n o f private choices, endlessl y and foreve r perfectin g itsel f as stronger actor s an d businesse s driv e ou t weake r ones . Processes , products , inventions, an d service s ge t bette r ove r time . Peopl e trad e things—service s and labor—an d th e whol e syste m improve s ineluctabl y an d endlessly . Th e less regulation , th e better , fo r i f peopl e ac t accordin g t o thei r ow n self interest—pursue thei r own gain—society wil l be better off. We'l l hav e more jobs, products, services , an d wealth. " "And I' m sur e you see some flaw in this design?" I asked. "A kind o f flaw. One th e seriousnes s o f which depend s o n you r positio n in society . Som e migh t regar d i t as minor. Fo r others , i t would b e more serious." "And I gather those others are us—people lik e you and me?"

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"Yes. I was discussing thi s wit h A H the othe r day . Ar e you familia r wit h Garret Hardin's refutation o f socialist economics?" I searched m y memory. "D o you mea n hi s work on lifeboat ethics , o r the tragedy of the commons?" 33 "The latte r mostly , althoug h th e forme r come s int o pla y a s well . I n his famou s articl e h e point s ou t tha t socialism—an y for m o f collectiv e organization, really—ha s a built-i n difficulty , namel y th e fre e ride r problem."34 "You mea n th e individua l wh o agree s to the collectivis t arrangemen t bu t with a n unspoke n reservation . Thi s perso n i s happ y t o hav e th e villag e o r group se t aside land—o r an y othe r resource—fo r commo n use . H e use s it , but whe n i t comes hi s turn t o pay o r care fo r it , mowin g i t for example , h e shirks his duty . On e o f the othe r 9 9 members o f the cooperativ e ha s to ste p in. Afte r a while, people start to notice that certain member s of the collective are drawin g a shar e o f th e crop s bu t no t doin g th e work . Eventually , the y follow sui t and th e whole thing falls apart. Socialis m contain s the seeds of its own self-destruction , sinc e everyone learns, soone r o r later, tha t they can d o better by withdrawing, b y investing as little as possible." "But doesn' t thi s hol d tru e jus t fo r laz y people , a smal l fractio n o f an y group?" "No. I t hold s tru e fo r th e industriou s jus t a s well . B y inconspicuousl y withdrawing fro m th e collectiv e enterprise , remainin g member s i n nam e only, the y ca n devot e th e extr a tim e t o privat e activity—makin g shoes , fo r example. That way, they get both shoes and crops. The others get just crops." "So, i n Hardin' s view , socialis m i s flawed, and tend s i n tim e t o flip-flop over int o capitalism, " I said i n summary . "Bu t I gather yo u ha d somethin g different t o point out. " "Oh, yes, " Rodrig o replied , takin g a quic k gul p o f hi s cappuccin o an d draining hi s cup . "Withou t controls , collectivis m tend s to decay. Bu t something simila r happen s wit h fre e marke t capitalism . Ther e i s a mirro r imag e flaw on the other side, one with special implication s for minorities. " "Do yo u mea n th e wa y tha t colo r preference s exclud e u s fro m marke t transactions, den y u s acces s t o trades? 35 Peopl e jus t won' t dea l wit h us , a t least if a white person i s equally available." "We talke d abou t tha t before . An d I think wha t w e said the n hold s true : The marke t doe s no t cur e racism , bu t accentuate s it . Bu t on thinkin g abou t it further , I believ e I'v e foun d a n eve n mor e basi c mechanism , on e tha t

Rodrigos Seventh Chronicle 147 generates a climat e i n whic h vulnerabl e groups , particularl y thos e o f color , cannot flourish." T m anxiou s t o hea r wha t yo u hav e to say. But , first, ho w about a refill ? Or would you like more dessert?" "Fine. Al l this talking makes me hungry. " I caught the waiter's eye and gestured Rodrig o to continue. "Individualistic marke t economics teaches everyone to seek his or her own profit, t o rel y o n hi s o r he r ow n resource s an d effor t t o suppor t him - o r herself throug h life . Ye t ther e mus t b e rule s an d laws , agains t stealin g o r setting fire to your competitor' s shop , fo r example , requirin g the payment of taxes, and s o on." "Our friend s i n th e law-and-economic s movemen t woul d se t that leve l as low as possible." 36 "But even the y believe there mus t be some laws to assure security, publi c safety, an d som e degree of social cooperation. 37 Ye t even tha t minima l leve l tends to erode unde r marke t pressures , wit h th e resul t that Western societie s get rougher and roughe r over time." "More o r les s the opposit e o f Hardin's thesis , bu t fo r capitalism, " I commented. "And, a s I mentioned , wit h soberin g consequence s fo r minoritie s an d other outside r groups . I n a fre e marke t society , ever y acto r i s rewarde d fo r coming a s clos e t o th e lin e a s possible. A merchant wh o cut s corners , wh o takes liberties with labor , fair-weights-and-measures , ta x and reportin g rules , will hav e an edg e on competitor s wh o are more law-abiding , mor e generou s toward thei r staffs , an d s o on . Whe n everyon e learn s thi s an d begin s t o d o the same , b y a sor t o f tacit agreemen t th e lin e move s back . Eventuall y th e legislature formalizes th e new line. Drivin g speeds on the freeway ar e a good example. Eve n peopl e who would lik e to drive slowly and safely can't." 38 "And you think the same holds true for matters of race?" "Yes. Eve n thos e white s wh o woul d otherwis e car e abou t us , wh o lef t t o their ow n device s woul d wor k fo r a nonracis t society , don't . The y los e interest, devot e themselve s t o thei r ow n concerns , dro p ou t o f th e civi l rights movement. " "As I think I mentioned, i t happens all the time. Eve n thos e students who begin la w schoo l a s idealists , wantin g t o hel p th e poo r an d downtrodden , change. B y th e tim e the y graduate , the y ar e read y t o g o int o corpo rate practice, o r become hous e counse l fo r th e res t of their lives—anything -

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other tha n th e publi c interes t wor k tha t attracte d the m t o la w i n th e first place."39 "I've notice d that , too . Competitiv e pressure s driv e ou t altruistic , other regarding impulses . Prett y soon, th e formal rule s change, an d w e don't eve n notice ho w thi s happens . I f a fre e marke t societ y doe s contai n a n impover ished o r minorit y group , al l thing s bein g equal , tha t group' s situatio n wil l worsen ove r tim e becaus e th e majorit y wil l com e t o care les s and les s about it, wil l be willing to devote fewer an d fewe r resource s to redressing it s needs. Eventually, thing s ge t s o bad , competitio n s o cutthroat , th e agon y o f th e inner cit y so intense, tha t society intervenes . W e pass a few laws, establis h a few programs, an d we all feel muc h better. " "It is like Hardin's thesis," I mused. "An d i t certainly accords with historical experience. Th e las t twenty years for u s have been som e of the worst I've seen. An d certai n earlie r period s of rapid economi c development—o r time s of economi c distres s an d competition—sa w th e introductio n o f harsh mea sures against Asians, Mexicans , an d other immigran t groups." "And I think thes e resurgence s o f nativism an d othe r unlovel y sentiment s are no t simpl y aberrations , Professor , bu t marker s i n wha t i s generall y a steady decline i n civilit y an d generosit y an d tolerance . Al l of this, o f course, has very real consequences for our people." "In a way , Rodrigo , you r thesi s i s simila r t o th e counter-majoritaria n difficulty whic h man y hav e pointe d ou t i n connectio n wit h theorie s o f judicial review, 40 bu t include s i t a s a specia l case . Enlightenment-base d Western-style democracy pose s not jus t the possibility, bu t the near-certaint y of dominatio n an d roug h treatmen t o f minorities— a treatmen t tha t come s in tim e t o see m mor e an d mor e natura l an d deserved , an d les s an d les s i n need o f correction . Lega l self-seekin g come s t o b e define d a s wha t whit e people do." Just then , th e waite r arrive d wit h a tra y o f tempting-lookin g desserts . "Those look good. Hav e one. This is on me," I said.

Wherein Rodrig o Explain s th e Persistenc e o f Western Racis m As we started on our desserts, I recapitulated what I had heard. "So , Rodrigo, you believ e tha t the sourc e o f our troubles lie s with Enlightenmen t philoso phy. You'v e deployed cognitiv e psycholog y t o show ho w that outlook gener ates a willingness to disdain others , an d work s together with colo r imagery to

Rodrigo's Seventh Chronicle J

49

assure tha t ou r peopl e ar e alway s despise d an d overlooked . Yo u hav e sai d that Enlightenmen t notion s ar e fo r black s wha t sexualit y i s for women , th e very mean s b y whic h societ y construct s an d justifie s ou r subordination . I n democracy no t al l ca n hav e a voice. Enlightenmen t democrac y assure s tha t ours i s th e on e tha t i s excluded . An d eve n i f w e coul d b e heard , th e perfectionist strai n tha t Enlightenmen t breed s make s criticism see m lik e flyspecking, makin g th e listene r pron e t o as k question s like , 'Bu t aren' t yo u better off than yo u were in Africa? ' "Further, yo u have argued tha t free marke t capitalism work s together with Enlightenment politica l though t t o kee p black s an d othe r peopl e o f colo r down. I n a kin d o f reversa l o f Garre t Hardin' s thesis , yo u argue d tha t capitalism eventuall y destroy s fellow-feelin g an d identificatio n wit h th e group. Thos e wh o star t ou t carin g fo r us , wantin g t o joi n ou r struggle , fal l away, g o of f t o ten d thei r ow n garden s les t the y ge t to o fa r behin d th e competition. I agree with yo u o n mos t o f these points . Bu t i s there no t stil l hope? I s not democrac y a n ope n socia l arrangement , on e i n whic h talente d outsiders lik e yoursel f ma y wor k fo r change ? I f not , what' s th e poin t o f struggle?" Rodrigo too k a mouthfu l o f hi s raspberr y tort e an d looke d up . "It' s no t particularly open , a t leas t compare d wit h othe r socia l systems . An d whethe r there's any point in struggling, I think everyone must decide for himself. Th e system doe s resis t change , bot h practicall y an d o n a leve l o f theory . Hav e you notice d ho w unintereste d mos t American s ar e i n hearin g abou t thei r own racial injustices? " "I have . An d I assum e yo u attribut e thi s t o th e sam e factor s o f perfec tionism an d th e sens e o f one' s ow n culture' s infallibilit y tha t mak e chang e difficult," I ventured. "Yes, thos e plu s th e othe r thing s w e talke d abou t earlier . Colo r imager y and th e cognitiv e psycholog y o f visual imager y an d ligh t make i t difficult fo r persons i n th e societ y t o focu s fo r lon g o n th e trouble s o f outsiders . Plu s there is law's contribution t o freezing things. " "Locke-ing things in, s o to speak," I quipped. "I kind of like that," Rodrigo replied appreciatively . "Min d i f I steal it?" "Not at all. You'v e been doing most of the talking today. I'v e gotten muc h more out of this discussion tha n you. " "You're the one that got me started, encourage d m e to pursue this vein of thought i n th e first place . I ca n neve r than k yo u enough . You'r e a goo d mentor and friend. "

J 50 Rodrigo

s Seventh Chronicle

I marveled, onc e again, a t how even grizzled ol d veterans like me learn at least a s muc h fro m ou r student s a s the y fro m us . Eve n thei r half-forme d ideas ofte n trigge r responsiv e one s i n ou r minds , enablin g u s t o g o o n i n what is often a n ari d and desolate landscape. But I said, "Tel l me more about how the system resist s change." In Which Rodrigo Explains Further How Racism Gets Locked In: Law's Contribution "Law—I mea n th e lega l system—i s on e o f the ways," Rodrigo said . "Ca n I interest you in a gelato? I notice they have it here, an d it' s one of the things I miss from Italy. " "Of course," I quickly replied . "It' s one o f the man y fine foods fro m you r country tha t I got hooked o n during my visit. It' s better than wha t we call ice cream, wit h all that butterfat. M y doctor told me to cut down." I gesture d t o th e waite r an d waite d whil e Rodrig o trie d t o mak e himsel f understood concernin g wha t I gathe r wa s hi s favorit e flavor. H e settle d fo r something secon d best , afte r whic h I ordere d mandarino y a tar t variet y o f near-orange that I had first bought from a street vendor i n Bologna . When I mentione d thi s t o Rodrigo , h e looke d u p wit h interest . "N o kidding—you wer e in my old city?" "Three days . I loved it . I thought th e arcade d walkway s were gorgeous. I loved th e ol d churches . An d I stoppe d i n a t th e la w schoo l completel y unannounced, bu t managed t o talk with one professor an d three students." "Did the y speak English?" "They did , fo r whic h I was grateful. I t struc k m e a s both a sophisticate d and highl y politica l place . A s yo u mentioned , th e student s di d kno w o f Critical Lega l Studies. S o did the professor, an d one of the students had even read Bell and Matsuda , I assume in translation. " "It's possible , professor . Bu t I thin k it' s equall y possibl e the y struggle d through i n English , jus t as they did i n talkin g with you. Lef t an d progressiv e movements i n Ital y read mor e work from th e States than yo u might think. " "I recal l tha t whe n w e first met , yo u ha d alread y rea d a n impressiv e amount." "No more than man y o f my friends. Al i may have read even mor e than I , but h e wa s a philosoph y majo r whil e I studie d comparativ e cultures , a s you remember. "

Rodrigos Seventh Chronicle 151 "I do. Bu t tell me more about the persistence of racial inequality. " "Well, on e additiona l mechanism—beyon d th e one s we'v e alread y dis cussed—is simpl y law' s conservatism . Ther e i s n o particula r reaso n wh y a legal syste m need s t o b e o n th e wron g side , need s t o perpetuat e racia l o r other injustice. " "At a few periods , th e American judiciar y wa s actually pro-reform," I interjected.41 "In th e sixtie s an d earl y seventies , an d sporadicall y befor e then . Bu t o n the whol e judge s hav e turne d a deaf ea r t o minoritie s seekin g chang e mor e than the y have welcomed the m an d forwarded thei r causes." "And the reasons they have done so are—?" "The usual ones—judges' clas s and economic backgrounds. Bu t a furthe r one i s simply that th e lega l system , i n th e U.S . a t any rate , i s past-oriented. Stare decisis and th e rule of law mean tha t judge s are bound t o continue th e previous regime even i f it is unfair. " "That's certainl y true . Bu t ever y no w an d then , a grea t juris t lik e Thur good Marshall , Willia m Brennan , o r Willia m Dougla s ha s seeme d abl e t o rise abov e tha t cultur e an d stak e ou t a positio n tha t i s genuinel y forward looking and humane. " "But the new rule or decision has a way of slipping back. You have written about that yourself, alon g with your friends." 42 "I know, " I said. "Som e o f us explain tha t cycl e o f lurching forwar d an d falling bac k in terms of interest-convergence. 43 Other s write that whatever its cause, it' s a n ever-presen t realit y tha t argue s agains t puttin g to o muc h reli ance on the courts for social change." "Girardeau Span n come s to mind. " "I read hi s brilliant book. 44 And agree with it to a large extent." "Me, too , thoug h I hav e a slightl y differen t explanatio n fo r th e disma l picture of dashed hopes and betrayals he depicts so remorselessly." "I'm sur e yo u do , Rodrigo . Fo r on e s o young, an d wit h suc h a cheerfu l disposition, yo u certainly have some downbeat ideas." "Not muc h mor e tha n som e o f yours , Professor . Althoug h on e o r tw o of you r recen t thing s hav e ha d almos t a—ho w shal l I pu t it—spiritua l quality?" "Well, optimistic , anyway . I'l l conced e tha t i n m y younge r day s n o on e matched m e for skepticism about our people's future. A few people described me as the originator of'bleak chic.' "

J 52 Rodrigo's

Seventh Chronicle

"Now that I hadn't heard," Rodrigo exclaimed. " I kind of like it. I t fits." "But wha t abou t th e occasiona l judg e wh o champion s ou r cause , wha t about th e breakthroug h Brown v . Board of Education decisio n tha t come s along every decade or two?" "Decisions lik e Brown produce a lot of hurrah-ing an d singin g and danc ing in the streets, as you have pointed out. Then , the y are quietly stolen back by narrow construction, foot-dragging , an d administrativ e delay . W e en d u p little bette r of f tha n w e were before—o r eve n worse . Everyon e hear s abou t the great decision an d assumes our problems are solved. Ou r friends g o off to save the whales, o r to other causes. And our enemies paint us as whiners and complainers. For , afte r al l thes e beneficia l law s an d landmar k decisions , i f we aren' t makin g it , well—wha t ca n b e done ? Perhap s ther e i s somethin g intrinsically wrong with us . S o they get to blame us even more than before. " "But yo u sai d ther e wa s a ne w element . Thes e thing s I think bot h o f us know and hav e talked about before—right? " "Right. It' s tha t th e lega l syste m can' t brin g abou t an y sor t o f significan t change becaus e i t operate s piecemeal . I t ca n onl y solv e th e cas e befor e it . Doctrines o f standing , mootness , ripeness , an d politica l questio n assur e that.45 An d sinc e racis m i s systemic , rathe r tha n episodic , intrinsi c t o th e culture rathe r than a n aberration , th e norma l rathe r than th e abnormal, la w cannot se e o r redres s it. 46 Th e gravitationa l tu g o f the familia r i s too great . And th e familiar—th e ordinar y stat e o f things—i s racism , rathe r tha n th e opposite."47 "I could us e an example. " Rodrigo wa s silen t fo r a moment , whil e I scoope d u p th e las t dro p o f gelato in the bottom o f my cup, wishin g I could hav e more. I was struggling with m y conscienc e whe n Rodrig o brok e i n wit h a n insigh t tha t mad e th e wait worthwhile: "Imagine that the Suprem e Cour t one day decides that a voting regime in which black electoral power is canceled ou t is, by virtue of that simple result, unconstitutional. I t decide s i n favo r o f somethin g lik e th e 'proportiona l representation' tha t you r frien d Lan i Guinie r ha s bee n writin g about. 48 S o that an y structure tha t produce s onl y a handful o f black representatives fro m a heavily black district, an d allows those few to have their effect cancele d ou t by the nee d t o make trades and compromises , i s a violation o f the Constitu tion or voting rights laws designed to implement it. " "I gather yo u ar e goin g to sa y that suc h a decision woul d en d u p makin g little difference. "

Rodrigo's Seventh Chronicle 1 53 "Very little . Suc h a decisio n woul d b e interprete d a s th e extraordinar y thing i t is . Loca l authorities , votin g registrars , congressiona l leaders , an d s o on, woul d say , 'Well , o f cours e th e Suprem e Cour t didn' t mea n that. 7 Because o f th e interlockin g we b o f cultura l understandings , meanings , an d presuppositions about the sort of country this is supposed to be, local official s will gu t th e landmar k decision . I n ever y clos e cas e requirin g a n interpreta tion, the y wil l sa y t o themselves , 'Surel y th e Cour t mean t X, ' whe n i t actually mean t Y . An d o f cours e X will b e th e status-maintainin g interpre tation." "And that' s what you mean t whe n yo u sai d that everything would hav e to change at once, an d no t piece by piece, precedent by precedent." "Yes—otherwise, th e res t o f th e syste m wil l simpl y dra g th e ne w rul e down, an d we'll be back where we were before. " "And this is just the sort of wide-ranging change that law cannot usher in , by its very nature, fo r the reasons you mentioned. " Rodrigos Second Reason —John Calvin of Individualism

and the Culture

"I thin k ther e i s a grai n o f trut h t o wha t yo u say , Rodrigo . I t capture s a growing sens e tha t lega l cultur e i s structurall y biase d agains t racia l reform . It's not so much tha t judge s hate us. Rather , it' s something abou t the milie u in which the y work." 49 "In your country, ar e most judges Protestants?" Rodrigo asked. "Interesting question . I reall y don' t know . Probabl y so , althoug h I ca n think o f man y exceptions . An d o f course , i n th e lega l academy , man y ar e Jewish, an d no t a few Catholic. Wh y do you ask?" "Because I hav e th e sens e tha t Calvinis m play s a par t i n renderin g rac e reform eve n less likely than i t would be in it s absence." "What do you mean? " "Capitalism aros e aroun d th e sam e tim e a s Calvinis m did , shortl y afte r the Reformation . Bot h turne d society' s attentio n towar d th e individual . Cal vinism and its variants eliminated intermediaries , suc h as priests, and focuse d on th e rol e o f the individua l believer . Capitalis m di d muc h th e sam e i n th e economic sphere. Bot h doctrines remain aliv e and vital today." "And hav e somethin g t o d o wit h majoritaria n oppressio n o f African Americans an d othe r peopl e o f color , suc h a s Nativ e Americans , Puert o Ricans, an d Mexicans? "

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"It's relate d t o th e individualis m w e jus t talke d about . Anyon e no t suc ceeding b y hi s o r he r ow n effort s mus t no t b e tryin g ver y hard . Failur e i s a sign o f mora l si n o r sloth . An d an y focu s o n grou p redress , whic h African Americans nee d t o correc t th e systemi c injustice s w e hav e suffere d ove r four centurie s o f domination, i s alien t o individualisti c thought . Befor e th e Reformation, th e Church was at least allied with the king and the aristocracy. Over time , i t coul d hav e com e t o expan d it s allegianc e t o includ e worker s and th e poor , a s a fe w liberatio n theolog y group s hav e done. 50 Bu t i n th e main, religio n i n th e Wes t ha s bee n mor e concerne d wit h individua l sin ners—and patrons—tha n group s in need o f help." "Direct democracy , a s the y hav e i t i n th e Wester n states , i n whic h th e people ge t to enact law s and constitutiona l amendment s b y referendum an d initiative, ha s bee n responsibl e fo r som e notabl y antiminorit y an d antiga y measures.51 D o yo u se e an y connectio n betwee n thi s mechanis m an d th e individualism yo u attribute to our religious tradition?" "I hadn't though t muc h abou t that, " Rodrig o conceded . "Bu t i t stands to reason that representative government supplies at least a slight momentum i n favor o f consideratio n o f groups . Representative s ar e alway s makin g trade offs, weighin g th e interest s o f one se t of constituents agains t thos e o f others. Of course, the y sometime s blithel y trad e awa y our interests, a s we discussed earlier. Bu t when th e people vote in the privacy of the ballot booth, the y are even freer t o vote their preferences—which ar e sometimes quite unlovely, as you and I know." 52 "All too well," I acknowledged. "And the n there' s the judiciary' s well-known deferenc e t o the authority of other branches , o r of the peopl e actin g through direc t democracy. Althoug h the judiciar y i s supposed t o act i n a counter-majoritarian fashion , t o protec t weak an d insula r minoritie s fro m tyranny, 53 the y d o thi s les s an d les s thes e days. An d whe n the y ar e asked t o do so , the y naturall y interpre t th e reques t against a background of what seems natural to them. An d what seems natural is tyranny . Th e curren t syste m o f whit e ove r blac k seem s natural . Th e reigning narratives , myths , an d meaning s operat e to invalidate black claims, so that judicia l deferenc e t o quite pernicious practice s passes , a t the time, a s the righ t thin g t o do. 54 American court s an d othe r branche s o f governmen t are mor e ap t t o writ e of f a poo r man' s o r group' s pai n tha n ar e mor e collectivist governments . I imagine yo u sa w examples o f this on you r Euro pean sojourn, Professor? " "I wa s surprise d t o se e ho w fe w homeles s peopl e ther e are , o r beggars ,

Rodrigo's Seventh Chronicle ISS particularly i n you r country . An d th e elderl y see m les s destitute tha n man y are here. I assume that's because there is always someone to help them." 55 "Yes—either a family membe r o r social servic e agency . Th e syste m isn' t perfect, an d ther e ar e o f cours e exceptions , a s w e discusse d before . Bu t o n the whole the caregiving function i s carried out more effectively there. " "I wouldn' t b e surprise d i f thi s i s relate d t o th e wa y ou r versio n o f democracy emphasize s Enlightenmen t ideals . Calvinis m let s u s blam e th e poor and th e lame. Judge s and other s come steeped i n perfectionism, s o that the syste m change s slowly . And , a s yo u pointe d out , incrementa l refor m won't work for racis m o r other systemi c socia l ills . Everythin g ha s to change at once , bu t can't , becaus e o f stare decisis an d law' s commitmen t t o piece meal treatment. " "Much mor e than othe r disciplines, la w is caught up in old-style formalistic, mechanica l approache s to reason and analysis , which i t is just beginning to abandon. Postmoder n an d Critica l current s hav e caught o n almos t every where else , providin g powerfu l ne w insight s int o ou r conditio n an d th e nature o f knowledg e itself . Wit h som e exceptions—lik e yo u an d you r friends, Professor—la w remain s committed t o outmoded approaches." 56 "You giv e m e to o muc h credit , Rodrigo, " I quickly interjected . "I' m jus t an ordinar y foo t soldier , toilin g i n th e trenches . I don' t tal k thi s hig h Cri t stuff ver y well. I' m afrai d it' s fo r youn g peopl e lik e you, wh o hav e th e tim e and flexible minds to master it. I find much o f it interesting and provocative, although I ofte n wis h th e writer s wh o deplo y i t woul d lear n t o writ e mor e simply. Sometimes , I almost fee l I have t o rea d wit h a dictionar y o f 'Criti calese' in hand. " "I know," Rodrigo conceded. "Som e of us do get caught up in impenetra ble jargon . I'v e take n a vo w t o tr y t o writ e mor e clearly , myself . M y thesi s adviser has been your strongest ally. I' m no t sure if you know him, bu t he's a stickler for the straightforward phrase. " "Don't le t m y lamen t sidetrac k you, " I interposed . " I thin k postmoder n analysis holds enormous promise for a new program o f racial reform . It' s just that I think you're the one to develop it, no t me." "You've alread y bee n doin g it, " Rodrig o adde d quietly . "Yo u don' t kno w what an inspiratio n yo u an d you r generatio n hav e been. You'v e show n ho w formalistic, precedent-base d civi l rights law built along the liberal model fail s over an d ove r again . You'v e pointe d th e way , develope d th e evidence , th e prima faci e case , s o t o speak . We'r e jus t filling i n th e gaps , developin g theories to explain wha t you've shown."

J 56 Rodrigo's

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"You're too kind," I said. "Bu t all this flattery will get you nowher e i f you cannot d o tw o things . You r readers , especiall y thos e o f majoritaria n hue , will wan t t o know , first, ho w yo u dea l wit h certai n counterexamples , lik e Cambodia, Iran , o r Indi a unde r th e cast e system . Othe r societie s see m t o have ha d n o troubl e perpetratin g an d justifyin g cruelt y towar d minorit y o r despised populations . Ho w ca n i t b e connecte d wit h Wester n though t an d government i f it happen s everywhere ? And , second , the y wil l want t o know what you plan t o do about it , abou t the local version, I mean. La w types are pragmatic. The y wil l want t o know no t jus t your diagnosi s o f our racia l ills , but your prescription. " "On th e first point, I guess I'd hav e to concede that there's enough cruelt y and racis m t o g o around . M y purpos e wa s t o explai n it s persistenc e i n th e West. M y basi c poin t i s that i n th e West , th e disadvantag e tha t black s an d other peopl e o f colo r suffere d initially , tha t is , i n connectio n wit h th e wa y they were brought here , neve r ends." "What abou t Thoma s Sowell ? He' s show n tha t black s fro m th e Wes t Indies rise rapidly. H e attributes the failure o f older African-American group s to thrive to their lac k of industry, relianc e o n faile d libera l programs , an d t o a culture o f poverty." 57 "It i s true tha t Sowel l foun d thos e differences . Bu t yo u shoul d not e tha t West Indians rise rapidly up the economic ladder when we generally do not, but onl y fo r on e generation . U.S.-bor n black s hav e live d i n a racis t societ y longer tha n th e newcomer s an d thu s hav e ha d longe r t o becom e demoral ized. I n time , w e ma y wel l find tha t Wes t Indian s sin k t o th e sam e levels . Or, possibl y societ y wil l construc t a ne w category , lik e Bil l Cosby—nic e blacks, th e othe r kind. 58 Whit e folk s neve r se e thei r ow n racia l an d clas s advantages—the famil y frien d wh o got them a summer jo b when the y wer e a teenager, th e carefully constructe d recommendatio n lette r for a college, th e receptive teache r wh o discussed extr a credit , whic h le d t o an A-minu s i n a n Honors Englis h course—thing s tha t happe n t o ou r kin d almos t never . Bu t they do see as radically, shockingly , bitterl y unfair th e advantage a rare black gets whe n h e o r sh e get s int o a goo d colleg e unde r a n affirmativ e actio n program. The y promptl y declare—'That's wha t I mean b y unfair,' overlook ing th e inheritance , th e loa n fro m father , th e childhoo d hel p the y receive d of various kinds." "Rodrigo, th e hou r i s late, an d yo u se t a fast pace . A n ol d ma n lik e m e needs hi s rest . A s stimulatin g a s I find al l this—an d I thin k you r thesi s

Rodrigo s Seventh Chronicle 1 57 advisor will too—I'm goin g to have to head home soon. Mayb e we can shar e a cab . Bu t I' d lov e t o hav e yo u outlin e you r solutio n t o ou r racia l predica ment—the on e you hinted a t earlier." "This par t o f my paper i s still—how d o you sa y it?—sketchy. I can d o it in ten minutes . Ho w about another coffee? " As luc k woul d hav e it , th e waite r hoverin g nearb y i n th e no w nearl y deserted restauran t overhear d Rodrigo' s remark , an d asked , "Ca n I bring you gentlemen mor e coffee? " I notice d h e wa s a ma n o f colo r an d remarked , once again, ho w much bette r treatment people like Rodrigo and me get fro m service folks of color, eve n i n today's world. 59 "Decaf for me . Doctor' s orders." Rodrigo sho t m e a sympatheti c loo k an d said , "Th e same . I kin d o f overdosed durin g finals , s o I' m cuttin g back . Besides , Giannina' s bee n afte r me to reduce my intake. Sh e says it makes me hyper. " "Funniest thing, " I remarked , smilin g t o le t Rodrig o kno w I appreciate d his high-energ y manner . "Yo u wer e sayin g yo u hav e th e outline s o f som e sort of solution."

In Whic h Rodrig o Explain s Ho w t o Begi n t o Address Ou r Racia l Predicamen t The waite r quickl y returne d an d poure d ou r coffee . Rodrig o adde d crea m and hi s trademar k fou r teaspoon s o f sugar ; I adde d NutraSweet . The n h e began: "The trick lies in dealing with the source of our problem, namel y Enlight enment thought . I' m skeptica l o f an y othe r wa y out . Th e structure s o f domination ar e s o deeply engraine d tha t th e curren t regim e seem s jus t an d natural t o most folks within it , i n need of little correction. " "But you said you had some thoughts." "The beginnings . Som e notion s o f where on e migh t star t i f one though t the wil l wer e there , whic h I don't . Fo r example , we'v e bot h notice d ho w color imagery, an d metaphor s o f light, o f eyesight play a part in our domina tion. We'r e th e grea t Unseen , invisible , dark , th e Other . W e ar e equate d with ba d things , wit h a thousan d connotation s an d narrative s tha t mak e i t difficult fo r whit e folks , eve n one s o f good will , t o thin k w e migh t b e thei r equals, migh t b e a s nice , a s talented , a s wort h gettin g t o kno w a s on e of them."

J 58 Rodrigo's

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"And what would replac e that system?" "Well," Rodrig o replie d wit h tha t nonchalanc e I had com e t o enjo y an d appreciate, "w e might tr y to get them t o abandon th e sight-base d metaphor s that li e at the hear t o f Enlightenment philosoph y an d adop t instea d anothe r sense organ, fo r example, touch. " I pu t dow n m y cu p o f coffee . "Yo u mea n tha t yo u wan t t o ge t whit e people t o lear n t o hu g th e world , includin g th e dar k peopl e i n it , gay s an d lesbians, an d othe r outsiders? " I was incredulous. "Rodrigo , Fv e got to han d it to you. Thi s is a truly novel idea. Bu t it will never go over." "I'm no t sur e wh y not, " Rodrig o replied . "Familie s lov e an d hu g eac h other. Th e human embrac e i s the means by which ou r most basic collectivities for m an d replicat e eac h other . Handshakes , embraces , pat s o n th e back—these ar e al l primordia l huma n experiences . W e coul d buil d o n thi s model o f human relations , wit h it s much mor e inclusionar y impetus , rathe r than th e mor e hierarchy-producin g an d -maintainin g metaphor s o f our En lightenment heritage. " "With environmentalism , yo u hea r th e remark , 'G o hu g a tree/" I said, immediately feelin g a littl e lame . Th e ide a o f a societ y whos e politica l structures wer e buil t o n lov e an d huggin g struc k m e a s a little , well , Ne w Age, no t quite befitting scholar s of my station an d i n Rodrigo' s case, station to-be. "There's als o th e bumpe r sticker , 'Hav e yo u hugge d you r ki d today,' " Rodrigo added . "Whit e folk s migh t b e persuade d t o hu g us , too . That' s al l I'm suggesting. " "That one's promising, i f a little, well, frontal. Mayb e it's worth proposin g for it s shoc k value , a s a wa y o f gettin g peopl e t o focu s o n sigh t metaphor s and th e perniciou s qualit y o f muc h Enlightenmen t theory . Bu t yo u men tioned yo u had othe r avenues in mind. " "A secon d approac h woul d ta p a theor y yo u an d you r friend s hav e es poused, Professor , namel y interest-convergence. 60 Everyon e like s an d ca n easily be gotten to act in their own self-interest onc e it's explained t o them." "So, yo u wan t t o ge t th e majorit y grou p t o se e tha t improvin g thei r treatment o f groups of color benefits them. " "Yes, an d t o d o tha t w e ca n brin g ou t theme s tha t yo u an d I discusse d earlier i n connectio n wit h th e declin e o f th e West , particularl y th e Unite d States, whos e slippin g qualit y o f life, economi c status , an d s o on, hav e no w become apparent to practically all. 61 We could gently let them kno w that the

Rodrigo s Seventh Chronicle 1 59 solution t o thei r variou s predicaments—th e environmenta l crisis , old-ag e care, an d s o on—lies wit h approache s no w in th e possession an d experienc e of outside r groups . Thi s would , o f course , provid e a ne w an d compellin g basis for affirmativ e action—namely , th e majorit y group' s self-interest . I n a sense, som e o f thi s i s alread y goin g on . Whit e folk s ar e turnin g t o Nativ e American though t fo r approache s t o environmenta l protection, 62 t o South western cultur e fo r satisfactio n an d renewal. 63 I t reminds m e o f how societ y discovered an d exalted all things black during the Harlem Renaissance, 64 but with les s condescension. Th e U.S . i s beginning t o realiz e i t needs answers . Otherwise, i t wil l soo n b e overtake n decisivel y b y Asi a an d th e Commo n Market." "Do yo u thin k tha t th e flirtation o f some la w professors wit h deconstruc tion and other postmodern approache s shares some of that emphasis?" "You coul d loo k a t i t that way, " Rodrig o replied . "There' s th e sens e tha t the ol d kin d o f case-crunchin g analysis , ful l o f mechanical , formalisti c reasoning, ha s playe d itsel f out . Doctrina l analysi s hold s ver y few , i f any , new insight s an y more . Ne w scholar s ar e movin g beyon d i t int o perspectiv ism, interdisciplinar y 'law-and ' scholarship , an d cultura l studies . There' s a general sens e that we've reached th e end o f a road." "Rodrigo, no w tha t I com e t o thin k o f it , I muc h prefe r thi s approach . Though a n expert at poststructuralism, Criticalese , semiotics , contextualism , and al l th e othe r fanc y ne w approache s I a m not , I thin k American s ar e much mor e ap t t o g o fo r the m tha n fo r th e huggin g solution . A t first I thought you were being facetious, an d I' m you r friend an d advocate. " "I wasn't being facetious . An y change o f paradigm strike s one a s peculia r when it' s first suggested. Othe r culture s ofte n complai n tha t Anglo culture is cold, find American s arrogan t an d superior . Thes e othe r culture s ar e mor e on the huggin g model—by whic h I mean collectivis m The y don't hav e such a perfectionis t hang-up , s o the y ar e les s judgmental . I n tha t respect , the y share somethin g wit h perspectivism , positionality , an d som e o f th e ne w approaches being written about by Pierre Schlag, Stev e Winter, an d others. 65 It i s muc h easie r t o b e inclusiv e i f on e isn' t committe d t o th e ide a o f on e right answer, a s classical thought incline s one to be." "I did notice the difference yo u mentioned whil e traveling in the Mediter ranean. An d o f course I find much th e sam e warmth an d suppor t when I' m with m y ow n people . Bu t I ha d though t th e differenc e ha d t o d o wit h m y own reaction : I' m muc h mor e guarde d whe n I' m operatin g i n whit e circles.

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But maybe it' s not me , bu t them. An d yo u actually think that the new legaltheoretical approaches , beside s havin g mor e o f a n emancipator y potential , could lea d the way to a more loving, inclusiv e society?" "I do . The y certainl y ar e les s hierarchical. Bu t wha t postmoder n povert y or labo r la w would loo k lik e i s anybody's guess . W e d o have the beginning s of postliberal analysi s o f race i n CRT. 66 And postmoder n approache s under lie muc h o f radical feminism , an d som e o f the newe r school s o f interpreta tion and constitutiona l theory." 67 "But surely , Rodrigo, " I said , "yo u ar e no t sayin g tha t a n academic movement, subscribe d t o by a handful o f ivory-tower academic s an d leftists , can lea d th e way to a revolution i n th e materia l an d socia l condition s unde r which twent y millio n peopl e live . Doesn' t tha t ascribe far to o much efficac y to what we intellectuals do?" "Of cours e i t does, " Rodrig o replie d gloomily . "Althoug h i n a hundre d years, thing s ma y loo k different . Postmodernis m i s a powerful critique . I f it succeeds i n mountin g a seriou s challeng e t o Enlightenmen t thought , tha t may lea d t o ne w way s of relating t o one anothe r an d ultimatel y a new for m of society. Bu t I doubt change is anywhere over the horizon. " "You're a complete pessimist , then ? Yo u thin k insigh t an d har d wor k are not enough?" "There i s little th e academ y ca n do . Oh , I suppose on e coul d g o aroun d turning of f al l th e T V set s i n th e ghetto . Or , bette r yet , blo w u p al l th e transmitters.68 Televisio n i s on e o f th e mos t pervasiv e purveyor s o f colo r imagery ther e is . Tha t migh t hel p a little. Bu t basically I think ou r trouble s are unlikel y t o yiel d t o a quic k o r simpl e fix. Th e Constitutio n wa s color conscious i n it s inception, sellin g out the interests of blacks in no fewer tha n ten places. 69 Women an d the unpropertied wer e excluded, a s well.70 It was a document shape d b y Enlightenmen t image s an d structures , on e tha t ha d white supremac y practicall y writte n al l ove r it . Th e leadin g Framer s ha d slaves,71 though t thos e slave s wer e intellectuall y inferio r t o whites , an d equated scienc e an d highe r though t wit h Europea n value s an d civilization . Law, perfectionism, fre e marke t economics, an d other mechanisms now lock in th e syste m o f white-over-black supremac y th e Constitutio n institute d tw o hundred year s ago. There i s no need fo r chain s and law s enforcing separate but-equal. It' s al l nic e an d neat , an d I' m afrai d th e syste m i s likel y t o g o on forever. " "We coul d contes t Eurocentric , honorifi c notion s tha t equat e linea r thought, mechanics , etc. , wit h whiteness , wit h superiority , methodicall y

Rodrigds Seventh Chronicle 16 1 show th e narrow , self-servin g natur e o f al l th e prevailin g myth s an d narra tives." "If tha t tas k i s done well , I think i t ca n d o som e good, " Rodrig o replie d soberly. "Th e trouble i s that white folks will think it's all sour grapes. Or they may quickly embrac e 'folkways, ' muc h a s they did the Harle m Renaissance , jazz, an d othe r blac k arts , deemin g the m interestin g an d vital—bu t no t really on a par with the Western greats. " "It's the credibility problem again, " I said. "Which, i n turn, i s part of our construction. " "Which itsel f i s dictate d an d determine d b y Enlightenmen t philosophy . We ar e no t jus t one-down . W e ar e th e kin d o f people wh o ar e create d an d constructed s o a s t o b e unabl e t o chang e ou r positions , s o a s alway s t o b e one-down." "The reducti o a d absurdu m o f the counter-majoritaria n principle , whic h is supposed t o be soluble merely by having the right kind of friend i n court. " "Well, professor , eve n i f you don' t hav e a friend i n court , yo u hav e on e in me . You'r e lookin g a littl e tired , an d th e hou r i s late . Yo u mentione d earlier tha t yo u wante d t o ge t a goo d night' s res t afte r you r trip , an d her e I am keeping you up late. They're starting to stack the chairs. What do you say we try to get a cab?" "I'm goin g strong," I protested. "But I' m ou t o f ideas . I mentione d tha t m y solutio n wa s stil l a t th e formative stage , that it' s much easie r to see what's wrong with the world tha n how to set it right." As I fished out m y credi t car d an d motione d t o the waite r tha t w e would like t o pa y ou r bill , Rodrig o paused . Then , afte r th e waite r walke d awa y t o record ou r charges, h e continued : "I wonde r i f you sa w that conservative' s colum n th e othe r day . Th e on e that spoofed th e spate of women's books that have been comin g out?" 72 "You mea n th e one that complained tha t there were so many of them?" "Yes, tha t one . Th e write r complaine d tha t al l th e recen t book s see m t o be abou t women . H e wa s referring , o f course , t o perhap s te n o r twent y books, mostly by women, o n women's problems, lik e child abuse, the 'threejob syndrome,' menopause, an d th e like." "I remembe r th e review . I t ha d a plaintive , almos t whin y tone . Th e author was feeling neglecte d becaus e none of the books was about him. " The waite r returne d wit h ou r chec k an d wishe d u s goo d evening . A s I signed the credit slip and starte d to get up, Rodrig o completed hi s thought:

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"That review drove home to me how perspective works. Tens of thousands of books are published ever y year, man y of them o n fishing , hunting , sports , mechanics, war , an d s o on . Ye t t o th e columnis t thes e di d no t see m lik e 'men's books/ but jus t books. And the small number, amountin g to no more than a fe w doze n o r hundre d a yea r tha t i n ver y recen t time s hav e bee n addressing issue s o f interes t t o women, seeme d t o hi m t o ske w the distribu tion al l out of proportion, whe n i n realit y a huge majority o f books deal with things men want to read about. " "And the moral you draw from thi s is . . . ?" "Two things," Rodrigo said , openin g th e doo r an d helpin g m e ge t i n th e cab he had inconspicuousl y flagged outside the restaurant. "On e is that night owls lik e m e shoul d neve r kee p ou r friend s u p to o late . Th e secon d i s that racial refor m wil l often see m outlandish , one-sided , an d unjus t t o those who are unuse d t o sharing power . The y wil l oppos e an d hecto r u s at every turn . Which means , amon g othe r things , tha t w e ha d bette r tak e car e o f eac h other. An d so , Professor , I think w e had bette r continu e thi s anothe r time . We had talked about dinner. " I gav e m y apartmen t addres s t o th e driver , wh o ha d bee n waitin g non e too patiently. "How about nex t Saturda y a t our place . Giannin a ha s been dyin g to have you over. " T d lov e to." "You're on. I'l l call with the address and time. "

Conclusion As I rod e rathe r sleepil y homewar d throug h th e dar k streets , I reflecte d o n what w e had said . Rodrigo' s idea s o n Enlightenmen t a s the sourc e o f racia l oppression seeme d t o me plausible, eve n powerful. I wondered ho w his new colleagues woul d se e them , an d ho w the y woul d receiv e thi s ne w wunder kind with his audacious ideas . I wondered whether the racial problems of our people wer e reall y roote d i n som e basi c flaw of our for m o f government, s o that onl y a radica l reconception o f th e stat e coul d enabl e u s t o g o beyon d cosmetic changes and periodi c peaks of progress. Lik e many, I had grown u p thinking tha t democrac y wa s a goo d thing , an d i t paine d m e somewha t t o hear Rodrigo' s remorseles s indictment , o n fairnes s an d formalit y grounds , perfectionism, colo r imagery, th e association wit h Calvinism an d individual istic mindset, law' s contribution t o stasis, and free marke t economics.

Rodrigos Seventh Chronicle 163 I though t ho w kin d an d courteous , almos t tender , Rodrig o ha d bee n o f my aging frailties i n calling an earl y halt to the evening and hailin g a cab for me. Wa s tha t no t a roo t exampl e o f democracy , namely , considerin g th e other person's feelings? O r was it socialism? My reveri e didn' t las t long . "We'r e here , Professor, " th e cabb y sai d i n a voice jus t this side of sharpness. I paid, trudge d u p the steps to my building , and prepared t o deal with je t lag and the new week.

8 RODRIGO'S EIGHT H CHRONICLE : Black Crime , Whit e Fears—O n the Socia l Constructio n o f Threat

Introduction: I n Whic h I Learn abou t a n Even t a t Rodrigo's Institutio n I wa s staring disconsolatel y a t th e flashing light o n th e vendin g machin e i n the studen t lounge , wher e I ha d gon e i n searc h o f a much-neede d lat e afternoon pick-me-up , whe n I heard a familiar voic e from behin d me : "Professor, d o you nee d som e help?" "Rodrigo!" I said . "It' s goo d t o se e you. " T o tel l th e truth , I felt slightl y uncomfortable a t being surprised whil e trying to satisfy m y physical needs on someone else' s turf , bu t gla d t o se e a perso n wh o migh t hel p m e ou t o f my predicament . "What's the problem, Professor ? Ou t of change?" I stumblingl y trie d t o explai n th e dilemm a tha t jus t minute s ag o ha d caused m e to curse my fate. "A s luck would hav e it, I have exactly fifty cents in change. " I hel d ou t m y pal m wit h th e quarter , tw o dime s an d a nickel . "But th e Die t Peps i I desperately nee d t o kee p goin g cost s fifty-five cents. I also hav e thi s dolla r bill . A s you ca n see , th e machin e take s dollars , bu t i t won't take mine. I t keeps rolling right out. 'Us e exact change,' it says. So I'm stuck. Woul d yo u have a nickel, b y any chance?" 164

Rodrigo s Eighth Chronicle 165 "I wish I did, Professor , bu t the subwa y took my last dime. Bu t let me try something. Coul d I have all that money?" "Sure," I said, handin g it over. "Wha t are you going to do?" Rodrigo first inserted all my change. Nothin g happened. Then , mutterin g something to himself, h e inserted m y dollar bill and pressed the button . Jackpot! Th e machin e disgorge d bot h th e Die t Peps i I had bee n waitin g for an d a grea t clatte r o f change . Scoopin g i t up , Rodrig o counte d i t out . "Ninety-five cents , jus t as I thought." "How did you know to do that?" I asked appreciatively . "It's simple, Professor . Th e machine doesn't have the right change. That' s why it can't take your dollar. Bu t if you put everything in , th e machine the n has enoug h mone y t o mak e chang e fo r you . An d sinc e it' s honest—ha s a simple compute r tha t remember s ho w muc h you'v e pu t in—yo u ge t you r change back. An d your Diet Pepsi." "Thanks!" I said . "A t m y age , I'v e learne d I reall y nee d t o tak e a n occasional break , especiall y i n the afternoon. " Rodrigo smiled . "Mayb e it' s a metapho r fo r al l o f life , Professor . Some times if you put in more than anyon e expects, you get more in return. " "My, yo u ar e gettin g upbea t i n you r ol d age, " I retorted , "especiall y fo r someone traine d i n Bologn a an d steepe d i n neo-Marxis m an d economic determinist analyse s o f race . Bu t wha t bring s yo u around ? It' s goo d t o se e you—it's bee n a while." "I was hoping yo u coul d giv e m e a few minutes . I tried calling , bu t you r line was busy. I need to run some ideas past you. They're about black crime." "I'd b e happ y t o talk with yo u abou t that . A s you know , there' s alread y a burgeoning Critica l literature , includin g th e piec e b y Regin a Austi n w e talked abou t before. 1 And , o f course , ther e ar e th e thre e Chronicle s b y Derrick Bell." 2 "I'm familia r wit h those . Wha t I' m reall y intereste d i n pursuin g i s th e cultural phenomeno n itself . I' m intrigue d b y the wa y the whol e issu e tend s to be framed. " "What go t yo u starte d thinkin g abou t this? " I asked . " I hop e th e IN S i s not on your trail again. " "No, nothin g so personal. I' m thinkin g of adding a section t o my dissertation o n society' s treatment o f black crime . Di d yo u hea r abou t th e professo r at my school who got mugged an d sent to the hospital?" "My God! " I said. " I did. I t was just i n th e paper . Ther e wa s a lot o f talk about i t here. D o you know him? How is he doing?"

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"No, I don't kno w him , an d h e i s muc h better . H e ha d a lo t o f bruise s and a cracke d ri b o r two . Bu t he' s bac k fro m th e hospita l no w an d i t look s like he'll recove r completely. " "I'm relieved . W e were all shocked. Som e of us talked abou t getting more safety feature s an d lightin g i n th e parkin g lot . I thin k th e administratio n i s going to do something." "I'm glad , Professor . No t tha t I don' t thin k yo u couldn' t outru n mos t thieves. You look pretty fit for a man your age. I imagine you run every day." "Most days," I replied modestly . "Bu t I don't have the speed I once had. I went running with Professo r Bollicke r the other day, and immediatel y regret ted it. He' s much faster. " "You an d I shoul d g o joggin g on e day , Professor . I'v e starte d u p again . Giannina say s it makes me less hyper, an d i t does help me sleep." "Maybe sometime. Now , wha t are your thoughts on black crime? I gather the professor's mugge r was black?" "Well, a s it happened h e was . An d th e professor , a s you probabl y know , is white . He' s als o a much-love d figure aroun d th e la w school , a veritabl e institution. Everybod y admires him an d was furious whe n h e got robbed an d sent to the hospital." "A natural reaction, " I replied. "An d s o where does all thi s lead you ? Are you surprised b y the amount o f crime you find in this country? I imagine it's greater than whe n yo u left. Yo u were a teenager then. I t was a safer era. " "I guess it' s no t th e amoun t o f crime tha t surprise s me . I had rea d abou t that i n Italy . Ever y majo r industrialize d societ y ha s crime . Ital y ha s some , too, althoug h a little les s than here—o f th e violent, interpersona l variet y a t any rate . Wha t surprise s m e mor e i s the wa y it's perceived . Th e reactio n a t my law school was a prime example." I dre w mysel f u p i n moc k horror . " I can' t thin k o f a wors e crim e tha n mugging a professor," I said. "It' s like desecrating a cathedral. Besides , I have so few brai n cell s lef t functioning , I fear i t would tak e jus t on e goo d knoc k and I' d be finished." "I agree, " Rodrig o said , the n blushed . "No t abou t you , bu t abou t wha t happened t o the othe r professor . I t was a despicable act . Yet , wha t surprise d me wa s th e wa y som e peopl e generalize d th e event . I hear d snatche s o f conversation—things lik e 'those people'; 'something ha s to be done'; 'they're out o f control. ' Eve n whit e folk s I ha d com e t o thin k o f a s liberal s wer e talking abou t th e 'breakdow n o f th e blac k family, ' an d s o on . Som e o f u s African-American student s fel t distinctl y uncomfortable , a s thoug h peopl e

Rodrigo s Eighth Chronicle 167 were looking at us, wondering why we didn't d o something, wonderin g i f we were going t o mu g them. Ther e wa s even a graffito i n th e bathroom : 'Bern hard Goetz was right. "Ugly," I commiserated . "Bu t no t exactl y new . Ever y widel y publicize d black crime seems to bring out the same reaction. I' m sur e all this strikes you as shocking , comin g fro m a mor e peaceful , sunn y clime . Th e U.S . ha s changed i n the last ten o r twenty years. You're seeing it with new eyes." "Maybe so," Rodrigo replied. "An d maybe you'll think my vision is a little skewed. Tha t Die t Peps i i s getting warm , Professor. " Rodrig o looke d i n th e direction o f the unopened ca n i n m y hand. "Ca n I take you somewhere for a drink, o r wer e yo u i n th e middl e o f something ? There' s a healt h foo d ba r Giannina an d I discovere d th e othe r day . It' s onl y a shor t wal k fro m here . They have fresh frui t juices , salads, and organic soft drinks." "Organic sof t drinks? " I said . "I'l l tr y anythin g once . Mayb e m y docto r will approve. She' s been tryin g to get me to cut down o n caffeine. " "They also have snacks. I could us e one if you have the time." I recalled m y young friend's famou s appetite . "Okay, " I said. "Thi s will be on me . Yo u paid for the movie the other day."

On th e Socia l Constructio n o f Black Crim e A fe w minute s later , w e wer e comfortabl y seate d i n th e healt h foo d ba r Rodrigo had recommended . "I've never been t o a place like this," I said. "Althoug h I should." I patted my stomach . " I gaine d a coupl e o f pound s whe n I visite d you r homelan d earlier this summer. Wha t are you having?" The waite r arrive d an d stoo d b y expectantly . "I' m havin g thei r Avocad o Supreme. I t reminds me of something I used to have back at Bologna." "I'll hav e th e same, " I said. Afte r th e waite r disappeare d wit h ou r orders , Rodrigo continued : "Have yo u noticed , Professor , ho w your society— I mean , ou r society — virtually equates crim e and th e black underclass, a s though the y were practically one and the same thing?" "I have," I answered. "Th e conservative s wan t t o crack down o n it , buil d walls aroun d thei r communities, 3 mor e prisons , an d ge t toughe r o n wha t they cal l 'career criminals.' 4 Th e liberals , fo r thei r part , lamen t i t and wan t to do something abou t what they se e as the cause s of black crime—poverty , lack of jobs, and so on."

J68 Rodrigo

1

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"We talke d a littl e abou t thes e thing s before/ ' Rodrig o replied . "Bu t m y thinking ha s take n a slightl y differen t tur n sinc e then . Th e reactio n t o th e professor's muggin g got me to thinking. What' s common t o both the liberals, who want t o attack th e proble m a t its root, an d th e conservatives , wh o wan t to solve i t with harshe r punishment , i s that bot h construc t blac k criminalit y as a problem" "But it is a problem," I insisted. "Rodrigo , I hope you're no t going to put me through anothe r on e o f your postmoder n tours-de-forc e an d tr y to mak e something disappea r whic h everyon e know s exists . Blac k crime , especiall y among youn g blac k men—you r age , I migh t add—i s a seriou s problem . About one-quarte r o f youn g African-America n male s ar e caugh t u p i n th e criminal justic e system. 5 Th e jail s ar e abou t 4 5 percen t black . Homicid e i s the leadin g caus e o f death fo r youn g blac k men. 6 Drug s an d gang s ru n rampant i n th e inne r city . I hope you're no t going to deny the very real pain our communit y suffer s a s a resul t o f the crimina l activit y o f it s ow n youth . Nothing could bring you quicker disrepute." "Not a t all, " Rodrigo replie d mildly . " I know th e proble m exists . I n fact , it touche d m e jus t th e othe r day . I was shopping i n a men' s clothin g store , looking fo r a tie , whe n th e hous e detectiv e aske d m e t o empt y m y pocket s and boo k bag. H e seeme d disappointe d whe n al l he foun d wa s lecture note s and a leftover appl e from m y lunch. " "I'm relieve d yo u conced e tha t ou r young—some o f them, a t any rate— commit crimes . Bu t yo u sai d tha t yo u foun d somethin g abou t society' s perception o f those crimes interesting?" "Yes." Rodrig o stoppe d fo r a momen t whil e th e waite r pu t dow n ou r plates and asked us if we'd like anything to drink. "Just a refill," I said, pointin g at my water glass. "Do yo u hav e espresso? " Rodrig o asked . H e ordere d a doubl e an d the n continued: "I've bee n lookin g a t som e o f th e statistics , Professor . An d I don't thin k black criminality i s a more serious problem tha n man y othe r forms o f it. Bu t it's interestin g t o se e ho w w e cam e t o thin k tha t i t is . I believ e that , i n conjunction wit h othe r sociocultura l developments , fou r o r five books and a couple o f well-know n report s playe d a majo r rol e i n creatin g ou r moder n conception o f black criminality. Befor e then , ther e was simply crime. Som e of it was committed b y white people , an d som e by blacks. Then , beginnin g in th e mid-1960 s wit h thre e nationa l reports, 7 th e Moyniha n study, 8 th e

Rodrigo s Eighth Chronicle 1 69 Blumstein article, 9 an d thre e o r fou r book s tha t I' m sur e you'r e familia r with,10 th e whol e thin g changed . Now , crim e becam e identifie d wit h us — people lik e yo u an d me , I mean . Befor e thi s time , crim e wa s n o mor e identified wit h u s than , say , playin g th e trombone , havin g a cold , o r an y other huma n activit y tha t crosse s racia l lines . Everyon e kne w tha t man y o f us wer e poo r an d sometime s too k things . Bu t s o did peopl e o f othe r color ations—it was not seen as a peculiarly black problem. " "Fm no t sur e that' s literall y true , Rodrigo, " I cautioned . " I hav e see n some studie s o f ethni c stereotypin g an d imager y tha t see m t o indicat e th e opposite.11 I n certai n periods , blacks , Mexicans , an d othe r minorit y group s of color were depicted a s lascivious, immoral , ben t on rapin g white women , and s o on . It' s a contro l device . Th e author s sa y th e image s chang e fro m period t o period , accordin g t o whethe r societ y need s t o justif y control , repression, o r yet some third positio n vis-a-vi s the group. 12 But the image has been negativ e in virtually ever y period, an d criminality i s often par t of it." "It's th e violent , interpersona l typ e o f crim e tha t intrigue s me, " Rodrig o explained. "Becaus e that par t of our imag e has not always been there . I n th e thirties an d forties , fo r example , everyon e knew that young black kids sometimes stole hubcaps. Bu t white kids did, a s well. The extraordinarily negativ e depiction o f ou r peopl e a s violen t mugger s an d burglar s wh o migh t brea k into your hous e at night and surpris e yo u wit h a knife a t your throat—that' s relatively new. " "Hmmm," I said. "You'r e not saying it doesn't happen, ar e you?" "Not a t all . Bu t som e peopl e wak e u p a t night , an d th e burgla r i s white. Other crime s ar e committe d predominantl y b y whites , an d they'r e jus t a s devastating a s those ou r people , ou r kids , perpetrate . A t one tim e i n histor y everyone kne w the Iris h di d on e sor t of thing, an d black s another. The n th e hubcaps becam e mor e seriou s stuff . I t became a problem. The n thei r prob lem. Then , ou r problem . Whic h i s where w e are today. Everyon e want s t o crack down on their—I mea n our—problem , Professor. " "Rodrigo, a s you kno w I' m no t a great fa n o f your poststructuralis t theo ries. I' m jus t a n earnes t plodde r tryin g t o wor k i n m y ow n wa y fo r racia l justice. I t seem s t o m e tha t societ y coul d not , a s yo u pu t it , construc t a n image of our people as criminal i f there were not a grain o f truth t o it. Som e of ou r youn g peopl e d o commi t crimes—violent , interpersona l ones , lik e the on e tha t lai d you r professo r low . I' m no t sur e wha t utilit y ther e i s i n focusing o n th e socia l constructio n angle . I f th e medi a wer e lying , tha t

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would b e on e thing . Bu t ther e is a problem . An d isn' t i t u p t o u s t o do somethin g abou t it ? I hop e you'r e no t tryin g t o whitewas h a seriou s social problem." "Not a t all , Professor. " Rodrig o wa s silent fo r a minute. "Ca n I give you an illustratio n fro m anothe r area?" "Of course." "Consider a different example , namel y that of the teenager. I n some ways teenagers are the opposit e of blacks. The y ar e a relatively favored segmen t of our society . Everyon e tolerate s thei r foibles . The y hav e a lo t o f fre e time . Marketers ar e alway s tryin g t o sell the m things . The y hav e allowances, an d so on." "Well, that' s th e socia l image, " I replied . "Althoug h th e realit y i s ofte n quite different. Som e teenagers are troubled, wor k twenty hours a week, tak e care of their younger brothers and sisters , and so on." T m no t denyin g an y o f that . I' m jus t askin g yo u t o questio n wher e the concep t cam e from . Today , it' s par t o f th e culture . Bu t i t wa s no t always there." "It wasn't?" "The flesh-and-blood human s wer e alway s there , o f course . Peopl e be tween th e age s o f 1 2 an d 2 0 o r so , wh o stan d abou t three-fourth s t o four fifths of thei r final heigh t an d hav e bee n o r ar e goin g throug h puberty — those hav e alway s bee n there . Bu t that' s no t t o sa y ther e hav e alway s bee n teenagers." "You mea n n o special term for them?" "Exactly. The y wer e jus t huma n being s wh o happene d t o b e betwee n those tw o ages . The y ha d n o mor e specia l statu s tha n peopl e betwee n th e ages of five and twenty-two , o r thirty-seven an d forty-eight. " "No special name for them," I said. "N o category of their own. " "Nor an y specia l clothes , magazines , marketin g strategies , o r musica l groups. Befor e th e categor y wa s created , teenager s wer e jus t medium-hig h people wh o wen t throug h th e dail y task s of life. Som e mowe d lawns . Mos t went to school. An d so on." "I see what you're saying, " I said. " A self-conscious interes t group, whos e main purpose is to consume things—such a category would be wonderful fo r the economy. " "I'm no t so sure I'd be quite that deterministic, Professor . Bu t the category does serve certain purposes . I n that sense, i t didn't jus t happen. B y the same token, ther e were periods in history when blacks were not seen as particularly

Rodrigo s Eighth Chronicle 171 criminal. Hapless , perhaps . Carefree , musicall y talented , lazy , happy-go lucky—you nam e it , th e man y side s our imag e takes on fro m tim e t o time, none of them particularl y flattering." 13 "But yo u thin k th e crimina l imag e white s impose d upo n black s cam e about as a response to some social need, perhap s for repression?" "It would certainl y serv e tha t purpose, " Rodrig o replied . " A group tha t i s criminal, vicious , animal-like , wit h design s o n whit e people' s live s an d pocketbooks—such a grou p woul d nee d t o b e controlled . A t othe r period s such a n imag e woul d no t serv e society' s purposes , fo r exampl e whe n black s (or members o f other racia l groups) were needed fo r their labo r or for servic e during wartime." The waiter arrived to take our dessert orders. "Would you like something?" I asked. "Pleas e go ahead. I' m thinkin g of trying their gelato." "It is good here, " Rodrig o replied . "Giannin a an d I ha d som e las t time . It's not quite like what we have back in Italy . Bu t it's the next best thing." In a moment , th e waite r ha d take n ou r order s an d disappeared . I looked at Rodrigo expectantly. "The socia l constructio n o f u s a s crimina l di d no t com e abou t b y acci dent," h e continued . "Ther e wer e black breakthrough s an d successe s i n th e 1960s and earl y 1970s. 14 The nee d fo r repressio n se t in shortly afterward a s a way of limiting our gains." 15 The waite r se t down ou r desserts . "Tha t look s good, " I said. "Wha t kin d are you having?" "Mandarino," he replied. "What' s yours?" "Lime. I' m countin g calories. Bu t back to your point. Othe r ethnic groups had crime , too : Irish rum-running , Italia n number s rackets . Mayo r Daley' s machine i n Chicago . Tamman y Hall . An d other s tha t com e t o mind , a s well. What' s th e differenc e betwee n th e socia l constructio n o f thes e othe r groups and ours?" "There ar e tw o o r thre e differences, " Rodrig o said . "First , th e kin d o f crime we associated wit h these other groups was often relativel y harmless . A t any rate , w e winke d a t it , tolerate d it , smile d a t it , almost . Second , t o th e extent to which member s of these white ethnic groups actually engaged i n it , the grou p benefited . Crime , fo r many , wa s a wa y o f upwar d mobility , a means by which fortunes wer e amassed and family empire s created. Th e nex t generation lef t crim e whe n thei r parent s sen t them t o college. The y becam e senators and member s of Congress, ha d countr y homes , opene d o r manage d legitimate businesses."

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"So crime was a path o f upward mobilit y for other immigran t groups , bu t one that was denied fo r us?" "Correct/' Rodrig o replied . "Fo r African-American s alon e thi s avenu e was closed. Societ y decided to repress, not tolerate, crime from ou r group." I mad e a menta l not e t o as k Rodrig o abou t somethin g later , bu t instea d asked, "Wh y do you think that was so? I assume you have a theory?" "Nothing especiall y original, " Rodrig o replied . "We'r e a larg e grou p nu merically, s o a goo d dea l wa s a t stake . Moreover , societ y ha s mor e t o liv e down wit h respec t t o us . And , o f course, there' s th e colo r question . Fo r al l these reasons , societ y decide d fairl y recentl y tha t i t di d no t wan t u s t o ge t ahead i n thi s way. Th e notio n o f the sinister, out-of-contro l blac k served this purpose admirably." 16 "Rodrigo, I hope you'r e no t sayin g ther e wa s something lik e a consciou s conspiracy. Tha t strikes me as a little paranoid. " "No," Rodrig o replied . "No t an y mor e tha n th e creatio n o f the teenage r was a conscious conspiracy. N o group of executives sa t down and said, 'Let' s see. Wha t grou p ca n w e creat e tha t wil l hav e a lo t o f mone y t o spen d an d that we can persuade to buy clothes and magazines and make-up and music?' Yet, th e categor y di d ge t created , di d operat e t o produc e benefit s t o th e merchandising sector . I think tha t goo d an d ba d categorie s jus t sort of come about naturally , wit h littl e effor t o r consciou s design , whe n societ y need s them t o appear. " "I wish I could be convinced," I said. "I t sounds almost too pat." "Let's wal k bac k t o you r office , Professor . D o yo u stil l hav e you r com puter?" "Yes," I nodded. "And it' s still hooked u p to your databases?" I nodded yes , an d Rodrig o gestured fo r th e waiter. "I'v e been doin g some research o n just this question. " I wasn' t sur e wha t h e mean t b y "jus t thi s question, " bu t wante d t o hea r what h e wa s looking into , s o I said, "Sure , com e o n over . I have som e ne w art work u p i n m y office. I think I told yo u tha t I was lucky enough t o get a permanent jo b here , followin g tha t one-semeste r visit . S o we'r e neighbors . At least until yo u go off somewhere else." "I'd like very much t o see your stuff, Professor . I loved that poster you had of the Stat e Fair." 17 As we walked ou t o f the littl e restaurant , Rodrig o looke d a t m e an d said ,

Rodrigo s Eighth Chronicle 1 73 "I hope you'l l b e careful , Professor . Eve n th e street s around her e aren' t on e hundred percen t safe. W e need to have you around fo r a while." I mumble d somethin g abou t bein g neithe r tha t ol d no r har d t o replace , and a few minute s late r w e were walking u p th e step s of the la w building t o my office .

Rodrigo's Thir d Printout : The Statistic s an d Politic s of Crim e "Say, you'v e rearranged things . The compute r use d to be over there." The aler t Rodrig o pointe d ou t m y recen t redecoratin g efforts , o f which I was proud. "Yes , I move d al l th e plaque s ove r t o tha t wall , th e couc h ove r there, an d switche d m y des k an d compute r t o fac e th e window . Wha t d o you think?" Rodrigo ignore d m y question . Hi s eye s wer e o n m y computer . "D o yo u mind i f I sit here, Professor ? I should hav e brought my notes. But this should just take a minute." "Go ahead, " I said , movin g t o wher e I coul d se e th e screen . A s h e ha d done onc e before , Rodrigo' s fingers flew over th e keyboard . Accessin g data bases I di d no t eve n kno w existed , h e brough t u p a wealt h o f informatio n from articles , boo k abstracts , th e U.S . Census , an d FB I annua l crim e re ports. I envied hi s technological wizardry , an d lamente d tha t I had com e t o computers so late in life . "See, Professor, " Rodrig o said , pointin g a t th e screen . "Her e ar e th e figures w e talked about before. I t was in your footnote, a s I recall. They show that th e tota l fo r white-colla r crim e exceed s th e dolla r losse s fro m al l th e crimes associated wit h African-Americans pu t together. I f you jus t take . . . " Rodrigo punched a few more keys. "See—if yo u add all the losses from stree t robbery, includin g muggin g and purs e snatching, an d ad d to them thi s other figure for . . . " Rodrig o interrupte d himsel f briefl y whil e m y scree n flashed, dissolved, the n flashed again—"for al l household burglaries , yo u get . . . " I squinted , the n said : " A lo t o f money . I t look s lik e almos t $8. 3 billio n per year. "10 "Now, w e could throw i n maliciou s mischief, " Rodrigo muttered, punch ing some othe r keys . "Oh , yes , I remember wher e I got that. It' s here . See , the total for graffiti i s about $60 0 million." 19 "That's a lot of losses," I replied. M y young friend wen t on:

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"And, oh—her e i t is. Just as I thought. Th e figure for white-collar crim e is not jus t highe r tha n th e on e fo r stree t crime . It' s . . . let' s se e . . . much higher. I was working on this before but didn't quite finish. I hope you've got a minute , Professor . I hav e a feelin g thi s wil l surpris e you. " Click , click , click. I wondered , onc e again , ho w Rodrig o ha d becom e s o proficien t a t electronic searching while studying world cultures, the n law , i n Italy . "Wha t are you trying to do?" I asked. T m tryin g fo r a total . Doe s you r compute r hav e a spli t screen ? No , to o bad. I was trying to make a running tally. Here , let me borrow some paper — can I us e tha t pad ? There . Jus t a s I thought . I f yo u divid e ou t b y th e proportion o f th e countr y tha t i s whit e an d th e proportio n tha t i s black , i t looks lik e . . . th e figures fo r th e sor t o f crim e whit e peopl e d o ar e greate r than th e figures for the sorts of crime they associate with us." 20 "You mean, " I said , "tha t ou r peopl e commi t les s crim e tha n peopl e o f the majority race? " "The pe r perso n losse s are actuall y a lo t lower . T m assuming , o f course, that mos t white-colla r crim e i s perpetrate d b y whit e people— I mea n th e classic categorie s o f tha t kin d o f crime , suc h a s embezzlement , bribery , price-fixing, an d inside r trading. 21 Actually , I' d bette r check. " Click , click , click. "Her e w e are . Th e crim e reports . Jus t a s I thought , mostl y white . And whe n yo u ad d i n corporate misconduct—marketin g unsaf e auto s an d dangerous pharmaceuticals, Lov e Canal, th e Dalkon Shield , th e savings and loan scandal , th e Genera l Electri c price-fixin g conspirac y . . . " click , click , click, "th e Lockhee d fiasco, Thre e Mile Island , asbestosis , an d Agen t Or ange—you find that almost all the top executives were white." 22 "That's reall y interesting," I said. "This i s more or less where I stopped las t time. But , there' s more . Thi s is what I was going to do." I watched quietl y as Rodrigo once again performed feat s on my computer, stopping only to scribble a new entry on the rapidly growing list of figures on the yellow pad next to him. "See, Professor . I f you ad d thes e othe r figures to the tota l o f white-colla r crime that we got earlier . . . " Rodrig o looked down at his list. "Fo r corporate crime, includin g defens e procuremen t frau d an d bribery, 23 consume r fraud,24 and , let' s see , o h yes , th e saving s an d loa n scandals. 25 Yo u hav e a net figure of. . . hmmm . I t look s lik e man y time s th e pe r capit a figure fo r black crime. 26 So , i n on e wa y o f lookin g a t it , th e crim e tha t elit e whit e

Rodrigo s Eighth Chronicle 175 people do, especially white males, is much mor e serious than that committed by blacks of all ages and types." "Amazing," I said. " I wonder why this never comes out?" "It's inheren t i n th e socia l construction , Professor . N o on e focuse s o n white crime or sees it as a problem. I n fact, th e very category, Whit e Crime / sounds funny, lik e some sort of debater's trick." "But there it is, right in the crime reports," I said. "Yes, wher e it' s hidden i n a mass of statistics where n o on e focuses o n o r makes a big production o f it. Th e othe r kinds , th e ones laid ou t with precis e charts i n th e FBI' s annua l compilations , attrac t al l th e attentio n an d see m like 'the problem.'" Rodrigo gestured toward the electronic bookmark he had stuck in m y computer, a feature I did no t even know I had. "Oops!" we both sai d i n unison , a s the phone ran g loudly. I looked a t my watch an d remembere d th e journalis t I had promise d t o spea k wit h aroun d this time, hal f wishing I had no t agreed to talk with her . "Do you nee d privacy , Professor? " It was the journalist . I covered th e receiver . "N o problem. Thi s shouldn' t take long." Rodrigo presse d a fe w buttons , m y printe r starte d whirring, the n h e wandered ou t int o th e hallway . I was depressed t o lear n tha t th e journalist , with who m I ha d spoke n befor e an d wa s friendly , wante d a commen t o n hate-speech directe d a t lawyers. I ha d don e som e writin g o n hate-speec h against blacks , an d th e journalis t wante d t o kno w wha t I thought o f a stat e bar association president' s suggestio n tha t vilifying a n attorne y b e considere d a hat e crime. 27 I said a fe w guarde d things , trie d t o explai n Harr y Kalven' s thesis28—which th e reporte r refuse d t o tak e dow n a s to o technical—an d after a few minutes hung up . A moment later, Rodrig o walked back in. "What d o yo u thin k o f m y printout? " h e asked , gatherin g u p th e long , flowing computer shee t m y printe r ha d obligingl y produce d i n hi s absence . "Oh—and wha t did your journalist friend wan t to know?" "I haven't looke d a t your printou t yet , bu t I will—I'm fascinate d b y your evidence tha t white people commit a s much crim e as our youth do . And , a s for th e journalist , neve r mind . Talkin g t o th e pres s i s both on e o f th e bes t and wors t aspects o f this job , a s you'll find ou t soo n enough . Som e o f them are reall y smart , understan d everything , an d tak e their tim e t o ge t the stor y straight. Othe r times , the y jus t wan t a quic k quote—usuall y somethin g specific the y have in min d an d try their best to coax you to say."

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"Do you generally oblige them?" "I do . I thin k it' s importan t t o b e helpfu l an d forthcomin g t o th e press , despite th e occasiona l disappointments . Mayb e when yo u star t teaching, I'l l refer call s t o you . I'l l tel l them , i f you don' t kno w th e answe r yo u ca n find out anythin g i n les s tha n thirt y seconds . You'r e prett y goo d wit h a com puter. " Rodrigo beamed. "I'v e been working on it. Par t of my dissertation i s going to b e statistical , s o I'v e bee n bonin g up . Yo u looke d lik e you wer e goin g to ask me something. " "I can't remember wha t it was." "Did i t hav e somethin g t o d o wit h stree t crime? " Rodrig o asked . " I wa s pulling u p th e figures on mugging s whe n yo u looke d lik e you wante d t o in terject." "Oh. That' s right . I f yo u ar e goin g t o mak e th e cas e tha t blac k crim e is a socia l construction , a n illusion , o r a t an y rat e n o wors e tha n whit e crime . . . " "Less bad, actually/ ' Rodrig o interjected quietly . "Then you'r e goin g to need t o deal with th e objectio n tha t black crime is scarier. It' s violent . Whe n a saving s an d loa n office r carrie s ou t a sca m o r causes an institutio n t o fail, i t costs the investor s an d depositor s money . Bu t losing five hundred o r a thousan d dollar s i s no t th e sam e a s being mugge d and sen t t o th e hospital , eve n i f the medica l bil l turn s ou t t o b e th e same . Embezzling an d ta x frau d ar e bad , t o b e sure . Bu t they'r e jus t plai n no t a s terrifying a s wakin g u p i n th e middl e o f th e nigh t an d seein g a shadow y figure standing behind a curtain." "I agree," Rodrigo said. "And no t onl y that, " I continued . "Yo u ar e goin g t o hav e t o suppl y a t least th e outline s o f a solution. It' s not enoug h t o say that th e Unite d State s has two kinds of crime, no r that there's a lot of it, mayb e even mor e than i n Canada, Sweden , o r you r ow n homeland . Peopl e her e thin k Americ a i s great, th e most wonderful countr y on earth. You r criticism will seem like flyspecking. They'l l b e ma d a t yo u fo r pointin g ou t tha t there' s mor e crim e than the y lik e t o think , an d especiall y ma d tha t you'r e sayin g thei r ow n group—privileged middle-age d whit e males—ar e jus t as bad a s young Afri can-American inner-cit y toughs , walkin g th e street s i n pack s o f fou r an d looking mean. " "So yo u wan t t o kno w m y thought s abou t violen t crime , an d als o m y solution. N o smal l challenge , Professor ! Thes e part s o f m y thesi s ar e no t

Rodrigds Eighth Chronicle 177 fully fleshed out. Bu t I do have some ideas on how to begin t o address them. Can I interes t yo u i n a bit e o f rea l supper ? I notice d o n th e bulleti n boar d just a minut e ag o tha t th e Latin o La w Student s ar e havin g a fee d i n th e student lounge . An d judgin g fro m th e smell s i n th e hallway , it' s alread y started. Yo u still like Mexican food , right? " "I love it," I replied a little ruefully. "Bu t I should ea t more of the kind we had before. M y doctor's been afte r me . I t is late, though, an d sh e did tell m e to have lots of small meal s as I go through th e day . . . " "Maybe a cor n burrito , Professor? " Rodrig o aske d solicitously . "They'r e not too high i n calories or cholesterol." "Tell you what. I f you agree to help me hold the line at just one, I'l l hel p you critique the remaining parts of your paper in return. " "It's a deal," Rodrigo said.

In Whic h Rodrig o Explain s Hi s Theory abou t Violent Crim e Twenty minute s later, a s we rode up the elevator, balancin g paper plates and munching o n th e remain s o f our burritos, Rodrig o continued: "I' m learnin g to love Mexican food . Italia n i s my favorite, o f course. Bu t for som e reason , Mexican i s more plentifu l i n th e neighborhoo d wher e Giannin a an d I live. And the prices are a little lower." "Easier o n a studen t budget, " I commiserated , placin g m y plat e o n th e wooden chai r nex t t o m y offic e doo r whil e I fished ou t th e key . "Hav e a napkin," I sai d onc e w e wer e inside , indicatin g a stas h o n th e en d o f a bookshelf . " I hav e col d drink s i n th e mini-fridge . I showe d i t t o yo u before, right? " "Yes, yo u did . I' m no t thirsty , bu t mayb e I'l l hav e on e o f you r famou s coffees, i f you're up to making some." "I was just thinking that myself. I got in a new supply o f beans. Yo u were going t o addres s m y objectio n abou t violence . Muc h blac k crim e i s violen t and, whil e th e ne t losse s fro m white-colla r an d black-colla r crim e ma y b e similar, there' s no comparison i n terms of their in terrorem effect. " Rodrigo looke d pensive . "You'r e right , an d I would b e th e las t perso n t o try to excuse muggings o r Central Par k beatings. Di d I tell you I'v e taken u p jogging? Anyway, I think the answer lie s in recognizin g two things. Th e on e has t o d o wit h th e constructio n o f realit y ide a w e talke d abou t earlier , th e other with the way these figures look in the light this analysis reveals."

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T d lov e to hear," I said, flicking the switch t o On an d addin g the beans. "I assume you want the real kind, wit h caffeine? " I knew the answer already. " I love coffee," Rodrig o said. "An d it' s not too late. Giannin a want s me t o cut down. Sh e say s coffee make s me to o hyper . But if I have my last cup before abou t six p.m., I find I sleep well." I poured hi m a cup, the n measure d ou t th e decaffeinated bean s from th e other jar . "Mmmm. Thi s i s good. Yo u mak e some of the best coffee I'v e ha d sinc e leaving Italy, Professor. " "So, a ne w constructio n o f crime an d a sharper loo k a t th e statistic s will yield an answer to our problem?" I prodded. "Have you ever wondered about all the white people's derelictions that are not crime s a t all , bu t tort s o r administrativ e offenses , punishabl e i f a t al l by fines, bu t rarel y imprisonment? 29 A t th e sam e time , th e thing s tha t black an d poo r peopl e do—shoplifting , stealin g hubcaps , jo y riding , sell ing o r buyin g marijuana , ca n ne t yo u quit e a fe w month s o r year s behin d bars." "I hav e noticed . I t seems t o m e tha t societ y ha s neatl y arrange d t o hav e the type s o f thing s high-leve l executive s do—eve n one s tha t ar e clearl y unethical o r antisocial—b e handle d nonpenally , th e sam e way they handl e the youthfu l indiscretion s o f clean-cut suburban youth . Yo u rarel y hear of a corporate executiv e going to jail—for long , a t any rate—even i f the malfea sance is fairly serious, like marketing DES or Ford Pintos once these products are known to be lethally dangerous. "No one thinks of these as violent crimes, but of course they are. We treat them a s a cas e o f boys-will-be-boys , a s ordinary , red-bloode d busines s zea l that got a little out of hand. Th e perpetrator s rarel y serve prison sentences . I f they do, i t makes the news—and the n they're out again i n a few months." 30 "I rea d o f one tha t wa s quietl y release d jus t th e othe r day . H e ha d bee n sentenced t o several year s for bilkin g the public o f millions o f dollars. A few months later, h e was walking the streets again." 31 "Much suc h misconduc t isn' t eve n treate d a s a crime. Fo r example , I' m sure you'v e hear d o f doctor s wh o perfor m Cesarea n section s o n wome n during childbirth , no t ou t o f medica l necessit y bu t fo r th e doctor' s conve nience. 32 Giannina wa s reading an article the other day on excessive medical procedures—including mammogram s an d hysterectomie s fo r wome n an d prostate operation s fo r men. 33 Thes e cos t million s o f dollar s a year , an d

Rodrigo s Eighth Chronicle 1 79 result i n a great deal o f pain an d i n som e cases, deaths, ye t are almost neve r included i n the yearly totals for white-collar crime. " Tve read , too, " I added, "o f physician s wh o refe r patient s fo r laborator y tests to facilities i n whic h th e doctor s hav e a n interest . Thes e resul t i n mor e unnecessary tests , wit h al l th e inconvenience , expense , an d i n som e case s pain tha t these entail." 34 "There ar e als o many death s eac h yea r cause d b y the marketin g o f infan t formula i n Third Worl d countries. " "Yes. Th e mothe r frequentl y canno t rea d th e preparatio n instructions , because the y ar e printe d i n English . Sometimes , th e mothe r simpl y canno t read. Saf e wate r for mixin g the formula i s almost never available. Th e resul t is an expensiv e but unsaf e formul a t o replace the mother' s perfectl y saf e an d completely fre e breas t milk . Eve n i f the mothe r eventuall y realize s tha t th e formula i s causin g he r baby' s illness , sh e ha s stoppe d lactating . He r bab y will die." 35 "None o f thi s i s regarde d a s a crime, " Rodrig o wen t on . "An d the n there i s toxic dumping. We'v e alread y mentione d th e sal e and marketin g of dangerous products . Toxi c dumpin g add s another severa l thousan d death s a decade."36 Rodrig o gesture d towar d m y computer . "Min d i f I tur n tha t o n again?" I wave d no , s o h e continued . "Le t m e see , wher e di d I find tha t figure for dumping . Let' s tr y fulltex t an d Lov e Canal . Oh , look , here' s th e atomic fallou t tes t case, Allen v . United States. 37 Ad d a few thousan d mor e thyroid cancers . . . . " Rodrig o stopped t o jot a few more figures down on th e yellow pad , rapidl y filling u p wit h numbers . "An d here' s on e o n children' s car seats. 38 Fo r som e reaso n I didn' t brin g tha t on e u p before . An d i f yo u add . . . " Rodrigo was silent for a moment whil e h e adde d u p a column o f figures. "How man y whit e peopl e di d w e say there ar e i n th e country ? Okay , divid e out an d w e ge t . . . oh , look . Onc e again , jus t abou t th e same . Hmm . Actually a little higher for the whites. And i f you add undeclared war s . . . " "Undeclared wars? " I asked. "They're illegal , an d the y kill you jus t as dead. Ever y last one violates the War Power s Act, 39 no t t o mentio n th e Constitution , whic h provide s tha t only Congres s ca n declar e a war. 40 Al l th e other s ar e technicall y illegal . Virtually al l als o violat e internationa l law , includin g treatie s t o whic h th e United State s i s a signatory , lik e th e Unite d Nation s Charter. 41 Ten s o f thousands o f lives lost, million s i f you g o back to the tw o world wars . Thes e

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are things that elite whites do. They kill and cripple. They are violent crimes, just lik e rape , homicide , an d assaul t an d battery , an d bu t fo r ou r socia l construction o f black crime , thes e white-colla r crime s would hav e the sam e in terrorem effec t a s street crime currently does." "And i f you add them in? " I asked. "I had the figure before, whe n Giannin a an d I were doing this back at our place. Bu t I' d bette r no t rel y o n memory . Let' s see . Wars . Wher e di d I get that. Oh , I know—let' s tr y this . Ther e w e are . Ove r 4 0 millio n deaths , i f you g o back jus t through th e Secon d Worl d War. 42 I f you includ e noncom batants an d death s o n th e othe r sid e . . . Oh , her e w e are . Al l wars—ove r 87 million sinc e the beginning of the century." 43 Rodrigo scribbled agai n while I watched transfixed . "If yo u ad d war s an d militar y excursions , elit e white s caus e abou t thre e times the number, I mean ratio , o f deaths and dismemberments, a s blacks.44 Without wars, they're only slightly ahead." Rodrigo turned of f my computer. "Well, Professor? " "You can' t b e sur e tha t n o African-America n sa t o n th e boar d o f th e corporation tha t markete d DE S o r dumpe d toxi c waste s int o Lov e Canal . And a recen t Chie f o f Staff , a s yo u know , wa s black—Coli n Powell. " I quickly realize d ho w lam e m y challenge sounded , s o retracted it. 45 "O n th e whole, though , I have to admit, i n the United States , at any rate, white folks have cause d mor e death b y violenc e tha n anyon e else . An d that' s no t eve n including slavery." "That's a t leas t anothe r 7 t o 1 4 millio n deaths 46—more i f yo u ad d th e Indians," Rodrigo replied soberly. "An d o f course Amnesty Internationa l an d other organization s hav e bee n afte r u s fo r year s t o reduc e ou r numbe r o f executions, whic h i n their opinion i s far too high. 47 Higher than i n any other nation excep t the old Sovie t Union. " "Not t o mentio n tha t w e alon e execut e th e mentall y retarde d an d th e under-age,"48 I said. "Death ro w i s disproportionatel y black , a s th e Georgi a stud y showed. 49 Juries convic t blac k me n wh o commi t crime s agains t whit e victim s at a rat e several time s greate r tha n whe n th e victi m i s black. 50 Th e jail s ar e nearl y half black, 51 an d ove r 60 percent minority. 52 All these are crimes in the eyes of many internationa l authorities. " "And o f cours e it' s no t blac k peopl e wh o ar e declarin g thes e wars , op erating these criminal justic e systems that treat black offenders s o harshly." "In general , no . And , studie s o f race-by-rac e sentencin g sho w tha t blac k

Rodrigo7 s Eighth Chronicle 181 offenders ar e punishe d mor e harshl y tha n white s fo r th e sam e offense , righ t across the board." 53 "I hadn't realize d that, " I said. "Bu t it stands to reason." We wer e bot h silen t fo r a minute . " I thin k neithe r o f u s get s muc h pleasure from thes e dreary statistics," Rodrigo said. "Bu t I think it's important to get them out , becaus e withou t them , ou r peopl e become mor e an d mor e demonized. Societ y deems u s the source of its miseries, th e insecurit y o f life in the cities, the reason why life today is not as safe, no t as sweet as it used to be. Thes e are unfortunate facts , an d n o one can blink them. " "But laying them a t our doorstep is not fair," I summarized. "Th e empirical analysi s yo u jus t conducte d showe d w e shoul d b e more fearful o f th e depredation cause d b y white-colla r crim e tha n b y stree t crime . It' s mor e serious, mor e common, and mor e hurtful. " "Crime an d sufferin g i n th e ghett o ar e seriou s problems . N o reasonabl e person shoul d dismis s them. Conservative s and progressive s alike ought to be working t o ameliorat e th e pain , th e poverty , th e blighte d live s tha t occu r there. Th e dropout , infan t mortality , an d incarceratio n figure s fo r th e poo r black communit y ar e tragic . Bu t th e challeng e i s t o find a n approac h tha t recognizes tha t crim e an d delinquenc y ar e society-wid e problems , no t our s exclusively." "I gather you've been thinkin g about that challenge," I said. "I have some ideas—a n outline , littl e more . I f you'd lik e to hear I' d lov e the feedback . M y draft's no t du e 'ti l th e en d o f the summer . I t doesn't nee d to be a long chapter, bu t I think I need t o talk about solutions." "Let's hear what direction you r thinking is going in."

In Whic h Rodrig o Propose s Hi s Solutio n t o th e Crime Proble m Rodrigo reached fo r the pad of yellow paper. " I hope you don't mind i f I take notes. I find that talking with you stimulates me, Professor. " "No mor e tha n i t doe s me, " I said. "A s I think I mentione d before , I' m participating i n a Federalist Societ y debate nex t month, an d someon e i s sure to brin g u p th e crime-and-punishmen t question . Thi s tal k i s helping m e a t least as much a s you." "You're a good friend, Professor . I like the way you push me . Thi s part of my thesi s I'v e tol d t o n o on e excep t Giannina . S o I reall y valu e you r opinion."

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"Please go on," I said. "I thin k th e ke y lie s i n gettin g a handl e o n white-colla r crime , includin g the corporat e variety . I t woul d help , too , i f we coul d cu t dow n o n militar y crimes—mainly al l thos e undeclare d wars . Defens e procuremen t frau d i s a big item, bu t it' s all those young bodies, brains, an d bones that bother me. If we coul d reduc e white-collar , corporate , an d militar y crim e an d adventur ism, I think we could mak e the desert bloom." "We'd al l b e safer , surely , bu t ho w woul d tha t hel p ou r people , particu larly our youth wh o are caught up in gangs, crack, drugs , drop out of school, and ge t pregnant at depressingly early ages?" "It wouldn' t addres s thes e issue s directly, " Rodrig o conceded . "Althoug h reducing militar y adventuris m woul d sav e man y youn g blac k lives . Mos t of the gai n woul d b e indirect . I f m y calculation s ar e right, " Rodrig o looke d down a t his scratch sheet , "th e average American lose s between five hundred and a thousan d dollar s a yea r t o white-colla r crimes . I f yo u defin e th e category broadly , t o includ e corporat e frau d an d misconduct , th e figure i s even higher." 54 "That's a lot of money," I replied. "Ar e you sure of your figures?" "They're abou t wha t I go t before, " Rodrig o said . " I ca n leav e yo u thi s printout, an d you can chec k for yourself." "Thanks. I appreciated i t when you did that before. I t made my job easier. So, wha t d o yo u thin k w e coul d d o t o ste m th e tid e o f white-collar crime ? And even i f we did, wh y do you think society would want to spend any of the savings t o reliev e th e pai n an d povert y o f ghetto youth , rathe r tha n appl y i t for lower taxes, trips to Disneyland, a second car , o r that long delayed famil y vacation overseas? " "Let me try to deal with each o f those separately," Rodrigo said. I sat back expectantly. Wherein Rodrigo Explains How He Would Go about Reducing White (-Collar) Crime "To reduc e th e exces s amoun t o f crim e whit e peopl e commit , especiall y those in the executive suite, I think we have to go to the source of it." "And that source is . . .? " I asked. "The whit e family, " Rodrig o replied. 55 "Tha t an d th e crime/tort loophol e we discussed a minute ago . Th e tw o work together. Whit e people' s peculia r family structur e incline s the m t o commit certai n kind s o f crimes, engag e i n

Rodrigo7 s Eighth Chronicle 183 certain kind s o f antisocial behavior. An d th e sof t treatmen t the y affor d eac h other whe n they'r e caugh t encourage s the m t o ac t irresponsibly , neve r t o develop a full sens e of responsibility fo r their acts." T d lov e t o hea r mor e abou t th e kind s o f famil y patholog y yo u hav e i n mind. I think I have a pretty good grasp on wha t you mea n b y soft treatmen t of offenders, b y coddling of white-collar an d corporat e criminals . Bu t it's the family dynamic s tha t interes t m e righ t now. " ( I had bot h a professional an d personal interes t i n th e relatio n o f familie s t o crime . A s Rodrig o ha d bee n speaking, I remembered wit h a slight pang an inciden t i n our own past when my wife and I had receive d a call from th e neighborhood polic e station. Ou r eldest so n ha d bee n arreste d o n suspicio n o f shoplifting. H e wa s only te n a t the time, an d was later cleared, bu t the experience had left a deep impression on all three of us.) "Would yo u like a cup of coffee first?" I asked. Rodrigo nodded vigorously , s o I got up, motionin g hi m t o continue whil e I prepared th e espresso machine for another batch . Getting to the Root of the Problem: The White Family Structure As I busied mysel f measuring out the ingredients, Rodrig o began: "As w e wer e saying , Professor , white-colla r an d relate d crime s ar e a serious social problem. The y ar e committed mostl y by white folks, an d thei r net social cost s exceed thos e of street crime by a large margin. Indeed , i f my figures are correct , the y excee d thos e committe d b y the blac k populatio n o n a per capita, no t just a net basis. Man y o f them g o unpunished, eve n thoug h they caus e injury , disfigurement , an d death . Moreover , th e amoun t o f per sonal violenc e associate d wit h thi s type of misdeed i s greater, o n bot h bases , than tha t associated with black crime." "Here's your coffee. " Rodrigo stirred i n some creamer and his trademark four teaspoon s of sugar and began slurping his drink. Afte r a short interval, h e continued : "We nee d a majo r stud y o f th e whit e family . Socia l scientist s coul d examine wha t feature s ar e contributin g t o th e larg e amoun t o f white-colla r crime associated wit h it . Psychologist s would stud y the contribution o f childrearing patterns, punishment , inculcatio n o f attitudes toward authority , TV watching, an d s o on. Sociologist s woul d tr y t o figure out whethe r mobility , changes i n job s an d jo b security , an d divorc e hav e anythin g t o d o wit h it .

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Statisticians would loo k for correlations—all convergin g on the central problem o f hig h level s o f white-colla r crime , particularl y one s o f stealt h an d theft." "And I suppos e yo u hav e a hypothesi s regardin g wha t the y wil l find i f they do?" "I do," Rodrigo replied . "Crime s o f stealth an d thef t ten d t o be associate d with smal l famil y size . I n Italia n culture , fo r example , familie s ten d t o b e larger. Ther e ar e mor e generation s unde r on e roof , wit h grandparent s an d aunts livin g wit h th e nuclea r couple an d thei r children . Th e childre n ge t plenty o f adul t attention. 56 Plus , there' s alway s someon e ther e t o watc h them. Ther e ar e ver y fe w latchke y children . Fo r al l thos e reasons , ther e is muc h les s theft , eve n whe n yo u tak e int o accoun t tha t i t i s a muc h poorer country. " "Some America n corporat e criminal s I have rea d abou t com e fro m larg e families." "I know . Smal l siz e i s no t th e onl y factor . Man y America n families — upper-class, whit e ones, I mean—are als o intensely private . Ever y child ha s his o r he r ow n bedroom . Childre n ar e urge d t o cove r up . Ther e i s littl e nudity, eve n when th e child i s very small, an d s o on. I have a suspicion tha t this encourages a spirit in which crime s of silence, o f secrecy can flourish. A third elemen t i s acquisitiveness . I n th e U.S. , mos t childre n quickl y lear n that materia l things—toys , th e lates t clothes , musica l equipment , an d s o on—are a measur e o f their worth . Fo r some , late r i n school , thi s take s th e form o f competition fo r the highest grades. Littl e wonder that children raise d in such a warped atmospher e grow up committing on e of the highest rate s of white-collar crim e in the world. " "Competitiveness isn' t so bad. I t enabled u s to develop the wilderness, se t up a commercial empire , inven t new machines and medica l cures." "But not when i t spills over into the realm o f crime," Rodrigo retorted, "a s it too ofte n does . Fo r example , i n m y la w school, on e o f the librarian s tol d me tha t book s disappea r al l th e time . Imagine—stealin g a book ! I n som e societies this would b e unthinkable . And , on e o f my fellow students , wh o is in the J.D. program , tol d me that during exam and moo t court times, peopl e scissor page s an d whol e article s ou t o f boun d volumes . Th e librar y ha s t o Xerox or buy a replacement sheet or article, and glue it back into place. This looks funny—I've see n them—and mus t cost a fortune." T m sur e it does." "And the n thi s attitud e spread s int o th e worl d o f work," Rodrig o contin -

Rodrigo s Eighth Chronicle 185 ued. "Corporation s hav e learne d tha t the y ca n mak e mor e mone y b y takin g over each other , b y issuing fraudulent o r near-fraudulent jun k bonds, an d so on, muc h mor e easil y tha n the y ca n b y working hard t o sell bette r product s or services. 57 I ran int o an old friend wh o is now working for the mergers and acquisitions departmen t o f a majo r la w firm o n th e othe r sid e o f th e river . He say s the y hav e a saying : 'W e mak e mone y th e ol d fashione d way—w e take it.' " "Even whe n legal , there' s obviousl y a limi t t o ho w lon g America n busi ness can g o on simply buying and sellin g and taking over each other, " I said. "But hardl y anyon e think s t o as k that question . Th e prevailin g ethi c an d family structur e tel l al l wh o gro w u p i n th e cultur e tha t i f you ca n ge t away with takin g something—i f n o on e see s yo u o r th e la w doesn' t flatly pro nounce i t criminal—it's oka y to do it . Ther e i s no ethics , n o social networ k of caring or responsibility. I t all goes back to the family structure. " "Of course , that' s th e sam e accusatio n the y mak e agains t us—tha t ou r families ar e pathological , to o man y singl e mothers , gangs , irresponsibility , and so on." "There i s some o f that," Rodrig o acknowledged . "Bu t th e blac k famil y i s the stranges t possibl e scapegoa t fo r America' s socia l ill s today . Th e rea l causes of our economic downturn, o f our festering cities , an d soarin g unem ployment rate , are white-collar crim e and corruption. " "You think it' s that pervasive?" "I do. But leaving that aside, the train o f abuses I just documented fo r you on you r computer i s largely the sourc e o f our busines s downturn. Toda y th e U.S. ha s onl y th e world' s fifth stronges t economy. 58 I t use d t o b e first by a large margin . An d t o retur n t o you r question , yes , I thin k th e solutio n t o blacks' problems is interconnected wit h the solution t o whites' problems." "You mean i n the sense that any general benefit redound s to the improvement of all?" "In mor e tha n tha t 'trickle-down' sense , Professor . I believe th e connect ing link i s the great middle clas s and it s sense of what we can an d canno t d o as a nation." I probably looked puzzled, fo r Rodrig o stopped for a moment, draine d hi s coffee cu p and continued : "The whit e middl e clas s ha s mos t o f th e votes . An d currently , the y wil l not vote for, o r tolerate, costl y programs that benefit th e black poor. An d th e reason i s no t har d t o understand : Th e member s o f th e middl e clas s ar e themselves hurting . Bot h parent s i n man y familie s ar e alread y working , ye t

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the familie s ar e barel y abl e t o mak e end s meet . Thei r ow n childre n ar e exhibiting socia l patholog y becaus e o f the inattentio n the y receiv e a t home . And th e economi c indicator s sho w tha t thing s ar e unlikel y t o ge t bette r »59

soon. "In a n atmospher e lik e that , n o on e i s likel y t o fee l generou s towar d outgroups, towar d people even poorer, mor e desperate than oneself. " "No, bu t i f we could ge t a grip on white-colla r crime , ther e woul d b e an immediate improvement i n everyone's situation. Loo k at the figures we jotted down earlier—fiv e hundre d dollar s pe r year per American citizen , no t eve n counting th e cost s o f war s an d othe r militar y aggressions. 60 I f ever y famil y had tha t muc h mor e i n thei r pocket , the y migh t b e mor e generou s towar d those wh o hav e eve n less . W e coul d hel p youn g blac k me n i n trouble . W e could hav e Head Star t programs and pediatric care for every black youngster. We coul d tur n thing s around , reduc e th e amoun t o f pain an d desolatio n i n our inner cities—not overnight , bu t i n relatively short order." "We could eve n give some of the white people's land back to the Indians," I said. Rodrigo sho t m e a piercin g look . T m serious, " I said. "It' s no t a mino r issue." "I'm glad, " Rodrig o replied . "Becaus e it' s a seriou s issu e wit h me , too . Our indigenou s tribe s have poverty, dropout , an d suicid e rate s that are some of the worst in the world. It' s time society took making amends seriously." 61 "And yo u thin k that by encouraging white folks to get a grip on their ow n criminality, rei n i n th e malefactor s an d malefactors-to-b e i n thei r midst , al l this would become possible?" "Five hundre d dollar s pe r perso n i s a lo t o f money . Righ t now , neithe r the mone y no r th e spiri t i s there. Th e mone y ha s flowed into the pocket s of the corporat e elite , whic h i s riche r an d mor e confiden t tha n eve r before , while th e middl e clas s of all color s i s hurting. 62 I f we clamped dow n o n th e tax cheats , procuremen t frau d artists , an d s o on , th e averag e America n taxpayer woul d hav e a lowe r bill , woul d se e mor e return s o n hi s o r he r money, an d would be less reluctant to vote for programs that benefit th e poor and the black underclass." "But wha t make s yo u thin k tha t th e extr a mone y wil l chang e people' s political views ? The averag e conservative middle-clas s voter will attribute th e windfall t o hi s ow n har d wor k an d ingenuity . H e wil l continu e t o believ e that h e i s comfortable becaus e h e deserve s i t an d tha t th e poo r ar e i n thei r position becaus e the y hav e gotten wha t they deserve. An d th e wealthier ma y

Rodrigo s Eighth Chronicle 187 not eve n notic e th e extr a money ; the y ma y simpl y notic e wit h disapprova l that the law is really cracking down o n them, bu t that the kid who stole their hubcaps has yet to be apprehended. " "Pm sur e some will react that way," Rodrigo conceded . "And eve n i f the extr a mone y i s there an d i f the taxpayer s ar e willin g t o use tha t mone y fo r th e benefi t o f al l society , rathe r tha n fo r thei r tri p t o Disneyland o r Susie' s tuition , I a m no t sur e tha t the y woul d agre e t o hav e that money spent on the underclasses. Man y middle-class people believe that too muc h i s bein g spen t alread y o n 'thos e people / An d wit h th e recen t emphasis on the deficit an d national debt, I' m no t sure the middle class want to raise taxes only to increase spending. The y want deficit reduction. " Rodrigo shot me a quizzical look , the n replied : "Yes, an d w e though t tha t thir d part y candidate s couldn' t hav e muc h o f an impact o n nationa l elections . Bu t I don't gues s I' m sayin g that th e spiri t to deal with th e oppressiv e condition s o f the inne r cit y will necessaril y com e with th e financial mean s o f doin g so . Wha t I a m sayin g i s that , i n thes e recessionary times , i f we don't com e u p with th e mone y b y cutting wast e or crime the n th e desir e t o hel p th e pligh t o f th e poo r wil l definitel y no t b e there. Wit h th e extra money, th e will may come." "That i s still a very optimistic view of things for a neo-Marxist." "I realize that, Professor , bu t there i s more. Eve n i f the middl e clas s does not se e th e saving s o r attribut e the m t o th e crackdow n o n white-colla r crime, som e o f th e saving s wil l automaticall y accru e t o th e poore r classes . Particularly th e saving s fro m consume r fraud . Becaus e th e poo r spen d a higher percentag e o f their incom e o n consumptio n tha n d o the middl e clas s or th e wealthy , the y wil l receiv e a highe r proportio n o f thei r incom e i n savings than wil l the wealthy. " "And wit h tha t highe r incom e wil l come improvement s i n qualit y o f life, and wit h tha t will com e les s of a need t o steal and commi t th e various othe r street crimes that we talked about. " "Cracking dow n o n white-colla r crim e ca n hel p tw o ways. Ther e wil l b e benefits fro m th e savings automatically accruin g to the poor as well as to the middle class. And there is a chance that the extra money will help the middle class get out of its own financial bind an d enable it to think about others." "But you woul d stil l hav e wha t yo u cal l th e socia l constructio n problem , would you not?" "I thin k thi s woul d eas e a s societ y bega n t o se e tha t ou r folk s d o no t include the biggest and worst criminals by a long shot. The y would se e us for

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what we are—a populatio n tha t contains many poor, som e desperate, peopl e living live s o f danger becaus e o f the legac y o f slavery, racism , an d separate but-equal treatment . American s ca n b e generous towar d group s the y d o no t see as demonized—flood victims , fo r example." 63 "Or children los t in the bottom o f a well," I added. 64 "You hav e put you r finger on a n importan t point , though , Professor , on e I'll hav e t o ponder . I'v e argue d tha t th e socia l nee d generate d th e stigma picture, th e stereotyp e o f th e blac k criminal . Th e questio n is , i f w e coul d destroy tha t stereotyp e would thing s reverse—woul d th e repressio n an d col d treatment withe r away , o r would i t return i n ye t another for m an d supporte d by yet another rationalizin g structure?" "That's a tough question, " I replied. "I t has to do with one's basic attitude to huma n nature , th e fundamenta l goodnes s o r badnes s o f mankind . Som e days, I think ou r peopl e will not overcome, tha t we will never be saved, tha t we will be doomed t o enjoy a t most periodic peaks of progress, followe d b y a sickening thud a s we fall righ t bac k where w e started from—tha t whit e selfinterest calls the tune. Whe n i t serves the purpose of elite whites to permit us an occasiona l 'breakthrough, ' the n w e get a Brown v. Board of Education o r Civil Right s Ac t o f 1964 . Righ t no w i t seem s t o b e i n th e self-interes t o f powerful an d articulat e white s to depict u s as criminals. I doubt we'll escap e that stereotype until conditions change." "Some whit e folk s wil l listen, " Rodrig o replied , a littl e hesitatingly . "M y thesis advisor is white, an d h e seems genuinely open. " "But it's the opinio n maker s who reall y count," I replied. "An d fo r al l his brilliance, you r professo r reall y i s no t a n opinio n make r i n th e wa y th e humblest reporter , new s broadcaster, o r assistant city mayor is."

Conclusion We bot h sa t bac k i n m y rapidl y darkenin g office . Th e nigh t wa s falling . I knew Rodrigo and I would soon have to make our ways back to our respective shelters, m e t o m y nearb y apartment , h e t o hi s an d Giannina' s plac e acros s town. Th e coffeepot' s re d switc h glowe d faintl y i n th e gatherin g gloom . I reflected o n th e powerfu l cas e Rodrig o ha d made , bot h wit h statistic s an d interest-convergence, social-construction-of-realit y theory , fo r wh y ou r peo ple ar e investe d thes e day s wit h suc h a devastatingl y negativ e image . I wondered i f there wa s any hop e fo r it s abatement. Onl y stron g friend s wit h access to and a command o f the media , th e mechanism s o f public informa -

Rodrigo s Eighth Chronicle 189 tion an d opinion , coul d hel p us , I thought. I reflected o n th e hug e cost s of that othe r kin d o f crime an d wondere d wha t chance , i f any, ou r natio n ha d of bringin g i t unde r control . Further , i f w e did , wha t assuranc e wa s ther e that th e gain s woul d b e transferred , pu t t o th e benefi t o f poo r familie s i n the ghetto? The phon e ran g again . I picked i t up , an d a s I feared, Rodrig o stoo d u p and indicate d h e ha d t o go . "B y th e way , Professor, " h e mouthed , "you r office look s very nice." I nodded , listene d t o th e phon e fo r a moment , the n smile d broadly . Covering th e receive r I tol d Rodrigo , wh o wa s abou t t o disappea r ou t m y door: "It's the reporter. Sh e wants to know how to spell 'Harry Kalven'!" 65

9 RODRIGO'S FINA L CHRONICLE : Cultural Power , La w Reviews, and th e Attac k o n Narrative Jurisprudenc e

Introduction: Rodrig o an d I Meet a t the AAL S I was sipping a cup o f nondescript institutiona l te a i n hope s o f soothing m y jangled nerve s i n th e low-budge t take-ou t restauran t i n th e basemen t o f the huge, 1200-roo m hote l wher e the AALS was holding it s annual meeting. 1 I t was onl y th e thir d da y o f th e conference, an d I fel t wearie r tha n usual . I wondered whethe r thi s wa s because o f m y advancin g age , o r becaus e I was simply suffering fro m overload . To o many colleagues, to o many hyperkineti c five-minute conversation s wit h person s I hadn' t see n i n years , to o man y panels, to o many speeches. I had escaped to the dimly lit dive in hopes of dodging the flocks of highly wired la w professors, al l dressed i n nea t suits and carryin g green viny l AALS briefcases, wh o frequente d th e mor e high-tone d eatin g establishment s up stairs. Thi s year' s meetin g wa s bein g hel d i n a resor t cit y an d man y o f th e conferees ha d brough t thei r families . Alon g th e restauran t wal l a grou p o f young teenager s wer e playin g a t th e vide o arcade . Afte r th e stead y die t o f

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Rodrigo's FinaI Chronicle 191 high-paced tal k I had bee n bombarde d wit h th e last three days, thei r aimles s chatter oddly reassured me . I was halfway throug h m y tea and ha d jus t noticed tha t my hands were no longer shaking when I heard a familiar voic e from behin d me . "Professor!" I looked up . "Rodrigo ! What are you doing here?" T d bee n hopin g t o ru n int o you, " m y youn g frien d an d proteg e replied . "But this place is crawling with law professors. N o offense intended , bu t afte r awhile they star t to look al l th e same . I' d practicall y give n up , whe n I came down here. An d here you are." "I like your beard," I said. "Ho w long have you been i n Orlando?" "Four days . I cam e fo r th e ne w professors ' workshop , the n staye d on . Giannina joine d m e yesterday. We'r e both o n a panel tomorrow. " "I cam e dow n her e t o get away , bu t t o tell th e trut h I' m delighte d t o see you. Si t down. I was going t o leav e a not e o n th e messag e boar d i f I didn't run int o yo u soon . Ho w ar e thing s goin g wit h you r ne w positio n i n th e Midwest? An d di d yo u an d Giannin a eve r figure out ho w t o arrang e thing s with your far-flung job s and the commute?" "It's not working out too badly. She' s keeping her place in the Village and I got a flat in tow n no t fa r fro m th e airport . W e tak e turns commuting . Sh e says her tota l trave l tim e t o com e se e m e i s no greate r tha n tha t o f some of her friends wh o take the train t o work every day." "How's the teaching going?" Rodrigo looked u p to catch the waiter's attention. "No t bad. D o you min d if I join you? I could us e a cup of coffee o r a snack." "Not a t all . I have nothin g o n m y calenda r tonigh t excep t gettin g caugh t up on what has been happenin g with you. " "The classe s are a lot of work. Fal l semester I had two new preps, bu t this spring I have jus t m y seminar. I finished grading m y bluebooks las t night i n the hotel, an d I' m lookin g forward t o getting some writing done, startin g next week, i n fact. " "You don' t wast e an y time, " I sai d admiringly . "Wha t ar e yo u goin g t o write about?" "Either trusts and estate s . . . " I must hav e mad e a face, becaus e Rodrig o quickl y said , " I know. It' s on e of th e course s the y assigne d me . Bu t I hav e a topi c tha t I find kin d o f interesting. Th e othe r on e i s civil rights . Actually , I was hoping t o ask your

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advice on something . Whicheve r on e I write first, I'm thinkin g o f writing in the narrative, o r storytelling, mode." 2 "Storytelling?" Secretly , o f course , I wa s delighted , sinc e I ha d bee n writing i n tha t mod e myself , indee d a m considere d t o hav e mad e a modes t contribution t o the genre. Ye t no one was more aware of its risks than I . "Rodrigo, as you must know, the whole movement i s under attack. 3 Som e consider i t mushy , unrigorous , eve n nonlegal . Yo u shoul d thin k carefull y before writin g i n tha t vein , unles s you hav e exceptional colleagues . I t might be best to hold of f until yo u have tenure." Tve hear d o f the attac k o n narrativity , i n fact , I'v e bee n readin g abou t i t right now. F d love to talk things over with you, i f you have the time, becaus e Fm genuinely undecided. " The waiter appeared. "Ar e you gentlemen read y to order?"

In Whic h Rodrig o an d I Discuss th e Critiqu e o f Narrativity an d Wha t a Young Professo r Shoul d D o A few minute s later , w e were finishing ou r sandwiches—pastram i o n Rod rigo's part , a vegetaria n specia l o n mine—whe n Rodrig o looke d u p an d began: "As I see it , th e attac k o n narrativ e scholarshi p take s tw o o r thre e forms . Farber an d Sherr y sa y that narrativ e writing , especiall y withi n Critica l Rac e Theory, rest s on essentialist premises, 4 which o f course isn't true. Non e of us is unde r th e illusio n tha t all minorit y scholar s writ e i n th e voic e o f color , much les s that we always employ narratives or stories." 5 "Of cours e not, " I said . "Derric k Bell' s famou s 'Servin g Tw o Masters 7 article6 i s a classic o f the cases-and-policie s mode . An d ever y no w and the n one of us tosses off the standard 300-footnot e blockbuste r full o f case-crunching citations and cites to Fuller an d Dworkin. " "The kind that are passing into history." "Agreed. Ye t othe r Critica l Rac e scholar s d o writ e chronicles , parables , and narratives . W e us e the m t o explor e ideolog y an d mindset . Storie s ar e a great devic e fo r probin g th e dominan t narrative . W e us e the m t o examin e presupposition, th e bod y o f receive d wisdom s tha t pas s as truth bu t actuall y are contingent, power-serving , an d drastically disadvantage our people." 7 "But these ar e exactly th e type s of writing that ar e unde r sieg e right now . In additio n t o th e essentialis t accusation , Farbe r an d Sherr y charg e tha t stories—our kind, a t any rate—are inauthentic , atypical , and untrue. More -

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over, the y ar e ap t no t t o b e tie d adequatel y t o lega l analysi s an d doctrine . They wonde r why articles of this sort appear i n the law reviews, an d as k why law school s shoul d giv e thei r author s tenure . Ther e i s n o wa y t o evaluat e them, becaus e they are sui generis and fall outsid e the scholarly paradigm." 8 "That's not all," I added. "Scholar s like Mark Tushnet say we don't merely fall outsid e th e scholarl y paradigm . W e ar e positivel y damagin g it. 9 Th e degradation o f constitutional discourse , o f which h e not so delicately accuse s us, include s flat-out lyin g an d distortion , carrie d ou t b y some o f the genre' s best exponents. 10 H e als o accuse s u s o f playin g politic s wit h ou r stories , o f choosing jus t on e interpretation—sa y racism—i n explainin g a n inciden t a t a clothing store, for example, whe n othe r explanations are just as valid." 11 "Pretty harsh, " Rodrig o replied . "Bu t w e d o hav e ou r defenders . To m Ross,12 Gar y Peller, 13 Jan e Baron, 14 an d Kath y Abrams 15 write o f the legiti macy an d powe r o f narratives, an d th e way they help readers understan d th e social world. " "Don't forge t a third group, " I added. "There' s a vast iceberg out ther e of skeptics wh o ar e basicall y friendl y t o narrativ e scholarship , bu t wan t u s t o play by conventional rules . I' m thinkin g of people like Ed Rubin 16 an d Mar y Coombs.17 They think it's fine if we write in stories and narratives , s o long as we ca n b e evaluate d an d grade d i n som e way . They'r e worrie d tha t whe n young firebrands lik e yo u com e u p fo r tenure , thei r colleague s won' t hav e the slightes t ide a ho w t o vote . The y won' t understan d wha t you'v e written , or i f they do , won' t kno w ho w t o evaluat e it . Wit h cas e analysi s th e norm s are well understood . Bu t who's to say if Derrick Bell's Chronicle of the Space Traders1^ i s bette r o r wors e tha n Patrici a Williams' s Benetton' s story, 19 o r Marie Ashe's ZigZag Stitching piece?" 20 "That's no t s o hard, " Rodrig o said . "Pungency , irony , insight , vividness . Illumination o f a new perspective o r angle o f analysis. Narrativ e coherence . I don' t se e wh y it' s s o difficul t t o com e u p wit h criteria . Th e one s I jus t mentioned woul d b e a start." "I agree that eventuall y thos e idea s ma y tak e hold. Bu t i n th e meantime , narrative writin g i s highl y controversial . Yo u know , o f course , abou t Lan i Guinier.21 An d ho w Derrick Bell had t o leave Harvard." 22 "But she didn't write narratives. An d Derrick left o n principle, becaus e his school refuse d t o hire a black woman. " "But hi s narrativ e scholarshi p ma y hav e playe d a part . An d sh e wa s a Critica l Rac e Theoris t wh o challenge d curren t notion s o f politica l an d electoral fairness. "

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Two of the boy s from th e vide o parlor interrupte d u s politely t o ask if we had an y change . Rodrig o an d I exchanged amuse d looks , du g deep into ou r pockets, produce d wha t w e had , an d th e youth s nodde d wordlessl y an d ran off . "Nice kids. Where were we? Oh—maybe w e need t o distinguish differen t kinds of storytelling," Rodrigo continued. "I'v e notice d tha t there are at least two types, with one being much mor e controversial tha n th e other. " "And the two are . . . ?" I coaxed. "Actually ther e ar e three. O n ou r side , ther e i s the so-calle d 'agony ' tale, or first-person account, usuall y o f som e outrag e th e autho r suffered. 23 An d then ther e is the 'counterstory,' th e one that mocks, jars , displaces, o r attacks some majoritaria n tal e o r narrative , suc h a s withou t intent , n o discrimina tion; or , th e fre e marke t wil l driv e ou t discriminators , o r som e othe r suc h tenet of the majoritarian faith." 24 "And yo u mentione d tha t on e o f thes e i s mor e controversia l tha n th e other?" "Yes, by far. " "Which one? " "Everyone love s the agon y tale . The y find the m s o poignant, s o moving, so authentic , s o true . The y accep t the m immediately , cal l the m poeti c and soulful." 25 "I agree, " I said. "Th e reactio n ofte n remind s m e o f the Harle m Renais sance, whe n whit e folk s discovere d blac k culture . Suddenly , blac k writers , jazz musicians , an d painter s foun d themselve s i n vogue , thei r wor k a coun terbalance fo r th e predictabilit y an d blandnes s o f the broade r culture. 26 Bu t you think counterstories are another story, s o to speak." "Yes, the y don't g o over nearly a s well. Consider , fo r example , th e stron g reaction Derric k Bell' s Chronicle of the Space Traders elicited. Th e poin t of the Chronicl e i s tha t whit e self-interes t drive s th e civi l right s movement , accounting fo r th e man y zig s an d zag s o f ou r racia l history . I t end s b y showing tha t whit e Americ a woul d sel l ou t th e caus e o f black right s today , just as it did two hundred year s ago, i f the price were right." "When on e of us takes on one or more of these comforting myth s of racial progress, o f course ther e i s trouble. Bu t yo u mentione d tha t ther e i s a third kind of story." Rodrigo wa s silen t fo r a moment . "Oh , yes . Ther e i s th e majoritaria n story o r tale . Whit e folk s tel l stories , too . Bu t they don' t see m lik e stories at all, bu t th e truth . S o when on e o f them tell s a story suc h as , th e poo l i s so

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small, o r affirmativ e actio n end s u p stigmatizin g an d disadvantagin g abl e blacks, fe w conside r tha t a story , o r as k whethe r i t i s authentic , typical , o r true.27 N o on e asks whether i t is adequately tie d t o legal doctrine, becaus e it and other s lik e i t ar e th e ver y base s b y whic h w e evaluat e lega l doctrine . White tale s lik e these see m unimpeachable—whe n on e o f us tells a count erstory, th e counterstory come s under attack, no t the original story itself." "Something lik e that once happene d t o me," I said. "Earl y i n m y career I wrote an article that in some respects was a classic 'agony tale/ excep t I didn't tell stories , jus t quote d case s an d socia l scientists . I t wa s a n earl y piec e o n hate speech . I pointe d ou t tha t th e tor t syste m provide d littl e remed y fo r racial insult s and name-calling. " "I know that article . Eve n thoug h it' s not o n th e computerize d databases , I ran across a citation t o it and looke d i t up. I liked it. " "So did all of my friends, including , interestingly , a lot of white people. I would g o t o conference s lik e thi s on e an d peopl e I neve r eve n kne w woul d come u p t o m e an d sa y ho w muc h the y love d th e article , ho w move d they were , an d ho w terribl e i t wa s tha t th e la w didn' t redres s th e har m o f racist insults." "And you say you find this surprising?" Rodrigo looked u p with interest . "Don't misunderstan d me— I stil l think yo u shoul d b e very careful i f you plan t o writ e i n th e narrativ e mode . Yo u ca n d o it , jus t b e cautious , an d maybe wait till you hav e tenure. Yo u see , I finally figured out why everyone loved tha t first article . It' s becaus e the y coul d empathiz e wit h th e blac k subjected t o the vicious racial slur . The y coul d sa y how terrible i t is that ou r legal syste m doesn' t provid e redress . The y sincerel y fel t tha t way . Indeed , I think i t allowe d the m t o sa y t o themselve s ho w muc h the y love d th e Firs t Amendment. The y love d it so much tha t they ha d to sacrifice thes e unfortu nate Negroes and Mexicans , fo r which the y were genuinely sorr y and apolo getic. " "So tha t wa s you r agon y story . Bu t yo u sai d ther e wer e tw o others, " Rodrigo prompted . "Oh, yes . A fe w year s late r I wrot e on e o n th e campu s hate-speec h controversy. I n thi s one , I didn' t s o muc h mak e a cas e fo r curbin g hat e speech as I did for the indeterminacy o f the usual Firs t Amendment analysis. I showed tha t the proble m o f campus hat e speech ca n b e approached i n on e of tw o ways . Yo u ca n eithe r se e it , basically , a s a libert y o r a n equalit y problem, wit h mirror-imag e consequence s flowing from th e two approaches, except of course going off i n opposit e directions. Thi s on e m y liberal friend s

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welcomed muc h less , although i n a way it was a more sophisticated analysis . Then, recently , I published a piece showin g that th e marketplac e o f ideas is unable t o redres s systemi c injustice—althoug h i t ca n correc t mino r socia l ills and errors—becaus e th e more deeply inscribed, systemi c ones are simply invisible—we don' t se e the m a s suc h a t th e time . M y ACL U buddie s absolutely hate d thi s one. The y ignore d m y argument, an d al l m y historica l evidence fo r wha t I called th e 'empathi c fallacy / an d kep t saying, ' I kno w a case . . . ' where speech i n their opinion worked. " "Which o f course wasn't your point at all," Rodrigo added. "No, i t was that the First Amendment doesn' t work, no t speech itself. " Rodrigo was silent for a minute while we sipped our drinks. "So, professor , you think I should hol d of f on writing this sort of stuff until I get tenure?" "I know it's ironic. I myself was counseled t o do something simila r i n m y early days. 28 And her e I am telling you to do the same thing." "I could writ e about somethin g safe, lik e civil procedure. Bu t what if I do write narratives, an d the piece gets accepted a t a top review?" "You migh t thin k tha t ough t t o satisfy an y tenur e committee . Bu t there' s the risk that your colleagues will dismiss it as the product of yet another leve l of affirmativ e action , namel y tha t o f th e la w revie w editor s wh o lea n ove r backward t o accep t a n articl e writte n b y a minorit y professor . It' s a cas e o f the revers e reasonin g you an d I discussed before. 29 The y insis t that we meet the meri t criteria, bu t when w e do, the y dismiss our accomplishment. Sinc e professors o f color virtually by definition lac k merit, whe n we do demonstrate it in an y of the classic ways, this is disconcerting. Ther e mus t be a reason fo r such a strange event. An d the y find the reaso n i n the very factor, affirmativ e action, tha t raise s a question abou t ou r competenc e i n the first place. Whe n faced wit h decidin g betwee n tw o propositions—Rodrig o Crenshaw , th e af firmative actio n candidate , ha d meri t afte r al l (indee d mor e tha n mos t o f them, wh o hav e neve r onc e publishe d i n Harvar d i n thei r entir e careers) — and a second proposition—affirmativ e actio n accounte d fo r Rodrigo' s article getting accepte d a t th e to p la w review , gues s whic h on e the y wil l choos e to believe?" "We can' t win . Ou r successe s ar e lai d t o affirmativ e actio n o f on e sort , and our failures t o another." "A double bind," I said. "I could writ e a 600-footnote case-cruncher, " Rodrig o said, a little doubtfully.

Rodrigo's Final Chronicle 197 T m sur e you could, " I said. "An d som e of your colleagues would lov e it. That's th e kin d o f articl e the y wrot e t o ge t tenur e twenty-fiv e year s ago . They'd se e themselves i n you. They' d b e all smiles." "The troubl e i s tha t I' d neve r ge t a n articl e o f tha t kin d i n Harvard . They're passe . Th e goo d review s realize that that vei n o f formalistic scholar ship has run dry , i s producing fewer an d fewe r breakthroughs." 30 "If it ever produced any, " I added. "All the goo d writing these days is either Critica l o r interdisciplinary. Ye t the old-timer s o n ou r facultie s rol l thei r eye s whe n the y mee t thi s kind . Especially when it' s written by one of us." "Well, let' s pu t forma t aside . Wha t ar e yo u thinkin g o f writin g about? You mentione d somethin g abou t Trust s an d Estates . Sound s a little dull — but I' m sur e you'll find a way of making it interesting," I added. "I'd lik e t o sho w tha t th e famou s public-trus t doctrin e tha t Josep h Sa x pioneered i n environmenta l protectio n la w a quarte r o f a centur y ag o put a halt t o th e searc h fo r mor e far-reachin g refor m i n tha t area . I would argu e that th e theor y wa s bot h conservativ e an d progressiv e a t th e sam e time ; conservative, becaus e i t importe d idea s fro m trus t la w tha t ultimatel y froz e environmental la w int o a n unproductiv e model , an d progressiv e becaus e i t offered a way to control som e of mankind's wors t impulses. Th e othe r pape r I'm thinkin g about writing is a civil rights piece." "It seem s t o m e yo u coul d writ e th e first on e i n th e standar d cases-and policies mode." "I could . Bu t I coul d als o writ e i t employin g narratives , analyzin g th e rhetoric an d logi c o f reform . I could show , fo r example , tha t th e languag e and menta l picture s o f Sax' s trus t approac h ar e male , revealin g a n uncon scious fea r o f wha t migh t happe n i f w e di d no t plac e th e value d propert y beyond our reach, i n the hands of someone else. It' s a little like what wealthy men d o for thei r children—fearin g tha t the y otherwis e migh t be tempted t o spend th e child's college funds o n a sports car." "Like Ulysses lashing himself to the mast. I like this other approach muc h better. I t lets you do more, g o to the core of the problem, namel y the way we think about natural good s like parks, beaches, an d animal species. " "I thought so , too, " Rodrigo replie d a little wryly. "Bu t the n I talked t o a few o f m y colleagues . The y al l preferre d th e standar d version . A couple o f them showe d thinl y disguise d scor n whe n I spoke of using a storytelling an d narrative-analysis approach. "

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"There wa s a session a t this very conference yesterda y on problem s of law review publishing . Th e progra m not e say s the sessio n wa s to be a gatherin g of lega l scholar s concerne d abou t th e battl e fo r wha t the y cal l authoria l authority. Evidentl y man y la w professor s thin k tha t la w revie w editor s ar e pushing the m around , exercisin g to o muc h control , to o muc h judgmen t over articles." 31 "I hear d abou t that, " Rodrig o replied . " I couldn' t go . Bu t I hear d tha t some of those present voiced unhappines s ove r the way in which la w reviews are publishin g storytellin g articles , feminism , an d Critica l Theor y piece s all to th e exclusion , a s the y se e it , o f 'rea l law / Man y o f thos e i n attendanc e argued tha t the only solution i s a faculty takeove r of the law reviews." 32 I shuddered. " 1 hate to think what that would mean for innovative scholarship. Student s ar e no t perfect , an d th e la w review s ever y no w an d the n d o make mistakes. A bad articl e creeps in ; a good on e gets turned down . Bu t on the whole, student s are much mor e open to new forms an d authors than ou r colleagues are. Som e of the latter are open-minded, t o be sure, but too many would us e their position o n the board o f advisors to perpetuate sameness—t o assure tha t la w revie w writin g toda y look s exactl y lik e wha t the y remembe r from thei r youth—boring , circula r 100-pag e treatise s ful l o f cas e analysis , shuffling an d reshufflin g doctrin e and going nowhere. 33 Nothing could brin g greater disreput e t o lega l academia . I n th e eye s o f siste r disciplines , w e ar e seen a s alway s bein g a littl e behind . A facult y takeove r o f th e la w review s would mak e us the laughing stock of the scholarly world. " "I agree," Rodrigo said. "An d that' s why this session on contro l o f the law reviews worries me." "But that' s no t solvin g you r ow n problem . Ar e yo u goin g t o writ e tha t trusts-and-estates articl e i n th e narrativ e mod e o r not ? An d wha t wa s tha t other topic you were talking about?" "It's all tie d u p wit h figuring out wh y there i s such resistanc e t o narrativ e scholarship an d storytelling . I' d lov e t o explor e thi s wit h you , i f yo u hav e the time." "Of cours e I do," I said . "I t sound s lik e yo u hav e bee n givin g thi s som e thought—not surprisin g since your career may ride on it," I added. "I'm torn, " Rodrigo replied. " I want to write the best possible article, ye t I want t o surviv e t o fight agai n anothe r day . Mayb e w e ca n discus s i t ove r dessert. Coul d yo u use another bite?" "I could."

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In Whic h Rodrig o Put s Forwar d Hi s Theory o n Why Appeal s fo r Refor m Spar k Suc h Strong Resistanc e We returne d fro m th e counte r wit h ou r desserts , a fluffy apple concoctio n for m y rail-thi n friend , a n abstemious-lookin g sherbe t fo r me , an d Rodrig o began a s follows: "Professor, hav e yo u eve r wondere d abou t th e connectio n betwee n law , especially academic law, an d socia l change?" "Every da y o f m y life . Sometime s I wonde r i f I' m no t jus t greasin g th e wheels o f industry, turnin g ou t youn g lawyer s who will advanc e th e aim s of the capitalist state. I wonder whether all my teaching and writing about racial justice do any good. Th e jo b structure ou t there is fixed; my students have to fit in. Possibl y I' m makin g them eve n mor e discontent b y preaching to them about a bette r worl d whe n th e realitie s o f la w practice , billabl e hours , corporate clients , an d s o on, mea n tha t they ar e locked int o a certain typ e of life and practice." 34 "Some of your students go into public interes t practice. Yo u ma y be more of an inspiratio n t o them tha n yo u know. " "But eve n thos e wh o do , find tha t la w i s no t th e trust y instrumen t o f reform tha t we like to think." "And the reasons for that have begun to be explored i n recent scholarship, including your own, Professor. 35 La w can d o little to bring about fundamen tal social change because i t operates piecemeal. 36 Courts can onl y adjudicat e the cas e befor e them . Doctrine s o f stare decisis, standing, mootness , an d ripeness assur e that. 37 Yet , fundamenta l refor m require s tha t 'everythin g change a t once / I f yo u onl y chang e on e thing , leavin g everythin g els e i n place, the remaining elements simply swallow up the new decree. Eve n suc h a might y cas e as Brown v. Board of Education ende d u p changing relativel y little in the fortunes o f black schoolchildren, whos e plight today is little better than i t wa s fort y year s ago. 38 Pupi l assignmen t rule s change d onl y slightly , especially i n th e South , an d whit e familie s compensate d b y simpl y movin g away, wit h th e resul t tha t mor e African-America n childre n atten d domi nantly blac k school s toda y tha n di d i n Browns day. 39 Shortl y afte r Brown, the numbe r o f blac k teacher s an d schoo l administrator s actuall y dropped , and toda y th e graduatio n an d dropou t rate s o f black , Hispanic , an d Nativ e American childre n ar e an embarrassment t o any industrialized country." 40

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Rodrigo was speaking intently now, an d leaning forward slightly . I nodded and encourage d hi m t o continue: "And yo u believe all this is not due simply to a lack o f will o r changes i n th e political climate , bu t t o a basic limitatio n in law reform?" Rodrigo nodde d emphatically . "Conside r wha t P m thinkin g o f callin g 'cultural weight / Ever y lega l decre e operate s agains t a backgroun d o f as sumptions, presuppositions , an d agreed-upon meanings. 41 I n addition, i t has to contend wit h a network o f existing social practice s an d narratives. 42 All of these exercis e a kin d o f gravitationa l field bac k i n th e directio n o f th e familiar, th e known . Thus , whe n Brown wa s decided , a thousan d loca l officials an d lowe r court s wer e face d wit h figuring ou t wha t i t mean t i n particular situations . Separat e i s n o longe r equal—bu t wha t di d tha t mea n for teache r assignments , publi c swimmin g pools , schoo l bu s routes , colleg e counseling i n th e schools, disciplinar y due process, and a myriad othe r practices?" "I suppos e you'r e goin g t o sa y i t mean t ver y little . I s thi s becaus e loca l officials wer e determine d t o resis t Brown? Sound s lik e a conspirac y theor y to me." "No, I don' t thin k tha t wa s th e mai n wa y i t happened , althoug h Brown did indee d spar k som e ugl y resistance , especiall y i n th e South . I thin k th e mechanism wa s both mor e and less sinister than that. " "What do you mean?" "IPs th e genera l weigh t o f culture tha t stand s i n th e way . N o on e perso n does, usuall y a t an y rate . Rather , it' s a hos t o f backgroun d forces , agains t which lega l decree s ar e playe d out , tha t confine s reform . There' s actuall y been som e recent writing about this." "You mea n th e narratives , presuppositions , an d existin g practice s tha t landmark case s like Brown have to contend with?" "Yes. Thes e sabotag e a decre e withou t an y consciou s effor t o n anyone' s part. Whe n th e Brown decisio n cam e down , Souther n official s interprete d the decre e i n term s o f thei r ow n experience , training , an d commo n sense . To them , i t mean t th e onl y thin g i t coul d mean—desegregatio n tha t cam e not to o quickly , wen t no t to o far , an d tha t change d existin g personnel , curricula, an d genera l cultur e a s little as possible. Indeed , Souther n official s at first interpreted th e cas e a s applyin g onl y t o primar y schools , an d no t t o public swimming pools, meeting halls, and other facilities. 43 A few even took the vie w tha t Brown onl y applie d t o th e schoo l district s immediatel y befor e the Court . I t took years for th e messag e to get out tha t Brown meant wha t it

Rodrigds Final Chronicle 201 said. Eve n today , 4 0 year s later , mor e blac k childre n atten d segregate d schools than di d i n Browns day." 44 "And yo u thin k thi s i s becaus e o f cultur e an d no t becaus e o f outrigh t resistance?" I pressed. "There wa s outrigh t resistance , a t leas t a t first. Bu t th e wa y Brown went against th e cultura l grai n prove d eve n mor e decisive . I n dozen s o f forma l decisions—school disciplinar y cases , teacher assignmen t schemes, an d decisions t o locat e a ne w schoo l o r progra m i n thi s par t o f tow n rathe r tha n that—as wel l a s a myria d o f informa l ones , majority-rac e schoo l official s interpreted thei r lega l obligatio n i n ligh t o f what the y knew : School s shoul d remain a s much a s possible like they were before." "Doctrinal development s didn't help, either, " I added. "No," Rodrig o replied . "Court s soo n decide d tha t segregatio n tha t result s from housin g pattern s i s unredressable. 45 Metropolita n desegregatio n plan s are unconstitutional. 46 Educatio n i s no t a fundamenta l interest, 47 no r pov erty a suspec t class, 48 s o tha t stat e scheme s tha t fun d property-ric h district s lavishly and property-poor one s in miserly fashion ar e perfectly legal. " "All thi s eve n thoug h U.S . constitutiona l la w remain s perfectl y color blind an d committe d t o th e principl e o f integrate d schooling . I gathe r yo u think the same applies to law reform decision s across the board. " "I do. Girardea u Span n argue s tha t litigator s shoul d no t plac e grea t fait h in th e Suprem e Cour t a s a n instrumen t o f socia l progress. 49 It , an d th e federal court s i n general , ar e conservative . An d eve n whe n the y d o han d down a ringin g victor y fo r us , a s the y d o ever y decad e o r so , th e gai n i s quickly cu t bac k b y foot-dragging , obstruction , narro w construction , an d delay."50 "Sometimes th e gravitational field seems to reverse itself," I said. "Durin g the sixties, courts and the general cultur e were on our side. I t was a period of breakthroughs." "But i t did no t las t long. Th e arro w o f change i s as apt to be backward a s forward a t any given moment . A recent pol l showe d tha t black parents thin k that conditions today are as bad for black families a s they have been sinc e the time of slavery." 51 "I saw that study, " I added. "I t showed tha t homicid e i s the leadin g caus e of death fo r blac k youth s betwee n age s 1 5 an d 24 . Nearl y hal f o f al l blac k children live d under the poverty level in a recent year. Thirty-fou r percen t of all black teenagers looking for work could no t find it, a rate twice that of their white counterparts. Nearl y half of all black babies were not fully immunized .

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Sixty-five percen t o f blac k adult s thin k thei r childre n wil l b e denie d job s because of racial prejudice." S1 "Grim statistics," Rodrigo said. "Unfortunately , thi s sort of thing is institutionalizing itself . Blac k despair is more the norm toda y than th e exception. " "And ther e i s little we law-types can do? " I asked. "I n ou r rol e as lawyers, I mean?" "Litigation doe s littl e good . Eve n whe n th e court s d o giv e u s a rar e breakthrough, i t succumbs quietly to cultural weight. I used to think anothe r route had promise for us, but now I'm no t so sure." I looke d up , hopin g Rodrig o woul d explain . Bu t jus t the n th e waite r approached. "Woul d yo u gentlemen lik e something else?" I looke d a t Rodrig o wh o uncharacteristically shoo k hi s head . "Jus t th e bill." As the waiter disappeared, th e lights flickered briefly . "What's that?" Rodrigo asked. "I don't know, " I said. "I t happene d onc e before . Mayb e it' s the kid s and the vide o games. " I indicate d th e teenager s tirelessl y pressin g button s alon g the wall . "O r mayb e al l th e professor s upstair s plugge d i n thei r laptop s at once." "Maybe it's an omen, " Rodrigo mused, fallin g silent . T d lov e to hear your theory, though, " I said. T m goin g strong, an d thi s restaurant has plenty of empty tables. I doubt they'll rus h u s to leave. Do you have the time?" "Sure," Rodrigo replied with renewe d energy . "It' s all related t o my career decision, th e on e w e talked abou t earlier . I consider yo u m y mentor , s o I' d love to run i t past you. Ar e you sure you have the time?" I nodded. Rodrig o was silent for a moment. Then , h e began:

Exit Rodrigo : In Whic h M y Young Frien d Explain s How Ontogen y Recapitulate s Phylogen y an d The n Goes Of f t o an Uncertai n Fat e "Until recently , I thought that the solution t o law's lockstep was storytelling," Rodrigo began. "Storytelling?" I asked. "Yo u mean, wha t we talked about before? " "Yes. You see, Professor, storytellin g has the potential to change the social background agains t which legal decisions are interpreted. I t can make inroads into the interlocking system of meanings, cultura l understandings , an d inter -

Rodrigo s Final Chronicle 203 pretations tha t determin e th e 'commo n sense ' Souther n official s an d othe r actors brin g t o lega l an d cultura l decisions . I t ca n mak e case s lik e Brown succeed, no t fail. " "It ca n chang e th e cultura l weigh t yo u wer e talking about! " I exclaimed , sitting up in the booth cushio n int o which I had been progressively slumpin g as the evening wore on. "Or s o I used t o think," Rodrig o replied . "Stories—well-tol d ones , a t any rate—like Patrici a Williams ' an d som e o f yours , Professor , ca n chang e th e baseline. The y ca n chang e consciousness , chang e th e narrativ e stoc k b y which w e interpre t ne w stories , lik e tha t o f Brown. Separat e i s n o longe r equal. Clever , engagin g storie s ca n alte r th e wa y w e se e an d interpre t th e world. La w fail s because , a s we said, 'everythin g mus t chang e a t once / Bu t law cannot chang e everythin g a t once . S o the surprisin g ne w edic t i s always outnumbered. N o wonde r ne w narrative s issue d b y a cour t brin g abou t little change." "But persistent , engage d storytellin g ca n chang e everythin g a t once, " I said, leapin g a little ahead o f myself. I had resolve d t o remain quie t i n orde r to le t Rodrig o develo p hi s case , bu t m y excitemen t ha d gotte n th e bette r o f me. "Bu t please go on." Rodrigo inconspicuousl y picke d u p th e bill—somethin g I remarked wit h surprise an d a littl e satisfaction , aki n t o seein g m y ow n childre n gro w up. I didn't object , eve n thoug h I kne w hi s salar y a s a beginnin g professo r wa s probably half mine. "Let m e ge t this . You'v e alway s pai d before, " Rodrig o said , a s thoug h reading m y mind . "Lega l storytellin g i s potentiall y th e mos t revolutionar y form o f scholarship o n th e curren t scene . Which , i n turn , account s fo r th e resistance we all see, includin g here at this very conference. " "How d o yo u kno w it' s no t jus t ol d fogyism? " I asked. "Matur e scholar s always resist new genres of writing pioneered b y young upstarts like you. Yo u talk strang e lingoes , us e term s the y don' t understan d lik e 'hegemony 7 an d 'multiple consciousness. ' An d yo u cit e author s they'v e neve r read . Gearin g up to understand thes e new forms of scholarship takes a lot of work. I struggle with i t sometimes, a s you know, an d I' m a friend an d fellow traveler. " "We're gratefu l fo r you r help , an d tha t o f other s i n you r generation, " Rodrigo replie d quietly . "Yo u giv e us courage to go on, an d you r advic e has been invaluable. " "Not t o mentio n you r ow n nativ e talent, " I said . "Bu t pleas e g o on . I' d love to know why stories are not the answer, either. "

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Rodrigo paused. "D o you remember the resistance to stories that we talked about earlier?" "You mea n th e spat e o f recen t la w revie w article s an d journalisti c piece s attacking the new jurisprudence, ridiculin g or trying to rein i t in." "Yes, that . Hav e you wondered why it exists?" "I assum e yo u hav e a theor y fo r it—tha t yo u thin k tha t it' s mor e tha n simple inertia an d resistanc e to that which i s new?" "I think there is more to it than that . There' s a double mechanism, whic h I'll explai n i n a minute . Bu t underlyin g everythin g i s th e sense , th e fea r really, tha t stories, i f well told, ca n becom e part of the narrative base, and so change th e way we understand th e world. That' s trul y subversive . An d sinc e societies, lik e mos t organi c things , d o no t wan t t o change , a t leas t rapidly , we resist." "Conservative storie s see m t o hav e rea l effect, " I interjected . "Ove r th e last decade or so, stories like the welfare queen , th e pathogenic black family , Willie Horton , an d s o on, hav e swept the land. Mayb e the political righ t are simply better storytellers than w e are." "I don't thin k they'r e bette r storytellers , althoug h the y d o seem t o hav e a knack fo r usin g th e medi a an d fo r coinin g catch-phrases, lik e 'politica l correctness.'53 I think th e rea l reaso n ha s t o do wit h memory . Conservativ e stories recal l a distan t past , whic h w e remembe r i n a ros y glow , whe n everything seeme d t o b e better . Progressive s an d reformer s urg e u s to mov e in directions we've never been. Storie s like that raise anxieties. Why abandon the safe ground we'r e on for an uncharte d future? " "But societ y sometime s listen s t o ou r stories , a s i t did i n th e sixties . An d even today , som e o f ou r writer s d o ge t a favorabl e reception . Patrici a Wil liams's book, fo r example, wa s well received." 54 "Stories have to be inveigling, insinuative . One s that are too frontal creat e resistance.55 The y hav e t o engag e th e logic , buil d o n th e narrative s o f th e dominant tradition . Agon y tales always go over better than th e other kind. " "The more hard-edged ones? " "Yes. You'v e see n somethin g lik e tha t i n you r ow n experienc e writin g about hat e speech . Tha t first article wa s a classi c 'agony ' tale . Liberals , an d even some conservatives loved it. " "The reaction wa s like that of some reviewers of Pat Williams's book, wh o praised i t as so 'poignant,' s o 'moving,' so poetic." "But as happened t o you whe n yo u wrote about the logic and structur e of the hate speech problem, yo u saw that you elicited a different reaction. "

Rodrigo s Final Chronicle 20S "I certainly did, " I admitted a little ruefully . " I stopped bein g a cult hero . People started invitin g me to lectures in order to debate my views. Often the y would invit e a speaker fro m th e ACL U t o present 'th e othe r side / An d the n when I started writin g abou t campu s speec h codes , resistanc e increase d an d the decibe l leve l ros e eve n higher . On e columnis t attacke d m e an d m y coauthor, callin g us fascists, Orwellia n censors , an d purveyor s of dangerous, un-American double-think , al l in one article." 56 "Quite a n indictment, " Rodrig o said , lookin g at me intently . T m gla d to see yo u haven' t begu n pullin g you r punches . Wher e di d th e colum n appear?" "A national newspaper . A t least they gave me a chance t o reply, eve n i f it was several month s later . Bu t yo u sai d yo u ha d a theor y t o explai n al l this , something to do with a double axis or mechanism?" In Which Rodrigo Explains Why Society Resists the New Storytellers and Sets Out His Double Mechanism by Which We Deploy That Resistance "I do, " Rodrig o began . "Recal l tw o relate d phenomena , bot h havin g t o d o with storie s an d images. " Rodrig o too k a lon g si p o f hi s coffee , whic h th e waiter ha d obligingl y refilled , eve n thoug h w e had pai d ou r bill . "No t bad , for institutiona l coffee , I mean." "I gathe r yo u mea n ethni c imagery , whos e histor y w e discusse d before . But what's the second one? " I asked. "The othe r i s resistanc e t o refor m i n general, " Rodrig o replied . "I f yo u consider bot h together , yo u se e what the y hav e i n common . An d wha t the y have in common explain s our predicament an d that of today's other storytellers an d counterstorytellers , wh o ar e tryin g t o ge t other s t o tak e a mor e humane approac h t o problems of racial justice. " "I'm no t quit e sur e I see what the y hav e i n common . Yo u an d I recentl y discussed th e way our culture' s syste m o f racial imager y depicts black peopl e over the years. Earl y on, ther e were the Samb o and the Mammy images." 57 "Which w e sai d wer e necessar y t o reassur e whit e societ y tha t African Americans wer e conten t wit h thei r lo t during slaver y an d th e earl y Emanci pation years." "Indeed. A different imag e would hav e been to o disturbing. I t would hav e implied tha t th e slaves wanted a normal life , ha d huma n needs , jus t like the rest of us. Bu t then th e image changed. "

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"During Reconstruction , novels , stories , an d earl y films began depictin g blacks as bestial, primitive , hypersexual , wit h design s on thing s they di d no t own o r deserve , includin g whit e women. 58 Now , wha t societ y neede d wa s repression. Th e ne w images served this purpose perfectly. " "The image s ar e no t alway s negative . Remembe r th e Harle m Renais sance." "Yes, society was then turnin g to other cultures for renewal. They adopted black musi c an d ar t a s a refug e fro m thei r ow n excesses . The y foun d it s primitivism refreshing , jus t a s toda y man y American s loo k t o Southwes t culture fo r relie f from th e care s of industrialized life. 59 The image s of us are never particularl y flattering—beast, lackey , primitive , an d s o on . Bu t the y are intensel y functional fo r th e dominan t group , changin g a s it s need s change—now fo r cheap or slave labor, no w for repression, no w for entertainment, an d s o on." 60 "A few courageou s soul s i n ever y er a resis t thos e images , o r writ e a book or play depicting us as normal—like anyon e else," I pointed out . "But they ar e ignored . Th e weigh t o f the general syste m o f narratives an d images i s to o great . Harrie t Beeche r Stowe' s nove l sol d wel l onl y afte r decades o f abolitionis t agitatio n ha d begu n t o mak e th e America n publi c understand tha t slaver y migh t b e wrong . Nadin e Gordime r wo n th e Nobe l Prize onl y a s he r countr y wa s o n th e verg e o f repudiating apartheid . O r consider the recent 'rediscovery' of a generation o f black novelists and writers, including Zor a Neal e Hursto n an d Charle s Chesnutt . Thos e author s wer e writing man y year s ago , the y ha d publisher s an d smal l audiences . Societ y was simply no t read y to change it s images of blacks. The y wrot e about blac k characters who were normal—like everyon e else—who ha d feelings, hopes , dreams, an d s o on. The y lacke d an audienc e becaus e society did no t want to accept that image of blacks back then." 61 "I'm generall y familia r wit h tha t functiona l vie w o f racia l imagery, " I replied. "Bu t you mentioned ther e was another strand?" "Yes," Rodrigo continued. "It' s related t o the first. Recent work has begun to focu s o n th e proble m o f socia l refor m i n general . A fe w scholars , lik e Spann, hav e analyzed law' s role." 62 "Or lack of it," I added wryly. "Indeed," Rodrig o wen t on . "Variou s writer s ar e studyin g th e natura l history o f socia l refor m movements , workin g thei r wa y towar d a genera l theory o f reform an d regression. "

Rodrigo s Final Chronicle 207 "And thi s mirror s th e cours e o f ethni c imager y whic h yo u jus t reviewe d for me?" "In som e way s i t does . A t first socia l refor m movement s ten d t o evok e sympathy an d solicitude . W e conside r ourselve s a generou s an d welcomin g people. So , w e link arm s with th e newcomers , marc h wit h them , sing , W e shall overcome / Everyon e identifie s wit h th e underdog . An d s o i t i s wit h most social movements—feminism, civi l rights, environmentalism—at first. Then, a t som e point , th e tid e turns . Th e grou p begin s t o see m t o u s dangerous, aggressive . The y ar e askin g fo r thing s the y hav e no t earned , d o not deserve, demandin g concession s w e cannot easil y give. No w they are n o longer i n favor . W e n o longe r invit e the m t o fashionabl e parties . The y ar e whiners, demanding , impossible , neve r satisfied . No w they ar e imposin g o n our jus t prerogatives. The y are in the wrong, w e in the right." 63 "I've see n somethin g lik e tha t happe n wit h man y socia l movements , including ou r own, " I said . "I n th e sixties , the y love d us . W e coul d d o n o wrong. Now , w e are almos t completel y ou t o f favor. Thes e days , it' s almos t a sick joke. When I pick up a newspaper an d se e a column abou t racism , it' s almost alway s abou t Farrakhan , o r som e outrag e a white ha s suffere d a t th e hands of women o r minorities." Rodrigo nodded , an d s o I reminde d hi m o f th e connectio n I hope d h e would make : "An d yo u thin k al l o f thi s ha s somethin g t o d o wit h th e resistance to legal stories and storytelling? " "I do," Rodrigo replied. "Th e latest round o f reaction recapitulate s both of these themes . A t first, societ y welcome d th e ne w storytellers . W e though t they wer e cut e an d endearing , lik e children . 'Oh , look , they'r e tellin g sto ries/ w e said . W e deeme d th e ne w storie s poignant , moving , touching . A t this earl y stage , w e considere d mos t o f th e storie s 'agon y tales / persona l accounts o r journal s o f th e writer' s lives. 64 Bu t then , w e notice d tha t the y were doin g mor e tha n merel y writin g abou t thei r feelings , doin g mor e tha n telling u s ho w i t feel s t o b e black . The y wer e makin g point s abou t us — mainstream folks—abou t th e way s in whic h w e think an d live. 65 And som e of thei r point s wer e no t particularl y flattering. Som e wer e downbea t an d pessimistic, lik e Derric k Bell's. 66 Now , w e starte d t o tempe r ou r praise , t o find fault wit h storytelling . Reservation s appeared . Writer s calle d fo r criteri a to evaluate , t o ge t a handl e o n thi s ne w lega l genre. Writer s o f colo r the n turned t o counterstories , tale s an d parable s tha t mocked , jarred , displace d some comfortabl e majoritaria n tale , myth , o r narrative . Majo r tenet s o f th e

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majoritarian fait h wer e no w bein g calle d int o question . Thi s wa s discon certing. I t brought sharpe r attacks . Farbe r an d Sherr y appeared . Austi n an d Van Alstyn e bega n ridiculin g th e ne w narrativist s openly . Austi n sai d Crit s only cite each other." 67 "A kind of reversal of the imperial-scholar charge/ ' I observed wryly. "And Va n Alstyn e likene d u s t o commissar s an d though t police , sayin g that whe n h e rea d u s h e wa s reminded o f th e tank s clankin g int o Tianan men Square." 68 "As though w e were the ones with all the power," I exclaimed. "To him , i t mus t actuall y loo k tha t way, " Rodrig o replied . "It' s a kin d of surplus-powe r phenomenon . Change s fro m th e cultura l baselin e appea r unprincipled, ruthless , an d wrong . Oh , an d t o dra w ou t th e paralle l I mentioned, it' s al l there . Earl y on , w e wer e th e Harle m Renaissance — earthy, primitive , simple , appealing . Then , w e were the simple Sambo s and Mammies, cheerfull y writin g i n th e civi l right s fields but producin g littl e of the really important work. Then , th e tide changed. No w we are the threatening, bestial , nearl y out-of-contro l blac k o f the lat e 1800 s o r post-civi l right s black exploitation films." "And s o they ar e righ t to resist us, hav e practically a moral dut y t o do so, since we are the unprincipled ones , the ones on the offensive. " "True," Rodrig o replie d wit h a slight sigh. "It' s all done solemnl y an d fo r the best of reasons—academic rigor , du e process, the integrity of the personnel and promotions process." I coul d sens e Rodrig o wa s abou t t o finish, an d s o decide d t o pus h fo r clarification o f somethin g tha t ha d bee n naggin g a t me . "Rodrigo , yo u mentioned earlie r the attack on the law reviews. Di d you mean t o imply that this assault has something to do with the currents we have been discussing?" "Oh, I shoul d hav e explaine d mysel f better, " Rodrig o said . " I thin k i t does. Th e review s hav e bee n publishin g ou r stuff , tha t an d th e wor k o f th e Crits and feminists . Th e old-tim e formalisti c stuf f i s passing into history. Al l the brigh t youn g mind s i n th e article s department s kno w this , realiz e tha t formal jurisprudenc e i s playing itself out, ha s yielded all the insights it is ever going to offer. Postmodern , Critical , feminist , an d Critical Rac e analysis, fo r now a t least , offer s muc h more—offer s genuinel y ne w an d excitin g way s of understanding ou r socia l condition. 69 Man y conventiona l scholar s don't lik e that. Rathe r tha n compet e intellectually , whic h woul d entai l retoolin g an d reading an d learnin g t o thin k differently , it' s muc h simple r jus t to take over the law reviews."

Rodrigo s Final Chronicle 20 9 "So you think a faculty takeove r really is imminent?" I asked in alarm. "Not reall y a takeover , althoug h thi s ma y happe n i n a fe w schools . What I thin k i s muc h mor e likel y i s some sor t o f effort t o increas e facult y participation, certainl y i n th e selectio n o f articles , perhap s als o i n thei r editing onc e they'r e accepted. 70 Yo u saw evidence o f that type of discontent in th e a d ho c sectio n meetin g w e mentione d before . It' s th e first time , isn't it , Professor , tha t thes e matter s hav e bee n discusse d a t th e AAL S annual meeting? " "I'm no t sure," I replied. " I don't g o to all of them. Bu t it's the first time that I can remember, althoug h ther e has been th e occasional articl e or essay in th e Journal of Legal Education decryin g th e rol e mer e student s hav e i n editing and selecting our writing."71 "Cultural powe r alway s reassert s itself . Yo u mak e gains , the n whe n yo u least expect it, there's the backlash. An d those who participate in the reaction don't se e themselve s a s counterrevolutionarie s a t all . Rather , they'r e jus t trying t o set things right . An d so when th e law reviews chang e structure , i t will jus t see m lik e a little neede d infusio n o f rigor, o f integrity. I t will see m like a restoration , rathe r tha n a destructiv e movemen t aime d a t abortin g a host of promising social movements in the law." Rodrigo was silent for a moment. Then , h e continued a s follows: "And so you ca n see , Professor , ho w the personal , th e political , an d th e academic , even, com e together. I really want to get tenure, wan t to live with Giannina , and yet these forces seem inexorable. They combine. D o you have any doubt that wha t w e se e wit h th e histor y o f ethni c depiction , wit h socia l refor m generally, an d with storytelling and the law reviews, is about to play itself out closer to home?" I wasn' t sur e wha t I wa s hearing . "Rodrigo , yo u mea n tha t yo u hav e decided no t to write in the storytelling mode?" Rodrigo nodde d hi s hea d glumly . "Storie s ar e potent—a s w e observed . They can change the base, and through that , law , and through tha t society. " "But, you'r e saying, " I interjected , "tha t th e bas e change s us a s well . Social gravit y restore s itself , inevitabl y an d always , afte r a fe w moment s o f exhilarating flight in which you thought you were weightless, coul d fly." "It's as though societ y had a small, bu t very powerful, unsee n homeostat . We replicat e ourselve s eve n whe n w e think w e are trying mos t sincerel y t o transform ourselve s an d eac h other . Socia l momentu m i s preserved . Th e more things change, th e more they stay the same." "And so you are forswearing stories , giving up narrative analysis?"

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Rodrigo looked m e straight in the eye and sai d nothing . "But, Rodrigo , yo u can' t do that. Yo u are a character i n a narrative. Yo u would no t continue to exist!" "We ar e al l character s i n a narrative , Professor . W e jus t foo l ourselve s into thinkin g tha t thing s ar e otherwise . Perhap s w e want to escap e responsi bility for our own stories." The light s flickered again. I hoped ou r dialo g wa s not abou t t o b e inter rupted b y a blackout . Bu t th e kid s ove r b y th e wal l ha d bee n quie t fo r some time. "Maybe you'l l chang e you r mind, " I said . "I'v e foun d tha t whe n th e young wa x pessimistic , the y neve r sta y tha t wa y fo r long . Wha t othe r topi c were yo u goin g t o writ e about ? Yo u mentione d ther e wa s anothe r one, " I said trying to redirect his thoughts to something less dire. "Oh," Rodrig o sai d wit h a start. "Th e leve l playing field. Everyon e want s to know whether i t is or not. I was going to show exactly in what respects it is not level . I thin k it' s a n importan t topic . Conservative s sa y thing s ar e no w leveled, an d minoritie s ough t t o pla y b y th e sam e rule s a s everyon e else. 72 Liberals and many minorities insist it is not. Bu t everyone is vague on exactly what the concept means, an d i n what respects minorities are made to play an unequal game . I woul d hav e take n tw o o r thre e principa l playin g fields as illustration, includin g the famous Firs t Amendment fre e marke t of ideas, th e economic marketplac e o f trades , exchanges , an d competition , an d perhap s another one . Mayb e the problem o f law school admissions." "We talked about something similar to that one before," I said. "Right," Rodrig o recalled . "Th e first tim e w e met . Then , I woul d hav e employed history , cultura l analysis , an d clos e examinatio n o f the governin g narratives and storie s in eac h are a to show precisely what the main disadvan taging mechanisms ar e that render the playing field uneven." "Simple, brilliant , an d deepl y subversive, " I said. I could hardl y contai n my enthusiasm . "Wha t d o yo u mean , 'y° u woul d hav e written' ? Thi s i s a great project, Rodrigo . It' s needed, it' s exactly the time to do it—the cultura l moment, s o to speak. An d you're precisely the person to carry it off. " "I wis h I wer e a s sur e a s yo u are , Professor . I jus t worr y abou t th e possibility that—wha t d o yo u cal l it—tha t on e ca n analyz e a thin g t o its death?" The lights flickered again, the n went out decisively. I know they were out, perhaps fo r 3 0 seconds , becaus e I hear d voice s i n th e hallwa y outsid e ex claiming.

Rodrigo7 s Final Chronicle 211 I sat there quietl y reflectin g o n ou r conversation . Lookin g back, I cannot be sure I did no t drift of f to sleep for a moment, wor n ou t by the fast pace of the three days of convention an d the high-pitched, althoug h stimulating, tal k with Rodrigo. When I opened m y eyes, a bare booth greete d me . Rodrig o was nowher e to b e found . I wa s certai n h e ha d bee n there—hi s empt y coffe e cu p re mained t o remin d m e o f ou r conversation . Bu t n o note , the n o r ever , confirmed m e i n this . An d futur e effort s t o ge t i n touc h wit h hi m turne d up blank. After a fe w minutes , I go t u p an d walke d outsid e th e hote l o n th e of f chance h e ha d gon e there fo r a breath o f air. N o Rodrigo , indee d n o one a t all. I ha d th e walkwa y t o myself . I looke d u p a t th e nigh t sky . A meteo r flashed through th e dark resort sky, and was gone. Had Rodrig o been, a s he put it, jus t a character i n a narrative? And, i f so, did h e actuall y succum b t o the critique o f narrativity? Wha t did h e mea n by his last lines, o f being analyzed t o death? Like all storytelling, ha d he and hi s lessons bee n los t i n a clou d o f abstraction, i n whic h learne d commentator s paid endles s attentio n t o the form, th e quality , th e procedure o f storytelling, and gradually lost sight of the content of the stories themselves? Was Rodrigo right tha t cultura l momentu m i s preserved, whil e h e himsel f turne d ou t t o be perfectly fallible , perfectl y mortal ? The nigh t wa s chilly . I walked bac k int o th e hotel , noticin g o n a n ease l just insid e th e basemen t doo r a notice abou t th e meetin g o n "Publishing. " I was sorry I had no t attended , an d wondere d i f I had someho w betraye d m y young friend an d protege by not going. Once before, h e had returne d fro m exile , a s brash an d full o f life a s ever. But this departure somehow to me seemed more final, more dire. I wondered if I would eve r see him again .

Notes

Notes to Chapter 1 1. DINES H D'SOUZA , ILLIBERA L EDUCATION: THE POLITIC S OF RAC E AND SEX ON CAMPU S (1991). The author, a n India n American, wa s born i n Bombay. H e graduate d recentl y fro m Dartmout h College , wher e h e serve d a s editor o f th e Dartmouth Review, a conservativ e campu s newspaper . Illiberal Education focuse s o n si x universities—the Universit y o f California a t Berkeley , Stanford, Howard , Michigan , Duke , an d Harvard—wher e th e author conducte d interviews o n affirmativ e action , curricula r changes , teachin g an d scholarl y styles, and the racial climate. Id. a t 20-21. Th e book contains a harrowing series of storie s showin g th e evil s o f affirmativ e actio n an d curricula r refor m gon e astray. A t eac h o f th e campuse s h e visited , th e autho r foun d minorit y student s who wer e intereste d mainl y i n expandin g thei r number s an d preservin g thei r "victim" status. The y wer e unconcerne d abou t educationa l standards , unwillin g to mi x o r compet e wit h whit e students , an d insisten t o n thei r righ t t o specia l courses, them e houses , an d professor s dealin g wit h thei r peculiar , Balkanize d concerns. Id. a t 46-48 , 56-57 , 69-70 , 182-85 , 239 , 242-43 , 248 , 302 . D'Souza depict s majorit y rac e professor s an d administrator s a s either spinelessl y bowing t o minorit y demands , id. a t 52-55 , 65-67 , 102-103 , 151 , 182-85 , 194-97, o r actively i n league with the iconoclasti c newcomers . H e points to this latter phenomeno n a t Duk e University , whic h h e charge s wit h abandonin g Shakespeare an d othe r traditiona l subject s fo r postmodernism , semiotics , Thir d World literature , an d othe r au courant offerings . See id. a t 157-92 . Fo r thei r part, th e white student s ar e either sullenl y adjustin g t o the radical , unprinciple d leveling o f thei r once-prou d institutions , id. a t 47 , 50-51 , 236-39 , o r bravel y rebelling against the tide of revolutionists o f color, id. at 19 , 49, 224-25 . At one

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campus—Berkeley—D'Souza finds a n eve n mor e ironi c consequenc e o f th e minority revolution . There , Hispani c an d blac k student s hav e won concessions , but onl y a t the expens e o f hardworking, high-achievin g Asia n students , wh o are beginning t o fight back. See id. a t 24-38 . Usin g events at Michigan a s his mai n example, D'Souz a criticize s universitie s tha t hav e responde d t o the recen t wav e of racist incidents an d name-callin g by enacting hate-speech prohibitions . Thes e prohibitions, accordin g to D'Souza, penaliz e student s for harmles s "jokes, " such as the Beethoven-Ujama a Hous e inciden t a t Stanford , id. a t 133 , mak e facult y and student s alik e fearfu l o f expressin g themselve s freely , chil l legitimat e class room speech , an d weake n th e Firs t Amendment. Id. a t 142-48 . D'Souz a assert s that thi s approac h wil l mak e matter s wors e b y drivin g racis m underground , where i t wil l feste r an d reemerg e i n eve n mor e virulen t forms . Id. a t 156 . Running throug h th e boo k i s the author' s concer n tha t eac h o f th e changes — minority admissions , curricula r reform , limitation s o n hat e speech, an d change s in campu s lif e t o accommodat e minorit y populations—ar e unprinciple d an d unjustifiable. H e believe s they endange r merit , self-reliance , an d othe r tenet s of Western culture . See id. a t 56-64 , 157-67 . Effort s t o diversif y th e campu s culture, whil e laudabl e i n intent , ar e ofte n flawed i n design . A s such, D'Souz a feels the y ar e likel y t o backfir e agains t thei r intende d beneficiarie s b y inducin g dependence, creatin g racia l antagonism s wher e non e existe d before , an d im pairing th e abilit y o f universities t o act as custodians o f Western culture . See id. at 76-79 , 82-85 , 112-18 , 184-90 , 201-204 , 230-42 . Thes e wer e o f cours e just m y initia l reaction s an d note s o n readin g an d outlinin g th e book . A s luc k would have it, Rodrig o and I discussed the book more fully late r in our conversation. Se e the middle sections of the chapter, infra. 2. Genev a Crensha w i s th e fictional interlocuto r an d alte r eg o i n a numbe r o f works, includin g DERRIC K BELL , AN D WE AR E NOT SAVED : THE ELU SIVE QUES T FO R RACIA L JUSTIC E (1987) ; Derric k Bell , The Supreme Court, 1984 Term—Foreword: The Civil Rights Chronicles, 99 HARV. L . REV . 4 (1985); Richard Delgado , Derrick Bell and the Ideology of Racial Reform: Will We Ever Be Saved?, 9 7 YAL E L.J . 92 3 (1988) . Eac h o f thes e work s i s a n example o f the "legal storytelling " genre employed b y a number o f Critical Rac e theorists and feminists t o analyze legal thought an d culture . 3. Whil e studyin g i n a languag e othe r tha n hi s nativ e one , I thought . I wa s reminded o f th e man y immigrant s an d Latin o student s I hav e know n wh o labored unde r a simila r handicap , ye t achieve d mightil y i n a n alie n system . Rodrigo disclosed th e identity o f his school later in the conversation: Bologna. 4. O n bia s in the LSAT , see Leslie G. Espinoza , The LSAT: ISIarrative and Bias, 1 AM. U.J . GENDE R & L. (1992) . O n th e controvers y surroundin g th e validit y and reliabilit y o f standardized tests , see Griggs v. Duk e Power Co., 40 1 U.S. 42 4 (1971) (jo b setting) ; Shari f v . Ne w Yor k Stat e Educ . Dep't , 70 9 F . Supp . 34 5 (S.D.N.Y. 1989 ) (educational setting) . 5. I though t o f th e man y conservativ e scholar s wh o trea t th e SA T a s a virtua l measuring ro d fo r God-give n merit . E.g., D'SOUZ A a t 44-45 , 207 , 265-68 . On variou s ways of assessing test bias, see Espinoza, supra. On th e test generally,

Notes to Chapter 1 215 see TOWARD S A DIVERSIFIE D LEGA L PROFESSION : A N INQUIR Y INTO TH E LA W SCHOO L ADMISSIO N TEST , GRAD E INFLATION , AND CURREN T ADMISSION S POLICIE S (Davi d M . Whit e ed. , 1981) ; LINDA F . WIGHTMA N & DAVID G . MULLER , A N ANALYSI S O F DIF FERENTIAL VALIDIT Y AN D DIFFERENTIA L PREDICTIO N FO R BLACK, MEXICA N AMERICAN , HISPANIC , AN D WHIT E LA W SCHOOL STUDENT S (1990) . 6. See BELL, NO T SAVED , supra, a t 140-6 1 (chronicl e o f th e "sevent h candi date"). Th e ter m "tippin g point " entere d th e lexico n fro m th e la w o f housin g discrimination. I t refer s t o th e phenomeno n i n whic h white s leav e a neighbor hood whe n th e percentag e o f blac k familie s reache s a certai n point . See Bruce L. Ackerman , Integration for Subsidized Housing and the Question of Racial Occupancy Controls, 2 6 STAN . L . REV . 245 , 251-6 6 (1974) ; Boris I . Bittker , The Case of the Checker-Board Ordinance: An Experiment in Race Relations, 7 1 YALE L.J. 138 7 (1962). O n th e validity o f land us e controls to promote integra tion, see Otero v. Ne w York Hous. Auth. , 48 4 F.2d 112 2 (2d Cir. 1973) ; United States v . Starret t Cit y Assoc , 66 0 F . Supp . 66 8 (E.D.N.Y . 1987) , aff'd , 84 0 F.2d 109 6 (2d Cir.), cert , denied , 48 8 U.S. 94 6 (1988). 7. Fo r analysi s o f the "poo l i s too small " argument, see Richard Delgado , Mindset and Metaphor, 10 3 HARV. L . REV . 187 2 (1990); see also D'SOUZA a t 157-7 3 (universities sai d t o b e engage d i n biddin g wa r fo r minorit y professors) . Fo r deployment o f th e argumen t i n anothe r setting , see City o f Richmon d v . J . A . Croson Co. , 48 8 U.S . 469 , 499-50 3 (1988 ) (poo l o f qualifie d an d intereste d minority candidate s ma y be smaller than i s thought). 8. See Richar d Delgado , Storytelling for Oppositionists and Others: A Plea for Narrative, 8 7 MICH. L . REV . 2411 , 2432-34 (1989 ) (ordinary hirin g i s deeply biased i n favo r o f white s bu t no t perceive d a s such) . See generally Symposium, Legal Storytelling, 8 7 MICH . L . REV . 207 3 (1989 ) (containin g article s b y Milner S . Ball , Derric k Bell, Mar i J . Matsuda , Steve n L . Winter , an d other s on use of stories and narrative s to jar or displace majoritarian mindset) . 9. See Michael A . Olivas , Latino Faculty at the Border: Increasing Numbers Key to More Hispanic Access, CHANGE , May-Jun e 1988 , at 6, 7 . 10. Th e Critica l Rac e Theor y (C.R.T. ) movemen t starte d i n th e summe r o f 198 9 with a smal l worksho p hel d outsid e Madison , Wisconsin . It s adherents, mostl y writers of color, struggl e to understand an d cop e with the shifting tide s of racism in American society . Mos t are discontent with liberalis m an d bring insights fro m critical theory , deconstruction , counterstorytelling , an d Thir d Worl d though t t o forge a ne w racia l consciousnes s an d program . O n th e C.R.T . movement , see Kimberle W . Crenshaw , Race, Reform and Retrenchment: Transformation and Legitimation in Antidiscrimination Law, 10 1 HARV . L . REV . 133 1 (1988) ; Richard Delgado , When a Story Is Just a Story: Does Voice Really Matter?, 7 6 VA. L . REV . 9 5 (1990); Mari J. Matsuda , When the First Quail Calls: Multiple Consciousness as Jurisprudential Method, 1 1 WOMEN' S RTS . L . REP . 7 (1989). O n som e o f th e controvers y th e movemen t ha s generated , see Charles Rothfeld, Minority Critic Stirs Debate on Minority Writing, N . Y. TIMES, Jan .

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5, 1990 , a t B6 ; Jo n Wiener , Law Profs Fight the Power, NATION, Sept . 4 , 1989, a t 246 . A n emergin g stran d i n C.R.T . i s cultura l nationalism . Judgin g from hi s remark s thu s far , Rodrig o struc k m e a s receptiv e t o thi s poin t o f view. As it turned out , I was right. 11. See ANTONI O GRAMSCI , SELECTION S FRO M TH E PRISO N NOTE BOOKS 416-18 (Quinti n Hoar e & Geoffrey N . Smit h trans . & eds., 1971) . 12. Fo r author s deploring—i n broa d o r narro w terms—affirmativ e action , see e.g., D'SOUZA, supra; STEPHEN L . CARTER , REFLECTION S O F AN AFFIR MATIVE ACTIO N BAB Y 47-9 5 (1991) ; SHELB Y STEELE , TH E CON TENT OF OUR CHARACTE R (1990) . 13. Richar d Delgado, The Imperial Scholar Revisited: How To Marginalize Outsider Writing, Ten Years Later, 14 0 U . PA . L . REV . 134 9 (1992) ; see also Alex M . Johnson, Jr. , The New Voice of Color, 10 0 YALE L.J. 200 7 (1991). 14. Richar d Delgado , The Imperial Scholar: Reflections on a Review of Civil Rights Literature, 13 2 U. PA . L . REV . 56 1 (1984). 15. I thought o f such specia l issue s as Symposium, Storytelling, supra; Symposium, The Critique ofNormativity, 13 9 U. PA . L . REV . 80 1 (1991), an d th e wor k of the man y radica l feminists , som e o f color , wh o ar e addin g thei r voice s i n increasing number s t o th e debat e abou t law' s rol e an d function . Bu t what , I wondered, abou t la w an d economics ? See, e.g., RICHAR D POSNER , ECO NOMIC ANALYSI S OF LA W (3d ed. 1986) ; Ronald H . Coase , The Problem of Social Cost, 3 J.L. & ECON. 1 (1960) . Was that not an instrumental elaboratio n on lega l formalism? I wondered i f the irrepressible Rodrigo was familiar wit h this movement. See, e.g., Symposium on Law & Economics, 8 5 COLUM. L . REV . 899 (1985) . I wondered, too , i f this bras h bu t talente d newcome r realize d ho w the so-called "new " movements ar e rooted i n muc h earlie r approaches, e.g. , th e legal realis m o f Feli x Cohe n an d Jerom e Frank , o r o f midcentur y feminists , o r Simone d e Beauvoir . See, e.g., Elizabet h Mensch , The History of Mainstream Legal Thought, in THE POLITIC S O F LAW : A PROGRESSIVE CRITIQU E 13, 24-3 3 (Davi d Kairy s ed., 1982) ; Diane Polan , Toward a Theory of Law and Patriarchy, in POLITICS O F LAW, supra, at 294, 295 , 30 2 mi.4-7. I s the lin e between th e new and th e old as clear as Rodrigo seems to think? 16. E.g., BELL , NO T SAVED; Civil Rights Chronicles, supra. 17. E.g., Symposium, Legal Storytelling, supra. 18. See Delgado, Oppositionists, supra, at 2411 n.l . 19. See Symposium, Excluded Voices: Realities in Law and Law Reform, 4 2 MIAMI L. REV . 1 (1987) . 20. E.g., CATHARIN E A . MACKINNON , FEMINIS M UNMODIFIED : DIS COURSES O N LIF E AND LAW (1987). 21. E.g., Steve n L . Winter , Contingency and Community in Normative Practice, 139 U. PA . L . REV . 96 3 (1989). 22. I thought o f collections I had i n m y office, suc h as POLITICS OF LAW, supra. But, agai n I wondered , jus t ho w ne w ar e al l thes e approache s wit h whic h Rodrigo seems so enamored? See supra.

Notes to Chapter 1 217 23. See GRAMSCI , supra; see also ANTONI O GRAMSCI , LETTER S FRO M PRISON (Lynn e Lawner ed. & trans., 1973) . 24. "Yo u know , the y rejecte d Jesus , too . I said , you'r e no t Him. " BO B DYLAN , 115th Dream, o n BRINGIN G I T AL L BAC K HOM E (Columbia/CB S Re cords, 1970) . 25. W . E . B . DUBOIS , TH E SOUL S O F BLAC K FOLK S 16-1 7 (1903) ; see also RALPH ELLISON , INVISIBL E MA N (1952) . Fo r contemporar y explication s of doubl e consciousness , see BELL HOOKS , FEMINIS T THEORY : FRO M MARGIN TO CENTE R (1984) . 26. E.g., Matsuda , supra. 27. E.g., Derric k Bell , The Price and Pain of Racial Perspective, TH E JOURNA L (Stanford La w School) , Ma y 9 , 1986 , a t 5 (describing famou s author' s difficul t experiences as a visiting professor a t Stanford) . 28. See GEORG LUKACS , HISTOR Y AND CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS (Rodne y Livingstone trans. , 1971) ; Dunca n Kennedy , Antonio Gramsci and the Legal System, 6 A.L.S.A. FORU M 3 2 (1982). 29. O n th e nee d fo r self-definitio n amon g outsid e groups , se e Crenshaw , supra; Richard Delgado , Affirmative Action as a Majoritarian Device: Or, Do You Really Want to Be a Role Model?, 8 9 MICH . L . REV . 122 2 (1991) ; Derric k Bell, What's Love of Country Got to Do With It? Hidden Messages from Two Black Women, Keynot e Addres s a t th e 199 1 Awar d Breakfas t o f Nationa l Ba r Association Wome n Lawyers ' Division (Aug . 6 , 1991) . 30. I thought o f the recen t spate of writing on narrativit y an d th e way in which law' s dominant stories change very slowly. I f legal culture does resist insurgent though t until i t i s too late—unti l i t ha s los t the powe r t o transfor m us—wha t doe s thi s bode fo r Rodrigo ? See, e.g., GRAMSCI , supra; Bell, Civil Rights Chronicles, supra; Delgado, Mindset, supra. 31. I though t o f countles s examples . Jus t tha t mornin g I ha d rea d abou t a ne w medical breakthroug h develope d a t a n America n researc h university . Onl y tw o weeks ag o I ha d m y ca r rebuil t b y a mechani c wh o ( I hope ) wa s well verse d i n linear thought . Th e da y befor e I had bake d a batch o f brownies followin g a 10 step recipe. 32. Fortunately , I had th e good sens e to keep the printout , portion s o f which follo w at Appendix 1 A infra. 33. Fo r a summary o f some of these sorry chapters i n Western history , see ROBERT A. WILLIAMS , JR. , TH E AMERICA N INDIA N I N WESTER N LEGA L THOUGHT (1990) ; Rober t A . Williams , Jr. , Documents of Barbarism: The Contemporary Legacy of European Racism and Colonialism in the Narrative Traditions of Federal Indian Law, 3 1 ARIZ. L . REV . 23 7 (1989); Delgado, Ever Saved?, supra, at 934-45. 34. Th e suggestio n tha t Beethove n wa s a mulatt o stil l ha s th e powe r t o shock . See PATRICIA J . WILLIAMS , TH E ALCHEM Y O F RAC E AND RIGHT S 110 15 (1991) (discussing angr y reactio n o f white Stanfor d student s a t being told thi s for the first time).

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35. MARTI N BERNAL, BLAC K ATHENA I (1987); MARTIN BERNAL , BLAC K ATHENA I I (1991) . Provocativ e books— I resolve d t o pres s Rodrig o late r i f h e didn't supply additional authorit y soon . 36. See, e.g., STEPHE N J . GOULD , TH E MISMEASUR E O F MA N 30-7 2 (1981); NANCY STEPAN , TH E IDE A OF RAC E I N SCIENC E (1982) ; Richard Delgad o e t al. , Can Science Be Inopportune?, 3 1 UCL A L . REV . 12 8 (1983). 37. Easy ? I thought: I only wish. Wai t till this brash newcome r tries his hand a t it. 38. ALA N BLOOM, TH E CLOSIN G O F THE AMERICA N MIN D (1987). 39. THOMA S SOWELL , CIVI L RIGHTS: RHETORIC O R REALITY ? (1984). 40. Glen n Loury , Who Speaks for American Blacks?, COMMENTARY, Jan . 1987 , at 34. 41. ROGE R KIMBALL , TENURED RADICAL S (1990). 42. STEELE , supra. 43. E . D . HIRSCH , JR. , CULTURA L LITERAC Y (1987). 44. See D'SOUZA, supra. 45. Example s o f the scapegoatin g phenomeno n ar e legion : D'Souza blame s minori ties an d thei r sympathizer s fo r th e academy' s problems , D'SOUZA , supra, a t 46-70, 142-48 , 182-85 , 257 ; th e Republica n Part y an d Davi d Duk e capital ize o n Willi e Horto n an d blac k crime ; beleaguere d America n worker s blam e Japan fo r ou r troubles ; Reconstruction-er a writer s blam e emancipatio n fo r th e Civil War' s destructivenes s i n th e Sout h ( I was pleasantly surprise d tha t Rodrig o knew that) ; an d s o on . Fo r discussion s o f racia l scapegoating , see GORDO N W. ALLPORT , TH E NATUR E O F PREJUDIC E 22 4 (25t h ed . 1979) ; IRWIN KATZ , STIGMA— A SOCIA L PSYCHOLOGICA L ANALYSI S 12 1 (1981). 46. D'SOUZA , supra, a t 2-23 (listin g areas of liberal exces s in admissions policy, i n class content , an d i n campu s life) ; 94-12 2 (criticizin g Afrocentri c curricula r reforms); 124-5 6 (decrying university restriction s on offensiv e speech) . 47. Id. a t 256-57 ("[T]h e activists set the agenda and timorous administrators usuall y go along."). 48. Id. a t 51 (white and Asian students see themselves as victims); 131 (white students feel "unde r attack") ; 8 4 (reportin g tha t academic s ar e bein g intimidate d b y col leagues); 146, 152-5 6 (complaining o f censorship of sensitive speech); 200 (complaining of truculent minorit y students). 49. See Derric k Bell , Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma, 9 3 HARV. L . REV . 51 8 (1980) (arguing that white s permi t advance s in racial justice for blacks only when doing so coincides with whites' self-interest). 50. Fortunately , I also kept this second printout , portion s o f which follo w a t Appendix IB , infra. 51. See BELL , NO T SAVED , supra, a t 26-5 1 (discussin g origina l Constitution' s slavery compromises); Richard Delgad o & Jean Stefancic , Norms and Narratives: Can Judges Avoid Serious Moral Error?, 6 9 TEX . L . REV . 1929 , 1934-5 2 (1991) (reviewin g U.S . cour t decision s tha t approve d slaver y an d "separat e bu t

Notes to Chapter 1 219 equal" laws, India n relocation , Asia n exclusion , femal e subordination , Japanes e internment, an d sterilizatio n o f persons accused of mental retardation) . 52. See Gar y Blonston , Are Americans Really Working More Hours?, DENVE R POST, Feb . 17 , 1992 , a t 1-A ; Mar y Roser , Achievement Scores Troubling, 90% of U.S. Students Rate Among World's Worst in New Tests, DENVE R POST, Feb . 6 , 1992 , a t 5-A ; Hobar t Rowen , The Bentsen Initiative, WASH . POST, Oct . 24 , 1991 , at A2 3 (computin g six-percen t dro p i n qualit y o f lif e i n America); Top 10 Countries for Quality of Life, WASH. POST , Nov . 5 , 1991 , at Z5 (rankin g Unite d State s seventh , behin d Japan , Canada , Iceland , Sweden , Switzerland, an d Norway , o n quality-of-lif e measurements , suc h a s lif e expec tancy, infan t mortality , an d per capita income) ; George Will, Four Small Indicators of Our National Stress, BOULDE R DAIL Y CAMERA , Jan . 16 , 1992 , a t 9-A. 53. See Eighth Chronicle , infra this volume, i n which we return t o this subject . 54. See DERRIC K BELL , RACE , RACIS M AN D AMERICA N LA W 3 , 40-4 1 (2d ed . 1980 ) (arguin g tha t idea l factor s pla y littl e rol e i n racia l reform) ; Bell , Realism, supra. 55. BELL , NO T SAVED , supra, a t 250-5 8 (arguin g tha t minoritie s shoul d no t work to replace whites at top of hierarchy, bu t to transform entir e system in mor e humane directions). 56. I thought: I f he doesn't frighten the m al l away by his cultural-supremacist ideas . But the n I thought : Mayb e th e indignatio n som e white s wil l fee l o n hearin g Rodrigo's messag e wil l caus e the m t o reflec t o n ho w w e fee l whe n the y spea k about "quality," "merit," and "standards " (with u s in mind ) or about no t sacrific ing innocen t white s o n th e alta r o f affirmativ e action . (I f white s ar e innocent , what does that make us?) Is that Rodrigo's plan? 57. Compare Robert J . Cottro l & Raymond T . Diamond , The Second Amendment: Toward an Afro-Americanist Reconsideration, 8 0 GEO. L.J . 30 9 (1991) (arguing that African-American s nee d righ t t o ow n gun s a s a n aspec t o f righ t t o resis t illegitimate authority ) with Symposium, Protest and Resistance: Civil Disobedience in the 1990s, 48 WASH. & LEE L. REV . 1 5 (1989) and Symposium, On the Necessity of Violence for Any Possibility of]ustice, 1 3 CARDOZO L . REV . 1082 (1991 ) (bot h discussin g lega l an d mora l base s fo r violenc e a s respons e t o social inequity and injustice) . 58. I n retrospect , m y feeling s fo r hi m wer e complex . Par t o f m e fel t jo y an d hope , the first tim e anythin g i n th e currentl y disma l racia l scen e ha d inspire d thos e feelings i n quite a while. Fo r this I was grateful. Bu t I wondered: Would majorit y society hee d wha t Rodrig o woul d say ? And, woul d h e himsel f persis t i n sayin g it—or woul d h e softe n i n time , perhap s becomin g seduce d b y the opportunitie s available t o a high-achievin g la w graduate ? H e wa s certainl y prepare d t o see k conventional indici a o f success—a n LL.M. , a professorship , publication s i n respectable la w reviews . An d I earlie r note d hi s prid e i n havin g attende d a university (Bologna ) associate d wit h th e ris e o f mercantilism , rationalism , and , of course, th e dreaded "linea r thought." Was Rodrigo likely to free himsel f easily

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from thes e influences ? An d woul d hi s disdai n fo r Wester n societ y surviv e hi s probable later success? 59. I immediatel y though t o f a magazin e articl e I ha d rea d recently . See Richar d Lacayo, Nowhere to Hide, TIME , Nov . 11 , 1991 , a t 3 4 (documentin g hug e U.S. industr y devoted to electronic snooping and monitoring) .

Notes to Chapter 2 1. RICHAR D EPSTEIN , FORBIDDE N GROUND S (1992) . Th e author , profes sor of law at the Universit y of Chicago and editor of the Journal of Legal Studies, offers a n origina l an d remorseles s attac k o n th e antidiscriminatio n principl e i n private employment an d o n Titl e VII o f the 196 4 Civil Right s Act in particular . For Epstein , state-enforce d inhibition s agains t who m on e ma y hir e ar e costly , "imperial," inefficient , one-sided , easil y sabotaged , an d antithetica l t o th e free dom o f contract o n whic h ou r syste m o f liberal politic s i s based. Epstei n argue s that th e onl y legitimat e function s o f governmen t ar e t o protec t propert y an d personal security and to enforce privat e contracts—in short , t o protect a "zone of freedom." Suc h a government i s principled; bu t whe n th e stat e coerce s associa tion—as happen s throug h Titl e VI I an d enforcemen t o f affirmativ e action , it s behavior i s unprincipled. 2. See Firs t Chronicle , supra thi s volume . (Shortl y afte r hi s twentiet h birthday , Rodrigo serve d briefl y i n th e Italia n arm y a s a "wa y o f payin g bac k th e Italia n nation fo r subsidizing my education a t a fine university.") 3. A foreig n nationa l wh o i s admitte d t o a U.S . progra m o f stud y ma y generall y obtain a temporar y U.S . visa . Bu t thi s require s tha t th e applican t disavo w an y intent t o remai n i n th e Unite d State s followin g graduation. See T. ALEXAN DER ALEINIKOF F & DAVI D A . MARTIN , IMMIGRATION : PROCES S AND POLICY 22 0 (2d ed. 1991) . 4. O n nativis m an d immigratio n policies , se e Richar d Delgad o & Jean Stefancic , Images of the Outsider in American Law and Culture: Can Free Expression Remedy Systemic Social Ills?, 7 7 CORNEL L L . REV . 1258 , 1270-7 5 (1992) ; Richard Delgad o & Jea n Stefancic , Norms and Narratives: Can Judges Avoid Serious Moral Error?, 69 TEXAS L. REV . 1929 , 1943-47(1991) . 5. O n th e us e o f privat e bill s t o circumven t o r supplemen t stringen t immigratio n laws and quotas , see ALEINIKOFF & MARTIN, supra, at 668-73. 6. O n th e separation-of-power s doctrin e i n America n politic s an d constitutiona l law, see LAURENCE H . TRIBE , AMERICA N CONSTITUTIONA L LA W $S 2-1 t o 5-2 4 (2 d ed . 1988 ) ("Mode l I—Th e Mode l o f Separate d an d Divide d Powers"). 7. Asid e from Forbidde n Grounds , th e title s were the following : GAR Y BECKER , THE ECONOMIC S O F DISCRIMINATION (2 d ed. 1971) ; CHARLES MUR RAY, LOSIN G GROUN D (1984) ; RICHAR D A . POSNER , ECONOMI C ANALYSIS O F LA W 61 5 (3 d ed . 1986 ) (I had bee n ponderin g ch . 27 , "Racia l Discrimination"); and THOMAS SOWELL , CIVI L RIGHTS: RHETORIC O R REALITY? (1984).

Notes to Chapter 2 221 8. See First Chronicle, supra this volume, discussin g the work and idea s of Dinesh D'Souza, Glen n Loury , Shelb y Steele , and other s writing in this general vein . 9. POSNER , ECONOMI C ANALYSIS , supra. 10. See DERRICK BELL , AN D W E AR E NO T SAVE D (1987) ; Delgado & Ste fancic, Images, supra, a t 1259-61 , 1276-7 9 (bot h statin g tha t racis m i s con cerned wit h preservin g racia l advantage) ; see also Kathryn Abrams , Hearing the Call of Stories, 7 9 CAL . L . REV . 971 , 975-7 6 (1991 ) (arguin g tha t law' s narrative substructure promote s advantag e o f the powerfu l bu t disguise s it s ow n operation). 11. See, e.g., CATHARIN E A . MACKINNON , FEMINIS M UNMODIFIED : DISCOURSES O N LIF E AN D LA W (1987) ; Martha Mino w & Elizabet h V . Spelman, In Context, 6 3 S. CAL . L . REV . 159 7 (1990). 12. Randal l Kennedy , Racial Critiques of Legal Academia, 10 2 HARV . L . REV . 1745, 1770-77 , 1779-87 , 1794-1807(1989) . 13. E.g., SOWELL, supra. 14. E.g., FORBIDDE N GROUNDS , supra, a t 42-47, 60 ; BECKER, supra, a t 6 , 16, 18 , 153 ; POSNER, supra, at 615-18; SOWELL, supra, at 96, 112-14 , 116 . 15. E.g., FORBIDDE N GROUNDS , supra, at 41-42, 265 , 496; BECKER, supra, at 159 ; POSNER, supra, at 615 & n.l; SOWELL , supra, at 96, 112-14 , 116 . 16. E.g., FORBIDDE N GROUNDS , supra, a t 41-42 ; see BECKER, supra, a t 6 , 18; POSNER, supra, a t 615-18 . But see FORBIDDEN GROUND S a t 59-7 8 ("Rational Discrimination, " arguin g tha t discrimination sometime s make s sense—and confer s legitimat e benefits , suc h a s greate r ease , familiarity , an d better communication amon g coworkers). 17. O n th e vie w tha t th e essenc e o f racis m i s grou p advantage , see, for example, BELL, NO T SAVED , supra; Derrick A. Bell , Jr. , Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma, 9 3 HARV. L . REV . 51 8 (1980). 18. See, e.g., Milne r S . Ball , Stories of Origin and Constitutional Possibilities, 87 MICH. L . REV . 228 0 (1989) ; Mar i J . Matsuda , Public Response to Racist Speech: Considering the Victims Story, 8 7 MICH. L . REV . 232 0 (1989); see also MACKINNON, supra (discussin g constructio n o f wome n an d women' s role) . 19. O n lega l storytelling as a means of jarring or displacing comfortable majoritaria n beliefs, see BELL, NO T SAVED , supra; Matsuda, supra. 20. See Delgado & Stefancic, Images, supra. 21. Id. a t 1261 , 1280-8 2 (termin g fait h tha t w e can readil y escap e th e forc e o f ou r own embedded stereotype s and cultura l assumption s the "empathic fallacy") . 22. I meant t o remind Rodrig o of the way in whic h hi s years abroad enable d hi m t o see U.S. cultur e with ne w eyes; see First Chronicle, supra this volume. 23. O n th e rol e o f knowledge , see POSNER, supra, a t 96-100 , 348-50 . O n th e view that Title VII can decreas e information flow to employers and thus increas e discrimination, see FORBIDDEN GROUNDS , supra, at 28-30 . 24. See PETE R L . BERGE R & THOMAS LUCKMANN , TH E SOCIA L CON STRUCTION O F REALIT Y (1967) ; JOSEP H CAMPBELL , TH E POWE R OF MYT H (1988) ; MICHE L FOUCAULT , POWER/KNOWLEDGE : SE LECTED INTERVIEW S AN D OTHE R WRITING S 1972-197 7 (Coli n Gor -

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don ed . & Colin Gordo n e t al . trans. , 1980) ; 1 & 2 PAUL RICOUER , TIM E AND NARRATIV E (Kathlee n McLaughli n & Davi d Pellaue r trans. , 1984 1985); see also JACQUE S DERRIDA , O F GRAMMATOLOG Y (Gayatr i C . Spivak trans. , 1976 ) (contendin g tha t word s alter—d o 'Violence " to—expe rience). 25. O n th e wa y narrativ e structure s shap e wha t w e se e an d believe , see MACKINNON, supra; Abrams, supra; Charles R . Lawrenc e III , The Id, The Ego, and Equal Protection: Reckoning with Unconscious Racism, 3 9 STAN . L . REV . 317(1987). 26. O n wome n an d th e military, see Rostker v. Goldberg, 45 3 U.S. 5 7 (1981). 27. O n desegregatio n o f the Arme d Forces , see Bell, Interest-Convergence, supra, a t 524-25; Mary L . Dudziak , Desegregation as a Cold War Imperative, 4 1 STAN . L. REV . 61 , 71-73(1988). 28. O n gay s i n th e military , see Dronenberg v . Zech , 74 1 F.2 d 138 8 (D.C . Cir . 1984). 29. "Truths " that are accepted int o the broader culture , tha t became par t of received wisdom, ar e highly resistan t to change. See Delgado & Stefancic, Images, supra; Delgado & Stefancic, Norms and Narratives, supra; Lawrence, supra. 30. FORBIDDE N GROUNDS , supra, at 42, 149-51 . 31. MURRAY , supra, a t 146 , 224, 227-28 . 32. SOWELL , supra, at 51-53 , 77-78 . 33. BECKER , supra, at 6, 16 , 15 3 (describing discrimination a s a "taste"). 34. BELL , NO T SAVED , supra; Delgado & Stefancic, Images, supra (both charac terizing racism a s structural, not accidental o r a matter of individual pathology) . 35. Fo r earlie r view s o f thi s "optimis m gap " (i n whic h white s hol d tha t thing s ar e getting bette r fo r blacks , whil e black s thin k th e opposite) , see Robin D . Barnes , An Extra-Terrestrial Trade Proposition Brings an End to the World as We Know It, 3 4 ST. LOUI S U . L.J . 41 3 (1990); Derrick Bell, Racial Realism, 2 4 CONN. L. REV . 36 3 (1992) ; Richard Delgado , Derrick Bell and the Ideology of Racial Reform: Will We Ever Be Saved? 97 YALE L.J. 92 3 (1988). 36. E.g., JOH N CALVIN , INSTITUTE S O F TH E CHRISTIA N RELIGIO N (Henry Beveridg e trans. , Wm . B . Eerdman s Publishin g 1953) ; see DAVI D HUME, DIALOGUE S CONCERNIN G NATURA L RELIGIO N 51-5 6 (Nor man K . Smit h ed. , 1947 ) (addressing "argument from design") . 37. See Robert A. Williams , Documents of Barbarism: The Contemporary Legacy of European Racism and Colonialism in the Narrative Traditions of Federal Indian Law, 3 1 ARIZ. L . REV . 23 7 (1989). See also Ball, supra. 38. Delgad o & Stefancic , Norms and Narratives, supra, a t 1939-4 0 (o n Discover y Doctrine i n early U.S . law). 39. O n "doubl e consciousness, " i n whic h exclude d peopl e se e themselve s i n tw o perspectives a t once—tha t o f th e majorit y race , accordin g t o whic h the y ar e demonized an d despised , an d thei r own , i n whic h the y ar e normal—see W . E . B. D U BOIS , TH E SOUL S O F BLAC K FOL K 3- 4 (Kraus-Thomso n 1973 ) (1903); RALPH ELLISON , TH E INVISIBL E MA N (1952) . Fo r contemporar y explications o f doubl e o r multipl e consciousness , see BELL HOOKS , FEMI -

Notes to Chapter 2 223 NIST THEORY : FRO M MARGI N T O CENTE R (1984) ; Mar i J . Matsuda , When the First Quail Calls: Multiple Consciousness as Jurisprudential Method, 11 WOMEN'S RTS . L . REP . 7 (1989). 40. See SOWELL, supra; THOMAS SOWELL , TH E ECONOMIC S AN D POLI TICS O F RAC E (1983) ; THOMAS SOWELL , ETHNI C AMERICA : A HISTORY (1981); THOMAS SOWELL , MARKET S AND MINORITIES (1981) . 41. See, e.g., SOWELL , RHETORIC , supra, at 20-22, 77-78 , 79 . 42. O n th e proliferatio n o f critical writin g abou t rac e an d radica l feminism , an d it s halfhearted absorptio n b y th e res t o f th e lega l academy , se e Richar d Delgado , The Imperial Scholar Revisited: How To Marginalize Outsider Writing, Ten Years Later, 14 0 U . PA . L . REV . 134 9 (1992) . See also Richar d Delgado , Brewers Plea: Critical Thoughts on Common Cause, 4 4 VAND . L . REV . 1 (1991) (expressin g doub t tha t th e impass e betwee n Critica l Rac e scholar s and mainstrea m civi l right s scholar s wil l soo n b e bridged) ; Richar d Delgad o & Jean Stefancic , Critical Race Theory: An Annotated Bibliography, 7 9 VA . L . REV. 46 1 (1993) (tracing development of Critical Rac e Theory an d reviewin g its major theme s an d writings) . Fo r criticis m o f the CR T movement , see Kennedy, supra. 43. Attribute d t o Adam Smith , th e term refer s to the unseen operatio n o f the all-wise market. See ADA M SMITH , TH E WEALT H O F NATION S (Mod . Libr . ed. 1937) . 44. O n criticis m o f critical writing as too despairing, see Alan D. Freeman , Race and Class: The Dilemma of Liberal Reform, 9 0 YAL E L.J . 188 0 (1981) ; Commentary, 2 4 CONN. L . REV . 49 7 (1992) (including variou s authors' comments o n Bell's realis t premise) ; Robert M . O'Neil , A Reaction to u The Imperial Scholar7 and Professor Delgado s Proposed Solution, 3 LAW & INEQ. J . 25 5 (1982). 45. See First Chronicle, supra this volume. 46. Id. (settin g ou t Rodrigo' s vie w tha t th e Wes t i s sufferin g economi c decline , cultural stasis , an d environmenta l deterioration) ; see also id. Appendi x 1A : Rodrigo's Printou t # 1 ; listing book s an d article s o n th e theor y o f cyclicit y amon g nations an d o n th e Unite d States' s declin e i n particular . I was also reminde d o f the Unite d States' s recen t refusa l t o sig n propose d bioprotectio n treatie s a t th e Earth Summi t i n Ri o de Janeiro. E.g., Pau l Raeburn , U.S. at Loggerheads over Forests, BOULDER (CO ) DAILY CAMERA, Jun e 11 , 1992, at Al. 47. See Delgado & Stefancic, Images, supra. 48. O n counterstorytellin g a s jurisprudentia l metho d an d mean s fo r challenging , enriching, o r changin g th e dominan t culture , see BELL, NO T SAVED , supra; PATRICIA J . WILLIAMS , TH E ALCHEM Y O F RAC E AN D RIGHT S (1991); Abrams, supra; Matsuda, supra. 49. Wha t abou t tw o well-dresse d me n o f colo r pu t the m off , I wondere d briefly . Rodrigo an d I ha d bee n engage d i n exactl y th e sor t o f economi c tradin g that , according t o th e la w an d economists , shoul d reduc e prejudice . Wa s i t tha t w e were eating i n thei r favorit e restaurant ? Wer e o f the sam e sex? Were engage d i n intense intellectual discussion ? Yet another naggin g reminder o f the separatenes s of rac e an d economi c clas s a s disadvantagin g factors , I mused . O n th e "hat e

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stare," see Harlon L . Dalton , The Clouded Prism, 2 2 HARV . C.R.-C.L . L . REV. 43 5 (1987). Notes to Chapter 3 1. I though t o f th e man y writer s wh o ha d struggle d t o explai n an d understan d "welfare capitalism, " a system base d o n fre e marke t principle s but , nevertheless , containing safet y net s fo r th e unfortunate . E.g., 1 KENNETH BOULDING , ECONOMIC ANALYSI S 627-49 (4t h ed. 1966 ) (arguing that Pareto optimaliry within a societ y mus t tak e accoun t o f certai n ethica l idea s o f wha t a "better " society is) ; JOHN K . GALBRAITH , TH E AFFLUEN T SOCIET Y 1- 5 (3 d ed. 1976) (arguing tha t publi c expenditure s mus t increas e concurrentl y wit h privat e production i n orde r t o redres s socia l ills) ; JOHN K . GALBRAITH , TH E NE W INDUSTRIAL STAT E 1-1 0 (4t h ed . 1985 ) (arguing that the moder n econom y no longe r conform s t o th e idea l o f fre e marke t capitalism) . Contra ADA M SMITH, TH E WEALT H O F NATION S ch . 8 (Everyman' s Librar y 1991 ) (1776) (expoundin g th e traditiona l view—socia l welfar e increase s a s a natura l result of the increasing wealth o f a society). 2. Rodrig o complete d hi s degre e "a t a la w schoo l eve n olde r tha n [mine], " Firs t Chronicle, supra this volume, an d before that studied comparative world cultures while on scholarship at the same university. 3. See Richard Delgado , Minority Law Professors Lives: The Bell-Delgado Survey, 24 HARV . C.R.-C.L . L . REV . 349 , 367-6 8 (1989 ) (detailin g problem s o f expected ethni c specialization an d expertise). 4. ANDRE W HACKER , TW O NATIONS : BLACK AND WHITE, SEPARATE , HOSTILE, UNEQUA L (1992) . Hacker , a professo r o f politica l scienc e a t Queens College i n Ne w York City, i s the author o f numerous articles about race or American culture . I n TWO NATIONS , Hacke r paints a bleak portrait o f the racial predicamen t o f th e Unite d States . Drawin g hi s titl e fro m a quotatio n b y Benjamin Disraeli , Hacke r shows , throug h a dazzling array of figures and statis tics, tha t Americ a toda y ha s i n effec t becom e a nation divide d int o two separat e camps, whit e an d black , on e wealthy , th e othe r poor , bot h hostil e t o on e an other. 5. Unfortunately , report s o f suc h event s ar e legion . E.g., Michae l Booth , Four Deaths Probed at Bethany Care Center, DENV . POST , Jul y 28 , 1992 , a t A l (investigation int o four patien t deaths at a single nursing home). 6. E.g., RICHAR D A . EPSTEIN , FORBIDDE N GROUNDS : TH E CAS E AGAINST EMPLOYMEN T DISCRIMINATIO N LAW S 15-2 7 (1992 ) (con cluding that governmental coercio n an d interferenc e shoul d have little or no role in ordering the private marketplace). 7. Nanc y R . Gibbs , Grays on the Go, TIME , Feb . 22 , 1988 , a t 66 , 7 0 (statistic s show that an increasin g percentage of Americans are over 65). 8. U.S . CONST , art . I , J 8, cl . 7 . 9. E.g., Zachar y Margulis, Neither Snow, nor Rain, but Huge Buildings Will Stay a Courier, NEWSDAY , Jul y 5 , 1992 , a t 2 (discussing inefficien t mai l deliver y

Notes to Chapter 3 225 and overtim e costs resulting from hig h tenan t turnover i n urba n apartmen t com plexes). 10. See HACKER, supra, a t 105-106 , 110-1 1 (pointin g ou t tha t creatio n o f semiskilled job s for black men implie s racial predisposition t o certain occupation s an d using statistic s t o sho w tha t a two-clas s jo b syste m alread y exist s an d i s divided along racial lines). 11. O n th e stresses (and satisfactions ) o f life a s an inner-cit y scholteacher , see JONATHAN KOZOL , DEAT H A T AN EARLY AGE (1967). 12. See HACKER, supra, at 134-98 . 13. U.S. Gets Less Competitive as Japan Stays on Top, Annual Survey Indicates, ATLANTA J . & CONST. , Jun e 22 , 1992 , a t A1 0 (U.S . econom y droppe d t o fifth-most competitive , an d Unite d State s sevent h i n qualit y o f workforce) ; see also First Chronicle , supra this volume (discussin g America' s economi c declin e and listin g related resource s i n Appendix 1A , Part C). 14. HACKER , supra, a t xiii ; STUD S TERKEL , RACE : HO W BLACK S AN D WHITES THIN K AN D FEE L ABOU T TH E AMERICA N OBSESSIO N (1992) (arguing tha t th e cloc k ha s turne d bac k o n th e progres s o f the 1960 s an d that onc e agai n hostility , resentment , an d racia l conflic t threate n t o divid e th e nation); see also DERRIC K BELL , AN D W E AR E NO T SAVE D 1 0 (1987 ) (acknowledging tha t th e differin g self-interes t o f black s an d white s ca n wor k t o undermine alread y fragile lega l guarantees of equality). See generally PATRICIA WILLIAMS, TH E ALCHEM Y O F RAC E AN D RIGHT S (1991 ) (detailin g traditional lega l thinking's inabilit y to cope with the reality of racial relations) . 15. See generally James M . Doyle , "It's The Third World Down There!": The Colonialist Vocation and American Criminal Justice, 27 HARV. C.R.-C.L . L . REV . 71 (1992 ) (offerin g harrowin g descriptio n o f live s o f prosecutors , police , publi c defenders, an d other s charged with servicing the nation's courts). 16. O n th e reciproca l relatio n betwee n cultur e an d medi a depictio n i n creatin g "tastes," see Richard Delgad o & Jean Stefancic , Images of the Outsider in American Law and Culture, 7 7 CORNELL L . REV . 125 8 (1992). 17. ROBER T V . STOVER , MAKIN G I T AN D BREAKIN G IT : THE FAT E O F PUBLIC INTERES T COMMITMEN T DURIN G LA W SCHOO L 2 , 20-22 , 64 (1989) ; Terr y Carter , Why Students Lose Their Interest in Entering Public Interest Work, NATL L.J. , Jul y 31 , 1989 , at 4. 18. E.g., Dunca n Kennedy , Legal Education as Training for Hierarchy, i n TH E POLITICS OF LAW: A PROGRESSIVE CRITIQU E 40 , 5 2 (David Kairys ed., 1982) (characterizin g large-fir m practic e a s fa r les s interestin g an d demandin g than publi c interes t work). 19. See RICHARD POSNER , ECONOMI C ANALYSI S O F LA W 91-9 6 (3 d ed . 1986) (discussing role of insurance i n providing against future costs) . 20. TH E BEATLES , Cant Buy Me Love, o n A HAR D DAY' S NIGH T (Electr a Records, 1964) . 21. Herma n Diensk e & Rochell e Griffin , Abnormal Behaviour Patterns Developing in Chimpanzee Infants During Nursery Care—A Note, 1 9 J . CHIL D PSY CHOL. & PSYCHIATRY 38 7 (1978).

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22. E.g., Jerr y Carroll, Your Money and Your Life, S.F . CHRON. , Jun e 18 , 1992 , at D3 , D 6 (relatin g pligh t o f patien t wit h Lo u Gehrig' s diseas e whos e famil y could n o longe r affor d hom e car e bu t refuse d t o pu t hi m i n a facilit y where , despite the good care, al l the patients die within on e year). 23. See, e.g., CHARLE S MURRAY , LOSIN G GROUN D (1984 ) (arguin g tha t social welfar e program s hav e faile d completely) ; THOMA S SOWELL , CIVI L RIGHTS: RHETORI C O R REALITY ? 86-9 0 (1984 ) (arguin g tha t earmarke d subsidies ma y principally creat e white resentmen t whil e failing t o resolve deeper problems of economic exclusion) . 24. I wa s intrigue d b y Rodrigo' s reversal . I n supply-sid e economics , o f course , th e "trickle-down" theory wa s used t o justif y deregulation , ta x incentives , an d othe r measures th e Republican s institute d t o stimulat e production , an d t o benefi t capitalists and investors . I n theory, th e improvements such measures would bring the economy i n general woul d filter down to the poor and underemployed . 25. I thought o f the adulatio n an d affectio n tha t Republican s an d other s showe r o n certain blac k "Horati o Algers, " lik e Clarenc e Thomas . See also the shar p an d sometimes poignan t observation s o f Stephe n Carte r i n hi s book , REFLEC TIONS O F A N AFFIRMATIV E ACTIO N BAB Y (1991) (arguing that affirma tive action mus t retur n t o it s simpler roots , t o provide educationa l opportunitie s for thos e wh o migh t no t hav e them , an d tha t th e beneficiarie s o f affirmativ e action mus t thereafter b e held to the same standards as anyone else). 26. See, e.g., EPSTEIN , supra, a t 259-6 6 (arguin g tha t th e bes t wa y fo r less educated black s t o compet e i n th e jo b marke t i s t o offe r thei r service s a t lowe r wages); MURRAY, supra, a t 39-4 0 (arguin g tha t whit e mora l confusio n abou t the cours e o f th e civi l right s movemen t allowe d th e blam e fo r povert y t o shif t from th e poor onto the system and history). 27. See EPSTEIN , supra, a t 9 (arguin g tha t competitiv e market s offe r bette r an d more certain protection against invidious discrimination tha n any antidiscrimina tion law) ; MURRAY , supra, a t 22 3 (callin g fo r th e repea l o f legislatio n an d legal preceden t advocatin g or rewarding differential treatmen t accordin g to race); SOWELL, supra, a t 112-1 7 (arguin g tha t marke t mechanism s wil l ultimatel y reward privat e parties who hire and pa y for cheape r labo r from underrepresente d minorities or women). 28. See Eighth Chronicle , supra this volume (on black crime). 29. Fo r examples or discussion o f this anticolonialist writing, see generally FRANTZ FANON, TH E WRETCHE D O F THE EART H (1963 ) (discussing decolonization an d th e proces s o f nationa l liberation) ; ALBERT MEMMI , TH E COLO NIZER AN D TH E COLONIZE D (Howar d Greenfel d trans. , 1965) ; Doyle , supra (comparing rol e o f whit e me n i n crimina l justic e syste m t o tha t o f whit e colonial administrators and commissioners) . 30. See, e.g., BELL , NO T SAVED , supra, a t 3-7 , 26-74 , 123-61 ; Derric k A . Bell, Jr. , Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma, 93 HARV . L . REV . 518 , 522-2 8 (1980 ) (discussing maintenanc e o f segregated schools as important to poorer whites who had expectatio n tha t their social status

Notes to Chapter 3 227 would remain superior to blacks'); Richard Delgado , Derrick Bell and the Ideology of Law Reform: Will We Ever Be Saved?, 97 YAL E L.J . 92 3 (1988 ) (reviewin g Bell's Chronicles an d the history and effects o f racism through th e words of Bell's alter ego, Geneva Crenshaw) . 31. See, e.g., BELL , NO T SAVED , supra, a t 51-12 2 (discussin g benefits t o whites of civi l right s litigation) ; Bell , supra, a t 526-3 2 (discussin g way s i n whic h southern state s and cities, as well as the Supreme Court itself, limited or impeded the implementatio n o f the principle s o f Brown) ; Delgado, supra, a t 92 5 & n.9 , 926 (summarizing Bell' s belief that "America n racis m i s here to stay in our mos t prized lega l institution s despite our most exalted legal rhetoric"). 32. JAN E GOODALL , TH E CHIMPANZEE S O F GOMBE : PATTERN S O F BEHAVIOR 530-3 4 (1986) ; see also Lionel Tiger , Love and Murder Among the Chimps, N.Y . TIMES , Mar . 13 , 1988 , § 7 , a t 1 4 (reviewin g MICHAE L P . GHIGLIERI, EAS T O F TH E MOUNTAIN S O F TH E MOO N (1988 ) an d recounting Ghiglieri' s observation s o f aggressiv e an d ofte n murderou s behavio r by mal e chimp s assertin g territoria l right s o r usurpin g th e rol e o f othe r mal e chimps). 33. E.g., Jerom e Grossman, With a Demonized Enemy, Going Nuclear Seems Easy, L.A. TIMES , Aug . 13 , 1991 , a t B 7 (citin g pol l i n whic h 45 % o f American s surveyed favore d us e o f nuclea r weapon s agains t Ira q durin g beginnin g o f Gul f War to save U.S. lives). 34. HACKER , supra, at 7, 14 . 35. E.g., Cit y o f Memphi s v . Greene , 45 1 U.S . 10 0 (1981 ) (addressin g a stree t closing that effectively curtaile d traffi c int o an all-white community). 36. HACKER , supra, at 162-63 . "The National Schoo l Board Association measure s segregation b y computin g th e numbe r o f Blac k youngster s i n a stat e o r localit y who are enrolled i n school s where they, o r Hispanics, mak e up a majority o f the pupils." Id. a t 162 . 37. Id. a t 164-65 . 38. JJ . a t 132 . 39. Id. a t 101. 40. Id. a t 98-99 ; see also id. a t 11 5 (percentag e o f women workin g i s much highe r among blacks than whites) . 41. Id. a t 99. 42. Id. a t 98-99. 43. I d a t 110-11 . 44. E.g., Osca r Lewis , The Culture of Poverty, in O N UNDERSTANDIN G POV ERTY: PERSPECTIVE S FRO M TH E SOCIA L SCIENCE S 18 7 (Danie l P . Moynihan ed. , 1969 ) (describin g th e cultur e o f povert y an d it s effects) ; see also NATHAN GLAZE R & DANIE L P . MOYNIHAN , BEYON D TH E MELT ING POT : TH E NEGROES , PUERT O RICANS , JEWS , ITALIANS , AN D IRISH O F NE W YOR K CIT Y Ixxxvi-lxxxvii (2 d ed . 1970 ) (discussing welfar e dependency a s exacerbatin g problem s o f racism) ; MURRAY , supra, a t 18-20 , 38-40 (discussin g whit e resentmen t o f th e perceive d permanenc y o f welfar e t o

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blacks an d th e failur e o f helping-han d trainin g programs) ; SOWELL , supra, at 77-9 0 (arguin g tha t cultura l differences , rathe r tha n ski n color , determin e economic status). 45. HACKER , supra, at 35-38 . 46. Id. a t 14 , 21 7 (white s continu e t o believ e i n thei r ow n superiorit y an d suspec t blacks of inferiority). 47. Id. a t 40. 48. Id. a t 189 . 49. Id. a t 180 , 197 . 50. Id. a t 19 1 n. Moreover , eve n holdin g othe r factor s "suc h a s th e ferocit y o f th e crime and th e social status of the victim . . . constant, th e prospect for the death penalty was still four time s higher when th e victim was white." Id. 51. HACKER , supra, at 36. 52. See Richar d Delgado , Storytelling for Oppositionists and Others: A Plea for Narrative, 8 7 MICH . L . REV . 241 1 (1989 ) (arguing tha t th e us e o f stories ca n be helpfu l i n th e struggl e fo r racia l refor m becaus e i t shatter s complacenc y an d challenges th e statu s quo) ; see also BELL, NO T SAVED , supra (recitin g te n metaphorical tale s t o discus s th e experience s o f black s i n Americ a an d thei r struggle fo r racia l equality) ; Kathry n Abrams , Hearing the Call of Stories, 7 9 CAL. L . REV . 97 1 (1992 ) (arguin g tha t th e emergenc e o f feminis t narrativ e scholarship is a distinctive form o f critical lega l discourse). 53. THOMA S HOBBES , LEVIATHA N 112-19 , 17 2 (Herbert Schneide r ed. , Th e Liberal Arts Press, Inc . 1958 ) (1651). 54. Id. a t 10 7 (lif e i n a stat e o f natur e woul d b e "solitary , poor , nasty , brutis h and short"). 55. E.g., Garret t Hardin , The Tragedy of the Commons, 16 2 SCIENCE 124 3 (1968) (discussing predicamen t o f societ y i n whic h a fe w member s attemp t t o gai n a n edge by abusing the common trust) . 56. Richar d Delgad o & Jean Stefancic , Derrick Bell and the Chronicle of the Space Traders: Would the U.S. Sacrifice People of Color if the Price Were Right?, 62 U. COLO. L . REV . 32 1 (1991 ) (agreein g wit h th e plausibilit y o f Derric k Bell' s parable in which th e Unite d State s sells all its African-Americans fo r solution s to its problems); see also DERRICK BELL , RACE , RACISM , AN D AMERICA N LAW 1-5 1 (2 d ed . 1980 ) (recounting a history o f blacks i n th e Unite d State s i n which they were given the roles of "sacrificial supergoats") . 57. I thought o f white colleague s an d scholar s wh o wer e writing helpfu l analyse s of race. E.g., T . Alexande r Aleinikoff, The Constitution in Context: The Continuing Significance of Racism, 6 3 U. COLO . L . REV . 32 5 (1992) (arguing that race discrimination agains t nonwhites remain s a serious problem i n American societ y and tha t recognitio n o f this bigotry ha s importan t implication s fo r th e crafting o f constitutional doctrine) ; Alan D . Freeman , Legitimizing Racial Discrimination Through Antidiscrimination Law: A Critical Review of Supreme Court Doctrine, 62 MINN . L . REV . 104 9 (1978) (arguin g tha t althoug h th e la w outlaw s racia l discrimination, i t tolerates conditions tha t promote th e lowe r economic statu s of black Americans) ; Dunca n Kennedy , A Cultural Pluralist Case for Affirmative

Notes to Chapter 3 22 9 Action in Legal Accidentia, 1990 DUKE L.J . 70 5 (arguing fo r a large expansio n of our curren t commitmen t t o cultural diversit y o n th e groun d tha t la w school s are political institutions) ; Gary Peller , Race Consciousness, 1990 DUKE L.J . 75 8 (exploring th e ideologica l root s o f Critica l Rac e Theory , it s reinterpretatio n o f race consciousness, an d it s break with the dominant civi l rights discourse). 58. E.g., HACKER , supra, a t 3 5 (despite antidiscriminatio n housin g laws , residen tial area s remai n heavil y segregated) ; see also id. a t 19 1 (black victim s o f violen t crime are less likely to see justice done). 59. Regardin g th e loophole s an d exception s that court s have created o r engrafted o n the civi l right s laws , se e Richar d Delgado , On Taking Back Our Civil Rights Promises: When Equality Doesn't Compute, 198 9 WIS. L . REV . 579 , 583-8 4 (1989) (arguing that doctrina l retrenchmen t i s occurring i n civi l right s cases jus t as th e us e o f computer s an d sophisticate d method s o f statistica l proo f enabl e plaintiffs t o establis h discrimination) ; see also BELL, NO T SAVED , supra, a t 51-75 (causti c critique of U.S. civil rights policy). 60. Rodrig o ha d blithel y raise d thes e matter s before , muc h t o m y chagrin . Firs t Chronicle, supra (Rodrigo discusses the use of sabotage and terroris m t o quicken the pace of the dominant group's sharing power with minority groups). 61. See Regina Austin , "The Black Community," Its Lawbreakers, and a Politics of Identification, 6 5 S . CAL . L . REV . 1769 , 181 6 (1992 ) (i f activis m withi n th e law fails t o reorde r prioritie s an d chang e society , action s outsid e the la w may b e required); Robert J . Cottro l & Raymond T . Diamond , The Second Amendment: Toward an Afro-Americanist Reconsideration, 80 GEO. L.J . 30 9 (1991) (arguing that society' s disma l recor d o f protectin g black s ought t o preclud e societ y fro m disarming them). 62. I though t o f th e hymn s o f prais e fro m th e conservativ e whit e communit y tha t greeted th e publicatio n o f Thomas Sowell , Stephe n Carter , Clarenc e Thomas , and som e o f Randal l Kennedy' s works . See also HACKER, supra, a t 5 2 (white conservatives turn t o black conservatives like Sowell, Thomas, an d Shelb y Steel e to defend an d support their own positions). 63. "Spade " is a disparaging term for an African-American. 1 6 OXFORD ENGLIS H DICTIONARY 9 6 (2d ed . 1989 ) ("A Blac k Person , a Negro, esp . male : freq. i n White use , a s a ter m o f contemp t o r casua l reference . Formerl y amon g U.S . Blacks, a very dark-skinned Negro , slan g [orig. U.S.]." ) (Definition 3a) . 64. HACKER , supra, at 14 , 26-28. 65. Th e term i s Regina Austin's. See Austin, supra, at 1799-1800 . 66. See generally Delgado & Stefancic, supra (arguing that racis t images from earlie r times ar e onl y viewe d a s racis t toda y becaus e consciousnes s ha s shifte d an d society ha s adopte d a differen t narrative) ; Richar d Delgad o & Jea n Stefancic , Norms and Narratives: Can Judges Avoid Serious Moral Error?, 6 9 TE X L . REV. 1929 , 193 0 (1991) (arguing that mora l erro r i n judgin g can aris e from th e inability to identify wit h the different lif e experiences of the judged). 67. Wa s I deservin g o f th e compliment ? I recalle d a numbe r o f time s whe n I ha d been cuttin g o r dismissive o f whites, includin g a number wh o wer e well-mean ing. Bu t Rodrigo was speaking with such fervo r tha t I hesitated t o interrupt .

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Notes to Chapter 4 1. Th e first o f thes e books , DERRIC K BELL , FACE S A T TH E BOTTO M O F THE WELL : THE PERMANENC E O F RACIS M (1992), argues that racism is likely t o prove a permanent featur e o f America's cultura l landscape. Th e "faces " are those o f African-Americans whos e existence a t the botto m o f society enable s even the poorest whites to gain self-esteem. Id. a t v (frontispiece). Writte n almos t entirely i n the narrative mode , FACE S recount s a series of imaginary tales, eac h illustrating a lesson about racia l justice . Althoug h mos t of these lessons are bleak and severe , Bel l nevertheles s exhort s reader s t o continu e th e struggl e fo r racia l justice. A secon d work , GERAL D N . ROSENBERG , TH E HOLLO W HOPE : CAN COURT S BRIN G ABOU T SOCIA L CHANGE ? (1991) , present s a cri tique o f th e rol e o f the court s i n producin g socia l change . Althoug h sponsore d by a conservative foundation , th e book purports t o be an objectiv e assessmen t of courts' rol e an d function . Contrastin g th e vie w o f th e Unite d State s Suprem e Court a s dynami c i n producin g socia l chang e wit h th e vie w tha t th e Cour t i s constrained i n it s ability to effect reform , Rosenber g concludes that the latter i s a more accurat e depiction . Id. a t 10-30 , 35 , 157-69 , 175-227 . Accordin g t o Rosenberg, court s produc e littl e chang e tha t wa s no t previousl y i n motio n an d are less effective i n propelling reform tha n othe r extralegal forces, suc h a s market pressures, technologica l changes , politica l action , an d legislativ e reform . Never theless, Rosenber g notes that courts are effective i n blocking change. GIRARDEAU A . SPANN , RAC E AGAINS T TH E COURT : TH E SU PREME COUR T AN D MINORITIE S I N CONTEMPORAR Y AMERIC A (1993), argue s tha t th e Cour t no t onl y i s institutionall y incapabl e o f protectin g minority right s but that it serves to perpetuate majoritaria n control . Id. a t 31-59 , 180-272. I n Spann' s view , operationa l an d forma l safeguard s designe d t o insu late judicia l decision s fro m politica l pressur e ar e insufficien t t o counte r th e influence o f majoritaria n sociopolitica l values . Id. a t 22 , 37-43 . Indeed , ofte n "the governin g substantiv e principle s o f law themselves incorporat e majoritaria n values in a way that leaves the Court with no choice but to acquiesce i n majorit y desires." Id. a t 30 . Automaticall y takin g minorit y grievance s t o th e judicia l system creates a dependency relationshi p with an increasingl y unresponsiv e institution. Span n believe s tha t th e us e o f othe r societa l mechanisms , suc h a s mass politics, demonstrations , an d stat e and loca l governments, woul d b e more effec tive in producing racia l advances than judicia l intervention . Id. a t 146-75 , 178 206, 219-20 . The las t work, DAVI D G. SAVAGE , TURNIN G RIGHT : THE MAKIN G OF TH E REHNQUIS T SUPREM E COUR T (1992) , consider s th e Suprem e Court's rol e i n minorit y right s fro m th e perspectiv e o f a Los Angeles Times journalist. I n a discussion tha t contain s element s o f the thre e above-mentione d theses, Savag e focuses o n th e change s i n th e Court' s compositio n an d ideology , which accompanied th e emergence of the current conservative majority. Savage' s book deal s wit h th e Court' s treatmen t o f civi l rights , th e righ t t o die , flag

Notes to Chapter 4 2

3J

desecration, th e deat h penalty , an d othe r notabl e areas . Moreover , Savage' s personal interview s wit h th e Justice s enabl e hi m t o give fascinating insight s int o the Justices' personalities and working styles. The book ends with a description of the Clarenc e Thoma s confirmatio n hearings , id. a t 423-50, an d a look forwar d at the Court's likely quietist role in social reform . 2. Man y la w schools have such annua l programs . 3. A simila r inciden t happene d a t Harvar d La w School . Fo r a discussio n o f th e controversy surroundin g a lampoo n issu e o f Harvard Law Revue, see Davi d Margolick, In Attacking the Work of a Slain Professor Harvard's Elite Themselves Become a Target, N.Y . TIMES , Apr . 17 , 1992 , a t B16 , B16 . Thi s controvers y concerned th e followin g article : Mary Doe, He-Manifesto of Post-Mortem Legal Feminism (From the Desk of Mary Doe), 10 5 HARV. L . REVU E 1 3 (1992) (the issue subsequently wa s withdrawn). 4. Compare Margolick , supra, with Michel e N- K Collison , Angry Protests over Diversity and Free Speech Mark Contentious Spring Semester at Harvard, CHRON. HIGHE R E D U C , Ma y 6, 1992 , at A39, A39-40. 5. E.g., Nadin e Strossen , Regulating Racist Speech on Campus: A Modest Proposal?, 199 0 DUK E L.J . 48 4 (Th e author , nationa l presiden t o f th e ACLU , contends that racial insult s are protected speech.) . 6. Fo r a classi c treatmen t o f neutralit y i n constitutiona l adjudication , see Herbert Wechsler, Toward Neutral Principles of Constitutional Law, 7 3 HARV . L . REV. 1 (1959). Fo r a rigorous reexamination o f this position, see Neil Gotanda , A Critique of uOur Constitution Is Color-Blind," 44 STAN. L . REV . 1 (1991) . 7. See, e.g., BELL , FACES , supra, a t 2-14 , 89-108 ; DERRIC K BELL , RACE , RACISM AN D AMERICA N LA W (3 d ed . 1992 ) (arguin g tha t neutra l race remedies la w maintain s whit e supremacy) ; Ala n Davi d Freeman , Legitimizing Racial Discrimination Through Antidiscrimination Law: A Critical Review of Supreme Court Doctrine, 6 2 MINN. L . REV . 104 9 (1978); Gotanda, supra. 8. CATHARIN E A . MACKINNON , FEMINIS M UNMODIFIED : DIS COURSES O N LIF E AN D LA W (1989) ; CATHARIN E A . MACKINNON , TOWARD A FEMINIST THEORY O F THE STAT E (1989). 9. Th e book was Girardeau Spann' s Race Against the Court . 10. Girardea u A . Spann , Pure Politics, 88 MICH. L . REV . 197 1 (1990). 11. E.g., HOLLO W HOPE , supra. 12. E.g., SPANN , supra, ativ-vi, 30-34 , 180-204 , 262-78 , 293-97 . 13. E.g., SAVAGE , supra, a t 453-58; ROSENBERG, a t 10-2 1 (describin g "Con strained Court" model of judicial function) . 14. O n unconsciou s racism , see Charles R . Lawrence , III , The Id, the Ego, and Equal Protection: Reckoning with Unconscious Racism, 3 9 STAN . L . REV . 317(1987). 15. E.g., T . Alexande r Aleinikoff , A Case for Race-Consciousness, 9 1 COLUM. L . REV. 106 0 (1991) ; Derric k A . Bell , Jr. , Private Clubs and Public Judges: A Nonsubstantive Debate About Symbols, 5 9 TEX. L . REV . 73 3 (1980); Richard Delgado, Storytelling for Oppositionists and Others: A Plea for Narrative, 8 7 MICH. L . REV . 241 1 (1989) ; Mar i J . Matsuda , When the First Quail Calls:

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Multiple Consciousness as Jurisprudential Method, 1 1 WOMEN' S RTS . L . REP. 7 (1989). 16. See Hustler Magazine , Inc . v . Falwell , 48 5 U.S . 4 6 (1988) (stating general rul e that satire directed a t a public figure qualifies fo r Firs t Amendment protection) . 17. See DERRICK BELL , AND WE ARE NOT SAVED : THE ELUSIV E QUES T FOR RACIA L JUSTICE, 14 3 (1987) (addressing alumni uneasines s with demographic shifts withi n contemporar y la w schools). 18. Mos t groups , o f course , includin g th e dominan t one , us e disparagin g term s t o focus anger , contempt , o r dislik e o n member s o f othe r groups . See CARO L ROSEN, MAYB E HE' S JUS T A JER K (1992) ; Pegg y C . Davis , Law as Microaggression, 9 8 YALE L.J. 155 9 (1989); Richard Delgado, Word s That Wound: A Tort Action for Racial Insults, Epithets, and Name-Calling, 1 7 HARV. C.R. C.L. L . REV . 133 , 133-4 9 (1982) ; Richard Delgad o & Jean Stefancic , Images of the Outsider in American Law and Culture: Can Free Expression Remedy Systemic Social Ills?, 77 CORNELL L . REV . 1258 , 1282-83(1992) . 19. Thi s concept of a "jerk" is an example of a language game. Conceive d by Ludwig Wittgenstein, th e notio n o f a languag e gam e focuse s attentio n no t o n words ' core o r "essential " meaning s o r definition s bu t o n thei r multiple , sometime s overlapping, uses . See LUDWIG WITTGENSTEIN , TRACTATUS LOGICOPHILOSOPHICUS 9-2 5 (D . F . Pear s & B . F . McGuinne s trans. , 2 d ed. , Routledge & Kegan Pau l 1974 ) (1921). 20. Fo r a somewha t differen t depictio n o f a racia l reversa l o f fortunes , see BELL, NOT SAVED , supra, at 162-7 7 ("Chronicle o f the Amber Cloud"). 21. E.g., Cit y of Richmond v . J. A . Croson Co. , 48 8 U.S. 46 9 (1989) (minority set aside held unconstitutiona l becaus e city failed t o show that its plan was narrowly tailored t o remed y specifi c pas t discriminatio n tha t wa s no t redressabl e throug h race-neutral means) . 22. Derric k Bel l ha s bee n on e o f the chie f critic s o f this view. See, e.g., Derric k A . Bell, Jr. , Bakke, Minority Admissions, and the Usual Price of Racial Remedies, 67 CAL. L . REV . 3 (1979); Derrick A . Bell , Jr. , Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma, 9 3 HARV. L . REV . 518 , 52 3 (1979); cf BELL, FACES , supra, at 89-108 (discussing racial realism). 23. See Marti n v . Wilks , 49 0 U.S . 755 , 761-62 , 765 , 76 8 (1989) , supersede d b y statute Civi l Right s Act of 1991 , Pub. L . No . 102-66 , 10 5 Stat. 107 1 (codifie d as amended a t 42 U.S.C.A . $ 1981 (West Supp. 1992) . 24. See Washington v . Davis , 426 U.S . 229 , 239-40 , 242 , 24 5 (1976); Wards Cove Packing Co. v . Atonio , 49 0 U.S . 64 2 (1989), supersede d b y statute Civil Right s Act o f 1991 , Pub. L . No . 102-166 , 10 5 Stat . 107 1 (codifie d a s amended a t 42 U.S.C.A. J 198 1 (Wes t Supp . 1992)) . But see Griggs v. Duk e Powe r Co. , 40 1 U.S. 424(1971) . 25. E.g., Davidso n v . Cannon , 47 4 U.S . 344 , 347-4 8 (1986) ; Daniels v. Williams, 474 U.S . 327 , 332-3 3 (1986) ; see Mark S . Brodin , The Standard of Causation in the Mixed-Motive Title VII Action: A Social Policy Perspective, 8 2 COLUM . L. REV . 292 , 292-93 , 304-10(1982) . 26. See Allen v . Wright, 46 8 U.S. 737 , 751-61 , 76 6 (1984).

Notes to Chapter 4 23 3 27. See Richard Delgado , Zero-Based Racial Politics: An Evaluation of Three BestCase Arguments on Behalf of the Nonwhite Underclass, 78 GEO . L.J . 1929 , 1929-30 (1990). 28. Fo r a descriptio n o f th e ol d regim e o f separat e bu t equa l schools , whites-onl y drinking fountains , Ji m Cro w laws , an d o f course , slavery , see BELL, RACE , RACISM, supra, a t 2-63 . See generally A. LEO N HIGGINBOTHAM , JR. , IN TH E MATTE R O F COLOR : RAC E AN D TH E AMERICA N LEGA L PROCESS (1978) ; JENNIFER S . HOCHSCHILD , TH E NE W AMERICA N DILEMMA (1984) ; KENNET H M . STAMPP , TH E PECULIA R INSTITU TION: SLAVERY IN THE ANTE-BELLU M SOUT H (1956) . 29. See Freeman , supra, a t 1054 , 1103 ; Richar d Delgado , Derrick Bell and the Ideology of Racial Reform: Will We Ever Be Saved?, 97 YALE L.J. 923 , 942-4 3 (1988) (reviewin g DERRIC K BELL , AN D W E AR E NO T SAVED : TH E ELUSIVE QUES T FO R RACIA L JUSTICE (1987)) . 30. 34 9 U.S. 294(1954) . 31. See Gotanda , supra (discussin g colo r blindness) ; Wechsler , supra (discussin g neutrality); see also RICHAR D EPSTEIN , FORBIDDE N GROUNDS : TH E CASE AGAINS T EMPLOYMEN T DISCRIMINATIO N LAW S 147-26 6 (1992) (urging abandonment o f race-conscious law s and programs). 32. Fo r th e vie w tha t affirmativ e actio n program s actuall y ai d middle-clas s black s instead o f th e mor e need y lower-clas s blacks , see STEPHE N L . CARTER , REFLECTIONS O F A N AFFIRMATIV E ACTIO N BAB Y 71-84 , 94 , 23 3 (1991); Delgado, Ever Saved?, supra. 33. CARTER , supra, a t 230-32 ; SHELB Y STEELE , TH E CONTEN T O F OU R CHARACTER: A NE W VISIO N O F RAC E I N AMERIC A 111-2 5 (1990 ) (criticizing resul t or quota oriente d affirmativ e actio n programs) . 34. O n th e critiqu e o f liberalism a s incoherent an d riddle d wit h contradictions , see, for example , Jami e Boyle , Critical Legal Studies: A Young Persons Guide (mimeo, 1989) . 35. Wit h equalit y o f opportunity , on e neve r know s i f on e ha s achieve d complet e fairness; wit h equalit y o f result , on e simpl y notice s whethe r on e ha s achieve d one's preselected measur e or not. 36. See THOMAS SOWELL , CIVI L RIGHTS : RHETORI C O R REALITY ? 37 60 (1984); STEELE, supra, at 121-22 . 37. Fo r a simila r argument , see Richar d Delgado , Shadowboxing: An Essay on Power, 77 CORNELL L . REV . 813 , 817-2 1 (1992 ) (legal rule s replicat e socia l power, demonstrate d throug h example s o f medical informe d consent , dat e rape, and cigarette warnings). 38. Id.; see also Richar d Delgad o & Jea n Stefancic , Pornography and Harm to Women: "No Empirical Evidence?'', 53 OHI O ST . L.J . 103 7 (1992 ) (usin g examples of antipornography movement) . 39. Fo r a n explanatio n o f ho w thes e factor s ca n b e manipulate d int o evidenc e justifying a "pool i s so small" defense, see Richard Delgado , Mindset and Metaphor, 10 3 HARV. L . REV . 1872 , 1876(1990) . 40. Fo r a discussio n o f th e rol e o f distrus t i n lega l theory , see JOHN HAR T ELY ,

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to Chapter 4

DEMOCRACY AN D DISTRUST : A THEOR Y O F JUDICIA L REVIE W (1978); John Har t Ely , Legislative and Administrative Motivation in Constitutional Law, 7 9 YALE L.J. 1205 , 1209(1970) . 41. See Kimberle Williams Crenshaw, Race, Reform and Retrenchment: Transformation and Legitimation in Antidiscrimination Law, 10 1 HARV . L . REV . 133 1 (1988) (describin g th e legitimatio n functio n o f th e la w o f rac e remedies) ; Free man, supra (same). 42. Fo r a discussion o f the disparity in the quantity of racism that persons of differen t ethnicities perceive, see Delgado & Stefancic, supra, at 1282-84 . 43. See, e.g., SPANN , supra, at iv-vi, 30-34 , 180-204 , 269-78 , 293-97 . 44. See PATRICI A WILLIAMS , TH E ALCHEM Y O F RAC E AN D RIGHT S (1991) (arguing that racial issue s must be interpreted i n light of the historical an d personal experience s o f the oppressed); Anthony E . Cook , Beyond Critical Legal Studies: The Reconstructive Theology of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., 10 3 HARV. L . REV . 98 5 (1990) (same). 45. See Luke W. Cole , Remedies for Environmental Racism: A View From the Field, 90 MICH. L . REV . 1991 , 199 2 (1992). 46. Richar d Delgado , Critical Legal Studies and the Realities of Race —Does the Fundamental Contradiction Have a Corollary?, 23 HARV. C.R.-C.L . L . REV . 407 (1988); Delgado & Stefancic, supra, a t 1282 . 47. Delgad o & Stefancic, supra, at 1282-83 . 48. See, e.g., Marjori e Heins , Banning Words: A Comment on "Word s That Wound', 1 8 HARV . C.R.-C.L . L . REV . 58 5 (1983 ) (employin g th e slippery slope argument); Strossen, supra, at 537-39 . 49. See BELL, NO T SAVED , supra, at 26-42; BELL, RACE , RACISM , supra, at 2-63 (providin g an overvie w of the history of racism agains t African-Americans) . 50. See Freeman, supra, a t 1052-5 7 (contrastin g "victim " versu s "perpetrator " per spective for redressing racial wrongs, and deploring that the law almost invariabl y selects the latter viewpoint). 51. See, e.g., ANDRE W HACKER , TW O NATIONS : BLAC K AN D WHITE , SEPARATE, HOSTILE , UNEQUA L 94-103 , 109-7 8 (1992) ; Delgado , Ever Saved?, supra, at 930-32. 52. ROSENBERG , supra, a t 42-54, 175-20 1 (comparin g pre- and post-Ro e figures and trends). 53. 41 0 U.S . 113(1973) . 54. ROSENBERG , supra, a t 180 , tbl . 6. 1 (numbe r o f abortion s performe d bot h before an d afte r legalization) ; tbl . 6. 2 (percentag e o f hospital s providin g abor tions); tbl. 6. 4 (tota l numbe r o f abortion providers) ; 201 (concluding tha t Roe v. Wade had littl e effect o n the availability of abortions in Unite d States) . 55. 34 9 U.S. 294(1954) . 56. ROSENBERG , supra, a t 42-5 4 (makin g simila r cas e fo r schoo l desegregatio n and concludin g that Brown v. Board of Education ha d little effect) . 57. See United State s v. Fordice , 11 2 S. Ct . 272 7 (1992). 58. See Metro Broadcasting, Inc . v . FCC , 49 7 U.S . 54 7 (1990).

Notes to Chapter 5 235 59. SAVAGE , supra, a t 334-39 , 346 ; 305-4 9 (chapte r 9 , "Th e Liberals ' Las t Sur prise"). 60. A contradiction-closing cas e i s a legal decisio n tha t ha s th e effec t o f closing th e gap between ou r ideal of how law, or society, ough t to be, and how it actually is. 61. ROSENBERG , supra, a t 10-2 1 (explainin g Court' s inabilit y t o brin g abou t social change, an d labelin g this the "Constrained Court " view). Notes to Chapter 5 1. I n th e Thir d Chronicle , supra this volume, Rodrig o an d th e Professo r discus s a paper Rodrig o plan s t o submi t t o a conservative writin g competition. A n earlie r essay of his won first prize in a student writing competition . 2. See, e.g., Richar d Delgado , Enormous Anomaly? Left-Right Parallels in Recent Writing About Race, 91 COLUM. L . REV . 154 7 (1991). 3. Rodrigo' s father , a n African-America n serviceman , serve d a t a U.S . Arm y out post i n Italy , wher e Rodrig o attende d bas e schools befor e earnin g a governmen t scholarship t o atten d th e Universit y o f Bologna . Rodrigo' s lat e mothe r wa s a n Italian citizen . Hi s father recentl y retire d t o southern Florida . 4. CHRI S GOODRICH, ANARCH Y AND ELEGANCE: CONFESSIONS O F A JOURNALIST AT YALE LAW SCHOOL (1991) . Goodric h trace s the personal experiences o f his section-mate s an d himsel f durin g thei r first year a t Yal e La w School. Th e boo k detail s th e professors ' approac h t o teaching , th e students ' responses t o th e cas e method , th e anxietie s ove r moo t court , th e challeng e o f legal memo-writing , an d th e excesse s o f th e fal l intervie w season . Goodrich , a professional writer , focuse s upo n th e personalit y an d cognitiv e change s tha t h e and hi s classmates underwen t thei r first year o f law school. Th e titl e of his book foreshadows th e book's central theme : the dichotomy create d throug h impositio n of an elegan t legal structure on an unrul y world . 5. A fe w la w school s offe r one-yea r degree s fo r journalists , socia l scientists , an d others who seek an overvie w of the American lega l system. 6. Fo r discussio n o f the republica n reviva l i n U.S . jurisprudence , see, e.g., Fran k I. Michelman , Foreword: Traces of Self-Government, 10 0 HARV . L . REV . 4 (1986); Frank Michelman , Laws Republic, 9 7 YALE L.J. 149 3 (1988); Suzanna Sherry, Civic Virtue and the Feminine Voice in Constitutional Adjudication, 7 2 VA. L . REV . 54 3 (1986); Cass R. Sunstein , Beyond the Republican Revival, 9 7 YALE L.J . 153 9 (1988) ; Cass R . Sunstein , Interest Groups in American Public Law, 3 8 STAN . L . REV . 2 9 (1985). Th e civi c reviva l movemen t i n la w i s no t unique; similar revival s are taking place in a number o f allied disciplines . 7. See, e.g., Derric k A . Bel l & Preeta Bansal , The Republican Revival and Racial Politics, 97 YALE L.J. 160 9 (1988); Richard Delgado , Zero-Based Racial Politics and an Infinity-Based Response: Will Endless Talking Cure Americas Racial Ills?, 8 0 GEO . L.J . 187 9 (1992) ; Richard Delgado , Zero-Based Racial Politics: An Evaluation of Three Best-Case Arguments on Behalf of the Nonwhite Underclass, 7 8 GEO. L.J . 192 9 (1990). Fo r other approaches to achieving toleranc e

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through communa l effort , see, for example, Richar d H . Fallon , Jr. , What Is Republicanism, and Is It Worth Reviving?, 10 2 HARV . L . REV . 169 5 (1989) ; Kenneth L . Karst , Citizenship, Race, and Marginality, 3 0 WM. & MARY L. REV. 1 (1988) . 8. Id. a t 18-19 , 35-41 , 62 , 284. 9. Dunca n Kennedy , Legal Education as Training for Hierarchy, in TH E POLI TICS O F LAW : A PROGRESSIV E CRITIQU E 40 , 51-5 3 (Davi d Kairy s ed., 1982) . 10. O n th e Socrati c method , se e LAW SCHOO L ADMISSIO N COUNCIL , TH E OFFICIAL GUID E T O U.S . LA W SCHOOL S 3 3 (1991) ; LA W SCHOO L ADMISSION COUNCIL , TH E RIGH T LA W SCHOO L FO R YO U 101-10 2 (1986); JOHN JA Y OSBORN, TH E PAPE R CHASE (1971). 11. Rodrig o loves books. Man y o f our conversations hav e begun wit h a discussion of recent work s h e an d I hav e bee n reading . Firs t Chronicle , supra thi s volum e (discussing DINES H D'SOUZA , ILLIBERA L EDUCATIO N (1991)) ; Secon d Chronicle, supra thi s volum e (discussin g RICHAR D A . EPSTEIN , FORBID DEN GROUNDS : TH E CAS E AGAINS T EMPLOYMEN T DISCRIMINA TION LAW S (1992)) ; Thir d Chronicle , supra thi s volum e (discussin g AN DREW HACKER , TW O NATIONS : BLAC K AN D WHITE , SEPARATE , HOSTILE, UNEQUA L (1992)) ; Fourt h Chronicle , supra thi s volum e (dis cussing DERRIC K A . BELL , FACE S A T TH E BOTTO M O F TH E WELL : THE PERMANENC E O F RACIS M (1992) ; GERAL D N . ROSENBERG , THE HOLLO W HOPE : CA N COURT S BRIN G ABOU T SOCIA L CHANGE? (1991) ; DAVID S . SAVAGE , TURNING RIGHT : THE MAKIN G OF TH E REHNQUIS T SUPREM E COUR T (1992) ; an d GIRARDEA U A . SPANN, RAC E AGAINS T TH E COURT : TH E SUPREM E COUR T AN D MINORITIES I N CONTEMPORARY AMERIC A (1993)). 12. T . M . Knox , Translator' s Foreword , in GEOR G WILHEL M FRIEDRIC H HEGEL, PHILOSOPH Y O F RIGHT 1 3 (T. M . Kno x ed. & trans., 1957) . 13. See Symposium, The Critique of Normativity, 13 9 U. PA . L . REV . 80 1 (1991). 14. O n th e ris e o f religio n an d othe r normativ e systems , see ROBERT BELLAH , HABITS O F TH E HEART : INDIVIDUALIS M AN D COMMITMEN T I N AMERICAN LIF E (1984) . O n th e critiqu e o f normativity , see Symposium, supra. On normativit y i n la w school and lega l pedagogy, see Thomas L . Shaffer , The Practice of Law as Moral Discourse, 5 5 NOTR E DAM E L . REV . 23 1 (1979); Michael I . Swygert , Striving to Make Great Lawyers—Citizenship and Moral Responsibility: A Jurisprudence for Law Teaching, 3 0 B.C . L . REV . 803 (1989). 15. See, e.g., PHILIPP A FOOT , VIRTUE S AN D VICES AN D OTHER ESSAY S IN MORA L PHILOSOPH Y (1978) ; ALASDAI R C . MACINTYRE , AFTE R VIRTUE: A STUD Y I N MORA L THEOR Y (1981) ; MARTH A CRAVE N NUSSBAUM, LOVE' S KNOWLEDGE : ESSAY S O N PHILOSOPH Y AN D LITERATURE (1990) ; BERNARD WILLIAMS, ETHIC S AND THE LIMIT S OF PHILOSOPH Y (1985) ; see also JOHN W . CHAPMA N & WILLIA M A . GALSTON, VIRTU E (1992 ) (collection o f essays on politics and civic virtue).

Notes to Chapter 5 23 7 16. See, e.g., BELLAH , supra; PHILIP SELZNICK , TH E MORA L COMMON WEALTH: SOCIA L THEOR Y AN D TH E PROMIS E O F COMMUNIT Y (1992).

17. See, e.g., Macintyre , supra; Bruc e A . Ackerman , Discovering the Constitution, 9 3 YAL E L.J . 101 3 (1984) ; J.G.A . Pocock , Civic Humanism and Its Role in Anglo-American Thought, in POLITICS , LANGUAG E AN D TIM E 80(1973). 18. See First Chronicle, supra this volume, wher e Rodrig o and the Professor explor e the declinin g market s o f the West , th e increasin g incidenc e o f crime an d socia l disorder, an d th e vacuu m o f politica l leadership. The y als o discus s th e recen t decline i n workers ' rea l income , increase d infan t mortalit y amon g blacks , an d high unemployment . 19. O n th e fragmentatio n o f U.S . society , see First Chronicle , supra this volume . On it s effec t o n communicatio n an d languag e paradigms , see Kathlee n M . Sullivan, Rainbow Republicanism, 9 7 YALE L.J . 1713 , 171 4 (1988); Steven L . Winter, Contingency and Community in Normative Practice, 13 9 U . PA . L . REV. 96 3 (1991). 20. See First Chronicle, supra this volume. 21. O n normativ e discours e a s deflectio n an d denial , see Richard Delgado , Norms and Normal Science: Toward a Critique of Normativity in Legal Thought, 13 9 U. PA . L . REV . 93 3 (1991). See generally Symposium, supra. 22. See, e.g., MARTH A MINOW , MAKIN G AL L THE DIFFERENCE : INCLU SION, EXCLUSIO N AN D AMERICA N LA W 60-7 0 (1990) ; Michelman , Law's Republic, supra, at 1494-95 , 1530 ; Michelman, Self-Government, supra, at 74-77; Sunstein, Republican Revival, supra, at 1549-55 , 1564-66 , 1588 . 23. See Richar d A . Epstein , Modern Republicanism —Or the Flight From Substance, 9 7 YALE L.J . 1633-3 5 (1988) ; Sunstein, Republican Revival, supra, a t 1564-66. Fo r discussio n o f th e concer n tha t civi c republicanis m wil l ushe r i n stifling conformity an d group-think, see Steven G. Gey , The Unfortunate Revival of Civic Republicanism, 14 1 U. PA . L . REV . 80 1 (1993). 24. See, e.g., Willia m A . Galston , Clinton and the Promise of Communitarianism, CHRON. HIGHE R E D U C , Dec . 2 , 1992 , a t A52 (discussing the influenc e o f communitarian idea s o n Presiden t Clinto n an d Vic e Presiden t Gore) ; Kari n J . Winkler, Finding the Moral Center: A Scholar Seeks the Multicultural Middle Ground, CHRON . HIGHE R EDUC. , Dec . 9 , 1992 , at A6 (same); see also First Chronicle, supra thi s volum e (discussin g patriotis m an d reviva l o f theme s o f early greatness) . But see Michael Aaro n Rockland , Rediscovering America, RE SPONSIVE COMMUNITY , Winte r 1991/1992 , a t 5 5 (decrying excesses of revivalism). 25. See The Responsive Communitarian Platform: Rights and Responsibilities, RESPONSIVE COMMUNITY , Winte r 1991/92 , a t 4, 5- 9 (emphasizin g nee d fo r moral voice and trainin g among communities). 26. See, e.g., GOODRICH , supra, a t 1 7 (citin g cutthroa t behavio r o f som e la w students); Mar k G . Sessions , Restore Balance to the Lives of Young Lawyers, BARRISTER, Fall , 1992 , at 2; Jenny Hontz, How the Recession is Affecting Law

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Firms, BARRISTER, Fall , 1992 , at 20; Steven Keeva, Unequal Partners, A.B.A. J., Feb . 1993 , a t 50 ; David Stevens , Are You Partnership Material?, BARRIS TER, Fall , 1992 , a t 14 ; Richard Delgad o & Jean Stefancic , Panthers and PinStripes: The Case of Ezra Pound and Archibald MacLeish, 63 S. CAL . L . REV . 907 (1990) ; Nanc y D . Holt , Are Longer Hours Here to Stay? A.B.A . J. , Feb . 1993, a t 62 ; Stone-Age Policies Harm Morale, YLD Concludes, BARRISTER , Fall, 1992 , a t 35 ; Dere k C . Bok , The Bok Report: A Flawed System of Law Practice and Training, 3 3 J. LEGA L EDUC. 570 , 58 3 (1983); Bates v. Stat e Bar of Arizona, 43 3 U.S . 35 0 (1977 ) (dismissin g challeng e t o stat e ba r rul e prohib iting advertisin g b y attorneys) ; Davi d A . Kaplan , What America Really Thinks About Lawyers and What Lawyers Can Do About It, NAT L L.J. , Aug . 18 , 1986, at S-2 . 27. See ROBERT V . STOVER , MAKIN G I T AN D BREAKIN G IT : THE FAT E OF PUBLI C INTERES T COMMITMENT DURIN G LA W SCHOOL (1989); Terry Carter, Why Students Lose Their Interest in Entering Public Interest Work, NATL L.J. , Jul y 31 , 1989 , at 4. 28. O n th e solidarity-buildin g functio n o f normativ e discourse , see Pierre Schlag , Normativity and the Politics of Form, 13 9 U . PA . L . REV . 801 , 825-4 6 (1991). 29. See, e.g., Richar d McKeon , General Introduction: (I) The Life and Times of Aristotle, in INTRODUCTION T O ARISTOTLE ix-xii (Richar d McKeo n ed. , 1947) ("Th e perio d o f Aristotle' s manhoo d coincide d wit h th e reductio n o f th e Greek city-state s to the hegemony o f Macedonia an d th e twelve or thirteen year s of his work in the Lyceum wit h the campaigns of Alexander the Great."). 30. See id. a t xi-xiii (chroniclin g th e los s o f Gree k libertie s an d declin e o f Gree k ideals). 31. Danie l A. Farbe r & Philip P. Frickey , Is Carotene Products Dead? Reflections on Affirmative Action and the Dynamics of Civil Rights Legislation, 7 9 CAL . L . REV. 685 , 726 (1991); Michelman, Laws Republic, supra, at 1494-95 . 32. Th e doctrin e hold s that for individuals , "right " action wil l consist of moderation; that is , o f avoidin g th e exces s tha t tend s t o li e a t eithe r extrem e o f a particula r type of behavior. Se e ARISTOTLE, supra, atbk. II , ch. ii . 33. See Michelman , Self-Government, supra, a t 33 ; Kathlee n M . Sullivan , Foreword: The Justices of Rules and Standards, 10 6 HARV. L . REV . 22 , 2 2 (1992); Sunstein, Republican Revival, supra, at 1548-50 . 34. See, e.g., Bel l & Bansal, supra, at 9; Delgado, Zero-Based II, supra. 35. See Pierr e Schlag , Normative and Nowhere to Go, 4 3 STAN . L . REV . 16 7 (1990); Schlag, Politics of Form, supra. 36. GOODRICH , supra, a t 4-5 , 11-13 , 17 , 38-39 , 61 , 156 , 204-206 , 26 7 (ar guing tha t th e lega l academ y mus t ceas e teachin g scoffing , "aggressiv e assur ance," emphasizin g competitio n fo r grades , manipulatio n o f facts , bullyin g rather than cooperation , deflection , denial , an d flight from th e anarchy o f life to simplistic rule s o f law , an d urgin g a n "amoral " neutrality , i n whic h a lawye r could equall y argue either side of a case).

Notes to Chapter 5 23 9 37. Fo r a discussion o f empirical studie s showin g n o correlation , o r even a negativ e one, betwee n religiosit y an d "helping " behavior, see Delgado, Norms, supra, a t 944-45, 954 . See generally Symposium, supra, fo r a discussio n o f th e rol e o f normativity i n social and lega l thought, includin g its legitimating functions . 38. See, e.g., Charle s L. Black , Jr. , Further Reflections on the Constitutional Justice of Livelihood, 86 COLUM. L . REV . 1103(1986) . Fo r Suprem e Court decision s rejecting claim s t o variou s kind s o f subsistenc e entitlements , see San Antoni o Indep. Sch . Dist . v . Rodriguez , 41 1 U.S . 1 (1973) (holding that school fundin g system tha t favor s school s i n affluen t district s does no t violate the Equa l Protec tion Clause) ; Lindsey v. Normet , 40 5 U.S . 5 6 (1972) (arguing that responsibilit y to addres s scarcit y o f affordabl e housin g rest s wit h legislatures) ; Dandridg e v . Williams, 39 7 U.S . 47 1 (1970 ) (upholdin g constitutionalit y o f state ceiling s o n AFDC grants). 39. See, e.g., Black , supra, a t 1106-1 1 (arguin g that constitutional right s are worthless without minimum subsistence) . 40. See, e.g., Schlag , Politics of Form, supra, at 804-806, 843-84 , 925-26 ; Schlag, Nowhere to Go, supra, at 183-91. 41. O n th e connectio n betwee n normativ e discours e an d socia l homeostasis , see Schlag, Nowhere to Go, supra; Th e ter m "norma l science " i s attribute d t o Thomas S . Kuhn , wh o use d i t to indicat e studie s carried ou t within th e prevailing paradig m o r tradition . See THOMAS S . KUHN , TH E STRUCTUR E O F SCIENTIFIC REVOLUTION S 7 (2d ed. 1970) . 42. See, e.g., Michelman , Self-Government, supra, a t 73-74 ; Sunstein , Interest Groups, supra, at 31. 43. See, e.g., Epstein , supra, at 1642 . 44. Sunstein , Interest Groups, supra, at 31. 45. See Richar d Delgado , Shadowboxing: An Essay on Power, 11 CORNEL L L . REV. 81 3 (1992); Richard Delgad o & Jean Stefancic , Images of the Outsider in American Law and Culture: Can Free Expression Remedy Systemic Social Ills?, 11 CORNELL L . REV . 125 8 (1992); Pierre Schlag , Pre-figuration and Evaluation, 8 0 CAL. L . REV . 96 5 (1992). 46. See, e.g., Bel l & Bansal, supra; Delgado, Zero-Based II, supra; Delgado, ZeroBased I, supra; Delgado & Stefancic, supra. 47. See Fourth Chronicle , supra this volume. 48. Images, supra; see also Richard Delgado , Campus Antiracism Rules: Constitutional Narratives in Collision, 8 5 Nw. U . L . REV . 343 , 384-8 6 (1991). 49. See JOANNA RUSS , HO W TO SUPPRES S WOMEN'S WRITIN G (1983) ; cf. Richard Delgado, The Imperial Scholar Revisited: How To Marginalize Outsider Writing, Ten Years Later, 14 0 U . PA . L . REV . 1349 , 1364-6 5 (1992 ) (simila r analysis of treatment accorded "outside r scholarship " in law). 50. See JAC K BASS , UNLIKEL Y HEROE S (1981) ; Mar i J . Matsuda , When the First Quail Calls: Multiple Consciousness as Jurisprudential Method, 1 1 WOMEN'S RTS . L . REP . 7 (1989); First Chronicle, supra this volume. 51. HARR Y KALVEN , JR. , TH E NEGR O AN D TH E FIRS T AMENDMEN T

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(1965) (describin g th e wa y abuse s stan d ou t i n th e glar e o f racia l injustice , enabling correction , ofte n t o th e bettermen t o f all, an d citin g Ne w Yor k Time s v. Sullivan , 37 6 U.S. 25 4 (1964), a s one example). 52. See, e.g., Gos s v . Lopez , 41 9 U.S . 56 5 (1975 ) (holdin g tha t th e Du e Proces s Clause require s tha t a student facin g disciplinar y actio n b e given ora l o r written notice o f the charge s an d a n explanatio n o f the evidenc e agains t hi m o r her , a s well as an opportunit y t o present his or her version o f the facts). 53. Fo r instance , th e affirmativ e actio n polic y requiremen t tha t jo b opening s b e posted an d advertised , rathe r tha n dispense d throug h "old-bo y networks, " makes the hiring market more accessible to all job seekers, no t just minorities. 54. See , e.g., BELL , NO T SAVED , supra, a t 239-5 8 (concludin g tha t n o singl e civil right s strategy will succee d i n bringin g justic e fo r blacks , an d urgin g broad based program s aime d a t remedyin g class-based , a s well a s racial , inequalities) ; see also ROY L . BROOKS , RETHINKIN G TH E AMERICA N RAC E PROB LEM (1990 ) (urging a similar course). 55. Fo r a critique of affirmative action , se e BELL, NO T SAVED , supra, at 140-61 ; Richard Delgado , Affirmative Action as a Majoritarian Device: Or, Do You Really Want to Be a Role Model?, 8 9 MICH. L . REV . 122 2 (1991). 56. See generally Delgado & Stefancic, supra. 57. ARISTOTLE , supra, a t bk . VIII , bk . I X (discussing dutie s t o one' s friend s an d what makes a person a good friend) .

Notes to Chapter 6 1. O n essentialism , see generally BELL HOOKS , AIN T I A WOMAN? BLAC K WOMEN AN D FEMINIS M (1981 ) (discussing inseparability o f race and sex for black women) ; BEL L HOOKS , YEARNING : RACE , GENDE R AN D CUL TURAL POLITIC S (1991) ; BELL HOOK S & CORNEL WEST , BREAKIN G BREAD: INSURGENT BLACK INTELLECTUAL LIF E (1991); ELIZABETH V. SPELMAN , INESSENTIA L WOMAN: PROBLEMS OF EXCLUSION I N FEMINIST THOUGH T (1988 ) (showin g ho w essentialis m denie s significanc e of heterogeneit y fo r feminis t theor y an d politica l activity) ; Trina Grill o & Ste phanie M . Wildman , Obscuring the Importance of Race: The Implications of Making Comparisons Between Racism and Sexism or Other -Isms, 199 1 DUK E L.J. 39 7 (discussing dangers o f analogizing othe r phenomen a t o racism) ; Angela P. Harris , Race and Essentialism in Feminist Legal Theory, 42 STA N L . REV . 581 (1990 ) (criticizin g gende r essentialis m fo r failin g t o tak e int o accoun t blac k women's experiences) . A s Rodrig o an d th e professo r us e th e term , essentialis m consists o f treating a s unitary a concept o r group that, t o some at least, contain s diversity. O n essentialis m a s the selective ignoring of difference, see text infra. 2. Se e Richar d Delgado , The Imperial Scholar: Reflections on a Review of Civil Rights Literature, 13 2 U . PA . L . REV . 56 1 (1984 ) (discussin g mechanism s b y which mainstrea m scholar s marginaliz e contributio n o f civi l right s scholar s o f color); Richar d Delgado , The Imperial Scholar Revisited: How to Marginalize Outsider Writing, Ten Years Later, 14 0 U. PA . L . REV . 134 9 (1992) (same).

Notes to Chapter 6 241 3. Se e LUDWI G WITTGENSTEIN , TRACTATUS LOGICO-PHILOSOPHICUS 9-2 5 (D . F . Pear s & B . F . McGuines s trans. , 2 d ed . 1974 ) (1921 ) (developing idea that meaning of term o r symbol lies in it s use). 4. Th e antinominalis t argumen t holds , i n short , tha t word s an d term s d o no t correspond t o permanent essences or things existing in a realm outsid e time. See, e.g., 3 ENCYCLOPEDI A O F PHILOSOPH Y 59-6 0 (P . Edward s ed. , 1967 ) (Essence an d Existence) ; 8 ENCYCLOPEDI A O F PHILOSOPHY , supra, a t 199-204 (on conceptualism, nominalism , an d resemblanc e theories). 5. See generally Kimberle Crenshaw , Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics, 1989 U. CHI . LEGA L F. 13 9 (examining how tendency to trea t rac e an d gende r a s mutuall y exclusiv e categorie s o f experienc e an d analysis is perpetuated by a single-axis framework tha t is dominant in antidiscrimination law , feminis t theory , an d antiracist politics); Harris, supra. 6. Se e Martha L . Fineman , Challenging Law, Establishing Differences: The Future of Feminist Legal Scholarship, 42 U . FLA . L . REV . 25 , 3 6 (1990) (advocatin g unified stan d by all women agains t patriarchy). 7. Se e Harris, supra. 8. Se e Harris, supra, at 585-604 . 9. Id. a t 585-90 , 595-605 , 612-13 . See also Crenshaw, supra, at 139-40 . 10. See , e.g., DINES H D'SOUZA , ILLIBERA L EDUCATION (1991) ; RICHARD RODRIGUEZ, HUNGE R O F MEMOR Y (1982) ; SHELB Y STEELE , TH E CONTENT O F OUR CHARACTE R (1990) ; see also STEPHEN L . CARTER , REFLECTIONS O F A N AFFIRMATIV E ACTIO N BAB Y (1991) . Se e also Randall L . Kennedy , Racial Critiques of Legal Academia, 10 2 HARV. L . REV . 1745 (1989) (analyzing writing s that examin e effec t o f racial difference o n distri bution o f prestige in lega l academia). 11. Se e Kennedy, supra (taking variou s member s o f Critical Rac e Theory schoo l t o task for various overstatements and omissions). 12. Colloquy, Responses to Randall Kennedys Racial Critiques of Legal Academia, 103 HARV. L . REV . 1844(1990) . 13. Fineman , supra, at 39-43 . 14. See , e.g., ALLA N BLOOM , TH E CLOSIN G O F TH E AMERICA N MIN D (1987) (arguing that great and esteeme d Wester n classic s must be preserved a t all costs); HENR Y LOUI S GATES , JR. , LOOS E CANONS : NOTE S O N TH E CULTURE WAR S (1992) (arguing that battles over canon ar e overblown). 15. See , e.g., Jac k Miles , Blacks v . Browns: The Struggle for the Bottom Rung, ATLANTIC MONTHLY , Oct . 1992 , a t 4 1 (discussin g economi c competitio n between Latino s an d African-Americans) . See Symposium, Los Angeles, April 29, 1992 and Beyond: The Law, Issues, and Perspectives, 6 6 S . CAL . L . REV . 133 (1993) (detailing role of interethnic rivalrie s in Los Angeles Uprising). 16. Se e First Chronicle, supra this volume. 17. O n th e rol e of stories and "counterstories " in confining o r broadening a culture's store of narratives, see Symposium, Legal Storytelling, 8 7 MICH. L . REV . 207 3 (1989) (containin g article s b y Milne r S . Ball , Mar i J . Matsuda , Steve n L .

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Winter, Patrici a Williams , an d Richar d Delgad o o n us e o f stories to enforc e o r challenge consensus , t o advanc e o r retar d progres s o f outside r groups , an d t o mediate betwee n lega l powe r (a s expresse d i n genera l rules ) an d individua l action). O n th e critiqu e o f lega l storytelling , see Daniel A . Farbe r & Suzann a Sherry, Telling Stories Out of School: An Essay on Legal Narratives, 45 STAN . L. REV . 807(1993) . 18. Viz., includ e th e meanin g o f words , th e theor y o f coalitions , an d th e debat e about the canon o f cultural knowledge, see text immediately supra this chapter . 19. See Crenshaw, supra , at 141-46 . 20. See id. at 139-52 . 21. Marchin g in the right direction, o f course, does not guarantee that one will arrive there. See, e.g., ALE X HALEY, THE AUTOBIOGRAPH Y O F MALCOLM X (1964). 22. Attribute d t o Antonio Gramsci, th e term refer s to the way some oppressed people come to identify wit h their oppressors, internaliz e their views, and thus appear to consent t o thei r ow n subordination . See ANTONI O GRAMSCI , LETTER S FROM PRISO N (Lynn e Lawner , ed . & trans. , 1973) ; SELECTIONS FRO M THE PRISO N NOTEBOOK S 416-1 8 (Quinti n Hoar e & Geoffre y N . Smit h eds. & trans., 1971) . 23. See, e.g., EMI L DURKHEIM , TH E DIVISIO N O F LABO R I N SOCIET Y (George Simpson trans., 1933) ; TALCOTT PARSONS, INTRODUCTIO N T O MAX WEBER, TH E SOCIOLOG Y O F RELIGIO N xxxviii-xxxix (1971) . 24. See, e.g., Derric k A . Bell , Jr. , Brown v. Board of Education and the InterestConvergence Dilemma, 9 3 HARV . L . REV . 51 8 (1980); see also Lani Guinier , The Triumph of Tokenism: The Voting Rights Act and the Theory of Black Electoral Success, 8 9 MICH . L . REV . 107 7 (1991 ) (criticizin g overrelianc e o n judicial remedie s a s unlikel y t o challeng e whit e interes t an d hegemony) ; Girar deau A . Spann , Pure Politics, 88 MICH. L . REV . 197 1 (1990) (same). 25. 34 7 U.S. 483(1954) . 26. See Bell, supra, a t 524-25 , 53 2 (whit e group s allo w civi l right s breakthroughs , such a s Brown v. Board of Education, no t ou t o f altruism , bu t sporadicall y t o promote thei r ow n self-interest) ; DERRIC K A . BELL , JR. , RACE , RACISM , AND AMERICAN LA W 1-7 0 (2 d ed. 1980) . 27. See ANDREW HACKER , TW O NATIONS : BLAC K AN D WHITE , SEPA RATE, HOSTILE , UNEQUA L 147-6 3 (1992) , discusse d i n Thir d Chronicle , supra this volume. 28. See, e.g., Webste r v . Reproductiv e Healt h Servs. , Inc. , 49 2 U.S . 49 0 (1989 ) (construing righ t t o abortio n narrowly , a s subjec t t o reasonabl e limitation s re sponsive to state interests) ; Maher v . Roe , 43 2 U.S . 46 4 (1977) (construing righ t to abortio n narrowly , an d statin g tha t righ t i s no t absolut e an d state s nee d no t fund abortion s eve n i f the y d o fun d natura l childbirth) . See also Sar a Rimer , Abortion Foes in Boot Camp Mull Doctors Killing, N.Y . TIMES , Mar . 19 , 1993, at A12; Larry Rohter, Doctor Is Slain During Protest Over Abortions, N.Y . TIMES, Mar . 11 , 1993, at Al, B10 .

Notes to Chapter 6 243 29. See Symposium, The Critique ofNormativity, 13 9 U . PA . L . REV . 80 1 (1991 ) (containing article s by Pierre Schlag , Steve n L . Winter , Frederic k Schauer , an d Richard Delgado) . "Normativity " refer s t o normativ e discourse—tha t i s to say , discourse concernin g values , abou t goo d an d evil , an d abou t ethics . "Prescrip tion" refers t o uttering prescripts, tha t is , mora l statement s abou t wha t should b e done. See also Fifth Chronicle , supra this volume. 30. Fo r a discussio n o f the wa y tha t th e cost s o f racia l refor m ar e alway s place d o n blacks o r lower-clas s whites , see DERRICK A . BELL , JR. , FACE S A T TH E BOTTOM O F TH E WELL : THE PERMANENC E O F RACIS M (1992 ) (putting forwar d a n economic-determinis t vie w o f America n lega l history) ; Derric k A. Bell , Jr. , Bakke, Minority Admissions, and the Usual Price of Racial Remedies, 67 CAL. L . REV . 3(1979) . 31. O n th e rol e of the "new communitarians" and thei r emphasis o n socia l responsi bilities a s correlative s o f rights , see Robi n West , Foreword: Taking Freedom Seriously, 10 4 HARV. L . REV . 4 3 (1990); William A . Galston, Clinton and the Promise of Communitarianism, CHRON . HIGHE R E D U C , Dec . 2 , 1992 , a t A52; Denis e K . Magner , Probing the Imbalance Betweeen Individual Rights, Community Needs, CHRON. HIGHE R E D U C , Feb . 13 , 1991, at A3; Michael A. Rockland , Rediscovering America, RESPONSIV E COMMUNITY , Winte r 1991/1992, a t 55 ; The Responsive Communitarian Platform: Rights and Responsibilities, RESPONSIVE COMMUNITY , Winte r 1991/1992 , at 4. 32. See, e.g., Robi n West , supra, a t 67-68 , 79-8 5 (derivin g ethi c o f responsibilit y from genera l feminis t principle s of caring for others). 33. See Bell, Bakke, supra, at 14-16 . 34. See West, supra, a t 81-82 ; Richar d Delgado , Pep Talks for the Poor: A Reply and Remonstrance on the Evils of Scapegoating, 70B.U . L . REV . 525 , 527-2 9 (1991) (commenting o n West's approach). 35. Tha t i s to say, th e fairnes s nor m i s understood t o mea n tha t white me n ge t jobs; normative terms like "merit" and "fair" derive their principal meanings in relation to empowere d actor s an d thei r viewpoints . See Fift h Chronicle , supra this vol ume; see also S. Steele , supra, at 120-21 . 36. Thi s i s especiall y tru e fo r women . O n th e socia l constructio n o f wome n an d women's roles , see generally CAROL GILLIGAN , I N A DIFFERENT VOIC E (1982); CATHARINE A . MACKINNON, FEMINIS M UNMODIFIE D (1987). 37. See Gar y Peller , Race Consciousness, 199 0 DUK E L.J . 758 ; Delgad o & Ste fancic, supra, at 463 (on cultural nationalism) . 38. O n doubl e consciousnes s generally , see W. E . BURGHARD T D U BOIS , TH E SOULS O F BLAC K FOL K 3-4 , 16-1 7 (1903) ; see also RALPH ELLISON , INVISIBLE MA N 7-1 7 (Signe t ed . 1952) ; BEL L HOOKS , AIN T I A WOMAN, supra; BELL HOOKS , FEMINIS T THEORY : FRO M MARGI N TO CENTER (1991) . 39. See generally Robin D . Barnes , Black Women Law Professors and Critical SelfConsciousness: A Tribute to Professor Denise S. Carty-Bennia, 6 BERKELE Y WOMEN'S L.J . 57 , 61-6 2 (1990-91) ; Mar i Matsuda , When the First Quail

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Calls: Multiple Consciousness as Jurisprudential Method, 1 1 WOMEN'S RTS . L. REP . 7 (1989) . Fo r a collectio n o f writing s o n th e distinc t experience s o f women of color vis-a-vis each other and men, see THIS BRIDGE CALLED MY BACK: WRITING S B Y RADICA L WOME N O F COLO R (2 d ed . 1983) ; of black women , see PAULA GIDDINGS , WHE N AN D WHER E I ENTER : THE IMPAC T O F BLAC K WOME N O N RAC E AN D SE X I N AMERICA (1984). 40. See G. W . F . HEGEL , TH E PHENOMENOLOG Y O F MIN D 229-4 0 (J . B. Baillie trans., 1967) . O n th e difference i n th e ways that slaves and master s knew one another , see JAMES BALDWIN , TH E PRIC E O F TH E TICKE T 55 4 (1985); STANLEY ROSEN , G . W . F . HEGE L 162-6 4 (1974). 41. See generally Delgado & Stefancic , Images, supra (drawing o n linguisti c theor y to explai n invisibilit y o f ethni c depiction , an d drawin g o n histor y t o sho w ho w harms of such ethnic depiction operat e effectively bu t below consciousness). 42. O n th e canon generally , see text supra this chapter; see also STANLEY FISH , I S THERE A TEX T I N THI S CLASS ? (1980 ) (discussin g rol e o f conventiona l meanings i n facilitatin g an d confinin g discourse) . O n th e rol e o f majoritaria n mindset i n controllin g th e cours e o f racia l reform , see DERRICK BELL , AN D WE AR E NO T SAVED : TH E ELUSIV E QUES T FO R RACIA L JUSTIC E 95-96, 140-6 1 (1987) ; BELL, FACES , supra, a t 2-9 , 109-26 , 158-94 ; Kim berle Crenshaw , Race, Reform, and Retrenchment: Transformation and Legitimation in Antidiscrimination Law, 10 1 HARV. L. REV. 1331 , 1350-52, 1370 76(1988). 43. O n th e rol e o f majoritaria n narrative s i n enablin g societ y t o exclud e outside r stories, see Jerome Culp , Firing Legal Canons and Shooting Blanks: Finding a Neutral Way in the Law, 1 0 ST. LOUI S U . PUB . L. REV . 185 , 191-9 5 (1991) Delgado & Stefancic, Images, supra, at 1284-88 . 44. See Second Chronicle , supra this volume. 45. See Delgado & Stefancic , Images, supra, a t 1261 , 1281-82 . "Empathi c fallacy " refers t o th e exaggerate d fait h t o achiev e ne w level s o f sensitivit y throug h fre e expression i n th e marketplac e o f ideas , an d subsequentl y t o dispe l broadscal e cultural evils, such as racism. 46. See id. a t 1259-61 , 1277-8 2 (examinin g histor y of ethnic depiction o f people of color an d it s purpos e fo r majorit y culture) ; see also Richar d Delgad o & Jea n Stefancic, Hateful Speech, Loving Communities: Why Our Notion of "A Just Balance' Changes So Slowly, 8 2 CALIF. L . REV . (1994) ; Milner S . Ball, Stories of Origin and Constitutional Possibilities, 8 7 MICH. L . REV . 2280 , 2296-230 0 (1989) (discussing difficulty o f re-adoptin g origina l storie s and nee d fo r multipl e voices t o b e realize d i n on e story) . See also Charle s Lawrence , The Id, The Ego, and Equal Protection: Reckoning with Unconscious Racism, 3 9 STAN. L . REV. 317 , 321-2 4 (1987 ) (perpetrator s o f racis m rarel y se e thei r behavio r a s racist). 47. Tha t is, white authors who have written work supportive of Critical Race scholarship. See generally Ala n D . Freeman , Legitimizing Racial Discrimination through Antidiscrimination Law: A Critical Review of Supreme Court Doctrine,

Notes to Chapter 6 245 62 MINN . L . REV . 104 9 (1978) ; Alan D . Freeman , Racism, Rights, and the Quest for Equality of Opportunity: A Critical Legal Essay, 2 3 HARV . C.R. C.L. L . REV . 295(1988) . 48. See, e.g., FEMINIS M AN D POLITICA L THEOR Y (Cas s R . Sunstei n ed. , 1990) (providin g a representative , wide-ranging , ye t unified , se t o f reading s on feminis t politica l thought) ; Cas s R . Sunstein , Pornography and the First Amendment, 198 6 DUK E L.J . 58 9 (arguin g tha t pornograph y i s low-valu e speech that can be regulated consistentl y with First Amendment). 49. See MICHEL FOUCAULT , POWER/KNOWLEDGE : SELECTE D INTER VIEWS AN D OTHE R WRITING S 1972-7 7 (Coli n Gordo n ed . & Coli n Gordon e t al . trans. , 1980) . Miche l Foucaul t wrot e abou t th e relatio n betwee n structures o f social control an d wha t i s regarded a s knowledge. H e believe d tha t knowledge i s ofte n sociall y constructed—tha t is , a matte r o f consensus—an d that wha t i s regarde d a s tru e i s a s muc h a functio n o f powe r an d influenc e a s objective truth . 50. "Interpretiv e community " refer s t o the manne r i n which text s and word s acquire meaning i n referenc e t o a communit y o f speaker s wh o agre e tacitl y t o emplo y them i n particula r ways . See FISH, supra, a t 8-17 . A s Rodrigo employ s it , h e means tha t larg e number s o f peopl e ca n sometime s chang e th e wa y w e se e things, deploy words, and ascribe meanings to concepts such a s woman. 51. See FOUCAULT, supra. 52. JOH N DEWEY , EXPERIENC E AN D EDUCATIO N (Firs t Collie r Book s ed. 1963) (classi c statemen t o f progressiv e education , whic h include s theor y o f in quiry learning , freedom , an d learnin g throug h experiences) ; see also JOH N DEWEY, HO W W E THIN K (1933 ) (articulatin g philosopher' s approac h t o thought and actio n i n relatio n t o his program o f American pragmatism) . 53. O n th e notio n tha t reform s bor n o f th e struggl e fo r racia l justic e ofte n en d u p benefiting all , no t jus t blacks , see generally HARRY KALVEN , TH E NEGR O AND TH E FIRS T AMENDMEN T (1965 ) (focusin g o n impac t o f th e civi l rights movemen t o n Firs t Amendment) ; see also Second Chronicle , supra thi s volume. 54. O n th e ide a tha t smal l i s bette r see, e.g., KENNET H E . BOULDIN G et al, ENVIRONMENTAL QUALIT Y I N A GROWING ECONOM Y 3-1 4 (Henr y Jarrett ed. , 1966 ) (criticizin g society' s obsessio n wit h productio n an d consump tion an d it s lac k o f concer n fo r futur e ramifications) ; ALD O LEOPOLD , A SAND COUNT Y ALMANA C AN D SKETCHE S HER E AN D THER E viii, ix, 199-22 6 (1949 ) (arguing fo r a land ethi c whic h examine s lan d us e question s in terms of ethics and esthetics , an d not jus t as economic problems). 55. O n th e ide a that government should b e as small and nonintrusiv e as possible, see generally RICHAR D A . EPSTEIN , FORBIDDE N GROUNDS : TH E CAS E AGAINST EMPLOYMEN T DISCRIMINATIO N LAW S (1992 ) (arguin g tha t economic an d socia l consequence s o f antidiscriminatio n law s i n employmen t should be focused o n mor e than historica l injustices) . 56. See Ralph Blumenthal , Trade Center Bombing Suspect Not a Patsy, Officials Conclude, N.Y . TIMES , Mar . 9 , 1993 , a t A l (describin g suspecte d terroris t

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group conspirator i n bombing of New York office building) ; Chris Hedges, Bomb Suspect's Path to Piety and Elusive Dreams, N.Y. TIMES , Mar . 8 , 1993 , at Al. 57. See generally BOULDING, supra (arguing fo r long-ter m visio n o f environmen t in dealing with present problems); REWEAVING THE WORLD: THE EMER GENCE O F ECOFEMINIS M (Iren e Diamon d & Glori a F . Orenstei n eds. , 1990) (presentin g multicultural , globa l visio n o f refor m i n respons e t o curren t environmental, political , an d social crises). Notes to Chapter 7 1. Fo r th e variet y foun d withi n jus t on e o f th e approache s Rodrig o mentions , see Richar d Delgad o & Jea n Stefancic , Critical Race Theory: An Annotated Bibliography, 79 VA. L . REV . 46 1 (1993). 2. Fo r example s o f wor k advocatin g a n expansiv e rol e fo r government , see, e.g., JOHN K . GALBRAITH , TH E AFFLUEN T SOCIET Y (3 d ed . 1976) ; MAR IAN WRIGH T EDELMAN , FAMILIE S I N PERIL : AN AGEND A FO R SO CIAL CHANG E (1987) ; JOE L F . HANDLE R & ELLE N J . HOLLINGS WORTH, TH E "DESERVIN G POOR" : A STUDY O F WELFAR E ADMIN ISTRATION (1971) . 3. Fo r works in this other vein, see, e.g., RICHAR D A. EPSTEIN , FORBIDDE N GROUNDS: TH E CAS E AGAINS T EMPLOYMEN T DISCRIMINATIO N LAWS (1992) ; THOMAS SOWELL , CIVI L RIGHTS : RHETORI C O R RE ALITY? (1984). 4. E.g., Fran k I . Michelman , Foreword: Traces of Self-Government, 100 HARV . L. REV . 4 (1986) ; Fran k I . Michelman , Laws Republic, 9 7 YAL E L.J . 149 3 (1988); Suzanna Sherry , Civic Virtue and the Feminine Voice in Constitutional Adjudication, 7 2 VA . L . REV . 54 3 (1986) ; Cas s R . Sunstein , Beyond the Republican Revival, 9 7 YAL E L.J . 153 9 (1988) ; Cas s R . Sunstein , Interest Groups in American Public Law, 3 8 STAN. L . REV . 2 9 (1985). 5. See Richard Delgado , Zero-Based Racial Politics: An Evaluation of Three BestCase Arguments on Behalf of the Nonwhite Underclass, 78 GEO . L.J . 192 9 (1990). 6. O n U.S . slaver y an d th e "separat e bu t equal " regime , see, e.g., DERRIC K A . BELL, JR. , RACE , RACIS M AN D AMERICA N LA W 15-4 6 (3 d ed . 1992) ; A. LEO N HIGGINBOTHAM , I N THE MATTE R O F COLOR : RAC E AN D THE AMERICA N LEGA L PROCESS (1978) ; LEON F . LITWACK , NORT H OF SLAVERY : TH E NEGR O I N TH E FRE E STATES , 1790-186 0 (1961) . On America' s comparativ e latenes s i n repudiatin g slavery , see JOHN HOP E FRANKLIN, FRO M SLAVER Y TO FREEDO M 344-4 5 (3 d ed. 1967) ; on ou r systematic mistreatmen t o f Nativ e Americans , see Robert A . Williams , Jr. , The Algebra of Federal Indian Law: The Hard Trail of Recolonizing and Americanizing the White Mans Indian Jurisprudence, 198 6 WIS. L . REV . 219 ; Robert A. Williams, Jr. , Documents of Barbarism: The Contemporary Legacy of European Racism and Colonialism in the Narrative Traditions of Federal Indian Law, 3 1 ARIZ. L . REV . 23 7 (1989).

Notes to Chapter 7 247 7. O n thi s proble m an d tha t o f judicia l revie w generally , see LAURENC E H . TRIBE, AMERICA N CONSTITUTIONA L LA W J 1 6 (2d ed . 1988 ) (Mode l VI_Model o f Equa l Protection) ; ALEXANDE R M . BICKEL , TH E LEAS T DANGEROUS BRANCH : TH E SUPREM E COUR T A T TH E BA R O F POLITICS (2 d ed . 1986) ; Joh n H . Ely , Toward a Representation-Reinforcing Mode of Judicial Review, 3 7 MD . L . REV . 45 1 (1978) ; JOH N H . ELY , DEMOCRACY AN D DISTRUST : A THEOR Y O F JUDICIA L REVIE W (1980). 8. O n som e o f thes e forma l values , see Richar d Delgado , e t al. , Fairness and Formality: Minimizing the Risk of Prejudice in Alternative Dispute Resolution, 1985 WIS . L . REV . 1359 , 1383-84 , 1400-1401 . O n th e ga p betwee n th e official value s an d th e informa l ones , see id. a t 1383-84 ; ALEXI S D E TOCQUEVILLE, DEMOCRAC Y I N AMERIC A (Henr y Reev e trans. , 1946 ) (1835); GUNNA R MYRDAL , A N AMERICA N DILEMMA : TH E NEGR O PROBLEM AN D MODER N DEMOCRAC Y 23-2 4 (20t h anniversar y ed . 1962) (dichotomy persist s 10 0 years later). 9. Fairness and Formality, supra, a t 1384-85 ; see Richard Delgado , Words That Wound: A Tort Action for Racial Insults, Epithets, and Name-Calling, 1 7 HARV. C.R.-C.L . L . REV . 13 3 (1982). 10. Fairness and Formality, supra, a t 1385-8 6 (o n situationa l dependenc y o f muc h race-based behavior) . Tha t formalit y i s a bette r guarante e o f fairnes s i s onl y contingently, no t necessarily , true . I n particular , see text immediatel y followin g (describing a different situatio n i n Sout h Africa) . 11. See Zero-Based, supra, at 1930 . 12. E.g., CATHARIN E A . MACKINNON , SEXUA L HARASSMEN T O F WORKING WOMEN : A CASE O F SE X DISCRIMINATION (1979) . 13. E.g., Catharin e A . MacKinnon , Pornography, Civil Rights, and Speech (Biddle Lecture), 2 0 HARV. C.R.-C.L . L . REV . 1 (1985) ; CATHARINE A. MACKIN NON & ANDREA DWORKIN , PORNOGRAPH Y AN D CIVI L RIGHTS : A NEW DA Y FOR WOMEN'S EQUALIT Y (1988). 14. CATHARIN E A . MACKINNON , FEMINIS M UNMODIFIED : DIS COURSES O N LIF E AND LAW (1987). 15. E.g., NE W DAY , supra, at 24; FEMINISM UNMODIFIED , supra. 16. MALCOL M X (Fort y Acre s an d a Mul e Productions , 1992) ; ALEX HALEY , THE AUTOBIOGRAPH Y O F MALCOL M X 175-8 6 (1965 ) (on th e "whiten ing" of history); see also Trina Grill o & Stephani e M . Wildman , Obscuring the Importance of Race: The Implication of Making Comparisons Between Racism and Sexism (Or Other -Isms), 199 1 DUK E L.J . 397 , 41 2 (descriptio n o f Jewish service i n whic h th e Rabb i explaine d tha t th e coverin g o f the dai s was white "t o symbolize atonement an d cleanliness") . 17. JOH N LOCKE , TW O TREATISE S O F GOVERNMENT , Ch . 4 , J J 23-2 4 (Peter Laslet t ed. , 2 d ed . 1970) . See SEYMOUR DRESCHER , CAPITALIS M AND ANTISLAVERY 23-2 4 and nn.69-7 0 (1986 ) (Locke ambivalent, a t times supported slavery , othe r time s declare d i t fou l an d evil) ; RUT H W . GRANT , JOHN LOCKE' S LIBERALIS M 6 7 (1987) ; see also FRANKLIN, supra, a t 7 8

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(Locke wrot e tha t fre e me n o f Carolin a wer e entitle d t o absolut e powe r an d authority ove r Negro slaves, "of what opinion o r religion soever"). 18. E.g., THOMA S HOBBES , LEVIATHAN , pt . II , ch . 2 1 (Richar d Tuc k ed. , 1991) ("O f th e Libert y o f Subjects") ; DEBORA H BAUMGOLD , HOBBES ' POLITICAL THEORY 93-9 7 (1988) . On the complex relationship of these and other Enlightenmen t figures t o th e institutio n o f slavery , see ALAN RYAN , PROPERTY 58 , 85, 94-100 (1987) . See also DRESCHER, supra. 19. Th e Framers , lik e other s o f this period , ofte n equate d ligh t (bot h th e ski n colo r and energy source) with civilization, an d darkness with savagery and superstition , see, e.g., Thoma s Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia in 2 WRITINGS O F THOMAS JEFFERSO N 192-98 , 20 1 (Definitive Ed. , Thoma s Jefferson Mem . Assoc. 1905) ; RACE , RACISM , supra, J 1.9 , a t 29 ; see also J. H . PARRY , THE AG E OF RECONNAISSANC E 281-8 2 (1963) (Native Americans seen as primitive, savage , endearing, an d repulsive , al l at same time); HENRY F . MAY , THE ENLIGHTENMEN T I N AMERICA 215-1 7 (1976 ) (equatio n o f ligh t with knowledge , science , reason , an d order) . Thes e view s were no t universa l o r characteristic o f ever y period—a t earlie r times , African s wer e looke d o n wit h curiosity an d interest , no t repulsion . See FRAN K M . SNOWDEN , JR. , BE FORE COLO R PREJUDICE : TH E ANCIEN T VIE W O F BLACK S (1983) . On th e earl y Elizabetha n reception , see JAME S WALVIN , BLAC K AN D WHITE: THE NEGR O I N ENGLIS H SOCIETY , 1555-1945 , at 1 9 (1973). 20. E.g., EDMON D S . MORGAN , AMERICA N SLAVERY , AMERICA N FREEDOM: TH E ORDEA L O F COLONIA L VIRGINI A (1975 ) (U.S . presi dents wer e slaveholder s durin g 3 2 o f first 36 years o f ne w republic ) (summary , back cover) ; accord, MAY, TH E ENLIGHTENMENT , supra, a t 300-301 ; RUSSEL B . NY E & J . E . MORPURGO , I HISTOR Y O F TH E UNITE D STATES 20 0 (2d ed. 1964) . 21. RACE , RACISM , supra, J 1.9 , a t 26 , J 1.16 , a t 56 . Jefferso n an d eve n Abraham Lincol n share d thes e sentiments . See THOMA S JEFFERSON , NOTES O N TH E STAT E O F VIRGINI A 20 1 (Willia m Pede n ed . 1955 ) (Jefferson advance d "a s a suspicio n only , tha t th e blacks , whethe r originall y a distinct race , o r mad e distinc t b y tim e an d circumstances , ar e inferio r t o th e whites i n th e endowment s bot h o f mind an d body . . . . This unfortunat e differ ence of colour, an d perhaps of faculty, i s a powerful obstacl e to the emancipatio n of thes e people . . . . Whe n free d h e i s t o b e remove d beyon d th e reac h o f mixture"). See also MAY , TH E ENLIGHTENMENT , supra, a t 10 0 (o n Madison); PETE R N . CAROL L & DAVI D W . NOBLE , TH E FRE E AN D THE UNFREE : A NE W HISTOR Y O F TH E UNITE D STATE S 138-3 9 2d ed . 1988) ; JOHN C . MILLER , TH E WOL F B Y THE EARS : THOMA S JEFFERSON AN D SLAVERY (1977). On Lincoln' s view that freeing th e slaves was less important tha n savin g the Republic , see RACE, RACISM , supra, at 9 10, 36 . 22. E.g., JAME S G. CROWTHER , FAMOU S AMERICAN ME N O F SCIENC E 138, 141 , 148-4 9 (1937 ) (Madiso n though t o f Constitution i n rationalisti c an d

Notes to Chapter 7 24 9 Newtonian terms , a s a system o f devices and balance s t o maintain equilibrium) ; id. a t 135-3 7 (same : Adams an d Taylor) ; A. KOCH , MADISON' S "ADVIC E TO M Y COUNTRY " 3 5 (1966 ) (Madiso n an d Jefferso n collaborate d i n estab lishing Universit y o f Virgini a ou t o f belie f tha t scienc e an d libert y woul d rein force each other); CALEB P. PATTERSON, TH E CONSTITUTIONAL PRIN CIPLES OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 188-8 9 (1953); MARK H. WADDICOR , MONTESQUIEU AN D TH E PHILOSOPH Y O F NATURA L LA W 46-65 , 182-92 (1970) ; THOMAS L . PANGLE , MONTESQUIEU' S PHILOSOPH Y OF LIBERALIS M (1973) ; EDWARD M . BURNS , JAME S MADISON : PHI LOSOPHER O F THE CONSTITUTIO N 24-25 , 63 , 125 , 175-8 4 (1938) . O n the scientific spiri t of early colonial leader s and their enthusiasm fo r the way that education an d scienc e coul d serv e a s a n antidot e fo r superstition , religiou s tyranny, an d othe r form s o f authoritarianism , see BROOKE HINDLE , TH E PURSUIT O F SCIENC E I N REVOLUTIONAR Y AMERICA , 1735-178 9 (1956); DON K . PRICE , TH E SCIENTIFI C ESTAT E 86-8 8 (1965) . O n th e view tha t th e Constitutio n wa s als o designe d t o serv e a s a perfec t counter majoritarian machine—viz. , protectin g th e interest s o f the whit e male , proper tied class , see, e.g., DERRIC K BELL , AN D W E AR E NO T SAVED : TH E ELUSIVE QUES T FO R RACIA L JUSTIC E 26-5 0 (1987) ; CHARLE S A . BEARD, A N ECONOMI C INTERPRETATIO N O F THE CONSTITUTIO N OF THE UNITE D STATE S (1941). 23. CROWTHER , supra, a t 141 ; BURNS, supra, a t 24-25 ; WADDICOR, supra, at 46-65, 192 . 24. O n thi s common insistenc e that "things are getting better/' see Richard Delgado , Derrick A. Bell and the Ideology of Racial Reform: Will We Ever Be Saved?, 9 7 YALE L.J . 923 , 931-3 2 (1988) ; Derric k A . Bell , Racial Realism, 2 4 CONN . L. REV . 36 3 (1992) ; DERRIC K A . BELL , FACE S A T TH E BOTTO M O F THE WELL : TH E PERMANENC E O F RACIS M (1992 ) (essay s showin g in eradicability o f U.S . racism , bu t arguin g tha t reformer s shoul d nevertheles s persist). 25. See, e.g., LEWI S HANKE , BARTOLOM E D E LA S CASAS HISTORIADO R (1951) (o n th e missionary' s lif e an d works) ; AG E O F RECONNAISSANCE , supra, at 307-1 9 (on rol e of de las Casas in defending th e Native American). 26. See BELL, FACES , supra; MATTER O F COLOR , supra; Algebra, supra. See also Firs t Chronicle , supra thi s volume , o n th e West' s histor y o f colonialis m and empire . 27. See LITWACK, NORTH , supra. 28. O n th e Europea n Community' s relaxatio n o f restriction s o n workers ' move ments, see BASIC COMMUNIT Y LAW S 39-4 4 (Titl e III . Fre e Movemen t o f Persons, Servic e an d Capital) , 228-4 5 (Freedo m o f Movemen t fo r Workers ) (Bernard Rudde n & Derrick Wyatt eds., 2 d ed. 1986) . 29. See Robert A. Williams, Jr. , The Medieval and Renaissance Origins of the Status of the American Indian in Western Legal Thought, 5 7 S . CAL . L . REV . 1 (1983); Algebra, supra; Documents of Barbarism, supra. See also ROBER T

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A. WILLIAMS , JR. , TH E AMERICA N INDIA N I N WESTER N LEGA L THOUGHT: THE DISCOURSE S O F CONQUES T (1990 ) (tracing notions of European superiorit y i n self-justificator y myth s use d to permit plunder o f Native American lands) . 30. O n thi s system o f imagery an d it s relation t o the Firs t Amendment "marketplac e of ideas, " see Richar d Delgad o & Jea n Stefancic , Images of the Outsider in American Law and Culture: Can Free Expression Remedy Systemic Social Ills?, 77 CORNELL L . REV . 1258(1992) . 31. E.g., RICHAR D POSNER , ECONOMI C ANALYSI S O F LA W (4t h ed . 1992); see Second Chronicle , supra this volume. 32. See STEPHEN JA Y GOULD, TH E MISMEASUR E O F MA N 30-7 2 (1981) ; STEPHEN JA Y GOULD , TH E FLAMINGO' S SMILE : REFLECTION S I N NATURAL HISTOR Y 290-31 8 (1985 ) (detailin g exaggeration s an d misstate ments o f earl y eugenicist s an d race-I.Q . theorist s ben t o n provin g theorie s o f innate superiority an d inferiority) ; Annette B. Weiner, Anthropology's Lessons for Cultural Diversity, CHRON . HIGHE R EDUC. , Jul y 22 , 1992 , a t Bl (o n th e way early anthropology playe d int o the hands of racism). 33. Garre t Hardin, Carrying Capacity as an Ethical Concept, in LIFEBOAT ETHICS: TH E MORA L DILEMM A O F WORL D HUNGE R 12 0 (Georg e R . Lucas, Jr . & Thomas W . Ogletre e eds. , 1976) ; Garret Hardin , The Tragedy of the Commons, 16 2 SCIENCE 124 3 (1968). 34. Id. a t 1244 . 35. Rodrig o and I had discussed this weakness of the law-and-economics approac h i n Second Chronicle , supra thi s volume . See also FORBIDDE N GROUNDS , supra, a t 26-2 7 (racia l "tastes " or preference s ar e natural , sometime s rational , and not to be deplored o r criminalized). 36. See, e.g., FORBIDDE N GROUNDS , supra, at 130-4 3 (urgin g that proper rol e of governmen t i s limite d t o providin g fo r safet y agains t crime , policin g agains t flagrant misrepresentation, an d a few other functions) . 37. Id. See also POSNER, supra, § 13. 4 ("ther e i s a respectabl e cas e fo r regulatio n of activitie s tha t ca n caus e death") ; id. § 17. 2 (discussin g conscriptio n int o th e military); id. $13.1 , a t 36 9 (discussin g government' s rol e i n punishin g drun k drivers). 38. I recalled certai n hair-raisin g moment s I recently ha d drivin g the autostradas of Rodrigo's old country, bu t resolved to hold m y tongue. 39. See ROBERT V . STOVER , MAKIN G I T AN D BREAKIN G IT : THE FAT E OF PUBLI C INTERES T COMMITMEN T DURIN G LA W SCHOO L (How ard S . Erlange r ed. , 1989) ; Terry Carter , Why Students Lose Their Interest in Entering Public Interest Work, NATL L.J., Jul y 31, 1989 , at 4. 40. O n thi s theor y o f judicia l revie w (namel y tha t judge s shoul d intervene , whe n necessary, t o protec t th e minorit y fro m dominatio n b y th e majority) , see THE LEAST DANGEROU S BRANCH , supra; DEMOCRACY AN D DISTRUST , supra; TRIBE, supra, a t 61-66 . Rodrig o seeme d t o be implyin g tha t tyrann y o f the minorit y b y th e majorit y i s virtuall y a norma l state , no t a rar e miscarriag e which alert judges might correct .

Notes to Chapter 7 2S1

. 7 41. I ha d i n mind , o f course , th e perio d jus t afte r Brown v . Board ofEduc, 34 U.S. 48 3 (1954), and late r the heady 1960s . 42. O n th e cyclica l natur e o f racia l reform , see Racial Realism, supra; InterestConvergence Dilemma, supra; Renaissance Origins, supra; PATRICIA J . WIL LIAMS, TH E ALCHEM Y O F RAC E AN D RIGHT S (1991 ) (showin g race' s imprint i n our history and very thoughts). 43. See, e.g., Interest-Convergence Dilemma, supra; Ever Saved?, supra; Gar y Peller, Race Consciousness, 1990 DUKE L.J . 758 . 44. GIRARDEA U A . SPANN , RAC E AGAINST THE COURT : THE SUPREM E COURT AN D MINORITIE S I N CONTEMPORARY AMERIC A (1993 ) (putting forward th e vie w that th e Suprem e Cour t i s unlikely t o advance minorities ' interests, an d tha t fait h i n th e Cour t a s a n instrumen t o f socia l refor m i s seriously misplaced). 45. O n thes e constitutiona l an d prudentia l doctrine s tha t confin e th e judiciary' s reach, se e TRIBE, supra, at 77-82, 82-93 , 107-11 . 46. Se e Images of the Outsider, supra; Richar d Delgado , Recasting the American Race Problem, 7 9 CAL . L . REV . 138 9 (1991) ; Charles Lawrence , The Id, the Ego, and Equal Protection: Reckoning with Unconscious Racism, 3 9 STAN . L . REV. 317(1987) . 47. Recasting, supra. 48. Lan i Guinier , No Two Seats: The Elusive Quest for Political Equality, 11 VA. L. REV . 141 3 (1991) ; Lan i Guinier , The Triumph of Tokenism: The Voting Rights Act and the Theory of Black Electoral Success, 8 9 MICH . L . REV . 1077(1991). 49. E.g., HOLLO W HOPE , supra; Duncan Kennedy , A Cultural Pluralist Case for Affirmative Action in Legal Academia, 199 0 DUKE L.J . 705 . 50. O n th e rol e o f liberatio n theolog y o n behal f o f th e poo r i n Lati n Americ a an d elsewhere, see Claude Pomerleau , The Christian Left in Latin America, in II I LATIN AMERIC A AN D CARIBBEA N CONTEMPORAR Y RECOR D 24 6 (Jack W . Hopkin s ed. , 1985) ; Claud e Pomerleau , Changing Roles in Latin American Catholicism, in id. vol. IV , a t 95. 51. See , e.g., Colo . Const , art . II , J 30(b ) ("Amendmen t 2, " enacte d i n 199 2 b y initiative an d providin g tha t n o subdivisio n o f th e stat e ma y enac t a gay-right s law o r ordinance ; enforcemen t currentl y prohibite d b y judicia l injunction) ; see Evans v . Romer , 85 4 P . 2d 1270 , petitio n fo r cert , filed (Sept . 21 , 1993) ; see Reitman v . Mulkey , 38 7 U.S . 36 9 (1967 ) (invalidatin g Californi a propositio n that prohibited loca l measures to integrate housing). 52. See not e immediatel y supra; see also Derric k A . Bell , Jr. , The Referendum: Democracy's Barrier to Racial Equality, 5 4 WASH. L . REV . 1 (1978) (callin g attention t o way that the referendum proces s can give effect t o racist sentiments). 53. Unite d State s v. Carolen e Prod . Co. , 30 4 U.S. 144 , 15 2 nA (1938) ; see Toward Representation, supra; DEMOCRAC Y AN D DISTRUST, supra. 54. O n th e wa y tha t th e career s o f eve n eminen t justice s ar e sometime s marre d b y anomalous opinions , se e Richard Delgad o & Jean Stefancic , Norms and Narratives: Can Judges Avoid Serious Moral Error?, 69 TEX. L . REV . 192 9 (1991).

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55. Muc h earlie r Rodrig o had alerte d m e to the possibility that this might be so. See First Chronicle, Thir d Chronicle , bot h supra this volume. 56. O n th e way that perspectivism , semantics , narrativ e theory, an d othe r aspect s of poststructuralist though t cam e lat e t o lega l academia—an d ar e stil l resiste d b y many judges— see Pierr e Schlag , Normative and Nowhere to Go, 4 3 STAN . L . REV. 16 7 (1990). O n th e critiqu e o f legal formalism, see generally THE POLI TICS O F LAW : A PROGRESSIV E CRITIQU E (Davi d Kairy s ed. , rev . ed . 1992); on tha t o f the curren t schoo l o f normative analysi s as empty, self-referen tial, an d inscribed , see Symposium: The Critique ofNormativity, 13 9 U. PA . L . REV. 80 1 (1991). 57. RHETORI C O R REALITY? , supra, at 77-79. 58. O n th e relaxed , reassurin g cardigan-wearin g T V black , see Shelby Steele , Ym Black, You re White—Who s Innocent?, HARPERS ' MAGAZINE , Jun e 1988 , at 45. 59. I coul d no t hel p contrastin g ou r receptio n her e wit h tha t whic h w e receive d a t the hand s o f fello w diner s i n anothe r restaurant , see Second Chronicle , supra this volume. 60. E.g., Ever Saved?, supra. 61. Firs t Chronicle, supra this volume. 62. E.g., AMERICA N INDIA N ENVIRONMENTS : ECOLOGICA L ISSUE S I N NATIVE AMERICA N HISTOR Y (Christophe r Vecse y & Robert W. Venable s eds., 1980) ; Rennard Strickland , The Idea of Environment and the Ideal of the Indian, 1 0 J. AM. INDIA N EDUC . 8 (1970); N. Scot t Momaday, An American Land Ethic, in ECOTACTICS : TH E SIERR A CLU B HANDBOO K FO R ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVIST S 97 (John G . Mitchel l & Constance L. Steal ings eds. , 1970) ; David H . Getches , A Philosophy of Permanence: The Indians Legacy for the West, J . O F THE WEST , Jul y 1990 , at 54-55 , 64 , 67. 63. I was reminded-o f th e vitalit y I ha d observe d i n th e America n Southwes t o n a recent trip . Man y well-know n painter s an d writer s hav e sough t refug e an d re freshment ther e ove r th e years , includin g D . H . Lawrence , Georgi a O'Keefe , Carol Griggs , and Natali e Goldberg . 64. O n th e Harlem Renaissance , see CATHERINE SIL K & JOHN SILK , RACIS M AND ANTI-RACIS M I N AMERICA N POPULA R CULTUR E 6 3 (1990) ; WILLIAM L . VAN DEBURG, SLAVER Y AND RACE IN AMERICAN POP ULAR CULTURE 120-21 , 202-203 , 21 1 (1984). 65. See, e.g., Stanle y Fish , Theres No Such Thing as Free Speech, BOSTON REV. , Feb. 1992 , at 3; Schlag, supra; Winter, Cognitive Stakes, supra. 66. O n Critica l Rac e Theory , see Alan D . Freeman , Legitimizing Racial Discrimination Through Antidiscrimination Law: A Critical Review of Supreme Court Doctrine, 6 2 MINN . L . REV . 104 9 (1978) ; Kimberl e W . Crenshaw , Race, Reform, and Retrenchment: Transformation and Legitimation in Antidiscrimination Law, 10 1 HARV. L . REV . 133 1 (1988); Annotated Bibliography, supra. 67. E.g., FEMINIS M UNMODIFIED , supra (employin g perspectivism , textua l analysis, and othe r techniques associated with postmodern though t i n developin g a critique of law centered o n women an d women's role).

Notes to Chapter 8 25 3 68. I winced, onc e again , a t Rodrigo' s casua l mentio n o f the possibilit y o f violence. See First Chronicle, Thir d Chronicle , supra this volume. 69. See RACE , RACISM , supra, § 1. 9 a t 27-3 0 (identifyin g clause s i n orig inal documen t tha t implicitl y o r explicitl y provide d fo r th e continuatio n o f slavery). 70. Id. a t 27-29; see also BEARD, supra. 71. RACE , RACISM , supra, at 26. 72. See Jack Kisling , No . . . Uh . . . Men Need Apply, DENVE R POST , Ma y 4 , 1993, a t 7 B (lamentin g tha t mos t advic e columnist s ar e women , writin g fo r women); see also Michael Levin , Book Review, 5 CONST. COMMENTAR Y 201 (1988) (attributing women authors ' success to a kind o f "intellectual affirma tive action," i n whic h thei r wor k i s published an d reviewe d unde r mor e relaxe d standards than thos e applied t o men). Notes to Chapter 8 1. Regin a Austin , "The Black Community," Its Lawbreakers, and a Politics of Identification, 6 5 S . CAL . L . REV . 176 9 (1992 ) (discussin g relatio n o f blac k community t o its offenders) . 2. DERRIC K BELL , AN D W E AR E NO T SAVED : TH E ELUSIV E QUES T FOR RACIA L JUSTICE 162-7 7 (th e Chronicle o f the Ambe r Cloud) , 215-3 5 (Chronicle o f th e Slav e Scrolls) , 245-5 8 (th e Chronicl e o f th e Blac k Crim e Cure) (1987). 3. See Memphi s v . Greene , 45 1 U.S . 10 0 (1981 ) (concernin g litigatio n ove r a n affluent whit e community tha t built a wall to discourage the entr y o f cars from a nearby lower-class black area). 4. E.g., CRIMINA L CAREER S AN D "CAREE R CRIMINALS " (Alfre d Blumstein, Jacquelin e Cohen, Jeffre y A . Roth , & Christy A. Visher eds. , 1986) ; MARVIN WOLFGANG, DELINQUENC Y CAREER S I N TWO BIRTH COHORTS 99-174 , 271-7 2 (1992) ; MARVIN WOLFGANG , DELINQUENC Y IN A BIRTH COHOR T 65-74 , 89-99 , 269-7 1 (1972). 5. See e.g., MAR C MAUER , YOUN G BLAC K ME N AN D TH E CRIMINA L JUSTICE SYSTE M (1992). 6. ANDRE W HACKER , TW O NATIONS: BLACK AND WHITE, SEPARATE , HOSTILE, UNEQUA L 180 , 18 8 (1992) ; U.S . DEF T O F COMMERCE , BUREAU O F TH E CENSUS , STATISTICA L ABSTRAC T O F TH E UNITED STATE S 199 2 83, 197 ; see also SOCIETY, Jan./Feb . 1992 , at 3. 7. REPOR T O F TH E NATIONA L ADVISOR Y COMMISSIO N O N CIVI L DISORDERS (1968 ) ("Kerne r Commissio n Report") ; NATIONA L COMMIS SION O N TH E CAUSE S AN D PREVENTIO N O F VIOLENCE , T O ES TABLISH JUSTICE , T O INSUR E DOMESTI C TRANQUILLIT Y (1969) ; PRESIDENT'S COMMISSIO N O N LA W ENFORCEMENT AN D THE ADMINISTRATION O F JUSTICE , TH E CHALLENG E O F CRIM E I N A FREE SOCIET Y (1967). 8. U.S . DEP' T O F LABOR , OFFIC E O F POLIC Y PLANNIN G AN D RE -

254 Notes

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SEARCH, TH E NEGR O FAMILY : THE CAS E FO R NATIONA L ACTIO N (1965). 9. Alfre d Blumstein , On the Racial Disproportionality of United States' Prison Populations, 7 3 J. CRIM . L . AN D CRIMINOLOGY 125 9 (1982) (arguing that high black crime rate is real and no t the product of discriminatory enforcement) . 10. E.g., MICKE Y KAUS , TH E EN D O F EQUALIT Y (1992) ; DANIE L PAT RICK MOYNIHAN , FAMIL Y AND NATIO N (1986) ; CHARLES MURRAY , LOSING GROUND : AMERICA N SOCIA L POLICY , 1950-198 0 (1984) ; WILLIAM JULIU S WILSON , TH E TRUL Y DISADVANTAGED : TH E IN NER CITY , TH E UNDERCLASS , AN D PUBLIC POLIC Y (1987). 11. Richar d Delgad o & Jean Stefancic , Images of the Outsider in American Law and Culture: Can Free Expression Remedy Systemic Social Ills?, 7 7 CORNEL L L . REV. 1258 , 1261-7 5 (1992) ; Adeno Addis , "Hell, Man, They Did Invent Us": The Mass Media, Law, and African Americans, 4 1 BUFF. L . REV . 523 , 553 58 (1993). 12. Images, supra, at 1275-77 . 13. Images, supra, at 1262-6 7 (describin g the Tom, th e Coon, th e Jemima, an d th e superstud image s that proliferated a t various periods). 14. Fo r a n accoun t o f thi s period , see, e.g., RICHAR D KLUGER , SIMPL E JUS TICE: TH E HISTOR Y O F BROW N V . BOAR D O F EDUCATIO N AN D BLACK AMERICA' S STRUGGL E FO R EQUALIT Y (1976) ; JUA N WIL LIAMS, EYE S O N TH E PRIZE : AMERICA' S CIVI L RIGHT S YEARS , 1954-1965 (1987). 15. Fo r a description o f the ebb and flow of America's racis t depictions of blacks, see Images, supra, at 1266-67 . 16. Images, supra, at 1264-65 , 1267 . 17. Th e autho r collect s racia l grotesquerie . Rodrig o i s referring t o a state fair poste r with a grinning stereotype of an Asian. Th e poster was withdrawn becaus e of the activism o f a group of law students and faculty i n the region . 18. U.S . DEPARTMEN T O F JUSTICE , UNIFOR M CRIM E REPORT S FO R THE UNITE D STATE S 1991 , at 27, 39 , 44 (1992) (listing disaggregated statis tics for robbery, burglary , an d larceny-theft); Russel l Mokhiber, Invisible, Expensive Crime, WASH . POST , Nov . 18 , 1991 , at A-20; see also RUSSELL MOK HIBER, CORPORAT E CRIM E AN D VIOLENC E 3 (1988) (comparing losse s due t o burglary , stree t murder , an d manslaughte r wit h thos e du e t o corporat e crime and violence). 19. See The Bill for Graffiti Is Past Due, L.A . TIMES , Aug . 8 , 1993 , a t B1 2 (California Dep' t o f Transportatio n estimate s overal l privat e an d publi c cos t of removin g graffit i i s $6 6 millio n fo r California) . Californi a ha s approxi mately one-nint h o f th e Unite d State s tota l population . Extrapolatio n fro m these tw o figures gives a n estimate d nationa l bil l o f $60 0 millio n fo r removin g graffiti. 20. See infra, Appendix 8A (setting out Rodrigo's calculation). O n white-collar crim e in general, see Robert S . Bennett , Eighth Survey of White Collar Crime, 3 0 AM. CRIM. L . REV . 44 1 (1993).

Notes to Chapter 8 2S5 21. Ther e i s n o commonl y accepte d definitio n o f white-colla r crime , bu t mos t writers consider that it includes bribery, embezzlement , frau d (othe r than welfar e fraud), price-fixing , an d inside r trading—i n general , nonviolen t economi c crimes tha t includ e som e degre e o f fraud, collusion , o r deception an d tha t lac k an elemen t o f face-to-fac e interpersona l force . See STANTO N WHEELER , KENNETH MANN , & AUSTIN SARAT , SITTIN G I N JUDGMENT : TH E SENTENCING O F WHITE-COLLA R CRIMINAL S 5 (1988) ; DAVI D WEISBURD, STANTO N WHEELER , ELI N WARING , & NANCY BODE , CRIMES O F TH E MIDDL E CLASS : WHITE-COLLA R OFFENDER S I N THE FEDERA L COURT S 9-1 1 (1991) . A fe w authorities , suc h a s Russel l Mokhiber, supra, an d Ralp h Nade r includ e th e marketin g o f known dangerou s products, toxi c dumping , an d othe r act s o f corporat e irresponsibilit y a s white collar crimes. O n annua l losse s from white-colla r crime , se e Appendix 8A. 22. UNIFORM , supra, a t 231 ; MIDDLE CLASS , supra, a t 50 ; see also Invisible, supra (notin g tha t al l 4 6 o f th e individual s convicte d o f Operatio n Ill-Win d defense procuremen t frau d wer e whit e males) ; infra this sectio n (observin g tha t no CE O o f a Fortun e 50 0 corporatio n i s black) . Fo r a narrativ e discussio n o f each o f the scandal s Rodrig o mentions , see CORPORATE CRIME , supra. Fo r a discussio n o f th e rol e o f "opportunity " i n white-colla r crime , see MIDDL E CLASS, supra, at 74-99. 23. O n th e recoverie s o f som e o f th e losse s fro m defens e procuremen t fraud , see William Barr, Foreword, Seventh Survey of White Collar Crime, 29 AM. CRIM. L. REV . 169 , 171-7 2 (1992) ; Appendi x 8A , infra. O n bribery , see CORPORATE CRIME, supra, at 258-66 (describin g the Lockheed briber y scandal). O n PACs, honoraria, an d othe r forms o f "legal bribery," see 1992 FACTS O N FIL E 673, 68 1 at B3, 682 at Bl (reportin g yearly figures close to $75 million). See also Russell Mokhiber , Corporate Crime and Violence in Review: The 10 Worst Corporations of 1991, MULTINATIONA L MONITOR , Dec . 1991 , at 1 0 (noting that the individual s convicte d i n operatio n Ill-Win d an d th e vast majority o f those convicte d i n th e recen t Wal l Stree t inside r trad e scandal s wer e whit e males). 24. See CORPORATE CRIME , supra, a t 1 5 (estimating tha t corporat e illega l trad e practices cos t $17 4 to $23 1 billion a year); see also id. a t 16 , 213-2 7 (discussin g the approximately $ 2 billion cost s of the General Electri c price-fixing conspirac y and analyzing the General Motor s predatory conspiracy). 25. See Invisible, supra (estimating cos t t o consumer s a t $30 0 t o $50 0 billion) . O n mortgage an d escrow-compan y abuses , totalin g a s muc h a s $ 5 t o $1 0 billion / year, see Victori a Reid , Homeowners Challenging Mortgage Escrow Abuses, DENVER POST , Aug . 10 , 1993 , a t 3C , col . 1 ; Kennet h Harney , Mortgage Includes 'Junk 7 Fees, id. 26. See infra, Appendi x 8 A (settin g ou t thi s calculation) ; Ten Worst, supra, a t 9 (stating that "corporation crim e and violence combined inflict s far greater damage on society than al l street crime combined"). 27. See Victoria Slind-Flor , A City's Week of Darkness: Legal Community Mourns Its Dead and Redirects Its Rage, NATL L.J. , Jul y 19 , 1993 , at 1.

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28. See HARR Y KALVEN , TH E NEGR O AN D TH E FIRS T AMENDMEN T (1965) (arguing that reforms bor n o f the cauldro n o f social injustice ofte n en d u p benefiting al l of society, no t just blacks). 29. See Developments in the Law—Corporate Crime: Regulating Corporate Behavior Through Criminal Sanctions, 9 2 HARV . L . REV . 1227 , 136 8 (1979 ) (notin g and partiall y endorsin g th e us e o f crimina l sanctions , althoug h confessin g tha t fines wil l ofte n b e mos t effectiv e a s punishments) ; CORPORAT E CRIME , supra, at 6. 30. Gad y A . Epstein , Judge Cuts Milken Jail Time: Ex-Junk Bond King's Term in Prison Ends in March, TH E BOSTO N GLOBE , Aug . 6 , 1992 , a t 53 ; Larry Reibstein, Wall Street's Cons Paid Their Debt to Society—But Have Plenty to Spare, NEWSWEEK , Oct . 7 , 1991 , at 44 ; CORPORATE CRIME , supra, a t 1-10, 23 , 25-38, 220 ; CHRISTOPHER STONE , WHER E TH E LA W END S 57 (1975). O n th e theory o f corporate punishment , see John C . Coffee , Jr. , "No Soul to Damn: No Body to Kick": An Unscandalized Inquiry into the Problem of Corporate Punishment, 7 9 MICH. L . REV . 386(1981) . 31. See JUDGMENT , supra, a t 15-1 6 (Tabl e 1) , 16-22 , 46-50 ; CORPORAT E CRIME, supra, a t 20-21 , 26-29 , 32 , 3 5 (explainin g tha t judge s ar e ap t t o consider white-collar criminals more sensitive and redeemabl e than othe r offend ers, henc e les s appropriat e candidate s fo r hars h punishment) . See also Russel l Mokhiber, George Bush: White-Collar Criminal Coddler, N.J.L.J. , Sept . 14 , 1992, at 15. 32. Lis a C . Ikemoto , The Code of Perfect Pregnancy: At the Intersection of the Ideology of Motherhood, the Practice of Defaulting to Science, and the Interventionist Mindset of Law, 5 3 OHIO ST . L.J . 1205 , 124 4 n.18 6 (1992) . See also id. at 1248-49 ; In r e Jamaica Hospital , 49 1 N.Y.S.2d 89 8 (N.Y. Sup . Ct . 1985 ) (requiring pregnan t woma n t o underg o unwante d bloo d transfusio n i n orde r t o save the life of a midterm fetus) . 33. Steve n Findlay , Medicine by the Book, U.S. NEW S AN D WORLD REP. , Jul y 6, 1992 , a t 6 8 ("Abou t 2 0 percen t o f hysterectomie s an d coronar y bypass , bac k and prostat e surgery , a s wel l a s dozen s o f othe r medica l procedures , ar e don e unnecessarily, ofte n befor e tryin g more conservative measures.") ; Wasted Health Care Dollars, CONSUME R REPORTS , July , 1992 , a t 435 , 44 0 (citin g stud y which foun d tha t 27 % o f hysterectomie s wer e unnecessary) ; Judit h Randal , Mammoscam, NE W REPUB. , Oct. 12 , 1992 , at 13. 34. Jenn i Bergal , How Self-Referral Gives Physicians a License to Steal, CHICAG O TRIBUNE, Dec . 16 , 1992 , a t 2 7 (citing study showin g that i n Florid a i n 1991 , cancer patient s wer e overcharge d abou t $1 2 millio n becaus e o f physicia n self referral); David Brown , When Healing, Investing Overlap: "Physician Self-Referral" Divides Medical Community, WASH . POST , Dec . 6 , 1992 , a t A l (198 9 study showe d tha t Medicare patient s whos e doctor s ha d financial interes t i n laboratories receive d 45 % more la b tests than di d Medicare patient s a s a group); THE MACNEIL/LEHRE R NEWSHOUR : OPTION S FO R CHANG E (PB S television broadcast , Ma y 25 , 1993 ) (discussing medica l malpractice , includin g

Notes to Chapter 8 257 abuse o f physicia n self-referral) ; Franci s J . Serbaroli , New York's Tough New Anti-Referral Law, N.Y.L.J. , Jan . 5 , 1993 , a t 1 (discussing la w recentl y signe d by Governor Cuom o whic h prohibit s an d restrict s referral s t o labs i n whic h th e doctor has a financial interest). 35. CORPORAT E CRIME , supra, at 307-17 . 36. See id. a t 6, 261-IS (notin g the 2 2 suicide deaths and numerou s injurie s cause d by Lov e Canal) ; id. a t 6 , 8 7 (observin g th e 2,00 0 t o 5,00 0 death s an d 200,00 0 injuries resultin g from deadl y gas escapes at the Unio n Carbid e plan t i n Bhopal , India); id. a t 383-9 0 (discussin g Reserv e Mining dumping o f toxic mining waste that endangere d th e live s o f ove r 150,00 0 loca l residents) . See also WHO' S POISONING AMERIC A (R . Nader , e t al . eds. , 1981) ; Michae l Weissklopf , Particles in Air Help Kill 60,000 a Year, Study Says, WASH . POST , Ma y 13 , 1991, a t A-13; Spencer Heinz , The Glossary of Ecospeak: A Language of Losses and Lessons, OREGONIAN , Apr . 22 , 1990 , § 4, a t 1 0 (reportin g tha t U.S . industry pu t 2 2 billion pound s o f chemicals int o U.S . air , water , an d groun d i n a recent year). 37. 58 8 F . Supp . 24 7 (D . Uta h 1984) , reverse d 81 6 F.2 d 141 7 (10t h Cir . 1987) , cert, denied , 48 4 U.S. 100 4 (1988). 38. See Deaths Associated with Infant Carriers, 26 7 J . AM . MED . ASSN . 258 6 (May 20, 1992) . 39. Wa r Power s Resolution , P.L . 93-148 , 8 7 Stat . 55 5 (1973 ) (H.J . Res . 542 , adopted ove r presidentia l vet o o n November 7 , 1973 ; codified a s 5 0 U.S.C . J 1541(1988). 40. U.S . Const , art . 1 , § 8 , cl . 11 . Fo r a discussio n o f th e constitutionalit y o f undeclared wars , see John Har t Ely , The American War in Indochina, Part I: The (Troubled) Constitutionality of the War They Told Us About, 4 2 STAN . L . REV. 87 7 (1990) ; id. Part II: The Unconstitutionality of the War They Didnt Tell Us About, 4 2 STAN. L . REV . 109 3 (1990). 41. O n limitation s t o warmaking , see, e.g., T . O . ELIAS , TH E MODER N LA W OF TREATIES 114-18 , 138-42(1974) . 42. ZBIGNIE W BRZEZINSKI , OU T O F CONTROL : GLOBA L TURMOIL O N THE EV E O F THE TWENTY-FIRS T CENTUR Y 9 (1993) (citing total num ber of deaths from war s and othe r aggressions during twentieth century) . 43. Id. a t 9-10. See Appendix 8B , infra, giving statistics for more recent wars. 44. See infra, Appendix 8B. 45. O n th e smal l numbe r o f African-America n chie f executiv e officers , see Shelly Branch, Americas Most Powerful Black Executives, BLAC K ENTERPRISES , Feb. 1993 , a t 78 , 9 2 (no t a singl e blac k CE O i n an y o f nation' s to p 50 0 industrial corporations) . 46. Fo r variou s estimate s o f th e numbe r o f death s resultin g fro m slavery , see, e.g., HOWARD ZINN , A PEOPLE' S HISTOR Y O F TH E UNITE D STATE S 2 9 (1980) (5 0 millio n death s fro m th e institution a s a whole) ; Donn a Britt , The Dimensions of a Number, WASH . POST , Ma y 28 , 1993 , at Dl (discussin g th e controversy ove r the numbe r o f deaths from crossin g the Atlantic on thei r way to

2S8 Notes

to Chapter 8

slavery i n th e America s an d concludin g tha t estimate s rang e fro m 7 t o 4 0 million); TON I MORRISON , BELOVE D (1987 ) (dedicatio n page , citin g th e figure of "60 million an d more"). 47. Amnesty Cites Rising U.S. Executions, DENVE R POST , Jul y 9, 1993 , at 10-1. 48. Id.; Stanford v . Kentucky , 49 2 U.S. 36 1 (1989) (approving execution o f children aged 1 6 an d 17) ; Penr y v . Linaugh , 49 2 U.S . 39 2 (1989 ) (o f th e mentall y retarded). See generally VICTOR L . STREIB , DEATH PENALT Y FOR JUVENILES (1987 ) (discussin g th e America n crimina l justic e syste m an d it s curren t and historica l willingness to execute juveniles). 49. McCleske y v . Kemp , 48 1 U.S . 279 , 286-8 7 (1987) . See also DAVID C. BAL DUS & JAME S W.L . COLE , STATISTICA L PROO F O F DISCRIMINA TION (198 0 an d Supp . 1987) ; TWO NATIONS , supra, a t 18 3 (most crim e i s mfrcz-racial—that is , whites tend t o be victims of other whites). 50. STATISTICAL , supra; 481 U.S. a t 287. 51. TW O NATIONS , supra, at 180 , 197 . 52. YOUN G BLAC K MEN, supra, at 8. See also Developments, supra. 53. O n th e impac t o f rac e o n th e treatmen t o f offenders , see Developments in the Law—Race and the Criminal Process, 101 HARV . L . REV . 147 2 (1988) . O n sentencing, see id. a t 1603-40 ; cf. Sher i L . Johnson , Unconscious Racism and the Criminal Law, 7 3 CORNELL L . REV . 101 6 (1988) (discussing th e rol e of racism an d unconsciou s racis m i n the criminal law). 54. Rodrigo' s Printout, infra, at Appendix 8A. 55. I was astonished b y Rodrigo's effrontery, bu t immediatel y though t of the spate of books tha t ha d focuse d o n th e allegedl y dysfunctiona l blac k family . Rodrigo' s suggestion wa s sur e t o spar k controversy— I though t o f th e man y whit e folk s I knew who were certain tha t their ow n family structur e wa s the best in th e world and th e mode l fo r others . But , the n i t struc k me—wa s tha t Rodrigo' s point , namely t o sho w hi s reader s ho w black s fee l whe n thei r famil y i s depicte d a s socially pathological ? 56. O n Italy' s approac h t o child-raisin g an d earl y education , see, e.g., E . M . STANDING, MARI A MONTESSORI: HER LIF E AND WORK (1957); CAROLYN EDWARDS, LELL A GANDINI, & GEORGE FORMAN , THE HUN DRED LANGUAGE S O F CHILDREN : TH E REGGI O EMILI A AP PROACH T O EARL Y CHILDHOOD EDUCATIO N (1993) . 57. KEVI N PHILLIPS , TH E POLITIC S O F RIC H AN D POOR: WEALTH AN D THE AMERICA N ELECTORAT E I N TH E REAGA N AFTERMAT H 96 , 114,217(1990). 58. U.S. Gets Less Competitive as Japan Stays on Top, Annual Survey Indicates, ATLANTA J . AN D CONST., Jun e 22 , 1992 , at A10 (asserting that the American econom y i s now fifth in world, an d it s workforce onl y seventh best) . See also Top 10 Countries for Quality of Life, WASH . POST , Nov . 5 , 1991 , a t 2 5 (placing th e Unite d State s i n sevent h place , behin d Japan , Canada , Iceland , Sweden, Switzerland , an d Norway , o n quality-of-lif e measurement s suc h a s lif e expectancy, income , an d infan t mortality) .

Notes to Chapter 9 25 9 59. O n th e problems of today's middle class, see, e.g., Stephe n Koepp , Is the Middle Class Shrinking?, TIME , Nov . 3 , 1986 , a t 54 ; Lance Morrow , Voters Are Mad as Hell, TIME , Marc h 2 , 1992 , at 16 , 19-20 . 60. See infra Appendix 8 A (calculating losses due to white-collar crim e to be $411 to $806 pe r U.S . citizen , considerabl y mor e i f corporat e misconduc t i s adde d t o the total). 61. See, e.g., Rober t A. Williams, Jr., The Algebra of Federal Indian Law: The Hard Trail of Decolonizing and Americanizing the White Mans Indian Jurisprudence, 1986 WIS. L . REV . 219 ; Robert A. Williams, Jr. , Documents of Barbarism: The Contemporary Legacy of European Racism and Colonialism in the Narrative Traditions of Federal Indian Law, 3 1 ARIZ. L . REV . 23 7 (1989). 62. See, e.g., U.S . DEP T O F COMMERCE , WORKER S WIT H LO W EARN INGS: 196 4 TO 1990 , P-60 , No . 17 8 (Mar. 1992 ) (reporting that between 197 9 and 199 0 proportio n o f full-tim e worker s wh o earne d les s tha n poverty-leve l wages increase d fro m 12. 1 t o 1 8 percent , resultin g i n a tota l o f 14. 4 millio n workers i n 1990) ; THE REAGA N YEAR S (J . Palme r & I . Sawhil l eds . 1986 ) (analyzing effect s o f recent tren d t o emphasiz e th e busines s secto r a t expense of social spending) ; POLITICS O F RIC H AN D POOR , supra (discussing concen tration o f wealth and power at expense of poor and middl e class). 63. E.g., Lilli e Fong , Flood Victims Get a Colorado Hand: TV Stations, Charities Accepting Donations of Money, Food and Other Supplies for Midwest, ROCK Y MT. NEWS , Jul y 16 , 1993 , at 6-A; Liz Spayd , For Volunteers from D.C Area, Flood Means a Working Vacation, WASH . POST , Jul y 29, 1993 , at A4. 64. Around the Nation: Rescued Girls Circulation Improves; Reagans Send Cheer, WASH. POST , Oct . 19 , 1987 , at A-10. 65. See supra thi s chapte r (discussin g Harr y Kalven' s Th e Negr o an d th e Firs t Amendment). Notes to Chapter 9 1. Th e Associatio n o f American La w School s (AALS ) i s the semiofficia l organiza tion o f U.S. la w schools and professors , wit h a membership of about 15 9 schools and 7,44 6 professor s an d administrators . I t hold s a n annua l meetin g an d man y regional workshops . Th e annua l meeting , hel d i n differen t citie s ever y year , spans severa l days , draw s ove r a thousan d professors , an d include s 5 0 t o 10 0 section meetings , workshops , an d plenar y sessions , al l hel d i n on e o r mor e large, conference-typ e hotels . See Assoc . Amer . La w Schools , 199 4 Annua l Meeting Program . 2. O n lega l storytelling, see generally Symposium: Legal Storytelling, 8 7 MICH. L . REV. 207 3 (1989); Richard Delgado , Brewers Plea: Critical Thoughts on Common Cause, 4 4 VAND. L . REV . 1 (1991) . Fo r critiques of legal storytelling, see, e.g., Randal l Kennedy , Racial Critiques of Legal Academia, 10 2 HARV . L . REV. 174 5 (1989) ; Danie l Farbe r & Suzann a Sherry , Telling Stories Out of School: An Essay on Legal Narratives, 4 5 STAN . L . REV . 80 7 (1993) ; Arthur

260 Notes

to Chapter 9

Austin, Storytelling Deconstructed by Double Session, 46 U . MIAM I L . REV . 1155 (1992) ; Deconstructing Voice Scholarship, 3 0 HOUSTO N L . REV . 167 1 (1993); Mark Tushnet , The Degradation of Constitutional Discourse, 81 GEO . L.J. 25 1 (1992). See also William va n Alstyne , The University in the Manner of Tiananmen Square, 2 1 HAST . CON . L.Q . 1 (1993) (employin g storytellin g t o criticize diversity movement i n university governance). 3. O n th e critiqu e o f storytellin g (narrativ e jurisprudence) , see Farber & Sherry , supra; Arthur Austin , Double Session, Deconstructing, supra; Randall Kennedy , supra; William va n Alstyne , supra. See also Daniel Farbe r & Suzann a Sherry , The 200,000 Cards ofDimitri Yurasov: Further Reflections on Scholarship and Truth, 4 6 STAN. L . REV . 64 7 (1994). 4. Out of School, supra, at 809-19 . 5. See, e.g., Richar d Delgado , On Telling Stories in School: A Reply to Farber and Sherry, 46 VAND. L . REV . 665 , 668-69 (1993) , makin g this point. 6. Derric k Bell , Serving Two Masters: Integration Ideals and Client Interests, 8 5 YALE L.J. 470(1976) . 7. O n th e use of stories to accomplish thes e purposes, see, e.g., Milne r Ball , Stories of Origin and Constitutional Possibilities, 87 MICH . L . REV . 228 0 (1989) ; Richard Delgado , Storytelling for Oppositionists and Others: A Plea for Narrative, 8 7 MICH. L . REV . 241 1 (1989). 8. Out of School, supra, at 809, 830-5 4 & n.244 (citing Stone and Rubin) . 9. Tushnet , Degradation, supra, at 251, 260-77. 10. Id. a t 260-77 (distortion s and exaggerations). 11. Id. a t 263-76 . 12. Fo r examples of Professor Ross' s writings in the narrative-analysis vein , see, e.g., Innocence and Affirmative Action, 4 3 VAND. L . REV . 29 7 (1990); The Rhetorical Tapestry of Race: White Innocence and Black Abstraction, 3 2 WM. & MARY L. REV . 1 (1990); The Richmond Narratives, 68 TEX. L . REV . 38 1 (1989); The Rhetoric of Poverty: Their Immorality, Our Helplessness, 79 GEO . L.J . 149 9 (1991); Metaphor and Paradox, 23 GA. L . REV . 105 3 (1989). 13. The Discourse of Constitutional Degradation, 81 GEO. L.J . 313(1992) . 14. Resistance to Stories, 67 S. CAL . L . REV . 25 5 (1994). 15. Hearing the Call of Stories, 79 CAL. L . REV . 97 1 (1991). 16. Edwar d L . Rubin , Beyond Truth: A Theory for Evaluating Legal Scholarship, 80 CAL. L . REV . 889(1993) . 17. Outsider Scholarship: The Law Review Stories, 6 3 U . COLO . L . REV . 68 3 (1992). 18. See DERRIC K BELL , FACE S A T TH E BOTTO M O F TH E WELL : TH E PERMANENCE O F RACIS M 158-19 4 (1992). 19. PATRICI A WILLIAMS, TH E ALCHEM Y O F RAC E AND RIGHTS: DIARY OF A LAW PROFESSOR 44-5 1 (1991) . 20. ZigZag Stitching and the Seamless Web: Thoughts on "Reproduction" and the Law, 1 3 NOVA L. REV . 35 5 (1989). 21. Presiden t Clinto n nominate d Professo r Guinie r fo r th e positio n o f Assistan t Attorney Genera l bu t withdre w th e nominatio n whe n i t becam e controversial .

Notes to Chapter 9 261 See Clin t Bolick , Clintons Quota Queens, WAL L ST . J. , Apri l 30 , 1993 , a t A12; Alexande r Aleinikof f & Richar d H . Pildes , In Defense of Lani Guinier, WALL ST . J. , Ma y 13 , 1993 , at A15. 22. Derrick Bell Leaving Harvard, N.Y . TIMES , Oct . 28 , 1992 , a t C-l ; Harvard Law Notifies Bell of Dismissal, N.Y. TIMES , Jul. 1 , 1992 , at A-19. 23. See, e.g., Out of School, supra, at 835-38 (applyin g the term). 24. O n counterstories, see Delgado, Plea for Narrative, supra, at 2412-18, 2429-35 . 25. O n thi s an d simila r response s t o th e ne w Critica l Rac e Theor y generatio n o f narrativists, see, e.g., Richar d Delgado , The Imperial Scholar Revisited: How to Marginalize Outsider Writing, Ten Years Later, 14 0 U . PA . L . REV . 134 9 (1992). 26. O n th e romanticizatio n o f al l thing s blac k durin g thi s period , see Richar d Delgado & Jean Stefancic , Images of the Outsider in American Law and Culture: Can Free Expression Remedy Systemic Social Ills? 77 CORNELL L . REV . 1258 , 1266(1992). 27. O n th e "smal l poor ' argument , see, e.g., Kennedy , Critiques, supra, a t 1762 65. Fo r response s t o thi s argument , see Richard Delgado , Mindset and Metaphor, 10 3 HARV. L . REV . 1872 , 1875-7 6 (1990) ; Ross, Richmond Narratives, supra. 28. See Richar d Delgado , The Imperial Scholar: Reflections on a Review of Civil Rights Literature, 13 2 U. PA . L . REV . 561 , 561 (1984). 29. Firs t Chronicle, supra this volume. 30. See Seventh Chronicle , supra this volume. 31. AAL S Annua l Meeting : Struggl e Betwee n Author/Editor—Contro l o f Tex t (Tapes 160-161 , o n file wit h author) . See also 199 4 Annua l Meetin g Pro gram, supra, a t 94-95 , describin g Ope n Progra m o n Scholarshi p an d La w Reviews: The Struggl e Betwee n Autho r an d Edito r fo r Contro l o f the Tex t an d Gathering t o Conside r Formatio n a s an AAL S Section. ("I n th e organizationa l meeting t o determin e i f a Sectio n o n Scholarshi p an d La w Review s shoul d b e formed, w e wil l discus s th e struggl e betwee n autho r an d edito r fo r contro l o f the text"). 32. Struggle, supra; Law Reviews: A Waste of Time and Money? (roun d table) , AMER. LAWYER , Apri l 1994 , at 50. 33. See Seventh Chronicle , supra this volume (discussing similar point). 34. O n th e disconten t o f man y youn g lawyers , see Stephanie Goldberg , Quality of LifeTrade-Offs, A.B.A . J. , Apr . 1989 , at 38 ; Satisfaction, A.B.A . J. , Apr . 1989 , at 40, Joh n Halstuk , Rising Tide of Lawyers Who Quit, S.F . CHRON. , Oct . 2 , 1989, at A-l, col . 1 . 35. See, e.g., Girardea u Spann , Pure Politics, 88 MICH. L . REV . 197 1 (1990) (on the difficultie s o f effectin g racia l refor m throug h litigation) ; DERRIC K BELL , AND W E AR E NO T SAVED : THE ELUSIV E QUES T FO R RACIA L JUSTICE (1991 ) (on th e failure s o f various civi l right s strategies); RICHARD DEL GADO & JEA N STEFANCIC , FAILE D REVOLUTIONS : SOCIA L RE FORM AN D TH E LIMIT S O F LEGA L IMAGINATIO N (Westvie w Pres s 1994) (same).

262 Notes

to Chapter 9

36. Spann , Pure Politics, supra; Richar d Delgad o & Jea n Stefancic , The Social Construction of Brow n v . Boar d o f Education : Law Reform and the Reconstructive Paradox, 36 WM. & MARY L. REV . (forthcomin g 1.994) . 37. Social Construction of Brown, supra. 38. Michae l Klarman , Brown , Racial Change and the Civil Rights Movement, 8 0 VA. L . REV . 7 , 11-12 , 76-86(1994) . 39. Id. a t 8, 11-12 . 40. O n th e pligh t o f blac k schoolchildre n today , see, e.g., id. a t 11-12 , 76-86 ; ANDREW HACKER , TW O NATIONS : BLACK AND WHITE, SEPARATE , HOSTILE, UNEQUA L (1992) ; Jerom e Culp , Water Buffaloes and Diversity: Naming Names and Reclaiming the Racial Discourse, 2 6 CONN. L . REV . 209 , 246-47 (1993 ) (on situation i n law schools). 41. Fo r a similar argument, see, e.g., Richar d Delgado , Shadowboxing: An Essay on Power, 77 CORNELL L . REV . 81 3 (1992). See also Fourth Chronicle , supra. 42. Source s cite d immediatel y supra; see also Social Construction o f Brown, supra; CATHARINE MACKINNON , FEMINIS M UNMODIFIE D (1987 ) (o n th e way cultural practice s and meaning s imped e reform) . 43. Social Construction o f Brown, supra. 44. Id.; Klarman, supra, at 11-12 , 76-86 . 45. Millike n v . Bradley, 43 3 U.S. 26 7 (1977). 46. Metropolita n desegregatio n plan s ar e permissibl e onl y i f segregation i s found t o have resulte d fro m officia l discrimination , no t individua l decision s o f whit e families t o flee from blac k areas. Id. 47. Sa n Antonio Indep . Schoo l Dist . v . Rodriguez , 41 1 U.S. 1 (1973) . 48. Id.; James v. Valtiera, 40 2 U.S. 13 7 (1971). 49. RAC E AGAINS T TH E COURT : TH E SUPREM E COUR T AN D MINORI TIES I N CONTEMPORARY AMERIC A (1993). 50. Id. (o n instabilit y o f court-won gains) . See also BELL, NO T SAVED , supra, at 26-74 (same). 51. Richar d Whitmire , Adults in Poll: It's Worst Time Since Slavery, DENVE R POST, Ma y 27, 1994 , at 2-A, col . 2 . 52. Id. Fo r further statistic s on the black condition, see ANDREW HACKER , TW O NATIONS, supra. 53. Fo r th e developmen t o f th e imposition trope , see Richar d Delgad o & Jea n Stefancic, Imposition, 3 5 WM. & MARY L. REV . 102 5 (1994). 54. ALCHEMY , supra. 55. Plea for Narrative, supra, at 2415, 2434-35. 56. Compare Jonathan Yardley , The Code Word: Alarming, WASH . POST , Aug . 16, 1993 , at B2 (Style). 57. Images, supra, at 1262-64 . 58. Id. a t 1264-66 . 59. Id. a t 1275. 60. Id. a t 1275-76 . 61. Id. a t 1281-82 . 62. AGAINS T THE COURT , supra.

Notes to Chapter 9 26 3 63. Imposition, supra, at 1025-26 . 64. Out of School, supra, at 835-38; Ten Years Later, supra, at 1366-67 . 65. E.g., Kimberl e Crenshaw , Foreword: Toward a Race-Conscious Pedagogy in Legal Education, 1 1 NAT. BLAC K L.J. 1 (1989) . 66. E.g., BELL , NO T SAVED , supra; DERRICK BELL , FACE S A T THE BOT TOM O F THE WEL L (1994). 67. Arthu r Austin , Political Correctness Is a Footnote, 7 1 OR . L . REV . 543 , 548 51, 554n.81 , 555(1992) . 68. Tiananmen Square, supra. 69. Firs t Chronicle , Sevent h Chronicle , supra this volume . See also Pierre Schlag , Normative and Nowhere To Go, 4 3 STAN . L . REV . 16 7 (1990) ; Symposium, The Critique ofNormativity, 13 9 U. PA . L . REV . 801-107 5 (1991 ) (all o n th e changing legal paradigm). 70. See Waste of Time, supra. 71. See, e.g., Cramton , "The Most Remarkable Institution:" The American Law Review, 3 6 J . LEGA L ED . 1 (1986) ; Joh n Kester , Faculty Participation in Student-Edited Law Reviews, 3 6 J. LEGA L ED . 1 4 (1986); Richard A . Posner , Legal Scholarship Today, 4 5 STAN . L . REV . 1647 , 165 6 (1993); Waste, supra. 72. E.g., Lin o Graglia, Race Conscious Remedies, 9 HARV. J.L . & PUB. POLT 8 3 (1986); Suzann a Sherry , The Forgotten Victims, 6 3 U . COLO . L . REV . 375 , 376-80(1993).

Appendix J A

Rodrigo's Printou t # 1 : The West' s Predicamen t

A. Essays and Books on the Theory ofCyclicity in

Nations and Cultures

ROBERT M. ADAMS , DECADEN T SOCIETIE S (1983). THE BREAKDOW N O F DEMOCRATI C REGIME S (Joa n J . Lin z & Alfre d Stepaneds., 1978 ) DANIEL BELL , TH E CULTURA L CONTRADICTION S O F CAPITALIS M (1975). GEORG W . F . HEGEL , PHILOSOPH Y O F RIGH T 1 3 (T . M . Kno x trans. , 1967). DAVID HUME, POLITICA L ESSAY S 12 0 (Charles W. Hende l ed. , 1953) . MANCUR OLSON , TH E RIS E AN D DECLIN E O F NATIONS : ECONOMI C GROWTH, STAGFLATION , AN D SOCIAL RIGIDITIES (1982). PITIRIM A. SIROKIN , TH E CRISI S OF OUR AG E (1942). OSWALD SPENGLER , DECLIN E O F TH E WES T (Helmu t Werne r ed. , 1991). ARNOLD TOYNBEE, CIVILIZATIO N O N TRIA L (1948). B. Essays and Articles on the General Decline of the West BELL, supra. ALLAN BLOOM, TH E CLOSIN G O F THE AMERICA N MIN D (1987). LAWRENCE HAWORTH , DECADENC E AN D OBJECTIVITY (1977). CHRISTOPHER LASCH , TH E CULTUR E O F NARCISSISM : AMERICA N LIFE I N AN AGE O F DIMINISHING EXPECTATION S (1978) . ALASDAIR C . MACINTYRE , AFTE R VIRTUE : A STUD Y I N MORA L THE ORY (2d ed. 1984) . SPENGLER, supra. Israel Shanker , Solzhenitsyn, in Harvard Speech, Terms West Weak and Cowardly, N.Y. TIMES , Jun e 9, 1978 , at A8. Michael Loewe , Decline and Fall in East and West, 1 9 EUR. J . SOC . 16 8 (1978).

265

266 Appendix

1A

C. Essays and Books on the United States s and West's Economic Decline AMERICAN ENTERPRIS E INSTITUT E FO R PUBLI C POLIC Y RESEARCH , SHARING WORLD LEADERSHIP? : A NEW ER A FOR AMERICA & JAPAN (John H . Maki n & Donald C . Hellman n eds. , 1989) . BARRY BLUESTON E & BENNET T HARRISON , TH E GREA T AMERICA N JOB MACHINE: THE PROLIFERATIO N O F LOW-WAG E EMPLOYMEN T IN THE U.S . ECONOM Y (1986) . PEARL M . KAMER , TH E U.S . ECONOM Y I N CRISIS : ADJUSTING T O TH E NEW REALITIE S (1988). TOM KEMP , CLIMA X O F CAPITALISM : TH E U.S . ECONOM Y I N TH E TWENTIETH CENTUR Y (1990) . JAMES LAXER , DECLIN E O F TH E SUPERPOWERS : WINNER S AN D LOS ERS IN TODAY'S GLOBA L ECONOMY (1987) . FRANK S . LEV Y & RICHAR D C . MICHEL , TH E ECONOMI C FUTUR E O F AMERICAN FAMILIES : INCOME AN D WEALTH TRENDS (1941). PAUL A . TIFFANY , TH E DECLIN E O F AMERICA N STEEL : HO W MAN AGEMENT, LABOR , AN D GOVERNMENT WEN T WRONG (1988) . DAVID M. TUCKER , TH E DECLIN E O F THRIFT I N AMERICA (1990). America s Wasting Disease, ECONOMIST, Mar . 25 , 1989 , at 95. Charles A . Ferguson , Americas High-Tech Decline, FOREIG N POLT , Sprin g 1989, at 123 .

Samuel P . Huntington , The U.S.—Decline or Renewal?, FOREIG N AFF. , Winte r 1988/89, at 76. Paul Kennedy , The U.S. as World Leader: The (Relative) Decline of America, CUR RENT, Dec . 1987 , at 30. Robert Kuttner , The Abyss: Does America Have a Parachute?, NEW REPUBLIC , Oct. 29 , 1990 , at 21. Werner Meyer-Larsen , Americas Century Will End with a Whimper: A German Forecasts the Decline of a Superpower, WORL D PRES S REV., Jan . 1991 , at 24. Alicia H . Munnell , Why Have Productivity and Growth Declined?, NE W EN GLAND ECON . REV. , Jan . 1 , 1990 , at 3. Ben Stein , The Decline and Fall of the American Empire, BUS . MONTHLY , Ma y 1990, at 60.

Suffering from Decline? Try the Consortium Cure, ECONOMIST , Mar . 25 , 1989 , at 45.

D. Essays and Books on Problems of the Cities and the Underclass REYNOLDS FARLE Y & WALTE R ALLEN , TH E COLO R LIN E AN D TH E QUALITY OF LIFE I N AMERICA (1987). WILLIAM J . WILSON , TH E TRUL Y DISADVANTAGED : THE INNE R CITY , THE UNDERCLASS , AN D PUBLIC POLICY (1987).

Appendix 1A 267 Jose E. Becerra et al., Infant Mortality Among Hispanics, 26 5 JAMA 217 (1991). Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs, Black-White Disparities in Health Care, 26 3 JAMA 2344 (1990). Sarah Glazer , Crime and Punishment: A Tenuous Link, EDITORIAL RES . REP. 586, 596 (1989). Ezra E. H . Griffin & Carl C. Bell , Recent Trends in Suicide and Homicides Among Blacks, 26 2 JAMA 2265 (1989). Gene Koretz , A Disturbing Decline in Black Life Expectancy, BUS . WEEK, Feb . 27, 1989 , at 28. Study Finds High Death-Sentencing Rate Among Blacks, NAT L CATH. REP., Apr. 20, 1990 , at 5. Philip Yam , Grim Expectations: Life Expectancy of Blacks Is Sliding, SCI. AM. , Mar. 1991 , at 33. Allan C. Hutchinson, Indiana Dworkin and Law's Empire, 9 6 YALE L.J. 637 (1987) (book review). This last source offered a dazzling array of statistics: Percentage of black children wh o live below the poverty line: 47.3. Percentage o f nonblack American s wh o sa y tha t ther e shoul d b e a la w against interracial marriage : 28. Percentage o f nonblack American s wh o sa y that black s "shoul d no t pus h themselves where they are not wanted": 58. Chance tha t a whit e mal e i n th e Unite d State s wil l b e murdere d i n a given year: 1 in 9927. Chance that a black male in the United State s will be murdered i n a given year: 1 in 1539 . Percentage o f black hig h schoo l graduate s ove r 1 6 who ar e unemployed : 18.3. Percentage o f white hig h schoo l dropout s unde r 2 5 who are unemployed : 15.2. Percentage of blacks unemployed i n 1984 : 17.2. Percentage of whites unemployed i n 1984 : 7.2. Percentage increas e i n rati o o f blac k t o whit e unemploymen t rate s be tween 196 5 and 1984 : 20. Percentage of elected official s wh o were black in 1985 : 1.2 . Percentage of black families belo w poverty level: 32.4.

268 Appendix

1A

Percentage of white families a t poverty level: 9.7. Ratio o f mal e blac k childre n dyin g i n first yea r o f lif e t o mal e whit e children dyin g in first year of life: 1. 8 t o 1. Percentage of persons in New Orleans who are black: 50. Percentage o f qualifie d applicant s fo r polic e i n Ne w Orlean s wh o ar e black: 40. Percentage of police officers i n New Orleans who are black: 2. Chance o f an American bein g in state prison o n any given day: 1 in 800. Chance o f a black mal e American bein g in stat e prison o n an y given day: 1 in 33. Median incom e for all black families i n 1983 : $14,506. Median incom e for all white families i n 1983 : $25,757. Median incom e o f black families a s a percentage o f that o f white familie s in 1970 : 61 . Median incom e o f black families a s a percentage o f that o f white familie s in 1983 : 56. Percentage increase in black unemployment rat e from 1972-82 : 82. Percentage increas e in white unemployment rat e from 1972-82 : 69. Id. a t 662-64. When I querie d hi m abou t th e relevanc e o f thes e statistics , Rodrig o explained tha t grea t disparity i n wealth an d well-bein g i s a standard inde x of social malais e an d a baromete r indicatin g possibl e troubl e fo r a society . I t later struc k m e tha t slaver y an d othe r form s o f grou p exploitatio n ma y b e fully compatibl e with stability and a flourishing of the arts. E. Books and Articles on the United States s and West's Environmental Predicament and Exhaustion of Natural Resources RACHEL CARSON, SILENT SPRING (1963). ALDO LEOPOLD, SAND COUNTY ALMANAC (1972). REWEAVING TH E WORLD : EMERGENCE O F ECOFEMINIS M (Iren e Diamond & Gloria F. Orenstein eds., 1990). WILLIAM H . RODGERS , NATURA L RESOURCE S LAW : CASES AND MATERIALS (2d ed. 1983).

Appendix J A 26 9 Derrick Bell , After Were Gone: Prudent Speculations on America in a Post-Racial Epoch, 3 4 ST. LOUIS U. L.J. 39 3 (1990). See als o source s cite d supra (Unite d States' s hig h rate s o f incarceration , white-collar an d ordinar y crime , la w school tes t scores, declinin g qualit y o f life, lengthenin g work week, an d increasin g indicators of stress).

Appendix IB Rodrigo's Printou t #2 : Non-Wester n Source s

A. Essays and Books on Non-Western Business and Management

Organization

WILLIAM G. OUCHI , THEOR Y Z : HOW AMERICAN BUSINES S CAN MEE T THE JAPANES E CHALLENG E (1981) . YOSHITAKA SUZUKI , JAPANES E MANAGEMEN T STRUCTURE S 1920-8 0 (1991). Alan S . Blinder , How Japan Puts the "Human" in Human Capital, BUS . WK. , Nov. 11 , 1991, at 22. The Evolving Mind of Global Management: An Inside View of Japan in a Changing Business Environment, FORTUNE , Jul y 29, 1991 , at SI . Neil Gross, Rails That Run on Software, BUS. WK., Oct . 25 , 1991 , at 84. B. Essays and Books on Japanese Educational Systems JAMES J . SHIELDS , JAPANES E SCHOOLING : PATTERN S O F SOCIALIZA TION, EQUALITY , AN D POLITICAL CONTROL (1989) . David Seligman , Is America Smart Enough? IQ and National Productivity, 4 3 NATL REV. , Apr . 15 , 1991 , at 24. Alison L . Sprout , Do U.S. Schools Make the Grade?, FORTUNE , Sprin g 1991 , at 50. C. Essays and Books on Eastern Religious and Mystical Thought and Its Relation to Modern Physics ROBERT AITKIN, TAKIN G THE PAT H OF ZEN (1982) . FRITJOF CAPRA, TH E TA O OF PHYSICS (2d ed. 1983) . ALAN W. WATTS , TH E WA Y OF ZEN (1957) . GARY ZUKAV, TH E DANCIN G W U L I MASTERS: AN OVERVIEW O F TH E NEW PHYSIC S (1979).

270

Appendix IB 271 D. Books on Hispanic Families and Caregiving ESSAYS ON MEXICAN KINSHIP (Hugo G. Nutini et al. eds., 1976). OSCAR LEWIS, FIVE FAMILIES (1965). EDWARD RIVERA, FAMIL Y INSTALLMENTS: MEMORIES OF GROWING UP HISPANIC (1982). RICHARD RODRIGUEZ , HUNGE R O F MEMORY : TH E EDUCATIO N O F RICHARD RODRIGUEZ (1981). E. Essays and Books on the Influence of Black Composers and Musicians on American Popular Music BLACK MUSIC IN THE HARLE M RENAISSANCE: A COLLECTION O F ESSAYS (Samuel A. Floyd, Jr. ed., 1991). JAMES H. CONE , TH E SPIRITUAL S AND THE BLUES : AN INTERPRETATION (1991). ARNOLD SHAW, BLACK POPULAR MUSIC: FROM THE SPIRITUALS, MINSTRELS, AND RAGTIME TO SOUL, DISCO, AND HIP-HOP (1986). DAVID TOOP , TH E RA P ATTACK : AFRICA N JIV E T O NE W YOR K HI P HOP (1984). Mark Moses, Aretha, NE W YORKER, Feb. 1 , 1988, at 84. Lynn Norment, Music, EBONY , Aug. 1991 , at 42. Ed Ward, Generation Rap, MOTHER JONES, Oct. 1988 , at 48. F. Essays and Books on the Influence of American Indian Ideas on the U.S. Constitution BRUCE JOHANSEN , FORGOTTE N FOUNDERS : BENJAMI N FRANKLIN , THE IROQUOIS , AN D THE RATIONAL E FO R THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION (1982). NATIVE ROOTS: HOW THE INDIANS NOURISHED AMERICA (1991). J. MCIVE R WEATHERFORD , INDIA N GIVERS : HO W TH E INDIAN S O F THE AMERICAS TRANSFORMED THE WORLD (1988). Felix Cohen , Americanizing the White Man, i n TH E LEGA L CONSCIENCE : SELECTED PAPERS OF FELIX COHEN 315 (Lucy K. Cohen ed., 1960).

Appendix 8A Rodrigo's Printou t # 3 : White-Collar an d Stree t Crime , Property Losse s

I. Cost s of Street Crime per Year Robberies: $56 2 million (UNIFORM , supra, at 27) Burglary: $3. 9 billion (id. at 39) Larceny-theft: $3.9 billion (id. at 44) (category includes picking pockets, purse-snatching, thef t fro m cars , bicycle theft, etc. ) Graffiti: $60 0 millio n (Bill for Graffiti, supra; STATISTICA L AB STRACT, supra, a t 22 ) (figur e reache d throug h roug h calculatio n o f multiplying the figure for California b y its proportion o f the U.S . popu lation) TOTAL: $9 billion II. Cost s of White-Collar/Corporate Crim e per Year (see supra for a description o f white-collar crime ) A. Individua l Tax fraud: $100-200 billion . (Michae l Kinsley , TRB: From Washington: Accounts Receivable, NEW REPUBLIC , Jun e 8 , 1992 , at 6) Embezzlement and banking fraud (other than S & L scandal): $800 million (Effort s t o Comba t Crimina l Financia l Institutio n Fraud , Hearings befor e th e Subcommitte e o n Consume r an d Regulator y Affairs o f th e Senat e Committe e o n Banking , Housing , an d Urba n Affairs, 102 d Cong., 2 d Sess. 537 , at 5 3 (1992)) Insider trading, antitrust violations, and securities fraud: $2 billio n (CORPORATE CRIME , supra, at 3 ; see also Invisible Crime, supra; MIDDLE CLASS , supra, a t 24-28; Drexel Burnham Lambert Files for Bankruptcy, Facts on File, WORLD NEW S DIGEST , Feb . 16 , 1990, at 102 ) 272

Appendix 8A 27 3 Bribery: $2 0 million (CORPORAT E CRIME , supra, at 264) TOTAL: $100-200 billio n B. Corporat e Crime/Corruptio n Defense procurement fraud: $230 million (Barr , supra, at 172 ) Consumer fraud: $174-231 billio n (CORPORAT E CRIME , supra, at 15) Savings and loan scandal: $30-50 billio n (Invisible Crime, supra, at A20) Toxic dumping: $15-2 5 billion/yea r ($300-50 0 billio n ove r a 20 year period ) (Adrie l Bettelheim , Munitions Mess on Public Lands, DENVER POST , Jul y 9, 1993 , at Al. See Ten Worst, supra, at 14 15, 17 ) Nuclear cleanup: $1 3 billion/yea r ($40 0 billio n ove r a 30-yea r pe riod) {Washington Whispers, U.S . NEW S AN D WORL D REP. , July 12 , 1993 , at 24) TOTAL: $228-$319 billio n C. Tota l White-Collar Crime : $328-519 billio n III. Comparison s Population of the United States: 25 3 millio n (STATISTICA L AB STRACT, supra, at 1 ) 84% is white (id. at 16 ) 12% is black (id.) Ratio of white to black population: approximately 7: 1 Costs of street crime per U.S. citizen/year: $35 Costs of individual white-collar crime per U.S. citizen/year: $395-790 Costs of individual white-collar plus corporate crime per U.S. citizen/ year: $1252-195 2 Ratio of cost of individual white-collar to street crime: 11:1 to 22:1 Ratio of cost of individual white-collar plus corporate crime to street crime: 36:1 to 55:1

Appendix 8B

Rodrigo's Printou t #4 : Annua l Death s fro m Stree t Crime , Corporate Crim e an d Misconduct , an d War s an d Militar y Actions, Compare d

I. Death s Resultin g Annually from Stree t Crime Murder and nonnegligent manslaughter: 24,70 3 (UNIFORM , supra, at 13) II. Death s Resulting Annually from Corporat e Actions Cigarettes: 350,000 (Fran k J . Vandall , Reallocating the Costs of Smoking: The Application of Absolute Liability to Cigarette Manufacturers, 52 OHIO ST . LJ . 504(1991) ) Asbestos-related cancer: 8,00 0 (CORPORATE CRIME , supra, at 284) Dangerous products: 28,00 0 (id. at 16) The use of infant formula rather than breast-feeding, worldwide: 1,000,000 (id. a t 4, 307-17 ) Employee exposure to dangerous chemicals and other safety hazczrds: 100,000 (id. a t 16) TOTAL: 1,486,00 0 deaths per year III. Militar y Actions 17. S. military deaths resulting from undeclared wars since 1950: a n average of 2,250/year (90,00 0 total deaths) (JAMES STOKESBURY , A SHORT HISTOR Y O F TH E KOREA N WA R 25 4 (1988) ; GUENTHER LEWY , AMERIC A I N VIETNAM 45 1 (1978). See also this appendix , supra, givin g total s includin g death s o f enem y soldier s and noncombatants. ) IV. Comparison s o f Annual Deat h Statistic s Corporate and military actions combined: 1,488,25 0 deaths Ratio of deaths resulting from corporate crimes and undeclared wars to ones resulting from street crime: 60: 1 274

Appendix 8B 27

5

Causes of deaths: On e ou t o f 51 8 American s wil l di e becaus e o f corpo rate actions . On e ou t o f 10,24 2 American s wil l di e becaus e o f stree t crime. The botto m o f Rodrigo' s printou t containe d th e followin g handwritte n note : Dear Professor : Much white-collar crim e by nature i s surrounded b y stealth an d no t discovered, i f at all , unti l muc h later . Man y o f m y figures are onl y fo r successfu l prosecutions — the actua l amoun t o f crime i s probably muc h higher . I n a few cases , th e figures Fve brought up result from a years-long investigation and , i n that sense, may be atypically large—i.e., greate r tha n thos e fo r surroundin g years . (E.g., Barr , supra, describin g successful investigatio n o f defens e procuremen t fraud , Operatio n 111-Wind) . No t al l my figures are for the same year, althoug h I'v e tried to make them bot h as recent and as typical a s possible. Ne w informatio n i s coming ou t al l th e time . I can sho w yo u how to program you r computer to update automatically, i f you like. Best of luck at the panel discussion , an d le t me know if I can help.