The Restoration of the Han Dynasty: Volume III, The People [3]

Table of contents :
TABLE OF CONTENTS
GRAPHS
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I. POPULATION FIGURES
CHAPTER II. THE CHINESE
CHAPTER III. THE BARBARIANS
QUOTED LITERATURE
INDEX

Citation preview

THE RESTORATION OF THE HAN DYNASTY VOLUME III

THE PEOPLE BY

HANS BIELENSTEIN

PREFA CE This book is a direct sequel to The Restoration of the Han Dynasty, volumes I and II.1) The first volume analysed the reasons for the fall of Wang Mang and the restoration of Han. The second volume investigated the civil war, covering the period from the enthronment of the Keng-shï Emperor on Mar. 11, A.D. 23, until Kung-sun Shu's death during the night of Dec. 24, A.D. 36. The present work discusses the Chinese population, as well as China's relations with the barbarians within and beyond the borders of the empire.1) Certain aspects which more properly belong in chapters on economy, bureaucracy, cliques, law, education, social mobility, etc. are not considered here but will be taken up in volume IV. I follow Professor H. H. Dubs in rendering Chinese titles and the conversion of measurements. The locations of prefectural cities, districts, mountains etc. are given in footnotes. Where such information has already been supplied in the notes to volumes I and II, it has not been repeated. If not otherwise indicated, all years refer to the H an calendar, which overlaps with the Western calendar. For the sake of convenience, I frequently use modem geographical terms, including the names of provinces. The Council for Research in the Social Sciences of Columbia University has helped to finance the printing of this work, for which I wish to express my sincere thanks.

*) The fin i volume Appeared in a limited edition, Göteborg 1963, and was subsequently included in the Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (BMFEA), vol. 26, Stockholm 1964, pp.1-209. The second volume was published in BMFEA, vol. 31, Stockholm 1969, pp. 1-287. They will be referred to here as vol. I and vol. II. *) The section on Emperor Kuang-wu and the Hiung-nu is a much expanded and somewhat revised version of my Seventeenth George Ernest Morrison Lecture in Ethnology, published by the Australian National University, Canberra 1966.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS I n tr o d u c tio n ...............................................................................................................................................

Pag» 9

C h a p te r I . P o p u la tio n f ig u r e s .............................................................................................................

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C h a p te r I I . T h e C hinese. 1. The imperial f a m i l y ...................................................................................................................... 2. The high n o b ility ............................................................................................................................ 3. The low n o b ility ............................................................................................................................ 4. The common p e o p le ......................................................................................................................

19 36 63 64

C h a p te r H I . T h e b a rb a ria n s. 1. The South Former H a n ............................................................................................................................ Wang Mang............................................................................................................................... Kuang-wu and Later H a n ...................................................................................................... a. The uprising in Indo-China, A.D. 40-43 ................................................................. b. The uprising in Yi-chou oommandery, A.D. 42-46 ............................................... c. The uprising in Wu-ling oommandery, A.D. 48-49 ............................................... d. Uprisings after the death of K u a n g -w u ................................................................. e. Barbarians beyond the b o r d e r ................................................................................. f. In te rp re ta tio n ............................................................................................................. 2. The North Former H a n ............................................................................................................................ Wang M ang............................................................................................................................... K u a n g -w u ............................................................................................................................... ». Lu Fang, the Hiung-nu, Wu-huan, and S ie n -p i..................................................... b. The Western R egion................................................................................................... c. The T ib eta n s................................................................................................................ d. The depopulation of the northw est........................................................................... e. Korea and J a p a n .......................................................................................................... Later H an after Kuang-wu’s d e a th ....................................................................................... 3. Conclusion.........................................................................................................................................

86 94 102 102 131 134 140 144 146 148

Quoted literature ......................................................................................................................................

168

I n d e x ...........................................................................................................................................................

186

67 00 61 63 66 67 73 76 79

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MAPS Page

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Thepopulation of China, A.D. 2 ............................................................................ The population of China, A.D. 140...................................................................... The k in g d o m s o f A.D. 2......................................................................................... The duchies o f A.D. 3 9 ......................................................................................... The kingdoms at the time of Kuang-wu’s death in A.D. 57................................

6. The kingdoms of A.D. 1 4 0 ................................................................................................

7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

Emperor Kuang-wu’s transfers of marquises....................................................... The prefectural marquisates of Emperor K ao.................................................... The prefectural marquisates of A.D.2 ................................................................ The known prefectural marquisates of Emperor Kuang-wu................................ The prefectural marquisates of A.D. 140.............................................................. The uprising of the barbarians in Yi-chou commandery, A.D. 42-45................. The uprising of the barbarians in Wu-ling commandery, A.D. 48-49................. The Western Region.............................................................................................. Operations against Lu Fang, A.D. 30-36.............................................................. Defense measures against the Hiung-nu, A.D. 37-45 .......................................... Areas in which the Southern Hiung-nu and Wu-huan were settled by Emperor Kuang-wu................................................................................................................ Operations against the Tibetans, A.D. 34-37 ....................................................... The prefectures abolished by Emperor Kuang-wu ............................................. Areas where China’s population decreased, A.D. 2-140........................................ ' Areas where Chinese and barbarians lived intermingled during H a n ............ Chinese territories where fighting occurred with barbarians, 202-1 B.C.............. Chinese territories w'here fighting occurred with barbarians, A.D. 1-220............

156

157 158 159 150

151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 170 171 172 173 174 175 175 177 178

TABLES Pages

1. The national population totals of Later H a n ....................................................... 13 2. The dates of natural death in the imperial family and of high officials dying in % office during Former and Later H a n ................................................................... 17 3. The recorded age at natural death of Emperor Kuang-wu’s contemporaries . . . 17 4. The genealogy of Emperor Kuang-wu’s intimate family...................................... 21 5. The marquisates o f A.D. 5 and 3 7 .......................................................................................... 45 6. The proportion of the Meritorious Subjects to all marquises at the death of each Former Han ruler and in A.D. 3 7 .......................................................................................... 46 7. Emperor Kuang-wu’s system of transferring marquises........................................ 49 8. The outbreak of barbarian rebellions in South China, 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.......... 75 9. The voluntary submissions of barbarians in South China during Later Han . . . 78 10. Selective genealogy of the house of the Hu-han-sic Shan-yii.............................. 90 11. Yean during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil, 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.......... 151 6

G RA PHS 1. The number of marquises in Former Han, 202 B.C.-A.D. 5 ........................................... 180 2. The bestowal of lower noble ranks (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220 . . . 181 3. Years during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Southern Barbar­ ians (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220 .................................................... 181 4. Years during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Southwestern Barbarians (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220 .......................................... 181 5. Years during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Hiung-nu (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220...................................................................... 182 6. Years during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Wu-huan (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220...................................................................... 183 7. Years during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Sien-pi (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220 .................................................................................. 183 8. Years during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Tibetans (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220..................................................................... 183 9. Yean during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Koreans (by 10-year portais), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220..................................................................... 184 10. Yean during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with barbarians and Chinese rebels (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.................................................... 184

A B B R E V IA T IO N S SK HS HHS TKK SHS H HK SKC HYKC

= = = = = = = =

Shi ki Ts’ien Han shu Hou H an shu Tung kuan Han ki Sü Han shu Hou Han ki Shui king and its commentary H ua yang kuo chi

If not otherwise indicated, all quotations are from HHS. 23,53:1b means page l b in chapter 23 of the Ki ku ko edition of the HHS (as used by the Hou Han shu tsi kie) which corresponds to chapter 53 of the Palace edition. The T ’ang commentary is referred to as Commentary. The collected explanations of Wang Sien-k’ien are referred to as Toi kie. E X P L A N A T IO N O F M APS The maps are based on the atlas of 00. Ting, and on sheets 22, 23, 34, 46 of Map of Asia (Geographical Section General Staff, War Office, London 1926). All maps are drawn by the author. 0 prefectural city O settlement smaller than a prefectural city A mountain

X p~» m ilitary force X

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battle

IN T R O D U C T IO N Liu Siu ascended the throne on Aug. 5, A.D. 25, and is known in history by his posthumous title, Kuang-wu, or by his temple name, the Epochal Founder (Shl-tsu). Since he was bom on Jan. 13, 5 B.C. (lB:23a), he was then just over 30 years old. He died on Mar. 20, A.D. 57, a t the age of 62 (lB:22b).1) I t is a challenge.to attem pt an evaluation of the contributions for better or worse which Kuang-wu made as the founder of Later Han. The HHS continuously stresses the point th at he was a restorer. Even before Kuang-wu had ascended the throne, he supposedly followed the precedents of Han (lA:7b) and reintroduced the terminology in use before Wang Mang (1 A:8b). B ut the situation had not been static during Former Han. Changes had taken place in all fields, in the social structure, the attitude towards the nobility, the bureaucracy, the legal system, the power balance, the economy, education, foreign policy etc. How did Kuang-wu react to the problems which he had to face? Did he simply continue where the Former Han had left off? Did he act as the founder of a new dynasty, whatever the lip service paid to the restoration? Or did he compromise between the two extremes? The answers to these questions will emerge, cumulatively, in the present and following volume, and will be summed up a t the end of this series. The historical role of Emperor Kuang-wu cannot be properly assessed without placing his reign in relief against the Former Han period. I t is not possible, of course, to write a complete history of Former Han. I have tried to steer a middle course, giving, as I hope, enough perspective in order to reach a balanced verdict. Where relevant, I have also traced the later developments, after Kuang-wu’s death.

*) This mesas that, Chinese reckoning, Kuang-wu died a t the age of 93. lB :22b ata 62 a t his death, a mistake corrected by Tstang Kuo (1683-1714). See lB :22b, T ti tie.

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C H A P T E R I. P O P U L A T IO N F IG U R E S The first eleven years of Emperor Kuang-wu’s reign were filled with battles against rival emperors and warlords. By the end of A.D. 29, the whole northern part of the Great Plain was in his hands. Southern Ho-nan and northwestern Hu-pei were conquered in campaigns lasting until the same year (A.D. 29). The Shan-tung peninsula and the southern part of the Great Plain were pacified by A.D. 30. China south of the Yang-tsï was never involved in the civil war and sur­ rendered voluntarily in A.D. 29. Northwest China was incorporated a t the end of A.D. 34. Kung-sun Shu's state in Sî-ch’uan ceased to exist on Dec. 25f A.D. 36. This left only the pretender Lu Fang, who died in A.D. 42. After Kuang-wu had become emperor, he no longer devoted all his time to the war. Although briefly commanding campaigns in A.D. 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, and 32, he increasingly turned his activities towards the reorganization of the empire. With each victory, new millions of the Chinese population were brought under his rule, creating added administrative problems and, sometimes, local tensions. When finally the empire was unified again, the obvious question arose how large the population was. W ithout a census, or a t least a reasonable estimate of the total, it was not possible to control whether the poll tax was honestly collected from the correct proportion of the population. How many attem pts a t enumeration were made is not known. The sources only inform us about an ambitious census in A.D. 39, which seems to have failed,1) and provide us with a set of figures for A.D. 57, whose validity is open to doubt. I t has been shown in an earlier article**) th a t all Chinese population totals are suspect, provided th at they are not broken down in the sources by commanderies. A major cause for error is the fact th at the census were rarely complete and th a t figures for large and populous commanderies could be missing. The degree of completeness of national totals cannot be judged, as long as subtotals do not permit an exact check on the territory covered. Secondly, where checks are possible, it is found th at the subtotals invariably have been added wrongly, so th a t the national totals are inaccurate. For example, the treatise on administrative geography in HS (28A-B) records the census figures of A.D. 2 commandery after commandery and then gives the national totals as 12.2 million households and 59.6 million individuals (HS 28Bb:49b). Adding the subtotals ourselves, we find th a t the households numbered 12.4 million and the individuals 57.7 million. l) No totals are preserved from this attem pt. I t bogged down through corruption. •) 64. Bielenstein.

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If unsupported national totals must be discarded as too vague a material for serious conclusions, only two census remain for the Han dynasties, the just-men­ tioned one fdr A.D. 2, which is in fact the earliest preserved census not only in China but in the world, and another for A.D. 140 in HHS (chi 10-23). All discussions on the population history of Han times must take these two census as their starting point. The respective sizes of the various commanderies and kingdoms in A.D. 2 and 140 can be ascertained with considerable accuracy, since most ancient sites of the prefectural cities can be identified.1) Population dot maps can be drawn on the basis of these sites and the general topography. I reproduce here the maps for A.D. 2 and 140 from the above-mentioned article. Several important conclusions can be drawn from the two maps. From A.D. 2 to 140, the total number of individuals decreased from 57.7 to 48 million. The census of A.D. 140 omits the figures for two large territories, so th at the national total must have been slightly higher than 48 million. The actual decrease from A.D. 2 to 140 was perhaps about 8-9 million people. Not only had the total population been reduced in size, but great changes had occurred in the regional distribution. Northern China had lost, and southern China had gained. The increase in the south was so enormous that the numbers of inhabitants of Hu-nan, Kiang-si, and Kuang-tung had quadrupled. Clearly, the losses in the north were to a considerable extent balanced by gains in the south. These gains were much too large to be explained by a sudden increase of birth rate. A vast, voluntary migration from north to south must have taken place. The population maps permit conclusions on the migration routes. Voluntary migrants leaving the northwest usually crossed the Ts’in-ling Range and proceeded into Sï-ch’uan and Yün-nan. Refuges from the southern part of the Great Plain settled in the remaining territories of southern China.1) The reasons for this first, great, voluntary migration from north to south are two: the change in the course of the Yellow River on the Great Plain, and the increasing pressure from the barbarians in the northwest. The former of these events took place when Wang Mang was in power. A break of the dikes occurred a t some time not before A.D. 2 and not later than the death of the boy emperor P ’ing on Feb. 3, A.D. 6. The Yellow River inundated large parts of the southern plain, sending a mighty branch into the Huai River. This was in A.D. 11 followed by a second, somewhat lesser, catastrophe, in which the northern branch of the Yellow River shifted from its earlier more northward course to enter the sea just north of the Shan-tung peninsula, roughly where the present river mouth is situated. The cumulative consequences of these changes in the course of the Yellow River brought about the popular unrest and uprisings which led to the fall of Wang Mang.1) The depopulation of the northwest due to pressure from the barbarians, on the other hand, began only under Kuang-wu’s reign, and *•) *) See vol. II, pp. 258-269, maps I and II, for the commanderies and kingdoms in A.D. 2. •) Except Fu-kien, which was not part of the Han empire. ■) See vol. I, pp. 146-154.

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therefore in no way affected the overthrow of Wang Mang. This question will be discussed later. W ith the above-mentioned facts in mind, let us now analyse the national totals preserved for Later Han. They are recorded in HHS, chï 23B:31b, and in the commentary to th at passage. The sources, apart from the one entry in the treatise itself, are Fu Wu-ki’s (fl. A.D. 151) K u kin chu, and Ying Shao’s (ca. 140-206) H an kuan yi. All figures of the Ku kin chu are given for the death years of emperore. A.D

Households

Individuals

Number of members per household (calculated)

Source

67 76 88 106 126 126-144 136-141 144 146 146

4,270,634 6,860,673 7,466,784 0,237,112 0,647.838 0,608.630 10,780,000 0,046,010 0,037,680 0,348,227

21,007,820 34,126,021 43,366,367 63,266,220 48,600,780 40,160.220 63,860,688 40,730,660 40.624,183 47,666,772

6.0 6.8 6.8 6.8 6.0 6.1 6.0 6.0 6.0 6.1

Ku kin shu Ku kin shu Ku kin shu Ku kin shu Ku kin shu Hou Han shu Han kuan yi Ku kin chu Ku kin chu Ku kin chu

Table 1. The national population totals of Later Han.

As we have seen, the detailed census of A.D. 140, preserved in HHS, gives a total of just over 48 million inhabitants for the empire. Judged against th at figure, the totals in table 1 for A.D. 125, 126-144, 144, 145, and 146, though not verifiable in detail and probably deficient in various degrees, are a t least reasonably probable. The totals for A.D. 105 and 136-141 are implausible. Those for A.D. 75 and 88 cannot be right, and the one for Kuang-wu’s death, A.D. 57, is grotesque. Super­ ficially, one might get the impression of gradual recovery from 57 to the turn of the century, but since the first figure is utterly impossible, serious doubt is also thrown on the two following totals. The figure of 21 million inhabitants for A.D. 57 has met with little disbelief. Wan Kuo-ting1), Liu Ping-jen*), and Ho Tsï-ts’üan3) accept it. Martin Wilbur speaks of a tremendous drop from A.D. 2 to 57, which “eloquently bespeaks the leeching which relieved the fever if it did not cure the malady of China’s ancient agrarian economy”.4) While Lao Kan does not exclude the possibility of under­ estimation, he admits a large decrease, and tries to correlate this and the subsequent totals with famines and wars.6) Such correlations are not useful, since the dynastic historian did not record famines with the intention of providing complete statistics of natural disasters. He only listed those famines which, for the purpose of indirect criticism against the emperor and his court, had become portents by having been mentioned in memorials.4) As to wars, it is true th a t raids by barbarians, and the >) 121. Wan, p. 138. *) 117. Liu, p. 176. >) 113. Ho, pp. 102-103. «) 100. Wilbur, p. 30. ») 132. Lao, pp. 86-86. «) Cf. 66. Bielenstein.

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irreconcilable irritations arising from Chinese farmers and nomads, or semi-nomads, living a t close quarters, did bring about a large-scale Chinese evacuation of the northwest. The great civil war, however, seems to have left few traces. The southern plain is a case in point. I t was not depopulated through any impact of th a t civil war, but due to the change in the course of the Yellow River. An automatic reci­ procity between warfare and population decrease can therefore not be assumed.1) Looking a t the totals in table 1 dispassionately, the striking improbability is the ratio of increase from A.D. 57 to 75, from 75 to 88, and, to a lesser degree, from 88 to 105. As John Durand has pointed out, if the figures are correct, the average annual rate of population increase from A.D. 57 to 75 would have been 2.7%, rivaling the present growth rates in countries where the birth rate is highest, and where the death rate has been cut very low through modem medicine. “I t is beyond belief th at such a rate of increase could have been achieved in ancient China.'’ The average annual increase from A.D. 75 to 88 of 1.9% is also suspiciously high.1) We may approach the problem in a different way by considering the information available for the years between A.D. 2 and 57. HS 24B:27a states: “Before [Wang] Mang had been executed, the population of the empire had been reduced by half.”3) B ut a t the death of Wang Mang, the civil war was still in its earliest stage, and the evacuation of the northwest had not yet begun. The only reason for population decrease and migration so far was the change in the course of the Yellow River. This enables us to check the statem ent in HS 24B:27a, since the decrease was severely restricted to a definite area. In A.D. 2, the population of China had num­ bered 57.7 million. If it decreased by half before Wang Mang’s death, the loss would have been close to 29 million. The census of A.D. 2 shows th a t ca. 28 million people were settled on the southern plain, in the area later affected by the flood4.) The assertion of the decrease by half under Wang Mang would therefore postulate th a t every man, woman, and child on the southern plain had been wiped out, which is not only impossible but which would make the increase in South China’s population inexplicable. This is patently absurd. Furthermore, from Wang Mang’s death in A.D. 23 to Kuang-wu’s in 57, the population would have further shrunk from 29 to 21 million. Kuang-wu’s reign was, in the long run, a period of recovery in a t least the major part of the empire, so th a t from th at point of view also the figures do not support each other. H. H. Dubs, accepting the migration south­ wards due to the flood, has argued th a t Pan Ku was unaware th a t millions had departed, and simply based his remark on the situation in the north.3) Even so, Pan K u ’8 statement would be an exaggeration. I am inclined to think th a t the *) *) Cf. also infra pp. 142-143. «) 125. Durand, pp. 217-218. *) 99. Dubs, i n , p. 504. Tsien Po-tsan is not content even with such a gigantic drop and estimates the population a t the time of the restoration a t 15 million. He prefers to believe th at Wang Mang, Kuang-wu, and the powerful clans butchered peasants by the millions, in addition to which starvation and epidemics took their toll. See 45. Tsien, p. 481. ) lB:20b (Utes the second v in t in the 7th month (Aug. 23-Sep. 20) on the day ting-yu, but the sevents month had no day with these cyclical characters. ■) K ’iang already had thé largest kingdom, consisting of Tung-hai and Lu combined. Fu’s transfer to P'ei in 44, and Yen's* transfer to Chung-shan in 54, may have brought advantages which are not specified in HHS. •) The text mentions Ts'U-lU and SU-ch’ang, formerly belonging to Lin-huai commandery. Ts'tt-lU was situated SW of the present Sui-ning hien, Kiang-su. SU-ch'ang must be an error. During Former Han, it belonged to the Tung commandery, during Later Han to the Tung-p’ing commandery. I t was located far away from Ch’u and could not conceivably have been added to it. The Commentary amends SU-ch’ang to Ch'ang-yang in Lin-huai commandery. As Hung Liang-ki remarks, Ch’ang-yang was one of the prefectures abolished by Emperor Kuang-wu (42,72:5a, Commentary and Tei kie). This does not mean, of course, th at its territory disappeared. I t may well have been joined to Ch’u. Unfortunately, the emplacement of Ch’ang-yang is unknown. *) The text enumerates Chu-o, An-te, Ch’ao-yang, P’ing-ch'ang, Si-yin, and Ch'ung-k’iu, which all previously had belonged to P’ing-yüan commandery. An-te prefecture was situated 10 li W of the present Ling hien, Shan-tung. P ’ing-ch’ang prefecture was situated 30 li SW of the present Te-p'ing hien, Shan-tung. I t was abolished as a prefectural unit by Emperor Kuang-wu. . No Si-yin prefecture existed in Han times. Ts’ien Ta-hin amends the name to T ’a-yin (42,72:7b, Tei kie), which did belong to P ’ing-yttan commandery. I t was situated 10 li W of the present Lin-yi hien, Shan-tung. Ch’ung-k’iu was situated NE of the present Liao-ch’eng hien, Shan-tung. I t also was abolished as a prefectural unit by Kuang-wu. Since Ch’ung-k’iu was too far away from Tsi-nan to be added to it by a border adjustment, it is questionable whether the entry is correct. *) These were Ch’ang-p’ing, Si-hua, Sin-yang, and Fu-Io, which all previously had belonged to Ju-nan commandery. Ch’ang-p’ing was situated 18 li NE of the present Si-hua hien, Ho-nan. Si-hua prefecture was situated S of the present hien with the same name, Ho-nan. Sin-yang prefecture was situated 60 li NW of the present T ’ai-ho hien, An-hui. Fu-Io prefecture was situated 35 li NW of the present T’ai-k’ang hien, Ho-nan.

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In 56, Kuang-wu’s sons K ’iang, Fu, Ying, K ’ang, and Yen*, and his cousin, the King of Chao, Hü, all came to court and participated in the congratulations on New Year’s day (Feb. 5) (lB:20b). K ’iang did not immediately return to his kingdom. He followed his father in March to T ’ai-shan and attended the sacrifices there (42,72:1b). On th a t occasion, the emperor received in audience on the Eastern Peak his nephew, the King of Pei-hai, and his grandnephew, the King of Ts’i (lB:21a). K ’iang then returned to Lo-yang and stayed there until after Kuang-wu’s death. He went again to his kingdom in the winter of 57, and died there on Ju ly 2, A.D. 58 (2:4a; 42,72:lb-2b). Map 5 shows the locations and sizes of the kingdoms a t the time of Emperor Kuang-wu’s death in A.D. 57. A comparison with the kingdoms of A.D. 2 and the duchies of A.D. 39 (maps 3 and 4) gives evidence th a t the fiefs had been pro­ gressively concentrated to the southern part of the Great Plain and to the Shan­ tung peninsula. Instead of being scattered, by A.D. 57 all fiefs bu t two bordered on others, Ch’u even being entirely surrounded. Map 6 for A.D. 140, which is based on the administrative survey in HHS (chi 19-23), demonstrates th at this trend continued. The number of kingdoms has grown to twenty, forming a connected mass on the Great Plain and in Shan-tung. Be­ cause of the increase in numbers, the fiefs to a greater extent than before have spilled over on the northern plain. Since the number of kingdoms in A.D. 140 was exactly the same as in A.D. 2, and since census figures are available for both years, it is interesting to make a brief comparison. In A.D. 2, the royal fiefs numbered 1,353,000 households. In A.D. 140, the corresponding figure is 1,892,000. This means th a t in 140 a consider­ ably larger number of households contributed to the upkeep of the kings.1) When Emperor Kao established kingdoms, he had set a fateful precedent. Al­ though, after the rebellion of the Seven Kingdoms in 154 B.C., the kings were deprived of all territorial power, they could become the real or imagined focus of opposition to the court. Whether the kings resided in the capital or in their fiefs, followers, sycophants, charlatans, and malcontents flocked to them and tried to exploit them. The rulers were tom between the desire to prevent or suppress scandals in the imperial family, and irritations with and suspicions against their relatives. I t would have required a more perceptive man than Kuang-wu to break this trend and to try a different approach. His decision to continue the institution of kingdoms reinforced a harmful tradition. The consequences were not long in coming, and those involving his sons will be briefly described. Kuang-wu was succeeded by Emperor Ming, who ascended the throne on Mar. 29, A.D. 57, and reigned until 75. He had troubles with three of his brothers. The first of these involved the King of Shan-yang, King*. King* was a son of Yin Li-hua and therefore a full brother of Emperor Ming. He lived in the capital, having never been ordered to go to his kingdom. Considering *) The oompariaon ia valid, even though the figurea are alightly modified by the number of marquiaatea located within the kingdoma. The income from auch fiefa naturally went to the marquiaea and not to the kings. In A.D. 2, prefeotural marquiaatea within kingdoma numbered 7. In A.D. 140, they were 18.

3

31

the strong family ties in Han China, buttressed by clique alignments, King’s** first action makes no sense whatsoever, unless, as seems probable from the later events, he was mentally deranged. On the death of Emperor Kuang-wu, King* forged a letter to his half-brother, the King of Lu and Tung-hai, K ’iang. He sent it by a slave who was instructed to claim th a t it was written by K ’iang’s maternal uncle Kuo K ’uang. The letter urged the former heir-apparent to nothing less than armed rebellion, playing on the resentment th at his mother and he had been demoted. I t suggested th a t if K ’iang were willing to claim the throne by force of arms, it would be easier than cracking eggs with T ’ai-shan or carrying a feather with four horses. For supernatural support, the letter drew attention to various astrological phenomena. The physiognomists had predicted th a t K ’iang would become Son of Heaven. He was the rightful heir and had the Mandate (42,72:17 b 18b). When K 'iang received this remarkable document, he immediately had it sealed and sent to the court. I t evidently became p art of a dossier which later was utilized by the historian. Emperor Ming kept the affair secret, but removed his brother from Lo-yang to Ho-nan prefecture.1) King* continued there to surround himself with astrologers. When this became known, he was transferred from Shan-yang to the lesser fief of Kuang-ling, and in A.D. 68 ordered to go to his kingdom (2:4a; 42,72:18b). The description of the next impasse is based on the report of a physiognomist, and there is no way of knowing how accurate th a t was. Although not dated in the sources, the event must have taken place in the early 60’s. King* supposedly called this physiognomist to him, pointed out th a t he himself in appearance was similar to his late father, observed th a t Kuang-wu had been 30 years old when he ascended the throne, which happened to be his own age a t th a t time, and asked whether he should raise troops. The physiognomist informed the government, whereupon King* became afraid and voluntarily went to prison. The emperor again hushed the m atter up, but ordered th a t the officials should keep King* under surveillance (42,72:18b-19a). In A.D. 67, King* was accused of having shamans perform sacrifices and invoke curses, presumably against the emperor. An edict ordered an investigation. When this had been concluded, the officials memorialized th a t King* should be executed. Emperor Ming was displeased, but the officials pointed out with some sharpness th a t the empire did not belong to him personally and th a t there were precedents for the execution of brothers. King* was condemned and committed suicide in the 2nd month (Mar. 5-Apr. 3) (2:11b; 32,62:4ar-4b; 42,72:19a; chi 11:2a; ch! 18:4a).*) Four years later, in A.D. 71, Emperor Ming, probably out of regret, enfeoffed King’s* eldest son Yttan-shou as Marquis of Kuang-ling with the right to use a royal seal >) The Ho-nan prefecture during H an belonged to the Ho-nan oonunandery and waa situated 9~li NW of the present Lo-yang hien, Ho-nan. *) Chi 11:2a says th a t a certain Shen Liang was involved bu t gives no details. This man is mentioned nowhere else in HH8.

32

and cord. The fief consisted of six prefectures. Ytian-shou’s three younger brothers were made district marquises (2:14b; 42,72:19a). An affair of much greater dimensions was the supposed plan for rebellion of the King of Ch**u, Ying, the only son of Emperor Kuang-wu with the Beauty née Hü. Ying, who a t first was a favourite of Emperor Ming, showed interest in Taoism (Huang-Lao) but is more famous for his sponsorship of Buddhism. He fasted and performed sacrifices to the Buddha (Fou-t’u),1) the first documented case of Buddhist practices in China. He also surrounded himself with “Men of Recipes”, i.e. adepts in alchemic and magical arts, and fabricated tortoises of gold, cranes of jade (symbols of longevity), and auspicious omens (42,72:5a, 6b). In A.D. 70, Ying was denounced for these activities by an informant.*) An in­ vestigation was ordered. The high officials memorialized th a t Ying had consorted with rascals, th a t he had made charts and revelations (Vu ch'an), th at he had been greatly refractory (ta ni) and unprincipled (pu too),*) and th a t he should be executed. Emperor Ming dismissed Ying from his kingdom and banished him to King pre­ fecture4) south of the Yang-tsI, where he received a private estate4) of 500 house­ holds. When Ying arrived in King, early in A.D. 71, he committed suicide. He was buried in King with the ritual of a Full Marquis, and the emperor contributed to the funeral expenses (2:14a, 14b; 42,72:6b-7a). Ying's death did not conclude the matter. Thousands were arrested and many executed. The texts mention as key figures Yen Chung and Wang P ’ing, both natives of Yü-yang commandery in the north. Nothing is known about the back­ ground of Yen Chung, but Wang P ’ing was not a nobody. He was the grandson of Kuang-wu’s trusted assistant Wang Liang. Yen Chung and Wang P ’ing are stated to have been interested in charts and revelations and to have plotted rebellion. On their arrest, they were interrogated, presumably under torture, and before their executions implicated others (22,52:5b; 42,72:6b; chi 11:2a). One arrest led to the next. Emperor Ming was clearly convinced th a t there was a widespread con­ spiracy, and had worked himself into a fine state of anger. The run-of-the-mill officials were not inclined to oppose him. HHS records th a t from K ’uai-ki command­ ery alone more than 500 persons were brought to the imperial prison in Lo-yang. Among them were the Grand Administrator, Yin Hing, the Division Head in his office Lu Sü, the Superintendent of Registers, Liang Hung, and the Division Head of the Department of Merit, Si Hün. I t looks as though most of the officials in the commandery administration had been detained. More than half of them died in the course of the investigation. Lu Sü and Liang Hung were tortured but did *) The ancient pronunciation is b'{au—d'uo. Ci. Qrammata, ns. 1233 1, 45 i \ *) His name was Yen Kuang, and he was rewarded with the title of Marquis Who Snaps off Treason. *) For the legal terms ta n i and pu too see 105. Hulsewé, pp. 156ff. He translates p u too as "impious**. *) The King prefecture during H an belonged to Tan-yang commandery and is identical with the present hien with the same name, An-hui. •) The term means verbatim "a town which provides hot water for washing**. The revenues from such an estate defrayed the private expenses of the incumbent. Cf. 08. Chavannee, I, p. 287, note 1; 72. Dubs, I, p. 137, note 3.

33

not change their statemente.1) In the end, Yin Hing, Lu Sü etc. were released (81,111:13a). Another native of K ’uai-ki arrested a t this time was the scholar and official Tsiao Huang. He served as Grand Administrator of Ho-tung, was implicated, b u t died en route to the capital. His wife and children were thrown into the imperial prison and there questioned while being beaten for several years. Tsiao Huang's former student Cheng Hung memorialized and protested the innocence of his master, whereupon the members of the family were released (33,63:12b). Few of the prosecuting officials seem to have shown courage and fairmindedness. One of the exceptions was Yüan An who in A.D. 71 was made Grand Administrator of Ch’u. On arrival, he checked the list of the many prisoners, and, over the objection of his subordinates, removed the names of all persons whose guilt was not proven. He took the view th at people could not be condemned simply on the basis of mutual implication. Yüan An memorialized his findings, obtained the emperor's agreement, and released more than 400 families (45,75: lb -2 a). Of particular interest is the account th at Yen Chung and Wang P ’ing had implicated four marquises. The nobles stated th a t they had never even seen Yen Chung and Wang P'ing. One of the investigating officers took it on himself again to question the two prisoners closely. Chung and P'ing became flustered and were unable to answer. Convinced th a t they had lied, the official memorialized th a t the four marquises were innocent. The emperor was a t first infuriated but two days later visited the prison of Lo-yang and personally set more than 1000 persons free (41,71:18a-19a). How many were executed, is impossible to know. The texts express themselves in generalities. T hat the persecution was harsh cannot be doubted. A t least ten marquisates were abolished and their incumbents either demoted to commoners or executed. Two of these marquisates had belonged to members of the imperial clan, and six to descendants of Kuang-wu's chief followers.1) The Minister over the Masses, Yü Yen was involved, according to his biography, through chicanery of the Yin clan, and committed suicide (33,63:11b). The King of Tsi-nan, K'ang, was denounced as having been in touch with Yen Chung and a certain Liu TsIch’an.1) Emperor Ming reduced his kingdom by the prefectures of Chu-o, An-te, P ’ing-ch’ang, T ’a-yin, and Ch’ung-k’iu, i.e. those which had been added by Kuangwu in A.D. 54«) (42,72:7b).•) *) Lu Stt’s biography tells the ohanning story, perhaps apocryphal, how his mother travelled to Lo-yang in order to find him. She was not permitted to communicate with her son but was able to send him some food she had prepared. Lu SU, who until then had kept his composure, broke down and wept. The official-in-charge asked him for the reason, whereupon SU said th a t his mother had come, and yet they could not see each other. The official became angry, believing th a t the keeper of the prison gate had passed on a message, but 8(1 explained th a t he had recognised his mother from her cooking. When she cut meat, it always was in exact squares, and when she cut onions, she always used her thum b as a measure (81,111:13a). •) 10A:5a, 5b; 14,44:12b, 13a; 15,45:7a; 18,48:10b; 21,61:7b, 10b; 22,52:5b, 12a. •) He is mentioned nowhere else in HHS. *) Cf. supra p. 30.

34

The trials continued for many years, during which Emperor Ming was torn be­ tween extreme severity and moderation. The Empress née Ma used her influence towards leniency (10A:9b). B ut he could never bring himself to call a halt. Only his son and successor, Emperor Chang (reigned 76-88), officially closed the m atter on June 2, A.D. 77, when an edict permitted all who had been banished to return home. The eldest son of the late king of Ch’u was enfeoffed as marquis of Ch’u, and his five younger brothers received other marquisates (3:4b; 42,72:7a). The last scandal occurred in A.D. 73 and involved the King of Huai-yang, Yen*, a son of Kuo Sheng-t’ung. In A.D. 73, he was accused of having surrounded himself with rascals, made charts and revelations, performed sacrifices, and invoked curses. His biography does not mention any plans for rebellion, whereas the pen lei states th a t revolt was intended. A judicial investigation uncovered real or imaginary ramifications, and a great many persons were implicated and executed. By name are mentioned the Minister over the Masses, Hing Mu, and the Chief Commandant of A ttendant Cavalry, Han Kuang, who were p u t to death on July 18, A.D. 73 (2:15b-16a; 10B:15a; 42,72:16b; chi 11:2b). Nothing further is known about Hing Mu. Han Kuang was Emperor Ming’s and Yen’s* brother-in-law, being married to the Princess of K uan-t’ao, Hung-fu. The high officials memorialized th a t Yen* also should be executed. The emperor refused to do this, and in the 7th month (Aug. 22-Sep. 20) demoted him to King of Fou-ling, with an income from only two prefectures (2:16a; 42,72:16b). During the reign of Emperor Chang, Yen* was in A.D. 76 once more accused of planning rebellion. This time, his son Fang was supposedly involved. The high officials proposed th a t the two should be brought to the imperial prison by caged cart, but the emperor pardoned Fang and demoted Yen* to Marquis of Fou-ling, with an income from one prefecture. In 87, Emperor Chang again promoted Yen* to King of Fou-ling, granting him the income from five prefectures. Yen* died a natural death on Dec. 8, A.D. 89 (3:4ar-4b, 18a; 4:3b; 42,72:16b-17a). In none of the cases concerning the brothers of Emperor Ming, is the preserved evidence strong enough to prove th a t serious plots had really been formed. The characters of King*, Ying, and Yen* emerge as rather those of unstable men, deeply interested in the occult. The strong element of superstition is present in all three incidents. To which extent these kings were personally culpable, or simply gullible and exploited by charlatans, must remain unsolved. Whatever dreams the accused may have harboured, it seems certain th a t well-organized plots, dan­ gerous to the security of the state, simply did not exist. They only endured in the supicious mind of Emperor Ming, and were fed by random names, extracted from prisoners under torture. The mental atmosphere under Emperor Ming is well summed up in the biography of Liu Mu, son of Hing, grandson of Po-sheng, and King of Pei-hai, even though the story has an apocryphal flavour. This king is described as a gifted man who enjoyed a wide reputation. A t the end of each year, all kings sent messengers to the court for the customary New Year’s congratulations, unless they went in person. A t such an occasion, Mu asked his messenger what he would answer if the 35

court inquired about him. The man said he would truthfully state th a t the king was loyal, filial, compassionate, and benevolent, respected worthy persons, and enjoyed the company of gentlemen. Mu exclaimed th a t this would endanger him. The messenger should say th a t the king’s ambitions had declined, th a t he amused himself with music and women, and th a t he loved dogs and horses (14,44:6b-7a). 2. The high nobility The highest regular noble rank below the kings was th a t of Full Marquis. Since this rank was not granted in automatic perpetuity, it is not comparable to the nobility of the European variety. There existed, however, noble lines which formed a special, privileged group, the supposed senior male heirs of defunct dynasties and certain personalities. The earliest of these special honours in Han China was conferred by Emperor Wu in 114 B.C., when he enfeoffed Ki Kia as Baron Descendant of Chou (HS 0:19a-19b; 18:9b).1) In 46 B.C., the title of K ia’s grandson Yen-nien was changed to Marquis Who Succeeds to the Greatness of Chou (HS 9:5b; 18:10a).*) Yen-men’s great-grandson Tang was in 8 B.C. elevated to Duke Who Succeeds to the Greatness of Chou (HS 10:15b; 18:10a).*) In A.D. 4, the title of Tang’s son Ch’ang was changed to Duke of Cheng (HS 12:7a; 18:10a).l*4*) Wang Mang altered his designation once more in A.D. 9 to Duke Who Manifests Peace (HS 19:10a; 99B:5a).s) The first enfeoffment of the supposed senior male heir of the Shang-yin dynasty (there is some uncertainty whether he was K ’ung Ki or K ’ung Ho-ts’i) took place in 8 B.C., when he was given the title of Marquis Who Continues and Honours Yin. During the same year, he was promoted to Duke Who Continues and Honours Yin (HS 10:15a-15b; 18:23a).*) In A.D. 4, K ’ung Ho-ts'i’s title was changed to Duke of Sung (HS 12:7 a).7) K ’ung Hung, presumably a son of Ho-ts'i, was in A.D. 9 by Wang Mang given the lesser rank of Marquis Who Manifests Brilliance (HS 99B:5a).*) In A.D. 1, two further enfeoffments were enacted. A presumptive descendant of the Duke of Chou was made Marquis in Recompense to [the Duke of] Lu, and Confucius’ descendant K ’ung Kün*) became Marquis in Recompense for Perfection. Confucius was posthumously entitled Duke Siian-ni in Recompense for Perfection l) 72. Dube, II, pp. 74-75. *) 72. Dube, II, p. 313. ») 72. Dube, II, p. 415. «) 00. Dube, III, p. 78. *) 00. Dube, U I. p. 275. *) 72. Dube, II, p. 414-416. The pen k i (10:15a-16b) givee the name of thie man ae K’ung Ki. Accord­ ing to the Table (18:23a), he wae K ’ung Ki’s eon Ho-te’i. 7) 00. Dube, m , p. 78. The Table (18:23a) datee thie event in A.D. 2. A.D. 4 is undoubtedly correct, since during th at year the Duke Who Succeeds to the Greatness of Chou simultaneously wae made Duke of Cheng. All sources agree th a t this happened in A.D. 4. •) 00. Dube. I ll , p. 275. *) His original given name was Mang, but he changed it to Kttn in order to avoid Wang Mang'a tabooed given name (HS 81:22b).

36

(HS 12:4a; 18:28b; 81:22b; HHS 79A, 109A: 14a).1) Wang Mang changed the first two ranks in A.D. 9 to Viscount in Recompense to [the Duke of] Lu, and to Vis­ count in Recompense for Perfection (HS 99B:5b).**) In addition to the four lineages of the Shang-yin and Chou dynasties, of the Duke of Chou, and of Confucius, Wang Mang in A.D. 9 enfeoffed ten men and entrusted them with certain sacrifices. These were to the legendary rulers the Yellow Lord, Shao-hao, Ti-k’u, Chuan-hii, Yao, and the Lord Yü (Shun), to the Hia dynasty, to Shun’s minister Kao-yao, to the Minister of T ’ang the Victorious (founder of the Shang-yin dynasty) Yi-yin, and to the Han emperors. F or the last-mentioned sacrifices, the Young Prince Liu Ying, who never had been formally declared an emperor, was made the Duke Who Establishes Tranquillity (HS 99B: lar-lb , 5a).*) Emperor Kuang-wu again reduced this privileged group to three lines. Ki Ch’ang was still alive and became on June 22, A.D. 26, the Duke Who Succeeds to the Greatness of Chou (lA:20a; chi 28:12b).4) This was his third change of title. K ’ung An, who probably was a descendant of K ’ung Ho-ts’i, was on Mar. 30, A.D. 29, enfeoffed as Duke Who Continues and Honours Yin (lA:25a; chi 28:12b). On Apr. 15, A.D. 37, these titles were adjusted. Ki Wu*) was made Duke of Wei, and K ’ung An Duke of Sung (lB:9b; chi 28:12b). Confucius’ senior descendant was re-enfeoffed with less speed. On June 20, A. D. 38, K ’ung K ün’s son Chi became Marquis in Recompense for Perfection (lB:10b; 79A, 109A: 14a).«) As a result of Kuang-wu’s policy, China from A.D. 26 had one, and from A.D. 29 two, ducal lines outside the imperial house. After the last imperial dukes had been promoted to kings on June 21, A.D. 43,7) they remained the only ducal houses in the country. In this respect, Kuang-wu simply followed the precedents of 8 B. C. He also enfeoffed Confucius’ descendant as a marquis, and thereby followed one of the precedents set by Wang Mang in A.D. 1. B ut Kuang-wu did not make any allowance to the line of the Duke of Chou, and he did not adopt Wang Mang’s departures of A.D. 9. Neither did he continue Wang Mang’s antiquated titles of earl, viscount, and baron. He reverted to the system of the twenty ranks, headed by the Full Marquises and the Marquises Within the Passes. Turning to the Full Marquises, it is necessary to make a lengthy excursion into Former Han in order to gain the necessary perspective on the enactments of Emperor Kuang-wu.8) ) 72. Dubs, n , p. 128. >) 72. Dub«, H , p. 51. ») E.g. 77. Franke, I, p. 203. ‘) Liu Ch'eng and Liu Pu-hai (HS 15A:10a).

42

Wu’s Marquises of the Imperial House were not enfeoffed within kingdoms. This course was continued after Emperor W u’s death. In A.D. 2, only 7 of the prefectural marquisates were situated in kingdoms. Since most of the marquisates a t th at time were held by members of the imperial clan, the vast majority of the prefectural marquisates lay outside the kingdoms. This makes it evident th a t the policy in­ troduced by Emperor Wu cannot primarily have been intended to divide the king­ doms. I t follows th at he must have acted from a genuine desire to grant special favours to the imperial clan. The great increase of marquises under Emperor Wu is in fact a direct result of the multiplication of the Marquises of the Imperial House, with no corresponding increase for the two other groups of nobles. Later, the emperor evidently came to doubt the wisdom of his decision and in 112 B.C. under the pretext th a t the full tribute in gold had not been paid, again radically reduced the number of Marquises of the Imperial House. They were not cut down to the former low level, and for all future remained more numerous than the Meritorious Subjects. Yet, for almost 30 years, the total was to stay below th a t of 112 B.C. Only under Emperor Chao, the steady increase began which was to continue until the end of the dynasty. The main curve and its three components exhibit the gradual degeneration in the enfeoffment of marquises during Former Han. As far as the total numbers are concerned, the first decadence appears under Emperor Wu, b ut is counteracted and rectified by this determined ruler. The serious decay sets in with Emperor Chao. The deterioration is illustrated by the fact th a t the Meritorious Subjects, the only marquises who had really earned fiefs, made up as much as 95% of the total in 195 B.C., a t the death of Emperor Kao, but only 7% in A.D. 5, a t the end of the dynasty. I t is plain th a t in the long run the Marquises of the Imperial House received the best treatm ent, next the Distaff Relatives and Marquises Through Favour, and last the Meritorious Subjects. Another proof for this is rendered by the final fate of the various marquisates. In 80% of all cases involving the Meri­ torious Subjects, their fiefs did not expire because the families died out, but because they were discontinued through direct government interference. The corresponding figure for the Distaff Relatives and Marquises Through Favour is 76%, and for the Marquises of the Imperial House 73%.1) There can be no doubt th a t the earlier rulers were well aware of what they did. They knew through the supervising official in the capital the number of marquisates which had lapsed, and this seems to have guided their actions. They generally kept the total number of marquises low by establishing fewer fiefs than those which ceased to exist. Only during the later half of the dynasty, this cautious policy was abandoned. l) I t ia interesting, but, considering the clique struggle, not surprising, th a t the Distaff Relatives and Marquises Through Favour attained the distinction of being disposed of by violent means more often than the others. 34% of all marquisates within this category expired because the last holder was either executed, died in prison, or was forced to commit suicide. The Meritorious Subjects follow with 21%, and the Marquises of the Imperial House with only 11%.

43

For Later H an times, the source materials are incomparably less satisfactory. The HHS has no Tables a t all, and the names of various marquises mentioned here and there throughout this history or other early records do not even nearly add up to the real totals. No graph is possible. All we can do is to attem pt an interpretation of stray notices. The restoration period is fairly rich in such materials, and some important facts emerge. Kuang-wu enfeoffed marquises even before he had ascended the throne,1) and afterwards continued to do so for a while in an unsystematic fashion. On Feb. 22, A.D. 26, he introduced a more organized approach. The text states th a t on th a t day Meritorious Subjects were enfeoffed as Full Marquises, and th a t the largest fiefs consisted of 4 prefectures (1 A:17b). This is probably not quite correct. Feb. 22 was the date when the m atter was set into motion, leading in due course to the enfeoffment of Meritorious Subjects. Kuang-wu issued an edict which praised the achievements of his officers. I t ordered the Grand Herald to prepare a t once lists of men who had not yet been rewarded. The emperor would then grade them himself (1 A:17b-18a). This edict was apparently followed by a court discussion, a t which the size of the marquisates was taken into consideration. The E rudit Ting Kung argued th a t 4 prefectures would be too much, and th a t it was not in agreement with the laws and regulations. According to ancient precedent, fiefs should not exceed 100 square li. One took the thunder as a model.**) The rule was to make the trunk strong and the branches weak. The emperor did not accept this advice. He answered th a t when of old rulers had lost their states, it always had been because they had been unprincipled. He had never heard th a t states perished because the fiefs of Meritorious Subjects had been large. Intemuncios were immediately dispatched to confer the seals and cords (1 A: 18a), Kuang-wu's remark either shows an astonish­ ing naiveté and lack of historical knowledge, or else it was intended to flatter his chief followers. On Jan. 26, A.D. 27, another edict ordered th a t all marquisates of the imperial house, which had been abolished by Wang Mang, should be restored. A search was made for heirs (lA:21a). How many marquisates were re-established a t this time is not known, but they cannot have been very many. I t will be seen th a t the number of all Marquises of the Imperial House in A.D. 37 falls about 100 short of the total in A.D. 5. Many of the fiefs were furthermore new ones, created for Kuang-wu's relatives. Also, of the 159 prefectural marquisates held by the imperial house in A.D. 2, Kuang-wu abolished no less than 127 as prefectural units during his great reduction from A.D. 30 onwards.*) These combined facts indicate th a t either the majority of the houses had died out, or, more probably, th a t the government did not overly exert itself in reinstating heirs. In A.D. 30, the emperor ordered the marquises to go to their fiefs (lB :3a). This order naturally applied to idle marquises in the capital, not to marquises employed l) Cf. vol. II, pp. 73, 7«. •) The Commentary remarks to this th a t the Book of Changes says under Diagram 61: “T hunder frightens for 100 ft”. Therefore the territories of the feudal lords were made 100 U square. •) See infra p. 143.

44

in the civil and military service. Similar attem pts had been notoriously unsuccessful in Former Han times. To which extent Kuang-wu was obeyed is not mentioned in the sources. In the latter half of the 30’s, a move seems to have been afoot to make only members of the imperial house eligible to become Full Marquises. The high officials memorialized th at the other marquisates should not be renewed. Nothing is known about the background of this proposal, and the emperor did not accept it (35,65:1 b). In one respect, Kuang-wu departed conspicuously from Former Han practice. He did not enfeoff his Grand Ministers over the Masses1) as had been done since 124 B.C. This policy is obscured by the fact th a t some of Kuang-wu’s appointees already held the rank of Full Marquis when they were chosen for the post. There is also a dearth of information for four of the ministers, since they have no bio­ graphies. B ut among the six ministers who have biographies, only one (Fu Chan) seems to have become a Full Marquis on appointment. Two (Teng Yü, Ou-yang Hi) were Full Marquises already. One (Feng K ’in) was a Marquis Within the Passes and not promoted. Two (Hou Pa, Ts’ai Mao) were never enfeoffed a t all. The civil war, excepting Lu Fang, came to an end in A.D. 36, and it is probably no coincidence th a t for the following year HHS is able to give the total number of marquises. No doubt, the records were a t th a t time brought up to date. For the middle of A.D. 37, after the emperor had adjusted feudal positions within the imperial family1) and had distributed further rewards among the victors, the Marquises of the Imperial House are recorded to have been 137 (lB:9b), the Meri­ torious Subjects 365, and the Distaff Relatives and Marquises Through Favour 45 (lB:10a). I t is lucky th a t these totals are preserved for all three categories of marquises, th a t they are synchronic and therefore comparable, and th a t they are for A.D. 37. The civil war was over, the rewards had been granted, and the major part of China settled down for a period of peace. Although Kuang-wu later created some additional marquisates, it is not probable th a t this radically changed the situation of A.D. 37. The next step must be to match the totals of A.D. 37 against the corresponding totals for the last year of Former Han. This should give the necessary perspective for an evaluation of Kuang-wu’s policy on a t least a numerical basis. Number of marquisates Meritorious Subjects Distaff Relatives and Marquises Through Favour Marquises of the Imperial House Total

A.D. 6

A.D. 37

2 8 - 7% 6 8 - 18% 2 3 6 - 76%

3 6 6 - 67% 4 6 - 8% 1 3 7 - 26%

317 = 100%

647-100%

Table 5. The marquisates of A.D. 5 and 87. *) Corresponding to Lieutenant Chancellor in Former Han. On June’8, A.D. 81, the title v u changed to Minuter over the Masses (1 B:19a-19b). •) Gf. supra p. 28.

45

The comparison shows th a t Kuang-wu, far from counteracting the gradual increase of marquisates which had occurred in the later half of Former Han, con­ tinued to augment their number to an unprecedented level. The deterioration proceeded as though the dynasty had never been interrupted. The fiscal loss for the government was actually more considerable than the increase from 317 to 647 marquisates would seem to indicate. The dikes of the Yellow River had meanwhile burst open, parts of the Great Plain had been devastated by the flood, people had perished, and many of the survivors had migrated southwards. The loss of income through the marquisates must therefore proportionately have had a greater impact on the state budget under Kuang-wu than had been the case before the disasters. On the other hand, the growing disproportion between the Meritorious Subjects and the other marquises had been to some extent corrected. This reversal was partly due to the force of circumstances, the need to enfeoff the men who had helped Kuang-wu to power, but partly seems to have been a conscious policy. Table 6 brings out the trend by showing the numerary relation between the Meritorious Subjects and all other marquises a t the death of each Former H an ruler, and by comparing these percentages with the situation in A.D. 37. Kao Hui LQ Wen King Wu Chao Sttan Tttan Ch’eng Ai P'ing

195 B.C. 188 B.C. 180 B.C. 167 B.C. 141 B.C. 87 B.C. 74 B.C. 49 B.C. 33 B.C. 7 B.C. 1 B.C. A.D. 5

95% »«% »1% 95% 91% 27% 21% 14% H% 9% 9% 7%

A.D. 37

«7%

Tsble~6. The proportion of Meritorious Subjects to all marquises a t the death of each Former Han ruler and in A.D. 37.

Although Kuang-wu never restored the proportions which had existed a t the beginning of Former Han, he neither went to the other extreme prevailing a t the end of th a t dynasty. The conclusion must be th a t in the allotment of fiefs he per­ petuated a drift which had shown clear signs of decadence ever since the reign of Emperor Chao. Kuang-wu could or would not break this trend or perhaps was not even conscious of it. B ut while he took no action to reduce the number of marquisates, he adjusted the apportionment within the system he had inherited. By rejuvenating the old order, he lessened the strain. One policy of Kuang-wu remains to be discussed which seems to have been radically new: the transfer of marquises from one fief to another. I t illustrates his ability to reduce ills inherent in a situation, without actually curing them. 46

Since HHS has no Tables, the names of the marquises and their marquisates are mostly unknown. The HSt HHS, and TKK mention in all 161 fiefs which were created during Kuang-wu’s reign.1) SKC (3:12a; 11:1b; 13:19b) records 7 additional marquisates, but makes such obvious mistakes th a t it throws considerable doubt on the reliability of this information. In any event, the number of Kuang-wu’s marquisates known by name is far below the total of 647 fiefs in A.D. 37. The situation is somewhat improved when we consider only the prefectural marquisates. 102 are mentioned.*) Although evidence exists th a t under Kuang-wu, as in Former Han, a district marquisats could be larger than a prefecture marquisate,1) the fact remains th a t the former were less distinguished than the latter. Since only more prominent men received prefectural marquisates, the chances are th a t a larger proportion of them is mentioned in the sources than those belonging to the lesser category. However this may be, the exact accuracy of the figure is not of great importance here. The significant fact is th a t among the 102 prefectural mar­ quisates, 33 show a distinct peculiarity: their incumbents were transferred from one prefectural marquisate to another, occasionally more than once.4) The total number of transfers was 44, and, as the map demonstrates, could involve enormous distances. These range from a minimum of 25 miles (40 km) to as much as 764 miles (1,230 km). In studying this problem, one is a t first struck by the fact th a t all of the marquises involved either have biographies in HHS or, with a single exception,4) are the sons of men with biographies. One might therefore jump to the conclusion that, while transfers were the normal procedure, the history does not supply such details except when the lives of the persons concerned are fully described in biographies. B ut it so happens th a t the majority of the nobles who were not transferred also have biographies or are closely related to persons with biographies. The division into marquises who were transferred and those who were not can therefore not depend on any historiographical reasons b u t must have its source in a deliberate policy of the emperor. Among the transferred marquises, 4 seem to be special cases. One was transferred because of a technicality,4) and all others most probably as a punishment.7) They will not be discussed in the present connection. For the remaining 29 marquises,4) the facts are briefly as follows: l) The work of particularly 40. Ts’ien Ta-chao is useful as a check but cannot be relied on alone because of omissions and errors. *) Excluding 9 marquises of prefectures who were demoted again and the 7 prefectural marquisates recorded in SKC. a) E.g. the Sin-an district marquisate of Ting Ch’en had 5000 households (37,07:0b), whereas Ma Yiian’s prefecture marquisate consisted of 3000 households (24,64:0a). 4) See map 7. *) Kuo K'uang. He was a brother of the Empress née Kuo. •) Liu P ’an (39,69:8a-8b). ») Liu Ts’an (14,44:14b), Chu Fou (33,63:4a, 6a), Fu Chan (26,66:3a). *) In 8 of these cases, the sons of the original marquises were transferred. They all inherited their fiefs before the end of the civil war. To avoid too much confusion, I will not distinguish between fathers and sons. The term "transferred marquis" will refer to the holders of each fief, irrespective of whether father or son. 4

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1. More than two thirds of the transferred nobles were natives of the Nan-yang commandery and the adjacent Ying-ch’uan commandery. 2. All but one of the transferred marquises received their first fiefs before the end of the civil war, and the majority immediately after Kuang-wu had ascended the throne. The final enfeoffment of more than two thirds of the men involved occurred after the civil war was over. 3. The average distance of transfers is 301 miles (484 km). About half of the men from Nan-yang and Ying-ch’uan were transferred distances above the average, while all but one of the marquises not from these two oommanderies were tran s­ ferred distances below the average. The] first two points are relatively easily explained. I t so happens th a t 24 of the 29 marquises belong to Kuang-wu's earliest followers. With one exception,1) they had joined him when he only was Liu Siu, a soldier of fortune in the civil war. After the outbreak of the rebellion in Nan-yang, Ying-ch’uan was the first commandery outside Nan-yang which Liu Siu entered in the course of m ilitary operations. I t was in these two territories th a t he first made contacts with a number of men who later rose to become his chief assistants. When Liu Siu received a n independent command north of the Yellow River, these same men followed him there, formed the nucleus of his party, became his leading generals, and persuaded him to ascend the throne. As for the remaining 6 men, they were his most prom­ inent relatives, both from his own clan and the distaff side, and all but one of them**) were from Nan-yang. When Liu Siu had become emperor, he hurried to reward these chief followers and most influential relatives with marquisates, both in recognition of their former services and as a safeguard for their loyalty in the future. This explains the predominance of the men from Nan-yang and Ying-ch’uan, as well as their early first enfeoffments. I t is also easy to explain why the majority of the marquises was transferred later than 30. The civil war lasted until the end of th a t year. Obviously, the emperor had waited until peace had been restored before he redistributed the fiefs. The question is: why the redistribution and why the more distant transfer of about half of the marquises from Nan-yang and Ying-ch’uan? W ithout doubt, one important reason was the desire to give further rewards to these deserving and influential men. I t is stated in case after case th a t they were transferred to marquisates with greater numbers of households. B ut this cannot be the sole answer. If the emperor’s only wish had been to increase the fiefs, he could have done so simply by adding neighbouring households to the existing marquisates, without transferring the nobles. The mere fact th a t transfers were resorted to postulates some further motive. Two factors, which must have been the most important ones, will clarify the situation: 1. 12 of the 29 transferred marquises had originally been enfeoffed in their homeoommanderies, 3 of them even with their home-prefectures. When the redistri*) Wang Ch’ang. *) Kuo K'uang. He was from Chen-ting commandery.

48

bution had been completed, all of these nobles had been transferred from their home-commanderies.1) 2. The transfers were carried out according to a plan, as will become apparent from the following table: Chief followers

Transferred

From centre to periphery Within periphery From periphery to centre W ithin centre Total

Distaff relatives

Members of the imperial clan

Total

0 9 2 4

2 1

2

9 9 4 7

24

3

2

29

Table 7. Emperor Kuang-wu’s system of transferring marquises.

I t is evident th at the vast majority of Kuang-wu’s chief followers was either moved out from the centre into the periphery of the area within which marquisates were granted, or shifted around within the periphery itself. This explains why so many of the men from Nan-yang and Ying-ch’uan were transferred distances above the average. They all had joined Kuang-wu earlier than his other close assistants, and were entitled to handsome rewards. Initially, many of them had been favoured with marquisates in the central area, often in their own commanderies. When the transfers had been concluded, the majority of the men from Nan-yang and Yingch’uan had been removed from their centrally situated fiefs and sent to the peri­ phery. This automatically meant great distances. The glaring exception to this policy was the treatm ent of the relatives of the emperor. None of them went into the periphery. They were either shifted to the centre or moved within it. W ith this, I think, the problem of Kuang-wu’s transfer of marquises has been solved. The emperor had a t first a tendency to enfeoff his chief assistants in their home-commanderies or even with their home-prefectures. Where this was not the case, he preferred to give his followers from Nan-yang and Ying-ch’uan marquisates within the centre. Later, Kuang-wu must have had a change of mind and concluded th at the original distribution of fiefs could be the source of future embarrassment. Through the victory of his party, all his chief assistants automatically rose to become leading members of the society. I t was predictable th a t they would gain a great following in their home-commanderies, which might lead to local and na­ tional troubles. While the civil war continued, and the chief assistants of the emperor were kept busy through military campaigns and other service, the danger was not yet acute. Once the war was over, the problem had to be faced. Kuang-wu obviously decided to let no chief adherents remain in fiefs within their home-com­ manderies. In addition, he singled out most of his closest followers from Nan-yang >) One noble (Liu Mao) was however transferred to his home-commandery. Nan-yang. I t is significant th a t he belonged to the imperial clan.

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and Ying-ch’uan and transferred them to the fringe of the area set aside for marquisates. This removed the fiefs from the territories where the temptation to mischief was the greatest. Since the emperor owed these men his gratitude, he made the transfers more palatable by granting bigger fiefs. Kuang-wu’s relatives were the main exception to this policy. Their marquisates were concentrated in certain central areas, especially the Ju-nan commandery, and this could not have happened without the ruler's knowledge and permission. In the weakness shown towards his relatives, Kuang-wu continued the practices prevailing during the later half of Former Han. This led to tensions during his reign. I t is of some interest to consider, lastly, the geographical distribution of the prefectural fiefs.1) Map 8 shows the prefecture marquisates of Emperor Kao.*) They are spread mainly over the Great Plain and the Shan-tung peninsula. The fiefs south of the Huai River are relatively few, with the two southernmost marquisates in Hu-nan and Kiang-si. Two fiefs were located in Sï-ch’uan, two in Shen-si, and no less than eight in Shan-si. Map 9 for A.D. 2 gives evidence of some changes.*) The marquisates are even more than before concentrated to the Great Plain and the Shan-tung peninsula. Only one fief was located in Shan-si, and none in Shen-si and Sl-ch’uan. In Hu-nan, the number of marquisates has grown to four. The prefecture] marquisates, mentioned to have existed under Kuang-wu,**4) are only part of the real, unknown total. Map 10 has therefore to be interpreted with caution. The fiefs are again spread over a somewhat wider area. Five are located in Shan-si, two in Shen-si, and one in Kan-su. A noticeable decrease on the southern part of the Great Plain may be due to the change in the course of the Yellow River. The population had shrunk, which would have discouraged the assignment of m ar­ quisates to the area. A marked increase has taken place in the Ju-nan commandery, north of the Huai River's upper course, where Kuang-wu by preference enfeoffed his relatives. One additional map can be drawn, based on the administrative survey for A.D. 140 in HHS (chï 19-23).*) The most important change in map 11 is the growth of fiefs in central and southern China. Under Emperor Kao, only 17% of all prefectural marquisates had been situated there. The corresponding figure for A.D. 2 is still 17%, so that the proportion had remained unchanged. In A.D. 140, no less than 43% of all prefectural marquisates were located in central and southern China. *) Only the sites of prefectural marquisates can be identified, since the administrative surveys rarely have information for districts and communes. s) The information is extracted from the Tables, guided by Wang Sien-k’ien's notes to HS. I arrive a t a total of 103 prefectural marquisates. In 5 cases, the emplacement is unknown. ■) The number of prefectural marquisates was 210 (cf. supra p. 41). In 56 cases, the exact emplace­ ment is unknown. While these marquisates cannot be shown on the map, their general locations ware without exception on the Qreat Plain and the Shan-tung peninsula. 4) They were 102 fiefs, of which 2 cannot be identified. One prefecture functioned as a marquisats twice. The localities shown are therefore 90. *) The number of prefectural marquisates was 109, 2 of which cannot be identified.

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This dramatic increase must be directly due to the great migration southwards, enabling the government to spread the marquisates more evenly over a wider area. While honorific, literary titles had rarely been granted in Former Han times, Wang Mang showed a special liking for them,1) and thereby set a new fashion. HHS claims th at Emperor Kuang-wu did away with all of Wang Mang’s innovations and again observed the precedents of Former Han, but, as the Keng-sh! Emperor before him, he continued the bestowal of honorific literary titles. The reason was no doubt th at during the early stages of the civil war this made it possible to confer titles without having to assign specific fiefs. The honorific literary titles, granted by the Keng-shI Emperor, have already been discussed.**) He was given one himself, when he surrendered to the Red Eye­ brows in A.D. 25.*) HHS records eleven honorific literary titles which the future Emperor Kuang-wu bestowed in A.D. 24, while he was in the process of establishing his territorial base north of the Yellow River.4) A t least one other pretender adopted the same custom.*) After Kuang-wu had ascended the throne, he kept the habit of conferring honorific literary titles. Those which are mentioned in the sources are listed here in chrono­ logical sequence: 25: Marquis Who Proclaims Virtue (TKK 10:7a; SHS 2:15a; HHS 22,52:14b).*) 28: Marquis Who Follows Righteousness (SHS 2:7b). 29: Marquis Who Is Not Righteous (12,42:10a).7) Marquis Who Chisels Away the Tibetans (13,43:8a).8) 31: Marquis Who Turns Towards Righteousness (13,43:10a). 32: Marquis Who Assists Righteousness (23,53:8a). Marquis Who Aids Righteousness (23,53:8a). Marquis Who Supports Righteousness (23,53:8a). Marquis Who Perfects Righteousness (23,53:8a; 34,64:1b). Marquis in Recompense of Righteousness (23,53:8a). 33: Marquis Who Proclaims Kindness (10A:6b; 32,62:11a). 36: Marquis Who Chisels Away the Hu (12,42:11b). Marquis Who Perfects Righteousness (86,116:14a).8) 37: Marquis Who Is Enlightened and Affectionate (16,46:6a). Unknown when: Marquis in Recompense of Affection (18,48:8a). Marquis Who Displays Firmness (21,51:10b). These sixteen cases can only be a fraction of all titles bestowed by Emperor Kuang-wu. The real number is unknown, since HHS nowhere gives a consistent ») See 09. Dube, m , pp. 104-105. ■) See vol. II, pp. 21, 24, 41. •) See vol. n , p. 100. 4) See vol. II, pp. 73, 76 note 1. •) Liu Tung. See vol. n , p. 50. •) This title wee given to Cho Meo. HHS 25,55:2b différa from the other sources end says th a t he became Marquis in Recompense of Virtue. *) See vol. H , p. 131. •) See vol. n , p. 166. ») In A.D. 36 or 37.

51

account. I t does not say w hat the position of these particular nobles was in relation to the Full Marquises, nor which privileges were connected with the titles. Limited though the material is, some conclusions are possible. I t is, for the first, evident th at Kuang-wu continued to confer honorific literary titles beyond the period when this was especially desirable for political reasons. The entire Great Plain had come in his possession by A.D. 30, an area wide enough for the bestowal of fiefs. Nor did he make use of the possibility to change the status of these nobles later by granting them regular fiefs. This was done in only two of the sixteen cases.1) Secondly, the nobles seem to have received stipends. When Cho Mao in A.D. 25 became Marquis Who Proclaims Virtue, he was given an income from 2000 households (25,55:2b).1) While this is the only recorded incident for the time of Emperor Kuang-wu, it must be assumed th a t such incomes were routine. If th a t is true, it would also explain why the same title could be used anew. Liang T ’ung had in A.D. 32 become Marquis Who Perfects Righteousness. In 36, he was given a regular fief. During the same or following year, Wen Ts’i was made Marquis Who Perfects Righteousness. This is obviously an instance where a title with its attached stipend fell vacant and then was granted to another man. Thirdly, the honorific literary titles could be inherited. In 33, Kuang-wu con­ ferred the posthumous title of Grieved Marquis Who Proclaims Kindness on the father of the Honourable Lady née Yin. He ordered th at Yin Tsiu, a younger brother of the Honourable Lady, should inherit the title and become Marquis Who Proclaims Kindness (10A:6b). More typical is the case of Cho Mao, who, as we have seen, became Marquis Who Proclaims Virtue in 25. When he died in 28, his son Ch’ung inherited the title (25,55:2b). This does not necessarily mean th a t every honorific literary title was automatically inherited, a question which must remain open. The Full Marquises were the 20th rank in the hierarchy of nobles during Han times. Nothing is known about the relative position of marquises with honorific noble titles. The 19th rank consisted of the Marquises Within the Passes. In theory, the Marquises Within the Passes received no specific fiefs and therefore could not reside in them. They drew their income from a certain number of house­ holds, living themselves in the capital (chi 28:13b). I t has been shown th at this rule was not strictly observed, and th a t many Marquises Within the Passes were given fiefs.1) Neither HS nor HHS have any Tables for these nobles, so th a t it is impossible to compute their numbers. I t is not even certain whether the Marquises Within the Passes were able to hand down their titles. Some cases of inheritance are recorded, but these may not be typical. The absence of detailed information for the Marquises Within the Passes is•) 1) Yin Tsiu (32,62:11»), Liang T'ung (34,64:1b). •) While 2000 households did not provide a lavish income, the Tables of H8 list many prefeetural marquisates whose households numbered less. •) The present state of research has been summed up by 134. Loewe, pp. 162-164.

52

equally characteristic for the time of Emperor Kuang-wu. The texts record only nineteen cases in which the title was granted. Judging from a notice in Fu Wu-ki’s Ku kin ohu (2:4b), Kuang-wu attem pted to standardize the stipends of these nobles. Otherwise, the sources are silent. 3. The Uno nobility Below the Marquises Within the Passes came another eighteen noble ranks. These were in falling sequence: 18. Great Prefect of the Multitude (ta shu chang). 17. Prefect of the Multitude With Chariot Drawn by Four Horses (si ktt shu chang). 16. Greatly Superior Accomplished (ta shang tsao). 15. Somewhat Superior Accomplished (shao shang tsao). 14. Senior Chieftain of Conscripts (yu keng). 13. Ordinary Chieftain of Conscripts (chung keng). 12. Junior Chieftain of Conscripts (tso keng). 11. Senior Prefect of the Multitude (yu shu chang). 10. Junior Prefect of the Multitude (tso shu chang). 9. Fifth Rank Grandee (wu ta fu). 8. Official Chariot (kung sheng). 7. Official Grandee (kung ta fu). 6. Government Grandee (kuan ta fu). 5. Grandee (ta fu). 4. No Conscription (pu keng). 3. Horse With a Silken Harness (tsan niao). 2. Superior Accomplished (shang tsao). 1. Official Gentleman (kung shl). These ranks were conferred by the government as a special act of benevolence. The lower ones were particularly often bestowed on heads of households or their heirs. In Former Han, the general practice had been to grant one step a t a time, whereas during Later Han usually two or more steps were conferred. Interm ittently, the government resorted to the sale of ranks, and these could also be sold by their holders. The steps were cumulative up to a point, but where the barrier went is not fully clear. The general public and the lower officials do not normally seem to have risen beyond the 8th rank. There may have been further barriers, and it is improbable th at the 19th rank of Marquis Within the Passes could be reached by accumulation. While privilégiés were attached to the ranks, their exact nature is not known in every case. The ranks could probably not be inherited. Grants of land do not seem to have been a regular feature. The ranks were usually bestowed on special occasions, and sometimes combined with amnesties and gifts. The most im portant occasions were the majority or enthronment of an emperor, the installa­ tion or majority of an heir-apparent, the installation of an empress, religious cere­ monies, and portents.1)*) *) This paragraph has been based on the admirable article by 134. Loewe, to which I refer for all details.

53

The frequency of the bestowals can be represented in the form of a histogram.1) I t showB th at the Former Han bestowals occurred somewhat more often**) th an in Later H anf*) and th a t they increased in the second half of the dynasty. During Later Han, the bestowals were concentrated in about one century between. A.D. 53 and 147. Kuang-wu was slow in reviving the tradition, whereas the sharp drop a t the end of the dynasty may be due to increased sale of ranks. There is no evidence th at ranks were sold in the time of Emperor Kuang-wu. He bestowed ranks a t four occasions: In the latter half of March, A.D. 27, he granted on step of rank to all eldest sons who would succeed their fathers as heads of households (lA:22a). After a long interval, Kuang-wu resumed the bestowal of ranks on Mar. 12, 53, followed by new grants in the 5th month (June 26-July 23) of 54, and on Ju ly 8, 55 (lB:20a, 20b). On each of these three occasions, two steps of rank were con­ ferred on heads of households. The emperor also ordered th a t widowers, widows, orphans, childless people, the seriously ill, and the poor should be given grain. In A.D. 53 and 54, each person was to receive 5 hu (2.8 U.S. bushels; 99.8 1.). In 55, the amount was 6 hu (3.4 U.S. bushels; 119.8 1.). The first of the bestowals of rank was in celebration of the Red Eyebrows’ sur­ render on Mar. 15, A.D. 27. Each of the last three bestowals was preceded by a portent, an eclipse of the sun on Mar. 9, A.D. 53, and floods in 54 and 55. 4. The common people The Full Marquises and Marquises Within the Passes comprised an infinitesimal part of the population.4) Much greater numbers were recipients of the lower noble ranks. Since steps of rank were frequently conferred on heads of households and their heirs, few, a t least of the educated families, would seem to have been w ithout their lesser nobles. The Chinese nobility was not a closed society, whose members acted in concert to defend its privileges. I t was open and dependent on the government. Newcomers were continuously elevated to it through merit or connections, while old nobles were demoted for one reason or another. In discussing Han society as a whole, it is therefore more useful to speak of the gentry or educated class on the one hand, and of the common people on the other. The great gentry families had national influence, and were heavily represented among the nobles. The small gentry families were locally im portant and merged on the lower levels with the rich peasantry. l) Graph 2. For the bestowals during Former Han, I follow 184. Loewe, pp. 166-168. My Later H an materials tally with those of Loewe, ibidem pp. 168-171, except th a t I have two additional cases: AJ>. 72, 4th month (2:16a), 124, 2nd month (6:18a). For technical reasons, the histogram begins with 200 B.C. An earlier bestowal of rank took place in the 6th month of 202. A still earlier one in the 2nd month of 206 precedes the formal establishment of the H an dynasty. *) 46 cases, to whioh the omitted one of 202 B.C. must be added aa the 47th. *) 34 cases. *) In A.D. 2, the Full Marquises were 0.0006% of tho total.

54

The merchants were discriminated against, b u t did not form a clearly defined group. They overlapped with the gentry, which freely and without disgrace engaged in commerce. Neither did the military comprise a conspicuous and separate category; Professional soldiers were relatively few, whereas conscripts returned to civilian occupations a t the end of their service. The two main segments of the population were the educated and uneducated, the literate gentry from which the officials were drawn, and the illiterate peasantry. The division between the two was func­ tionally im portant but not hard and fast. All social boundaries in Han China were elastic and could be crossed. Society was mobile. We are relatively well informed about the gentry. Sinoe the ancient historian saw the actions of men as the main force in history, and attempted to reconstruct these actions from the archival materials available to him, his scope was necessarily confined. He could only write about those whose positive or negative roles had been important enough to produce documents, by them or concerning them. This means in practice th a t the historian heavily concentrated on educated men, the emperors and their families, the officials, the scholars, the poets, the virtuous, and the eccen­ trics, i.e. the political, intellectual, and occasionally moral élite. No bias was in­ volved, and no class history intended. The historian could not write about those who, from his point of view, had made no history. He did pay attention to peasant leaders and their followers if these became important enough to prompt an output of govenmental documents, even though they left no written materials themselves. B ut the daily life of a peasant, his methods of agriculture, his crops, domestic animals, and tools, his budget, festivals and beliefs are not described, since th a t was not history as then defined. The educated class of Han China needs no special account here. All volumes of this work are in one way or another concerned with its role. The little which is known about the peasantry, e.g. taxes and relief, or can be reconstructed, e.g. migrations, is also discussed elsewhere in the appropriate chapters. In the present context, only those government measures will be described, by which Emperor Kuang-wu tried to reverse abuses of the civil war years and to restore normalcy for the common people. On June 25, A.D. 26, an edict ordered th a t if among the people there were wives married against their will, and children who had been sold, they could return home a t will. Those who dared to restrain them, should be sentenced according to the Statute (lA.^Oa).1) In A.D. 30, another edict directed th a t if officials and people during Wang Mang(s time had been seized unlawfully and become slaves, they should be freed (lB:2b).f)•) i) Translated by 109. Wilbur, p. 466, no. 134. The 8tatute would seem to be the one on Robbery, which included kidnapping and the peaceable buying and selling of people. See 106. Hulsewé, p. 32. •) Translated by 109. Wilbur, p. 466, no. 136. The edict is dated in the 11th month on the day tingmao. The 11th month lasted from Dec. 14, A.D. 30 to Jan. 12, 31, b u t it had no day with the cyclical characters in question. Wilbur dates the edict Jan. 14, A.D. 31, which nytans th a t he must have amended the 11th month to the 12th month. B ut one could equally well amend it to the 11th month (in which case the date would be Nov. 16, A.D. 30), or assume th a t the month is oorrect and th at the cyclical characters are wrong.

55

These two edicts were addressed to all of China, b ut in practice limited to the area under Kuang-wu’s control. Four further edicts concerned themselves with territories which had been or were in the process of being conquered. After the Shan-tung peninsula and northern Kiang-au had finally been pacified in A.D. 29 and 30, an edict ordered on June 30, A.D. 31, th a t officials and people who had been kidnapped by the bandits of Ts'ing and Sü provinces and had become slaves and lesser wives, should be permitted to return home a t will. Those who dared to restrain them, should be tried according to the La w of Selling People (lB iéb).1) In A.D. 36, while the great offensive against Kung-sun Shu was in progress, an edict was issued on Apr. 23. I t was directed towards Kung-sun Shu's stronghold in Sl-ch'uan, but also to Wei Ao’s former domain in eastern Kan-su which had been pacified in A.D. 34. People who had been kidnapped and had become slaves should be set free, even if the litigations were still in progress*) (lB:8a). This was followed by a further edict on Jan. 24, A.D. 38, which was addressed to Yi province exclusively, i.e. Sf-ch’uan and Yün-nan. All persons who sinoe A.D. 32 had been kidnapped and had become slaves and lesser wives were set free. People who dared to stop those who wished to leave, should be tried in accordance with the Law of Kidnapping People (IB: 10b).*) A last edict in this vein, dated in the 12th month of the Chinese year 38*), ordered th a t slaves in the Yi and Liang provinces, i.e. Yün-nan, Sl-ch'uan, and Kan-su, who had plead their cases since A.D. 32, should all be freed. The purchase prices should be forfeited (lB :lla ). These six cases of manumission, three of which also particularly included women who had been forced into concubinage, bespeak a sincere desire to improve the lot of the common people. Kuang-wu may have been inspired by Emperor Kao's order of 202 B.C., freeing those who had sold themselves as slaves because of famine (HS lB:4b).*) How effective the edicts were cannot be established.*) I t is not a sign of efficiency th a t the orders concerning Kan-su and Sl-ch’uan had to be repeated once and twice respectively. In frequency and scope, Kuang-wu’s six edicts are unparalleled in Han times. B ut he is ill-served by Ltt Sï-mien's singularly unhappy comparison,l*47) acclaiming him as China's Lincoln.

l) Translated by 100. Wilbur, p. 407, no. 136. The Law of Selling People m ust be the same S tatute referred to above. Cf. supra p. 55, note 1. *) The last p art of the edict can only have applied to Kan-su, since Kung-sun Shu was not y e t defeated. s) This law is again the Statute ref« re d to above. 109. Wilbur, p. 467, note 3, refers to this edict and dates it Nov. 25, A.D. 37. The date given in HHS is the 12th month of the Chinese year 37, on the day kia-yin, which corresponds to Jan. 24, A.D. 38. Wilbur m ust have misread the 12th m onth as the 10th month. 4) This would correspond to Jan. 14-Febr. 12, A.D. 30. However, H H S gives the day as kuei-mao, which cyclical combination did not occur in th at month. ») 72. Dubs, I, p. 104. Also translated by 109. Wilbur, p. 268, no. 0. •) 109. Wilbur, p. 138, is pessimistic. ’) 40 Ltt, U , p. 514.

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C H A P T E R I I I . T H E B A R B A R IA N S 1. The South1)

Former Han The Chinese were not the only inhabitants of China. Through territorial expansion, they had subjugated or engulfed various tribes, whom, on linguistic or cultural grounds, they considered as non-Chinese, i.e. barbarian. Chinese farmers appro­ priated for themselves the fertile lands of the major river valleys, and the aborigi­ nals were forced to withdraw into the valleys of the lesser tributaries and into the mountains. This created ferment which, depending on the belligerence or despera­ tion of the barbarians, could break out into uprisings. The southernmost part of China was incorporated into the empire relatively late. I t was only during 214 B.C., th at Ts’in Shl-huang’s efforts led to the establish­ ment of three new commanderies in th a t region. Their exact sizes are not known. Kuei-lin seems to have comprised parts of present northern Kuang-tung and eastern Kuang-si, Nan-hai central Kuang-tung along the coast, and Siang southern Kuangsi and probably the Red River delta in Indo-China (SK 6:21a; 113:1a). I t is also stated th at Ts’in Shi-huang demoted the Yüe (or Min-yüe) rulers in present Fu-kien, and from their domain created the Min-chung commandery (SK 114:1a; HS 95:16b). That commandery existed in name only. Local chiefs may loosely have acknowledged the emperor, but no Chinese administration was imposed, and no colonists entered the territory. The Ts’in conquests in the south did not survive the fall of the dynasty. A Chinese adventurer, Chao T ’o, profited from the confusion during the civil war and founded the kingdom of Nan-yUe. I t comprised the major part of present Kuang-tung, the eastern and southern parts of Kuang-si, and the northern coast of Indo-China. The capital was P ’an-yü, situated a t present Canton. Emperor Kao recognized this state in 196 B.C. (SK 113:la-2b; HS lB :9a; 95:7b-8b).**) While the fiction was maintained th a t Nan-yüe was a vassal kingdom of China, it was in practice an independent state with a mixed Chinese and aboriginal population. Northeast of Nan-yüe, the Min-yüe state, which also came to be known as Tung-ytte, continued to exist. I t was in 202 B.C. recognized by Emperor Kao (SK 114:1b; HS lB :4a-4b; 95:15b). The aboriginals had their own rulers, who claimed descent from the famous king Kou-tsien of Yüe (reigned 496-465). Still another l) Here understood to comprise ell lend south of a line drawn through the Ts’in-ling and Huai Ranges to the Yang-tel delta. •) See also 147. Watson, II, pp. 239-240: 72. Dubs, I, pp. 133-134.

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Yüe kingdom, known as Tung-hai or Tung-ou, was situated in southern Che-kiang. The Han dynasty recognized it in 192 B.C. (SK 114:1b; HS 2:4b; dß.’lßb-lG a).1) The southeastern Chinese possessions a t the beginning of Former Han were con­ sequently restricted to the areas of Hu-nan and Kiang-si. The relations between China and the three independent states along the south­ east coast were not without strain b u t posed no serious problems. In about 181 B.C., the King of Nan-ytie, Chao T ’o, assumed the title of emperor and during th a t year invaded the Ch'ang-sha kingdom in Hu-nan. He withdrew the troops after one year, and was even persuaded to relinquish his new title, although he may have continued to use it locally (SK 113:2a-2b; HS 3:6a; 95:8 b 11b).*) During the rebellion of the Seven Kingdoms in 164 B.C., Nan-yüe and Min-ytie remained neutral, whereas Tung-ou sided with the rebels. After the uprising had been squashed. Tung-ou switched sides and had the King of Wu, leader of the rebels, murdered. The son of the late King of Wu escaped to Min-ytie, where, in revenge, he engineered an attack on Tung-ou in 138 B.C. The Chinese came to the assistance of Tung-ou, whereupon the troops of Min-ytie withdrew (SK 114: lb -2 b; HS 6:3b; 95:16 a).*) Supposedly on their own request, the people of Tung-ou were evacuated, and 40,000 were settled in Lu-kiang commandery between the Yang-tsI and Huai Rivers in An-hui (SK 22:14b; 114:2b; HS 96:16a).**4) While this cannot have been its entire aboriginal population, and such evacuation which took place can hardly have been voluntary, the kingdom of Tung-ou oeased to exist. Only Min-ytie and Nan-ytie were left as independent states. During 136 B.C., a war broke out between the two, in which China came to the assistance of Nan-ytie. Before the Chinese troops had closed in on Min-ytie, its king was murdered by his brother who then, as usual, surrendered in name though not in practice (SK 113:3b-4a; 114:2b-3a; HS 6:4a; 96:11b, 16a16b).*) In 113 B.C., a great-great-grandson of Chao T'o became King of Nan-ytie. His mother was Chinese. By a neat arrangement, the Chinese government sent a former lover of the Queen Dowager as envoy to the court. Aided by this man, she intrigued for a pro-Chinese policy and gained considerable influence over her son. The Chan­ cellor of Nan-ytie, Lti Kia, head of the anti-Chinese party, was reluctant to make a move. When his hand was forced through the machinations of the Queen Dowager and the approach of a small Chinese force, he had the king, his mother, and the Han envoy murdered. The Chinese force was wiped out. A half-brother of the former king, whose mother was a Y tie woman, was p u t on the throne. This took* place in the summer of 112 B.C. In the fall, Emperor Wu launched several armies against Nan-ytie, which in 111 B.C. led to the final collapse of the state. I t was *) >) •) 4) •)

58

8ee 8ee See See See

also also also also also

147. Watson, IE, p. 251; 72. Dubs, I, pp. 10S, 181. 147. Watson, II, pp. 240-242; 72. Dubs, I, p. 200. 147. Watson, II, pp. 252-253; 72. Dubs, II, p. 32. 147. Watson, II, p. 263. 147. Watson, II, pp. 242-243; 263-254; 72. Dubs, II, p. 34.

incorporated into the empire and divided into commanderies (SK 113:4b-8b; HS 6:21a-21b; Ö ö i^a-lö b ).1) Tung-ytie (Min-yüe) had during the recent war tried to stay on good term s with both sides, a fact which had not been lost on the Chinese commanders. Although Emperor Wu decided against a new campaign a t this stage, the King of Tung-yüe believed th a t an attack was imminent. To forestall it, he invaded Kiang-si in the autum n of 111 B.C. The Chinese counterattacked vigorously, and, before the end of the winter, the kingdom of Tung-yüe fell apart. Emperor Wu ordered a transfer of its people to the area between the Yang-ts! and Huai Rivers, i.e. probably the very same Lu-kiang commandery to which inhabitants of Tung-ou had previously been moved (SK 114:3a-5a; HS 6:23a-24a; 95:10b-18a).1) The texts claim th a t Tung-yüe was emptied of people, which, of course, is quite impossible. Since Emperor Wu did not divide Fu-kien into commanderies, he obviously did not gain full control over it. W hat happened is th a t Tung-yüe ceased to exist as an aboriginal state. Its 8inification had to await the slow and peaceful immigration of Chinese colonists, which began much later, a t the end of the 2nd century A.D.8) With these events, the energy of the barbarians in southeast China was tempo­ rarily spent, and no clashes occurred for the remainder of Former Han. In the southwest, the Ts’in dynasty had made no serious inroads, and the border remained unchanged in Han times until Emperor Wu. The commanderies of Shu, Kuang-han, and P a formed the frontier in Sï-ch’uan. Southern Sl-ch’uan, Kueichou, and Yttn-nan were aboriginal territories under local chiefs. Emperor Wu became interested in the area, when he was informed of trade contacts between Shu and the then still independent state of Nan-yüe. If merchants could penetrate, soldiers could as well, and the state of Nan-yüe would be out­ flanked. These considerations led in 135 B.C. to the establishment of Kien-wei commandery, situated directly southeast of Shu. Starting a t the point where the Min River enters the Yang-tsI, soldiers began to build a road through Kuei-chou in order to reach the river system which drains towards P ’an-yü a t present Canton. Simultaneously, the Shu commandery was enlarged westwards by extending Chinese control over the barbarians. The road work did not progress well, the barbarians made trouble, and Emperor Wu had second thoughts. He ordered an inspection in 129 B.C., and then in the fall of 126 abandoned the recently gained territories. As HS (6:11b) grandiloquently puts it: “the southwestern barbarians were dismissed”.4) Kien-wei was left to its own devices, and only two prefectures were maintained as a foothold in Kueichou (SK 116:4a; HS 95:3b).4) In 122 B.C., Chang K ’ien returned from his mission to Central Asia and captivity among the Hiung-nu. His report made the famous, though over-optimistic, state- *) ») •) *) ) 128. de Groo«, I, pp. 280-282; 99. Dubs. I l l , p. 347.

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probable, considering the pro-Chinese attitude of Stt-pu Tang and his family. He must have voluntarily cooperated in Wang Mang’s attem pt to curb a hostile Shanyü. B ut Sii-pu Tang died soon afterwards, and the experiment was not repeated. Yiin and her son She remained in Ch’ang-an and perished together with Wang Mang in A.D. 23 (HS 94B:21b-22a; 99C:5ar-6b).1) To summarize, it is evident th a t under Wang Mang the long period of uninter­ rupted peace had come to an end. For internal reasons, the Hiung-nu again began to disturb China's northern border. Wang Mang countered this by military and diplomatic measures. Rigidity in his attitude made him err in the case of the seal and the hostage. On balance, however, he responded to the renewed Hiung-nu pressure intelligently and efficiently. A t his death, the northern border was intact, the major p art of the Western Region was held, and the power balance was in China's favour. This achievement is not restricted to the encounter with the Hiungnu, but is equally true of Wang Mang’s relations with the Tibetans and Koreans. While still a regent, Wang Mang succeeded in extending Kin-ch'eng oommandery to Ts'ing-hai (Kukunor). The name of the commandery was changed to Si-hai**) (HS 12:8a; 99A:23b-24b).*) The Tibetans reacted by rising in A.D. 6 b u t were easily defeated in the following year (HS 99A:30a).4) This was the greatest Chinese achievement in the area since Chao Ch’ung-kuo had established military agri­ cultural colonies there in the time of Emperor Siian. In the east, tension had developed between China and Kao-kou-li, and Wang Mang ordered a campaign in A.D. 12. One of his high officials advised against it and was overruled. The action was a complete success, and the head of the Korean leader was sent to Ch’ang-an. Wang Mang thereupon changed the name of Kao (high)-kou-li to Hia (low)-kou-li (HS 99B:20a-20b).8) No further troubles developed in the eastern quarter. In short, Wang Mang had done as well in his confrontation with the barbarians of the north as he had done with those of the south. The performance of th e cele­ brated Emperor Kuang-wu was not going to measure up to th a t of the despised “usurper".

Kuang-wu a. Lu Fang, the Hiung-nu, Wu-huan, and Sien-pi After Wang Mang had been killed on Oct. 6, A.D. 23, it looked for a while as though the empire might be unified under the Keng-sh! Emperor. He had been enthroned on Mar. 11, A.D. 23, and Wang Mang’s provincial officials shifted their allegiance to him over a wide area. This included the northwestern border, as proved ') 128. de Groot, I, pp. 286-287; 90. Dabs, m , pp. 383-386. *) Ts’ing-hai was during H an called Si-hai, the Western Sea, so th a t the new name for Kin-ch’eng commandery was taken from the lake. ■) 99. Dubs, III, pp. 80, 213-216. The pen k i dates this event in A.D. 4, Wang Mang’s biography in A.D. 6. «) 99. Dubs. I l l , p. 234. *) 99. Dubs, III, pp. 325-327.

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by the wooden slips from Etsingol (Ktt-yen). Two of these are dated keng-shl 2nd year (A.D. 24) and one keng-shl 3rd year (A.D. 25).1) In the winter of A.D. 24, the Keng-shl Emperor sent the General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household and Marquis of Kuei-te,**) Liu Li,*) and the Commissioner oyer the Army of the Commander-in-chief, Ch’en Tsun, to carry a new imperial seal to the Shan-yli. This was standard procedure after the establishment of a new dynasty. While it is interesting th a t the new seal was an imperial one, this is probably less significant than it seems to be. Since the Keng-shl Emperor con­ sidered his reign a continuation of the Han dynasty, he necessarily had to revert to its practice. The embassy did not meet with any success. According to HS, whose account must be based on the report of the envoys, the Hu-tu-er-shl-tao-kao-jo-ti Shan-yü treated the Chinese officials with arrogance. He claimed th a t the situation had changed, th a t the Hiung-nu had become the stronger of the two nations, and th a t he expected proper respect on the p art of China (HS 94B:22a).4) This reac­ tion is not suprising, considering the anti-Chinese standpoint of the Shan-ytt. Neither was it entirely unjustified as long as China was to m by civil war. I t was a t this time th a t the Hiung-nu began actively to interfere into the Chinese power struggle. Luckily for China, they did this in a haphazard and halfhearted fashion. A t the end of A.D. 24, the first recorded military encounter took place. A Hiung-nu force, operating on the very north of the Great Plain, was defeated by Feng Yi, a Lieutenant General of the future Emperor Kuang-wu (17,47:2b). Events moved swiftly in A.D. 25. The Keng-shl Emperor abdicated a t the end of th a t year. Kuang-wu had ascended the throne earlier, on Aug. 5. His base of power was the northern p art of the Great Plain, where the Grand Administrator of Yü-yang, P ’eng Ch’ung, had given him valuable support. P ’eng Ch’ung felt th a t his reward had not been commensurate with his service, in addition to which he clashed with a favourite official of the new emperor.*) He rebelled in A.D. 26. During the following year (A.D. 27), he entered into an alliance with the Hiung-nu, on whose territory his commandery bordered. P ’eng Ch’ung presented the Shan-yü with one of his daughters and silk. The latter contributed horsemen and scouts (12,42:9b; 89,119:1b). The imperial troops took the offensive in A.D. 28, routing a Hiung-nu cavalry unit and killing its two commanders.*) One year later, P ’eng Ch’ung was dead, and the Hiung-nu had missed the opportunity to exploit the situation. The Shan-ytt involved himself more actively with another colourful adventurer *) 116. Lao, pp. 79, 89. *) The Kuei-te prefecture during H an belonged to the Ju-nan commandery. I t was abolished during Later Han. The emplacement is unknown. ■) In the Table of marquises in HS (17:30b), his name is given aa Liu Feng. He was a grandson of Sien-hien-ch’en, a member of the Hiung-nu ruling house, who had surrendered to China in 60 B.C. and in 69 had been made a Chinese marquis (See also HS 8:17b; 72. Dubs, II, p. 243; and supra p. 89). H e m ust bave been granted the imperial surname of Liu, although this is not recorded. «) 128. de Groot, I, pp. 287-288. *) See vol. H , pp. 124ff. •) See vol. II, pp. 127, 130.

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of the civil war, Lu Fang. This man was a native of the San-shui prefecture, which belonged to the Dependent State of An-ting. He headed there one of the secondary rebellions a t the fall of Wang Mang, and mobilized troops including Tibetans and other non-Chinese tribesmen (Hu) (12,42:10b).1) Lu Fang must have been influential, since he had the support of the “Braves and Stalwarts” (hao-kie), i.e. powerful members of the local gentry. His rise became possible through the prevalence of regional forces typical of the time, and was therefore a t first by no means excep­ tional.1) After the Keng-shï Emperor had transferred his capital to Ch’ang-an in A.D. 24, he summoned Lu Fang during th a t year and appointed him a Chief Commandant of Cavalry. While this was a relatively lowly rank, he also authorized him to return and pacify all land from An-ting westwards (12,42:10b). This m eant in practice th a t the emperor recognized Lu Fang's de facto regional power, and gave him a free hand to enlarge his territory. In the 12th month of the Chinese year 25 (corresponding to Jan. 8-Feb. 5, A.D. 26), two months after the abdication of the Keng-shI Emperor, the Braves and Stalwarts of San-shui proclaimed Lu Fang Supreme General, and King Who Pacifies Westwards (lA:17b; 12,42:10b). I t must have been about this time th a t Lu Fang fabricated a highly imaginative genealogy. He claimed th a t his real name was not Lu Fang b ut Liu Wen-po, and th a t he was a great-grandson of Emperor Wu (reigned 140-87) with his empress, a Hiung-nu princess. This lady had three sons. Her eldest son was the Heir-apparent. He perished together with her during the witchcraft persecution (91 B.C.). The second son Ts'ï-k'ing, escaped to Ch’ang-ling. Ho Kuang enthroned him later, which would imply th at he was Emperor Süan (reigned 73-49). The third son, Hui-k’ing, escaped to the Left Valley of San-shui. He refused Ho Kuang’s invitation to return. His son Sun-k’ing was the father of Wen-po (12,42:10b). As has been pointed out already,1) this extraordinary flight of fantasy is con­ tradicted by all evidence. Emperor SUan's style was Ts'ï-k'ing, but he was a grandson of the Heir-apparent and not his brother. Emperor Wu's empress, who committed suicide during the witchcraft case, belonged to the Wei clan and was not a Hiung-nu princess. No Hui-k'ing is mentioned in the imperial genealogy of Former H an. He and his descendants must be pure inventions. While spurious, Lu Fang’s “gene­ alogy” is nevertheless shrewd. By insisting on descent from both the Chinese and the Hiung-nu ruling houses, he could demand recognition from both nations. Some may have been taken in by his claim. Wei Ao, a man who jealeously guarded his independence in the northwest until his death, referred in A.D. 27 to Lu F ang ') The text states th a t the troops were mobilized in the Dependent State of San-shui. T hat is not quite correct. San-shui was the capital of the Dependent State of An-ting (HS 28Ba:22a). This Depend­ ent State is not listed in the administrative surveys of A.D. 2 and 140, but appears elsewhere. I t is, in addition to the present case, mentioned for I B.C. (HS 36:35a), A.D. 45 (lB:16a; 12,42:12b), and 155 (7:7b). I t is also referred to during the last period of the Later Han dynasty, although w ithout exact dates (SHS 3:9b; HHS 65,95:4a, 4b). s) See vol. II, p. 25, map 2; p. 46, map 5. San-shui is shown ibidem, p. 34, map 4. ») Vol. II, p. 26.

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as Liu Wen-po (13,43:7b), although this may have been prompted more by political expediency than real conviction.1) Whether or not Lu Fang was assisted by his claim, he allied himself with the Tibetans and Hiung-nu in A.D. 26 or soon thereafter. The Shan-yü sent a cavalry force to welcome Lu Fang, who followed them to their nation together with his brother’s K ’in and Ch’eng. He was there enthroned as Emperor of Han. Lu Ch’eng returned to An-ting in command of Hiung-nu horsemen (12,42:10b-lla; 89,119:1 b).**) It is not clear to which extent Lu Fang acted as a free agent or under pressure from the Shan-yü. Although perhaps more a candidate than a pawn of the Hiung-nu, it is evident th a t Lu Fang never rose above the stature of an adventurer. His chances of mobilizing armies in the sparsely populated northwest were nil, and the Hiungnu never concentrated all their efforts on his cause. I t is particularly difficult to see what Lu Fang expected to gain from leaving China altogether. He could never hope to set up abroad even the semblance of an imperial administration, without which no pretender could be taken seriously. No military necessity seems to have existed for Lu Fang’s departure. Perhaps the Shan-yü thought th a t the move would increase his influence on him. B ut, in the long run, no political advantage accrued from a pretender who did his pretending outside the Chinese border. I t was therefore decided to return Lu Fang to his home land. Again it is not clear who was the driving force. The tex t implies th a t the Shan-yü took the initiative, although he equally well might have acted as Lu Fang’s ally and with his approval. In A.D. 28, the Shan-yü sent a high dignitary into the Ordos Region and there negotiated or enforced an alliance of local leaders in support of Lu Fang. These men had made themselves independent early in the civil war and had assumed the titles of generals. They were Li Hing and Sui Yü from Wu-yüan commandery, T ’ien Li from Shuo-fang commandery, and Shf Wei*) and Min K ’an from Tai commandery (12,42:11a). Tai had since A.D 24 been under the control of Kuang-wu,4) so th a t Shi Wei and Min K ’an could no longer have been active in their home territory. They evidently had joined the regional power faction of Wu-yüan and Shuo-fang, in which Li Hing seems to have been most influential. He and his followers represented one of the many centrifugal forces of the civil war, whose purpose was to maintain autonomy a t least until the winning pretender could be identified. I t must have been unwelcome to be forced into an early choice. B ut the vulnerable location of Wu-yüan and Shuo-fang gave no alternative. In A.D. 29, Li Hing and Min K ’an went to the residence of the Shan-yü and escorted Lu Fang to Wu-yüan. He chose Kiu-yüan*) as his capital (12,42:11a). >) See vol. II, p. 165. *) TK K 23:4a has a slightly different version. The Hu of Ta’an-raan prefecture revolted, and Lu Fang made common cause with them. When the Hiung-nu force arrived, it asserted itself over the Hu, whereupon Lu Fang followed the Hiung-nu and went with them to their territory. H8 and HHS give the name of the prefecture as Ts’an-luan, i.e. the second character without radical 142. I t was situated NW of the present K ’ing-yang hien, Kan-su. a) Shi Wei is not again mentioned in the texts. 4) Cf. vol. II, p. 77. *) The Kiu-yüan prefecture during H an was the capital of Wu-yüan commandery and was situated E of the presen t Wu-yüan hien, Sui-yüan.

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The pen Id records th a t in the 12th month of th a t year (corresponding to Jan . 23-Feb. 21, A.D. 30) he declared himself Son of Heaven (lA:26a). This statem ent is peculiar, since, as we have seen, the biography places his ascension to the throne in A.D. 26 or 27. If the account of the pen Id is correct, it would indicate th a t Lu Fang repeated the ceremony on Chinese soil, perhaps in order to strengthen his claim. In addition to Wu-yüan and Shuo-fang, he was recognized in the commanderies of Yttn-chung, Ting-siang, and Yen-men. I t is clear from later events th a t he appointed Li Hing as Grand Administrator of Wu-yüan and T ’ien Li as Grand Administrator of Shuo-fang, i.e. acknowledged the authority of these men in their home commanderies. Lu Fang also appointed Grand Administrators for the other three commanderies, as well as Prefects for the various prefectures. This again must mean th a t he generally accepted actual conditions. His army consisted of Chinese and Hiung-nu (12,42:11a). Lu Fang’s possessions were consequently re­ stricted to border commanderies, stretching from the Ordos into northern Shan-si. Emperor Kuang-wu’s only response was to place a garrison under a Lieutenant General in Tai commandery (30A,60A:la). Diplomatic and military activities accelerated during A.D. 30. For the first time in his reign, Emperor Kuang-wu sent en envoy to the Shan-ytt.1) I t is not recorded whether the granting of a new seal was involved. When the Shan-yil had responded with messengers and presents, the Chinese emperor dispatched still another embassy with gifts of gold and silk.**) B ut the Shan-yU treated the envoys arrogantly and rudely, and nothing came of the diplomatic contacts (lB :3a; 89, 119: lb -2 a). Kuang-wu’s attem pt to restore peaceful conditions was not well timed. The Hiung-nu were in the ascendancy, Lu Fang had returned to China less than one year earlier, and the civil war had not yet come to an end. The emperor's position was still relatively weak, and the Shan-yü knew it. Lu Fang took the offensive in the 6th month (July 19-Aug. 17) of A.D. 30. His general Kia Lan invaded Tai commandery with Hiung-nu cavalry, and in a battle a t Kao-liua) killed its Grand Administrator Liu Hing (lB:2a; 12,42:11a).4) While this is not stated in the texts, it seems evident th a t Kuang-wu lost the entire Tai commandery. He contented himself in A.D. 31 with ordering the Generalin-chief of Agile Cavalry, Tu Mao, to establish military agricultural colonies in l) According to 89,119:1b, this was tho Marquis of Kuei-te, Liu Li (cf. supra p. 103, note 3). Chou Shou-ch’ang speculates th at Kuang-wu must have renewed Liu Li’s title (HS 94B:22a. P u chu). While this is true, it is certain th a t Liu Li was dead in A.D. 30. His son Siang had succeeded to the m arquisats in 20. HHS is therefore mistaken in considering Liu Li a member of the embassy in A.D. 30. The real name of th e envoy is unknown. a) I t was led by the General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household Han T ung, about whom other­ wise nothing is known. *) The Kao-liu prefecture during H an belonged to the Tai commandery and was situated NW of the present Yang-kao hien, Shan-si. ') For these and the following military events see map'15. According to TK K 1:7a, Liu Hing had uncautiously counterattacked. When Kuang-wu received the report, w ritten before Liu Hing set out, he predicted his defeat and death. For Kuang-wu’s dose touch with military operations, see vol. II, pp. 213-214.

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Tsin-yang1) and Knang-wu.1) This means th a t the front line went through southern Yen-men oommandery, with a second line of defense further south in T ’ai-yüan commandery. Some time during the year 31, the emperor’s strategic position improved some­ what through no action of his own. Lu Fang executed the Grand Administrator of Wu-yüan, Li Hing, and his brothers (12,42:11b). No reason is given. Since Li Hing seems to have been the most influential among the local leaders, and his recognition of Lu Fang had not been entirely voluntary, it is probable th a t the latter decided to rid himself of an unwilling or ambitious partner. W hat Lu Fang m ust not have foreseen was the resulting defection from his own ranks during the winter of 31. T'ien Li with Shuo-fang commandery, and a certain K ’iao Hus) with Ytin-chung commandery surrendered to Kuang-wu. The emperor confirmed their ranks of Grand Administrators (lB :4b; 12,42:11b; chi 18:2a). Nothing more is heard about K ’iao Hu, but T ’ien Li continued his career as one of Kuang-wu’s officiais. As a result of these events, Lu Fang’s territorial base shifted eastwards. He had lost Shuo-fang and Ytin-chung, retained Wu-yttan, Ting-siang, and northern Yen-men, and had gained Tai commandery. Wu-yüan was less isolated from the others than the map might seem to indicate, since Lu Fang had free passage through the Hiung-nu territory beyond the Chinese border. Status quo was maintained during A.D. 32. In the 1st month (Feb. 18-Mar. 10) of 33, the imperial government ordered th a t all officials and people of Yen-men commandery should be “evacuated” southwards and settled in the adjacent T ’aiyüan oommandery (lB:5b). Kuang-wu’s troops only controlled the southern p art of Yen-men, so th a t this evacuation order is puzzling. I t probably meant no more than th a t refugees were offered shelter in T ’ai-yüan, and th a t officials were per­ mitted to abandon their posts and would not be prosecuted under the article on Cowardice in the Face of the Enemy.4) In the same 1st month of 33, Wei Ao died. Lu Fang was the only remaining enemy in the north, and Kuang-wu could send larger forces against him. During the 6th month (July 16-Aug. 14), he dispatched the Commander-in-chief, W u Han, with the General-in-chief Who Traverses the Open Country, Wang Ch’ang, the General-in-chief Who Establishes Righteousness, Chu Yu, the General Who E x­ terminates the Caitiffs, Wang Pa, the General Who Routs the Traitors, Hou Tain, and more than 50,000 men to attack Kao-liu. I t is not stated from which direction this attack was launched. Probably it came from the east or southeast, since Tu Mao afterwards struck from the southwest. Kia Lan and Min K ’an,5) assisted by Hiung-nu cavalry, offered firm resistance, and, aided by a heavy rainfall, defeated •) *) The Tain-yang prefecture during H an w u the capital of T ’ai-yUan commandery and is identical with the present T ’ai-yUan hien, Shan-si. *) The Kuang-wu prefecture during H an belonged to the Yen-men commandery and was situated Iff li W of the present Tai bien, Shan-si. •) lB :4b, in contrast to 12,42:11b, writes K 'iao with radical 7ff. «) Cf. 106. Hulsewé, p. 41. •) Since Min K ’an was a native of Tai, he evidently had returned to his home commandery after K ia Lan had oonquered it in A.D. 30.

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the imperial army. Wu Han returned to Lo-yang after having placed his troops in strategic locations. Hou Tsin was stationed in Yü-yang commandery,1) Wang Ch’ang in Ku-an prefecture,1) and Chu Yu in Nan-hing-t’ang prefecture.’) In addition, the emperor appointed Wang P a as Grand Administrator of Shang-ku commandery. He was to retain his rank of general and command of troops, and should attack the enemy within and without the borders of the commanderyl*4) (lB:6a; 12,42:11b; 15,45:7a; 20,50:4b-5a; 22,52:2a). The garrisons, stretching from Tsin-yang pre­ fecture to Yü-yang commandery, formed a strong line of defense, obviously in­ tended to protect the lower Fen River valley and the Great Plain from Lu Fang and his Hiung-nu allies. A t the end of A.D. 33, one further attem pt was made against Lu Fang. The General-in-chief of Agile Cavalry, Tu Mao, aided by Yen-men's Grand Administrator, Kuo Liang,5*) attacked the prefectures of Kuo and Fan-chlc). These were defended by Lu Fang's officer Yin Yu. The campaign seems to have been coordinated with a sortie from Shang-ku by Wang P a.7) Kia Lan, with a large force of Hiung-nu cavalry, came from Kao-liu to Yin Yu's rescue. A major battle was fought a t Fanchl, in which the imperial armies again were completely routed. Tu Mao retreated into Lou-fan prefecture.8) Wang P a returned to Shang-ku commandery (lB :6a; 20,50:5a; 22,52:6a). The year 33 had been singularly unsuccessful for Kuang-wu in the north. A.D. 34 did not bring much improvement. In the 1st month (Feb. 8-Mar. 8), the Commander-in-chief, Wu Han, with 60,000 men, once more attacked K ia Lan a t Kao-liu. The Grand Administrator of Shang-ku, Wang Pa, and the Grand Administrator of Yü-yang, Ch'en Hin, led the vanguard. As usual, Hiung-nu cavalry arrived to assist Kia Lan. Wang Pa is stated to have defeated them a t P ’ing-ch’eng and to have persued them beyond the border (lB:6a; 20,50:5a). B ut since the text, probably based on a optimistic report, only records several hundreds of Hiungnu killed, the achievement was not an outstanding one. Kao-liu remained intact, and, reading between the lines, it is obvious th a t the campaign had fizzled out. As long as Lu Fang and his officers had the support of the Hiung-nu, they were practically invulnerable. Their strategic position must not be seen from the Chinese l) The exact location is not known, and the one shown on map 15 is hypothetical. *) The Ku-an prefecture during Han belonged to the Cho commandery and was situated SE of the present Yi hien, Ho-pei. *) The Nan-hing-t’ang prefecture during Han belonged to the Ch’ang-shan commandery and was situated NE of the present Hing-t’ang hien, Ho-pei. *) Normally, the activities of Grand Administrators were categorically restricted to the territories of their commanderies. •) Since the imperial forces held only the southernmost part of Yen-men, he can have been no more than a Grand Administrator designate. •) Both Kuo and Fan-chi prefectures during H an belonged to Yen-men commandery and were situated W of the present Hun-yüan hien, Shan-si. Since their relative positions are unknown, only Fan-chi has been shown on map 15. 7) 20,50:6a dates Wang Pa’s sortie in A.D. 34. This is contradicted by the other sources. ■) The Lou-fan prefecture during Han belonged to Yen-men commandery and was situated N of the present Kuo hien, Shan-si.

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point of view, grimly holding on to sparsely populated border eommanderies. They represented, as it were, outposts on Chinese soil of the Hiung-nu empire, whose swift-moving horsemen came to their aid when needed. The curious p art of this situation is not th a t the Chinese were unable to cope with a pretender, backed by the might of the Hiung-nu; it is the inability or unwillingness of the Shan-yii to exploit the opportunity to greater advantage. The texts say nothing about his motives. He may not have trusted Lu Fang completely. He may have concluded th a t Emperor Kuang-wu could not be unseated. Or he may have lacked political vision. Whatever his reasons, he restricted himself to propping up Lu Fang and to harassing northern China by repeated raids. While the Shan-yti’s objectives perhaps were more limited than politically nec­ essary, he had no cause to be displeased with the results. In A.D. 34, the Chinese “abolished” Ting-riang commandery and “transferred” its people to Si-ho commandery (lB:6b). Ting-siang was held by Lu Fang, so th a t the imperial govern­ ment once more simply took note of actual conditions and tried to settle the refugees. In the following year (A.D. 36), Shuo-fang province was abolished1) and added to Ping province (lB :7b; 31,61:2a). Whether this was prompted by administrative desirability or reflected a weakening hold on the territory is impossible to say. A competent and respected official, Kuo Ki, was appointed Shepherd of Ping province and announced a price on Lu Fang's head (31,61:2b). Ever rince early A.D. 30, Lu Fang seems to have stayed in his capital Kiu-yiian. He personally took command during 36 in an attem pt to regain the Yün-chung commandery. I t had been in imperial possession from A.D. 31 onwards. K ia Lan attacked simultaneously, which must mean th a t Yün-chung was invaded from the west and east. For his absence, Lu Fang put Sui Yü in charge of Kiu-yüan. This man wished to surrender to Kuo Ki, and seems to have tried capturing Lu Fang. The fact th a t the latter was forced into headlong flight with only a handful of horsemen, while his troops went over to Sui Yü, would seem to indicate a care­ fully prepared plot. No details are known about it. Lu Fang made good his escape and went to live again among the Hiung-nu (lB :9a; 12,42:11b; 31,61:2b).**) Sui Yü and his younger brother Hien were summoned to the imperial capital, Lo-yang. There, the former was appointed as Grand Administrator of his native commandery Wu-yüan and made the Marquis Who Chisels Away the Hu. Hien became Marquis of Wu-t8in,a) not exactly a handsome marquisate as far as its location is concerned (12,42:11b). *) U lis province is somothing of a puzzle. I t wan not one of the thirteon regular provinces and is not referred to elsewhere in HHS. HS (71:10b; 70:7b; 89:1b) mentions three Inspectors of Shuo-fang province in the time of Emperor Ch'eng. I t may be assumed th a t the province consisted of the commanderies of the Ordos Region, i.e. Shuo-fang, Wu-yUan, and perhaps Yün-chung. In th a t case. Ping province would until A.D. 35 only have comprised central and northern Shan-si, and northern Shen-si. *) Lu Fang’s biography (12.42:11b) dates the escape in A.D. 36. According to the pen ki, he left China in the 2nd month (Mar. 6-Apr. 4) of 37. (31,61:2b gives no date.) I t is possible th at Lu Fang lingered on the border for a short time, and th a t the date of the pen ki refers to his final departure. ■) The Wu-tsin prefecture during Former Han belonged to the Ting-siang commandery. I t was situated N of the present Ho-lin-ko-er hien, Sui-yüan. I t is shown on map 15.

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Kia Lan is no longer mentioned in the sources, which makes it probable th a t he perished during the abortive invasion of Yttn-chung. W ith his disappearance, Tai commandery must have come into imperial hands. Yen-men was also repossessed in A.D. 36. Yin Yu, the defender of P ’ing-ch’eng, was killed by his officers K ia Tan, Ho K ’uang, and Hie Sheng, after Lu Fang's defeat had become known. They surrendered and were enfeoffed as marquises. Tu Mao's army moved north from southern Yen-men, probably from Lou-fan where he had taken refuge in A.D. 33, and soon all of Yen-men commandery had submitted (22,52:6a).1) Lu Fang had lost his foothold in China, and Kuang-wu had regained the border commanderies. This had not been brought about by military victories b u t by diplomacy. Lu Fang's officers had succumbed to the tem ptation of seeking imperial rewards and noble titles. In spite of this success, it cannot be said th a t Kuangwu’s control of the northwest was firm. The Hiung-nu retained the initiative. W ith the exception of the Kan-su corridor west of the Yellow River's upper course, where Tou Jung had kept the fortifications in good repair and had p ut up a spirited defense (23,53:1b, 2b), the Hiung-nu roamed freely through the northwest. In about A.D. 35, a court discussion had been held on the question of how to cope with the continuous raids of the Hiung-nu. The details of this discussion are not preserved. We are only told th a t the Superintendent of the Imperial House­ hold, Kuo Hien, violently argued against a Chinese offensive. He had earlier, in A.D. 32, unsuccessfully opposed the attack on Wei Ao. His argument was the same on both occasions: the empire was exhausted. I t looks as though Kuo Hien represented a minority view. After ardent remonstrations, he threw himself on the ground, claimed to be dizzy, was led away between two Gentlemen, and refused to salute the emperor (82A, 112A:4b).*) While this gives the impression th a t the majority of the participants in the court discussion were in favour of attacking the Hiung-nu, no such attack took place. Even after Lu Fang’s position had collapsed in A.D. 36, the Chinese attitude remained wholly defensive. I t found expression in building large-scale fortifications.*) In A.D. 36, the emperor dispatched the General-in-chief of Agile Cavalry, Tu Mao, and an Internuncio by the name of Tuan Chung to repair, build, and garrison the border fortifications. They were put in charge of men whose punishments had been relaxed (shl hing), in addition to which they mobilized troops in the border commanderies (lB :8b-9a; 22,52:6a). The pen hi and Tu Mao’s biography do not state where these activities were carried out. They cannot have begun earlier th an A.D. 37, i.e. only after Lu Fang had been forced to withdraw. I t so happens th a t in 37 the Grand Administrator of Shang-ku, Wang Pa, was ordered to command more than 6000 men whose punishments had been relaxed and convicts, and to *) lB :lla places Yin Y u's death in the 9th month (Oct. 18-Nov. Iff) of 38. This version m ust be wrong. The imperial general Wang P a built fortifications a t P ’ing-ch’eng during A.D. 37, which would not have been possible had th a t city still been held by Yin Yu. *) The text says th a t Kuo Hien subsequently excused himself from office. Since he retired in A.D. 3ff, the court conference was probably th a t year. •) See map 10.

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join forces with Tu Mao. Their combined labours are described in his biography. While it is not impossible th a t Tu Mao also reconstructed unspecified fortifications elsewhere, it looks as though his major efforts were coordinated with those of Wang Pa. On the one hand, the two men directed the repairs of the Fei-hu (“Flying Fox") Road,1) which had strategic importance. I t went from Shang-ku commandery via Tai prefecture1) through the Fei-hu Pass, and connected in the south with other roads.1) On the other hand, Tu Mao and Wang P a built a barricade with watchtowers and fire and smoke signals from the P ’ing-ch’eng prefecture to Tai, using earth and stone as building material. The location of the barricade is a problem. Tai could be the name of either the commandery or the prefecture. In the first case, this would simply mean th a t the fortifications stretched into Tai commandery, its terminus being unknown. In the second case, there could be no doubt about its emplacement. The only clue is the statement th a t the wall was 300-odd li (ca. 78 miles; 125 km) long. This happens to be the distance from P ’ing-ch’eng to Tai prefecture. I t is probable, therefore, th a t the barricade crossed the Wen River. The purpose must have been to block the river valley which, together with the Fen River valley, formed the natural gateway into central and southern Shan-si. The emperor sent gold, plain silk, embroidery, and silk floss as payment for the army and as gifts for the border people. Donkey-drawn carts were employed for transports, but on Wang P a’s suggestion, the Wen River4) was also used for cheaper and more convenient shipping. The Hiung-nu and Wu-huan caused continuous interruptions in the work, and more than a hundred engagements were fought against them. Wang P a suggested th a t one should seek peace and an alliance by marriage with the Hiung-nu, but while the emperor was in favour of the proposal, there was nothing he could do about it in practice. At this time, Tu Mao also estab­ lished military agricultural garrisons a t the border, but no exact sites are men­ tioned in the sources (20,50:5&-5b; 22,52:6a). I t may have been a t this time th a t Kuang-wu also experimented with mobile border fortifications. He had vehicles constructed which had turrets and were drawn by several oxen each. They were placed on the border and apparently moved as conditions demanded (89,119:3 b). Nothing is known about their effectiveness. As a further precaution against Hiung-nu raids onto the Great Plain, the emperor in the 2nd month (Mar. 6-Apr. 4) of 37 stationed the General Who Seizes the Caitiffs, Ma Wu, together with two Chief Commandants of Cavalry a t the H u-t’o River.*) *) This toad must have received its name in H an times from the Fei-hu Pass. No prefecture with th a t name existed. The Fei-hu Pass is today still known by th a t name, and is shown on 90. Ting, map 23. 20,60:6a, Commentary, describes the Fei-hu Road in T ’ang terms and says th a t it went from the Huai-jung prefecture (identical with the modem Huai-lai hien, Chahar) to the Fei-hu prefecture (identical with the present Lai-yUan hien, Ho-pei). ■) The Tai prefecture during Han belonged to the Tai commandery and was situated 20 li E of the present YU hien, Ho-pei. •) The latter are not shown on map 16. *) Shen K'in-han points out th at other names of this river were Wen-ytt River, Lei-ytt River, and ChT River, but th a t its proper name was Lei River. See 41. Shen, 2:13b-16a. The modem name is Yung-ting River.

8

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Half of the force was placed a t Hia-k’ü-yang north of the river, and the other at Lin-p’ing south of it (lB :9a; 22,52:11a; chi 10:7a).1) Obviously, the valley of the H u-t’o formed an avenue of access to the Great Plain. None of these measures stopped the Hiung-nu. In the 5th month (June 3-Ju ly 1) of 37, they rode deep into Chinese territory without being halted, and raided Hotung commandery in southeastern Shan-si (lB:10b; 89,119:2a). The Chinese govern­ ment reacted by stubbornly continuing the policy on which it had embarked: more walls. In A.D. 38, the General Who Manifests Firmness, Ma Ch’eng, was sent to garrison the Ch’ang-shan and Chung-shan commanderies on the central p art of the northern plain. He was simultaneously put in charge of the troops previously commanded by the General-in-chief Who Establishes Righteousness, Chu Yu, which implies th a t the garrison a t Nan-hing-t’ang prefecture was still maintained. Ma Ch’eng was also ordered to replace Tu Mao in building and repairing fortifications. This work lasted for five or six years and involved constructions on a large scale. The* texts give no detailed information on the exact course of the barricades, b u t enough is known to provide a t least a rough idea. Four walls were built. The first stretched from the Wei Bridge to Si-ho command­ ery. The bridge spanned the Wei River near Ch’ang-an.*) Si-ho straddled the Yellow River and comprised parts of central Shan-si, northern Shen-si, and north­ eastern Ordos. This makes it probable th a t the wall extended from the Wei River to the Yellow River, and th a t its northern segment followed the course of the wall of 353 B.C. The second wall went from Ho-shang to An-yi prefecture. An-yi was situated in southern Shan-si. Ho-shang was an ancient name of the Tso-p’ing-yi commandery, a t whose northern border a barrier had existed for some time. The future Emperor Kao had repaired it in 206 B.C.*) Ma Ch’eng apparently reconstructed the earlier fortifications and continued them beyond the Yellow River. The third wall was built from T’ai-yiian commandery to Tsing-hing prefecture**4) on the edge of the Great Plain. I t must be assumed th a t this fortification went in a more or less straight westerly direction from Tsing-hing in order to protect the rich agricultural region a t the Fen River in central Shan-si. The fourth and last of the walls extended along the western limit of the northern plain, from Ye prefecture in the south to Chung-shan commandery in the north. The northern border of Chung-shan was probably the terminus of th a t barrier. Along all the walls, watchtowers were built a t intervals of 10 li (ca. 2.4 miles; 4 km) and the usual fire and smoke signals were installed (22,52:7a-7b). Taken as a whole, the walls were an ambitious endeavour to devise defense in depth. If the Hiung-nu struck through the Ordos Region, they would, hopefully, *) The treatise (10:7a) records this event under A.D. 36, which is contradicted by the other sources. *) I t is mentioned several times in HS, e.g. 4:2b-3a (72. Dubs, I, p. 226). ») HS lA:30b (72. Dubs, I, pp. 73-74, 73 note 3). 4) The Tsing-hing prefecture during Han belonged to the Ch'ang-shan commandery and was situated N of the present hien with the same name, Ho-pei.

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be stopped a t the Wei R iver—Yellow River barrier. If they attacked from the north, the walls in Tai commandery, central Shan-si, and southern Shan-si offered three successive lines of resistance. Should the Hiung-nu swing east from Shan-si, and attem pt to reach the Great Plain through one of the passes, they would run against the barrier along its western edge. While it would seem probable th a t attem pts were made to keep up the fortifications further north on the traditional border itself, the very need for additional walls proves th a t the Hiung-nu could penetrate them a t will. The Chinese were falling back, and none of the barriers was proving really efficient. In the 2nd month (Mar. 14-Apr. 12) of 39, the court retreated further. Officials and people from Yen-men,1) Tai, and Shang-ku commanderies were evacuated and resettled on the northern plain east of the Kü-yung and Ch’ang-shan passes.**) This evacuation was carried out by the Commander-in-chief, Wu Han, by Ma Ch’eng, who was engaged in building the fortifications, and by Ma Wu, who was still stationed a t the H u-t’o River. The texts state th a t more than 60,000 persons were transferred. The Hiung-nu moved into the abandoned territory and lived within the Chinese border (lB :lla ; 18,48:6b; 89,119:2a; chi 10:7a). This government-sponsored evacuation must have been greatly outnumbered by the gradual, voluntary emigration from the border commanderies. The population of Yen-men, Tai, and Shang-ku shrunk from A.D. 2 to 140 by 218,000 individuals, and, whether with or without government assistance, it is evident th a t most refugees settled in the adjacent areas in the east. A comparison of the population maps (maps 1 and 2) shows a very obvious increase of inhabitants below the Kü-yung and Ch’ang-shan passes. The official evacuation simply recognized a process which must have been under way for some time. I t follows th a t the second line of defense in Tai commandery had become obsolete as soon as it was finished. The Hiung-nu had begun to live permanently in China itself, and those who had entered Yen-men outflanked the barrier of Tai. In the 12th month of the Chinese year 39 (corresponding to Jan. 4-Feb. 1, A.D. 40), Lu Fang returned and took up residence in Kao-liu, i.e. among his Hiung-nu allies.*) In the 10th month (Nov. 23-Dec. 22) of A.D. 40, he unexpectedly sent Kuang-wu his imperial seal and surrendered together with Min K ’an and the latter’s younger brother Lin (lB:12b, 13a; 12,42:11b; chi 10:7b). Nothing w hat­ ever is known about Lu Fang’s motives. HHS insinuates th a t the Hiung-nu were the prime movers and attributes to them a bizarre incentive. They supposedly coveted the price which had been placed on Lu Fang’s head. B u t Lu Fang, cunningly, made no mention of their motive. No reward was made, and the Shan-yü was ashamed to reveal his plan (89,119:2a). This innuendo fails by its absurdity. H ad the Shan-yü really wished to collect the reward for Lu Fang’s head, he would have >) This was the second official “evacuation” of Yen-men. Cf. supra p. 107. •) The Ch’ang-shan pass was another name for the Fei-hu pass. Cf. supra p. I l l , note 1. *) In contrast to the pen ki, 12,42:11b dates both events in A.D. 40. Possibly, Lu Fang returned a t the very end of the Chinese year 30, and chose Kao-liu as his residence in the very beginning of 40.

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made sure to send it in a bag. Quite the contrary, he and Lu Fang remained on good terms; he assisted him in A.D. 42 to return to Hiung-nu territory, and he and his successors were Lu Fang's hosts until he died. The account of HHS merely reflects the Chinese predilection for ascribing to the Hiung-nu the basest motives. Lu Fang may simply have tired of his life among the Hiung-nu. By shedding his imperial title, which never had won much acceptance, he could spend the last years of his life in China. This presented Kuang-wu with the unexpected possibility of gaining a diplomatic advantage, b ut he failed to exploit the chance. In the 12th month of the Chinese year 40 (corresponding to Jan. 22-Feb. 19, A.D. 41), he enfeoffed Lu Fang as King of Tai, appointed Min K 'an his Chancellor, and made Min Lin his Grand Tutor. This cost the court nothing. Tai commandery had been de facto abandoned, and all the government did was to recognize the three men’s standing among their local Chinese and Hiung-nu supporters. Furthermore, the emperor sent Lu Fang 20,000 bolts of embroidered silk and asked him to use his influence for peace with the Hiung-nu. Lu Fang responded with a memorial which, although he still claimed imperial descent, was conciliatory in tone. An edict ordered him to come to the capital for audience in the 1st month (Feb. 20-Mar. 21) of A.D. 41. Lu Fang set out, but when he reached the Ch'ang-p'ing prefecture below the Kü-yung pass, another edict informed him th a t the audience had been postponed for one year. He became suspicious, turned back, and revolted again before the end of the Chinese year 40 (lB:13a; 12,42:1 lb -12 a). His submission had lasted less than three months. Through capriciousness and lack of tact, Kuang-wu had missed the opportunity of using Lu Fang as a diplomatic intermediary. Min K 'an and his brother Lin did not revolt again with Lu Fang. They resisted him in local fighting, after which they permanently drop out of sight. In the 5th month (June 8-July 0) of A.D. 42, Lu Fang left China for the last time. The Shan-yü sent horsemen who escorted him with wife and children to Hiung-nu territory, where he died after ten-odd years (IB: 14b; 12,42:12a). He had not become one of the major figures of the civil war. W hatever his ability, he had always stood in the shadow of the Hiung-nu. A.D. 43 was a peaceful year, but 44 was all the more disastrous. The government officially abandoned still another territory by abolishing Wu-yüan commandery and transferring its officials and people to Ho-tung commandery in southern Shan­ si.1) No figures are given, and the majority of the people was undoubtedly left to its own devices. During this year, the raids began again. In the 5th month (June 15-July 13), the barriers notwithstanding, the Hiung-nu looted Shang-tang in southwestern Shan-si. Another contingent sacked the T'ien-shui commandery in the upper Wei River region, and reached Yu-fu-feng further downstream, n o rth ­ west of Ch'ang-an (lB:15b; 24,54:11a; 89,119:2a). In the 12th month (corresponding to Jan. 8-Feb. 5, A.D. 45), the Hiung-nu once more looted T ’ien-shui (lB :16a).a)*) *) Or to “the east of the [Yellow] River”, i.e. all of Shan-si. *) 24,64:11a dates the pillage of Yu-fu-feng in the 10th month (Nov. 9-Dec. 8). I t is conceivable th a t the Hiung-nu entered Tien-shui in the 6th month, reached Yu-fu-feng in the 10th, and returned via T'ien-shui in the 12th.

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According to one entry (24,54:11a), the Wu-huan participated in the raid oi Yu-fu-feng. They and the Sien-pi were tributary people of the Hiung-nu, living to the northeast of China. Both tribes had in Later Han times frequently joined in the attacks of the Hiung-nu, apparently under the latter’s command. No in­ dependent incursions are recorded. The subordinated role of the Wu-huan and Sien-pi is also illustrated by the fact th a t the texts describe their parts in the raids by generalities and rarely give exact dates.1) In the 9th month (Oct. 11-Nov. 8) of A.D. 44, Ma Yüan had victoriously returned from his campaign in Indo-China. He was one of the most celebrated military men of his time, and immediately requested permission to attack the Hiung-nu and Wu-huan. This was granted. B ut since Ma Yüan was given the absurdly small force of 3000 cavalrymen, nothing could be expected from the enterprise, and no real offensive was possible. The General Who Calms the Waves left Lo-yang in the 12th month of the Chinese year 44 (corresponding to Jan. 8-Feb. 5, A.D. 45) and encamped in the Siang-kuo prefecture.1) In the 10th month (Oct. 30-Nov. 27) of 45, he marched through the Wu-küan pass,1) which seems to be still another name for the Fei-hu pass.4) Having reached Kao-liu, he proceeded to inspect the barriers of Tai, Yen-men, Shang-ku, and Yu-pei-p’ing commanderies. He also seems to have attem pted one incursion into Wu-huan territory. The enemy avoided engagement, and Ma Yüan was only able to take a hundred heads. As soon as he turned back, the Wu-huan began to attack, and the Chinese retreat turned into flight. Ma Yüan lost one third of his horses, presumably with their riders, and the entire action ended in failure (IB: 16a; 24,54:11a; 90,120:3a). Ma Yüan’s misadventure had not been the only military encounter in the north during A.D. 45. When Lu Fang had first rebelled in the Dependent State of An-ting, he had been allied with non-Chinese tribesmen (Hu) of Ts’an-luan prefecture.1) These were also known as the Hu of the Ts’ing Mountain.1) They had surrendered to Kuang-wu’s general Feng Yi in A.D. 30 (17,47:9a). In the 4th month (May 6June 3) of A.D. 45, they rose again. HHS gives as the reason bittemess against their Chinese officials and the corvée these exacted. The uprising was suppressed without difficulty, and the H u were transferred to Ki prefecture in T ’ien-shui commandery, south of the Wei River7) (lB:16a; 12,42:12a-12b). In the fall of 45, a large force of Hiung-nu and Sien-pi attacked Liao-tung and *) 19,40:2b, 10a; 20,50:5a, 10a, 10b; 90,120:2b-3a, 5a. The major part of the chapter on the Sien-pi in HHS has been translated by 144. Schreiber, pp. 106ff. ■) The Siang-kuo prefecture during Han belonged to the Chao kingdom and was situated S of the present Hing-t'ai hien, Ho-pei. I t is shown on map 16. •) For the pronunciation see 90,120:3a, Tai kit. *) 90,120:3a, Commentary, places the pass in Tai commandery. Hui Tung (ibidem, Tai kit) says th a t it was situated in the Kuang-ch’ang prefecture of Tai oommandery. This Han prefecture was in turn located N of the present Lai-yUan hien, i.e. a t the Fei-hu pass. •) See supra p. 105, note 2. ■) Chi 23A:36b states th a t the Ts’an-luan prefecture had a Ts’ing Mountain. ’) This prefecture is shown in vol. II, pp. 174, 179, maps 31 and 32.

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began to loot it. This commandery had been governed since A.D. 41 by the capable Grand Administrator Chai T ’ung, who had used the intervening years for putting the defense in order. He succeeded in defeating and expelling the invaders (lB:16a; 20,50:10a; 90,120:5b). The year 45 ended with one great raid, in which the Hiung-nu entered Shang-ku commandery and from there penetrated to Chung-shan commandery on the northern plain (lB:16a; 89,119:2a-2b). This was the last violent encounter between the Hiung-nu and Chinese during Kuang-wu’s reign. Emperor Kuang-wu had been unable to cope with the Hiung-nu. I t is true th a t the civil war lasted until A.D. 36, and th a t uprisings of the southern barbarians had necessitated campaigns during A.D. 42-45. B ut the emperor had felt militarily strong enough to order a major demobilization of troops on Apr. 14, A.D. 31, even before Wei Ao had been defeated and the great offensive against Kiing-sun Shu had begun.1) The fact th at not a single attem pt was made to assault the Hiung-nu in their own territory, can therefore not be blamed on the exhaustion of the empire. From A.D. 37 onwards, particularly, a military attack was technically possible. The building of the five great barriers was undoubtedly a burden for the population, aggravated by the fact th at the Hiung-nu generally proved able to break through or go around them. Yet the court had not considered the country too exhausted for the construction of these fortifications. The alternative of raising armies for offensive action was not seriously considered. The crux of the m atter was th a t the emperor's whole attitude to the northern frontier problems was defeatist. He seemed to prefer peace a t almost any price. The border commanderies from Shangku to Shuo-fang were, for all practical purposes, lost. The Hiung-nu had begun to live on what had been Chinese soil, and their pressure was not abating. The Tibetans, as will be seen, moved in from the west. At this stage, by a stroke of luck, China's situation was miraculously improved through new dissention among the Hiung-nu. The policies of the Hu-tu-er-shl-tao-kao-jo-ti Shan-ytt had been anti-Chinese throughout. He was the last surviving son of the Hu-han-sie Shan-ytt ever since he had killed his youngest half-brother Yi-t'u-chï-ya-shï. I t has been seen th a t this step must have been intended to prevent the return to power of the pro-Chinese party through the enthronment of Wang Chao-kttn's son. The Shan-ytt had also taken the unorthodox step of appointing his eldest son Worthy King of the Left, the title given to the Heir-apparent. HHS declares th a t this was the reason for the execution or murder of Yi-t'u-chï-ya-shï. The Shan-ytt wished to transm it the dignity to his own son (89,119:2b). This may have been a consideration, b u t it cannot have been the main reason. Otherwise, the Shan-ytt should logically have killed another man also, who legally stood between his son and the succession: Pi, the son of the Wu-chu-liu-jo-ti Shan-ytt. After the death of the Hu-tu-er-shî-tao-kao-jp-ti Shan-ytt, the generation of the Hu-han-sie Shan-ytt's sons would be exhausted, and it would be necessary *) *) See vol. n , p. 210.

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to move down to the sons of Shan-yü in the next generation. In th a t generation, Pi was the eldest. He should therefore have been made the W orthy King of the Left. When, against the rules of inheritance, he was by-passed in favour of the Shan-yü’s own son, he was displeased and became suspicious. He avoided the Shan-yii’s court and stayed in his own regional domain. The Shan-yü, feeling in turn uneasy about Pi, sent two Ku-tu-hou to keep him and his troops under sur­ veillance1) (89,119:2b-3a). I t is not probable th a t Pi started out as pro-Chinese. His father had come to represent the conservative elements among the Hiung-nu, and in A.D. 9 had broken the long peace with China. There is no reason to assume th a t the son had felt otherwise. B ut as soon as Pi's rightful claim to become Worthy King of the Left had been ignored, the growing enmity between him and the Shan-yü brought a new political element into the situation. By the nature of power struggles, as long as the Shan-yü led the anti-Chinese war party, Pi would receive support from the pro-Chinese peace party. The contest between the Shan-yü and his sons on the one hand, and Pi and his followers on the other, was therefore probably intensified by a revival of this deep-seated political dissention. In A.D. 46, the Hu-tu-er-shi-tao-kao-jo-ti Shan-yü died and was succeeded by his son, the Worthy King of the Left. The new ruler, Shan-yU Wu-ta-ti-hou, im­ mediately appointed his own younger brother Worthy King of the Left. He died himself during the same year of 46, whereupon his younger brother came on the throne as Shan-yü P ’u-nu (89,119:3a). 46 was a disastrous year for the Hiung-nu. Their country suffered under a severe drought, aggravated by a plague of locusts. Animals and people died. HHS claims th a t those who perished were “more than half" (89,119:3a), which, of course, is no more than another cliché.*•) The Wu-huan, who had been cowed by the Hiung-nu for over two centuries, recognized their opportunity, threw off their yoke, and defeated their former masters. The Chinese emperor expressed his pleasure by presenting them with silk (lB:17a; 90,120:3a).*) At about this time, Kuang-wu asked his General of the Left of the Gentlemenof-the-HousehoId, Tsang Kung, for advice on the situation in Central Asia. Tsang Kung offered to lead a cavalry force against the Hiung-nu (18,48:14b). Political events moved too fast to implement such an offensive, even if the emperor had seriously contemplated it. Shan-yü P ’u-nu was fully aware of his vulnerable military position. He dispatched envoys to go to China and suggest peace and an alliance by marriage. Kuang-wu responded by sending a General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household to the court of the Shan-yü (89,119:3a). Nothing is known about the negotiations. •) Since the official dutiee of the Ku-tu-hou seem to have included law and internal security, this was for the Shan-yü the proper action to take. Cf. 140. Pritsak, p. 107. a) Cf. supra pp. 14ff. •) The statement of 00,120:3a th at after the victory of the Wu-huan the Hiung-nu fled northwards and th a t the land south of the Gobi became empty is an obvious exaggeration. No such claim is made in the chapter on the Hiung-nu. Pi, for instance, remained dose to the Chinese border. No mention is made of his evacuating his territory.

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If the previous reconstruction is correct, this was a serious moment for Pi. Through force of circumstances, he had become the champion of the pro-Chinese party. As long as he had ambitions to overthrow his rival, he needed th a t support and could not tolerate th a t Shan-yti P ’u-nu stepped into the foreground as the peace­ maker with China. He had to follow the same course, and, after the Shan-ytt had taken the first step, he was forced to go further. P i had no choice but to offer China a higher prize. He secretly sent a Chinese in his employ, named Kuo Heng, to the border and presented a map of the Hiung-nu territory (70,119:3a). Such an action traditionally signified submission.1) Before the end of 46, Emperor Kuang-wu, somewhat precipitately, took note of the changed conditions by demobilizing the officers and soldiers manning the watchtowers in the border commanderies (IB: 17a). This order can only have had a limited application, since the Hiung-nu had previously overrun the greater part of the barriers between the Ordos Region and southern Chahar. Only further west, in Kan-su, and further east, in southern Jehol and Liao-ning, did the frontier fortifications remain fully intact. I t was there th a t the demobilization m ust have taken place. This is corroborated by the fact th a t the Chinese outpost of Kü-yen was abolished. The last of the discovered wooden slips from Etsingol (Kü-yen) for Kuang-wu’s reign are dated A.D. 31. Then follows a lacuna of close to sixty years. Lao Kan remarks th a t it is impossible to know the exact year when the fortification was abandoned. Kü-yen might have been discontinued as a result of the reduction in prefectures ordered in A.D. 30.s) I t might have been abolished during A.D. 46, or a t some time between 30 and 46.*) We can, I think, be a little more precise. Tou Jung stayed in control of the Kan-su corridor until he and his followers were summoned to the capital in A.D. 36. The sources stress Tou Jung’s forceful defense of his territory, and state th a t the Hiung-nu and Tibetans learned to avoid it.l*4*) Kü-yen was part of Tou Jung's domain. This makes it probable th a t he kept it intact not only until A.D. 30 but until he left for Lo-yang.s) The plausible time for the abandonment of the outpost is therefore the decade from 37 to 46. Tsien Potsan may be right in preferring 46 as the date.9) During the earlier part of A.D. 47, Pi again sent envoys to China. The two Kutu-hou, who had a. fairly good idea of his intention, used the opportunity of the state sacrifice on June 207*) to report to the Shan-yü, and to advise P i’s execul) lB:17a gives a garbled account of these events. I t states th at Pi asked for peace and an alliance by marriage, and th a t the emperor sent the General of the Gentlcmen-of-the-Household to him. The fuller account in the chapter on the Hiung-nu is superior. •) See infra pp. 14Iff. ’) 110. Lao, pp. 15-16. «) E.g. 23,53:2b. •) An interesting point is th a t the wooden slips, a t least from A.D. 27, were dated according to Kuang-w'us reign title (nien hao), although Tou Jung did not join him officially until A.D. 20. •) 45. Tsien, p. 457. 7) According to 89, 110:4b, the Hiung-nu performed each year three state sacrifices to the Spirits of Heaven. These were held in the 1st, 5th, and Oth months on the first day with the cyclical character mou. The present reference is to the sacrifice of the 5th month. I t is noteworthy th a t th e Hiung-nu used the Chinese sexagenary cycle for dating.

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tion. The latter got news of this plan through a younger brother who happened to belong to the guards of the Shan-yii. A breach could no longer be prevented. Pi mobilized the troops of his territory and awaited the return of the two Ku-tu-hou. HHS says th a t he intended to kill them. The Ku-tu-hou learned his intention in time, escaped, and informed the Shan-yü. The Shan-ytt sent out a force to attack Pi, which, seeing itself outnumbered, returned without a fight (lB:17b; 89,119:3 a 3b). In the 1st month (Feb. 4-Mar. 3) of A.D. 48, the chiefs of eight tribal divisions agreed th a t Pi should make peace with China, and th a t he should inherit his grand­ father’s designation. Before the end of the 1st month, Pi sent envoys to China, offering th a t he and his descendants perpetually would protect the Chinese border against enemies (lB:17b; 89,119:3b). Emperor Kuang-wu called his high officials to a court discussion. With the exception of one official, all agreed th a t the offer should not be accepted. The arguments are not preserved, except such generalities as th a t internal problems should be tackled before external ones, and th a t “tru th and falsehood of the barbarians were difficult to know”. The General over All the Offices of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household, Keng Kuo, disagreed. He drew attention the precedent in Emperor Siian’s time. H Pi did ward off the other Hiungnu in the north, and the Sien-pi in the east, it would be possible to re-establish the border commanderies. This rare opportunity offered peace for generations. The emperor sided with the minority view of Keng Kuo and accepted P i’s offer. On Jan. 25, A.D. 49, Pi proclaimed himself Hu-han-sie Shan-yü (TKK 22:1a; HHS lB :17b-18a; 19,49:10a-10b; 89,119:3b).1) From this historic date onwards, the Hiung-nu were divided into Southern and Northern Hiung-nu, and in China their rulers were generally referred to as the Southern and Northern Shan-yü. In the 1st month (Feb. 22-Mar. 22) of A.D. 49, the Southern Shan-yü again dispatched envoys to the imperial capital (IB: 18a; 89,119:4a). Wu-huan nobles arrived during the same month, and presented slaves, cattle, horses, bows, and furs of tigers, leopards, and sables. They were received in audience (IB: 18a; 20,50: 10b; 26,56:14b; 90,120:3a). The example of the Southern Hiung-nu had obviously made a deep impression. In the 3rd month (Apr. 22-May 20), the Southern Shan-yü sent another embassy which escorted a son as hostage to the court (lB:18a; 89, 119:4a). The Southern Shan-yü was automatically and irrevocably in war with his cousin, the Northern Shan-yü. Although the majority of the Hiung-nu seems to have re­ mained loyal to the Northern Shan-yü, the Wu-huan and Sien-pi could be induced to attack the Northern Hiung-nu on their flank. This helped to tip the scale slightly in favour of the south. B ut no easy victory was in sight for either faction. As early as the 1st month of 49, the Southern Shan-yü had ordered his younger brother Mo to attack the Northern Hiung-nu. Mo was the Heir-apparent with the traditional title of Worthy King of the Left, which proves th a t the Southern Shan-yü had revived the rules of succession by generation and seniority. Mo was extremely *) *) Only TK K record« the exact date.

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successful. He defeated the guard of the Northern Shan-yü, captured alive the latter’s younger brother, and took 7000 horses and 10,000 heads of cattle and sheep. 10,000 men went over to his side (lB:18a; 89,119:3b). This victory was probably facilitated by an attack of the Sien-pi, which is dated A.D. 49 and may have been simultaneous. Their nobles had been persuaded by Chai T ’ung, Grand Administrator of Liao-tung, to strike against the Northern Hiung-nu. He had promised a reward for each head taken. The Sien-pi delivered more than 2000. Having discovered this profitable source of income, the Sien-pi kept up a brisk exchange of heads for rewards during the following years (20,50:10a-10b; 90,120:5b). For the time being, the Northern Shan-yü was on the defensive, and kept his distance on the other side of the Gobi. Two of his Ku-tu-hou deserted him and joined the Southern Shan-yü, with, the tex t says, more than 30,000 men (89,119: 3b-4a). The political situation was briefly complicated during the summer of A.D. 50 by the appearance of a third Shan-yU. The younger brother of the Northern Shan-yü, who had been captured in the preceding year, and who apparently had enjoyed complete freedom among the Southern Hiung-nu, allied himself with five southern Ku-tu-hou, led his and their troops (supposedly 30,000 men), broke away, returned to the north, and a t some distance from the northern court proclaimed himself Shan-yü. If this was an attem pt to reunite all Hiung-nu under a ruler who was less compromised than either the Northern or Southern Shan-yü, it failed. For more than a month, the new pretender, and his elder brother, the Northern Shan-yü, attacked each other. The five Ku-tu-hou were killed, and the pretender committed suicide. Sons of the five Ku-tu-hou inherited the respective commands, and during the winter tried to fight their way back to the south. The Northern Shan-yü had them persued, and captured them with their entire forces. The Southern Shan-yü had meanwhile also dispatched an army. I t arrrived too late to save the Ku-tu-hou. A head-on clash took place between the Southern and Northern Hiung-nu, in which the former were defeated (89,119:4a^4b, 5a-5b). In spite of this victory, the Northern Shan-yü could not but maintain a cautious attitude towards China. He released the Chinese who had been kidnapped earlier and permitted them to return (89,119:5b). The Northern Hiung-nu had proved their military superiority over the southern branch. This fact is dwarfed by other events which were to have a profound in­ fluence on the history of China. Let us first consider these events in sequence before attempting their interpretation. In the spring of A.D. 50, Emperor Kuang-wu had sent a General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household, Tuan Ch’en, together with a Lieutenant Colonel, Wang Yü, to go to the residence of the Southern Shan-yü, 80 li (ca. 21 miles; 33 km) beyond the border of the western regional division of Wu-yüan commandeiy. HHS states th a t when the Chinese envoys were received by the Shan-yü, they told him th a t he had to prostrate himself while receiving the i' *perial edict. The Shan-yü turned his head and hesitated, but in the end did as he was told, and declared him­ self a subject. Those who were present wept. After the ceremony, the Shan-yü 120

informed the Chinese through interpreters th a t he had only been enthroned recently, th a t he had been embarrassed, and th a t he requested not to have to make obeisance again in public. The Southern Shan-yü was then given an imperial seal of pure gold,1) a cap, a belt, garments, a comfortable carriage with a feather cover and flower ornaments, a chariot with a team of four horses a precious double-edged sword, a bow and arrows, three black insignia, two extra horses, 10,000 bolts of silken materials embroidered with pure gold, 10,000 kin of silk floss (5,375 lb.; 2,440 kg.), musical instruments, drum chariots, lances with silk covers, halberds, military equipment, and miscellaneous vessels for drinking and eating. He was also supplied with 25,000 hu of dried rice (14,050 U.S. bushels; 499,205 1.), and 36,000 heads of cattle and sheep. The Southern Shan-yü sent a son as hostage to the court and presented the emperor 2 camels and 10 piebald horses (lB:19a; 89,119:4a-4b). An edict permitted the Southern Shan-yü to take up his abode in Yün-chung commandery (89,119:4a). In the winter of A.D. 50, another edict ordered the Southern Shan-yü to move from Yün-chung and henceforth to reside in the Mei-tsi prefecture of Si-ho com­ mandery.1) This means in all probability th a t he and his personal tribal division were given control of the Ordos Region within the horseshoe of the Yellow River, outside the line of fortifications which Kuang-wu had constructed in Shen-si. The Southern Shan-yü, in turn, stationed the other seven tribal divisions in the Chinese border commanderies of Tai, Yen-men, Ting-siang, Yün-chung, Wu-yüan, Shuofang, and Pei-ti.**) Each continued to be ruled by hereditary chiefs and was supposed to act as the “ears and eyes” of the commanderies against attacks from beyond the border (89,119:5b). I t would be wrong to draw from this the conclusion th a t the Southern Hiung-nu were thinly spaced out along the border. The fact th a t they continued to be led by their own chiefs proves th a t the tribal organization was not destroyed. They did not become farmers but remained herdsmen. From this it follows th a t they needed grazing grounds and therefore must have roamed freely through the border commanderies and the central Ordos Region. The emperor appointed a special official to act as liaison between himself and the Southern Shan-yü. His title was General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household in Charge of the Hiung-nu. Its first holder was the same Tuan Ch*en who already had gained expertise in negotiating with the Southern Shan-yü. He was ordered together with his Lieutenant Colonel Wang Yü to establish headquarters in Mei-tsi and to appoint Division Heads and A ttendant Officials. The tex t mentions in particular a Division Head of Pacification in command of 50 men whose punish­ m ents had been relaxed and who were armed with crossbows.4) Si-ho commandery *) The pen ki records th a t the seal was presented a t this occasion. That must mean th a t the other gifts were offered then also. The chapter on the Hiung-nu gives a different account. I t describes the ceremony in greater detail and says th at when this was finished the envoys returned to China. The seal and gifts were bestowed later, in the autumn. The version of the pen ki makes more sense. *) This prefecture was situated in the northeastern Ordos Region. The exact location is unknown. M ap 17 gives the approximate emplacement. ') See map 17. *) The Shao-hing and Ki ku ko editions write 00 men. The Palace edition says 6000 men.

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was ordered to assist the general with 2000 mounted troops and 500 men whose punishments had been relaxed, under the command of the Chief Clerk. This con­ tingent was rotated each year. The overt function of the General of the Gentlemen of-the-Household in Charge of the Hiung-nu was to protect the Southern Shan-yü and to take part in his administration of the law. Covertly, his duty was to report on the activities of the Hiung-nu (lB:19a; 89,119:4b, 5b). During the same winter of A.D. 50, the emperor made an attem pt to send th e Chinese refugees back to their native border commanderies. Mentioned by nam e are Pei-ti, Shuo-fang, Wu-yüan, Yün-chung, Ting-siang, Yen-men, Tai, and Shangku. Intemuncios, in charge of men whose punishments had been relaxed, were ordered to repair the city walls of the prefectures. The refugees were promised food and money to assist their return (lB:19a; 89,119:5b). Relations between the Chinese emperor and the Southern Shan-yü quickly settled down into routine. A t the end of each year, the latter sent a new son as hostage to the court, escorted by Hiung-nu envoys and an A ttendant Official of the General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Hou8ehold in Charge of the Hiung-nu. Simultaneously, an Intem undo set out from Lo-yang to escort back to the Shan-yü the son who had been hostage during the past year. The two delegations met en route. W hen the New Year congratulations and ceremonies had been completed, the Hiung-nu envoys returned from Lo-yang to Mei-tsi. They were accompanied by Chinese Intemuncios who carried the imperial New Year gifts. The Southern Shan-yü received 1000 bolts of coloured silken materials, 4 tuanl) of brocade, 10 kin of gold (5 lb. 6 oz. avoir; 2.44 kg.), and imperial foodstuffs from the stores of the G rand Provisioner. The mother of the Southern Shan-yü, his principal wives, his sons, and the highest dignitaries, received jointly 10,000 bolts of silken fabrics. These gifts were the same every year (89,119:4b). The fact th a t the Southern Shan-yü in A.D. 53 was given several tens of thousands of sheep (89,119:7 b), shows th a t Emperor Kuang-wu did not restrict his grants to the ceremonial occasions. Hu-han-8ie Shan-yü Pi died in A.D. 56 and was succeeded by his younger brother, the K ’iu-fou-yu-ti Shan-yü Mo. The General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household in Charge of the Hiung-nu, Tuan Ch’en, paid a visit of condolence and sacrificed wine and rice. Kuang-wu dispatched an envoy with a letter of sympathy, and presented the new Shan-yü with an imperial seal, caps, three unlined red garments, one knife worn a t the belt, and one embroidered belt. In addition, he granted him 4000 bolts of coloured silken fabrics and asked him to distribute them among his dignitaries. This became a standard procedure a t the death of each Shan-yü. The K ’iu-fou-yu-ti Shan-yü died as early as A.D. 57, i.e. in the same year as Emperor Kuang-wu, and was in turn succeeded by his younger brother, the Yi-fa-yü-lu-ti Shan-yü Han (89,119:7b). Meanwhile, the Northern Hiung-nu had not been inactive. Since they were a t war with the Southern Hiung-nu, and were raided by the Sien-pi in the east, it was obviously to their advantage to make peace with China. Envoys of the Northern *) *) The tuan was a measure of length. Its exact value in Han times is not known.

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Shan-yü arrived a t the border of Wu-wei commandery in A.D. 61 and proposed peace and an alliance by marriage. The Grand Administrator of Wu-wei detained the envoys and reported to the capital, whereupon Kuang-wu called a court dis­ cussion. As usual, when Hiung-nu policy was discussed, the high officials could not agree. The Imperial Heir-apparent (the future Emperor Ming) spoke up in the end and suggested th a t contacts with the Northern Hiung-nu should be avoided, since otherwise the Southern Shan-yti might grow suspicious. The emperor agreed with this and ordered the Grand Administrator of Wu-wei to send the envoyB back (89,119:5b-6a). Not everyone concurred with this policy. Tsang Kung and Ma Wu, two military men and early supporters of Kuang-wu, who both held the rank of General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household a t the time, memorialized jointly in A.D. 51 th a t the Northern Hiung-nu should be attacked. They argued th a t these only coveted profit and lacked propriety and sincerity. When they were weak, they knocked their heads on the ground. When they were strong, they raided and looted. At present, they were so feeble th a t their power did not match th a t of a single Chinese commandery. This would be the moment to annihilate them. Military matters should not be neglected because of exclusive emphasis on civilian achievements. Spurred by the promise of rewards, the Koreans, Wu-huan, and Sien-pi should be enticed to attack the Hiung-nu on one flank, while the Tibetans and non-Chinese tribesmen (Hu) of T ’ien-shui, Lung-si, and the four commanderies west of the [Yellow] River1) struck a t them on the other. Tsang Kung and Ma Wu, who appar­ ently knew their emperor, added th a t the unique chance should not be lost through his “benevolence and mercy” (18,48:14b-15a). Kuang-wu answered in a lengthy edict. He may have felt the need to clarify his policy and quoted the Huang shl kung ki**) and Lun ytt for support. His contention was th a t the soft can restrain th e hard, and th a t the weak can restrain the strong. The soft and weak are the same a s virtue and benevolence. A sovereign who has virtue gives joy to his people and n o t to himself. Then his joy will last long. He who puts aside what is near and plans for what is far away will toil and yet achieve nothing. He who puts aside what is far away and plans for what is near will be a t leisure. A government which is a t leisure will have many loyal subjects, while one which toils will face much dis­ order. To seek far-reaching territories is reckless. To covet the possessions of others is oppressive. An oppressive government will inevitably fail. A t present, the state has no good government. Portents have not ceased. The people are alarmed. More­ over, the northern barbarians are still strong. Rumours are constantly inaccurate. If it really were possible to annihilate the bandits by mobilizing the resources of *) I.e. Wu-wei, Chang-ye, Tsiu-ts’tlan, and Tun-huang. *) The Huang shl kung ki, or Record of His Excellency of the Yellow Rock, is also known as the H uang shl kung san ltte, or Three Strategies of His Excellency of the Yellow Rock. This work in 3 kttan is listed among the books on military matters in the bibliographical chapters of the 8ui, T'ang a n d Sung histories, and is still extant. I t is attributed to an eccentric oldster who churned to be a yellow rock and who is said to have appeared to Emperor Kao's assistant Chang Liang (SK 55; HS 40. See 147. Watson, I , pp. 135-136).

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half the empire, how would th a t not be desirable? B ut as long as it is not the right time, it is better to let the people rest. The text adds th a t after this, the officers did not dare to speak again of military matters ( 18,48:15a-15b). The Northern Hiung-nu, in spite of their rebuff, again sent envoys in A.D. 52, and this time seem to have reached the capital. Once more, they proposed peace and an alliance by marriage, presented horses and furs, and held out the promise of delivering the Western Region to China. They also requested musical instrument«. The emperor asked his high officials for advice. The man who played a decisive role a t this occasion was a Division Head in the yamen of the Minister over th e Masses, none other than the historian Pan Piao. His memorial on the subject begins with a reference to a decree by Emperor Süan, according to which the nation of th e Hiung-nu stayed in continuous flux, and it was easy to improve relations if one received them in a friendly fashion. The Southern Shan-yü had attached himself to China, and therefore the Northern Hiung-nu feared th a t he plotted against their country. This was the reason why they begged for peace and an alliance by marriage. They also paid much tribute, and held joint markets with Han. The purpose was to display their wealth and strength. B ut experience had shown th a t the richer the present, the more hollow was their nation. The fact th a t they asked for an alliance by marriage proved th a t their fears were great. I t would not be wise to reject their advances altogether. Presents are always given in return for presents, and they should approximately equal each other in value. I t should be made clear th a t the emperor was guided by the precedent of the Hu-han-sie Shan-yü and Chl-chî Shan-yü1), Pan Piao appended to his memorial the draft for an edict addressing the Northern Shan-yü. I t was written in the emperor’s name, even including the imperial “We”. The contents is briefly as follows: You, Shan-yü have not forgotten the kindness of Han, and you remember the covenant of your late grandfather.*) You wish to make peace and an alliance by marriage. The plan is most eminent. In the past, the Hiung-nu often showed cunning and disorderliness. The Hu-han-sie Shan-yü and Chf-chl Shan-yü were enemies of each other. B oth were protected by Emperor Süan’s gracious kindness, and therefore both sent sons as hostages. Later, the Chf-chl Shan-yü cut himself off from imperial favour and was annihilated. The Hu-han-sie Shan-yü attached himself, formed an alliance by marriage, and was succeeded by his sons and grandsons. The Southern Shan-yü had knocked a t the border and submitted, because his rights to the throne had been disregarded. He frequently begs for troops and officers to return and sweep away your Northern Court. B ut his words cannot be listened to alone. Since you, N orthern Shan-yü, in recent years have offered tribute and proposed peace and an alliance by marriage, it has not yet been allowed. Han is stem and sincere. Its righteousness makes no difference between near and far. Those who submit are rewarded. Those who rebel are exterminated. If you really are sincere in your wish of restoring peace, why do you offer to deliver the Western Region? If the Western Region is sub*) I.e. th a t China had made peace with the former and killed the latter. a) The first Hu-han-sie Shan-yU.

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ordinated to you, and you to Han, it means th a t the Western Region is subordinated to Han. Now you are presented with 500 bolts of miscellaneous silken fabrics, a bow, a bow sheath, a quiver, and four arrows. The Ku-tu-hou of the Left and the Lu-li King of the Right, who presented horses, are each granted 400 bolts of mis­ cellaneous silken fabrics and a sword which decapitates horses.1) You have said th at the musical instruments,**) which were bestowed on the Hu-han-sie Shan-yü, are broken. As long as you regard fighting as the essential, bows and sharp swords are more useful to you. Musical instruments are for peaceful times. We do not like trivia. May you choose to your advantage (89,119:6a-7a). Emperor Kuang-wu accepted the draft and sent it (89,119:7 b). The last official contact between the Northern Shan-ytt and Kuang-wu took place in A.D. 55, when the former once more sent envoys with presents. Kuang-wu responded with a letter stamped with the imperial seal and a gift of coloured silken fabrics, but did not send envoys of his own (lB:20b; 89,119:7b). T hat is the chain of events, which we now should attem pt to interpret. To begin with, the Chinese sources describe all relations between Emperor Kuang-wu and the Hiung-nu from the usual sino-centric of view. The Southern Shan-yü “knocks a t the border”, he “declares himself a subject”. The Hiung-nu “covet profit” and *4lack sincerity”, whereas China shows “gracious kindness”, is “stern and sincere”, “rewards” and “punishes”. Pan Piao’s draft edict, in spite of its merits, is written in an insufferably condescending tone and treats the peace feeler as though it were an abject offer of surrender. I t has been seen th a t the contacts between the Form er H an dynasty and the Hiung-nu from 51 B.C. onwards were officially depicted in the same stereotype vocabulary.*) This is not to say the the first Huhan-sie Shan-yü, and the second, one hundred year later, were in the same political situation. The first Hu-han-sie Shan-yü, except for perhaps a very brief period, never lo st the initiative. He went through motions which the Chinese dynastic historian interpreted as submission, but which really resulted in a peace between two in­ dependent nations. When his rival, th e Chl-chf Shan-yü had been forced to with­ d raw westwards, the Hu-han-sie Shan-yü led his people back to their old grazing grounds north of the Gobi. In the contest of the two Hiung-nu pretenders, he had b een the stronger. I n contrast, the future second Hu-han-sie Shan-yü Pi was in a much more vulnerable position. The very fact th a t his rightful succession to the throne had been prevented, proves th a t his party was outweighed by the opposition. When th e famine of A.D. 46 forced Shan-yü P ’u-nu to seek peace with China, P i was in d a n g e r of losing the little political manoeuvrability left to him. If he were to claim th e throne a t all, it had to be done quickly. P i’s hurried action was therefore mo*) A heavy sword with which one supposedly could decapitate a hone in one stroke. *) T he tex t mentions three kinds of instruments, the yfl, se, and k'ung-hou. The yû was a wind instru­ m e n t, consisting of 36 reed pipes connected to a single mouthpiece. The k and k'ung-hou were string in strum en ts. The characters for k'ung-hou are more commonly written with radical 118. •) Cf. supra p. 90.

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tivated by apprehenmveness. In the contest between him and Shan-ytt P ’u-nu, he was, and remained, the weaker. After Pi had broken with his cousin and on Jan. 25, A.D. 49, had proclaimed himself the second Hu-han-sie Shan-yii, he may have hoped th a t the majority of the Hiung-nu would rally to him. This proved not to be case. One reason must have been th a t both the Northern and Southern Shan-yii were ready to make peace with China. We do not know how vigorous the once strong pro-Chinese peace party was a t this time, but so much is certain, th a t it no longer needed to make a choice among the claimants on the grounds of their attitude to China. Pi was therefore in danger of being crushed between Shan-ytt P ’u-nu in the north and China in the south. This explains why he had to go to unprecedented length in seeking Chinese support. However one may regard the presentation of the map in A.D. 46, his public prostration in A.D. 50 cannot be interpreted in any other way than symbolizing submission. No Hiung-nu Shan-ytt had ever kotowed to a Chinese emperor or his delegate before, and P i’s embarrassment emerges clearly from the report of the envoys.1) The fact th a t Kuang-wu granted him an imperial seal is, in this connection, less significant than the parallel event of 51 B.C. Kuangwu must simply have felt compelled to follow the Former Han model. In this situation, the initiative rested with Emperor Kuang-wu. He had three choices. Firstly, he could have declined the peace offers of both Shan-ytt out of hand and let m atters take their course. This had been advised by the majority of the participants in the court discussion of A.D. 48. The result would probably have been th at the Northern Hiung-nu defeated the Southern. While such a fraternal struggle would have weakened the Hiung-nu temporarily, it would, generally speaking, have left things as they had been before. Secondly, the emperor could have allied himself with the Northern Shan-ytt and in a joint campaign have wiped out the Southern Hiung-nu. Such a Machiavellian action would not have been alien to the Chinese way of thinking. I t did, however, involve one unknown quantity, the attitude of the Northern Shan-ytt. There was no guarantee th at, once he was victorious, he would not resume the raids into China. Lastly, the emperor could accept the peace offer and symbolic surrender of the Southern Shan-ytt. Following the advice of Keng Kuo, this is what he did. So far, one can find no fault with Kuang-wu’s decision. B ut this decision pos­ tulated a sequence. As the generals Tsang Kung and Ma Wu had pointed out with eminent logic in A.D. 51, the Northern Hiung-nu should be attacked forthwith. While the military men were probably optimistic in expecting help from the l) According to HS 94B:16b (128. de Groot, I, p. 263), Chinese envoys, sent by Wang H ang during the yüan-shl period (A.D. 1-6) to the residence of the Wu-chu-liu-jo-ti 8han-yli, instructed the latter to kotow, and he complied. If this account is true, Wang Mang achieved w hat no Former H an emperor had been able to. B ut it seems out of the question th a t the Shan-ytl, who was no great friend of China, in his own residence meekly would have obeyed such an unheard-of Chinese demand. More probably, the Chinese envoys simply invented the whole m atter in order to curry favour on their return. While it cannot be excluded th a t Tuan Ch’en and Wang Yü in A.D. 60 committed the same fraud, the details of the prostration are described rather convincingly. Historically speaking, the first kotow is again** all available evidence, whereas the second fits in well with the facts.

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Koreans and Tibetans, the Sien-pi could be counted on, and perhaps the Wu-huan as well. The Southern Shan-yti was naturally eager to participate in a campaign, and, from political necessity, would have been a reliable ally. No more was needed than purposeful Chinese leadership, backed up by a Chinese army. I t is inconceiv­ able th at the Northern Hiung-nu could have withstood a coordinated Chinese— Southern Hiung-nu—Sien-pi assault. The larger of the two Hiung-nu factions would have been defeated and decimated. Pi would have been the sole Shan-yti, installed in the traditional residence north of the Gobi, and deeply indebted to China. The border commanderies would have been recovered. The threat of a combined Chinese—Sien-pi attack, would have exerted a salutory influence on the Shan-yti in the future, and prevented any significant change of attitude. After 51 B.C., the Chinese had enjoyed friendly relations with the Hiung-nu for half a century. There was no reason why no new era of peace should dawn. There is no question but th a t China could have afforded such a campaign. In A.D. 50, the civil war had been over for fourteen years. Apart from raids by the barbarians, North China had not suffered from other disturbances for seven years. The possibility of mobilizing an army existed. The failure to do so did not depend upon internal conditions or military inadequacy, but on the mentality of the emperor. He committed a blunder which must rank among the most consummate in Chinese history. After the Southern Shan-yti in A.D. 50 had been permitted to take up his resi­ dence in the Mei-tsi prefecture of the Ordos Region, he had stationed seven tribal divisions in seven adjoining commanderies, from Pei-ti to Tai.1) The Hiung-nu had moved freely through the major p art of th a t territory before, so th a t this was less a novelty than more of the same. The texts do not mention whether Kuang-wu took the initiative in the permanent settlement of the Hiung-nu within the border, b u t it is clear th a t such an important step would have been impossible without, a t least, his acquiescence. W hat was his motive? The Southern Shan-yti had offered to protect the border of China. This he could have done from without as well as from within. While it is likely th a t he himself preferred the relative safety of the frontier wall against the Northern Hiung-nu, th a t argument would not have weighed heavily with the Chinese. Kuang-wu must have had a reason of his own. He probably took the peace offer of the Southern Hiung-nu seriously, and looked on them as a convenient pool of fighting men, useful for emergencies. B ut he did not tru st them completely, and here we glimpse, I think, the purpose of letting them stay within the fortifications. The barrier was to keep the Southern Hiung-nu in, as much as the Northern Hiung-nu out. I t was intended to prevent a reunification of their nation. A precedent on a much smaller scale had been Emperor Süan’s decision in 55 B.C. to settle some surrendered Hiung-nu in the Dependent States of Si-ho and Pei-ti.1) A clue th a t this motive may have been in Kuang-wu’s mind is a memorial of about A J). 51. I t proposed *) See map 17. •) Cf. supra p. 80.

9

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th a t the office of the General Who Crosses the Liao [River], with a subordinate Colonel of the Left and Colonel of the Right, should be re-established.1) The incumbent should permanently garrison the Wu-yüan commandery north of the Ordos bend of the Yellow River in order to prevent escape. The escapees in question could natu ­ rally not have been Chinese, but were the Southern Hiung-nu. Kuang-wu did not act on this suggestion. His son, Emperor Ming, adopted it (19,49:10b). The interesting point is th at the memorial was written by none other than the same Keng Kuo who had advised the acceptance of the Southern Shan-yü’s peace offer. This makes it next to certain th a t he also conceived the plan for letting the Hiung-nu live within the barrier. The brief account of the court discussion in HHS does not mention it, but completeness is not a virtue of the dynastic histories. If this assump­ tion is correct, the officials opposing Keng Kuo in the discussion had a stronger reason than HHS gives them credit for. Once Emperor Kuang-wu had refused the idea of an allied campaign against the Northern Hiung-nu, and had officially admitted the Southern Hiung-nu into northwest China, it followed th a t peace offers of the former should not be repulsed. I t is within this situation th a t Pan Piao’s memorial and draft edict, in spite of the phrasing, make complete sense. They outlined the only sensible course which under the circumstances remained open. The suspicion is strong, however, th a t Kuang-wu’s policy towards the Hiung-nu was adopted not only for the reasons mentioned b ut also because it was the easiest. The emperor’s attitude to the northern border problems had consistently been marked by laissez faire and a genuine distaste for military involvment. He never seems to have grasped the full significance of the issues. H ie border commanderies had been abandoned by him, and the Hiung-nu had moved in. I t was so m uch simpler to let them stay and to permit others to follow. Qualms could be soothed by the thought th a t the Chinese refugees would be enabled to return home, a n d th a t this would redress the ethnic balance in China’s favour. The trouble was th a t under the conditions the refugees had no wish to go back to the border command­ eries. Although the government in A.D. 50 had promised assistance for the re tu rn journey, the response must have been negative. This is proved by the fact th a t Emperor Ming on June 15, A.D. 57, admitted defeat, rescinded the order, a n d permitted the refugees to do as they pleased (2:2b). The Southern Hiung-nu were virtually unchallenged in their possession of th e border commanderies. They formed an alien element, keeping the traditional tribal organization and customs. Each year, a t the state sacrifices of the 1st, 5 th , and 9th months, the Southern Shan-yü assembled the chiefs of the tribal divisions and discussed the affairs of government (89,119:4b-5a). Although a t these occasions he is said simultaneously to have sacrificed to the deceased Han emperors, th is cannot have been more than a gesture. To which extent the General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household in Charge of the Hiung-nu was able to intervene effectively l) HS briefly refera to this office in the time of Emperors Chao and Süan. The only mentioned ho ld er was executed in 66 B.C. (HS 8:10b; 72. Dube, II, p. 226).

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is not recorded. The relations between the Southern Shan-yii and the emperor were therefore ambiguous. The Chinese liked to consider the former a vassal. Pi had certainly given the appearance of submitting. B ut he never came to the capital. One prostration must have been enough for him. The only time during the entire Later Han dynasty th a t a Southern Shan-ytt went to the court was in A.D. 216 (9:11a). That is not the normal behaviour of vassals. The first Hu-han-sie Shan-ytt and his successors, who had remained firmly independent, had come more often. I t might be argued th at the Chinese declined such visits because of the drain on the exchequer. They doubtlessly paid enough as it was. The major New Tear gifts, instituted by Kuang-wu, amounted to 11,000 bolts of silken fabrics and 10 kin of gold, corresponding to about U.S.$ 250,000. This means th a t from A.D. 51 to 57, the year when Kuang-wu died, the value of the New Year gifts alone was $1,750,000. To this must be added the substantial presents of silk and grain in A.D. 50 as well as a t the time of Pi's death in 56, which brings the figure to over 2 million. During a mere eight-year period, the total value of all gifts was probably not much different from what the Former H an emperors had granted in half a century.1) I t looks as though Emperor Kuang-wu and his heirs had to pay for the collaboration of the Southern Shan-ytt. If th a t is true, they could hardly have declined requests for visits to the court. The fact th at Pi and his successors nevertheless stayed away, may well indicate th a t they did not wish to p u t themselves into a potentially humiliating situation. In short, the symbiosis between China and its alien allies was uneasy. The Southern Hiung-nu formed a state within the state, not really dependent, and yet not fully independent. At times, fighting broke out during Later Han, in which the Chinese were always victorious. They were numerically and strategically in the stronger position. A t other times, the Southern Hiung-nu substantially assisted the Chinese in defeating the Northern Hiung-nu, Sien-pi, and Tibetans. Gradually, the relationship between the two nations changed. Through the growing power of the Southern Hiung-nu, and through Tibetan encroachment, China's grip on the northwest slackened. The number of the Southern Hiung-nu increased through surrender of Northern Hiung-nu. To make a numerical assess­ ment of their strength is difficult. According to the Chinese sources, the Southern Shan-ytt in A.D. 90 controlled 237,300 individuals and 50,170 able-bodied soldiers (89,119:11b), figures which most certainly are too low. I t cannot have been in the interest of the Hiung-nu to let the Chinese know the real totals, and the latter had no way of making a realistic assessment.*) The political initiative shifted slowly to the Southern Hiung-nu, and during the centuries their relations with the Chinese *) A difficulty is th a t the total value of all gifts cannot be calculated with any reasonable accuracy. ■) The eouroes mention th a t more than 1000 Northern Hiung-nu surrendered in A.D. 60, 3000-4000 in A.D. 76, 38,000 (with 20,000 horses and more than 100,000 heads of cattle and sheep) in A.D. 83, and 200,000 with 8000 able-bodied soldiers in A.D. 87 (80,110:7b, 8b-0a, 10a). This would come to about 260,000 individuals alone, not oounting the Southern Hiung-nu who had followed Pi from the beginning. Even if some of those who surrendered later broke away again, it seems th a t the figures for A.D. 00 are a gross underestimation.

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grew steadily worse. In A.D. 308, the great Hiung-nu w an began, which in 316 led to the collapse of the Western Tsin dynasty. North China was abandoned and fell under the domination of barbarian rulen.1) The blame for this development cannot be placed on Kuang-wu alone. I t is shared by the later emperors and politicians who proceeded on the same path, until the trend no longer could be reversed. B ut Kuang-wu set the precedent and lacked the vision to realize its consequences. He prepared the ground for the victory of the northern barbarians. Once Kuang-wu had settled on a policy of officially accepting barbarians within the Chinese border, there was no reason why he should restrict it to the Hiung-nu. We know from HHS th a t he also admitted Wu-huan. The tex t gives a general and flattering description of how various barbarians paid audience without end. Among them were 81 Wu-huan chiefs, to whom the emperor gave Chinese noble titles. They wished to remain as guards in China. Kuang-wu ordered them to summon their people, and provided them with clothing and food. They settled in the border oommanderies and acted as scouts for China (90,120:3a-3b). The Wei shu**) is more explicit. I t says th a t 9000 Wu-huan under 80 chiefs were settled in the commanderies of Liao-si,*) Yu-pei-p’ing, Yii-yang, Kuang-yang, Shang-ku, Tai, T ’aiyüan, Yen-men, and Shuo-fang.4) This would, on the average, mean 1000 Wu-huan in each commandery. The numbers are not large enough to have had a serious impact, and no mention is made of any additional Wu-huan being admitted during Later Han. They never posed a mounting internal problem comparable to the Southern Hiung-nu. The decision to accept barbarians within the border must have been made a t the court conference of A.D. 48. The Wu-huan were admitted in 49. Soon after­ wards, the historian and Division Head in the yamen of the Minister over the Masses, Pan Piao, again gave important advice. He memorialized th a t the character of the Wu-huan was frivolous and crafty. If they were permitted to run wild without being controlled, they would again raid and plunder the settled people. To place those who had surrendered under the charge of a Division Head would not be useful. I t would be better to appoint a Colonel [Protecting] the Wu-huan. This would lessen tensions a t the border. The emperor implemented the proposal. The Colonel [Protecting] the Wu-huan was stationed in the Ning prefecture4) of Shang-ku commandery, where he had his headquarters and commanded a garrison. His duties included the supervision of seasonal markets in Ning with the barbarians, x) These results of Kuang-wu’s policy have also been brought out by 120. Uchida, A, pp. 881-582. *) This is not the Wei shu of the San kuo chi but a separate work of which only a few quotations are preserved. I t was written in 48 kUan by Wang Ch’en (died A.D. 288) with the assistance of Sttn K ’ai and Yttan Tsi. The fragments concerning the Wu-huan and Sien-pi have been translated by 144. 8chreiber. The entry of the Wei shu referred to above is quoted by the commentary to the Wei shu of the San kuo chi 30:3 a-3b (Wu chou t ’ung wen edition), and is translated by 144. Schreiber, pp. 157-158. ■) The text also mentions the Dependent State of Liao-tung, which is an anachronism. I t was only established in the time of Emperor An (reigned 107-126) (chi 23B:22a). 4) See map 17. •) I t was situated NW of the present Süan-hua hien, Chahar. See map 17.

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and also the reception of hostages from and presentation of rewards to the Sien-pi (00,120:3b). The surrender of the 9000 Wu-huan did not prevent raids by others of their kin. These began in about A.D. 54, were directed mostly against Shang-ku commandery, and were only halted in A.D. 58 with the help of the Sien-pi (2:4a; 20,50: 10b; 90,120:5b). The latter had so far played an entirely secondary role. They had participated in Hiung-nu raids until A.D. 45, and then, just as the Wu-huan, had gained their freedom through the split among the Hiung-nu. The Sien-pi promptly began to attack their former masters and their Wu-huan neighbours, while estab­ lishing friendly relations with China. During A.D. 49, they sent interpreters and presents. Two of their chiefs arrived in Lo-yang in the 1st month (Jan. 28-Feb. 26) of 54,l) paid audience, tendered congratulations, and offered gifts. The emperor granted them noble titles (lB:20a; 90,120:5b). Only from the end of the 1st century onwards, did the Sien-pi become a scourge for China. b. The Western Region When the Northern Hiung-nu in A.D. 52 offered to deliver the Western Region,**) they could promise no more than the eastern half of the Tarim Basin. Their influence in th a t region came fairly late, and had grown only after A.D. 45. I t has been seen th a t Wang Mang did not lose the Western Region as the dynastic historian claims.*) Only with the civil war after his death, were the various states of the Tarim Basin put adrift. Even then, a t least one state remained a staunch friend of China. This was So-kii (Yarkand). Its king Yen had as a young prince been a hostage a t the court of Emperor Ytian (reigned 48-33), had become an admirer of the country, and had stoutly supported Wang Mang’s Protector General of the Western Region, Li Ch’ung. When Yen died in A.D. 18, Wang Mang conferred on him the posthumous title of King Who Is Loyal and Martial. Yen was succeeded by his son K ’ang, who had been educated in a pro-Chinese spirit. Probably in early 29, K ’ang sent a large embassy to China in which some of the neighbouring states took part. I t escorted the widow and children of the late Protector General of the Western Region, Li Ch’ung, and his officers and soldiers, in all several thousands of individuals. A letter by K ’ang expressed his admiration for and attachm ent to the H an dynasty (88,118:19b).4) A t this time, Wei Ao was still an independent warlord in Kan-su east of the upper course of the Yellow River, and obstructed the roads to the capital. The embassy was therefore halted in the Kan-su corridor west of the Yellow River, where Tou Jung had been in control since A.D. 25. His family was, and continued to be, known for its experts on Central Asia. The tex t says th a t Tou Jung received an imperial decree to confer on K ’ang two titles, th a t of King of So-kü Dependent on H an Who Establishes Merit and Cherishes Virtue, and th a t of Grand Chief i) •) •) •)

H H K 8:16* places this event in A.D. 66. Cf. supra pp. 124ff. Cf. supra pp. 97ff. Cf. 128. Chavannes, p. 196.

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Commandant of the Western Region. K ’ang was p u t in charge of the 65 states of the Western Region (88,118:19b).1) The first of these titles, excepting its frills, was no more than a confirmation of what he was already. The second was some­ thing altogether different. I t delegated to K ’ang the authority to enforce peace among the various states, and to act as the arbiter in disputes. He became, as it were, the representative of China to oversee its dependent states, in a capacity not different from th at of a Protector General of the Western Region. Such an appointment is inconsistent with Kuang-wu’s generally cautious attitude to foreign policy. Most certainly he was influenced by Tou Jung. The latter officially recognized Kuang-wu in May, A.D. 29, a major diplomatic achievement for the imperial cause.**) Either a t th a t occasion, or later during the year, Tou Jung must have informed Kuang-wu about the arrival of the embassy, and, from his consider­ able knowledge of Central Asian affairs, have advised the proper course of action. The political relations with Tou Jung were so delicate in 29, th a t the emperor had little alternative but to agree to the proposal. This reconstruction of the events is strengthened by the fact th a t Kuang-wu was to turn again to Tou Jung in A.D. 41 for counsel in a similar matter. K ’ang died in A.D. 33 and was succeeded by his younger brother Hien.*) During 38, he joined with Shan-shan (Lou-lan) in sending messengers and tribute to the imperial court. HHS states th a t a t this time Hien dominated all states east of Pamir ( lB :lla ; 88,118:19b-20a).4) Kuang-wu seems to have accepted the tribute, b ut otherwise to have ignored the problem posed by the Western Region. In A.D. 41, Hien sent another envoy with presents. He requested th a t a Protector General of the Western Region should be appointed. The emperor questioned Tou Jung on the matter. Tou Jung, who then was Grand Minister of Works, stressed th a t Hien and his closest relatives wished to serve Han, and th a t their sincerity could not be doubted. He should be encouraged. Kuang-wu thereupon followed Tou Jung’s advice and did what Hien undoubtedly had hoped for. He appointed Hien himself Protector General of the Western Region. Hien’s envoy received for his master the appropriate seal, chariots, banners, pure gold, brocade, and flowered silk (lB:14a; 88,118:20a).*) In A.D. 41, the Hiung-nu were still a major danger to China. If the emperor wished to avoid any direct Chinese engagement in the Tarim Basin, this decision could be justified. Under the circumstances, he could do no better than delegating authority to the King of So-kti (Yarkand). Hien was an ambitious man, whose interests happened to coincide with those of China. His appointment as Protector General of the Western Region cost China nothing and could be extremely advan­ tageous. I t was a stroke of genius. I t also was out of character for Kuang-wu. When Hien’s appointment became known, the Grand Administrator of Tun>) *) •) •) f)

132

Cf. 123. Chavannes, pp. 106-107. See vol. II, pp. 166-167. Since K ’ang had two sons (88,118:10b), this indicates inheritance by generation an d seniority. Cf. 123. Chavannee, p. 107. Cf. 123. Chavannee, pp. 107-108.

huang, P ’ei Tsun, memorialized th a t a barbarian could not be granted great author­ ity. He evidently lacked Tou Jung’s good judgment, and suffered from the common Chinese arrogance of underestimating foreigners. Kuang-wu was persuaded by him. He issued an edict which ordered th a t the seal of Protector General of the Western Region should be taken back, and th a t Hien instead should be given the seal of a General-in-chief of Han. P ’ei Tsun intercepted the envoy in Tun-huang on his return journey, and, when the latter refused to return the first seal, took it away by force and exchanged it against the lesser one. Hien was naturally resentful. He assumed the title of Grand Protector General and began to pursue an aggressive policy of his own (88,118:20a).1) In the winter of A.D. 45, the last delegation during Kuang-wu’s time arrived from the Western Region. The kings of sixteen states, among which were Shanshan (Lou-lan), Nearer Kü-shï (Turfan), Farther Kü-shî, and Ten-k’i (Karashahr), sent sons as hostages to the court. When received in audience, they offered presents and asked for the appointment of a Protector General. The emperor took the view th a t China had to be consolidated first, th a t the northern border was not yet secure, and th a t there was not yet leisure for external affairs. He did not accept the hostages and sent them back with rich gifts. The kings thereupon wrote to Tun-huang's Grand Administrator, P ’ei Tsun, and requested th a t the hostages should be detained in Tun-huang. This would give the impression th a t a Protector General would be sent, which might put a stop to the hostilities by the King of So-kü (Yarkand). P ’ei Tsun reported this in a memorial, and the emperor agreed to the proposal (lB:16a, 88,118:20a-20b; 24b).**) By A.D. 46, Hien seems to have come to the conclusion th a t no Chinese Protector General was forthcoming. He wrote to the King of Shan-shan (Lou-lan) and asked him to bar the road to China. When the king refused, Hien attacked and defeated him. During the winter of the same year, Hien killed the King of Kiu-tsl (Kucha) and annexed the state. The hostages in Tun-huang were meanwhile getting worried, departed, and returned home. The King of Shan-shan wrote to the emperor for the last time, offered a son as a hostage, and asked for a Protector General. Kuangwu answered th a t he could not send out an army, and th a t the various states of the Western Region should do as they pleased. Shan-shan and both Kü-shI con­ sequently submitted to the Hiung-nu (88,118:20b).*) During the following years, the Hiung-nu gained possession of the eastern half of the Tarim Basin, including Kiu-tsf (Kucha). Hien controlled the western half of the basin, including Ku-mo (Aksu) and Y ü-t’ien (Khotan) (88,118:7a; 20b-21a).4) In sum, Kuang-wu’s attitude to the Western Region can only be described as the worst possible combination of wrong action and non-action. Yet no voice of criticism is raised against him in HHS. He is always favourably contrasted with *) •) •) «)

Cf. Cf. Cf. Cf.

123. 123. 123, 123.

Chavanne«, Chav&nnee, Chavannes, Chavannee,

p. 198. pp. 198-199, 211. pp. 191-200. pp. 171, 200-201.

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Wang Mang, whatever the real facts of the situation. Much is made of Wang Mang's tactlesness in sending the Shan-ytt a lesser seal, although th a t m atter pales in com­ parison with Kuang-wu’s vascillation and the burlesque of his enforced exchange of seals. The historical facts are th a t Wang Mang did not lose the northern silk route, and that, as soon as the civil war permitted a resumption of contacts, the major states of the Western Region were eager to return to the Chinese fold. The King of So-ktt (Yarkand) had been educated in a pro-Chinese spirit. With greater tact, his considerable energy could perhaps have been channelled for the benefit of China. If this succeeded, Kuang-wu would not have lost a single soldier. If it did not succeed, he would not have been worse off than before. W hat the emperor should have avoided a t all cost was antagonizing his potentially best ally. Naturally, the Western Region was a side issue. While Kuang-wu could have done better than he did, direct Chinese domination of the Tarim Basin depended in the last analysis on the Northern Hiung-nu. Whether the peace offer of A.D. 52 could have been exploited to permanent advantage for China is doubtful. B ut if the Northern Hiung-nu had been defeated in a joint effort by the Chinese, Southern Hiung-nu, Sien-pi, and perhaps the Wu-huan, not only would the border commanderie8 have been saved, the Western Region would also have fallen into China’s lap without an effort.

c. The Tibetans In contrast to the situation in Former Han, the Hiung-nu were not the only major problem in the north. The Sien-pi and Wu-huan have already been discussed. The Tibetans (K’iang) proved even more belligerent. They had only caused minor troubles during Former Han. Wang Mang had even succeeded in extending Kinch'eng commandery to Ts’ing-hai (Kukunor), and had easily p u t down the Tibetan uprising of A.D. 6. After Wang Mang's death, the conquests a t Ts’ing-hai were lost and not regained during Later Han (87,117:6b). Tibetans lived intermingled with the Chinese in the entire area corresponding to present Kan-su. During the civil war, they increased their numbers by steady infiltration. Their particular strongholds became Kin-ch'eng and Lung-si commanderie8 which had exposed borders. Kin-ch’eng had originally been p art of Tou Jung’s territory, but he was unable to hold it. The Sien-lien Tibetans had invaded it early in the civil war, had killed its Grand Administrator, and had stayed there (23,53:6b; 24,54:6a; 87,117:6b).1) The warlord Wei Ao, who maintained himself until A.D. 33 in Kan-su east of the Yellow River, was not strong enough to defeat the Tibetans. He recognized their power by forming an alliance with their chiefs in Lung-si and Kin-ch’eng, which gave him some influence on a t least Lung-si commandery (15,45:11b; 23,53:6b; 87,117:6b). Tou Jung was meanwhile able to dominate the Tibetans in the Kan-su corridor, and also engaged in trade with them. l) See vol. II, p. 163.

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I t is recorded, for instance, th a t in Ku-tsang prefecture1) four markets were held each day (23,53:2a^2b; 31,61:5b). In A.D. 30, Kuang-wu launched an offensive against Wei Ao from the east, coordinated with an attack by Tou Jung from the west.**) Preparatory to his p art in the campaign, Tou Jung invaded Kin-ch’eng commandery, where he defeated the Sien-lien Tibetans and took 10,000 heads of cattle, horses, and sheep, as well as several tens of thousands hu of grain*) (23,63:6b). We witness here again the con­ fiscation of domestic animals and grain, which looks like a calculated policy to impoverish the enemy.4) Having secured his flank, Tou Jung waited on the left bank of the Yellow River for the arrival of Kuang-wu’s forces. The imperial offen­ sive broke down, and Tou Jung returned to his domain. This must mean th a t the Tibetans in Kin-ch’eng commandery were able to recuperate. In the new offensive of A.D. 32, Tou Jung succeeded in joining forces with Emperor Kuang-wu, and for the first time m et him face to face. He brought with him a sizable army, including Tibetans (23,53:7b).*) Wei Ao died in the following year (A.D. 33). He had been a buffer between the emperor and the Tibetans. From 33 onwards, they became Kuang-wu’s direct problem. I t can be no coincidence th a t Pan Piao chose this moment to write a memorial on the Tibetan question. He was deeply interested in Chinese relations with the barbarians, and had already given good advice concerning the Northern Hiung-nu and Wu-huan. His memorial of A.D. 33 pointed out th a t the Tibetans lived intermingled with the Chinese. Since their customs were different and their language unintelligible, they were frequently taken advantage of by junior officials and crafty people. They reached the end of their resources, were full of resentment, yet unable to do anything about it. This caused rebellions. All disturbances by barbarians could be traced back to this. One should follow the ancient precedent of appointing a Colonel Protecting the Tibetans.*) He held the Staff of Authority7) and rectified injustices. Each year, he made inspections seasonally and inquired into the resentment and suffering of the Tibetans. He also frequently sent out messengers and interpreters*) who investigated their activities, and he employed barbarians outside the barrier to act as the ears and eyes of the Chinese officials. If one adopted this procedure, one would always be prepared in advance (87,117:6b). The emperor accepted Pan Piao's proposal. He appointed Niu Han as Colonel

») The Ku-tsang prefecture during H an belonged to Wu-wei commandery and is identical w ith the present Wu-wei hien, Kan-su. I t is shown on map 18. ») See vol. H , pp. 160-171. •) 10,000 hu would correspond to 0,660 U.S. bushels; 100,682 1. *) Cf. supra p. 67. •) See vol. II, p. 176. •) This office had existed during Former Han and under Wang Mang. *) See vol. II, p. 36, and ibidem note 8. ■) The Shao-hing and Ki ku ko editions write “couriers”, i.e. the same phoneticum with radical 187 instead of 140. Liu Pin corrects “courier” to “interpreter" (87,117, Kiao pu 2b), which is followed by the Palaoe edition.

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Protecting the Tibetans with the Staff of Authority.1) B ut when Niu Han died, he did not fill the office again (13,43:12-12b; 87,117:6b-7a). Niu Han was an excellent choice, a t least as far as his background is concerned. As a native of Ti tao1) in Lung-si commandery (13,43:12a), he must have had first­ hand knowledge of the Tibetans. He had been a general of Wei Ao until A.D 32, when he went over to the imperial side.*) I t is not known in which year he died. No reasons are given why Kuang-wu subsequently left the office vacant. I t was a retrograde step. From Emperor Ming's reign onwards, the office was again filled until the end of Later Han. I t is interesting th a t Pan Piao put p art of the blame for the Tibetan unrest on the Chinese. He was making an im portant point, b ut probably it had no effect. We have seen th at some Chinese officials are praised in HHS for their civilizing influence in South China. Such cultural apostles are conspicuously absent in the north. This is all the more suprising as three of the southern reformers also served in the northwest. Some time after Jen Yen had disseminated Chinese civilization among the barbarians of Kiu-chen commandery,l*4*) he was appointed Grand Administrator of Wu-wei commandery.8) He engaged in many useful activities, such as improving the irrigation system and building schools, b u t these seem primarily to have benefited the Chinese, not the Tibetans. In fact, Jen Yen was demoted to Prefect for having executed Tibetans without authority (76,106:5a). Fan Ye, as Shepherd of Yang province, had introduced improvements in agricul­ ture and domestic industry.4) After Wei Ao’s defeat and death, Fan Ye became Grand Administrator of T ’ien-shui commandery. He died in th a t office fourteen years later. Fan Ye was one of the cruel (or harsh) officials who rigorously upheld the law, and whose presence in T ’ien-shui was intended to prevent the revival l) The biography of Wen Stt, in the chapter on Outstanding Conduct, states th a t in A.D. 30 Kuangwu appointed him Colonel Protecting the Tibetans. He was captured by an officer of Wei Ao and committed suicide (81,111:6a). In the T ti hie to th a t passage, Shen K ’in-han points out th a t the TsI chi t'ung kien simply writes Colonel. Sl-ma Kuang (1010-1086) explains this emendation in his K 'ao yi by drawing attention to the apointment of Niu Han. Since the office only was established in A.D. 33, and Niu Han was its only holder, Wen SU could not have filled it. Shen K ’in-han adds th at Liang prov­ ince (where the Tibetans lived) was controlled by Wei Ao and Tou Jung and th a t neither of them had the office in question in their local hierarchies. Nevertheless, I think th at the earlier appointment of Wen Stt is historically correct. His biography gives two clues. Before he committed suicide, he killed some of Wei Ao’s men with the Staff of Authority. This insigna belonged ex officio to the Colonel Protecting the Tibetans, offering a strong support that Wen Stt really possessed th a t rank. Secondly, Wen Stt was captured in Siang-wu prefecture (shown on map 18), i.e. had traversed almost the entire territory held by Wei Ao before he was caught. This makes it fairly clear th a t Kuang-wu in A.D. 30 really had appointed Wen Stt as Colonel Protecting the Tibetans and th at he had sent him secretly to travel through Wei Ao’s domain, to reach the Tibetans, and to induce them to attack Wei Ao from the rear. Wen Stt was captured in the last moment before accomplishing the first half of his mission. a) Ti* tao during Han was the capital of Lung-si commandery and is identical with the present Lin-t’ao hien, Kan-su. For the too cf. infra p. 140. •) See vol. II, pp. 176, 230. 4) Cf. supra pp. 79-80. •) For this and the following events see map 18. •) Cf. supra p. 80.

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of separatist movements among the Chinese.1) His biography records th a t the officials, people, Tibetans, and other non-Chinese tribesmen (Hu) feared him (77, 107:3b). Ma Yüan, who supposedly had improved conditions among the barbarians in Indo-China,**) was in A.D. 36 appointed Grand Administrator of Lung-si commandery. He stayed in th a t office for six years. After campaigns against the Tibetans, he engaged in peaceful activities.*) Whether these profited the Tibetans is not clear (24,54:7a). The only man who unequivocally is stated to have been popular with the barbarians is K ’ung Fen, a descendant of Confucius. Tou Jung appointed him in A.D. 29 Acting Prefect of Ku-tsang prefecture. During his stay in office, K ’ung Fen is said not to have enriched himself, and, when Tou Jung and his officials were summoned to the capital in A.D. 36, he alone travelled in a single cart. The people of Ku-tsang, including Tibetans, wished to present him with cattle, horses, and objects, and they escorted him for a long distance, but he accepted nothing (31,61:6a). The question is not whether this account is entirely trustworthy. I t has elements which cannot be reliable, such as what people privately said to each other about K ’ung Fen. The point is th at, true or false, this is the only case of barabarian affection for a Chinese official in the northwest which HHS mentions for Kuang-wu’s time a t all. This confirms Pan Piao’s statement. Relations between the Tibetans and Chinese must normally have been strained. A.D. 34 was the year when the late Wei Ao’s last forces were mopped up in the northwest. I t also brought about the first direct confrontation between the imperial troops and Tibetans. Fighting broke out immediately. The Sien-lien Tibetans in Kin-ch’eng commandery engaged in looting, while another branch of this particular tribe defended a stronghold a t Wu-k’i agglomeration in Lung-si commandery. At the end of 34, the latter was defeated by Kuang-wu’s General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Hou8ehold, Lai Hi, who took more than 10,000 heads of cattle and sheep, and several hundreds of thousands hu of grain.4) Among his officers were Liu Shang and Ma Yüan, both of whom were to become renowned barbarian fighters (lB :6b; 15,45:11b; 87,117:7a).») In the 4th month (May 26-June 24) of A.D. 35, the Sien-lien Tibetans again looted Lung-si commandery, in particular Lin-t’ao prefecture.») The court responded by adopting Lai Hi’s recommendation to appoint Ma Yüan Grand Administrator of Lung-si. Ma Yüan attacked the Tibetans a t Lin-t’ao and defeated them. According to his biography, he captured more than 10,000 heads of horses, cattle, and sheep. ») See vol. n , p. 180. *) Cf. supra p. 66. •) See infra p. 130. *) 100,000 hu of grain would correspond to 66,600 U.S. bushels; 1,006,820 1. •) 87,117:7» does not mention the site of the battle. According to lB:6b, it was fought a t Wu-k’i. T K K 11:2a says th a t Lai Hi defeated the Six Hordes of Wu-k’i. Only Lai H i’s biography (16,46:11b) plaoes the battle in Kin-ch’eng commandery. This must be a mistake. The biography states th a t Lai H i p-MM from the Lo-men agglomeration, and, after the defeat of the Tibetans, marched on Siang-wu prefecture. Wu-k’i was situated between Lo-men and Siang-wu, so th a t this must have been the site of the battle. Wu-k’i is shown on map 18. For Lai Hi’s campaign, see voL H , p. 180, and p. 170 map 32. •) n i e Lin-t’ao prefecture is identical with the present Min-chou hien, Kan-su.

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More than 8000 Tibetans are said to have surrendered (lB :7a; 24,54:6a; 87,117:7a). Ma Yüan then took up the offensive against the Sien-lien Tibetans in Kin-ch*eng. This proves th at he had been given greater authority than usual. A Grand Adminis­ trator was normally not permitted to lead troops out of the territory under his supervision. Another sign of Ma Yüan’s prerogative was his command over the General Who Manifests Firmness, Ma Ch’eng. They attacked and defeated the Tibetans in a pass of Kao-men prefecture,1) whereupon these withdrew to a valley in Yüan-ya prefecture.1) Ma Yüan approached the valley secretly, struck, and again put the Tibetans to flight. They escaped to the T ’ang-yi Valley,1) where Ma Yüan defeated them once more. The Tibetans made their final stand on a mountain. Ma Yüan deployed his forces facing the mountain, while a cavalry contingent quietly moved to the rear of the Tibetans. At nightfall, the Chinese started fires and beat drums. The Tibetans withdrew, presumably beyond the border. Ma Yüan, who had been wounded on the shinbone by an arrow, was too short of troops to pursue them. His victory can therefore not have been complete. He merely rounded up the grain and animals of the enemy and returned. Kuang-wu rewarded him with a letter stamped with the imperial seal, and presented him with several thousand heads of cattle and sheep. These must have been selected from the animals he had taken (24,54:6a-6b). The pen ki (lB :7b) records a victory by Ma Yüan over the Sien-lien Tibetans in the 10th month (Nov. 20-Dec. 18) of A.D. 35, but does not say whether this refers to the campaign in Lung-si or Kin-ch’eng. Presumably the date marks the completion of the entire Tibetan campaign in 35. Captured Tibetans were transferred to the commanderies of T ’ien-shui, Lung-si, and Yu-fu-feng and settled there (lB:7b; 87,117:7a).l*4) One unforeseen result of Ma Yüan’s victory over the Sien-lien Tibetans was the l) For the pronunciation, see Yen Shl-ku's glose in HS 28Ba:7a, and HH8 24,64:6a, Commentary. The Kao-men prefecture during H an belonged to the Kin-ch’eng commandery and was situated E of the present Lo-tu hien, Kan-su. a) For tiie pronunciation see Ying Shao’s gloss in HS 28Ba:7a, and H H 8 24,64:6a, Commentary. The Yüan-ya prefecture during H an was the capital of Kin-ch'eng commandery. There is no general agreement about its emplacement, so th a t the locality shown on map 18 is hypothetical. According to 8KC 2:86a, 42a, YUan-ya was situated 8 of the Huang River and N of the Yellow River. Shen K'in-han quotes the Tu ah! fang ytt ki yao to the effect th at Yüan-ya is to be sought 300 li NW of Lanchou (the present Kao-lan hien). See 24,64:6a, Tei He. ■) Shen K ’in-han believes th a t the T ’ang-yi Valley mentioned in HHS and the T’ang-ahu Mountain mentioned in SKC were in the same locality (41. Shen 2:80a). Tung Yu-ch'eng (1701-1828) in his com­ mentary to the SKC passage (2:26a) says th a t according to the Yüan ho kiln hien ohl, T'ang-shu was another name for the Tsi-shI Mountain, which in Ts'ing times was called Siao-tsi-shI Mountain. This mountain still has the same name and is shown in 00. Ting, map 21. I t is marked on my map 18. This locality cannot be right, since it is too far to the east. K u Yen-wu (1613-1682) says in his T'ien hia kiln kuo li ping shu th a t the T'ang-yi Valley was situated W of the Yüan-ya prefecture (24,64:6a, Tei hie). This identification, which Shen K'in-han offers as an alternative (41. Shen 2:30a), makes much more sense. In fact, HHS chi 23A:33b says th a t the Yüan-ya prefecture had a T'ang Valley. This m ust be the same as the T'ang-yi Valley of 24,64:6a. 4) Hui Tung quotes Tu Yu's T'ung tien, according to which their number was 7000. See lB :7b, Tei hie.

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liberation and rise to power of the Shao-tang Tibetans. They had been a poor and maltreated tribe, living in the Ta-ytin Valley beyond the Chinese border.1) In about A.D. 36, they routed and temporarily eclipsed the Sien-lien Tibetans. I t seems evident th a t they made use of the opportunity offered by the weakening of their enemy through Ma Yüan’s campaign. The Shao-tang Tibetans then moved into the Ta-ytt Valley,1) where they remained and grew in strength (87,117:7a). The valley was beyond the Chinese border, but close enough th at its inhabitants were a danger. The first clash between the Shao-tang Tibetans and the Chinese occurred in the 9th month (Oct. 17-Nov. 16) of A.D. 67, soon after Kuang-wu's death (2:3a; 87,117:7b). While Ma Yüan’s campaigns had brought no permanent solution, they did reduce Tibetan pressure for the time being. The court does not seem to have realized this. In the defeatist spirit, which is typical for Kuang-wu’s policy in the north, Kinch’eng commandery was abolished in A.D. 36 and added to Lung-si commandery of which Ma Yüan was then the Grand Administrator (lB:8b). Not content with th at, the court officials considered whether all land west of the P ’o-k’iang prefecture1) should be abandoned completely, because it was far away and often looted. I t is interesting th at officials in the provinces, a t least in the territories directly concerned, could make themselves heard from a distance a t court discussions. I t also implies th a t these discussions could drag on over a period of time. Ma Yüan memorialized th a t the wall west of P ’o-k’iang was mostly unbroken and easily could be depended on. The arable land was fat. The irrigation system functioned. The Tibetans should not be let into Huang-chung.4) I t could not be abandoned. As a result of this me­ morial, the official policy was reversed. An edict ordered th a t the Grand Adminis­ trato r of Wu-wei should send back the refugees from Kin-ch’eng. We are told th at those who returned were over 3000 persons. Ma Ytian repaired the inner and outer walls of the towns, and built ramparts and watchtowers. He gave instruction about irrigation, agriculture, and stock raising (24,64:6b-7a). A return of some 3000 individuals is, of course, negligible. Kin-ch’eng had a population of 160,000 inhabitants in A.D. 2. This number had been reduced to only about 19,000 in A.D. 140. The overwhelming majority of the people had emi­ grated, and not to Wu-wei commandery in the north but across the Ts’in-ling Range southwards. This means th a t few could be sent back from Wu-wei by govern­ m ent decree. In A.D. 37, the court re-established Kin-ch’eng commandery as a separate administrative unit (1 B:10b), a decision most certainly due to Ma Yüan’s persuasion.*) *) According to 87,117:7a, the valley was located N of the Yellow River. No further details are known. *) 8KC 2:20 a, 21a says th a t the Yellow River passed N of the Ta-ytt and Siao-ytt Valleys before reaching the Lung-si commandery. The site shown on map 18 is an approximation. If it is correct th a t th e Ta-yttn Valley was situated N, and the Ta-ytt Valley 8 of the Yellow River, this would mean th a t th e Shao-tang Tibetans had croesod th a t river. *) The P ’o-k’iang prefecture during H an belonged to the Kin-ch’eng commandery and was situated 60 li E of the present Lo-tu hien, Kan-su. 4) I.e. the land on both sided of the Huang River.

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At about th at time, he won one further victory over the Tibetans. The Shen-lang Tibetans were living in Wu-tu commandery, which bordered on Lung-si in the southeast. They rose in A.D. 36, killing Chinese officials and looting. Ma Yüan attacked these Tibetans, probably in 37.1) They had entered Lung-si commandery and stationed themselves on a mountain a t Ti tao.1) Ma Yüan avoided battle, and simply cut off the Tibetans from water and pasture. This soon led to their surrender (lB :8b; 24,54:7a; 87,117:7a). After this encounter, the Tibetans held their peace for almost tw enty years. Ma Yüan may have contributed to this through the amicable contacts he established with them, assisted by one of their chiefs (24,54:7a). Only just before Kuang-wu's death, in A.D. 56, the Shen-lang Tibetans of W u-tu rebelled again. They were defeated by the troops of W u-tu and Lung-si commanderies (lB:22b; 87,117:7a-7b). d. The depopulation of the northwest While HHS has passing references to the depopulation of northwestern China, this does not mean th a t either Emperor Kuang-wu and his officials, or the ancient historian, had a clear picture of what was going on. For them, it was a question of vagabonding people. The government knew th a t the farmers were leaving their land. There is no hint th a t it was fully aware of the large-scale migration south­ wards across the Ts’in-ling Range. The dynastic historian was therefore reduced to generalities. He says th a t the people of Wu-wei commandery left their land because they feared to be looted and seized by the Hiung-nu and Tibetans (76,106: 4b), th a t the people of Lung-si commandery starved and vagabonded (15,45:11b), and th a t great numbers of people escaped from the commanderies of An-ting, Pei-ti, and Shang (23,53:2b). He does not say where they went, or, when he does, he is misinformed. When he states th a t the refuges from An-ting, Pei-ti, and Shang attached themselves to Tou Jung in the Kan-su corridor west of the Yellow River, this is a t best a cliché to illustrate the supposedly high quality of Tou Ju n g ’s ad­ ministration. I t is not a historical fact. The census of A.D. 2 and 140 prove th at the Kan-su corridor did not gain b u t lose population, and th a t the general trend of the migration was southwards. The migration was due to pressure from the Hiung-nu and the Tibetans. I t did not begin under Wang Mang, since during his reign the northwest was generally peaceful. The migration started under Kuang-wu. The depopulation of the northern border commanderies, sanctioned by the government through the official abolishl) 1 B:8b and 87,117:7a place the uprising and defeat of the Tibetans in A.D. 30. Ma Y0an*s biography dates the rebellion and campaign in A.D. 37. I t is possible th a t the uprising took place in 36, and the campaign in 87. >) This Ti* tao is not to be confused with the Ti* tao mentioned above (p. 130, note 2). Chung kuo ti ming ta te’I tien (p. 520:3) and Chung kuo ku kin ti ming ta tsT tien (p. 222:2) both say th a t Ti*tao was situated SW of the present Ts’ing-shui hien, Kan-su. That is not possible, since Ts'ing-shui lies on the northern side of the Wei River, an area to which Lung-si commandery did not extend. Wang 8ien-k’ien believes (chi 23A:27b) th a t Ti* tao was located 8W of Ts'in-chou (the present T ’ien-shui hien, Kan-su). Shen K ’in-han seeks it near Si-ho hien (41. Shen 2:30b), i.e. in the same general area a s Wang Sien-k’ien, only slightly further south. Their opinion is to be preferred.

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ment of whole commanderies, has already been described.1) The split of the Hiung-nu brought no relief. Kuang-wu’s decision to let the Southern Hiung-nu stay in the northwest, within the Chinese border, perpetuated and increased the friction be­ tween the sedentary Chinese and the nomadic Hiung-nu. Meanwhile, the infiltration of Tibetans intensified the pressure from another direction. The Chinese settlers yielded, and in growing numbers abandoned their fields. How edgy the Chinese were is shown by an event towards the end of Ma Yüan’s stay as Grand Adminis­ trator in Lung-si. On a false rumour th a t the Tibetans had rebelled, people streamed from the country into the walled towns (24,54:7b). The situation in the northwest is therefore the exact opposite to the one in South China. Barbarian pressure mounted against the Chinese in the northwest. Chinese pressure mounted against the barbarians in the south. The census of A.D. 2 and 140 make it possible to assess the extent of depopula­ tion in the northwest. The decrease is ca. 6 million people, or about 70% of the total in A.D. 2. Not all the refugees went south. We have seen th a t there was an influx from the northwestern border commanderies to the northernmost p art of the Great Plain.**) N ot all of the refugees left due to barbarian pressure. The decline in political and economic importance of Ch’ang-an and its surrounding territories m ust have left their mark. B ut the majority of the survivors migrated southwards, and the main cause was the barbarians. I t might be argued th a t the evacuation of the northwest only accelerated gradu­ ally and was not yet in full operation under Kuang-wu. T hat it continued for a long time is beyond question. B ut fortunately it can be settled th a t it was very much in progress during Kuang-wu’s reign. The evidence is his reduction in the number of prefectures. On Aug. 11, A.D. 30, Emperor Kuang-wu issued an im portant edict. I t pointed out th at, while the households and individuals had decreased, the prefectural offices and posts for lower official were still many. The Colonel Director of the Retainers and the Provincial Shepherds should each examine how the numbers of offices in their administrative regions could be reduced. Furthermore, an in­ vestigation should be made which prefectures could be abolished altogether by being joined to neighbouring ones. The results should be memorialized to the two yamen of the Grand Minister over the Masses and the Grand Minister of Works. The outcome was th at more than 400 prefectures were abolished (lB :2a; chi 23 B: 30b). A comparison between the treatises on administrative geography in HS and H H S shows th a t this is a fact. The introduction to the treatise in HHS also draws attention to the reduction and says unequivocally: wherever the treatise of HS has names of prefectures which do not reappear in HHS, the reason is th a t these had been abolished by the Epochal Founder (chi 19:2a). The first question to consider is which prefectures were discontinued. Chou Ming-t’ai’s survey*) may be taken as a starting point, but has to be used with ») Cf. supra pp. 107, 109, 113, 114. *) Cf. supra p. 113. •) 112. Chou.

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caution. I t contains errors, in addition to which it also includes prefectures which were abolished by Kuang-wu’s successors. His list of the prefectures existing in A.D. 2, and no longer existing in 140, must therefore be adjusted. According to my findings, the number of prefectures discontinued by Kuang-wu is 443. T h at figure may not be exactly correct. In some cases it is not clear whether a certain prefecture was abolished during Kuang-wu’s reign or later. In other cases, corrupt rendering of prefectural names leaves room for doubt. Still, 443 prefectures m ust be close enough to the truth. The second question is when the prefectures were abolished. In A.D. 30, Emperor Kuang-wu was not yet in possession of western China, whether north or south. Even after the civil war, some of the later abolished prefectures continue to be mentioned in the sources. The last reference to any of them is for A.D. 41. Everything points to the fact th a t the order was carried out gradually. The final stages of the reduction must have been reached in the 40’s, except in the border commanderiee of Shan-si and the Ordos Region. There the edict could hardly have been implemented until after the peace with the Southern Hiung-nu. The third question is where the 443 prefectures were situated, and which con­ clusions can be drawn from their emplacements.1) One problem immediately arises. In 118 cases of the 443 prefectures, the sites are no longer known. The explanation is th a t these prefectures disappeared from history, th a t they were not re-established in later times, and th a t the memory of their locations was lost. In this impasse, the 118 prefectures have been indicated on the map by single circles in the centre of each respective commandery, the dimension of every circle standing in direct proportion to the number of prefectures. If the statem ent of the edict is correct, th a t a decrease in the number of house­ holds and individuals was the reason for the reduction, a map of the abolished prefectures should reflect the losses in population. These losses are not a result of the civil war. I t has been brought out already th a t the Han histories are u ntrust­ worthy on the numbers of soldiers killed in battle.**) Remarks about the suffering of the civilian population are equally unreliable. All devastations caused by the war are exaggerated, and cannot be accepted as historical facts. This is confirmed by the distribution of the abolished prefectures. In some areas, where the fighting was fierce, e.g. the Shu and Kuang-han commanderiee in Sl-ch’uan, no prefectures were discontinued a t all. In other territories, such as Pei-ti and An-ting commanderies in the northwest, no fighting took place, and yet the number of prefectures was reduced. Even more convincing is the following fact. During the civil war until A.D. 36, 78 prefectural cities were taken by direct assault, and another 22 prefectural cities suffered sieges of various lengths.*) Should there be any tru th in the persistent belief th at conquered cities were butchered, it would stand to rea­ son th a t these 100 prefectures would have been among the first to be abolished. B ut only 8 of them were actually demoted to lesser administrative units. This ») See map 19. •) See vol. II, pp. 227-228. ») See vol. II, p. 226.

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makes it clear th a t the map of abolished prefectures will not show traces of the civil war. I t should mirror the depopulation of the southern plain due to the cumulative effects of the change in the course of the Yellow River, and the depop­ ulation of the northwest because of the pressure from the barbarians. This does not mean th a t the correlation between depopulation and reduction in the number of prefectures can be complete. I t must be blurred. A thinning out of prefectures could not be accomplished according to a simple and unvaried formula. Local conditions had to be considered. For example, the population decreased in the Kan-su corridor, b u t no prefectures were abolished there. These were strung out over a large territory, located a t oases, and surrounded by arid land. I t was not possible to decrease their number without doing harm to the communications. Secondly, a major aim of the emperor was to reduce government expenditure by reducing the provincial bureaucracy. This led to another im portant departure from the rule of being guided by the degree of depopulation. While the sources do not say so, it becomes apparent th a t a preferred course was the demotion of former marquisates, and what must have been fairly new prefectures. The total number of prefectural marquisates in A.D. 2 had been 216. Wang Mang had routinely discontinued the Han marquisates. When Kuang-wu restored the dynasty, he avoided a wholesale restoration of the old marquisates. Perhaps to discourage possible claimants once and for all, he went one step further. He abolished 160, or 78%, of the 216 old marquisates as prefectural units.1) By wiping them out, he combined expediency with economy. The new prefectures were another, though overlapping, category. In A.D. 2, 46 prefectures had existed, whose names were made up by two characters, the second of which was hiang. 41 of these were abolished by Kuang-wu. The fact th a t 32 of the 41 prefectures were former marquisates, may not be significant. If 41, or 80%, of all prefectures were abolished which had hiang as the second element of their names, it seems probable th a t the names had something to do w ith the measure. The clue to this problem is the fact th at hiang means “district”. A district was th e largest administrative unit below the level of prefecture. When a new prefecture w as established, it meant in practice th a t a district was elevated to prefectural statu s. The 46 prefectures of A.D. 2, with hiang as the second character of their nam es, must therefore simply have been former districts which had been promoted t o prefectures. In these cases, the character hiang, from having denoted adminis­ tra tiv e status, became part of the name. For instance, the Mi district (Mi hiang) becam e the Mi-hiang prefecture. T hat this development continued, can be shown b y a comparison of HS and HHS. Among the 61 new prefectures established during L a te r Han, 4 have names ending with hiang: the Nan-hiang and Siang-hiang pre­ fectures in Nan-yang commandery (chi 22:17a), the Kin-hiang prefecture in Shan-*) *) 159 of the 216 préfectoral marquisates had formerly been held by members of the imperial house. 1 2 7 of these, or 80%, were abolished.

lO

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yang commandery (chi 21:13a), and the Siang-hiang prefecture in Ling-ling commandery (chi 22:7 b). None of these is mentioned in the treatise on administrative geography in HS, and consequently they were not prefectures a t th a t time. T hat they were districts is proved by the Tables for marquises, in which all four are listed as district marquisates (HS 16B:48a, 40a, 51a; 18:30b).1) The reason why new prefectures were singled out for abolition is not hard to find. When the government decided to economize, it evidently preferred not to demote the old and well-established prefectural cities which offered many amenities of urban life. I t rather did away with the more recently created and less inviting pre­ fectures. Adding the 9 cases of former districts which in A.D. 2 were prefectures b u t not marquisates, to the 169 abolished marquisates, we get a total of 178. This means th a t in a t least 40% of the 443 cases, Kuang-wu’s reduction in the number of pre­ fectures does not necessarily stand in direct proportion to the depopulation. This fact in particular is responsible for the great number of abolished prefectures on the northern plain, north of the Yellow River. 52 of these, or three fifths of all discontinued prefectures in th a t area, were former marquisates and new prefectures. All this having been said, and the blurring effect having been noted, the general correlation between population decrease and reduction in the number of prefectures is still perfectly recognizable. This becomes very clear from a comparison of maps 19 and 20. Map 20 might be described as a negative population map. I t shows all regions where the population decreased from A.D. 2 to 140. With the reservations stated above, the agreement between the two maps is striking. I t proves conclusively not only th a t the depopulation of the southern plain was well advanced in Kuangwu’s time, but also th a t the emigration from the northwest was in full operation. e. Korea and Japan Emperor Kuang-wu gained possession of the former Chinese commanderies in Korea during A.D. 30. A native of Lo-lang commandery by the name of Wang T ’iao, whether Chinese or Korean is not known, had made himself independent there in about A.D. 25. He was killed by his followers in 30, who then welcomed the imperial officials.1) During the same year, Kuang-wu “abolished” the Chief Commandant office, or offices, over the Wo-tsii and Wei-mo tribes, and gave Chinese noble titles to their chiefs (85,115:8b, 9b). The Wei-mo lived east of Lolang commandery, between the Chinese border and the Pacific Ocean. To the *) Since the majority of prefectural namee was made up by two characters, the temptation to retain the element hiang was strong in those cases where the name of the district had consisted of a single character. When the 46 prefectures, whose namee ended with hiang, had been promoted from districts, cannot be established. The very fact th a t 41 of them were demoted again supports the inference drawn above. They must have been relatively young. The policy of abolishing new prefectures in preference to old ones was naturally not restricted to those with hiang in their names. B ut where the names give no clue, the texts are not informative enough to permit conclusions. *) See vol. H , pp. 112, 168.

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north of them, on the coast, was the domain of the Wo-taü, and, further inland, th a t of Kao-kou-li. North of the Wo-tsü and Kao-kou-li lay the territory of Fu-yil. I t is obvious th a t any Chinese control over these far-flung tribes must have been tenuous a t best, and th a t it must have lapsed altogether during the civil war. Kuang-wu could not divest himself of what he did not possess. In spite of the obliqueness of HHS, the emperor did no more than recognize hard facts. He re­ nounced all Chinese hegemony over the Korean tribes beyond the border. From this time onwards, until the end of Kuang-wu’s reign, Chinese-Korean relations were generally friendly, excepting one large raid by Kao-kou-li into China during the 1st month (Feb. 22-Mar. 22) of A.D. 49 (lB:18a; 85,115:7a). Tribute, i.e. trade, missions are recorded from Kao-kou-li in the 12th month of the Chinese year 32 (corresponding to Jan. 20-Feb. 17, A.D. 33) (lB :5b; 85,115:6b), and again in A.D. 49 (20,50:10b). Fu-ytt also sent a mission in 49 (lB:18a; 85,115:4b). In addition, three chiefs from Kao-kou-li, with more than 10,000 people, came to Lo-lang commandery and submitted in the 10th month (Nov. 7-Dec. 6) of A.D. 47 (lB:17b; 85,115:6b). In the southern p art of Korea, south of the Chinese possessions, various Han f t tribes were living. In the autum n of A.D. 44, a Han chief came to Lo-lang command­ ery with presents. The pen hi describes this as submission. The emperor bestowed on him a Chinese noble title (lB:15b-16a; 85,115:11a). No contacts with other Korean tribes are recorded for Kuang-wu’s time. HS has nothing to say about Japan, except th a t the Wo People were divided into more than one hundred states, and th a t they yearly came and paid tribute (HS 28Bb:61a). HHS repeats th a t there were more than one hundred states in the ocean, and adds th a t some thirty of them had sent envoys to China (85,115:11b). This would seem to refer to unofficial trade relations. There is no reference in HS to any Japanese mission being received a t court. HHS has the im portant entry th a t the King of the Wo-nu in the 1st month (Feb. 23-Mar. 24) of A.D. 57, i.e. ju s t before Kuang-wu’s death, sent envoys. They were received in audience, and the emperor bestowed on their king a seal (lB:22b; 85,115:11b).1) This was the beginning of official Japanese relations with China. While this was a historically im portant event, the initiative had been taken by Jap an . I t is manifest th at during Kuang-wu’s reign the general political retrench­ m ent applied to Korea as well, and th at foreign relations on the Chinese side were passive.

Later Han after Kuang-wu'8 death The general direction which Chinese—barbarian relations had taken in the north during Kuang-wu’s reign, was only modified in one major aspect after his death: th e relation to the Northern Hiung-nu. Otherwise, the development continued along earlier trends. This development will be represented through histograms, l) Cf. 146. Tsunoda, Goodrich, pp. 1-2. A seal found in 1784, and purporting to be the one conferred b y Kuang-wu, is probably spurious. See ibidem, p. 6, note 12.

145

which, by 10-year periods, show the number of years during which fighting with the barbarians occurred on Chinese soil. Only the immediate empire has been con­ sidered, and all clashes in the Western Region have been excluded. The histograms make no distinction between raids from without and barbarian uprisings within, since, in contrast to South China, the difference is not always clear. Graph 5 sets forth the Chinese relations with the Hiung-nu. During Former Han, the Hiung-nu had been the only great enemy in the north, and no decade from 200 to 70 B.C. was free from their attacks and pillage. Then followed the period of peace, which, for reasons beyond China’s control, came to an end with Wang Mang’s reign. After five decades of fighting, the Hiung-nu split A.D 49 into the southern and northern branches, so th a t the events during the last seventeen decades of Later Han have to be shown by two separate histograms. The Northern Hiung-nu alternated for a while between invading China and seeking peace. Their relations with China entered into a new phase, when Emperor Ming decided to abandon the passive attitude of his father, and to take the offensive. In A.D. 73, four armies were simultaneously launched against the Northern Hiung-nu. One of these was led by the Chief Commandant of Imperial Equipages, Tou Ku, nephew of Tou Jung, and brother-in-law of Emperor Ming. He belonged to the outstanding and powerful family which had produced several experts on Central Asia. Having defeated a high dignitary of the Northern Hiung-nu, Tou Ku left a garrison a t Yi-wu-lu, the present Hami, and returned (2:15b; 23,53:1 0 b -lla ). From this time onwards, Chinese pressure on the Hiung-nu increased, culminating in the great offensive of A.D. 89. This was led by Tou Jung’s great-grandson Tou Hien, the man who later during th a t year, on Oct. 29, became the first regent of Later Han, and who committed suicide in 92. Crossing the Gobi, he inflicted a crushing defeat on the Northern Hiung-nu (4:3a; 23,53:13b- 14a). Campaigns in the next few years followed up the advantage. Simultaneously, the Sien-pi stepped up their attacks from the east (90,120:5b). The tribal federation of the Northern Hiung-nu began to crack. Their last raid into China is recorded for A.D. 121 (51,81:3b). Gradually, the Northern Hiung-nu fell under the domination of the Sien-pi. Through the victories over the Northern Hiung-nu, the Western Region was again drawn into the Chinese orbit. When Tou Ku attacked the Hiung-nu in A.D. 73, Pan Piao’8 son Ch’ao was among the troops as an Acting Major. He distinguished himself, and was sent by Tou Ku to the Western Region (47,77:1b). He remained there for three decades, and returned to Lo-yang only in the 8th month (Aug. 31-Sep. 29) of A.D. 102. One month later, he died (47,77:11a). During his long stay in the Western Region, Pan Ch’ao slowly succeeded in reasserting China’s over­ lordship. This would not have been possible without the defeat of the N orthern Hiung-nu, nor without his own courage, tact, and patience. Pan Piao (died A.D. 54) has, perhaps unjustly, been overshadowed by K u and Ch’ao, but he united in his person the interests and talents which, divided between his sons, secured them immortal fame. He began the Former Han H istory which was continued by Pan Ku, and he showed in astute memorials the deep knowledge of Centra] Asian affairs which Pan Ch’ao later translated into action. 146

For half a century after Pan Ch’ao’s death, China held on to the Western Region, after which it again was lost. The trouble was th a t the offensive against the Northern Hiung-nu had come too late. I t should have been launched by Emperor Kuang> wu. When it was finally undertaken, the victories changed the situation very little. The Sien-pi simply moved into the vacuum and became China’s most dangerous enemy in the north. One foe had replaced the other, while the Southern Hiung-nu remained firmly entrenched in northwestern China. The opportunity to defeat the Northern Hiung-nu and to install a friendly Southern Shan-yü north of the Gobi had come in the time of Kuang-wu. That opportunity had been missed, and nothing done by Kuang-wu’s successors could change the fact. T hat the relations between the Chinese and the Southern Hiung-nu soon became strained is shown by the graph. The Southern Shan-ytt still cooperated with the Chinese and participated in Tou Hien’s great attack during 80 (4:3a; 89,119:11a). In 90, he rendered similar assistance (4:4a; 89,119:1 la - ll b ) . B ut in 93 the troubles began. During eight of the remaining thirteen decades, the Chinese and Southern Hiung-nu clashed. While there were periods of renewed assistance against the Tibetans and especially the Sien-pi, the Southern Hiung-nu would periodically pillage northwestern China. They even looted the northern part of the Great Plain in 110 (5:7b; 89,119:14b). While the Southern Hiung-nu came to form a frequently hostile state within the state, which acted in concert with China only when it suited its purpose, the Wu-huan and Sien-pi developed into a major menace a t the northern border. Graphs 6 and 7 show th a t the Wu-huan had invaded China during only two years of Former Han, and th a t the Sien-pi had not done so a t all. The reason is, of course, th a t these tribes only gained their emancipation from the Hiung-nu in A.D. 49, when the latter split into the northern and southern branches. Before th a t date, the Wu-huan and Sien-pi had undoubtedly participated in the Hiung-nu raids, and sometimes the sources make particular reference to their presence. But, excepting the Wu-huan attacks of 78 and 75 B.C., they and the Sien-pi acted under th e orders of the Hiung-nu. Their activities had not been independent, and are therefore not included in graphs 6 and 7. From A.D. 97 to 186, the Sien-pi raided China every decade, with peaks in the 120’s and 170’s. The interesting point is th a t the graph for the Wu-huan is the mirror image of th a t for the Sien-pi. When the latter reduced their efforts, the Wu-huan stepped up thein. Nothing is said in the sources which could throw any light on th e m atter, although a connection clearly exists. A possible explanation might be th a t the Wu-huan themselves were so hard pressed by the Sien-pi, th a t they could only indulge in major ventures when the Sien-pi for some reason had troubles of th e ir own. The Tibetans raided China a t will during Later Han times (graph 8). They proved a still greater menace than the Sien-pi and fought with the Chinese during all but five of the decades. Their particular target was the Wei River valley, and in 108 an d 111 they even penetrated as far as the Great Plain (5:5b, 8a; 87,117:14a). In 108, the Tibetan chief Tien-lien went so far as to declare himself Son of Heaven 147

(5:5b; 87,117:13b). He died in 112 and was succeeded by his son Lien-ch'ang, who continued to use the imperial designation (5:0b; 87,117:15a). In 117, the Chinese engineered Lien-ch’ang’s murder (5:13a; 87,117:17a). While no further claimants appeared among the Tibetans, the fact remains th a t the Chinese were on the defen­ sive and steadily losing ground. Only in the northeast, the picture was slightly brighter. Although the Koreans also were more belligerent than in Former Han times, their uprisings and invasions were sporadic and alternated with tribute missions. Kao-kou-li sent tribute in 109 and 111 (5:6a; 85,115:7a), and the state of Fu-ytt in 120, 122, 161, and 174. In addition, Fu-yü assisted China against other Koreans in 121 and 122, and in 136 its king came in person to the Chinese court and paid audience during the New T ear celebrations (5:15a, 16a; 6:9b; 7:10b; 8:5a; 85,115:4b). In short, Korea proved no great drain on China's resources. One further peaceful contact with Japan is recorded for Later Han. An embassy arrived in A J). 107 and presented 160 slaves (5:4a; 85,116:12b).1) 3. Conduaion Two main facts have emerged from the foregoing discussion. Firstly, the Chinese of Han times lived intermingled with the barbarians to a greater extent than has perhaps been generally realized. Secondly, China's relations with the barbarians inside and outside the borders deteriorated greatly during the Later H an dynasty. Map 21 gives a composite picture of all territories with both Chinese and bar­ barian population. Whenever the texts of HS and HHS mention th a t barbarians lived indigenously in a certain area, voluntarily moved into it, or were settled there by the Chinese authorities, this has been shown on the map. The habitats of the barbarians are not a m atter of prime concern for the dynastic historian, so th a t the source material for the map consists of stray remarks throughout the two histories. There is no reason, however, why it should not fairly faithfully reflect the conditions after the time when Emperor Kuang-wu had agreed to the perm anent settlement of the Southern Hiung-nu in northwestern China. The map is necessarily simplified. If a certain region is shown to have had b ar­ barian population, it does not mean th a t this was evenly distributed throughout the territory. I t simply means th a t barbarians lived here and there within th e area. The map has to be schematic, since greater refinement is not possible. I t also excludes two regions where aboriginals must have been living during H an, b u t where clear textual evidence is lacking. These are the major p art of Kiang-si, and southern Kiang-su and northern Che-kiang. Ti-wu Lun's biography records th a t, when he became Grand Administrator of K'uai-ki in A.D. 53, he prohibited th e reckles slaughtering of oxen for sacrifices. The people had been under the influence of shamans and believed th a t if they did not sacrifice the oxen, they would them ­ selves start to low and then die. Ti-wu Lun prosecuted the shamans and eradicated the superstition (41,71:1b). This may well be a case of a Chinese official interfering *) *) Cf. 146. Tsunoda, Goodrich, p. 2.

148

into aboriginal customs, but the text does not mention barbarians specifically* The people might have been partially sinified aboriginals, they may have been Chinese who had developed or adopted local customs, or they might have been both. For the sake of stringency, I have excluded this and similar cases, where the ancient historian does not express himself with sufficient clarity. I t is nevertheless a safe assumption th a t aboriginals lived south of the Yang-tsï delta and in Kiangd. In fact, the San kuo chi has frequent references to “mountain people” or “mountain bandits” in these regions, terms which probably designated aboriginals. It is therefore certain th a t in all of South China, barbarians and Chinese lived side by side. On minor plains, such as the Yang-tsï delta and the Red Basin in Sï-ch’uan, the Chinese were probably settled rather compactly. B ut in the river valleys, th ey were strung out on the alluvial soil along the banks, and the aboriginals who resisted sinification were forced up into the mountains. In North China, Koreans had lived within the borders to the northeast, and Tibeta ns towards the northwest, ever since Emperor Wu had conquered these territor ^es. In addition, non-Chinese tribesmen (Hu) were sprinkled throughout the northw est, and some Wu-huan and Sien-pi inhabited Liao-si and Liao-tung. The balance changed to China's disadvantage, when Kuang-wu officially admitted the Southern Hiung-nu into the northwest, and simultaneously to a lesser degree also accepted Wu-huan within the border. Meanwhile, Tibetans infiltrated the empire in increasing numbers. The government could not cope with them, except resorting to the negative device of transferring Tibetans to the lower Wei River valley. Map 21 also shows the sites of the too, or “marches” as H. H. Dubs translates the term. I t is explained by both dynastic histories as a prefecture which adminis­ trated barbarians (HS 19A:30b; HHS chi 28:7a). Again, the map gives a composite picture. The treatise on administrative geography in HS lists 30 too, all b u t 3 of which can be identified. 12 of these were abolished by Emperor Kuang-wu. This simply indicates his wish to economize, not a sudden disappearance of the bar­ barians. 2 of the too were changed to prefectures during Later Han. In addition th e Later Han dynasty established 3 new too, so th a t the total listed in HHS is 19. The map shows the 27 Former Han too which can be identified, plus the 3 new too of Later Han. I t demonstrates conclusively th a t the too were restricted to certain areas. Too cannot have been a universal term for prefectures with barbarians, since otherwise the map would have had hundreds. I t was clearly an administrative device fo r controlling barbarians in sensitive areas, particularly in the border re­ gions. The territory where the Chinese lived alone was severely limited. I t consisted of th e Great Plain, the Shan-tung peninsula, southern Shan-si, and the Nan-yang basin in southern Ho-nan and northern Hu-pei. No conclusions can be drawn from map 21 about how the Chinese and barbarians g o t along where they were neighbours, nor does it necessarily follow th a t where the Chinese lived alone they were untroubled by barbarians. To elucidate these points, i t is necessary to show which areas suffered under wars with or raids by the bar­ barians. 149

Map 22 marks all Chinese territories where, from 202 to 1 6.C., fighting took place with indigenous barbarians, or where barbarians raided from beyond the border. The map has to be simplified, since the sources normally do not record which parts of a given commandery were affected. Whenever a commandery has been mentioned to have been involved, the map shows its entire area. In the north, it is the border region and the northwest which suffered. Tun-huang and Wu-wei commanderies in the Kan-su corridor, and HUan-t’u commandery in the northeast appear as unharmed, but this is probably due more to gaps in the textual evidence than to actual conditions. In South China, only three regions were troubled: Yttn-nan and Kuei-chou through repeated barbarian uprisings, and Ch’ang-sha through a single raid in 181 B.C. Turning to map 23, for the period A.D. 1 to 220, the situation is dramatically changed. The Chinese and aboriginals fought everywhere in South China, excepting the major part of the lower Yang-tsI Valley and Kiang-si. The Yüe people had been docile since the time of Emperor Wu, which explains the generally peaceful condi­ tions in southeast China. The only other exception is Kien-wei commandery in Sl-ch’uan. If it really was as tranquil as it appears to have been, the reason is not clear. The only barbarian unrest recorded there was in its Dependent State, situated between the Yang-tsI and the lower course of the Min River.1) In North China, conditions had also worsened. The entire northwest and all the border commanderies were affected, including the Korean possessions. In addi­ tion, parts of the northern plain had been raided for the first time. The increased vulnerability of the Chinese to clashes with the barbarians was actually greater than a comparison of maps 22 and 23 would seem to indicate. One must also take into consideration the depopulation of the southern plain, due to the change in the course of the Yellow River. In A.D. 2, 85% of the total Chinese population had lived in areas safe from barbarians attacks. T hat proportion had shrunk to 63% by A.D. 140. Table 11 arranges the material in a different way. I t showB by 30-year periods the number of years during which any kind of fighting occurred on Chinese soil. Troubles with the barbarians increased greatly during the latter half of the period in both north and south. Throughout the 420 years, disturbances in the north steadily outnumbered those in the south, except during A.D. 41-70, when the frequency was the same. Fights with Chinese rebels also multiplied. The deteriora­ tion is illustrated by the shrinkage in the number of peaceful years. During the 210 years from 200 B.C. until A.D. 10, they numbered 145, but during the following 210 years only 42, a reduction from 69% to 20%. Graph 10 sets forth the same material by 10-years periods and in the form of a histogram. The enormous worsening of the situation in Later Han becomes clearly visible.*) *) I t should be observed th a t for Tsang-ko commandery no troubles a t all are recorded after A.D. 12. The reason must be, th a t the region was practically ignored during Later Han.

150

W ith barbarians North

South

W ith Chinese rebels

Total number of peaceful yean1)

6 11 11 0 6 2 3 18 0 12 26 10 26 2

1 0 0 6 0 1 0 6 0 0 10 13 14 0

7 1 0 2 1 1 7 24 3 0 4 17 18 30

20 18 10 16 23 26 23 3 16 16 4 3 0 0

168

67

116

187

30-year periods

200-171 170-141 140-111 110- 81 80- 61 60- 21 20-A.D. 10 11- 40 41- 70 71-100 101-130 131-160 161-100 101-220 Total

Table 11. Y ean during which fighting occurred on Chinese coil, 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.

Emperor Kuang-wu stands on the threshold between two phases of Chinesebarbarian relations The renewed belligerence of the Hiung-nu had begun under W ang Mang, who, as far as can be judged from the sources, was not basically a t fault. He succeeded in preventing a resumption of large-scale wars through a combination of skillful diplomacy and military intimidation. Kuang-wu’s position w as more difficult, since the civil war until A.D. 36 had to take precedence over border fighting. Neither can he be blamed for the outbreak of hostilities with the barbarians. This does not change the fact th at, while he suppressed barbarian uprisings in South China determinedly, he lacked vision in foreign policy. Kuangw u consistently took the easy way out, sacrificing long-range imperatives for what seem ed to be short-range advantages. He set a dangerous precedent in Yttn-nan b y adm itting the Ai-lao into the empire. He was inept in his attitude to the Western R egion. He let the Southern Hiung-nu stay in the northwest, and thereby became fundam entally responsible for the loss of North China in A.D. 316. I n history, Wang Mang has been depicted as a scheming usurper with delusions o f grandeur, while Kuang-wu has been praised as the sagacious restorer of the Han d y n a s ty and as a model for later emperors.1) A less biased view m ust absolve Wang *) T his is the real number of completely peaceful years in each 30-year period. H ie figure cannot b e arriv e d a t by simply adding the years of fighting in the proceeding three columns, and subtracting t h a t to ta l from 30, since fighting with barbarians in north and south, as well as with Chinese rebels, fre q u e n tly overlapped chronologically. *) T h e official prejudice against Wang Mang is well illustrated by the following account. I n A .D . 1, barbarians beyond the southern border presented one white pheasant and two black p h e a s a n ts (HS 12:2 a; 99A:5a; 00. Dubs, III, pp. 64, 141). HS 00A:6a says to this: “First, [Wang M an g ] had hinted th at Yi-chou [commandery] should cause the barbarians beyond the barrier to present

151

Kang from failure in his dealings with the barbarians, and a shortsightedness fateful to his country.•

Kuang-wu for

• white pheasant." H. H. Dubs draws attention to the tradition th at, whenever China had a T rue King, this would bo signalled by the presentation of a white pheasant (90. Dube, HE, p. 64, note 2.3). Ho accepts the insinuation th at Wang Mang engineered the gift (see ibidem, p. 51). HHS records th at in A.D. 37 barbarians outside the border of JI-nan presented Kuang-wu w ith a whito pheasant and a white hare (lB:10b; 80,116:6a). This time, the event is recorded straightforwardly, and without innuendo. White pheasants and hares were auspicious, and symbols of wise government. During T’ang tim es, they were part of the Middle Auspioious Token (142. Schafer, p. 199; 143. 8chafer, p. 647). Such gifts were useful for propaganda purposes, and in many cases the offers most probably were manipulated. If Wang Mang did so, as ho may well have done, there is no reason to believe th a t Kuang-wu or his officials did not do tho same. The important point is that, for historiographical reasons, the manipulations are stressed in tho caso of Wang Mang, and suppressed in the case of Kuang-wu. By this device, the sympathies of tho reader are immediately marshalled against Wang Mang and for Kuang-wu, reinforcing tho consistently negative picture of the former, and the positive one of the latter, w hich tho dynast io historian strives to give.

152

Q U O T E D L IT E R A T U R E Whenever in the notes to this volume the names of authors are prefixed by numbers 1-90, the reader is referred to the bibliography in vol. I, and for num­ bers 91-109 to voL II.

Sources: 110. F u W u -ki (fl. A.D. 151), K u kin chu. In Shi chung ku yi shu, 1842. 111. Y ino Shao (ca. 140-208), Han kuan yi. In Han kuan ts’i chung, 1883.

Chinese and Japanese Literature: 112. Chou Mino -t ’ai (Rep.), Hou H an hien yi sheng ping piao. In E r shl wu shl pu pian, vol. I l, pp. 2065-2069. 113. H o T sX-to’üan (Rep.), Ts’in H an shl ltte. Shanghai 1955. 114. Kü-yen Han kien kia pien. Academica Sinica, Peking 1969. 115. L ao K an (Rep.), Ktt-yen H an kien t ’u pan chi pu. Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Taipei 1967. 116. L ao K an, KU-yen Han kien k’ao shl ohl pu. Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Taipei 1960. 117. Lru P xno-jkn (Rep)., Liang H an ti jen k ’ou ytt shl liang cheng ts’e. In Ytt lcung, vol. 7, 1937, pp. 171-181. 118. Shbn W e i -hien (Rep.), Ts’ien H an Hiung nu piao. In E r shl wu shl pu pien, vol. If, pp. 17631774. 119. Shen W e i -hien H ou H an Hiung nu piao. In E r shl wu shl pu pien, vol. II, pp. 2667-2677. 120. U chida Oucpu, KOkan KObutei no tai NankyOdo saku ni tsuite. A in Shirin, vol. 17, 1932, pp. 581-612. B in Shinn, vol. 18, 1933, pp. 97-139. 121. W an K uo-tino (Rep.), H an yi ts’ien jen k'ou ki t ’u ti li yung chi yi pan. In Nanking Journal, vol. I, 1931, pp. 133-160.

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Western Literature: 122.

B ixlenstein , H., The Chinese colonisation of Fukien until the end of T’ang. Studia Serica Bernhard Karigren Dedicate, Copenhagen 1959, pp. 98-122.

153

12). Chavannbs, E., Les pays d'Oocident d’après la Heou H an ohou. T'oong Paof vol. 8, 1007, pp. 140-234. 124. D b a k i , F. S., China’s north-west passage: the struggle for the Tarim Basin in the Later Han dynasty. Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Aaiatio Society, vol. 07, 1090, pp. 147-150. 125. D urand , J . D., The population statistics of China, A.D. 2-1058. Population Studies, vol. 8, 1060, pp. 200-250. 120. F obee , A., Lun-hêng. Philosophical essays of Wang Ch’ung. Translated from the Chinese and annotated. Vola. I-U , New York 1002. 127. Goodrich, L. C., Suspension bridges in China. A preliminary inquiry. Liebenthal Festschrift. Sino-Indian Studies, vol. 6, 1057, pp. 1-0. 128. Groot, J . J . M. de . Chinesische Urkunden sur Geschichte Asiens. Vol. I, Die Hunnen der vor­ christlichen Zeit. Berlin, Leipzig 1021. Vol. II, Die Westlande Chinas in der vorchristlichen Zeit. Berlin, Leipzig 1026. 120. H ulbbwO, A. F. P., Han-time documents. A survey of recent studies occasioned by the finding of Han-time documents in Central Asia. T’oung Pao, vol. 45, 1057, pp. 1-50. ISO. K altenmarx, M., Le dompteur des flots. Han-hiue, Bulletin du Centre d’Etudes Sinologiques de Pékin, vol. 3, 1048, pp. 2-113. 131. K abuwen , B., The Book of Odes. Göteborg 1050. 132. Lao K ak , Population and geography in the two H an dynasties. English translation from the Chinese artiole: Liang H an hu tsi yü ti li chi kuan hi (Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, vol. 2, 1035, pp. 170-214). In E-tu Zen and John De Francis, Chinese social history. Translations of seleoted studies. Washington 1050. 133. L oews , M., Some notes on Han-time documents from Chttyen. T ’oung Pao, vol. 47, 1050, pp. 204-322. 134. L oews , M., The orders of aristocratic ranks of H an China. T’oung Pao, vol. 48, 1000, pp. 00-174. 135. L oews, M., Military operationa in the H an period. China Sooiety Occasional Papers, No. 12. London 1061. 130. L oews , M., The measurement of grain during the Han period. T’oung Pao, vol. 40, 1001-1062, pp. 04-05. 137. Madboule, C., Le Tonkin ancien. Bulletin de l’Ecole Française d’Extréme Orient, vol. 37, 1037, pp. 207-332. 138. Maspebo, H., Etudes d’histoire d’Annam. Bulletin de l’Ecole Française d’Extrème Orient, vol. 18:3, 1018, pp. 1-30. 130. Maspebo, H ., Les documents chinois de la troisième expédition de Sir Aurel Stein en Asie centrale. London 1053. 140. P bitsak, O., Die 24 Ta-ch’én. Studie sur Geeohiohte des Verwaltungsaufbaua der Haiung-nu Beiohe. Orions Extremus, vol. 1, 1054, pp. 178-202. 141. Samolxn, W., East Turkestan to the twelfth oentury. London, The Hague, Paria 1004. 142. Schapeb, E. H., The auspioea of T ’ang. Journal of the American Oriental Sooiety, vol. 83, 1003, pp. 107-225. 143. Schapeb, E. H ., The origin of an era. Journal of the American Oriental Sooiety, voL 85, 1065, pp. 543-550. 144. Schreiben, G., Das Volk der Hsien-pi zur Han-Zeit. Monumenta Series, vol. 12,1047, pp. 145-20& 145. Stein , R. A., Le Lin-yi. Han-hiue, Bulletin du Centre d’Etudes Sinologiquea de Pékin, vol. 2, 1047, pp. 1-335. 140. T sunoda R yusaku and Goodrich, L. C., Japan in the Chinese dynastio histories. L ater Han through Ming dynasties. South Pasadena, P. D. and lone Perkins, 1051. 147. W atson, B., Records of the Grand Historian of China. Translated from the Shih chi of Ssu-ma Gh’ien. Vols. I- I I , New York, London 1001. 148. Y ano L ien -sheno, Hostages in Chinese history. Studies in Chinese Institutional H istory, Cam­ bridge 1001, pp. 43-57.

154

MAPS

Map. 1. The population of China, A.D. 2 (each dot equal» 25,000 persona).

Map. 2. The population of China, A.D. 140 (each dot equals 25,000 persons).

157

KUAN0-YAN9 CHUNO-SMAN CHEN-TINO HO-KIEN •IN-TU CHAO KUANO-P*IN9 KIA0-TUN9 T8Y-CHHJAM KAO-Ml OH'ENO-YANO CH'II LU ▼UNO-PMNO LIANO HUAI-YANO SY-8HUI KUANO-LINO LIU-AN CH*AN O -SH A

100______ too

RM

Map. 3. The kingdoms of A.D. 2.

Map 4. The duohies of A.D. 89.

Map 6. The kingdoms a t the time of Kuang-wu’s death in A.D. 57.

160

161

Map 7. Emperor Kuang-wu’s transfers of marquises.

163

Map 9. T he prefoctiiral m arquisat oh of A.D. 2.

164

165

Map 11. The profoctural marquisates of A.D. 140.

166

Map

12. The uprising of the barbarians in Yi-chou commandery, A.D. 42-45.

167

Map 13. The uprieing of the barbarian« in Wu-ling commandery, A.D. 48-40.

168

Map 14. The Western Region.

169

170

Map 16. Dofenso measures against tho Hiung-nu, A.D. 37-45.

171

Map 17. Areas in which the Southern Hiung-nu and Wu-huan were settled by Emperor Kuang-wu.

172

Map 18. Operations against the Tibetans, A.D. 34-37.

173

CIRCLES .PLACED U OF COMMANDERAS. SHOW "-s NUMBER OF PREFECHRES « S IT E S NO LONGER ARE TH E SURFACE OF EACH C«. IS PROPORTIONAL TO NUMBER OF PREFECTURES . 2 PREFECTURES

•3

Map 10. Tho prefectures abolished by Emperor Kuang-wu.

Map 20. Areas where China's population decreased, A.D. 2-140 (each dot equals a loss of 25,000 persons).

175

Map 21. Arran whore Chinone and barbarians lived intermingled during Han.

Map 22. Chine?*' torritorios whom fighting ocT iirm l w ith ltarbarituiA. 202-1 B.C.

Map 23. Chinese territories where fighting occurred with harbor ions, A.D. 1-220.

GRAPHS

Graph 1. The number of marquises in Former H an, 202 B.C.-A.D. 6.

180

Graph 2. The bestowal of lower noble ranks (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.

_

10 9-

8_ 7_ •_ 5. 4_

3. 2Io_ HAN Graph 3. Y ean daring which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Southern Barbarians (by 10year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.

IO.

9. 9. T-

a. a. 4. 9. 0. F OHMEN

HAN

Graph 4. Y ean during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Southwestern Barbarians (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.

181

10-

NORTHERN HIUNO-HU

Graph 5. Y ean during which lighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Hiung-nu (by 10-yeer peroids), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.

182

Graph 7. Y ean during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Sien-pi (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.

Graph 8. Y ean during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Tibetans (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.

13

183

Graph 0. Y ean during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with the Koreans (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.

Graph 10. Y ean during which fighting occurred on Chinese soil with barbarians and Chinese rebels (by 10-year periods), 200 B.C.-A.D. 220.

184

I N DE X Whenever entries ere prefixed by numbers 1-1344, the Chinese characters ere given in the index of vol. I. For numbers 1345-2110, see the index of vol. II. 274. Acting Qrsnd Administrator, 80 (cf. vol. II, 32 note 6). 2117. Acting Major, 146. 879. Acting Prefect, 137 (cf. vol. II, 32 note

2128. 2129. 2130. 42.

6 ).

3. Ai, Emperor, 46, 90, 95. 2118. Ai-lao, a) tribe, 77, 77 note 1, 83, 84, 151. b) prefecture, 77, 77 note 3. Aksu, see Ku-mo. 4. An, Emperor, 74 note 1, 130 note 3. 5. An-chung (marquisats), 24 note 1. 6. An-hui (province), 30 note 5, 33 note 4, 58, 62, 74, 80 note 4. 2119. An-ning (hien), 66 note 5. 2120. An-te (prefecture), 30 note 4, 34. 9. An-ting (commandeiy), 104,105,140,142. 1350. An-yi (prefecture), 112. 15. Attendant Official, 121, 122. Baetria, 60. 2121. Bandits of the Wu Stream, 69. 2122. Barbarians of the Five Streams, 67. 2123. Baron Descendant of Chou, 36. 2124. Beauty née Hü, 21, 21 note 1, 27-29, 33. 1355. Book of Changes, 44 note 2. 2125. Book of Odes, 27. 1366. Braves and Stalwarts, 104. Buddhism, 33. Burma, 60, 78, 84, 86. Canton, 57, 59. 2126. Chahar (province). 111 note 1, 118, 130 note 5. 23. Chai Fang-tain, 24 note 1. 2127. Chai Sttan, 24 note 1. 25. Chai T ’ung, 116, 120. 26. Chai Yi. 24 note 1. 27. Chancellor, a) of kingdom, 23, 25 note 6, 58, 114. b) of marquisats, 38. 29. Chang, Emperor, 35.

62. 58. 63. 1371. 2131. 67.

1372. 2132. 2133. 68. 69. 2134. 2135. 2136. 2137. 2138. 1386. 2139. 2140.

2141. 77. 82. 2142. 2143.

Chang-hiang (marquisats), 41 note 2. Chang K ’ien, 59. Chang Liang, 123 note 2. Chang-ling (prefecture), 28, 28 note 4, 41 note 1. Chang-ye (comraandery), 92 note 2. Ch’ang-an, 87, 90, 99-102, 104, 112, 114, 141. Ch’ang-ling (prefecture), 104. Ch’ang-p’ing (prefecture), 114. Ch’ang-p’ing (prefecture), 30 note 5. Ch’ang-aha (kingdom and commandery), 22, 23, 25, 58, 64, 68, 08 note 2, 70 note 4, 74, 76, 150. Ch’ang-ahan (commandery), 28, 108 note 3. 112, 112 note 4, 113, 113 note 2. Ch’ang-te (hien), 69 note 3, 71 note 1. Ch’ang-yang (prefecture), 30 note 3. Chao (duchy and kingdom), 24, 26, 28, 29, 31, 115 note 2. Chao, Emperor, 15, 42, 43, 46, 128 note 1. Chao Ch’ung-kuo, 102. Chao Fei-yen, 16. Chao Ming-ch’eng, 69 note 1. Chao T ’o, 57, 58. Ch’ao-sien (state), 93. Ch’ao-yang (prefecture), 30 note 4. Charts and Revelations (t’u-ch’an), 33, 85. Chaste and Righteous Elder Princess of Sin-ye, 20. Chavannes, E., 33 note 6, 39, 39 note 2, 94 note 1, 131 note, 4, 132 notes 1 and 4-5, 133 notes 1-4. ch'e-hou; cf. also Full Marquis, 38. Che-kiang (province), 58, 62, 80 note 4, 148. Chen-ting (commandery), 25, 25 note 6, 48 note 2. Ch’en (kingdom), 20 note 2. Ch’en Hin, 108.

185

2144. Ch’en Stream, 67, 67 note 8, 69. 1896. Ch*en Teun, 108. 2146. Ch’en-yang (prefecture), 69, 80. 2146. Cheng (duchy), 86, 86 note 7. Cheng Bieters, see Cheng E r and Cheng Ts’e. 2147. Cheng Er, 68, 66. 2148. Cheng Hung, 34. 2149. Cheng Te’e, 63, 66. 108. Ch’eng, Emperor, 18, 46, 90, 109 note 1. 2160. Ch’eng (marquisat«), 41 note 2. 109. Ch'eng-tu (prefecture), 66, 67. 1406. Ch’eng-yang (kingdom), 28, 24, 26 note 6, 28. 2161. Chi (marquisate), 41 note 2. 2162. Ch’I River, 111 note 4. 2168. Chl-chl Shan-ytt, 89, 91, 124, 126. 1410. Chief Clerk, 122. 116. Chief Commandant, 88, 144. 1412. Chief Commandant of Attendant Cavalry, 36. 1413. Chief Commandant of Cavalry, 19 note 6, 104, 111. 2164. Chief Commandant of Imperial Equipages, 146. 2166. Chief Commandant Superintending Noble Ranks, 38. 118. Cho (oommandery), 108 note 2. 2166. Cho Ch’ung, 62. 119. Cho Mao, 61 note 6, 62. 120. Chou (dynasty), 27, 87. 126. Chou Ming-t’ai, 141, 141 note 8. 128. Chou Shou-ch’ang, 106 note 1. 2167. Chou 8ie, 16. 183. Chu Fou, 47 note 7. 1418. Chu-o (prefecture), SO note 4, 84. 148. Chu Yu, 26. 26 note 1, 107, 108, 112. 144. Ch’u (duchy, kingdom, and commandery), 27, 29, 30, 30 note 3, 31, 33-36, 42. 2168. Chuan-htt (legendary ruler), 37. 1427. Chung-lu (prefecture), 68 note 1. 164. Chung-shan (kingdom and commandery), 23, 26, 28-30, 30 note 2. 69, 112, 116. 166. Chung Tai, 98, 101. 168. Ch’ung (prefecture), 70, 70 note 6, 71. 2169. Ch’ung-k’iu (prefecture), 30 note 4, 34. 169. Ch'ung-ling (marquisate), 24, 24 note 1, 28 note 4, 41 note 1. 161. Colonel, 88, 136 note 1. 162. Colonel Director of the Retainers, 141. 2160. Colonel of the Left, 128. 2161. Colonel of the Right, 128.

186

168. Colonel Protecting th e T ibetans, 135, 136. 136 note 1. 2162. Colonel [Protecting] the Wu-huan, 130. 166. Commander-in-ehief, 17, 26, 103, 107, 108, 113. 1436. Commissioner over the Army, 103. 167. commune (t’ing), 38. Confucius, 36, 37, 137. Couvreur, 8., 80 note 3. 2163. Cruel (or Harsh) Officials, 80, 136. 1441. Department of Merit, 33. 2164. Dependent States, 88. 1442. Dependent State of An-ting, 104, 104 note 1, 116. 2166. Dependent State of Kien-wei, 76 note 1, 160. 2166. Dependent State of Kin-ch’eng, 93. 2167. Dependent State of Kuang-han, 74 note 1. 2168. Dependent State of Liao-tung, 130 note 3. 2169. Dependent State of Pei-ti, 89, 127. 1443. Dependent State of San-shui, 104 note 1. 2170. Dependent State of Shu oommandery, 74 note 2. 2171. Dependent State of Si-ho, 89, 127. 2172. Director of the Imperial Clan, 19. 176. district (hiang), 38, 143-144. 2173. district banquet, 80, 80 note 1. 178. Division Head, 33, 121, 124, 130. 2174. Division Head of Pacification, 121. Drake, F.S., 94 note 1. Dubs, H .H., 14, 16 notes 1-2, 16 note 1. 33 note 6, 36 notes 1-8, 37 notes 1-3, 38 note 2, 39 note 1, 40 notes 1-2 and 6, 41, 42 notes 1-2, 61 note 1, 66 note 6, 67 note 2, 68 notes 1-3 and 6, 69 notes 1-2 and 4, 60 notes 1-3 and 6-6, 61 notes 1-2, 86 note 1, 88 note 1, 89 note 1, 90, 90 note 2, 92 notes 1-2, 93 notes 1-3 and 6-7 and 9, 94 notes 1-2, 96 notes 2 and 6-7, 96 notes 2 and 6-6, 97 notes 1-3 and 6, 98 notes 1-2 and 4-6, 99 note 2, 100 note 3, 101 notes 1-2, 102 notes 1 and 3-6, 112 notes 2-3, 128 note 1, 149, 161 note 2. 180. Duke of Chou, 36, 37. 2176. Duke 8ttan-ni in Recompense for Per­ fection, 36. 2176. Duke Who Continues and Honours Yin, 36. 2177. Duke Who Establishes Tranquillity, 37. 2178. Duke who Manifests Peace, 36.

2179. 2190. 2181.

2182. 186. 2183. 1448. 196.

196. 2184. 1460. 199. 200. 2186. 206. 2186. 2187. 218. 2188. 2189.

2190. 2191. 229. 233. 2192. 2193. 2194. 2196. 2196. 246. 2197. 2198. 2199. 2200. 261.

Duke Who Suooeeda to the G reatae« of Chou, 36, 86 note 7, 37. Duke Who Supporte on the Left, 27 note 2. Duke Who Supporte on the Right, 27 note 2. Durend, J.D ., 14. Eberherd, W., 92 note 1. Elder Prince«, 22, 38 note 1. Elder Prince« of Hu-yang, 19 note 6, 20. Elder Prince« of Ning-p’ing, 20. Emergency Troops, 69. E m pre« née Kuo; of. also Kuo Shengt ’ung end Grand Queen née Kuo, 20, 2729, 47 note 6. E m pre« née LO, 22, 39, 41, 42, 46. E m pre« née Me, 36. Em pre« née Yin; of. also Yin Li-hua and Honourable Lady née Yin, 28, 29. Epochal Founder; cf. also Liu Siu and Kuang-wu, Emperor, 19 note 4, 141. Erudit, 44. Etsingol, see Ktt-yen. Fan-chi (prefecture), 108, 108 note 6. Fan Hien-tu, 21. Fan Mu. 39. Fan Sheng, 66. Fan Ye, 80, 136. Farther Ktt-ahl, 93, 133. Fei-hu, a) pass. 111, 111 note 1, 113 note 2, 116, 116 note 4. b) road. 111, 111 note 1. c) prefecture. 111 note 1. Fen River, 108, 111, 112. Feng-k’i (prefecture), 66. Feng K ’in, 18, 46. Feng Yi, 103. 116. Ferghana, see Ta-yttan. Feudal King, 22, 38 note 1. Fifth Rank Grandee (noble rank), 63. Forke, A., 18 note 1. Fou-Iing (kingdom), 36. Fou-t’u (Buddha), 33. Franke, O., 42 note 3. Fu (marquisate), 41 note 2. Fu Chan, 46, 46 note 7. Fu-ohu-lei-jo-ti Shan-yü Tiao-t’ao-mokao, 89, 90. Fu-kien (province), 12 n ote 2, 67, 69. F u Kung, 17. Fu-lo (prefecture), 30 n o te 6. F u Tsfin, 20 note 6.

262. Fu Wu-ki, 18. 63. 2201. Fu-yü (state), 146, 148. 1481. Full Marquis, 22, 33, 36, 87, 44, 46, 62, 64, 64 note 4. 2202. garrison oonsoript, 80. 2203. General of a Peaceful Beginning, 60. 266. General of the Five Majestic [Principl«], 98. 267. General of the Gentlemen-of-the-House­ hold. 64, 70, 103, 106 note 2, 117, 118, 120, 123, 137. 2204. General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Houaehold in Charge of the Hiung-nu, 122, 128. 1489. General of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household Rapid as Tigers, 72. 1491. General of the Left of the Gentlemen-of« the-Household, 69, 117. 2206. General of Towered Warships, 64. 261. General over All the Offîo« of the Gentlemen-of-the-Household, 119. 2206. General Who Calms the Waves, 64, 66, 69. 71, 116. 2207. General Who Cross« the Liao [River], 128. 1602. General Who Exterminates the Caitiffs, 107. 1606. General Who Is Martial and Stern, 66, 68. 1606. General Who Maintains in Peace W hat Is D istant, 62. 1608. General Who Manifesto Firm ne«, 112, 138. 1616. General Who Routs the Traitors, 107. 1618. General Who Seix« the Caitiffs, 111. 266. General-in-chief of Agile Cavalry, 106,108, 110, 133. 1628. General-in-chief Who Establish« Righteousne«, 107, 112. 1637. General-in-chief Who T ravers« the Open Country, 107. 270. Gentleman, 110. Gobi, 88, 92 note 2, 97, 117 note 3, 126, 127, 148, 147. Goitre Yang, am Liu Yang. Goodrich, L.C., 84, 84 note 4, 146 note 1, 148 note 1. 2208. Government Grandee (noble rank), 63. Grammata Serica by B. Karlgren, 33 note 1. 274. Grand Administrator, 19 note 4, 23, 26 note 6, 33, 34, 60-63, 66, 69, 79, 80-82, 103, 100-108, 108 notes 4-6, 109, 110, 116,120,123,132, 134,130-139,141,148. 2209. Grand Chief Commandant of the Western Region, 131-132.

187

1088. 2210. 2211. 279. 281. 282. 2212. 2213. 2214.

2216. 2216. 284.

286. 288. 2217.

2218. 2219. 2220. 2221.

2222. 293. 1660. 2223. 303. 2224. 312. 312. 2226. 2220. 318. 320. 2227. 2228. 2229.

188

Grand Commandant, 10, 17. Grand Empress Dowager née Wang, 99. Grand Herald, 38, 40, 44. Grand Master of Ceremonies, 27. Grand Minister of Works, 17, 20, 27, 132, 141. Grand Minister over the Masses, 17, 40, 46, 141. Grand Protector General, 133. Grand Provisioner, 122. Grand Queen née Kuo; cf. also Kuo Sheng-t’ung and Empress née Kuo, 28, 29. Grand Queen of Chung-shan ( = Grand Queen née Kuo), 28, 29. Grand Queen of P ’ei ( = Grand Queen née Kuo), 29. Grand Tutor, a) imperial, 17. b) royal, 114. Grandee (noble rank), 63. Grandee Secretary, 16, 17. Great Prefect of the Multitude (noble rank), 63. Great Wall, 86, 87, 89, 92. Greatly Superior Accomplished (noble rank), 63. Grieved Duke of Lu, 28. Grieved King of Ts’i, 29. Grieved Marquis Who Proclaims Kind­ ness, 62. Groot, J.J.M . de, 86 note 1, 94 note 2, 96 notes 6-7, 96 notes 1-2 and 4, 97 note 7, 98 notes 1-2 and 4 and 6, 99 note 2, 100 notes 1 and 3, 101 notes 1-2, 102 note 1, 103 note 4, 126 note 1. Hami, see Yi-wu-lu. H an (tribes). 146. Han-chung (commandery), 74. Han kuan yi, 13. H an Kuang, 36. Han River, 68, 77 note 2. H an T’ung, 106 note 2. Heir-apparent, 27, 29, 63, 104, 123. Hia (dynasty), 37. Hia-hou Sheng, 16. Hia-kou-li, 102. Hia-k'U-yang, 112. Hia-tsUan (prefecture), 70, 70 note 4. Hie Sheng, 110. Hien, era Wu-lei-jo-ti Shan-ytt Hien. Hien (king of So-ktt), 132, 133. Hing Mu, 36.

2230. Hing-t’ai (hien), 116 note 2. 2231. Hing-t'ang (hien), 108 note 3. 331. Hiung-nu; cf, also Southern and Nothem Hiung-nu, 86, 86, 86 note 1, 87, 88, 89 note 2, 90-93, 93 note 8, 94-97, 99. 99 note 1, 100 note 1, 102, 103, 103 note 3, 104, 106, 106 note 2, 106-114, 114 note 2, 116-117, 117 note 3, 118, 118 notes 1 and 7,119, 120, 121 note 1, 122-134, 140, 141, 146, 161. 2232. Hiung Stream, 67, 67 note 3. 2233. Ho-lden (kingdom), 26, 26 note 6. 336. Ho Kuang, 104. 2234. Ho K'uang, 110. 2236. Ho-lin-ko-er (hien), 109 note 3. 337. Ho-nan (province), 11, 20 notes 2 and 4, 21 note 4, 30 note 6, 32, 32 note 1, 149. 2236. Ho-pei (province), 96, 108 note 2, 111 notes 1-2,112 note 4,116 note 2. 2237. ho-p’ing period, 00 note 4. 2238. Ho-p*u (commandery), 64, 73. 2239. Ho-shang, 112. 1666. Ho-tung (commandery), 34, 112, 114. 2240. ho ts’in, 87. 2241. Ho Tsl-te'ttan, 13. 2242. Honourable Lady, 20. 2243. Honourable Lady née Yin; cf. also Yin Li-hua and Empress née Yin, 27, 28, 62. 2244. Horse W ith a Silken Harness (noble rank), 63. 362. Hou K ’ang, 26 note 6. 364. Hou Pa, 46. 2246. Hou Tsin, 107, 108. 366. Hu (non-Chinese tribesmen), 93, 104, 106 note 2, 116, 123, 137, 149. 2246. Hu Chen, 19. 19 note 6, 20. 2247. Hu Chu, 19 note 6. 2248. Hu-han-sie Shan-ytt Ki-hou-shan, 89-92, 94, 99, 100,116,124, 124 note 2, 126, 129. 2249. Hu-han-sie Shan-ytt Pi; cf. also Southern Shan-ytt, 90, 116, 117, 117 note 3, 118, 118 note 1, 119, 122. 126-127, 129, 129 note 2. 368. Hu-nan (province), 60, 68, 62, 69 note 3, 70 note 6, 71 note 1, 73. 369. Hu-pei (province). 11, 68, 74. 149. 361. Hu San-sing, 69 note 1. 362. H u-t’o River, 111-113. 363. Hu-t'ou (mountain), 70, 71, 71 note 4. 72. 2260. Hu-tu-er-shl-tao-kao-jo-ti Shan-ytt Ytt. 90, 100, 101, 103, 116, 117. 2261. Hu-yen (Hiung-nu lineage), 90.

360. 2202. 1077. 373. 374. 376.

Hu-yang (prefecture), 20, 20 note 1. Huai-jung (prefecture). 111 note 1. Huai-lai (bien). 111 note 1. Huai River, 12, 00, 08, 09. H uai Range, 07 note 1. Huai-yang (commandery, duchy, and kingdom), 20 note 2, 22, 27, 29, 30, 30. 2203. Huang-chung (area), 139. 2204. Huang-Lao, 33. 2200. Huang River, 138 note 2, 139 note 4. 2206. Huang ahl kung ki, 123, 123 note 2. 2207. Huang shl kung san Itte, 123 note 2. 386. Hui, Emperor, 38, 46. 387. H ui Tung, 27 note 2, 37 note 0, 71 note 4, 110 note 4, 138 note 4. Hulaewé, A.F.P., 33 note 3, 40 note 1, 00 note 1, 70 note 3, 72 note 2, 92 note 2, 107 note 4. 2208. Hun-yUan (hien), 108 note 6. 390. Hung Liang-ki, 19 note 0, 30 note 3. 2209. HUan-t’u (commandery), 100. India, 78, 84, 80. Indo-China, 07, 62, 63, 63 note 2, 73, 76, 77, 79. 82, 110, 137. 401. Inspector, 62 note 3, 78 note 1, 109 note 1. 2260. Inspector of the Army, 70, 72. 403. Intemuncio, 44, 69, 110, 122. 2261. Jao (marquisats), 41 note 2. Japan, 144, 140, 148. 1093. Jehol (province), 118. 1090. Jen Kuei, 26, 61, 63, 66, 67. 408. Jen Yen, 79, 80, 80 note 1, 81, 136. 2262. JI-nan (commandery), 19 note 6, 73,76, 101 note 2. 412. Ju-nan (commandery), 20 note 4, 30 note 0, 00, 103 note 2. 2263. Junior Chieftain of Conscripts (noble rank), 03. 2264. Junior Prefect of the Multitude (noble rank), 03. Kaltenmark, M., 60 notes 3-4. 1603. Kan-su (province), 00, 06, 06 note 2, 86-88, 92, 93. 96, 100 note 2, 110, 118, 131, 134, 130 note 1, 136 note 2, 137 note 6, 138 note 1, 139 note 3, 140, 140 note 2, 143, 160, 2260. K ’ang (king of So-kü), 131,132,132 note 3. 423. Kao, Emperor, 22, 26, 27. 31, 38, 40, 41, 43, 46, 00, 66, 67, 86, 112, 123 note 2. 2266. Kao-kou-li, 102, 146, 148. 2267. Kao-lan (hien), 138 note 2. 2268. Kao-liu (prefecture), 106, 106 note 3, 107, 108, 113, 113 note 3, 116.

2269. 1614. 2270. 2271.

Kao-men (prefecture), 138, 138 n o te 1 Kao-mi (kingdom), 26 note 6. Kao-yao (minister of Shun), 37. K 'ao yi (of Sl-ma Kuang), 136 note 1. Karashahr, see Yen-k’i. Karlgren, B., 27 note 1. 447. Keng Kuo, 119, 126, 128. 464. Keng-shI Emperor, 19, 23-26,61,102-104. 406. keng-shl period, 103. 462. Keng Yen, 71, 72. Khotan, see Ytt-t’ien. 460. Ki (prefecture), 116. 2272. K i Ch’ang, 36, 37, 37 note 0. 2273. K i Kia, 36. 2274. K i Tang, 36. 2276. K i W u, 37, 37 note 6. 2276. K i Yen-nien, 36. 2277. Kia K ’uei, 18. 2278. Kia Lan, 106, 107, 107 note 6, 108-110. 2279. Kia Tan, 110. 2280. kia-yin (cyclical characters), 06 note 3. 478. Kiang-hia (commandery), 68, 69, 74. 1632. Kiang-ling (prefecture), 68, 69. 1633. Kiang (Han) pass, 68 note 1. 479. Kiang-si (province), 60, 68,69, 62, 80 note 4, 148-100. 480. Kiang-su (province), 30 note 3, 06, 62, 80 note 4, 148. 1636. Kiao-chl (commandery), 63-60, 73, 79, 82. 484. Kiao-tung (kingdom), 26 note 6. 2281. K ’iao Hu, 107. 2282. Kien-ling (prefecture), 66, 66 note 4. 488. Kien-wei (commandery), 69, 66, 76, 160. 489. kien-wu period, 71 note 1, 79. 1643. Kin-ch’eng (commandery), 93, 102, 102 note 2, 134, 136, 137, 137 note 6, 138, 138 notes 1-2, 139,139 note 3. 1644. Kin-hiang (prefecture), 143. 2283. Kin shl lu, 69 note 1. 497. King, Emperor, 19, 29, 39, 46. 2284. King, a) prefecture, 33, 33 note 4. b) hien, 33 note 4. 001. King (province), 62 note 3. 2280. King of So-ktt Dependent on H an Who Establishes Merit and Cherishes Virtue, 131. 2280. King-tung (hien), 84 note 3. 2287. King Who Is Loyal and Martial, 131. 1603. King Who Pacifies Westwards, 104. 2288. King-yang (hien), 106 note 2. 2289. Kiu-chen (commandery), 60, 73, 76, 79, 81, 136.

189

1057. Kiu-kiang (commandeiy), 74, 80 note 4. 2290. Kiu-tel (Kuoha), 98, 133. 2291. K iu-yO u (prefecture), 105, 105 note 5, 109. 2292. K ’iu-fou-yu-ti Shan-yü Mo, 119, 122. 1669. K ’iung-ku (kingdom), 20, 01, 03. 2293. K ’iung-tu (prefecture), 07, 07 note 1. 512. Ko Yen, 18. Koran, Koreans, 86, 80, 93, 93 note 2, 102, 123, 127, 144, 145, 148-150. 2294. Kou-taien (king of YUe), 67. 2296. Ku-an (prefecture), 108, 108 note 2. 2290. Ku-fu (prefecture), 00, 00 note 8. 2297. K u kin chu, 13, 63. 2298. Ku-mo (Aksu), 98, 133. 2299. Ku-tsang (prefecture), 135,135note 1,137. 2300. Ku Tsu-ytt, 70 note 4. 2301. Ku-tu-hou, 99, 117, 117 note 1, 118-120. 2302. Ku-tu-hou of the Left, 99, 125. 2303. Ku-tu-hou of the Right, 99. 2304. Ku Yen-wu, 138 note 3. 521. K'uai-ki (commandeiy), 33, 34, 02, 80 note 4,148. 2305. Kuan-t'ao (prefecture), 21, 21 note 3. 2300. Kuang-ch’ang (prefecture), 116 note 4. 1008. Kuang-ling, a) kingdom, 32. b) marquisete, 32. 520. Kuang-han (commandeiy), 00, 59, 74, 78, 86, 142. 1070. Kuang-p’ing (kingdom), 25 note 0. 1071. Kuang-si (province), 57, 02, 06, 73. 528. Kuang-tung (province), 67, 82, 04, 05, 73. 529. Kuang-wu, Emperor; of. also Liu Siu and Epoohal Founder, 11-15, 17-20, 20 note 6, 21, 21 note 1, 22-26, 25 note 6, 20, 27, 27 note 2, 28, 28 notes 3 and 4, 29, 30, 30 notes 3 and 4, 31-34, 37, 41 note 1, 44-50, 01-04, 00, 09, 70, 70 note 0, 72, 73, 75-79, 80 note 1, 81, 82, 85, 80, 91, 95-97, 102, 103, 106, 100, 100 notea 1 and 4, 107-111, 113-118, 118 note 5, 119-123, 125-130, 130 note 1, 132-130, 130 note 1, 137-145, 145 note 1, 147-151, 151 note 2, 162. 2307. Kuang-wu (prefecture), 107, 107 note 2. 530. Kuang-yang (kingdom and commandeiy) 23, 26 note 6, 130. Kucha, see Kiu-tel. 1073. Kuei-ehou (province), 59, 60, 62, 02 note 3, 67, 70, 83, 84, 150. 2308. Kuei-lin (commandery), 57. 2309. kuei-mao (cyclical characters), 50 note 4.

190

2310. Kuei-te (marquisate), 103, 103 note 2, 100 note 1. 1077. Kuei-yang (commandery), 04, 73, 80, 82. Kukunor, see Ts’ing-hai. 2311. K'un-ming, a) tribe, 00. b) prefecture, 00 note 3. c) hien, 60 note 4. 2312. K'un-tae (prefecture), 00, 60 note 3. 2313. Kung Yü, 10. 2314. K 'ung An, 37. 2315. K ’ung Chi, 37. 639. K 'ung Fen, 137. 2310. K'ung Ho-tei, 30, 30 note 0, 37. 2317. k'ung-hou (string instrument), 125 note 2. 2318. K 'ung Hung, 36. 2319. K ’ung Ki, 30, 36 note 0. 2320. K 'ung KOn. 30, 37. 2321. K ’ung Mang, 80 note 9. 2322. Kuo (hien), 108 note 8. 2323. Kuo (prefecture), 108, 108 note 0. 2324. Kuo Heng, 118. 543. Kuo Hien, 110, 110 note 2. 545. Kuo Ki, 16 note 3, 109. 640. Kuo K 'in, 98. 2325. Kuo K'uang 32, 47 note 6, 48 note 2. 2326. Kuo Liang, 18, 108. 1086. Kuo Sheng-t'ung; cf. also Empress née Kuo and Grand Queen née Kuo, 20, 21, 21 note 1. 30, 35. KO-shl, see Nearer and Farther Kü-shl. 2327. Ktt-ya-jo-ti Shan-yü Tsü-mo-ka, 90. 1689. Ktt-yen (military outpost), 92, 92 note 2, 97, 103, 118. 1090. Kü-yung (pass), 113, 114. 2328. Ktte (Hiung-nu prince), 101. 650. Lai H i, 137, 137 note 5. 2329. Lai-yüan (hien). 111 note 1, 115 note 4. 2330. Lan-chou, 138 note 2. 583. Lang-ya (duchy and kingdom), 27. 2331. Lao Kan, 13, 92 note 2, 97 note 4, 103 note 1, 118, 118 note 3. 2332. Lei River, 111 note 4. 2333. Lei-yU River, 111 note 4. 2384. Letter stamped with the imperial seal. 125, 138. 2336. Li (prefecture), 21 note 4. 507. Li Chung, 80, 82. 2336. Li Ch’ung, 98, 131. 2337. Li Hing, 105-107. 672. Li Ki-fu, 70 note 4. 575. Li Shou, 18. 2338. Li 8ung, 09 note 4.

478. 1714. 2339. 2340. 091. 2341. 1717. 2342. 1718. 2343. 2344. 595. 698. 2345. 597. 2346. 2347. 599. 800. 1727. 2348. 2349.

2350. 2351.

2352. 2353. 2364. 808. 608. 1732. 610. 611. 2355. 619. 2358. 622. 623. 2357. 625. 2358. 2359. 631.

Li T u n g , 19, 20. Liang (province), 58, 186 note 1. Liang Hung, S3. Liang Sung, 72. Liang T u n g , 62, 62 note 1. Liao-ch’eng (bien), SO note 4. Liao-ning (province), 118. Liao-ai (eommandery), 130, 149. Liao-tung (eommandery), 93, 115, 120, 149. Lien-ch’ang (Tibetan chief), 148. Lien-jan (prefecture), 08, 88 note 6. Lion Tan, 80, 61. Lieutenant Chancellor, 17, 24 note 1, 39, 45 note 1. Lieutenant Colonel, 121. Lieutenant General, 103, 108. Lin (distriot), 71, 71 notea 1 and 3. Lin-ho (marquiaate), 40 note 4. 4 Lin-huai (duchy and eommandery), 27, 28, 30 note 3. Lin-li (hien), 70 note 6. Lin-p'ing (prefecture), 112. Lin-aiang (hien), 70 note 4. Lin-t’ao. a) prefecture, 137, 137 note 8. b) hien, 136 note 2. Lin-yi (hien), 30 note 4. Lin-yüan (prefecture), 69, 69 note 3, 71 note 3. Lincoln, 58. Ling, Emperor, 69 note 1. Ling (hien), 30 note 4. Ling-kuang Palace, 29. Ling-ling (eommandery), 84, 85, 78, 144. Liu (imperial clan), 22, 103 note 3. Liu-an (kingdom and eommandery), 25 note 6. Liu Chang, b) 19. 21-24, 26, 26 note 2, 29. Liu Ch'ang, 24 note 1. Liu Ch’eng, 42 note 4. Liu Chi. 23. 24, 24 note 1, 26. Liu Chuang; cf. also Liu Yang and Ming, Emperor, 29. Liu Chung, 19, 22, 28, 29. Liu Chung, 23, 24, 26. Liu Chung-li, 21. Liu Ch’ung, 24 note 1. Liu Fang, 36. Liu Feng, 103 note 3. Liu Fu, 21, 27,27 note 2, 28-30,30 note 2, 31.

633. Liu Heng, 21, 27, 28. 634. Liu Hi, 23, 24, 26. 641. Liu Hing, a) 21, 23, 26, 29, 35. e) 25 note 4. d) 106, 106 note 4. 649. Liu Hui-k’ing, 104. 2360. Liu Hung-fu, 21, 36. 645. Liu Huang, 19, 19 note 4, 20, 20 note 3, 21, 21 note 1. 652. Liu Htt, 19, 21, 28, 31. 659. Liu K*ang, a) 21, 27-31, 34. 663. Liu K'iang, 21, 27, 28-30, 30 note 2, 31, 32. 667. Liu K ’in, a) 21, 21 note 1. 669. Liu King«, 21, 27, 31, 32, 35. 870. Liu King», 21, 27. 2361. Liu K ’uang, 70. 2362. Liu Li, 103, 106 note 1. 2383. Liu Li-liu, 21. 687. Liu Liang, 19, 19 note 4, 21, 23, 26-28. 690. Liu Lung, 64, 65. 692. Liu Mao, a) 23, 26, 49 note 1. 696. Liu Mu, 36, 36. 698. Liu P'an, 47 note 6. 702. Liu Pin, 27 note 2, 135 note 8. 2364. Liu Ping-jen, 13, 13 note 2. 704. Liu Po-ki, 19-21, 21 note 1. Liu Po-aheng, see Liu Yen. 2365. Liu Pu-hai, 42 note 4. 707. Liu Shang, d) 66, 66 note 10, 67, 68, 68 note 2, 69, 72, 137. 2366. Liu Shan, 26, 26 note 3. 710. Liu Shi, 29. 2367. Liu Shou, 21. 712. Liu Shun, a) 25 note 6. 713. Liu Shun, b) 25 note 4. 714. Liu Siang, b) 106 n o ta i. 716. Liu Siu; of. alao Kuang-wu, E m peror, and Epochal Founder, 19, 19 no tes 2 and 4, 48. 718. Liu Sun-k*ing, 104. 1740. Liu Te, 25. 729. Liu Ta’an, 47 note 7. 2368. Liu Tal-ch’an, 34. 1741. Liu Ta'I-k'ing, 104.

191

730. Liu Ts’ang, 21, 27, 28. 746. Liu Wen-po, 104, 106. 761. Liu Yung, •) «Goitre» Yang, 26. b) Emperor Ming, 27-20. 763. Liu Yen (style: Po-sheng), 19, 10 note 4, 21, 28, 29, 36. 766. Liu Y en-, 21, 27, 20-31, 36. 764. Liu Y en-, 21, 27.27 note 2,20,30.30 note 2. 2360. Liu Yi-wang, 21. 766. Liu Ying (the Young Prinoe), 37. 766. Liu Ying, 21, 27-31, 33, 36. 768. Liu Yung, 61 note 6. 2370. Liu YÜ, 66 note 10. 774. Liu Y0an, a) 19, 19 note 2, 20, 20 note 3, 21. 21 note 1, 22. 2371. Liu Yttan-ahou, 32, S3. 1746. Lo-lang (commandery), 144, 146. 1746. Lo-men (agglomeration), 137 note 6. 2372. Lo-tu (bien), 138 note 1, 130 note 3. 777. Lo-yang, a) bien, 32 note 1. b) prefecture, 20, 20 note 6, 22, 24, 28, 31-34, 34 note 2, 64, 66, 68 note 2, 108, 100, 116, 118, 122, 131, 146. Loewe, M., 14, 62 note 3, 63 note 1, 64 note 1, 61 note 2, 02 notes 1-2, 04 note 1. 2373. Lord of a Hamlet Who Has Attached Himself to Han, 76. 2374. Lord YU (the legendary ruler Shun), 37. 2376. Lou-fan (prefecture), 108, 108 note 8, 110. Lou-lan, see Shan-ahan. 1749. Lu (duchy and kingdom), 23, 26, 28-30, 30 note 2, 32. 2376. Lu Ch'eng, 106. 780. Lu Fang. 11, 26, 46, 62, 102, 104, 106 note 2, 106-100, 100 note 2. 110, 113, 113 note 3, 114, 116. 781. Lu-kiang (commandery), 68, 60, 80 note 4. 2377. Lu K 'in, 106. 2378. Lu-li King of the Right, 90, 126. 2379. Lu Po-te, 64, 66. 2380. Lu SU, 33, 34, 34 note 1. 2381. Lu-yi (hien), 20 note 2. 787. Lun yU, 123. 2382. Lung-ch'eng, 87. 1767. Lung-si (commandery), 03, 123, 134, 136, 136 note 2. 137-130, 130 note 2, 140, 140 note 2, 141. 2383. Lung-tung (prefecture), 66, 66 note 6. 2384. LU Kia, 68.

192

702. 704. 708. 700.

2386. 2386. 2387. 2388. 2389. 2300. 2301. 2392. 1770. 2303. 2304. 2306. 2306. 1786. 2397. 2308. 2399. 2400. 2401. 2402. 2403. 2404. 803. 2405.

1704. 2406. 2407. 2408. 809.

LU Si-mien, 66, 66 note 7. Ma Ch*eng, 69, 112, 113, 138. Ma Wu, 70, 111, 113, 123,126. Ma Yttan, 18, 47 note 3, 63 note 2, 64, 64 notes 1 and 6, 66 note 4, 66, 67, 69, 70, 70 note 4, 71, 71 note 3, 72, 73, 81, 82, 116, 137-139, 140, 140 note 1, 141. Madrolle, C., 63 note 2. Marquis in Recompense for Perfection, 36, 37. Marquis in Recompense of Affection, 61. Marquis in Recompense of Righteous­ ness, 61. Marquis in Récompensa of Virtue, 61 note 6. Marquis in Recompense to [the Duke of] Lu, 36. Marquis Who Aids Righteousness, 61. Marquis Who Assists Righteousness, 61. Marquis Who Chisels Away the Hu, 61, 100. Marquis Who Chisels Away the Tibetans, 61. Marquis Who Continues and Honours Yin, 36, 37. Marquis Who Displays Firmness, 61. Marquis Who Follows Righteousness, 61. Marquis Who Is Enlightened and Affec­ tionate, 61. Marquis Who Is Not Righteous, 61. Marquis Who Manifests Brilliance, 36 Marquis Who Perfects Righteousness, 61, 62, 62. Marquis Who Proclaims Kindness, 61, 62. Marquis Who Proclaims Virtue, 61, 62. Marquis Who 8naps off Treason, 33 note 2. Marquis Who Succeeds to the Greatness of Chou, 36, 37 note 4. Marquis Who Supports Righteousness, 61. Marquis Who Turns Towards Righteous­ ness, 61. Marquis Within the Passes, 37. 46, 62-54. Martial Duke of Ts’i, 28. Maspero, H ., 63, 63 notes 2-3, 64 note 1, 92 note 2. Mei Ken, 61. Mei-tsi (prefecture), 121, 122, 127. Mekong, 67. 77, 77 notes 2-3, 84, 85. Man of Recipes, S3. Men Stream, 67, 67 note 3. Mi (district), 143.

2400. Mi-hiang (prefecture), 143. 2410. Mi-ling (prefecture), 03. Middle Auspicious Token, 161 note 2. 2411. military agricultural colonies, 102, 106, 111. 2412. Min-chou (bien), 137 note 6. 2413. Min-chung (commandery), 67. 2414. Min K ’an, 106, 107, 107 note 6, 113, 114. 2416. Min Lin, 113, 114. 812. Min River, 69, 160 2416. Min-ytte (state), 67-69. 814. Ming, Emperor; cf. also Liu Yang, 21, 21 note 1, 27, 31-36, 77, 78 note 1. 83, 84, 123, 124, 128, 136, 146. 2417. Ming Stream, 67 note 3. 2418. Minister of Works: cf. also Grand Minister of Works, 69 note 1. 816. Minister over the Masses; cf. also Grand Minister over the Masses, 16, 34, 36, 46 note 1, 130. Mo, see K ’iu-fou-yu-ti Shan-ytt Mo. 2419. Mo-tun, 86, 87. Mongolia, 93. 2420. mou (cyclical character), 118 note 7. Mount Everest, 71 note 4. 820. Nan (commandery), 68, 68 notes 1-2, 69, 74. 2421. Nan-chao (state), 77 note 1, 86. 2422. Nan-hai (commandery), 67. 821. Nan-hiang (prefecture), 143. 2423. Nan-hing-t’ang (prefecture), 108, 108 note 3, 112. 1808. Nan-luan (marquisats), 40 note 6. 827. Nan-yang (commandery), 19, 20, 21 note 4, 22, 24, 24 note 1, 28. 48, 49, 49 note 1, 143, 149. 2424. Nan-yüe (state), 67-60. 64, 76. 2426. Nearer Ktt-shl (Turfan), 96, 96 note 6, 97 note 6, 98, 133. 1810. Nei-hiang (hien), 21 note 4. 829. Nine Ministers, 38. 2426. Ning (prefecture), 130. 2427. Ning-p’ing (prefecture), 20 note 2. 1817. Niu Han, 136, 136, 136 note 1. 2428. No Conscription (noble rank), 63. 2429. Northern Hiung-nu, 90, 119, 120, 122124, 126-129, 129 note 2, 131, 134, 146147. 2430. Northern Shan-ytt, 119, 120, 122, 124126. 2431. Official Chariot (noble rank), 63. 2432. Official Grandee (noble rank), 63. 2433. Official Gentleman (noble rank), 63.

2434.

833. 2436. 1820. 2436. 836. 2437.

2438. 840. 841. 2439. 2440. 860. 2441. 861. 862. 2442. 864.

2443. 866. 2444. 2446. 873. 1864. 2446. 2447. 879. 2448. 2449. 882. 2460. 2461. 2462. 2463. 2464. 2466. 2466. 2467.

Ordinary Chieftain of Conscripts (noble rank), 63. Ordos Region, 86-89, 97, 106, 106, 109 note 1, 112, 118, 121, 121 note 2, 127, 128, 142. Ou-yang Hi, 46. Outer Mongolia, 87. Oustanding Conduct, 136, note 1. Pa (commandery), 69, 74. Pa-ling (hien), 70 note 4. Pacific Ocean, 144. Palace Attendant, 20 note 6. Palace Commandant Superintending Noble Ranks, 38. Pamir, 132. Pan Ch’ao, 146, 147. Pan Ku, 14, 16, 146. Pan Piao, 124, 126, 128,130,136-137,146. P'an-yU (prefecture), 67. 69. Pao-shan (hien), 67 note 2. Pei-hai (kingdom), 29, 31, 36. Pei-mang (montain), 24, 29. Pei-ti (commandery), 121, 122, 127, 140, 142. P ’ei (kingdom), 29, 30 note 2. P ’ei Tsun, 133. P ’eng Ch’ung, 103. Pi, see Hu-han-sie Shan-yü Pi; cf. also Southern Shan-ytt. Ping (province), 109, 109 note 1. P ’ing Emperor, 12, 23, 39, 46. P ’ing-ch’ang (prefecture), 30 note 4, 34. P ’ing-ch'eng (prefecture), 86, 86 note 3, 108, 110, 110 note 1, 111. P ’ing-yttan (commandery), 30 note 4. Po-ma-ti, 93. Po-nan (prefecture), 77, 77 note 3, 84. P ’o-k’iang (prefecture), 139, 139 note 3. Prefect, 69. 80, 81 note 3, 103, 136. Prefect of the Lateral Courts, 89. Prefect of the Multitude W ith Chariot Drawn by Four Horses (noble rank), 63. prefecture (hien), 38. Princess, 22. Princess of Li. 21. Princess of Kuan-t’ao, 21, 36. Princess of Nie-yang, 21. Princess of Wu-yin, 21. Princess of Ytt-yang, 21. Priteak, O., 99 note 1, 117 note 1. Protector General, 133. Protector General of the Western Region, 97, 98, 131-133.

193

2458. pu-tao (unprincipled), 33, 33 note 3. 2459. Pu-wei (prefecture), 67, 07 note 2, 77 note 3. 2460. P ’u-k’i (bien), 70 note 4. Red Basin, 149. 890. Red EyebrowB, 51, 54. Red River, 57, 03-05. 893. San kuo chi, ISO note 2, 149. Samolin, W., 94 note 1. 895. San-shui (prefecture), 104, 104 notes 1-2. Schafer, E.H ., 151 note 2. Schreiber, Q., 115 note 1, 130 note 2. 2401. seouts, 80, 130. 2402. ae (string instrument), 126 note 2. 2403. Senior Chieftain of Conscripts (noble rank), 63. 2404. Senior Prefect of the Multitude, 53. 1808. shaman, 32, 80, 148. 2405. Shan (tribe), 78. 2400. Shan-shan (Lou-lan), 95, 90, 132, 133. 1870. Shan-ai (province). 60, 80, 87, 90. 97, 100, 100 note 3, 107 notes 1-2, 108 note 0, 109 note 1,111-114,114 note 1, 143, 149. 899. Shan-tung (province), 11, 21 note 3, 28, 30 note 4, 31, 50, 50 note 3, 50, 149. 1872. Shan-yang (duchy, kingdom, and com* mandery), 27, 31, 32, 143. 901. Shan-ytt; of. also Northern and Southern Shaa-yü, 87-89, 89 note 1, 90-92, 94103, 105, 100, 109, 113, 114, 110, 117, 117 note 1, 118-120, 122, 124, 120 note 1, 127, 134. 2407. Shan-yü P*u-nu; cf. also Northern Shan-ytt, 90, 117, 118, 125, 120. 2408. Shan-ytt Wu-ta-ti-hou, 90, 117. 1873. Shang (commandery), 140. 2409. Shang-hiang (marquisate), 41 note 2. 907. Shang-ku (commandery), 108, 110, 111, 113, 115, 110, 122, 130, 131. 911. Shang-tang (oommandery), 114. 2470. Shang-yin (dynasty), 30, 37. 2471. Shao-hao (legendary ruler), 37. 2472. Shao-tang Tibetans, 139, 139 note 2. 2473. She-t*iao (state), 78. 2474. Shen-hiang (marquisate), 41 note 2. 918. Shen K ’in-han, 00 note 3, 70 note 4, 71 note 4, 77 note 2, 111 note 4, 130 note 1, 138 notes 2-3, 140 note 2. 2475. Shen-lang Tibetans, 140. 2470. Shen Liang, 32 note 2. 920. Shen-si (province), 50, 74, 87, 109 note 1, 121. 926. Shen Wei-hien, 80 note 1.

194

927. 1880. 2477. 935. 2478. 1894.

2479. 2480.

1900. 2481. 2482.

1901. 2483. 2484. 2486. 2480. 2487. 2488. 1904. 948. 2489. 2490. 2491. 2492. 2493.

1912. 1918. 904. 2494. 909. 2495. 2490. 2497. 2498.

2499. 1921.

8hepherd, 80, 81 note 3, 109, 130, 141. shl-hing 70, 110, 121,122. Shi Wei, 106, 105 note 3. Shu (commandery), 59, 00, 00, 74, 78, 85, 142. Shu-shI (prefecture), 00, 00 note 9. Shun, see Lord Ytt. Shuo-fang, a) provinoe, 109, 109 note 1. b) oommandery, 87, 97, 105-107, 109 note 1, 110, 121, 122, 130. Si-ch'ang (hien), 07 note 1. Si-hai, a) lake, 102 note 2. b) oommandery, 102. Si-ho (oommandery), 109, 112, 121. Si-ho (hien), 140 note 2. Bi-hua, a) prefecture, 30 note 6. b) hien, 80 note 5. Si Kuang, 80 note 1. Si-yin (prefecture), 30 note 4. 8i-ytt (prefecture), 05, 82. Siang (commandery), 67. Siang-hiang (prefecture in Nan-yang commandery), 143. Siang-hiang (prefecture in Ling-ling com* mandery), 144. Siang-kuo (prefecture), 116, 115 note 2. Siang-wu (prefecture), 130 note 1, 137 note 5. Siao-ch'ang-aa (agglomeration), 19. Siao-tsi-shl (mountain), 138 note 3. Siao-ytt (valley), 139 note 2. Sien-hien-ch'en, 103 note 3. Sien lien Tibetans, 134, 135, 137-139. Sien-pi (tribe), 93, 102, 116, 116 note 1, 119, 120, 122, 123, 127, 129, 130 note 2, 131, 134, 140, 147, 149. Sin-an (district), 47 note 3. Sin-shl (marquisate), 41, note 2. Sin-tu (oommandery), 80. Sin-yang (prefecture), 30 note 6. Sin-ye (prefecture), 19, 20. So-ktt (Yarkand), 95, 98, 131-134. Somewhat Superior Accomplished (noble rank), 63. Sou-hie-jo-ti Shan-ytt Tstt-mi-stt, 90. Southern Hiung-nu, 90, 119-122, 120129, 129 note 2, 130, 134, 141, 142, 140149, 161. Southern Shan-ytt, 119-129,148. Staff of Authority, 135, 136, 130 note 1.

2000. S ta to n on Banditry, 70 note 2. 2001. Statute on Robbery, 00 note 1. Stein, 8ir Aural, 02. Stein, R.A., 60 note 4. 2002. 8u Lin, 66 note 0. 2003. Sui Hien, 100. 2004. Sui-ning (bien), 30 note 3. 2000. Sui-p’ing (bien), 20 note 4. 2006. Sui Ytt, 106, 100. 2007. Sui-yttan (province), 106 note 6, 100 note 3. 2608. Sun Yung, 70. 2000. Sung (ducby), 36, 37. 006. Sung Hung, 20. 2610. Sung Ktt, 60 note 1. 1034. Sung Kttn, aee Tsung Kttn. 2611. Sung Yi, 60 note 1. 2612. Superintendent of Registers, 33. 1000. Superintendent of the Imperial House­ hold, 110. 2613. Superior Accomplished (noble rank), 63. 1006. Supreme General, 104. 1008. Stt (province), 66. 2014. Btt-ch’ang (prefecture), 30 note 3. 2616. Stt-pu (Hiung-nu lineage), 00. 2616. SU-pu She, 101, 102. 2617. Stt-pu Tang. 00, 00-102. 2618. SO t'ung tien, 70 note 4. 1011. Sttan, Emperor, 16, 42, 46, 88, 80, 04, 102, 104, 110, 124, 127, 128 note 1. 2010. Sttan-hua (bien), 130 note 6. 2620. Son K ’ai, 130 note 2. 1016. Sl-ch'uan (province), 11, 12, 26, 00, 06, 60-62, 66, 66 note 0, 67 note 1, 74, 76, 83, 142, 140, 160. 2621. 81 Httn, 33. 2622. Sl-ma Kuang, 136 note 1. 1041. SI-shui (kingdom), 23, 24. 26 note 6, 26. 2623. Ta-li (hien), 66 note 7. 2624. ta-ni (greatly refractory), 33, 33 note 3. 2626. Ta-t’ung (hien), 86 note 3. 2626. Ta-ytt (valley), 130, 130 note 2. 2627. Ta-yOan (Ferghana), 88. 2628. Ta-yOn (valley), 130, 130 note 2. 2620. T ’a-yin (prefecture), 30 note 4, 34. 1048. Tai, a) oommandery and kingdom, 26, 106, 106, 106 note 3, 107, 107 note 6. 110, 111 note 2, 113-116, 116 note 4, 121, 122, 127, 130. b) prefecture. 111, 111 note 2. c) hien, 107 note 2. 2630. T*ai-ho (hien), 30 note 6.

2631. 1040. 1020. 1033.

2632. 1060. 2633. 2634. 2636. 2636. 2637. 2638.

2630. 2640. 1044. 2641. 1048. 1060. 2642. 2643. 2644. 1061. 481.

2646. 2646. 2647. 2648. 2640. 2660. 2661. 1060.

2662. 1063. 2663. 2664. 1066.

2666. 2666.

T ’ai-k’ang (hien), 30 note 6. t ’ai-lao (sacrifice). 27. T’ai-shan (Mount T*ai), 31, 32. T ’ai-yttan, a) kingdom and commandety, 23, 26 note 2, 107 note 1, 112, 130. b) hien, 107 note 1. Tan K ’in, 07, 08. Tan-yang (oommandery), 33 note 4, 62, 74, 80, 80 note 4, 82, 83. Tang-yU (Hiung-nu lineage), 00. T ’ang (valley), 188 note 3. T’ang-shu (mountain), 138 note 3. T ’ang the Victorious, 37. T ’ang-yi (valley), 138, 138 note 3. tao (march). 140. Taoism, 33. Tarim Basin, 88, 08, 131-134. Te-p’ing (hien), 30 note 4. Teng (Hiung-nu prince), 06, 100, 101. Teng Ch’en, 10, 10 note 4, 20. Teng Fan, 20. Teng Ytt. 46. Thai, 77. Three Excellencies, 38 note 1. Ti-k’u (legendary ruler), 37. Ti* tao, 136, 136 note 2, 140 note 2. Ti* tao, 140 note 2. Ti-wu Lun, 148. Tibetans, 78, 80, 86, 86, 03, 03 notes 4 and 8, 102, 104, 106, 116, 118, 123, 127, 120, 134-141, 147-140. Tien (state), 60. Tien-ch’I (prefecture), 66, 66 note 2. Tien-lien (Tibetan chief), 147. T’ien Li, 106-107. T ’ien-chu (India), 78. T ’ien hia kttn kuo li ping ehu, 138 note 3. T ’ien-shan, 07. T’ien shui, a) oommandery, 114, 114 note 2, 116, 123, 136, 138. b) bien, 140 note 2. Ting Ch’en, 47 note 3. Ting Kung, 44. ting-mao (cyclical characters), 66 note 2. Ting-siang (commandery), 106, 107, 100, 100 note 3, 121, 122. Ting-t’ao (kingdom), 24. Ting, V.K., 71 note 4, 111 note 1, 138 note 3. ting-yu (cyclical characters), 30 note 1. T ’o River, 67 note 3.

195

2567. Tou Hien, 140, 147. 1070. Tou Jung, 110, 118, 118 note 6, 131-186, 130 note 1, 137, 140, 140. 2668. Tou Ku, 140. 2669. T’ou-man, 80. 2600. town which provide« hot water for wash­ ing, 33 note 6. T r’ung sisters, see Cheng E r and Cheng Ts’e. 1078. Ts’ai Mao, 45. 2601. Ts’an-luan (prefecture), 106 note 2, 115, 115 note 0. 2602. Ts'an-man (prefecture), 106 note 2. 2603. Ts'an-tsung (marquisat«), 40 note 4. 1977. Tsang-ko (commandery), 00, 02, 02 note 3, 83, 84, 160 note 1. 1081. Tseng Rung, 08 note 1, 09, 117, 123, 120. 2604. Ts’ang-hai (commandery), 93 note 2. 1082. Ts'ang-wu (commandery), 04, 73. 1088. Ts*en P ’eng, 08 note 1. 1982. Tsi-nan (duchy and kingdom), 27, 29, 30, 30 note 4, 34. 2605. Tsi-shI (mountain), 138, note 3. 1093. Ts’i (duchy and kingdom), 24, 20, 20 note 2, 28, 29. 31. 2600. Tsiang Kuo, 9 note 1. 2607. Tsiao Huang, 34. 2608. Tsiao-yao (pygmies), 78. 1102. Tsien Po-tsan, 14 note 3, 118, 118 note 0. 2609. Ts’ien-chang (marquisat«), 40 note 4. 1107. Ts'ien Ta-chao, 47 note 1. 1108. Ts'ien Ta-hin, 26 note 0, 27 note 2, 28 note 3, 80 note 4. 2670. Tsin-ning (hien), 00 note 2. 2671. Tsin-yang (prefecture), 107, 107 note 1, 108. 1113. Ts'in (dynasty), 59, 80, 87. 2672. Ts’in-chou, 140 note 2. 1116. Ts'in-ling Range, 12, 67, 67 note 1, 86, 93, 139, 140. 2573. Tsing-hing (prefecture), 112, 112 note 4. 1120. Ts'ing, a) province, 60. b) mountain, 115, 116 note 0. 2574. Ts’ing-hai (Kukunor), 102, 102 note 2, 134. 1121. Ts'ing-shui (hien), 140 note 2. 1990. Tsiu-ts'üan (oommandery), 93,123 note 1. 1123. Tso-p'ing-yi (duchy, kingdom, and commandory), 27, 27 note 2, 28 note 1, 30, 112. 2575. Tsu (Hiung-nu prince), 100. 2570. Tsung KU, 09 note 1.

196

2677. Tsung KOn, 09, 09 note 1, 70, 72, 80, 81. Tsunoda, R., 146 note 1, 148 note 1. 2678. Ts'tt-lU (prefecture), 30 note 3. 2579. TsI ohl t'ung kien, 09 note 1, 130 note 1. 2680. TsI-ch'uan (kingdom), 23, 24, 25 note 0, 20. 2681. TsT Ch'ung, 80. 1141. Tu Mao, 100-108, 110-112. 2682. Tu-mien (marquisat«), 39. 2683. Tu shl fang ytt ki yao, 70 note 4, 138 note 2. 1146. Tu Yu, 138 note 4. t'u-oh'an, see Charts and Revelations. 2684. T'u-kttn (marquisat«), 40 note 4. 2686. Tuan Ch'en, 120-122, 120. 2680. Tuan Chi, 04. 2587. Tuan Chung, 110. 2112. Tun-huang (commandery), 97, 123 note 1, 132, 133, 160. 1161. Tung (commandery), 30 note 3. 1152. Tung-hai, a) duchy and kingdom, 27, 29, 30 note 2, 32. b) — Tung-ou, 68. 2688. Tung-ou (state), 68, 69. 1102. Tung-p’ing (commandery, duchy, and kingdom), 27, 30 note 3. 2689. Tung-t'ing Lake, 67, 69, 70, 70 note 4. 2690. Tung Yu-ch*eng, 138 note 3. 2691. Tung-yUe (state), 57, 69. 2692. T'ung-oh'eng (hien), 70 note 4. 2593. t ’ung-hou; cf. also Full Marquis, 38. 1166. T'ung tien, 138 note 4. Turf an, see Nearer Ktt-shl. 2594. Uchida Gimpu, 130 note 1. 2595. Upright Officials, 79. 2590. Viscount in Recompense for Perfection, 37. 2697. Viscount in Recompense to [the Duke of] Lu, 37. 1170. Wan (prefecture), 19. 2698. Wan Kuo-ting, 13. 1176. Wang Ch'ang (Wang Lang), 24. 1176. Wang Ch'ang, 48 note 1, 107, 108. 2699. Wang Chao-kün (style: K'iang), 89, 90, 99-101, 116. 2000. Wang Ch'en, 130 note 2. 2001. Wang Ch'ung, 18. 2602. Wang-hai (prefecture), 06. 2603. Wang, Hi, 101. Wang Lang, see Wang Ch’ang. 2004. Wang Li, 101. 1187. Wang Liang, 33.

1191. W ang Mang, 19-15, 25, 24 note 1. 25, 25 note 4, 36, 56 note 9, 57, 41. 51, 55, 60, 61, 61 note 2, 73, 75, 76. 83, 93-100. 100 note 1, 101, 102, 102 note 3, 104, 126, 131, 134, 135 note 6, 140, 143, 146, 151, 161 note 2. 1195. W ang Pa, a) 107, 108, 108 note 7, 110, 110 note 1, 111. 2606. W ang P ’ing, S3, 34. 1197. W ang Sien-k’ien, 41 note 2, 50 note 2, 70 note 4, 140 note 2. 2034. Wang T ’iao, 144. 2606. Wang Tsün, 98. 2607. Wang Ytt, 120, 121, 126. Watson, B., 67 note 2, 68 notes 1-6, 59 notes 1-2 and 5, 60 note 1, 86 notes 1-2, 93 note 3, 123 note 2. 1213. Wei (commandery), 21 note 3, 22. 1216. Wei, b) clan, 104. c) duchy, 37, 37 note 6. 1217. Wei Ao, 56, 62, 91, 95, 104, 107, 110, 116, 131, 134-136, 136 note 1, 137. 2608. Wei Bridge, 112. 2609. Wei-li, 98 note 3. 1221. Wei Li, 80, 82. 2610. Wei-mo (tribe), 144. 1225. Wei River, 28, 85, 112-115, 140 note 2, 147, 149. 1226. Wei shu, a) of the San kuo chl, 130 note 2. b) by Wang Ch’en, 130, 130 note 2. 2611. Wei-sü, 98 note 3. 2042. Wei Sün, 96. 1236. Wen, Emperor, a) 39, 46, 87. 2612. Wen River, 111. 1238. Wen SU. 136 note 1. 2045. Wen Ts’i, 62, 61, 62. 2613. Wen-yü River, 111 note 4. 2614. Western Rogion, 71, 88, 94, 98, 102, 124, 125, 131-134, 146, 147, 151. 1240. Western Tsin (dynasty), 130. Wilbur, C.M., 13, 13 note 4, 65 notes 1-2, 56 notes 1 and 3 and 5-6. 2615. Wo-nu, 146. 2616. Wo People, 146. 2617. Wo-tstt (tribe), 144, 145. 2618. Worthy King of the Left (Hiung-nu Heirapparent), 99, 100, 116, 117, 119.

1242. Wu, c) ruling house of Ch'ang-sha until 157 B.C., 22 note 1. d) kingdom, 58. 2619. Wu-chu-liu-jo-ti Shan-yU Nang-chl-yasT, 90, 94, 95. 100, 101, 116, 126 note 1. 1246. Wu, Emperor, 16, 36, 38-43, 46, 68, 69, 64, 87. 88, 93, 95, 104, 149, 150. 2620. Wu-fang (marquisats), 20, 20 note 4. 1247. Wu Han, 26, 107, 108, 113. 1249. Wu-huan (tribe). 93, 101 note 1,102, 111, 115, 117, 117 note 3, 119, 123, 127, 130, 130 note 2, 131, 134, 147, 149. 2056. W u-k'i (agglomeration), 137, 137 note 5. 2621. Wu-kUan (pass), 115. 2622. Wu-lei-jo-ti 8han-ytt Hien, 90,95,100,101. 1254. Wu-ling (commandery), 67, 68, 68 note 2,69,69 note 3,70 notes 4-5,72-74,80,81. 2823. Wu River, 67 note 3. 2624. Wu Stream, 67, 67 note 3, 68. 2625. Wu-sun (tribe), 88. 2626. Wu-tsin (marquisats), 109, 109 note 3. 2063. W u-tu (commandery). 93, 140. 1258. Wu-wei, a) commandery, 80, 123, 123 note 1, 135 note 1,136,139, 140, 150. b) hien, 136 note 1. 1259. Wu-yang (prefecture), 21 note 2. 1261. Wu-yin (prefecture), 21, 21 note 2. 2627. Wu-yttan, a) commandery, 87, 105, 106 note 6, 107, 109, 109 note 1, 114, 120-122, 128. b) hien, 105 note 5. Yalu River, 86. 1271. Yang (province), 80, 136. 2628. Yang-kao (hien), 106 note 3. 1267. Yang Lien-sheng, 90 note 1. 2629. Yang-lo (marquisats), 41 note 2. 2630. Yang-t’ai (marquisats), 41 note 2. 1273. Yang.tsl River, 11, 33, 67 note 1, 68, 59, 61, 62, 66-69, 77 note 2, 149, 150. 2631. Yao (legendary ruler), 37. 2632. Yao-an (hien), 66 note 6. 1277. Yao K ’i, 18. Yarkand, soe So-kO. 2070. Ye (prefecture), 112. 2633. Ye-lang (state), 60. 2634. Ye-ytt (prefecture), 66, 66 note 7. 2072. Yellow Lord (legendary ruler), 37. 1281. Yellow River, 12, 27, 46. 48, 60. 51, 86. 87, 96, 97, 110, 112, 113, 114 note 1, 121, 123, 128, 131, 134, 135, 138 note 2, 139 notes 1-2, 140, 143, 144, 150.

197

2636. Yen (king of So-ktt), 131. 2636. Yen Chung, 33, 34. 1231. Yen, Yu, •) 06. 2637. Yen-k’i (Keraahahr), 07,08,08 note 3,133. 2638. Yen Kuang, 33 note 2. 2630. Yen-men (commandery), 86 note 3, 07, 106, 107, 107 note 2, 108, 108 notes 6-6 and 8,110,113,113 note 1,116,121,122, 130. 1288. Yen Shl-ku, 138 note 1. 2640. Yi (hien), 108 note 2. 2080. Yi (province), 66, 78 note 1. 2083. Yi-chou (commandery), 60-62, 66, 66 note 3,67,76.76 note 2,77,78,161 note 2. 2641. Yi-fa-ytt-lu-ti 8han-ytt Han, 122. 2642. Yi-liang (hien), 66 note 3. 2643. Yi-ling (marquiaate), 40 note 4. 2086. Yi-ling (prefecture), 68 note 1. 2644. Yi-pin (hien), 66 note 0. 2086. Yi-tao (prefecture), 68 note 1. 2646. Yi-t'u-chl-ya-ahl, 80 note 4, 00-101, 116. 2646. Yi-wu-lu (Hami), 146. 2647. Yi-yin (minister of T a n g the Victorious), 37. 1302. Yin (clan of 8in-ye prefecture), 34. 2648. Yin Chen, 62 note 3. 2640. Yin Chi, 64 note 4. 2660. Yin Hing, 33, 34. 1306. Yin Li-hua; of. also Honourable Lady née Yin and Empress née Yin, 20, 21, 21 note 1, 31. 2661. Yin-shan (marquiaate), 41 note 2. 2662. Yin Tsiu, 62, 62 note 1. 2663. Yin Yu, 108, 110, 110 note 1. 1310. Ying-ch*uan (commandery), 48, 40, 60. 2004. Ying Shao, 13, 138 note 2. 1312. Young Prince, see Liu Ying. 1313. Yu-fu-feng (commandery), 114, 114 note 2, 116, 138. 2008. Yu-pei-p’ing (commandery), 116, 130. 2664. Yu-p’ing-yi (duchy), 27, 27 note 2, 28, 28 note 1. 2666. Yu Stream, 67, 67 note 3, 70 note 4.

2666. Yung-ch’ang (commandery), 76 note 2 78, 83-86. 2667. Yung-pei (hien), 66 note 8. 2668. yung-p’ing period, 78 note 1. 2660. Yung-ting River, 111 note 4. Ytt, see Hu-tu-er-shl-tao-kao-jo-ti 8hanytt Yü. 2660. Ytt (hien). 111 note 2. 2661. ytt (wind instrument), 126 note 2. 2103. Ytt-ohang (commandery), 62, JB0 note 4. 2662. Ytt-lin (commandery), 73. 2663. Ytt-t’ien (Khotan), 133. 1331. Ytt-yang (commandery), 16 note 3, 33, 103, 108, 130. 2664. Ytt Yen, 16, 18, 34. 2666. YUan An, 34. 1336. YUan, Emperor, a) 42, 46. 80. 01. 131. 2666. Yttan ho ldin hien cht, 70 note 4, 71 note 4, 138 note 3. 2667. Yttan-kiang (hien). 70 note 4. 2668. Yttan-ling, a) prefecture, 70 note 4, 71 note 4. b) hien, 70 note 4. 2660. Yttan-nan (prefecture), 71 note 1. 2670. Yttan River, 67, 68. 70 note 4, 71 notes 1 and 4. 72. 2671. yttan-ahl period, 126 note 1. 2111. Yttan-ahl (prefecture), 24. 2672. Yttan Tsi, 130 note 2. 2673. Yttan-ya (prefecture), 138, 138 notes 2 and 3. 1342. Ytte (people and state), 67, 68, 62, 66, 70. 80, 160. 2674. Ytte-chl (tribe), 87. 2114. Ytte-hi (commandery), 26, 61, 63, 66, 67 note 1, 76, 78, 86. 2676. Ytte-yang (hien), 70 note 4. 2676. Yttn (daughter of Wang Chao-kttn), 00. 00- 102. 2677. Yttn-chung (commandery), 106, 107, 100. 100 note 1, 110, 121, 122. 2116. Yttn-nan (province), 12, 66, 60-62, 66. 66 notes 2-8, 67 note 2, 68. 76, 76, 83. 84, 84 note 3, 86, 160, 161.

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