The republic of letters: a cultural history of the French enlightenment 9780801481741, 9780801429682

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS (page ix)
A NOTE TO THE READER (page xiii)
Introduction: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (page 1)
1 The Rise of the State: The Republic of Letters and the Monarchy of France (page 12)
2 Philosophes and Salonnières: A Critique of Enlightenment Historiography (page 53)
3 Governing the Republic of Letters: Salonnières and the Rule(s) of Polite Conversation (page 90)
4 Into Writing: Epistolary Commerce in the Republic of Letters (page 136)
5 Into Print: Discord in the Republic of Letters (page 183)
6 Masculine Self–Governance and the End of Salon Culture (page 233)
Conclusion: The Enlightenment Republic of Letters and the French Revolution (page 281)
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES (page 305)
WORKS CITED (page 313)
INDEX (page 329)

Citation preview

THE REPUBLIC OF

LETTERS

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PHILOSOPHES AND SALONNIERES 69 of the Enlightenment in eighteenth-century culture was never the focus of Chartier’s picture, this glimpse of elite culture suggests that for him it was either the serious business of men or the pleasant affair of mixed company. Again, if it was serious, it was the work of men; if it was not, it included (salon) women. ‘The Enlightenment as a phenomenon was so marginalized that it was impossible to know which position Chartier might take.°9 In The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution (1991) Chartier has attempted to integrate popular and elite culture, on the one hand, and private life and political culture, on the other. The result is a cultural history that owes as much to Habermas as it does to Philippe Ariés and the Annales tradition, and that goes significantly beyond the limitations of his previous work. Salons now figure in Chartier’s cultural history as one of the institutions of the new political culture of the Old Regime. Following Habermas, he associates the salons with “the public literary sphere” and characterizes them “as places where works and cultural actors could find independent intellectual consecration outside rulebound institutions and established cultural bodies.” He identifies the

salons as the first institutions “to encourage the new public literary sphere born in the eighteenth century and emancipated from the tutelage of the court and the Académie frangaise.”4° And yet, although he now gives salons an important role, Chartier’s characterization of salonnieres is more old than new. “There were subtle filiations and rivalries between the various social sets, each of which was dominated by a woman,” he writes. “A fierce rivalry for the highest distinction thus reigned in the society of the Parisian salons. In the last analysis, what was at stake was control of an intellectual life that had been emancipated from the tutelage of the monarchy and the court.”4! In contrast to this female rivalry for the attention of men was, once again, the male friendship of the d’Holbach circle. Whereas the philosophes connived together at d’Holbach’s, factions formed in the salons based on “the preferences of the women who were their hostesses.”

Salonniéres were thus intriguing women who substituted their own power for that of the monarchy and the court. The emancipation of male intellectual life was threatened by the rivalries and ambitions of the salon women who now sought to control it. heir interests were 39. One reason it is difficult to identify the Enlightenment in Chartier’s eighteenthcentury culture is that the general aim of his work has been to collapse the distinction between elite and popular culture. See, e.g., “Culture as Appropriation: Popular Cultural Uses in Early Modern France,” in Understanding Popular Culture: Europe from the Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century, ed. Steven L. Kaplan (Berlin, 1984), pp. 229-53. 40. Chartier, Cultural Origins, pp. 154-57.

41. Ibid., pp. 155-56.

70 THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS defined solely in terms of their relationships to men: to dominate them, to attract them, or to intrigue for them.** Even more revealing than the old contrast between the d’Holbach circle and the salons is a new one posed by Chartier’s juxtaposition of salons and literary journalism. The rivalry that was a negative characteristic in salonniéres becomes a form of healthy competition when Chartier discusses (male) journalists. “Even though they vied with one

another to dictate, through their choices and decrees, the ‘correct’ interpretation of works,” he writes, “the very fact that there were a number of periodicals in circulation fueled critical debate and lively discussion.”43 Salonniéres, however, did not compete for guests; rather, they shared them: they established their salons on different days of the

week so that they and their guests could attend multiple salons. Journalists, by contrast, needed to compete for subscribers, whose financial resources were limited. The short life spans of eighteenth-century periodicals testify to the cutthroat competition to which they inevitably succumbed.*4 The material base of the salon in private wealth made it possible for salonniéres to support one another; the material base of journalism did not. Gender was not the determining factor here; economics was.

Chartier’s most recent work thus demonstrates a new understanding of the importance of the salons in the cultural history of the Enlightenment, but it is tempered by old stereotypes of women and power. In Robert Darnton’s picture of eighteenth-century French culture, however, there is no tension between the role of salons and that of salonniéres. Nor is there any attempt to dissociate the philosophes from the salons. Rather, Darnton’s social history of the Enlightenment resituates the philosophes squarely in the centers of gravity from which Cassirer tried to abstract them. In fact, Darnton has given us the most Rous-

date. |

seauean representation of the Enlightenment Republic of Letters to

“Except for men like Condorcet,” wrote Darnton in his 1971 review of Gay’s Enlightenment, “the last of the philosophes fit in perfectly with the Sévres porcelain and chinoiserie of the salons; the High Enlightenment served as frosting for France’s crumbling upper crust.”4° Beneath

this “High Enlightenment,” however, lay a low one whose depths Darnton has sought to plumb, “to get to the bottom of the Enlightenment and even to penetrate into its underworld, where the Enlighten-

43. Ibid., p. 159. | ,

42. Ibid.

44. Sgard, “Multiplication des périodiques,” in Martin and Chartier, Hestoire de Pédition francaise 3:200.

45. Darnton, “In Search of Enlightenment,” p. 119.

PHILOSOPHES AND SALONNIERES 71 ment may be examined as the Revolution has been studied recently— from below.”4°

Darnton’s purpose has been to give the Enlightenment its clay feet, to show that the philosophes were not truly noble by exposing their cooptation by the aristocratic society of the Old Regime (2-3). His language is full of disdain for the philosophe, who, “formerly a fringe character picked up for amusement by the salons and readily turned out into the street for drubbings, begging, and embastillement, . . . was becoming respectable, domesticated, and assimilated into that most conservative of institutions, the family” (5). It is hard to tell which is more despicable: to be the plaything of the salons or to be domesticated in the family. To make his case, Darnton focuses on a “typical” philosophe, J. B. A. Suard, the person who edited the Exposé succinct of the Hume-Rousseau

affair. Suard was also instrumental in introducing the works of the Scottish Enlightenment into France.4”7 Darnton, however, presents him

as a man of little talent who “made it” in the Republic of Letters by passing the test of le monde. As Darnton tells his story, Suard met and captivated the Abbé Raynal, who functioned as a sort of recruiting agent for the sociocultural elite known as le monde. Raynal got Suard jobs tutoring the well-born, encouraged him to write little essays on the

heroes of the day ...and guided him through the salons. Suard competed for the essay prizes offered by provincial academies. He published literary snippets in the Mercure; and having passed at Mme. Geoffrin’s, he began to make frequent appearances in le monde. . .. With doors opening | for him in the salons . . . , Suard- walked into a job at the Gazette de France;

lodging, heating, lighting, and 2,500 livres a year for putting polish on the materials provided every week by the ministry of foreign affairs. (4)

Suard’s success, we learn, was due to a new kind of protection, which,

in contrast to court patronage, “involved knowing the right people, pulling the right strings... . Older, established writers, wealthy bourgeois, and nobles all participated in this process of co-opting young men with the right style, the perfect pitch of bon ton, into the salons, academies, privileged journals, and honorific posts” (6—7). Suard, in

other words, breezed through the doorway where Rousseau had 46. Darnton, Literary Underground, p. 1, hereafter cited in the text. Darnton’s agenda has not changed significantly in the last twenty years. See “The Facts of Literary Life in Fighteenth-Century France,” in Baker, Political Culture of the Old Regime, pp. 261—91; and “The Brissot Dossier,” French Historical Studies 17 (Spring 1991): 191—205. : 47. Gordon, “Idea of Sociability,” chap. 5.

72 THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS turned on his heel and, with virtue and integrity intact, walked nobly away, slamming the door behind him. The Enlightenment may have been radical, and thus serious, at the start, Darnton maintains, but by the 1770s it was merely a prop to the social order, “domesticated” by le monde. Darnton calls this fall into comfort “the establishment of the Enlightenment” (6—7), associating it in the contemporary reader’s mind with the historical “establishment” of Darnton’s own day. And in case there is any doubt as to whose point of view Darnton is taking, he reminds us that “to the outsiders, the whole process looked rotten. ... Seen from the perspective of Grub Street, the republic of letters was a lie” (29). Darnton admits that those he identifies as “outsiders” were not inclined to attribute their failures to any lack of talent, but he takes up their position by condemning the “Suard generation of philosophes” as at least equally untalented and certainly less radical: There was nothing shockingly new at all in the works of [Voltaire’s] successors, for they had been absorbed, fully integrated into le monde. . . .

And while they grew fat in Voltaire’s church, the revolutionary spirit passed to the lean and hungry men of Grub Street, to the cultural pariahs who, through poverty and humiliation, produced the Jacobinical version of Rousseauism. ... It was from such visceral hatred, not from the refined abstractions of the contented cultural elite, that the extreme Jac~ obin revolution found its authentic voice. (40)

Darnton’s attack on the philosophes is simply Rousseau’s attack as it

was taken up by those who identified with him in the 1770s and 1780s.48 Rousseau had created the image of himself as outsider, as the

only man who was able to withstand the feminizing pressure of the salons. He had created the image of the philosophes as feminized pussycats, rather than roaring lions, under the sway of dominating salonniéres. Some of those who found themselves frustrated in a Republic of Letters that remained under political, social, and economic constraints found in this self-image of Rousseau a hero, and in his image of a female-dominated world of favors and forbidden pleasures

a comforting explanation of why they were unable to achieve their aspirations to be the philosophes that Voltaire and the Encyclopédie called on them to be. Darnton has legitimated Rousseau’s attack on philosophes as the playthings of salon women in an extremely attractive way.*9 In the 48. See Blum, Rousseau and the Republic of Virtue.

49. Darnton’s interpretation continues to shape the general understanding of the Enlightenment, but recently historians have begun to challenge the “Darnton thesis.” See

PHILOSOPHES AND SALONNIERES 73 name of the disenfranchised he has discredited the enemies Rousseau created for himself, just as Rousseau and his followers did, but now with the authority and credibility of the historian whose aim is simply “to argue for a broadening of intellectual history, and to suggest that a mixed genre, the social history of ideas, could contribute to a fresh assessment of the age of the Enlightenment.”°° Darnton’s broadening of intellectual history falls short because it remains trapped within masculinist assumptions that mask the role of women in the cultural practices of the French Enlightenment. In this crucial respect, his “fresh assessment” is as old as the Enlightenment itself. It originated with Rousseau and has been at the center of Enlightenment historiography throughout this century. It is time that it was challenged. The Enlightenment Salonniére

Only the Romantics of the nineteenth century seem to have appreciated the salons of the late eighteenth century, but what they found in them to love only reinforces the views of men before and after them. Sainte-Beuve called Geoffrin’s salon “one of the premiere institutions of Europe,” but he located Lespinasse’s greatness in her love letters rather than in her work as a salonniére. These letters, he wrote, are “one of the most curious and most memorable monuments to passion”; the principal claim of their author is “the glory of a loving woman.”5! Over the course of the nineteenth century, the illustrious women of the eighteenth century, including the major salonniéres, found biographers among aristocratic amateurs nostalgic for a world now vanished, and salons became the subject of petite histoire.5* From the rubble of the

Revolution, memoirs and correspondences of ladies and philosophes were found and published in elegant editions. At the center of this flush of attention was Edmond and Jules de Goncourt’s contribution, La Femme au dix-huitiéme siécle (1862). Jeremy Popkin, “Pamphlet Journalism at the End of the Old Regime,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 22 (Spring 1989): 351-67; Gordon, “Idea of Sociability,” chap. 5; and Eisenstein, Grub Street Abroad.

50. Darnton, Literary Underground, p. vill. 51. Charles Augustin Sainte-Beuve, Introduction to Letters of Mlle de Lespinasse, trans. Katharine Prescott Wormeley (Boston, 1903), pp. 1 and 7. 52. The comte d’Haussonville published Le Salon de Mme Necker (Paris, 1882); the marquis de Ségur published Le Royaume de la rue Saint-Honoré: Madame Geoffrin et sa fille (Paris, 1897) and Julie de Lespinasse (Paris, 1905). In this continuing tradition, the duc de Castries has recently published Julie de Lespinasse: Le Drame d’un double amour (Paris, 1985) and La Scandaleuse Madame de Tencin (Paris, 1986).

74 THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS According to the Goncourts, Enlightenment salons were indeed serious, but this seriousness was a sign of decadence, the first stage in the destruction of all that was beautiful and good. “Between [the] salon of the time of Louis XV and [that] of the time of Louis XVI,” they wrote,

“is the difference between the two reigns. The salon of the time of Louis XV seemed to open onto the present, the salon of the time of Louis XVI opens onto the future. Its walls, its architecture are saddened like the court and like society, by reform, seriousness, rigidity.... This is still society, but it is no longer pleasure.”>? ‘The Goncourts were right to say that pleasure was not the aim of Enlightenment salons. Indeed, salonniéres were as critical as Rousseau of those who sought merely to please. But it was not because they and their guests

were planning the Revolution; rather, they were conducting the Enlightenment. Enlightenment salons were working spaces, unlike other eighteenthcentury social gatherings, which took play as their model. Certainly wit was valued in all social gatherings of the period, but wit for wit’s sake was not encouraged in the salons frequented by the philosophes. Le jeu in all its forms—word games, social games (jeux de société), and especially gambling—was virtually absent. The Enlightenment was not a game, and the salonniéres were not simply ladies of leisure killing time. On the contrary, Enlightenment salonniéres were precisely those wom-

en who fought the general malaise of the period by taking up their meétier.°4 Like the philosophes who gathered in their homes, the salonniéres were practical people who worked at tasks they considered productive and useful. They took themselves, their salons, and their guests very seriously. The salonniéres of the Enlightenment were a small number of elite women who knew and admired one another, lived lives of regularity rather than dissipation, and were committed both to their own education and to the philosophes’ project of Enlightenment. During the first

decades of the eighteenth century, Claudine-Alexandrine Guérin de Tencin and Anne-Thérése de Marguenat de Courcelles, the marquise de Lambert, paved the way for the great salonniéres of the high Enlightenment: Marie-Thérese Geoffrin, whose salon flourished from about 1749, when her mentor Tencin died, until her own fatal illness began in 1776; Julie de Lespinasse, who broke out on her own from the 53. Edmond and Jules de Goncourt, La Femme au dix-huitiéme stécle (Paris, 1982), p. 77. 54. See Elisabeth Badinter, Emilie, Emilie, ou LAmbition féminine au XVITIéme siécle

(Paris, 1983), pp. 34-35. Nina Rattner Gelbart argues that this same energy was channeled into journalism by the female editors of and subscribers and contributors to the Journal des Dames. See Feminine and Opposition Journalism in Old Regime France: “Le Journal

des Dames” (Berkeley, 1987), pp. gi and 134.

PHILOSOPHES AND SALONNIERES 75 salon of her mentor, Marie Du Deffand, in 1764 and received regularly

from 1765 until her death, also in 1776; and Suzanne Necker, who formed her salon at about the same time as Lespinasse and continued at least until her husband’s fall from power in 1781. There were other women whose names should be mentioned as well: Anne-Catherine Helvétius, who led a salon with her philosophe husband until his death in 1771 and then continued it afterward on her own; Elisabeth-Joséphe de La Borde, baronne de Marchais, whose salon gave the physiocrats a home; Du Deffand, who first brought Lespinasse to Paris to assist her, then drove the younger woman out—and the philosophes with her. ‘Two other women have already been mentioned through their writings: Epinay, whose home was a haven for her philosophe friends but never a salon in the formal sense; and Genlis,

who was neither a salonniére nor a friend of the philosophes but a writer whose lengthy memoirs are a window on their world. By all accounts, the salons of Geoffrin, Lespinasse, and Necker formed the social base of the Enlightenment Republic of Letters. What follows is a composite portrait of the Enlightenment salonniére drawn from the words of and about these three women especially, but supplemented by glimpses of the other women I have mentioned. This composite portrait is meant to contribute to our understanding of the salonniére as a historical phenomenon while at the same time acknowledging the individuality of the women of whom it is composed. The Enlightenment salonniéres did not form salons to gain fame and power through association with brilliant and powerful men. This is the sort of explanation that assumes the centrality of men to the actions of women. It is what the men who frequented the salons sometimes liked to think and what historians of the salon have continued to write. It is embedded in all the books on the salons which are litthe more than collections of anecdotes and bons mots of these same brilliant and powerful men. In his praise of Geoffrin, for example, Morellet wrote that her purpose in forming a salon was to achieve celebrity by “procuring the means to serve men of letters and artists, to whom her ambition was to be useful in bringing them together with men of power and position.”°>

Certainly Geoffrin did aim to be useful, just as it is clear that she achieved celebrity by doing so; yet the noble “service ideal” so often attributed to women does not provide a satisfactory explanation of her actions. Fame and glory were virtues of the old male nobility, the byproducts of more complex and individual ambitions sought by men ata 55. André Morellet [ed.], Eloges de Madame Geoffrin, contemporaine de Madame Du Deffand (Paris, 1812), pp. v—vi.

76 , THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS time when, as Elisabeth Badinter notes, ambition was a dubious virtue in a woman.°® The salonniéres were not social climbers but intelligent, self-educated, and educating women who adopted and implemented the values of the Enlightenment Republic of Letters and used them to

reshape the salon to their own social, intellectual, and educational needs. The initial and primary purpose of Enlightenment salons was to satisfy the self-determined educational needs of the women who

started them. ,

In an age when many women worked but few pursued careers, the salon was just that: a career based on a long apprenticeship and careful study, resulting in the independence of a mastership. It was a career

open to talent but it also required significant capital to launch and support. Unlike the men who shaped themselves and made their mark in the world through careers, the salonniére reaped no material reward from her labor. ‘The economics of her career consisted of pure outlay. The women who became salonniéres always apprenticed in an established salon before breaking out on their own. The primary relationship that underlay the salon as a continuing social institution was thus between female mentors and students, rather than between a single woman and a group of men. Such was the case of Marie Du Deffand, who in her youth, according to one observer, practically lived at the private court of Sceaux, dominated by the duchesse de Maine. Geoffrin frequented Tencin’s salon for almost twenty years. Only at the older woman’s death in 1749 did she formalize her own salon. Necker then “studied” under Geoffrin, and Lespinasse, who served as Du Deffand’s companion for twelve years, also dined regularly at Geoffrin’s.>” I can only suggest here the variety and complexity of motivations that might explain why particular women established salons in the eighteenth century. Lambert, for example, wanted to provide for herself a social space and time free from gambling, which had taken on epidemic proportions by the early years of the century. As an alternative to this form of social life, she regularly invited a wide assortment of men and women to her home, where they were enjoined to “speak to one another reasonably and even wittily, when the occasion merited.”°® 56. Badinter, Emilie, Emilie, pp. 7-37. 57. The best general studies of the salons are Glotz and Maire, Salons du XVIIIéme stécle, Marie Gougy-Frangois, Les Grands Salons féminins (Paris, 1965); and Roger Picard, Les Salons littératres et la société francaise, 1610-1789 (New York, 1943). For a discussion of

1989): 27-47. |

the phenomenon of “surrogate motherhood” among salonniéres, see my “Filial Rebellion in the Salon: Madame Geoffrin and Her Daughter,” French Historical Studies 16 (Spring 58. Suzanne Delorme, “Le Salon de la marquise de Lambert, berceau de l’Encyclopé-

die,” in L’“Encyclopédie” et le progres des sciences et des techniques, ed. Suzanne Delorme and

René Taton (Paris, 1952), p. 20. Necker also distinguished between gambling and the

PHILOSOPHES AND SALONNIERES 77 A different sort of motivation must be ascribed to Geoffrin, who was moving in the opposite direction when she attended Tencin’s salon and

eventually established her own. Whereas Lambert was trying to upgrade a social life characterized by dissipation, Geoffrin made a daring step for a devout young wife and mother when, at the age of eighteen, she began to frequent the afternoon gatherings at the home of her neighbor.®? It was well known that Tencin in her youth had escaped from a convent and forced vows, then produced an illegitimate child who grew up to be d’Alembert. By the time she moved into Geoffrin’s neighborhood in 1730, Tencin was considerably more sober but still must have seemed dazzling to a young woman who had been raised by her grandmother and married off at fourteen to a man five times her age. Nevertheless, the enticement of Tencin’s salon for Geoffrin was not the titillation of the older woman’s past but the stimulation of her present intellectual company: men such as Fontenelle, Marivaux, and Montesquieu, the most important and daring writers of their day. For Geoffrin was not only young and devout, she was also as ignorant as she was bold and curious. As she wrote later to Catherine the Great of the grandmother who had raised her, “She was so happy with her lot that she regarded knowledge as superfluous for a woman. She said: ‘I’ve gotten along so well that I’ve never felt the need for it.’”©° Following these principles, Mme Chemineau taught her granddaughter to read

but not to write, trusted her to neither a convent nor a tutor, and

personally gave her an education that was for the most part religious. Two years after her grandmother’s death, Geoffrin began her own course of studies with the men who gathered at the home of ‘Tencin, a course she continued for the rest of her life. For Geoffrin, the salon was a socially acceptable substitute for the formal education denied her not just by her grandmother but more generally by a society that agreed with Mme Chemineau’s position. Years later, Genlis wrote that as a child she had had the opportunity to attend her brother’s Latin lessons regularly for seven months, but when he went back to school and she asked to continue the lessons herself, her mother said no.®! Most parents saw no purpose in educating their daughters, and even when they did, there were no institutions in which to do so. The convents to which young girls were often sent performed primarily a social and moral activities she encouraged. See Nouveaux mélanges extraits des manuscrits de Mme Necker, ed. Jacques Necker, 2 vols. (Paris, 1801), 1:281—82. 59. Ségur, Royaume de la rue Saint-Honoré, pp. 23-24. 60.. Quoted ibid., pp. 6—7. 61. [Stéphanie Félicité Ducrest de Saint-Aubin], la comtesse de Genlis, Mémoires inédites. . . sur le dix-huitiéme siécle et la Révolution francaise depuis 1756 jusqu’a nos jours, 10 vols. (Paris, 1825), 1:7'7—-78.

78 THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS function and only secondarily a pedagogical one.®2 Emilie Du Chatelet’s father had no recourse but to provide her with a battery of tutors

in the early years of the century, and fifty years later Diderot was struggling to do the same on a much more limited budget for his

daughter, Angélique.® |

Genlis educated herself haphazardly, reading whatever books she could find, learning from anyone who would teach her. After her mar-

riage she devoured her husband’s library. “I had a great desire to educate myself,” she wrote in her memoirs; the library at Genlis was quite considerable. The late marquis de Genlis, a very serious and pious man, had made one-half of it, and my brother-inlaw had made the other, entirely composed of novels. . .. As to history, I

was so ignorant that I did not know where to begin. . . . I should have started with ancient history, but lacking a guide, I gave no order to my readings which, at this beginning of a course of studies, lost me a lot of

time.

Genlis did not grow up to be a salonnieére. ‘The disorderliness with which she attacked the problem of her education perhaps explains why. It was a talent for and dedication to organization that made salonniéres

successful at what they did, and made the salon an institution of the Enlightenment. Morellet noted that the regularity of her life contributed significantly to Geoffrin’s ability to attract guests.©> Like Du Deffand and Lespinasse, she traveled rarely, in contrast to the almost fre-

netic movement that characterized her contemporaries, of whom Genlis was more typical. The regularity of her habits was part of a larger sense of organization that defined all aspects of Geoffrin’s life and every hour of her day, from a five o’clock rising, through a morning of domestic duties, letter writing, and errands, to the afternoons she devoted twice a week to her salons.©® Even on her trip to Warsaw in

1766 she wrote to her daughter: I live here as in Paris. I rise every day at five o’clock; I drink my two large glasses of hot water; I take my coffee; I write when I am alone, which is 62. Samia I. Spencer, “Women and Education,” in French Women and the Age of Enlight-

enment, ed. Spencer (Bloomington, 1984), p. 86; Francois Furet and Jacques Ozouf, Reading and Writing: Literacy in France from Calvin to Jules Ferry (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 72—

73; and Martine Sonnet, L’Education des filles au temps des Lumiéres (Paris, 1987). 63. On Chatelet, see Gougy-Francois, Grands salons féminins, pp. 80—81. Diderot refers to his problems in educating his daughter in Le Neveu de Rameau. See also Wilson, Diderot, P. 455: 64. Genlis, Mémoires 1:201-2. 65. Morellet, Eloges de Mme Geoffrin, pp. 56—57. 66. Ségur, Royaume de la rue Saint-Honoré, pp. 102-3.

PHILOSOPHES AND SALONNIERES 79 rare; I do my hair in company; I dine every day with the king, chez lui, or with him and les seegneurs. I make calls after dinner; I go to the theater; I return to my place at ten o’clock; I drink my hot water, and I go to bed.

And in the morning I begin all over again. I eat so little at these great dinners that I am often obliged to drink a third glass of water to appease my hunger. I owe to the severity of this diet my good health. I will be faithful to it until I die.®’

For twelve years, Lespinasse was home every evening from five until nine o'clock to receive.®®8 Necker has left evidence of her preparations for her weekly salon. ‘The chevalier de Chastellux is said to have once

leafed through a notebook in which she had written: “Preparation for today’s dinner: I will speak to the Chevalier de Chastellux about [his books] Félicaté publique and Agathe, to Mme d’Angiviller about love.” She

had also noted her intention to start a literary discussion between JeanFrancois Marmontel and the comte de Guibert. The comte d’Angiviller relates that one evening he and Jacques Necker were awaiting other guests for supper in Suzanne Necker’s salon when the husband came across his wife’s “agenda” for the day, in which she had written: “Praise M. Thomas again for his poem about Jumonville.”®9 The development

of such an agenda is not surprising in a woman who wrote in her journal: “One must take care of one’s cleaning, one’s toilette, and above

all the maintenance of order in one’s domestic interior before going into society; but once one is in the world, one must not think about all these little things, nor let them penetrate that which occupies one.”7° And in contrast to Geoffrin’s grandmother, who believed that conversation could be a substitute for learning in a world where women could and should get along on wit rather than knowledge,’! Necker prepared herself thoroughly for her weekly performances. “One is most ready for conversation when one has written and thought about things before

going into society,” she wrote in her journal./2 |

Necker’s seriousness, and that of the salon whose discourse she shaped, is revealed most clearly in the concern she displayed in all things for paying attention. The word attention dominates the five vol67. Geoffrin to Marie-Thérése, marquise de La Ferté-Imbault, 8 July [1766], in Geoffrin papers, Etampes family papers (private collection, Paris).

68. Picard, Salons littératres, p. 263. | 6g. All three anecdotes are related in Glotz and Maire, Salons du XVIIIéme siecle,

pp. 300-301; the third comes from Charles Claude Flahaut, comte de La Billarderie d’Angiviller, Mémoires: Notes sur les Mémotres de Marmontel, ed. Louis Bobé (Copenhagen, 1933), P. 70.

70. [Suzanne Curchod] Necker, Mélanges extraits des manuscripts de Mme Necker, ed. Jacques Necker, 3 vols. (Paris, 1798), 1:223. 71. Ségur, Royaume de la rue Saint-Honoré, p.6 — 72. Necker, Mélanges 1:300.

80 , THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS umes of her journals published after her death by her husband. One

must pay attention, she reminded herself repeatedly, not get distracted. Her purpose in life was not to distract men from their serious

business but rather to discipline herself and her guests so that that business might be carried out. Her concern was to concentrate her own attention and to focus that of the philosophes (her guests); her intent was to be a serious contributor to the social and intellectual project of Enlightenment through the shaping of its discourse in her salon.

Here are just a few examples drawn from the many instances in which attention occurs in Necker’s journals:

alone. ,

Attention allows one to find new ideas in the most common things: one cannot read aloud well without fixing one’s attention; in a word, distraction kills, negates all the intellectual faculties.

One gets used to inattention in letting one’s mind wander when one 1s

As soon as the attention of men gathered together is distracted for a single moment, one cannot fix it again.

The great secret of conversation is continual attention.

Virtue, health, talent, happiness, are the fruits of patience and atten-

tion.”

Condillac had made attention central to his epistemology in his Essaz. sur Vorigine des connaissances humaines (1746). Attention, he said, brought different ideas together, “engendering” imagination, contemplation, and memory. In the Encyclopédie, Diderot had defined distraction as “a libertinage of the mind” and attention as its opposite; Morellet identified attention as the first principle of conversation.’* For Necker, it was the key to all the activities in which she engaged and to the goods to which she aspired, from personal happiness and virtue to success as a salonniére. The business of a salonniére, according to Necker, was to

fix the attention of her guests, to keep them from getting distracted. Like other salonniéres, however, Necker was first concerned with her own education. It was to this end that she first applied the principle of 73. Necker, Nouveaux mélanges 1:49—50 and 190; Mélanges 3:297; Nouveaux mélanges 1:34 and 320. 74. Etienne Bonnot de Condillac, Essaz sur Porigine des connaissances humaines (Paris, 1973), pp. 125—28; Diderot, “Distraction,” in Encyclopédie 4:1061; André Morellet, “De la conversation,” in Mélanges de littérature et de philosophie du 18° siécle, 4 vols. (Paris, 1818),

4:82-83.

PHILOSOPHES AND SALONNIERES 81 paying attention, but she was not simply trying to learn enough to keep up with the men in her salon. Rather, education was the end, and salon guests—her own and those of other women whose salons she frequented—the means to attaining it. Like other salonniéres whose model she tried to follow, Necker attended salons, and later formed her

own, primarily to educate herself and then to play an active role in shaping an evolving discourse and discursive space of increasing politi-

cal importance.

Necker’s self-education 1s chronicled in the journals that form a sig-

nificant part of it. They are what she calls a “spectateur intérieur,” a new form of journal, modeled on the Spectator of Joseph Addison and Richard Steele but containing the thoughts and impressions of the individual. In her journal she could study and improve herself rather than society.’> Thus she wrote that “when one makes it a law to write down everything that one hears and all that one reads that deserves to be retained, one’s attention is fixed involuntarily much more than by aimless effort.”7© Paying attention was both the means and the end of a program of self-education, a discipline that applied to life in general.?”

For Necker, education began with reading, and with reflecting on and writing about what she had read.78 Reading also became the basis for conversation in the salon, where she could learn from those who were gathered only by paying close attention to what they said. Neck-

er’s journals are filled with the words of her guests, since from the thoughts of others her own developed, and they too were carefully worked out and recorded. Necker’s salon was more than a self-constructed private school. In pursuing a personal goal, Necker also created a serious discursive space in which others could develop and exchange ideas, share and criticize one another’s work, collaborate on the collective projects characteristic of the Enlightenment. The construction of this regular discursive space required just as much attention as did reading and writing. To lead the conversation effectively, to fix the attention of her guests, to keep them from getting distracted, the salonniére had to pay equally close attention to her own words.

Necker did not create her salon out of whole cloth. She saw the parallels between her own work as a salonniére and that of her husband

as a royal adminstrator, but she found more direct models and guidance in other women, especially Geoffrin, in whose salon she “appren-

75. Necker, Nouveaux mélanges 1:62—70. |

76. Ibid., 1:188. 77. Paying attention was also a discipline that informed Necker’s education of her daughter: ibid., 2:185—86. 78. Necker, Mélanges 1:17'7—83; Nouveaux mélanges 2:150—58.

82 THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS ticed” before forming her own.’79 Necker’s “Pensées” are strewn with precepts learned from her mentor, and the Mélanges include a portrait

of her.8° From Geoffrin she learned that “all the evils of this world, except death, . . . come from a lack of firmness” and that “the taste for pleasure ... puts you continually in a [state of] dependence.”®! She did not always agree with Geoffrin, however, nor did she follow her precepts blindly. She remarked, for example, “Mme Geoffrin believed

that one must not prepare what one has to say in certain delicate situations; it would, she said, nullify simplicity and naturalness.” But Necker countered: “This observation does not apply to all gens desprit.’82 In refusing to follow Geoffrin’s precepts uncritically, Necker resembled her mentor all the more, for self-education of the sort she pursued was a critical project. Her admiration for the older woman was no more clearly expressed than when she wrote: “It is more valuable to

imitate Mme Geoffrin in her conduct than in the principles of her conduct. ... She was in the end the true philosophe of women.”8? Necker learned from the men and women of the salons (including her own), but that learning always developed out of the reflection in which she engaged in her journals. She was paying attention to what others said, did, and wrote, but she was also shaping what she heard, saw, and read in her own way by attentively reflecting on her observations. The attention Necker paid to the written and the spoken word, and to books and people through them, was also the principle by which she conducted her salon and which she strove to instill in others. ‘Thus a conversation was effective when everyone’s attention was fixed; a good

reading fixed the attention of the listeners. “This precept of permanent attention to a single object,” she wrote, “is applicable to business, to study, and to conversation.”54 Catherine the Great, herself an admirer and correspondent of Geoffrin, was for Necker the model woman of the century. “She never had a

taste for pleasure,” Necker commented, “and this characteristic was one of the causes of her greatness; it is the taste for pleasure which undermines the consideration for all women.”®> In one way or another,

all the Enlightenment salonniéres were trying to establish centers of gravity in a society and an age generally characterized, then and now, as

frivolous and licentious.°® ,

79. Necker, Mélanges 2:1-3; Haussonville, Salon de Mme Necker 1:214-15.

80. Necker, Mélanges 3:241—72. | 81. Ibid., 2:238; Necker, Nowveaux mélanges 1:103. 82. Necker, Nouveaux mélanges, 1:314—-15. 83. Ibid., 1:291—92. 84. Necker, Mélanges 2:147—48.

85. Ibid., 1:298. |

86. Jean-Francois de La Harpe, for example, wrote of “la légéreté francaise” as the

PHILOSOPHES AND SALONNIERES 83 One final need that the salon may have fulfilled for the women whose lives were shaped by it is suggested by a letter that Julie de Lespinasse wrote to Condorcet in 1773. For Lespinasse, a woman whose birth denied her a legitimate place in the order of the Old Regime, the Republic of Letters provided an alternative community founded on the mutuality of friendship. It was an imperfect refuge from a society, the violation of whose norms underlay her very existence. The salon was not a new family for a woman whose family did not want her and whose illegitimacy constrained her from starting her own family; no, the Enlightenment salon was a community of friends whose relations were as much opposed to the patriarchal relations of

the family as they were to the absolutist relations of the monarchy.

Thus, she wrote to her friend Condorcet: , |

I, who have known only pain and suffering, I, who have been the victim of viciousness and tyranny for ten years, I, finally, who am without fortune, who have lost my health, and who have experienced only atrocities from people from whom I should have been able to expect comfort, and who, by means of a singularity unheard of, have had a childhood agitated by the very care that was taken to exercise and exalt my sensibility, I knew terror, fright, before having been able to think and judge. Consider, my good Condorcet, if I am justified in my small degree of attachment for life and if my disgust for all that men hold dear, the pleasures of dissipation and of vanity, cannot be justified. I know only one pleasure, I have but one interest, that of friendship; that supports me and consoles me; but more often I am torn apart. There, for speaking to you a lot about

myself, I would ask your pardon, if it were not to prove to you my friendship.®”

The Republic of Letters, unlike the monarchy, the family, and le monde, was based on friendship, marked by its epistolary relations and its values of reciprocity and exchange. By establishing a salon in and for the Enlightenment Republic of Letters, Lespinasse created a space not only for philosophes but also for herself in the world of friendship which had traditionally been thought to be the preserve of men. Like

Geoffrin and Necker, she found in the Enlightenment Republic of major threat to the success of the Lycée de Paris, when it opened in 1784: La Harpe, Correspondance littéraire, 5 vols. (Paris, 1801—1807), 5:102. But this was a commonplace of

the age. 87. Lespinasse to Condorcet, 19 October 1773, in [Jeanne-Julie-Eléanore de] Lespinasse, Lettres inédites de Mademoiselle de Lespinasse, ed. Charles Henry (Paris, 1887). On the way in which the family and the state reinforced each other in early modern France, see Sarah Hanley, “Engendering the State: Family Formation and State Building in Early Modern France,” French Historical Studies 16 (Spring 1989): 4-27.

84 : ‘THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS Letters a sort of relationship with men and women which was both an alternative to the romantic love and patriarchy of the dominant social and political orders and a challenge to traditional assumptions about women.°8

The conventional image of the salon as a frivolous place in which earnest philosophes were distracted from their work by foolish but seductive women can no longer be sustained. This reevaluation of the salon, moreover, is supported by recent interpretations of the rococo, the style in architecture and the fine and decorative arts which characterized the Age of Enlightenment. Like the salon, the rococo has generally been viewed as light and frivolous, as merely decorative—as feminine.89 Architecturally, the salon and salle de compagnie—and the dining

room, where most salon conversation took place over lengthy dinners—were novelties in the new style of private residence favored by the Parisian elite in the eighteenth century: the rococo Adétel (Figure 2). As a reaction against Versailles, the hdétels were self-consciously

private buildings, but as Michael Dennis points out, they were not designed simply for “private events contained behind a facade, as in medieval or early Renaissance houses.” Characterized spatially by a new articulation of public and private areas, the rococo hétel was both

public and private, in the manner of the Republic of Letters.9° The discursive space of the salon was located within the public architectural space of these new private homes. It was because the salon was located

within private homes that salonniéres could figure in the public discourse articulated within them.?! 88. The belief in women’s incapacity for friendship goes back at least to Cicero; its most important articulation in French was by Michel de Montaigne in “De l’amitié,” in Essais, ed. Maurice Rat, 2 vols. (Paris, 1962), 1:197—212. In an unpublished manuscript, Paula Radisich notes that Geoffrin always referred to the artists she patronized and who attended her salon as her friends. Necker formed close friendships especially with Buffon and Thomas; Epinay’s friendship with Galiani, maintained in their regular correspondence after his departure from Paris in 1769 until her death in 1783, is the subject of a book by Francis Steegmuller, A Woman, a Man, and Two Kingdoms: The Story of Madame

aE pinay and the Abbé Galiani (New York, 1991); the word amitié is a recurring theme in the correspondence of Amélie Suard and Condorcet. See Correspondance wnédite de Condorcet et

Madame Suard, 1771-1791, ed. Elisabeth Badinter (Paris, 1988). Through letters, the salonniéres also maintained their friendships with other women; for example, Geoffrin and Catherine wrote to each other, as did Necker and Geoffrin. The attendance of the salonniéres at one another’s salons was also a sign of their friendships, although patronage was a dimension of both salon attendance and letter writing. 8g. Mary D. Sheriff, Fragonard: Art and Eroticism (Chicago, 1990), pp. 1-29. go. Michael Dennis, Court and Garden: From the French Hotel to the City of Modern Architecture (Cambridge, Mass., 1986), pp. g1—117.

g1. Goodman, “Public Sphere and Private Life,” p. 18. |

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86 THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS The architectural space of the Enlightenment salon was designed and decorated in the rococo style. Paintings by contemporary artists alternated with mirrors that expanded the salon beyond the limits of its walls through the play of light that figured the discourse within them.9?

Geoffrin was the most prominent collector of contemporary French painting of her age, and she held a Monday salon for artists in addition to the one on Wednesdays for men of letters.9% Michael Fried has shown that from at least midcentury, French painting was just as serious as I have argued salons and salonniéres were.

The principle of paying attention which pervades Necker’s writings and which underlay her life may be seen as identical to the principle of absorption which Fried finds in painting from 1750 on.9* Absorption, Fried contends, developed as a good in and of itself, without regard to its occasion. The absorption of the painter in his work was transferred to the painted subject and, through the painting, to the beholder. This transfer of the principle of absorption 1s parallel to the transfer of the principle of attention to the guest in the work of the salonniére. The painter, like the salonniére, transferred his own guiding principle to others through the principled creation of a shared space. Of the many examples Fried gives of absorption, one stands out as the perfect illustration of the identity between the principle of attention, which made salons serious places, and that of absorption, which made eighteenth-century painting equally serious: a pair of paintings by Carle Van Loo, commissioned by Geoffrin to hang in her salon. La Lecture espagnole and La Conversation espagnole (Figures 3 and 4), painted

about 1754, took as their subjects the two activities that dominated the salon: conversation and reading aloud. These paintings, Fried says, “exemplify Van Loo’s ability to infuse the swets galants that remained popular in the Encyclopédiste society in which he moved with a seriousness of purpose appropriate to that society.” Even more telling is the passage Fried quotes from a contemporary review in the Journal Encyclopédique on the occasion of the exhibition of La Lecture espagnole in the

Salon of 1761. In it the author comments on the “keen attention” with which the young people listen to the reading and the different sort of g2. Annik Pardailhé-Galabrun, The Birth of Intimacy: Privacy and Domestic Life in Early Modern Paris, trans. Jocelyn Phelps (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 164-67. 93. Paula Radisich, unpublished ms., p. 7. Geoffrin’s husband was the director of and major shareholder in the royal mirror works at Saint-Gobain, which, along with his wife’s dowry, was the source of his wealth. Mirrors were thus at the material base of Geoffrin’s salon. After her husband’s death in 1749, Geoffrin sat on the board of the mirror works

and played an active role in its management, including attendance at weekly board

meetings: ibid., p: 5g n. 58. : 94. Fried, Absorption and Theatricality, pp. 7—70.

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