The Pyramid of Nations

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PYRA OF NATIONS

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Hosea Jaffe

THE PYRAMID OF NATIONS

VICTOR

CONTEN TS PART ONE: Historical.

I.European CoJonialism•••••••••••••••• page 1. 2.The Capitalist Pyramid •••••••••••••• page 59. 3.Euro-imperialism:Lome and EEC••••••• page 65.

4.Fascism in South Africa••••••••••••• page 78. PART TWO: Economics.

5.Hidden Surplus Value ••••••••••••••••page

99.

6. Negative Surplus Value••••••••••••• page 133. 7. Imperialist Clientielism: Behind the China-USSR conflict•••••••••••••••• page 143. 1NDEX: ••••••••••••••••••••••Page 154.

©

Hosea Jaffe 1980

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PART ONE HISTORICAL

(Essay 1 was written 1979-80,as was essay 3. The second essay comes from a 1962 manu­ script, and the fourth was written in Cape Town in 1944 ).

l • EUROPE AND CO LON IALISM. (A chapter for an Italian text-book) tTWH!, 1979. Early Concepts of "Europe" Europe did not exist as a supra-national or multi­ national entity, as a political-economy, before capital­ ist - colonialism, nor the latter before "Europe". Europe, to the Ionian historian, Anaximander of Miletus, and other 6th century BC geographers, was simply a vague land-mass north of the Mediterranean south of which lay "Asia". To the later Greeks, like Herodotus (5th century BC) Europe was separated from "Libya" to the south by the Mediterranean and from "Asia" to the east by the Dardennelles and Bosphorus, while "Asia" and "Libya" were separated by Egypt, south of which lay "Ethiopia". (Herodotus, 1/3, 103;2/16,3q;3/115;4/39; 7/17qetc.,) For Thucidides, as for these writers, there were no "Europeans", only Greeks, Thracians, Scythians etc., The Phrygians, Lydians etc., in Asia were what they called themselves, rather than "Asians"; Egyptians, Ethiopians,Libyans proper were groups living in "Libya" rather than "Libyans". Herodotus himself was born in Caria, Asia. He considered himself not a "European" but a Greek from Asia and writes of Greek colonies in Ionia and Aeolia as "Asiatic Greeks" (1/27). Only some 2000 years later would such Greeks be called "Europeans" or would Germans born in Africa be called "Europeans'. Never would they , 2 millennia later,be called "African Germans". In these ancient BC histories.Greek, Roman, Car­ thaginian, Indian, Egyptian, Iranian, Arabian or Baby­ lonian, there are no "racial" descriptions - the concept and terms of race were still far away, arising only embryonically in the Catholic Crusades against the then beginning "Non-Europeans". Herodotus speaks of some "black" people in southern "Libya", of "long-haired" Ethiopians in "Asia" and curly haired ones in "Libya"­ these being of no special significanc� above the cust­ oms he normally describes, and likewise the reported "black semen" and skins of Indians and Ethiopians (3/10) had no "racial" sig,nificance then.By the 13th century 1

h �st•or­ AD there is already a change, tho�gh_sligh�, intheir iography, with Marco Polo's descr 1pt1 ons, w1th proto-racial references("Travels" ins.India), but nothing compared with what was to flow later from "European" pens, with their obsession abo ut "race" and "identity". The non-racial thinking of classical Mediterranean socie ties is evident in the mythical origins of the names of their three "continents". Asia's name, for the Greeks, came from that of the wife of the go d, Prometheus - a Greek god (but for the Lydians, in "Asia", the name came from the Sardis tribe of Asias -Her,4/46)."As for Europe nobody knows if it is surr­ o unded by sea or where it g ot its name from, o r who gave it, unless we are to say that it came from Europa, the Tyrian woman•(Her. 4/46-7).But Tyre was in Pho en­ icia, in Asia, so that Eur ope in that case go t its name from an "Asian" goddess (who also had legendery links with Carthage, in "Libya"). Europe, Asia, Libya have no ideological, political or special cultural meaning, and the col).cept of European, Asian or African "races" finds no expression- nor could it do so in the absence of the condi tio n for this concept. A Eu­ ropean either is meaningless and is not a customary term (Herodotus do es not use it to refer to human beings), or else, like "Asiatic" or "Libyan" re fers simply to people living in the areas generally lmown as Europe, Asia or Libya. There is no supra-territor­ ial meaning, no homo - Europ,eoid or Asiaticus or Libicus. The noun European, as a human being, has practically no existence either in classical Graeco­ Roman times or in the subsequent medieval period up to about 1000 AD, the era oi the crusades. Even the� it was a rarity in common usage and only after the ' 16th century is the first "European" born in the flesh ' and given his or her name to distinguish them from the hostile or conquered "Asians", "Africans" (formerly "Libyans") and, also (American) '.'Indians". The ancient Greeks and Romans had no idea, no r could they have, of a "European civilisation" of which according to nearly all "mo().ern" Euro-historiography '

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they were the forbears. Indeed, it was a long time before the various tribes which later came together to form Greece could be a Greek "nation", any more than the various pre-Ghana tribes could be ancient Ghana, or the pre-Zulus, part of Chaka's kingdom. This is clear from the pre-Greek epics of Homer. The myth of a "European civilisation" with Graeco-Roman roots was a hind-sighted invention by an already racist Europe. The Incubation of Europe Between Greek philosophy, art, literature,poli­ tical ideas, science and Roman law, engineering and empire-building on the one hand and, on the other, the Renaissance (which was at first, Italian and Spanish and not "European"), Reformation .. �rgeois revolutions and science "modern Eu.rope", stand the culture and civilisation of Arabia, Turkey, Bagdad, Damascus and Istanbul, as well as the spread of knowledge and certain critical inventions from India and China. Arabian algebra, astronomy, literature, Indian number-systems and crafts, Chinese gun-powder, paper and compass, African ship-craft, building tech­ nology and farming both pastoral and agricultural, were among the immediate material and cultural ingred­ ients of so called- "European civilisation" which, indeed, was made out of scarcely anything "European" and very little, in fact, Greek or Roman that the Arabs, for one, had not long developed out of all recognition. Like any uther "civilisation" that of "Europe" had pre-existing world-lmowledge, technology and resources as its basic building bricks. But bricks alone don't make a building and none of these alone or together made "Europe". Another process, a motor process, driving everything before it and welding and cementing everything into some new forceful unity, was required. This process was "prim­ ary capitalist accumulation" {Marx, Capital, Book 1). The major part of this process was not in changing Europe from a feudal to a capitalist society by some process in Europe itself. The major part of primary accumulation was a global, world process involving

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"Extrope" and its opposite "pole" - the societies and peoples of Asia, Africa and .America. (Marx, Ibid. Part 7,Ch.24,Section 6) In this colonial process Europe as a social, political economic and ideological ent­ ity and not a more geographic area, was born, for the rest.of the world and for itself. Under the guise of a religious war the crus�des were a war of feudal proto-Europe, in alliance with the already powerful banking, commercial and manu�ac­ turing capitalists inside feudalism, against Ar� bi� commerce in the Mediterranean and Arabian urbanisation of the douthern European coast (Sicily, Spain- �nc., the later Portugal) and the Levant-Byzantium complex. From 637 to 642 the Arabs, under the banner of Islam, had taken·over the Syrian interests of Byzantium and in 643 the latter appealed to the second Thang empe­ ror of China for help. {Grousset, BILAN D'HISTOIRE) Much later, in 1250, King Louis sent the Franciscans, John of Carpini, Andrew of Longjumeau and Ruysbroeck to Chinghiz lilian in an unsuccessful attempt to win his alliance against the Arabs and Islam. In 1291, after ending Mongol incursions into Bagdad, the Egy­ ptian Mamalukes drove the "crusaders" out of Syria which they had reoccupied during the Crusades. This defeat o� "Christian Europe" by Islamic Egypt closed the trade routes between Europe and Asia and thereby stimulated the "Discoveries". During some of the latter there continued the Christian-Islamic war (eg in 1498 at Vi_cenza, in 1503 in a Turkish victory over Venice, in 1522.when Suleiman took Rhodes, in 1527 when the Islamic armies and fleet were defeated by Portugal at Gujerat; in India itself, when Muslems fought ·Joao da Castro). The Portugese "Discoveries" included the smashing of Islamic control of the Europe Asia trade, in spfces especially, and thereby removed the last formidable social barrier between Europe and Asia. This itself was the culmination of the main purpose of the Crusades which spanned the centuries on both sides of the first millenium ,1000 AD. • "The Cru�ades were the first great plundering expedition_of Europe." (B.M.Kies - died Dec.19,1979 . _ THE CONTRIBUTION 0� THE NON-EUROPEANS TO WORLD •

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CIVILISATION, Cape Town 1953.) Those included the Arab modification of the Chinese deep-well bore hole drill (Europe first used these for artesian wells in the 12th century), and the Iranian windmill. (J. Needham, SCIENCE AND CIVILISATION 1N CH1NA, Vol. 1.) The feudal church and kivgs organising the crusades in defence of the dying feudal order against the rising Arab commerce and modernisation of the Medit­ erranean basin, at once depended on loans, ships, weaponry and supplies wich only the incipient bour­ geoisie of Venice, Padua, Genoa and Naples could and did supply. In the process the feudals were frequently ruined, being pauperised in some cases, while the bourgeois-feudal bankers of Piedmont, Lombardy and the Pre-Hansa League became rapidly and enormously enriched, as did also those still thriving around Byzantium. The walls of feudalism were broken down not only by the Arabs but also by the rising but still dependent Italian city-state bourgeoisie and the central bankers. In the two centuries covered by these colonial expeditions a quick and considerable primary accumu­ lation took place in the first capitalist-inclined nation in Europe-Italy. Aided by the Norman and other "invaders" they overthrew the splendid and flourishing Arab-made cities of Sicily, placing the Arab traders and craftsmen at the disposal of Ruggiero's clansmen. (One who served Ruggiero 11 was the Arab historiographer, Al-Idrisi, who dedicated his "Kitab Rujar" in 1154: to the Norman king.) Venice� classes all took part in the anti-Arab colonial expeditions. The steady plunder of the Levant by Venice enabled its doge-patronised merchants and "commune" to set up a virtual trading monopoly wich the rival central-European German traders and bankers who were soon to unite into the Hanseatic League, tried to break. Hence the fierce Venetian- Frank conflicts of the time. Later, Venice and the south German trading villages and towns importing Venetian goods, were to declfne when the "discoveries" and the Turkish vict­ Qries closed the near east to Venice, only to take

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1 part in a, still later revival due to the weal-t.h coming in from the New World colonies. Between the crusades and discoveries stand Marco Polo's family of long­ distance traders with Asia and other 13th-14th century merchant-adventurers. Even before Venice became independant from Byzantium in 887, Venetian plunderers had strong bases in Asia Minor and Egypt and in 829, Buono di Malmocco and Rustico di Trocello from Rialto, Venice, fraudul­ ently robbed what was believed to be the body of_ the Evangelist Mark from Alexandria, Egypt, and carried

it to Venice, where it is believed to lie in the famous St. Mark �urch. Early in the 11th century, in alliance with its old Byzantiu111 enemy, Venice drove tne Saracens out of Bari and Venice became a major city in Europe. In the 11th century Venice rapidly expanded in the near-east and with wealth from there changed the old Venetian shacks and huts into houses and palac�s and the marshy waters into canals. The plunder of the crusades made Venice what it was then and gave her the �esources also to rival and·fight Genoa and Pisa. In 1204 the blind Enrico Dandolo conquered Constantinople for Venice and t.he 4th Crusade saw Venetian traders and soldiers ransacking Dalmatia, Greece and Albania, in addition· to tne direct sacking of Middle East �ities. Venetian galleys brought for­ tunes home from the Crusades. By the 13th century the Polo's were but one of many successful foreign merch an ts. The Asian loot gave the Catholic Church the me�s to build the magnificent churches -which still adorn the "Most Serene Republic". Defeats by the Ottomans in the 14th century drove the Venetians back from the Mediterranean onto mainland conquests against Venetian neighbours and Cremona, so that the internal history �f part o� Italy was �Dllllediately influenced by 001 Ion1.al conflicts. The "Discoveries" finally ended Veneti an pr e-eminance, but the Venetians continued to embark on colonial expeditions as late as the 18th centur y (Morena Algeria.) nie period ushered in by the Crusades . run · o the perio-d ushered in by the Discoveries. The !ii�t ends and the second begins with the dispossession

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and expul�ion of the Arabs in Spain by Ferdinand and Isabella 1.n 14:92 - the same -r:&ar as Columbus' first voyage to the Americas. The Crusades of which this expulsion was, properly speaking, th; last expedition, may be considered as the incubation period of Europe, and the Discoveries as the birth. In this essay we look at the incubation and growth periods of Eu.rope from what the nev capitalist colonial system did to and for Europe, rather than from the other side of the same process: the destructive side of all that Europe did to and against Africa, Asia and the Amer­ icas. The Crusade invasions of the Arab cities of the eastern Mediterranean, the Norman conqu�st .of the Arab Sicily, the Venetian plunder and wars against the Egyptians, Turks and other "Arabs", the systematic looting by Pisa, Genoa, Naples and their hinterlands of the Arab civilisation, and of North Africa, and the participation of German bankers and traders, of the rising Flemish and Dutch middlemen in the fruits of these expeditions saw the growth not only of the coastal cities of Mediterranean Eu.rope, but also of giant entrepots in central and western Europe, like -Brugge, Ghent and, in particular, the powerful metropole,Antwerp. Manufacture, commerce and banking spread, albeit unevenly and with often violent local fluctuations, from southern to central, northern and western Europe. But still there was not yet a capit­ alist system. Even though there were innumerable capitalists, figures for the time show that on average,­ they employed 1 to 2 "proletarians" and many guild­ masters were no more than artisan journeymen themselves, The spread of co-operative production on a peasant basis into co-operative guild production was itself linked with the guilds which sailed the Mediterranean and later the Baltic and the "high seas" in the new "international" trade which was now showing signs of becoming strongly monopolised and organised. The post-Crusade Catholic Church war on the Arabs was also an anti-Sem.i tic campaign, for the JP.ws were but one Arab religiQus group, others being Muslims,

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many agnosti�s and atheists. (Arab predates Islam by thousands of years and so do nearly all "Is l amic" Koranic cus+.oms.) The Spanish Inquisition itse lf made a distinction between "limpieza e mala sl:.t.Ilgr e", using a racist blood theory. The Crusades themselves gave rise to the term and concept of "race". Neither exist­ ed prior to the Catholic Crusades and first arise in the Spanish and lingua franca tongues of the Mediter­ ranean of and after th e Crusades, when Christians from many parts of Europe came into armed conf lict not only with Muslims and pagans, but also, for. the first time ov e r a sustained period and on a wide front, with people who were regarded as of anothe r colour . In 1506 in Lisbon 2000 Jews we re massacred under the cry th1t religious dissidence was in their blood, like a racial factor. The southward drive through·Spain of the Ara bs in the 15th century was accompanied by a racist campaign of pogrom dimensions.(A.S. Turberville ) The English and Dutch, in their subsequP.nt tr eaties with Spain took explicit anti-Arab and anti-Sem-itic measures, such as the exclusion of Jews from Gibralter after the Utrecht Treaty. A century after the expu lsion of the Arabs, includi ng the Jews, from western Eu.rope, the first racial "ghet.toes" became part of the topo­ graphy and life of many Italian towns and the te rm "ghetto " appears to have originated in common use around 1600. But in North Africa, the Jews liv ed on equal terms with other Arabs and Islam and the Jewish -faith enjoyed. an equal sta t.us. Anti-Semitism was a specifi.c creation of "Europe ". Tt.is was anothe r late by-product of the Crusade s and its culmination: the expu lsion of the Ara bs fr om Europe. This racialist war was a.n important element in primary accumulation in Spafn t:nd Portt1gc\.l. The expropriation of the Aral>� --= was one process wbi ch go.ve Portugal and Spa in the capital to "ta.ke off" into further and nore signif"1 cant colonial expe ditioPs.

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The Birth of Europe: Colonialism Capitalism, racialism and colon ial .i.sm crun,! into theworld together int.he shape of Eu.rope. The first European was born. 1.rl1e term "European", as a noun, I!leaning a. person of, from or born in Europe, had., :i 1, appears, never existed before the "Discoveries" of the ]ate 15th and early 16th cen tury. In English literature the term "European" appears first around '1b03-7, in France onlyin the 18th century (Larousse). Before capitalist-colonialism there was on ly that territorial entity, or par.t of a con tinent, lmown as Europe; the term, in its geographic sense, might well be non-Europian in origin, connecte.d partly with the godde�s from Phoenicia, Europa, whowas .not from "Europe"; but �rom Asia, and partly from an "Asian" and "Libyan" (later "African") description of a region north of Greece which was in a state of dusk and sun­ lessness. rfhe term "European" was used only as an adjecti"'re_, referring to certain objec·� or physical properties of l!,'\1rope. But the no1u1 "European" did n ot seem to exist i n any language of "hu:cope·" until the inhabitants of Europe had need to demarcate themselves off from the people from continents conquered and subjected by them. This demarcation had to be of a supra-national, supra-local, supra-religious kind, something common to all conquerors, whether from Spain, Portugal, Holland, France, Italy or England, all settlers whether from Catholic Mediterranean Europe or from Protestant Germany and Holland, or Puritan England. What was "found" to be common was not simply that these conquistadores and expropriators of Africa, Asia and the .Americas all came from a common piece of land, "Europe". Something more was needed: they were "discovered" to be of the same "race", the same 1 11 "colour"'. Theywerewhite: This, a·bove all, made them "Europeans". From the beginning, until today, "European" has this built-i n racial content. The European Discov­ eries discovered the Europeans. Colonialism from Europe founded Europe itself, in its m◊d.ern content and etymology.

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Enrope was what Hegel or Marx would call "the emergence of novelty out of. the conflict of op11osi tes". Cause nnd result merged into one dialectical, contradictory dynamic of destruction and co·,1struction. As fast as i� destroyed the civilisation in other parts, its 01�1 arose on the ruins of the vanquished cultures. The inferiority in arms of the conquered became a physical inferiority, a racial property. Their own superiority in arms-using non-European gun­ powder, navigation, cartography and science, became a racial superiority. Since they seemed to themselves, but not always to their victims� white, this became the "col_our" of the Master-race, and its converse, Black, Brown or Yellow, ">,ecame inferior.;.races, as the British and French actually used to say, "subject­ races" (a term packed with historical meaning and revealing much of the origins of racialism in itself) Furthermore, their common "Whiteness" was part of tr..eir coIDL�on existence as Europeans. The terms beca:ne synon­ ymous.(I1he South African official equivalence of the two terms was no accident., but was done by settlers and others operating in S.Africa from all parts of Eu.rope.) Despite national, religious and class rival­ ries 1.11 colonial conquest the soldiers, traders and settler_s from clifferent countries in Europe stood on the same side of the colour line drawn by them� Their unity in the face of the common enemy, however, did not imply that -this enemy was to be united racially. On the cont.rary, the single "White" "race" saw to it that the non-whites were divided, according to the dictum of"divide et impera" into "Black", "Brown", "Yellow" races as well a.s "tribally" ,for which"ethnics" were invented.ca bogus �c.:i.ence of racism. Their own individu�lis·in in Europe was later reproduced in .America, S.Africa, Brazil etc., as set­ tlers. But before their colons were able to gQ abroad in the rtew contine nts they built strong gregarious, co.iDIIIUJ1ita:rian social structure son the East Coast of America, in the Transvaal and Cape. These connnunities included the.• Puritans, Quakers, Mormons, the early Dutch, settlers, the �ape, T�ansvaal, Free State Boers 10

with their atrong, compact Calvanistic racia.lism and . ettlements also the "connmmistic", "Icaria" and ot.her s of the French (Cabet) and German (Weitling) "Utc;>pian" emigran·ts after 181.18. From Boer to "communist" they were all intrinsically racist colonialists. A century later the last of them,the Israeli Kibbutzim, using communistic forms, re-enacted this kind of racialis­ tic colon "co:mm:unist" structure. Tl\e colon social formation (private or. "conmnmistic"'} was not the deter­ mining factor: whether private or corporate it was European, colonialist, that of settlers versus the indigens. The democracy of the dispose- essors and slavers took many forms, both outside and inside Eu.rope. i1rom the 16th century (when according to Marx's Capital, capitalism properly began) and the 15th century (�en "discoveries" of tha W.African coa.st were numerous and pre-primary accumulation considerable from this source} until right into the 20th century of our own time (with the division between a plebia.a left and capit�list "right" in the imperialist countries).,, the real, hidden foundation and motor of all these forms , was.,. froni the incubation and birth of Eu.rope, the colonial system made by,and ·which made ,Eu.rope itself. Among these "democratic" forms was the real and legal constitution of the United States, which originally and for a long time after Independence in 1776, raci­ alistically excluded slaves ("Negroes") and Indians from the state drafted by Washington, Benjamin Fran­ klin and other ex-Eu.ropeans.This,was no more than an extension of the �,rropean slave traffic, plantation system and dispossession and super-€xploitation of the Africans and .Amerindians. �/hen Lincoln abolished slavery in the ·civil War, he expli'citly declared him­ self against social, juridical or electoral equality and was as racialistic as those other ex-Europeans, the Calvinist Boers of.the Free State and Transvaal of that tiMe, or the Australian ex-convicts, unemploy­ ed and demobilised soldiers who decimated the Austr­ alians by water-poisoning and by other modes of genocide as effectively ,is the other Europeans were doing by seizing the land and cattle of those .Al!lerin11

dia:1s when they were not directly massacring them by the million over the 16·th-17th Centuries. The proto-c.apitalist colonialism between tr..e Crusades and the Discoveries provided a substantial quantity of primary accumulation for nascent Europe. The journeys of the Venetian merchant Marco Polo t.o China ,described in 1272, the reported voyage to Mogadiscio of the Genoa-financed Vivaldi brothers in 1291, the ltalian..:Portu.gese expedition to the Canaries in 1341, the French expedition (.0 conquer the Canaries under the order of Pope Ciement VI in .1 31.A, the plunder of Cape Verde by Dieppe and Rouen merchants in 1364, the detailed maps of the Jewish Arab of Majorca,Cresques, showing Spanish knowledge of Timbuctu and G,oa in 1375, the seizure by SJ?ai n of the Canaries from France in 1418, the Spanish­ Portuguese rivalry in the Cari"aries in 1425, the Port­ uguese seizure of the Azores in 1431 and the accept­ ance by Pope Martino V of 10 slaves from Af�ica's Rio de Oro as a gift from the prince Henry of Portugal the beginning of the in144:1, t}1ereby sa.ncti"fying European slave traffic in Africa - these were arnong the early primary acc1unulation "discoveries n of Southern Europe long before the voyages of Diega Cam, Da Gama and Columbus. In this primary aeeumulation the feudal monarch­ ies a.ndChurch took the lead. The beginning of the slave trade saw the birth of European racialism which began to enter into the body-politic and outlook of southern Europe. At the same time this affected central, north and western B'u.rope because of Norman and German-Ha.nsa participation in or behind e�.e.se early voyages. The German Ha.nseatic League began to grow strong, the guild system became linked to foreign commerce and the latter under mercantilisra adapted the mutually agreed, non­ competitiv�ixed rate of profit from the urban and rural gu.icl.e to foreign colonial commerce ( Engels, supplement to vol.3 of "capital" by Marx). The colon­ ialistic transformation of the gu ilds, the Church , the feudal-merch8;11ts were among the changes wrought by early co;J.onialisiµ upon. those areas of Europe t.2

concerned with this process. Other changes were the increasing drift to the towns, the rise of private property in the mark and village colllllIUility and the shift of economic power from the south and east to the north and west of Europe (Tawney, RELIGION AND THE RISE OF CAPITALISM,Holland Memorial Lectures, 1922.) Already in the 1lith and 15th centuries the day­ to-da.y life of the people of Euro-pe was undergoing an irreversible change under the conditions of capitalst-colonialism along the African northern and "�ster� coast and the eastern borders of the Medite­ rranean. The people became involved, willy-nilly or by choice, in the material and spiritual as well as customary effects of expansion, plunder, conquest and slavery. Colonialism was a prime lever in the transform­ ation from feudalism to capitalism in Europe. The Italian city states owed much of their rise and wealth to the Crusades-Discoveries anti-Arab primary accum­ ulation.Ship-building, maritime insurance (a theme in Shake,speare's "Merchant of Venice"), pre-Galileo physics, pre-Copernicus astronomy, Dante's descript­ ions. of the various feudal pleasures and bourgeois hells,Boccacio's recapturing of the Arabian Nights tales, the stage for Machievelli's PRlNCE- all this and more had not so much an Italian as a Mediterranean setting, in which Genoa, Naples, Palermo,Venice, Gran­ ada were the northern stars and Tangiers, Tunis, Alexandria, Bagdad, Damascus and Constantinople the southern and eastern ones. When the major Discoveries momentarily put out their lights, the new cities of the north and west­ Hamburg, whose commerce made it finance the first operas after Italy, Antwerp, the financial, commer­ cial, industrial and depot centre of Eu.rope- to­ come, Brugge and Ghent, whose commercial-colonial rivalry was expressed in a competition as to which town could build the tallest cathedral tower�ieppe, Bordeaux - these illuminated the way for the rapid expansion of London ·and England� slave-trade towns - Bristol, Liv�rpool and Plymouth after the Discoveries. Antwerp, by the late �5th century, was the centre of

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the copper market (formerly dominated by Venice), and Portugal's depot ' after 1q92 ' of the Asian spice trade, Spain's foreign trade capital, where .American si. 1 ver was marketed 1 and the financial-commercial base of the Hanseatic League and hence of all subsequent German "hidden colonialism".Antwerp was to become the central lmot linking also the agricultural suppliers and urban centres of Frankfurt, Strasbourg, Lyon s, Liege and other north-western towns. The revolts of the English peasantry under Wat Tyler, Jack Straw and John Ball in the late 14th century arose out of the breakdown of feudalism under the blows from across the Channel 9 delivered by the colonial trade in and now also south of the Bay of Biscay. The German peasant revolts under Thomas Munzer in the time of Luther were further repercussions of this process which so deeply ·involved the German rural mark and its urban counter-part in the guild system. Both of these had long discarded their ancient comm­ unal land-tenure basis and become a co-operative system of individualistic peasants and craftsmen, already structured for and by the rising capitalist individualism. It was affecting the western fringe of the Russian mir-obshina system of semi-collective farming-craft villages, for the capitalist-colonial process had for a long time pervaded the Balkans, the Baltic and the western. entrepots of Russia. But the overthrow of the last vestiges of the Russian mir took place two centuries after the crumbling of the German mark in the 16th century. Bo.th the class struggles inside feudalism and the consequent dissolution of its attendant social formations impinged upon the increasingly extra-European colonial process, within whose womb Europe itself was painfully being born.

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THE ANTI-ARAB POGROMS AND THE "l)ISCOVERIES" Most of the painof this birth-process was, however, suffered not by the Europeans, but by the .American, African and Asian peoples whose conquest, dispossesion, expropriation and enslavement was the "mother" of the European infant-terrible and its adolescence: the Renaissance, both south and north, the Reformation, and the bourgeois Revolutions and Enlightenment. (Rationalists, Romantics, Encycloplri.dists.) The last half of the 15th c�ntury saw an inten­ sified drive from southern Eu.rope against the Arabs. The drive-back took the form of a racialistic war of expulsion from Eu.rope on the northern-western coast of the Mediterranean and the incursions into Africa along the south-west Mediterranean. By 1445 the Portuguese had reached Senegal and Goree, an island off Dakar which was to become the main shipping centre from which the Europeans were -to export 20 million slaves to the Americas. ,In..1447 the Genoese Malfante went to Tuat and the Guinea Africans killed Portuguese intruders. bl 1456 the Genoese Usodimare and the Venetian Ca'da Mosto landed in Cape Verde. In 1460 the early "Jesuits" subordinated the Angolan king, Ngela, to Diaz de Novais whom the Lisbon court proclaimed as feudal "donatario" of Angola with slave­ traffic powers.This feudalism was exported by European capitalism and began the overthrow of non-feudal, communal property relations in .Africa.In the 1460 1 s Italy and Portugal used slaves to carry gold from Africa to Eu.rope and the African ports of Orano, Agadir, Ceuta and Tunis became slave-exporting depots for the southern Europeans.In 1469 Gome·s had royal Portuguese support for the conquest of the "Gold Coast". By 1470 the Florentine merchant Benedetto Dai was selling Lorn bardian cloth in the city-state of Timbuctu. In 1471 Fernando Po occupied the Guinea gulf, and the fortified slave-town of Sae Jorg e da Mina was built, while later in Santiago, Cape Verde, a plantation system was begun which was soon to be exported to Brazil. 15

,

:,.

.. "·. ·

In 11.J:76 Luanda was made into a growing slave-depot. Between 1480 and 1500 A.rah-expelling Castillian and Andalusion slavers competed with the slavers of King Giovanni 11 of Portugal, with the help of miss ionary­ slavers. The plunder of gold from the Ghana•-Guinea region was averaging 3 million dollars a decade before the "Discoveries" and the French historian Mauny estimates that Guinea-gold was a major item in 15th century European primary accumulation.Edward V1 of England was already under pressure by English merchants to enter the gold and slave trade of West Africa. In 11.J:84 Diego Cam showed Europe the primary accumulation pot­ ential of Zaire, southern-Angola and Namibia. In 1485 German participation in this colonialism was reflected by the presence of the Nuremberg Astronomer, Martin Behaim 1 in the "voyage" on the W.African coast of Alfonso Alveiro. Science was not as "neutral" as it was later made out to be. By 1487 Diaz reached the Cape, after cam,the first great "discoverer". In 1488 Da Covilha, backed by the Pope, infiltr­ ated the Ethiopian court of Eskender, his brother Nahu and the latter's son, Lebna, remaining until the 16th century. By 1490 San Tome was a major �lave centre and the Portuguese developed sugar plantations and a pepper-trade between San Tome and Benin, whose king fell under missionary control. The missionaries began to. corrupt the court of the Zaire-Angolan .King Mani­ congo, whose . son,Alfonso, and court nobles were baptised before popular resistance which spread to theUoulofs in Senegal led to major uprisings against the Catholic church along the west coast of Africa ·during the 1490's. In 1492, with the final and disastrous defeat of.the Arabs at Granada.and their expulsion from Spain and their great "diaspora" into North Africa into which they brought their science, art, philosophy and ·craft ( e � g. the. Anda�usion Arabs who came to Tunisia), Columbus made his maJor voyage of "Discovery" of the Americas, via Cuba, �o be followed by ��ri�Q Vespucchir s voyage to South .America, d� Gama's civilisa�ioil-d.estroying 1497-8 voyage to India, and then by the voyages of Magellan, Cabot, and, later, Frobisher,Drake and Ba.rend.•

16

The 16th century opens with the destruction by Portu gal and Spain of the magnific nt collectivistic despotisms of Mexico, Peru, the Sud ancse Kingdoms, Zanj, the Moguls and Maharajahs. Marx dates the beg­ inning of capitalism from this 16th century when Europe began to emerge and rise up out of the ruins already wrought by Italians, Portuguese, Spaniards, Germans and Normans throughout the preceding 15th century. Because insufficient attention has usually been paid to the role of this "pro-capitalist" century of pre-primary accumulation, especially in Africa, and because this preparatory century was a real and major birth-pang for Europe, some of the events of this century have been specially recorded above. Since the conquests of the subsequent centuries are generally better lmown the need for similar detail is less for these later agan.es of the Americas, Africa, and Asia out of which arose "European civilisation". The fact that states, kings, princes, merchants, soldiers, the church, missionaries, financiers and, increasingly, the "common people", of Europe partic­ ipated in the 15th and 16th century "Discoveries" directly or indirectly (e.g. as artisans making articles to exchange for slaves, or as financing banks and mercantile guildsmen, or as buyers and sellers in Antwerp or Venice or other entrepots) was bound to change the daily life inside Europe itself. What Europe did outside Europe was reflected back into Europe itself, often with twice the force of launching. As much as Europe dissolved the ancient collective despotisms (American, "Oriental"- a la Marx- or African} by violence and by fraud, so the returning loot, wealth, profits, ideologies and habits boomeranged back upon Eu.I·ope and there threw nation after nation, couil.tryside after country-side, town after town, custom after custom, idea after idea, right down to the woof and warp of ·family life and right up to the highest courts, into a new, unprecedented melting pot of change. New social formations crystallized out, the feudals fell or clUug to the new greed, the peasants, guild­ smen, peasant men and women, vagrants,soldiers and

17

'mploy d tno d awa froni ond out of the old way of lif into wh h mu h of Ru.rope ho.cl settled after Constantin and into an nli nation, including an inner alienation, n ver la1own before. The remains of in.di iduali"'tically divided "communities" further disint rgrated across Europ, dissolved by the new gold, sil r, spices, salt, greed, the Utopias of More - as well as of Pizarro and Cortez - of unbo\Ulded weal th and living, which knew no limits after the conquests and robberies of the 16tr century heroes - and were not to end in reality or imagination until the age of the "Explorers" 3 centuries later: From Drake to Livingstone, Clive to Burton, the Hanseatic League to the 188� Berlin conference.The Europe that was born out of colonialism did not know or recognise itself. For five centuries it was to live on death and die in living, under the illusion of a "civilising mission" that never was, neither for others, nor for itself. \ill

SLAVERY The inner transformation wrought upon Europe by its outward destruction of the rest of the world, ranged from the most vulgarly materialistic to the most refined cultural achievements of Da Vinci, Shakespeare,Newton, Beethoven, Goethe, Moliere,chernychevsh, Rembrandt and the rest of a well Im.own list. But among · ' the cultural changes which European destruction abroad wrought about, by "feed back-�, there were many "neg­ ative" reactions. The most serious and damaging of these "negative feed backs" of colonialism upon Europe was that same racialism, especially the colour-racialism arising directly out of the slave traffic and slavery, which Europeans of all classes bore in foetus so to speak, from the Crusades and more heavily from the Discoveries onwards. Italy, Spain,· Portugal, Holland, France, Denmark Scandinavia, Germany and Britain all took part wholly' in the slave-traffic . Their settlers and planters in the Americas, the Cape, Java and W.Africa lived off slavery. Major cities grew and lived off slaverv• yror!\, 1J • New 18

Liverpool, Bristol and Plymouth, Dieppe, Rouen, Bordeaux and Calais, Antw�rp,Amsterdam, Bremen, Hamburg, Lisbon being more directly concerned as ports receiving the products of slavery (sugar, spice, cotton, tobacco, coffe, silver, gold). Their direct involvement in slavery was not alone as a market for slave-labour commodities, but also as a supplier of guns, brandy and all the other products needed to conduct the slave trade off the African coast. Qua rters of the above towns were engaged in this two-way slave­ based traffic and industry, as well as many towns and villages alomg river and other routes linking them with the ports. The British, French, German, Portuguese, Scandinavian ship-building industries depended for centuries on slavery.European sailors lived off the traffic, 18,000 in Britain alone in the late 19th century. As early as 1683 thousands of workers in London and Kidderminster in England were employed solely in making small items of iron,glass,copper, paper,gunpowder,spoons,casks,as well as containers for brandy to use for paying African chiefs and their European masters on the Guinea coast. The continent of Europe contained similar slave-based factories. Families in Europe were supported by relatives engaged in the slave-traffic and slavery. Every religion, both Catholic and Protestant, preached slavery and in the late 19th century, when conditions favoured abolition, took up emancipation. Materially and spiritually no Eur­ op€f}ll..could escape the European slave-trade and planta­ tion slavery o ·Slavery was the foundation of the European and especially of the Brit!ish industria_l revolution (Eric Williams, "CAPITALISM AND SLAVERY, London 194:4:). Slave­ labour was the first major form of capitalist labour producing surplus value. The colonial system of slavery was the first and foremost basic industry of capitalism, employing overwhelmingly more labour than any other in­ dustry. The Lancashire cotton industry rested wholly on American slave plantations, until Indian caste-labour was added in the 1.8th and 19th centuries. West· Indian plan­ tation' slavery was the basis of the rise of the British 19

f�npire ( Churc hill's HISTORIES). The inven tions of Watt, Hargreaves and Arkwr�ght in English industry and of W;itney's gin, were products of African slave­ labour in the Carribeans and America. The flourishing of the universities of Europe and of the discoveries in physics (Galileo,Newton,Keplerian astronomy,etc.,), chemistry (Priestly,Lavoisier,Dalton etc., ) and in mathematics (Napier and those inventing probability had their material basis in shipping i¥surance linked with slaving) had below them the million-handed toil of Negro slaves in plantations owned by Europeans, and a slave-traffic which killed off one in every three Africans who survived infancy, for 4 centur:iiies. The total destruction of life in Africa by slaving was in the order of 150 million (Jaffe, AFRICA, Milan 1979) or 200million (Senghor,Ndiaye). Europe could not but be inwardly and deeply dependant upon such destruction and exploitation. Only the Bristol slave-ships carried 200,000 slaves from Africa after the Cromwell Revolution. The boats of the British Royal African Company shipped at the rate of over 5000 a year. By 1760 there were 146 British slave-ships carrying annually 36,000 out of Africa.In the first century of the British trade these slave ships carried over 2 million to the Americas ( W.Howitt, du Bois,Falconbridge,Blommaert on slaving). By 1800, 500 British slave-ships comprised over 1/3 of the total British merchant marine fleet. By 1800, 80% of British imports carried by these ships came only from the West In9-ian plantations. After its national unification in the 1579 Utre­ cht Treaty Holland, in rivalry with Spain, began a slave trade which by 1619 began to export slaves from Africa to the Dutch planters in America. Dutch ship­ ping and slaving power grew after the 1641 defeat of the Portuguese in Malacca and that of 1656 in Ceylon by Holland.The Dutch expansion was checked by the 1651 British Navigation Act and British rivalry finally triumphed by the mid-1.8th century. Am sterdam and the main towns of Holland, including de Hague were rapidly expanded by the Dutch slaving and sl;very in the New World, at the Cape and in Ceylon and 20

Indonesia. Dutch mercantilism, merchant shipping and ship-building, all of which lay beneath the Calvinist Reformation in Holland of the 17th to 18th centuries and the Dutch-Flemish Renaissance (including Rembranat, Franz Hals, van Eck, Bosch etc.,), had beneath it, in turn, a global slave traffic and plantation slavery. Such, too, had been the history of wealth which gave to Spain her Valesquez and Goya. The Germans, from the Banse onwards, financed and profited from slaving mercantilism, with families like the Fuggers leading the colonial chase oi rising Germ8:11 bankers (Marx had noted the slaving role of Germany and her "hidden colonialism" in his CAPITAL). Germany built slave-forts off the W.African coast, as did Denmark and Sweden. Nor were the Russians out of the slave-hunt on the Guinea coast of gold,ivory and slaves. Even the eating habits and dress of Europeans of various classes underwent changes. Coffee and tobacco from the slave plantations of the Americas, sugar from the Carribeans, tea from the Asian plantations, the introduction of the Amerindian maize, of Arab-Asian spices and salted meat - all these produced radical changes in the eating habits of everyone in Europe. Cotton from the American plantations of the Deep South and later from India - especially afte�i the American Civil War of the 1860's-brought abouta crisis in the Lancashire,Flemish,Dutch and German textile industries­ changed the dress habits of everyone in towns, villages and country estates through. Europe. Finally, the very substance of ideology underwent a continental­ wide change as colour-racialism, bred by slavery, entered into the European body-politic, into new inter­ pretations �f the Old Testament (Thus Calvinism in the Deep South and the Cape justified racial inequal­ ity by citing the Bible); Wesleyans, like Whitfield, resorted to Biblical texts to justify slavery, while Handel's Messiah had an overtone of Hallelujah to slavery not long before economic expediency and slave revolts signalled its doom. The slavery which Europe had brought to Africa,Asia and the Americas had ret­ urned into the substance of every-day life in Europe itself. 21

Neither the British 1648 nor the French 1789 Revolu­ tions, nor the Reformation nor the early pre­ Wilberforce missionaries o;posed or abolished slavery. Ex-Europeans like settlers opposed to Simon Bolivar's 1 San Domingo• and Haiti in the early 19th alliance with century1 raised arms against his abolition of slavery, while the Independence democrats of the United States wrote slavery into the early American constitutions, Payne,Franklin and Lafayette notwithstanding. On the contrary, the Lafayette faction allied to the Barnave party in the French Convention represented French slave-holders in the New World.

FROM CHATTEL TO WAGE SLAVERY- ".AOOLITION". Although the French Revolution did not abolish slavery in French colonies, it granted honorary citizenship to anti-slavery campaigners like Clarkson and Wilberforce of England. After Thermidor, Napolean's army maintained colonial slavery by force against the Haiti revolt led by Toussant L'Overture and Desalines. France also maintained the slave trade from Goree, the slave-export island off Dakar,Senegal. In Goree Museum today is a copy of Napoleon's·· decree maintaining slavery, In 1772 the British jud_ge," W.M.Mansfield freed a slave and this decision e�ancipated !4,000 ex-African slaves in England. In 1808 the slave trade was abol­ ished in the British Empire. The immediate effect of this was the.seizure by the powerful British navy of all slaves on slave-ships in the Atlantic and Indian oceans and re-enslaving them as "prize" negroes to Cape and other slave-owners, in the form of a long­ term indentureship. Others were landed at Sierra Leone to help Britain found a new colony, and in 1808, American abollitionist s used manumitted slaves and free "negroes" to establish a White-dominated but "Black" administered cheap-labour colony in Liberia, in which e·x-American ex-slaves began a class tyrrunny over and against the dispossessed Africans in newly conquered and occupied Liberia. In 1821 Harvard drafted a "constitution" for a Liberian colony, which Stephen Benson, President of Liberia in 1856, elaborated and 22

implemented. The connection between abolitionist "whites" and indirect American colonies was also manifest in the case of England where Wilberforce led emancipation movements backed the export of miss­ ionaries to Ashanti-land, the Cape, India & the uncon­ quered parts of Africa. Hence the role of the London Missionary Society (e.g. John Philip, emancipationist and segregationist at the Cape from 1819 and an organ­ iser of wars of disposession against the Xhosa peoples) and the Wesleyans, led by Shaw in S.Africa, in the early 19th century. Here,too, abolition movements "at home" had direct and personal-political ties with colonialist missionary "work". The Catholic missions, such as that which set up the mission of Caselis next to Moshoeshoe in Basutoland before the middle of the 19th century carried out their essential dispossesing and dividing'function. A similar link existed between European anti-slavery movements and "explore-rs" like David Livingstone and Stanley during the rise of imperialism in the second half of the 19th century. Finally abolitionism was an expression of the incre as­ ing economic inefficiency and political rebellions of slave-labour and the tendency of their capitalist employers to convert them to, or replace them with, wage-labour. Fox,Wilberforce,Burke,Pitt,Grenville Sharp and their followers condemned slavery in the West Indies 7 sugar plantations in campaigns, such as one in 1 97. Anti-abolitionists as late as �832 (in the Journal, "The Looking Glass") pointed out that British wage­ slavery was as bad as West Indian slavery. The "arg­ u• .. ment" ended legally, with abolition of slavery itself in the British empire in 1834, and in the French empire in 1848, followed by Abraham Lincoln's abolition decree of January 1, 1863. The latter was preceded by·a recommendation from Lincoln (who was an abolition­ ist but·a racist) on December 1, 1862, proposing compensation to the slave-owners, as a means to "short­ en the war ".· Already in 1789 the British. parliament debated a motion of .abolition of the slave trade, which was opposed by West Indian slavers at· a meeting of the Assembly of Jamaica on 20 October, 1789. The 23

slave-owners, in the end, were compensat ed at the rate of £50 a slave, which was considered under their market value by the owners (whose buying price was, on aver­ age, £10 ). Even after the 1808 abolition the slave trade continued, with Europeans using Arabian and African intermediaries and then blaming the continued European-controlled traffic on to "Arab slavers" and using this as a pretext for invasions and occupations in Africa such as those of the German missionaries in East A!rica,Krapf and Rebmann,from1840 to 1850 and of Burton and Speke from1857. European slave-traders were selling ivory at Grahamstown,Cape, as late as 1850.The Goree Museum curator, M.Ndiaye, told me, with evidence, of a vast European-directed traffic to the Americas after the 1808 "abolition", and one such table which can be se.en in the Museum courtyard shows over 500,000 illegal slaves exported from Goree alone between this "abolition" and 1850. (J.Harris, A ChP-JTlJRY OF EMANCIPATION, London,1933. A History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1518-1865, Longmans,1963. W.L. Mathieson, BRITISH SLAVERY AND ITS AOOLITION, London, 1926. P.Coupland, WILBERFORCE, London,1945. H.Jaffe, AFRICA FROM ffiIBALISM TO SOCIALISM,Milan,1970, Mexico and Madrid,1976.) Abolition was at its height during the very peaks, also, of British conquests in India and South Africa from the middle of the 18th to the middle of the 19th centuries, and of French conquests along the West and North coasts of Africa. The American War of Independ­ ence of 1776 was led by slave-owners who inscribed slavery in their constitution. The abolitionist movement was as colonialistic as, and not less :t'acialistic than, the pre-:-slavery movement. Both had behind them vested interests in and linked with West Indian sugar, American cotton,tobacco �d indu.:.Jtry, and,later, Indian cotton and spices. No examples show the connection between abolit­ ionism and colonialism: first: the conqueror and mass mu..rd.erer of the Congo (Zaire) from 1875,Stanley, .exp�cted 'and recieved financial and political support ··· •, from the Manche-ster Abo-Iitionists; second, Cecil Rhodes ' . ' after his conquest of Rhodesia in the 1800' s, gave

special thanks to the BritiAh Emancipationist movement and the Salvation Army at a celebration held. in th P. Cape Town Drill Hall. Slave labour was the first form of capitalist exploitation in the colonies. It was not pre-capitalist, but a prolonged characteristic of capitalism. Cairnes, in the SLAVE POWER(London and Cambridge,1862, and Devon,1968) writes: "annual profits often equal the -whole capital of plantations". This high profitability of slave labour existed up to the dying days of American slavery, before the Civil War declaration of emancipation(made by Lincoln for military reasona, to ensure the collapse of the slave-states of the South). Shortly before abolition in America the price of a slave had risen to-4000 dollars. One reason for abolition of the slave traffic was to push up the price of existing slaves in Ame.rica. From 1840 to 1850 the_ "breeding slaves" inside Virginia and N.Carolina to supply Alabhama and Louisiana gave ri�e to an internal slave trade of 1� million slaves, sold at an average of 700 dollars. By 1850 there were 4 million slaves owned by 400,000 whit.e masters in the States. The saturation of the slave plantations with slave labour was increased by the effects of the cotton gin of Witney and by rationalised intensive methods of labour. The area under slavecultivation in relation to demand of'the European industrial Revolution put a further limit on the requirement of slaves. The overproduction crises of the Industrial Revolution in Europe at the end of the 18th century helped abolition of the slave trade by 1807-8, and the crises in industry in Europe in the mid-19th century made the retention of non-working slaves on sugar, cotton and other plantations expensive, for the owners had to feed, clothe and,.house their slaves without always making a profit, in such periods. "Free wage labour" seemed cheaper in such times. The New England industrialists'own rise had come from international trade whose pivot was slavery (linking Africa-W.Indies, New York- the North-west ports of Europe, such as Bristol,Plymouth,Liverpool,Bordeaux,Calais,Antwerp, Amsterdam,Rotterdam,Hamburg,Bremen,Da nzig).Now the 25

r which had nourished them needed replac­ ch ap wage labour, including that �f freed ad redundant in the Deep South. Finally, la revolt and the rebellious destruction of tools d d.ra,ight-cattle b plantations slaves had �ecome nd i and too e pensive to maintain, (on which comm nted in CAPITAL) despite the overall prof1t­ bilit and high prices of the slaves. The slave rebllion, of 'Which the grand Haiti uprisil'.g, which t.he French revolution supressed bloodily, was the greatest, re a major cause of abolition. Americar. ex-slaves and laves played a leading part in this real social revolution in the United States. RACIALISM. Colour racialism has always, from the start of capitalist-colonialism, right into the present late 20th century, been the ideological cement for slavery and subsequent forms of colonial super-exploitation and oppression. It has served the real purpose of eparating the European and later also the North .Aaer�can colonialists from their Non-European colonial victims and prey.It has served the real material role of preserving cheap docile, slave-mentality super­ profit-producing colonial labour. It has been a political means of pe�petu.ating tae economic domination of the merchant companies, the planters, old and ne�-, the �obson type monopolies and trans-nationals by aeans of open or hidden permanent reigns of racist terror in the mines, on ·the railways and farms and in the locations, compounds and reserves of Africa, central and southern .America and Asia, as well as all the oceanic islands. It has been the psychological bala and opium of the Europeans to justify these economic, social and political means and ends and a �t-te -to strangle the cry of freedom among t.he colonial �oples. It generated hate by Europeans a.ad fear and later also hate among on-Europeans. But itself was generated not by hate but by tl1l� raciali global real .materia:J. interests of Euro-American �ap­ italiSII.

26

There were no Europeans-not even the term­ before 16th century colonialism. Europeans were in­ vented, together with "race",to distinguish the slavers from the slaves,the conquerors from the conquered,the dispossessors from the dispossessed in America,Africa and Asia; _and to unite the dif­ ferent oppressor-nations into a common "master-race" while grouping the subject people together as in­ ferior,separate, "races". So thoroughly did capital­ ism violate the natural biolog��al oneness of man­ kind as racially indivisible,that,even Marxists of renown accepted as given the existence of different, albeit eq-q.al,human "races"� With few exceptions,such as the Non-European Unity Movement, founded in 1943 in South Africa,colonial-liberation movements like­ wise fell into the trap of "races", "ethnic groups" and used these to classify the oppressed themselves. They accepted the concepts �f capitalist-colonial­ ism as:if these arise out of science and nature themselves. fut "race" rationalised and organised )the colonial oppression of capitalism.

*

Marx himself was an exception. RA.ae-blind,he merely usee "race" for "nation",as was common usage(In AFGHAN.:.. ISTAN,New York. Daily fribune,14.2.1857;1NDIA,8.8.1853). Engels was less immune in"AFGHANISTAN"(New American Cyclopaedia,Vol.1.1858),and in "MOROCC0"(17.9.1857,for New American Cyclopaedia) where he wrote of the "Moors" as "a timid race,reserving nevertheless their cruelty and vindictiveness,while in morsl character they stand very low 0 • In a letter to H.Storkenberg of 25.1.1894 he wrote:"Now, ?'.'ace .itself is an economic factor"-an error seized on by L.Senghor in his "ON AN AFRICAN RE­ READING OF MARX AND ENGELS"(Dakar,1976,p.1�). Trotsky, in his letter to South Africa of 20 April 1935,wrote of "the relations between the two races" and of the struggle "to help the Negroes to catch up to the White race in order to ascend hand in hand with them to new cultural heigbts"-concepts qsite alien to the pre-NEUM New Era Fel_lowshi_p founded in 1937 in Cape Town.

27

Arising directly, as a "theory", out of slaving and slavery, it became a weapon in conquest, 01sposs­ ession and looting by Europe. It was used to justify the almost total destruction by Europe,from the 15th to th� 19th centuries, of the ancient collective despotic civilisations of Ghana,Mali,Benin,Hausa, Congo, Zimbabwe,Zanj civilisations in Africa, many with cultures of the same level as of contemporary Europe (Ibn Ba.ttuta,EJ Masudi,Ibn .Khaldoun,Leo Africanus before the 15th centu.ries, later: du Bois,C issoko, Kizerbo,Davidson, I.F.A.N)rhe urban cities and collec­ tive despotisms of the Incas around and in Peru, of the Mexican Aztec society, and of post-Mayan struct­ ures were ruined forever and their peoples enslaved or decimated. The number massacred in .America and Africa alone by Europe from the 15th to the 19th century is in the order of 300 millions. Africa became a depopulated reservoir of sla�es and ,by 1800 its population was only-half that of Europe (100 million, against 190 million). The destructive post-slaving effect of capitalist colonialism upon Africa, unto this day, is shown by the fact that the African population, nearly 2 centuries later, stands at about 4 times that of 1800, while that of Europe (up to the Urals) stands at about 3� times its 1800 figure, despite the exodus of½ of this population or a number equal to that of the whole of Western Europe - to the Americas, Aust­ ralasia, South Africa etc., The open genocide pract­ ised by the Europeans in America against the "Indians", in Austr�lia against the "aborigines", in South Africa against the "San" and throughout Africa during the slave-traffic, was replaced by more hidden forms of genocide: through destruction of India's pre-British irrigation system, the destruction by England of the caste systemta productive and unifying effects, the famines of which Marx and others have written, the physical starvation accompanying industrial starvation wich typifies the "development of under_-;-development" (Frank), the lowering of average heights�::artd weights through super-exploitation by Euro-American states and mult,i-nationals, the secessionistic wars provoked 28

after the wars of conquest, the invasions of Ethiopia by Italy, of China by Japan, of Egypt by Britain, France and Israel, the uph.olding by Europe of the s. African system of racialism in the 19th and 20th centuries, the daily dying which results from the European Economic Comnrunity and its neo-colonialistic Lome Convention••• Finally, the old open racialism and colour hatred has been replaced by post-indepen­ dence forms of "aid"-type, paternalistic but devast­ ating "different but equal" racialist techniques, -which have become the "praxis" of the Europeans from s.Africa to Brussels. The pre-Discovery anti- arab racialism and the prolonged anti-semitism of Europe has, after World War Two, been succeeded by a rapidly spreading racialism against West Indians, Africans, Asians in every W.Eu.ropean country. There is a new pogromism (e.g. after !rans revolution ) and a "feed­ back" both of colonial people and of colour racialism from tb.e colonial system outside Europe into itsfons origo. This "source" has now become also a "delta" of racial destruction. Modern European towns have witnessed "racial riots" (pogroms) in Marseilles, Paris,Amsterdam,Southern Spain,Nottinghill Gate,Southall, not to mention New York,Detroit,:Washington and a hundred and one cities of the United States, and the assaults of German workers upon Turks. The system of colomialism has changed form after abolition, but not its e . ssential content, neither with respect to its material base, nor eith respect to its ideology of colour-racialism. Racialism is the dominant ideology of capitalism and has continued to be so after abolition of slaving in 1808 and slavery in 183q (British Empire), 1848 (French Empire), 1862 (USA), 1880's (ex-Spanish Empire). Here we are concerned more with its "feedbac-k" into Europe than with its modes and forms in Europe's colonies. Not only did it enter the everyday "uncon­ scious" mind of Europeans -who eventually accepted the invention of race as something self-evident; but. it went into almost every sphere of "science" and liter­ ature. Few Europeans will today accept the self­ evident proposition that the only human race is the 29

human race itself; that there are no human races. This axiomatic, scientific truth was accepted ever1jWhere without doubt, in practise and thought, before "race" was invented by the colonialistic scumand spawn of EuropeJ "race" did not exist as an idea or. as a word before the Crusades, nor as a common notion in Europe before the 15th century when European slaving began. Yet Europe,itself born with "race" as its birthmark, afterwards had no doubt that mankind·was, indeed, divi.sible and classifiable into "races". Despite 20th century attempts at re-classificati0n (Huxley,Vallois, Nesturck among the best) the main skin-colour distin­ ctions produced by colonialism remain: that of "White", "Brown","Yellow" and "Black" races. The Humanist "rediscovery" of the Greek classics gave a racist twist to an idea of Aristotle (38q.-322 BC) that menstruation stopped during pregnancy because the blood passed to the foetus. The racists justified an inherited blood theory on this notion. "Blood" became an element of "race". Plato's division of men into gold, silver and brass types was given a racial interpretation. Carlo Linneo (1707-1778· )used Hippo­ rates' (1±60-377 BC) four tempermental types to define the four "races": 'the "Yellows" were the "phlegmatics", the "Browns" the cholerics, the "Blacks" the "melan­ cholics" and the "Whites", of course, the "sanguine" type.

In biology, Buffon (1707-1788), Haeckel (1831±-1919) Thomas Huxley ( 1825-1895) and even Julian Huxley ( in LA RAZZA IN EUBDPE,1939) upheld racial categories. The physicist Cuvier (1769-1832) was a race-classifier. "Race" became elevated into a "science", under "anth­ ropology" and "ethnology", (with its racist identitv ., cult taken up in the 20th century from Durkheim and other �ollowers of Auguste Comte by Sartre and other European "identity cultists" of Ihe"African personali tr") and so called "African Studies" (after "independence" in the old European direct colonies, now converted into European semi-colonies managed by subordinate natioi;tal bo�ge�isie� or ex-tribal bureaucracies). _ Whole facul.les 1.Il all universities of Europe devoted themselves, and still do, to this bogus "science". 30

In l · .erary- circles racia li acle it entrance: ....iaA,-.-... ...,peare ;J othello , and . rchan of Venice" raciali i� depicted. The race-concept appear on' Paradise Lost (166 .., and this ecretary -·-rell and friend of Galileo endorsed a slaving, i-�rica Co mfeal th • Ille 1a-urks of Too as Carlyle (1 ;95-1 1), Charles Kingsley (1 19-1 75), Madison ant= Ch berlain, _-ie ""che all upheld the racial the-i ... of the French coun:t Joseph .:\.rthur de Gobineau (11 1 - in hi~ Saggio su.Ila disegualianza della raz- e 11.�·�ne". One �ar after Gobinean's death, Fried­ rich Max Kuller (1 �.J-1900) propounded his theo1� of an .!ryan, Indo-Ruropean language ,,hich ..-as distorted in o rc-cialis ic doctrine, and abused by Hi ler's _ azis. ':lne .American E.Jafferson believed in t.he intell­ ectual inferiority of the Xe gro ! and Abraham.Lincoln in his Quincy address of 1 58, as "-ell as in other �peeches, declared him.self a believer in the social, political, juridicaL and parliamentary segregation of and denial of the franchise to the negroes. Lincoln also opJX>sed "white-Black" marriages and said nthere is a physical difference between the w-hite race and (ADIRESSES OF LTICOL�.) The I.MS mission­ the neg:ro. ary John Hiilip vas a racialist and segregationist in the first half of the 19th century, in the midst of his anti-slavery campaign. Richard Burton, the British ndiscoverer",said that after puberty the African ceased to develope mentally and the biologist,Sommer­ ing, said that the African was "by nature sad, of a bad character, obedient and therefore born only to be a slave". Rudyard Kipling, British poet in India and friend of Cecil IUiodes, at the height of what Hobson called "imperialism", glorified the "blood" of England. "Explorers 11 , like Barth,Speke,Peters,LivingstonP, Stanley,de Brazza,Thys,Dapper and others wrote under the growing s.w·ay of a racist vision of Afric-3, as did Macauley on India. Whereas the African ( ex-Arabian) Berbers, "�"ubi u1$", Peu.ls, Tn.aregs, Libyans, Trico�oUJ5 1 Ouolofs, Casrunanc�, Hausa, Yoruba, Benin and mAny Rant,u quickly adopted Islam, as did much of Hindu L ia, and made Islam part i,.

31

of their own societies, in which i-t replaced or co­ existed with preceding religions and beliefs; and wberea s . Ihddism and Hinduism were likewise non-race-discriminatory, the Chri�tian religions, when they caJJle to the .Americas, Africa and Asia, were immediately racialistic in treatment and ideas. Both Protestant and Catholic faiths and Churches justified the slave trade and slav­ ery on the grounds, inter alia, that the Africans were soul-lesA, therefore not quite human and hence expend­ ible. Both justified. and sanctified conquest, disposs­ eession and exploitation and took part in executions and mass genocides, as well as in slavery itself from Brazil to Georgia, to Angola and Goa and Java. The slave trade and raciali1Sm of men- like John Hawkins of Plymouth before and during Elizabeth 1 changed the life-style and outlook of such towns.The Hawkins and their relation, Francis Drake, after one slave voyage, were the richest family in Plymouth; after the second, the richest family in England. The very every-day language of parts of Europe adopted the vocabulary of racialism. In writings the word "African", as a special type, became part of wider literature after about 1564. The word "European ", as a racial type, first seems to enter literature in Englan.d in. 1603 when the European was becoming the mast.er of the slaves. The abusive term of "coolie", a possible corruption of "kuliukol", the DBllle of a Guzerat tribe, "':Jegins about 1598, with the growing Europea:n. rape of India. The racist term "ghetto", a by-product of anti-Arab racialism, begins in Italy around 1611� The term "negro", as a "black man", begins among the Portuguese and Spanish racists around 1550 in the Americas and by 1700 had acquired the meaning of "black, vile and dirty" (Webster). Sub-type words appear like "negroid"(1859), "negrophile"{1842 with the rise of the liberal emancipation movement in America) "negrophobe"(1883 with the anti-Negro reaction to the abolition of slavery). The every-day offici.al language of racist South Africa has been the common language of Eu.rope for nearly 5 centuries, with "European" being synonymous with "White". Nazism's racial doctrjne took over in the 1920's and 1930's 32

the racist ideas, ideology and terminology long conunon among Europeans, both abroad in the colonies and in Europe itself. In a sense Nazism came to power in1933 because it spoke the language of the people. This was the ultimate "feedback" of colonial racialism into Europe, its source. The "Holocaust" of Belsen,Buchen­ wald etc., was a colonial backlash. COLOUR BAR COLONIES.* (* from COLONIALISM TODAY, H.Jaffe,London 1962.) Colonialism sowed racial discrimination and preju­ dice in all its colonies and at home. It formed many kinds of colour bar (Australian immigration type, also found in California and now ;in England, the s.African type, the hidden-type). But the systematic, general, statutory, official colour bar was bred only in cert­ ain types of colony. The discovery of these types and their origin is the key to answering the question why South Africa became a colour bar dominated colony compared with, say, India or China. The usual explanation is that this colour bar accompanied large-scale European settlement. This is true (but only part of the full explanation) 9 but does not explain this settlement itself. The latter is usually explained as being due to the attraction of a pleasant climate and habitat. This explanation, is, however, not only an over-generalisation, but also implicitly racist, since it assumes that there are different "races" with different abilities to stand heat and humidity. The fact is that there are light­ skinned people in China, among the Berbers and Arabs in the very hot desert and also tropical regions and very dark-skinned people in the Himalayas, Tibet, Alaska and Northern Russia in very cold regions. Darwin observed long ago that there was no necessary link between climate and colour. Secondly, this "natural" explanation for European settlement, fails to explaj.n why the Europeans did not settle in the congenial climes and bountiful habitats of North Africa (besides Algeria ), parts of China, the Philippines and Japan; and why, on the other hand, ther was

33

heavy European settlement in the hot, humid awJ w.d.­ u.rally "unpleasant" equatorial regions of coastal "Latin" America as well as in the cold regions ,,f orth America. Clearly, a social rather than a natural explanation is called for. ow, in general, change is the emergence of novelty out of the conflict of opposites, which ar� themselves changed by their conflict. Thus capitalig-:­ became capitalism in the conflict between protocapitalism from Europe and tribalism, 11 despotism" awl feudalism inside and outside Europe. In the main, capitalism was the product of the colonial system it established. Thereby, a small cause of change was itself changed into a vorld system by the changes it caused. On the other hand, the tribal and feudal societies -which capitalism changed into colonies ·stamped their own previous history on the colonies which resulted from their subjugation. Like all phenomena, colonies were the resultants of the inter­ sections of the histories of all the forces bringing them about and metamorphosed by them. 'fhns, the type of colony emerging from conquest and subjection had not only the general features of a capitalist colony ( source of cheap labour and raw· materials, market for commodities and capital,etc.,). It had also specific features which came largely fro� the type of society which existed in each particular colony before it was colonised. The depth and scope of the colonial transfornat­ ion of a particular area was proportional to the degree of development of capitalist colonialism. fut it was also inversly proportional to the degree of development of the pre-colonial civilisation of the colonised country. There was, accordingly, a -�de scale of transformations, ranging from a minimum in highly "despotic" China to a maximum in lowly tribai Australia. {In the case of China, collective-despot:� practices hampered colonialism. In Australia, the military and social wea1mess of tribalism enabled d.· brutality oi the conquistadores to go so far that tl� colonial people were decimated and the colony was 34

changed into a "mother country". The same thing happened to Canada and the United States.) The idea of change through the collision of history-bearing opposites reveals three broad types of colonised regions. Firstly, those broad areas where colonialism clashed with class-despotic type civilisations at various levels (e.g. most of Asia, North Africa, Sudanese West Africa). The corrupted or subjected "feudal" upper classes became the base for the rule of the colonial powers. Without distur­ bing this convenient situation it was u�ither neces­ sary nor possible for colonialism to introduce large numbers of European settlers into such "feudal" colonies. European settlement filled a social and political vacum where this existed and was a conseq­ uence of this, rather than of "climate". In the communal despotic (Cb.ina,Java,Ceylon etc.,) type of colony, not only European settlement, but also slavery, was an impossibility on a general scale. For these societies which were colonised had long before advan­ ced beyond the stage of slave ry and its re-introduc­ tion would have met and, where tried did met, general resistance.Thus, in this type of colony two of the conditions for a general colour bar - European settlement and chattel slavery - did not exist on a sufficient scale (e.g. "feudal" China - wrongly def­ ined as feudal by Needham et_altri. Marx called it "Oriental Despotism" - whose combination of husbandry and home industry even prevented the penetration of Lancashire textiles and hence of imperialism into the interior, let alone its introduction of a general colour bar; India, whose caste system division of labour facilitated the passage of British manufacturers but resisted the restoration of slavery;Java,West Africa, North Africa,Aztec and Inca America and later Buganda, Ruanda-Urundi and Ethiopia-all these had strong "barbarism" elements and this factor impeded the total enslavement as such of the population and the uninhib­ ited entry of European settlers). To the extent that they overcame the class impedances, as in South .America, the colonisers introduced slavery and colour discrim­ ination practices (e.g., the racial "White" mantu in

35

... .. s.America, property and litera��- excuses for denyin� the franchise to the "indigens", social, residential and job colour bars which exist to this day in S.Am­ erica where the semi-colonial rulers are mainly European settlers) - as is the case in S.Africa too where "Boers" are not a "national bourgeoisie" but imperialist settlers. A second type of colony was that which had a pre­ conquest civilisation which Morgan called "sava,er.f" (hunting,fishing,food-gathering).In such areas lnor­ thern part of North America,Australia) the indigens were decimated by war, land-robbery and the destruc­ tion of their means of subsistence (e.g. the buffalo of the .Amerindians) and the survivors herded into reservations. The result of this process was that the colonisers deprived themselves of all large-scale internal sources of cheap labour. Although they thereby gained vast land-areas they had no labour to work these lands unless such labour was imported. The unsuitab­ ility of slave-labour to the type of farming in ,Australia and Canada, for example, plus the fact that a process of decimation was completed after the abolition of the slave-traffic, plus early colour-immigration laws combined to rule out the substitution of imported for local labour. In consequence a type of capitalism developed in such countries which produced, not only a colony, but its opposite: an imperialist settlement (in effect, a distant "county" of the home country). In the Southern States of what was later the United States, the physical annihilation of the ind­ igens took place in a region where plantation slavery was possible (and also, to a lesser extent, in Brazil). This annihilation had, further, gone far enough before the aystem of slavery became uneconomic for colonial­ ism (and was therefo�e abolished) to permit the mass importation of slaves. Settlers followed and ideal conditions came together for the emergence of a "colour-caste" society. (The term colour-caste used here in1960-2 was taken too literal.ly by No Sizwe ONE NATION, 0.N'E AZANIA (sic!) London,1979�Europe:ui", "African'.', "Co.loured" etc., are not pre-capitalist like "castes", but that specific capitalist-

36

colonialist invention, "races" elaborated, without scientific validity, into "soc'ial formations" in the specific conditions of S.Africa,u.s.A.,etc., The correct historical materialist "definition" should flow from the real historical processes, not from formal transfers of concepts from one epoch and area to socio-economically different regions and times.) The same combination took place in the third type of colony.This had a pre-colonial civilisation which Morgan had called "barbarism" (herding and cultivation on communally held_land).South Africa, with its highly developed .Khoi-.Khoin (slanderously mis-named "Hotten­ tots" by the invaders) and Bantu tribal civilisations, was such a colony. On the one hand, the people could not, because of their greater resilience and social and economic versatility, be decimated by the conquerors. (In South Africa this happened only to the hunting,fishing and food-gathering Batwa - mis­ named "Bushmen" but not, generally, to the Khoi-Ehoin andBantu). On the other hand, their social order was a pre-class one and hence did not provide the conquer­ ors with a ready made upper class through which a class­ divided society could be managed. There was thus a social-political vacuum which was rapidly filled by European settlers. (Had they tried to enter India, for example, ln large numbers, they would have been ruined in the military and economic - not to mention cultural - conflict with the "feudals".) At the same time, there remained a vast enslaveable labour force, which, augmented by imported slaves from Java and elsewhere, resulted in a chattel-slavery base for the economy. A colour barrier was raised between masters (of all classes) and slaves, to prevent social diffusion. The confluence of "White" settlement and "Black" slavery on previously tribal soil produced the syst­ ematic colour bar. EUROPEAN "EXPLORATION".

The following were among the main "explorations" of European colonialism: Firstly, the travels of Marco Polo (1272 etc.,)

37

to Asia, and the oceanic voyages of "discovery" of Vivaldi (1291, to E.Africa), de la Cerda (1344, to Canaries), Gonzales {1q41, to Rio de Oro), Cada Koau (1�56,Cape Verde),Diaz de Novais (1'160,1476,Angola), Gomes (1469,Ghana coast),Fernando Po (guinea,1471), Di go Cam (1q82,Congo,11:l8q to Namibia),Bart.bolo Diaz (Cape of Good Hope,1487),Colombus (1492 to Cuba and W. Indies) ,da Gama ( to India,1497,Madagascar, 1498), Covilha (Ethiopia,1513),Cortez,Vespucci and Pizarro to South America, Cabet to North America, the cir ..-.--r....---­ navigations of Magellan. and Drake (1588) in the 16th century. Secondly, after the formal conquests of contin­ ents and the exploitation of the coasts, the penetr­ ation into the interior followed. In Asia this vas achieved by the Portuguese,Jlutch,French and English via local "oriental despots" collaborating rith the new conquerors. In N.America it was done via 11pioneer= decimating the Amerindians. In Africa there were the "explorers": Behind these stood European Companies, often chartered by the monarchic states. .Among the earliest of these were: the Fr_ench Company of Senegal and Gambia, founded in 1624 already, the D:11:c� East India Company which ruled the Cape,Java and had other Asian fOSsessions, the French Company of �est Africa (1626), the Senegalese Company of Dieppe and Bouen (1633), the Company of Cape Verde (1638), the Society of Jesus (which had a privte slave-tradioe; navy operating from lnanda,interalia, from1650) • .Aaong the early explorers connected with these colonial companies was Olfort Dapper, who explored Benin (1668). The German king Frederick William of Prussia in 1677 headed a colonial organisation w-i t.h slave forts on the Gold Coast. In 1697-1700 the French Company director, Andre Brue, explored the Senegal River. This company become part of the grt:>d-::c-: Pren-ch India company. The Royal Company of Portuga 1 was active in Goa,India and East and West Africa until its monopoly was broken by the British and b, Portuguese private slavers in 1698. Between 169 a.th· 1707 alone the British Royal Company, a slaving 38

colonial company which paid a "royalty" to the post­ Stuart British monarchy, shipping 18, 000 African slaves to the West Indies. "Explorations" into Africa multiplied in the 18th century: Pelays (1732), slave-hunters of the Compagne del Gran Para (1750) and of the British Company of the Merchants of Bristol (1750), of the Dutch East Company (under Tulbach, at the Cape, mid-18th century), James Bruce (Blue Nile and Ethiopia,1768),Houghton (Gambia,1791),Mwigo Park (Gambia,Niger,179 5-7, financed by the "African Association" Company.) In 1798 Lacerda, Brazilian mathematician, "explored" from Mozambique. In 1803 Mungo Park, with 400 soldiers, began his second "exploration" of the Niger. In 1805 the missionary brothers Albrecht, from Germany "explored" and "settled" southern Namibia. From 1834 the Boer "trekkers" "explored" Natal and the Transvaal massacring the Zulu, Sotho and Ndabele people en route. In 1823 Owen "explored" Zululand with a missionary, while Clapperton and Denham "explored" up to lake Chad. In 1825 Clapperton died during an exploration from Lagos and in 1830 the brothers Lander descended the Niger up to the Atlantic and gave England the chance to declare that it had "discovered" the course of this great river. In 1828 Rene. Caille reached Timbuctoo and aroused European interest in the Saharan-Sudan conquests of France. Two years later, in 1830, France announced the conquest and White settlement of Algeria. In 1831 Gamitto and Monteiro explored central Africa for Portugal and "Porto" Silva did likewise from Luanda, Benguela and Bie. In 1841 David Livingstone arrived at the Cape to combine "commerce with Christianity" and began his "explo r ations" of east and central Africa. From 1840 to 1850 the German missionary­ explorers, Krapf and Rebrann ,"explored" the Chagga areas, Tanganyika, while Livingstone reached Barotseland (N.Rhodesia, later). From 1850 to 1856 Heinrich Barth explored the Sudan, including Timbuctoo from which town he removed a mass of precious docum­ entation. His researches helped to guide the French 39

conquistador, Faidherbe. In 1852 da Silva explored Barotseland. From 1853 to 1856 Livingstone crossed Africa from Luanda to Quelimane and prepared the way for the British Company of African Lakes, run by British settlers in Nyasaland. In 1857 Burton and Speke left Zanzibar to "explore" the wbite Nile. Their travels paved the way for the .British conquest of Uganda. In 1859 to 1864 Livingstone explored central Africa for Britain and in 1860 Speke announced that be had found the source of the White Nile in Lake Victoria. His ex-colleague, Richard Burton, formulated a racial theory of the mental inferiority of the Africans. In 1867 Lacerda's book EXAME DOS VIAGENS DO DOUTOR LIVINGSTONE claimed that Portuguese explorers, D'Almeida,Gamitte ·and Monteiro, inter alia, had explored.those parts of Africa which Livingstone claimed to have done in his MISSIONARY mAVELS. In 1867-73 Livingstone made his last "exploration" and met Stanley, soon to be, with Leopold of Belgium, the genocidal conqueror of· the Congo (Zaire). The link between'the "explorers" and colonial 1 'geographical" societies became more open in the second half of the 19th century. Speke and Burton had b�en financed by the colonialistic British Royal Geographical Society; Portugal's Andrade Corvo, Colon­ ial Minister in 1874, founded the "Geographic Society" of Lisbon; In 1876 Gessi, of Italy, circumnavigated Lake Albert. In 1877 the Lisbon Geographical Society sent Capelo and Ivens and Serpa Pinto from west to east Africa.In 1877 Sir G.T.Goldie fowided the United Africa company in Nigeria. In 1880 Stanley b.egan t.o conquer the_ Congo river region for Belgium.In 1880 Di Braz:za,, Italian born French conquistador and explorer, induced Congo chiefs into fraudulent "treaties", -wbilr Belgium's king made a counter-claim.Di Brazza reached the C_ongo·, from the west, while Stanley did so from tJ1e east .In 1882, following these explorations, the French parliament, including the socialists of the Internat­ ional, acclaimed the di Bra zza treaties. In 1883 Thompson "explored" .Kenya for the future Bri t.ish racist set. tlers.Dy 1883 th� Germans .were in a state of wnr

with the Namibians, the Cameroons and p1 eparing var against the Tanganyika.us. '11he "partition of Afrj ca" was. well under way. In 1883 the German colonial Nazi, Luderitz, claimed part of Namibia for Germany, against ama resistance. Nachtigal, German "consul for West Africa", laid claim to Cameroons.Italains, after forcible seizures from Red Sea incursions, were claiming Somalia and part of Ethiopia. England's consul in Nigeria made "treaties" of usufruct with Ibo chiefs which the English fraudulently translated as purchase of land - a characteristic fraud perpetrated by all European powers and explorers. The Bantu.Arabic and other African tribes and collectivities held land in common, not privately and their treaties could not imply alienation of land, which lay beyond the powers of any chief,who was the trustee and not the proprietor of the commonly held lands.The British, in 1883-4,claimed Zeila and Berbera in Somalia; the Portuguese explorer,Pinto, and Cordoso raised the Portuguese flag over Lake Nyassa after an 188q "exploration".The German Society for Colonisation sent Karl Peters to East Africa in 188q to secure German possession of Tanganyika, into which German capital had entered from a powerful slaving base, operated by the German consulate in Zanzibar.Nachtigal "confirmed" C'terman hegemony over Cameroons according to a treaty made by Woerman,a Hamburg merchant "explorer".Stanley, founder, with Leopold 11, hlng of Belgium, of the International African Association, won the support of the anti-slavery Society of Manchester for his conquests in Congo in October 1� q. 188q BERLIN CONFERENCE AND THE COLONIAL PARTITION OF AFRICA AND ASIA. These and other explorations and the "civilising work" of Geographal and other Colonial Associations and of the Missions of all European churches �-ere part of a long process of colonial dispossession of the Africans and Asians.The beginning of the 19th century saw a successful struggle for national independenc..-.

from Spain by .American liberatory movements led by San Martin in Argentia,Simon Bolivar,in subsequent Bolivia and in the French colonies led by L'Overture and other slave leaders.These were followed,in the mid-19th century by the liberation of Mexico from Spain,led by heroes like Juarez.The liberati01,. of Brazil from Portugal,of Peru,Venezuela,Chile and other American colonies were another part of these grand anti-European colonial revolutions. Most of these American revolutions, and also that of the United States itself,were organised and led by ex-European colonialists and settlers.Their independence did not end the slave trade or plantation slavery in countries like Brazil,nor did it end the racialist exploitation of the dispossessed .Amerindians. The independent states of South America continued to be "White" dominated states,run by Europeans-outside­ Eu.rope,such as was also the case in Southern Africa (Port�gu.ese territories,South Africa and later Rhod­ esia). But in cases such as Mexico,Haiti and the sout­ hern- states of North .America,the ind€pendent regimes were national and frequently clashed with invading Spanish,British and United States forces. In S.America. as a whole,the ex-European settlers ran cheap labour semi-colonies under .American "protection",after the Monroe Doctrine of the 1820's,named after the U.S. President.European emigration en masse continued to South America where the Europeans continued to operate as super-exploiting (basically imperialistic) settlers, using racial techniques,legal or informal,to cement their strong social and economic domination as an emigre-extension of colonialist Europe. Throughout the 19th century,while formally losing most of their American colonies,the European powers sent out traders,missionaries,slavers,investors, companies and armies to convert all of·Africa and Asia i'nto official colonial possessions of thes-e powers. England completed her conquest of India, after 200 years of war and genocide and destruction of the agriculture and civilisations of both Hindu and Moslem states.Holland maintained her Javan colonies, 0rary passive allies of the imperialists against the colonial to:i lerB (e.g. no he.lp by European, American and Japanese lahour fo:r China,N.Korea, India, t:,

61

Java,Malaya,Mau Mau,Algeria,Cuba).But these same workers ere the potential. allies,outside the soc��alist bloc,of the colonial +.,oilers. THE PRINCIPLAL SOCIAL S'ffiUGGLE. !'be history of every class-divided society is comp,)unded of many aocial struggles.Yet for every epoch one of these was fundamental to all. Thus under s}avery the struggle between slave and patrician underlay the patrician-plebs struggle.Under feudalism in Russia and »irope,the main struggle was between tl:e feudals and the serfs.'lllis struggle,indeed,gave birth to the bourgeois struggle against feud.&lism and,in large measure,to the bourgeoisie itself.Und�r capitalism,as is well known, the fundamental .struggle is between capital and labour. In ibis latter struggle,however,the principle component was the historic struggle between colonial J11a.Sters and colonial slaves.The worker-boss struggle inside the colonialist countries (in a way like the patrician-plebs straggle of Rome) took place on the "back'1 of this principal international and social truggle.Moreover, this secondary struggle was deeply; dependent on the principal one. 'ihe "lav' of this dependence J11.ay be stated th • when the colonial struggle is going in favour of the iape£ialists,the latter are able to make concessio to the ho vorkers and the hon!e struggle dies do-wn especially politically).But -when the colonial st_U-iYR, �,;es in .favour of the colonial workers,the imperial are forced to attack the sta.ndardB and ultinate ly ( in fa.sci ·) the rights of the home workers,wbo def_ tlaeaselve� and the home atrnggleR flare up.Fasci5Ill he�,indeed,been ��II defined as tae importation in the lnperiali�t count11- of tbe colonial system (fi� ance �pital,fo:rced !abonr, brutality, dictatorship). As a result of the co_ centration of colonialis capital in giant colonial enterprises {mlnc3,pl;,nta rai11'ay ) th� colonial -.,or.kers steadily be camf! the llit .Dll:l'!ier0111J,110 t proletarianieed and politically aetive ct.ion of th£: proletariat wider capi tb 1 i sra.

62

'this proletarianisation has been widest since World ar 11.So revolutionary was it,indced,that neither Social Democracy nor Stalinism could prevent these toilers from making the post-Russian social revolutions (China;E.Europe - long a colonial area; .Indo-China;K.Korea, r fub� ). Today the majority of the 1,000 million people. in socialist states were either colonial slaves themselves or else their parents were.Moreover,their present,..day struggle with imperialism is a continuation of the struggle between the colonial toilers and capitalist coloni�lism. The fact that these workers did what the workers in the imperialist states .did not do so is not,it goes without saying,almost,due to any inherent virtue or quality in the colonial people or to any inherent diablo or weal.mess in the "advaneed u workers (thus far 1 the most backward politicalJy).It is due solely TO their ditferent objective social conditions (reflected,simply,in a 10to 1 ratio of wages).For this .reason,a change in these conditiona (meaning: the walreni.ng of colonialism) mu.st tend to bring them ether.�s is no automatic process,however,for i in the "home" country is an alternative siltllity.For,if sociali81Il is not imported from- the a of colonialism and anti-coloniali sm ' eoufronttion fascia will be imported instead. ( Original manusc'.ript: Lo�don, 'Jil)

*

63

;

3. THE LOME CONVENTION AND EURO-IMPERIALISM.

(From prepatory manuscript of GEJOIANIA- Il caso dell'euro-imperialismo, Mondadori, Milano,1979) "W'"' have foreshadowed the possibility of even a greai.,er alliance of Western States, a European federation of great powers which, so far from forwarding the cause of world civilisation, might introduce the gigantic peril of a Western parasitism, a group of advanced in­ dustrial nations, whos·e upper classes drew vast tribute from Asia and Africa, with which they supported great tame masses of retainers, no longer engaged in the staple industries of agriculture and manufacture but kept in the performance of personal or minor industrial services under the control of a new financial aristocracy••• ;. the influences which govern the Imperialism of Western Europe today are moving in this direction, and, unless counteracted or diverted, make towards some such con­ summation." (Hobson, IMPERIALISM, London, 1902, p.386)

*

"As I see it, we shall have to replace not only the Lome agreements �hemselves, but the whole policy of rapprochement- between Europe, the Arab world and Africa. We must look back on this as a reactionary policy, a European neo-imperialism." (Samir Amin,at Suresnes, 5,6 June, 1975; in EEC COURIER, September­ October, 1975; p. 7)

*

It is a myth· that Eu.rope was built out of Greek art and science and Roman law and engineering. Europe did not exist, except as a geographical vagueness, before capitalist col�nialism. Its foetus lay in the Crusades and was born in the"Discoveries", the· slave t:r.affic,· genocidal conquests ,' expropriations �d plunder of Africa, America and Asia by Portugal, Spain, France, England, It.�ly,. Ge�a.ny, Holland and Scandinavia. 65

Europe appropriated Chinese gunpowder,paper,silk and magnetic stones,Indian spices and numerals, Arab elgebra,navigaticn and astronomy,African iron,gold and coffee,American silver,gold,sugar,maize,potatoes and tobacco. As it grew outwar.ds,Europe "expanded in­ wards" with new technology, the bourgeois revolutions, the Reformation,Renaissance and Enliglitenment.Finally, late in the 20th century came the E.E.C.as the Euro­ pean multinational denouement of the parasitic dep­ endence of rich on poor nations. "Aid" and "development" are the sugar-pills in the medicine-bags of the Euro-missionaries whose pre­ decessors were characterised as follows by Dedan Kim­ athi,Mau Mau peasant leader,before his savage execut­ ion by British democracy's Kenyan Nazis in 1955: "Before the Europeans came we had the land and they the bible. Now they have our land and we have their bible "•

The role of missionaries and explorers using the chi�fs is now re-enacted by Eurocrats holding the "Lomies" in le�sh.Over them stands the master himself­ the O.E.C.D.states and multis. Their "human rights" rely,Plato-wise, on one-par.ty,army,police or "White"­ racist dictatorships to super-exploit cheap labour. The Eurocrats blame the "failure of aid" not on its inbuilt imperialist content and aim,but on "waste and corruption" by the independent Asian and African coun­ tries. fut the corruption of the "lumpen-bourgeoisie" is minor compared with that of the imperialist master and their "bourgeois proletariat". The corruption of. the semi-colonial ru.reaucracies or bourgeoisie,a the case may be, is a mask to hide the corrupt face of imperialism itself: witness Watergate,Lockheed, the Bokassa-diamond scandal,the Rhoodie revelations (of bribes on high by S.Africa)and Arabian royal gifts to Euro-royalty. Several European heads of Royal and Republican,an American President and a ese Premier were involved -so much for Asian and Af, rican corruption! Then there is the corruption br and of Euro-farmers under the Food and Agricultural Policy and the overpaying of hordes of non-product.i� Eurocrats in the European "Institutions" and their

66

"parliament". Eurocorruption feeds on semi-colonial despotisms and the genocide by economic means of an annual qQ million Africans and Asians� This is the number murdered annually by the "gap" in the death­ rate and life-span between the rich and poor nations. The EEC began reorganising the exploitation of Africa before the "independence year",1960. Europe saw in independence a means of replacing direct col­ onies,with their European "presence",by indirect colonies, with "absentee" masters. Portfolio invest­ ment was to overtake direct invesil:1ent. Stock-ex­ change,bank and state loan capital,combined with a contract system , to which "aid" was tied,rapidly multiplied.The colonial means of production became more and more the owned property of the independent states,but the capital remained the property of the imperialists. IT IS THE OWNERSHIP OF CAPITAL AND NOT OF THE PHYSICAL MEANS OF PROJXJCTION THAT DETERMINES THE REAL CAPITALIST PROPRIETOR AND RULING CLASS.

Under this "neo-imperialism",nevertheless,the physical European "presence" continued in new forms. Emigration from Algeria,Mozambique and Angola to the number of 2 millions was replaced by new immigration: to S.Africa and of "aid",V.S.O.,Peace Corps,F.A.O., UNESCO etc., "experts" and of tourists infesting the beaches and nature reserves of Africa and Asia.Then there were the paratroops and mercenaries who helped Tshombe murder Inmumba,who fought for "Biafra" in an attempt to dismantle Africa's largest state,the arm­ ing and financing of "Eritrea" in the ultimate inter­ ests of Italo-·German and USA Red Sea strategy and the break-up of Africa's oldest independent nation, of pro-Israeli Nazis"training"the Somali army,of French troops in Tchad,Central Africa,Senegal,Moroc­ co,Tunisia,of Belgian-French troops massacreing the Kolwe�i people in 1978,of the Anglo-French-Israeli invri3ion of Egypt in 1956, the Israeli occupations of 1967 and 1973,on top of the UN-blessed occupation of Palestine by the racist state of Israel,of 40,000 British settlers in Kenya,250,000 in Rhodeisa-Zimbab­ we and:�f 5 million European settlers in S. Africa. Then there are the ex-Europeans in Central and South 67

America where there are almost as many settlers as there are people in western Eu.rope. The colonial people of the .Americas are the ''Non-European" toil­ ers and thosr ex-Europeans who have fallen do-wn into the ranks of these toilers. The settlers are not a colonial but an imperialist bourgeoisie in Latin America, Israel, Kenya, South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia. In this sense only there seems to be a social basis for A. G.Frank 1 s "sub-imperialism" idea. This cannot, in principle, apply to Mexico,India, Nigeria or Iran {as Samir Amin has also observed,in another context,in "UNEQUAL DEVEWPMENT" etc., 7 chapters,Augu.st 1978,Dakar}.

The EEC attempts, via de Gaulle especially,to make economic treaties in Africa in the late 1950 1 s failed;bu.t the early 1960 1 s saw a breakthrough when the E.C.A.{Econom.ic CoDllllission for Africa )was set up in Addis Ababa together with the U .N.-sponsc.red O.A.U.{Organisation for African Unity) as its pol­ itical arm. Most O.A.U. states then rejected associate membership.of the EEC. The Yaounde Convention of 1964,however,with 18 member states in Africa,was the thin edge of the wedge of the EEC into Africa; it was renewed in 1969. fut it was the entry of Britain into the EEC in 1972/3 that gave Germany and France the chance to break into what G.Padmore had called "Bri­ tain1 s Third Empire". This had,indeed,been the care ­ ful Franco-German aim behind British entry. Heath, on his side,came into Europe not in the boom of the 1960 1 s but into the recession 'Which began in 1973. The scene in front of him turned against him; and he left hi& colonial hinterland wide open,in his rear, to Britain's main rivals in Africa:Germany and France, The suicidal entry of the British empire into the EEC was no more than the en t.ry of the EEC in to the British empire. '.Ihis soon became clear when the :Wme Convention was formed in 1974,eoon after the British entry,with 50 African and Caribbean states now in permanent open season to EEC cheap labour,market and raw material bunters. An unlimited supply of cheap raw materials now became legally available to EEC multi-national imperialism.(EEC Iblletin,DEVEI..OPPE-

68

MENT ET MATIER.ES PREMIERES, Supplement,6/1975; LA CEE ET IES PAYS EN VOIE DE DEVELOPPEMENT,Brussels, Jan.1977). The EEC could now draw on cheap labour from among nearly � billion people,with a mean GNP � of that of the EEC. This labour wao part of over­ all semi-colonial labour which included qQ0,000 structurally unemployed*

Without the transfer of S from Africa,Asia etc., to Europe the latter would have an "Eastern European" level of GNP per head.For the "socialist" states have no colonies to raise their incomes above the. level oi their own production. Europe would be poorer under socialism than under capitalism.The oppressed nations, on the other hand,would be better off under socialism than under capitalism. This is a basic LAW OF 'IEE COM­ BJNED AND UNEVEN DEVELOPMENT OF TRANSITION FROM CAP­ ITALISM TO SOCIALISM. A ''United Socialist States of Europe* would be not only anti-Soviet,but also anti­ .African- a left-EEC with a labour bureaucracy super­ exploiting Africa in particular.Even the USSR bureau­ cracy is "European"-rather ''Russian",led once by Sta­ lin as a new Peter the Great,a Russo-European. The European proletariat has had a long "colonial" Eu.rosocialists,extrapolating 19th century European conditions to those of the 20th century and ignoring Marx's warning not to mechanically transfer his CAP­ ITAL outside Europe (letter to Vera Zassuli -tch,in re­ ply to hers of 16.2.1881),view the unemployed in Iran or India as a burden on some "revolutionary proletar­ iat" and not as part of this proletariat.(E.g.IMPRE­ COR,7.2.1980,p.3.on Iran).Their idea of a proletariat is Europomorphic:it has a "western" face.They s� "industrial workers" as decisive,but Trotsky's "Per..;. manent Revolution",confinned by China,Vietnam,Cuba, Korea etc.,taught that small,weak working classes could make revolutions in "backward countries". In fact the Asian/African "working class" is massive. '!be "strong","organised","industrial" "western pro­ letariat" has made no revolutions:it was corrupted by imperialism. This,too,is part of Trotsky's Law of Uneven Development,"forgotten" by the "Trotskyists". 69

history wich could predispose it to a �ontinental general.isation of th e Russian-European bureaucrac,-. u nderplays the imperialist factor( in hi, E.Mandel M.E. C. E CONCORRENZA AMERICANA ,Rome, 1968, p.19 , 21). He supports a MEC "parliament"(ibid.p.117) and"a European conscience" among the workers (ibid.p.119). He think� that soc.:alism in Europe wi Il not l o,.-er consumption('ffiATT.A.TO Wl..TISTA DI ECONOMLt\,Rome, 1965. 1969,1970, Vol.2.p.356-7 ,359 ). "The industrial structure itself would not be substantially modified� (ibid.p.359).He maintains intact the social �orld division of labour by converting the arms induEtry to peaceful product.inn o� producer goods whn Mt..1.rt"1�·1 �0-1,,.t ,,t 11. f r1 1/h1 that of the E. E. c. Tnm,! j,, fJ;1, ,J1f !r,v., ,;t •J,1 � 11'1'111� ✓

77

A-bomb explosion on 22 September,1979,which Presid­ ent Carter confirmed.(In February,1980 two Israeli writers revealed Israeli participation in the tests in s.Africa). German inter�st in Namibian independence is related to the Roessner uranium mine there-the larges�.in the world. Two Bonn ministers, Haumschild and Rohwedder,wer.e connected with nuclear work in S.Afriea(DER SPIEGEL,29.10.1979).

The Palindaba plant for uranium -enrichment was partly run by the Essen firm, STEAG,with German cab­ _inet approval,despite .objections by Eppler,on Octo­ ber 17,1973(h� w�s a minister in Schmidt's govern­ ment). On December 9,1977 German officials. permitted the export to S.Africa of uranium-plutonium pre.cis­ ion instruments by the Bremen firm, VARIAN. The Puch­ heim firm, STEIGERWALD STRAHLTECLNiK,also got an ex­ port permit. A Karlsruhe professor ,Bekker,was in the Palindaba experiments,as were,repo�tedly,SIEMENS, DEGUSSA and KRAFTWERK UNION. (H.Jaffe,UNA IDMBA "MADE 1N GERMANY'' ,Panorama,Milan, 19 •.11.1979). Breshnev had complained in vain to Carter about Palindaba. In April 1979 Botha,the Premier,said S.Africa was nearly ready to make an atom bomb. In any event,it was a German bomb. S.Africa has for some time been busy trying to sell the German-made enrichment technology back to. W.Europe whence it had come in the first place. In September 1978 the EEC "parliament" blocked an ACP attempt to boycott S.Africa after disclosures that four EEC "multis" had been supplying Rhodesia with oil via S.Afr.ican deliveries. In May,1978,one, Briggs,Chairman of the S.African-British Trade As­ sociation,said "he sees nothing frightening about the E.E. c. Code of Conduct "(Johannesburg ST.AR,6 Mar 1978). This Code (Bulletin, 11/1977) received the following comment from an O.A.U. meeting in fh·ussel on 13 Septf the Liberals and Tories. In domestic pol.1 cy �tbcy · Bri· tis · h Labour Par ty 1s more concerned with compene . . . sat.ion than wi. th nat1onalisat 1on. In foreign pol· it silently or loudly aids and explains the rea c�� ion .... · F f th · o e ore1gn Office, 1 ary po icy the Tory die-hard.s, .in smash.1ng up the Greeks, the Javanese and other toilers struggling for "democracy". It was a similar story when the Social Democrats were in power in Germany from the end e-.f the first war to Hitler, and in Austria,Scandinavia,Australia and New Zealand. fut while the dictatorship of capita.I is the real power behind the bourgeois democratic state,this is not th 2 only form of state suitable for capital or the only form which t� development of capitalism produces ••• As long as the capit alist class can afford the rel­ ative luxury of democracy, CAN ffi1BE THE LAIDUR ARISTOCRACY . WITH SUPER-PROFITS DRAlNED OUT OF THE COLONIES,so long is it unnecessary and undesirable for the capit alist class to resort to another form for its dictatorshiJ!.

As in the case of Doumergue in France, Schlei ­ cher and von Papen in Germany, Pilsudski in Poland, the bou:cgeoisie "puts" in the government a Bonopart­ ist clique when the class struggle threatens to re­ sol ve itself through revolution but has not yet done so. Such a form of government tries to maint�in some kind of equilibrium in society,whether it be of the right-wing variety(de Gaulle) or of the "left­ wing" type (Kerensky ,unstable Popular Front regimes). �ch an unstable form of capitalist dictatorsh ip may dispe�se with p arliam ent as a legislatur e,and trans­ form it mainly into a safety trap for the pressure of the class struggle. A Bonopartist regime is nat �rall y unstabl e and is transitional either to fasc1�m or to wor kers' power. This form of capit alist ictatorship happened as a tran sition from bourgeois :emoc racy to f asc1sm . in Europe.fut, as the end of 80

the war has shown a.Bonpartist fonn of rule has also existed as a result of the breakdown of fas�ism, as revival,or a social­ a transition either to a fascist I ist revoluti01 .* De Gaulle s regime in France, De Gas­ peri in Italy, Papandrou, Plastiras in Greece are recent examples of Bonopartism arising out of the breakdown of fascist dictatorships . A form rather more stable than Bonopa1tism is the military dictatorship,common to some S.American countries,Portugal,pre-war Greece ,etc.,It exists on the one hand because the capitalists have not enough imperialist hinterland for bourgeois democracy; on the other hand because the social, petit bourgeois, base for fascism is not sufficiently developed. Fasc­ ism requires a strong social base .nd differs from military dictatorship in that it arises out of a broad social movement, deriving strength not only from the coercive machinery of police and military but also from the discontent and reactionary side of the (two­ -sided) petit bourgeoisie•••• It is not necessary for military dictatorship to be Bonopartist-i.e. un­ stable - by resting on the unstable equilibrium of evenly matched opposing classes. In fact military di.ctatorship is found in occupied countries where a huge colonial population or a large working class is kept in subjection and prevented from organising. On the other hand, a Bonopartist regime may have inter­ woven in it a military dictatirship,as in post-war Greece. Military dictatorship is by no means as stable as fascism, nor as unstable as Bonopartism. Portugal is an example of a long-lasting police­ military dictatorship, * This 194:6 analyis underestimated the "democratic" effects,in the imperialist apex ,of the post-war ec­ onomic revival made possible by changed forms of imperialism "independence" ,the E.E. C. ,new loan­ contract domination .These were not yet clearly in sight in the immediate post-war years. In the event, the awaited revolutions in W.Europe petered out under imperialist corruption of the European workers and their correlated betrayals by the 2nd and 3rd Inter­ nationals. 81

Bonopartism and military dictatorship are not the final state-form of capitalism's dictatorship. History has proved that what we call fascism is the most stable and brutal form. It took 12 years before Hitler crumb­ led and 20 before Mussolini broke and this happened only after heavy external blows of war had been rain­ ed on the fascist shell. These long-lasting regimes endured i� a period of extreme instability in most countries. Fascism is not only the dictatorship of the cap­ italist class,but .is more conce�trated and special­ ised. It is fundamentally the dictatorship of mono­ poly capital. Therefore it is only possible in a country- where capitalism has reached the stage of monopoly capital. Trotsky defined fascism as the merg­ ing of monopoly capi ial with the state. This does not imply that monopoly c'apital cannot rule in ano­ ther form. As a matter of fact , the greatest concen­ tration of capital today is in the world's greatest bourgeois democracy- the United States. When capital cannot enlarge itself through the super-exploitation of colonies,when deprived of colon­ ies by a rival power or a colonial national movement, when it must needs lower the wages of the privileged workers at home, must more ruthlessly proletarianise the middle classes, must prevent the unions from be­ coming more militant and either wipe them out o� else consummate the tendency even under bourgeois demo­ cracy for them to become o�gans of the bourgeois state, when it can no longer allow the criticism of the work­ ers' parties and must stamp out any rivalry among the capitalist parties so as to have unanimity in the task of saving the capit alist class as a w h ole-then monopoly capital,behind which capital aligns itself in order of descending powers,is forced to resort to fascism- ••Fascism can and also has come through conquest and occupation, but under such conditions �ssumes more the shape of a brutal military dictator­ ship against a �ostile conquered population.

82

Fascism is by no mesns the same thing, from the workers' point of view, as bourgeois democracy,although the same class dictatorship is exercised. Fascism, whe­ ther gradually or suddenly, robs the workers of their free speec� press,unions,rights to organise and ass­ emble 1 the absence of which is conspicuous here,espec­ ially regarding the Africans. This is a serious differ­ ence for the working class,which therefore resists every inroad of fascism into those rights which the workers have won under bourgeois democracy.Above all, the workers resist fascism because it narrows t he arena of the class struggle,because it restricts the amount of scope,freedom,room, breathing space for this struggle to develop and grow . In Europe, shortly after the "liberation" the workers fought,as they are still fighting in some parts,for the restoration·of every democratic right. and for the parliamentary, re­ publican organs of democracy . COLOUR

BAR FASCISM IN SOUTH AFRICA.

While fascism did not arrive in S.Africa with a "jump",as it did in Germany, nevertheless· the basis of fascism was well and truly laid here. The emergence and intensification of fascism may be taken to date from the imperialist unification of the country with the Act of Union in 1910 which officially consecrated the col­ our bar. The whole growth of imperialism in this coun­ try has ·pr�duced a form of fascism . The legislative structure of this country reflects the main features of fascism. In South Africa the economic prerequisite of fascism,monopoly finance capital,is present in high degree. South Africa is the most highly developed "colony" in the world. British imperialism has twice as much capital sunk in South Africa as it has in Can­ ada,Austral�a and New Zealand taken together . The gold mining industry is the most highly concentrated and developed of it s kind. There is little or no compar­ ison between the rlegree of centralisation and concen­ tration of capital and of rationalisation of industry 83

in S.Africa and countries like India or China. The mine ' factory,docks,railway proletariat numbers over 1 milJion and the agricultural proletariat is about 3 million. The 1 million city workers exclude the number of their families,and the ratio of proletarians to total popul­ ation is not alone far in excess of that for any other colonial or semi-colonial country, but compares favour­ ably with nearly every industrialised modern country overseas. The city proletariat, together with those not doing· productive work amounts to·about 40,: of the population. The capital sunk here is,mor�over; not lo ­ cal so mu�h as British Imperialist (and lately,a fair amount of American capital,e.g.in motor industry). It is not so much the capital of the subsidised farmers, as the huge.investments of the imperialist finance magnates••••Monopoly cap ital of imperialism was sunk into this country on a hug e scale; out of these in� vestments ll-'ew up the system of the colour bar which, in its totality,constitutes the fascist method of rule here.The imperialist structure in S.Africa rests on cheap labour. Tb.is cheap labour is predominantly Non­ European, indeed almost entirely so. In order to per­ petuate and degrade this cheap labour , imperialism introduced colour bar laws. Nearly all Non -European labour,unskilled,semi-skilled and skilled, is done at unskilled rates of pay; "skill" is more a matter of colour than of technical ability. The system of Reserves t� store .up rurally a reservoir of cheap labour, and of urba.IJ. compounds, locations and "towsnhips" ;segregate·s the Africans and, more and more,the Coloured and Indfan workers as well; it controls a huge supply of labour, the bulk of which is either migratory or else kept in a state of motion. Poll taxes,debt to traders,starvation- these force the African worker periodically to leave the Reserve to work for money-wages. Elaborate pass laws control this labour which is checked and rechecked through an intricate network of registration.depots,employment bureaus,Native Affairs Department (N.A.D.)offices- in short a complete system of labour conscription. There

84

-

a.re powerfully organised recruiting compan.ies acting for the Chamber of Mines to recruit labour in the Protectorates, Rhodesias, East and Central Africa and the Reserves. The S.African economy,apart from commerce, makes its colour policy felt in many other regions which are tied to the economy of S.Africa through the supply of cheap labour. Labour regimentation exists for 7(1>; of the population- the Africans . This is univer­ sally regarded as a regular feature of the fascist state•••• For Coloured "juvenile delinquents" and inden­ tured labour on the Western Cape vineyards and other farms there is compulsory allocation of work;labour is bound,serf-like,and totally controlled by the farmer­ "baas",often for life.1wen Hitler did no go so far to control the "freedom to choos-e one's own occupation" before second half of the war.

the

Urban Areas Acts, Rioutous Assemblies Acts, Emer­ gency Regulations which cor:;tinue permanently ,control or prev1�nt fr1e-e organisation of Non Europ_ea..."'ls into unions and politic�l organisations,strikes, free meet­ ings and these have always been met by a well-arme'.l police,leaving behind them a trail of blood. Under the compound-barrack system of "housing" labour,and u::ider the general system of residential segregation, the laws designed to prevent the formation of a pro­ letarian outlook make it almost impossible for the majority of such workers to be organised into unions, and still less int:> national and political orgc,nisat­ ions a:ri.d even. whsn partially organised,the .labour­ camp system prevents them- at risk of life- from con­ d-ucting a prolonged struggle, that is, if the struggle 1dll not have been broken by"tribal" feuds stirred up, hy isolation from other compounds. Regulations exist forbidding the a�,sembly of more than l.O people a...�d can be applied at the leisure of the r-iuthorities. The birth of the I. C.U. ( Ir..dustrial and Commercial Workers Union) in 1919 was in the blood of injured Cape Town and lat�r murdered Port Elizabeth workere. llilhoek , May 1921, wa.� fJ 1 i ttle lrJ.r.ting picnic for Smuts' "white" -t-.hugs • Who do,:s ;.1ot r,:)�all the raids l..,y armed police in Di strict Six,Capf! Town,after the big 1939 anti­ segr ega1,1on demonstration,or the anti-Coloured pogrom of "White" Stellenbosch students ea:rly during the war?

85

Or the .c,hots of Mara.bas tad,where municipal workers fell during a sm�ll strug�le; or the bullets at Laings­ burg where Coloured soldiers were slain by poJice and armed "White" civilians; or the murder. at N'ka na , Rhodesia,of African copper strikers by Smuts' a.ir­ borne squads; or the shooting of Bloemfontein cemen t strikers in 1945 or of Alexandra township demonstrators last year;of the bestial handiing of homeless Orlando squatters while this article is being ·written ? l.11 this is forgotten by those who talk of the "danger" or fascism. Every large struggle has ended in armed repression. Even when THE R EACTIONARY WHITE MINERS struck in 1922 ,the dispute burst out into an armed fight between the White workers and the police,and also in the cold-blooded shooting of unarmed Non­ Europeans by White miners,police and commandos. The Industrial Conciliation Act bas a colour bar.Up to now African unions could "exist",but not strike legally. Moves have been made to bring African unions under the NAD and the Ivan Walker proposals, which would have made Ley envious in the Nazi hierarchy, will separately register African unions approved and others will be declared illegal;government officials will supervise,with "White" union bureaucrats 1 elections in "African" unions;Furopea ns must be in charge of all African unions;strikes remain illegal. Already company­ state unions have undermined the Non European Railway Workers Union. With most strikes illegal,with segregat­ ion in the unions,with Africans barred from statuto�y recognition under the IC Act,with the workers terribly divided and tied to the stcte or dependent on it-most unions in this country are impotent,lifeless. There never has been a general strike in any city,let alone a national general strike;not ev(Hl a general one-day protest strike in any major city. Most strikes wh ich were called >wi th workers defying the lav,were brutally crushed.

The brutality and fascist outlook aud methods of the S.African police are well known. Ranging through "Non Eu.ropean''districte,beating up the people before they are even charged ,, assau]ting charged people

86

�-�efore t-ri41, terror:i s1111.� wi tn(>sscs, third degree in prisons( as in Smuts' a.J·my cc.IJ1ps during the war), no Non European magistrates, judges or in any respons­ ible position in the police, prison, army and judic­ iary str.ucture- such is S.Afri.ca' s "Department of Justice." The courts are based on legislation which resi.s on colour-distinction,segrega tion, colour bars and the Herrenvolk outlook.Different laws for t.he same crimes,::�ifferent punishments for the same cri_mes (a European is fined .for raping a Non Euro­ p�an; a Non European is hanged for raping a Euro­ pean.};different crimes for White and Non White nake the S.African judicial system a model for any modern fascis i-, lawyer and judge. ·K The African has no vote on the common roll. He has a "communal" vote for sepa.ra.te representatives in parliament and senate. He cannot stand for parlia­ ment himself, is voteless , voiceless and rightless and has no say whatsoever in the making or administra­ tion of laws. The Indians ar-e in a similar boat,with the new communal "franchise" of the Smuts Indian Bill now passing through the "House".The Coloured. is vote­ less in all provinces except the Cape,and here only males have the parliamentary vote,and then under heavy �ualif:: cations··which disfranchise most. Out of nearly 1 million Coloureds only 30,000 have this "vote".A. Colo 1red man cannot stand for parliament•••• There is no real franchise for more than 80% of the population. On the other hanart of A -total. domina­ tion -productive,financial,technological,military, social and political-of the oppressor nations over the oppressed ones. The former number 24,the latter over 100, at UNO,but the ratio of their capitals is in inverse proportion to the·se numbers and it is this ratio which counts. This ratio,plus the super­ abundance of natur.al resources and human labour,en­ sures an "unlimited" supply of cheap raw materials and also manufactures from the oppressed countries.

A German "worker" in India gets 200 DM a day, and an Indian labourer 2 DM a day.Behind such figures stand the system of violence and not simply the "economics" of imperialism. Some 1/2 billion Non Euro­ pean workers produce direct]y for imperialism. The colonial system chronically-overproduces the human elements· of variable capital, and of circulating constant capital: fuels,raw materials. The Non Euro­ pean proletariat is almost unpaid labour. Its degree of exploitation is from 3/1 upwards,while that of imperialist workers is 1/3 downwards and even negat­ ive (H.Jaffe COLONIALISM TODAY,and NEGATIVE SURPIIJS VAUJE,1980).This mass of unpaid ("surplus") labour enters into the imperialist "national incomes",even though it is externally producedl by an "external proletariat" (N.Zitara,c.1970 used this term for the "meridionale" workers abroad).The mechanism of how this transfer of colonial S into metropolitan C and then S is made is described in my PROCESSA CAPITAL­ ISTA,1973 and in QUALE 1984 (Amin,Frank,Jaffe,Milan 1975,Madrid 1977). If r=rate of profit; e = degree of exploitat­ ion (annual S/annual wages), �= organic composition of capital= C/V, then r = s/(c+v) =S/V..:• (c/v + 1) = e/(�+1)•

120

c/V =l( plantatio�s,economie du traite;and s/v =5 f mines),�h�n r =5/(1+1)= 250 ojn. (Plantations,man� For h igher organic compositions: � = 2, r =5/2+1 = 166.6 % � = q, r = 5/(q+l) = 10()%. These are for annual turnovers( crops); For monthly ble and circulating constant cap­ turn-oVP.rs of varia ital, wages p.a. = 12 V and e then = S/12V and r = 12e/(� + 1). For e = 5 and � = 20 (e.g.gold mining), and ¼-ly turn4: x 5/(20+1) = about 100 %. r = over, These figures show that the high colonial "e" gives the imperialist exporter a wide margin for super-profit ev en if he sells his product below its value. Even if h e takes only half of the S, he still will have an "e" of s/2V which is enough to give him half the above rates of profit and thus much more than he would get from his usual 100./4 return at "home". He will still get his open super-profit and the hidden super-profit will go with his product into the imperialist "national" income. Despite post-independence nationalisation, he takes his super-profit under agreements made by heavy­ weight capital with light-weight independent states. Thus the Belgian banks and mining interests got a near­ monopoly of Shaba copper and uranium distribo.�io� and a commission form of super-profit. They thus make a · profit even if Zairoise copper sells at a loss on the Brussels market. The Anglo-American Corporation (Anglo­ s.African capital) makes b9th a marketing and a share­ holding profit out of Zambian copper mining and refin­ ing and transportation(with Chinese Tan-Zam railways}. "verproduction of copper,Brazilian coffee (dumped) �tc. ,helps depress colonial export prices··:and this in­ creases the hidden profit even when it reduces the open investme�t profit. The low colonial raw material prices are a sustained phenomenon,as shown by the followi ng table:

121

Year 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960

T970

1975 1978

European Conswner price index.

Colonial raw price index

material.

100 95 125 100 100 140 150 250 300 300

100 105 200 150 120 200 250 350 400 470

Since general.productivity in Europe rose faster than gold-productivity·,the gold-prices for Europe fell. Sinae plantation and general mining colonial productivity rose more slowly than that of gold­ production(on the Rand=75% of western production), colonial 1:aw material gold-prices rose, if these prices corresponded to value. fut the above table shows the pncise opposite. i.e. for the 20th cen­ tury the price-gap between oppressor and oppressed nations widened even more than shown above.This can only be explained by (a)European products being sold above value,which competi�ion makes impossible, or (b) colonial products being sold below value. In short, the human labour content of colonial ex­ ports had never been fully expressed in the mean export pr_ice.

CCJJLONIAL INFLATION.

The above "gap" -part of the general gap be­ tween rich and poor nations- is worse than it looks, because of inflation.This is worse in the poor than in the rich countries, because a) the bureaucracy of the state apparatus is relative­ ly greater and hence public spending and its effect 9n prices. The imperialist policy of industrial and educational starvation,of indirect rule via chiefs 122

.

______________,,__

-·----

••

and "pre-capitalist" despots,of reserves and locat­ ions and of foreign commercial and financial dominat­ ion of local production and trade,all caused the :,tarvation of any aspiring o:r possible bourgeoisie. In most of Africa a bourgeoisie did not arise under imper�alism and still scarceJy exists except,weakly, in Liberia,Tunisia, Egypt and.of course among the imperialist settlers themselves. Imperialist "aid", bleeding taxes to repay the mounting foreign debt and finance exports enlarge state spending even more.

b) The plunder of gold and other reserves of former colonies and the holding of their assets in London, Paris,Bonn,Madrid, Amsterdam,New York,Tokyo, Tel Aviv etc.,devalued colonial currencies. The present Zaire money unit.has been devalued to l/40th of its Belgian franc equivalent since independence.Since the Stanley-Leopold massacres and plunder of the 1880 1 s Belgium has removed some 30 b.US dollars of gold(at ¢ 300 an ounce}.Yet it is Zaire that is in debt to Belgium l With the Zaire steadily falling, Zaire gets less and less real exchange for Shaba copper and uranium,diamonds and gold. The people have to work longer today to repay "their" debt to their old racist masters. Conversely Belgillill. buys from Zaire with relatively stronger money and the Belgians have +.o work less than ·before to get the same goods out of Zaire. This is the "inflation" aspect of "unequal exchange",whi>se roots lie not in distribution (as A.Emmanuel- with his Euro-left "expert advice" 'to the bnnilmbaists - thought�} In­ flatiA>n helps tb.e imperialist buyers to depress colonial prices by an extra amount. "HUMAN RIGHTS" AND VALUE.

wes·ljern paratroops,mercenaries, bombeJ's and troop-carriers ensure the regularity of cheap col­ onial fuels and other raw materials. "The last 30 years",said Samir Amin (Suresnes Socialist Party uConference-June 5,6,1975,in THE COURIER,33/1975) have been 3O:years of war and struggle•• They were

123

--

the years-- of the Vietnam war,••• of CIA intervention in Indonesia and the massacre of 300,000 Indonesians; intervention in Malaysia, in furma,in the Philippines , •• They have been years of uninterrupted repression of African peoples and of peasant revolts•••They were a period characterised not by aid to undercleveloped countries, but by the interventions of imperialism against them."·To S • .Amin's list may be added: the Congo,1960 and 1965 and again(Kolwezi)1978;"Biafra", that oil -banking attempt of France,S.Africa,Portugal etc.,in 1969-71 to dismember Nigeria; the Italo-Ger­ man "Eritrea" and "Somali-Ogaden" attempt to cut Eth­ iopia off from the strategic Red Sea; the 1948,1956, 1967 and 1973 Zionist-imperialist wars on Egypt and the Israeli occupation,still, of Palestine; the Bri­ tish intervention in Bermuda;the CIA,French and Bel­ gian and S.African intervention against MPLA in Angola;the ov£r.throw of Allende's "Popular Front" in Chile;the "'rming of S.Africa and "White" Rhodesia against liberation movements; the CIA "experts" in S.Arabia to keep oil-prices down and the US-German­ British-French-Italian armed,financial and strategic propping up of the �pps-backed empire of the Shah's dictatcxrship in Iran. There is no evidence that independence in Africa and Asia has stopped imperialist military defence of their cheap labour and raw material sources,which they continue ,a century after the 1884 Berlin Con­ ference, to view and treat as "spheres of influence". Their own military operations,from time to time,are in support of the constantly worsening indirect dic­ tatorships they exercise via semi-colonial one-party, police and army dictatorships.Fu.rthermore,through loan-contract and "aid" personnel and the entry of multi-nationals right into the state apparatus it­ self through partn�rship in nationalised businesse�, imperialism has even more control,on thP, spot,over Written before the 1979 Iranian revolution.

-- ' .

t.hcir affairs in Asia and Africa and S.Americ a, th an they had in the old days of direct colonial ism. The fact that independence has made most raw materials the legal property of As:ia and Africa has 110 t automatically raised export prices. On the con­ tnlry,in one way,it has tended to lower these iprices. for in the old colonial days many exporters were imp­ �ri�lists and ,as such,could command higher prices on the world market for their raw material exports from Asia,Africa etc.,than the economically- and politically-weaker indepndent states (of Lome, for example). They were not ridden,as are these states, by external debts and moratoriums. Indeed, the gap between "southern" and "northern" prices widened rapidly after independence,as the earlier table shows. It should also be noted that the 100 base for 1900 European prices refers to the full value of commodit­ ies, "Whereas the 100 for 1900 colonial exports was notoriously below value already then. The post-1900 indices show a further lowering, below the 1900 sub-value index level, of colonial export prices. The room for hidden surplus value became bigger and bigger with the expansion of imperialism up to World War II and its intensification, under "new" forms, after the Chinese and other social revolutions.

The lure, to a dependent semi-bourgeoisie or bureaucracy, of "aid", arms and credits and the threat of halting these if prices are not "What the "north" wants-these exert a downward pressure on 'southern" export prJ •)es and lower the bottom limit of hidden surplus v� 1 ue.There is,too, the threat of likely starvation, revolt and unrest without "aid"­ the price-lower•·i.ng game of the charities and church­ es and UN-do-goodies. Imperialism uses the reality of starvation and the spectre of revolution to lower the prices of its imports from the oppressed nat­ ions.

For normal-priced raw materials-US wheat,Swed­ is iron,Norwegian timber,German iron or coal-the

125

__

,.,... .....

amount added to the cost price,by multiplying the latter by the rate of profit, is not hidden sur­ plus value. Nor does it create surplus value. It is only a calculation based on the existing rate of profit which it self arises from the total surplus value divided by the total C + V. The "national" S, however,includes hidden and open colonial super-profits.The imperialist rate of profit is thereby inflated internally by colon­ ial profits. COLONIAL "S" IN IMPERIALIST "C".

The constant capital of the imperialist nat­ ion includes cheaply bought colonial circulating constant capital,such as fuels and raw materials for processing. The full-value circulating capital is thus greater than its capital-outlay. The col­ onial element of constant imperialist capital is large: in 1977 it comprised 1/3 of all imperial­ ist imports. The nominal value of colonial exports to the OECD was 183 b.$ out of a total import-bill of$ 642 b.(excluding $ 28 b.from "socialist" nat­ ions.The surplus value hidden, but not yet real­ ized,would inevitably be included,as "value added", in the imperialist "n�tional" income statistics.The same sum is lost to the nationaJ income statistics of the poor countries. The colonial hidden S be­ comes visible,in the imperialist G.N.P. statistics , but is not recognized for what it is. It exists as part of imperialist "C" ,. in reality ,. in essence. Its phenomenal form, however, is not in the capital colunm of the imperialist ledger, but j.n the pro­ fit colunm. This is the second "transfer 17 of colon­ ial hidden, surplus value. Much of the physical embodiment of this S remains as "constantcapital" in Europe andN.America and settlerdom-in the shape of their great cities,modernity and means of work, education and leisure.

126

.......

,.

Some of the low pr.i.cusic reason for the imperialistic,

racist 1md iu1ti-"sociulist states" stnnco o:f the "imperialist workers" after World War II. In this pnper examples of S ore given from (a) the overall

S.Africnn economy, (b) S.African mining,(c) S .African manufacture and (d) world cupitalist economy. An appendix gives some recent figures of world

capitol investment , the external

debt of poor to rich nations and the

widening G.N.P. gap between these two sets of capitalist countries. TABLE I.

THE OVl!.'RALL SOUTii AFRICAN ECONOMY.(1975 Item.

European workers

A. Net national income� B. No.econ. active2

c.

No.econ.active except management, self-employed,sal�s, domestic,finance.

D. Value added per productive worker=A/C E. Average wage

F. Surplus value per productive worker = D - E

G. Total s0rrplu.s value produced =C X F

H. Total wages = C XE I. Rate of surplus value=F /E=G/H

figures in Rands. 1 R = 1.2 $

"Coloured" "Asian" workers workers

"African" workers

1.8 m.

�50,000

229,000

7.3 m.

950,000

700,000

200�000

3.6 m.

3939 R

3939 R 5 R 1400

3939 R 3939 R 6 7 R 2000 R 977

-1398R

+2539R

5337 R

4

-l.33b.R 5.07b.R

+l.78b

R 0.98b

+1939R

+2962R

+0.39b,

+10.66b .

R 0.40b.

R 3.5b.

1.81 0.97 1.01 2.63 for Non Europeans

minus

us)

All wo:rlk:ers R21.4 7 b. 10.18 m.

5.40 m. 3939 R

1825 R +2114 R

+12.83bR R9.95b. 1.16 for all

The European worker is thus a substantial exploiter of Non European workers.

References: I.SURVEY OF RACE RELATIONS IN S.AFRICA,1978.Johannesburg,'79,p.305 2.Ibid.p.168.

3.Ibid.pp.178,183-4 .

4 .Ibid.pp.159-60.

5.Ibid.plus farm wages.The urban mean was 1497 R.

6.Ibid.plus farm wages,The\urban mean was 2049 R.

7.Ibid. The urban mean was 1095 R;the rural R 4 16(regular workers) and R 96.8 (casual labour-pp.170,207). Bantustans included , to ex:tent of 2.?;6( their share of GDP which gives 30% of their income)

134

;

jncluded in the Table I,but number nn official ll"/o of econ n1 rmp1oycrl nre not ­ F�ropcuns e . f Non or 1975.Foreign nci.iv workers are included. They came omicall y mniuly from Lesotho ('100},),Botswana(12 "/o),Malawi(8"/o), "Rhodesia."(8"/o),Swazilund (%) ruid Mozambique (300;6) ·in Feb. 1 977.The Mozambique total fell sharply after ilii;:i and the Malawi one rose. In Feb.1977 500;6 of foreign workers were in min­ ing (19,l,357 out of 382,8 48),and 75% if "mining and quarrying".(p.178 ibid).

(

I ! !

fllt> Homelands do not,as some "Marxists"imagine (and also No Sizwe,ONE NATION, �\"E A7.ANL\ 1 I�ndon, 1 979),support African wages in the European-owned areas.On tl1c contrary they are kept alive out of these wages. They are not "pre-capit111 ist subsistence economy" 1 but cheap labour reservoirs. Outside of mining in I.,ebowa and Bophutswana,which is European-owned,"Homelands" production is 2. 7°/b :"s.

.

"Coloured": 205;900 69;000 "Asian" "African": 6821 000 959,900 Total ·:

1,233,600

1,835 b.

�.005 b. 3,247 R

4.9 b R 5115 R

6.3 b. R 5115 R

11211 R ("African:178.� R)

+3.,065 b.R + 3204 R

3.065 b.R

*

;-

n ue of 3 b. R. 1s di vi.ded tlms: 2. 3 b. fo the cmploycre " tlH' �urp lus v l Etn·oJJcnn workers,who get 25% of the surplus vnlue. ,u_td tbe r