The Politics of Religion and the Rise of Social Catholicism in Peru (1884-1935) : Faith, Workers and Race Before Liberation Theology [1 ed.] 9789004355699, 9789004355675

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The Politics of Religion and the Rise of Social Catholicism in Peru (1884–1935)

Religion in the Americas Series General Editors Henri Gooren (Oakland University, Rochester, MI, USA) Steven Engler (Mount Royal University, Calgary, Canada) Cristina Rocha (University of Western Sydney)

VOLUME 18

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ream

The Politics of Religion and the Rise of Social Catholicism in Peru (1884–1935) Faith, Workers, and Race before Liberation Theology By

Ricardo D. Cubas Ramacciotti

leiden | boston

Cover illustration: ‘Ceremonia de los Cirios’ (1939, Ayaviri, Puno, Peru) by Martín Chambi. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Cubas Ramacciotti, Ricardo, author. Title: The politics of religion and the rise of social Catholicism in Peru (1884-1935). Faith, workers, and race before Liberation Theology / Ricardo D. Cubas Ramacciotti. Description: Boston : Brill, 2018. | Series: Religion in the Americas series, ISSN 1542-1279 ; VOLUME 18 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017041333 | ISBN 9789004355675 (hardback : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Catholic Church–Peru–History. | Christianity and politics–Catholic Church–History. | Christian sociology–Catholic Church–History. Classification: LCC BX1484.3 .C83 2017 | DDC 322.10985/09041–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017041333

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 1542-1279 ISBN 978-90-04-35567-5 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-35569-9 (e-book) Copyright 2018 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

To Cecilia Mardon

∵

Contents Acknowledgments xi Abbreviations xiv Introduction 1 Academic Approach and Sources 5 ‘Culture Wars’ and Catholic Renewal 6 Catholicism and Politics in Peruvianist Historiography 15 Structure 18

part i The Politics of Religion 1 Church and State: Viceregal and Early Republican Antecedents 25 The Catholic Monarchy 25 Enlightened Absolutism and Religious Reform 30 Independence and Ecclesiastical Crisis 35 The Ultramontane Church 38 Regalism and the Liberal Challenge 44 2 The Secularisation Process during the Aristocratic Republic (1884–1919) 49 The Republican Patronato 50 Legal Status of Religious Institutes 53 Ecclesiastial Property and Economy 55 Civil Registry and the Sociedades de Beneficencia Pública 57 Civil Marriage 60 Religious Tolerance 62 3 Leguía’s Oncenio and the Politics of Religion (1919–1930) 69 The Political Project of the Patria Nueva 69 Church-State Relations during the Oncenio 71 The Militant Church 77

viii contents 4 Catholicism and the Emergence of Mass Politics in Peru (1930–1935) 83 Radical Parties and the Sacralisation of Politics 83 The Unión Popular 87 The Church, Civil Turmoil and the Constitution of 1933 89

part ii The Catholic Revival 5 Bishops and the Clergy 99 6 Lay Associations 119 The Sociedad Católico-Peruana 121 The Unión Católica 124 The First Catholic Peruvian Congress (1896) 127 Female Associations 136 New Catholic Associations 137 7 Catholicism and Culture 141 Pre and Post-Independence Decline 142 The Rebirth of Catholic Education 144 The Catholic University and the Intellectual Renewal 154 The Catholic Press 157

part iii Social Catholicism 8 Catholicism and the Labour Question 169 Papal Magisterium and Social Catholicism 171 Social Catholicism in Latin America 172 Economic and Social Conditions in Peru 173 Peruvian Catholic Thought and the Labour Question 176 The Circles of Catholic Workers (CCW) 184 The Case of the Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa (CCWA) 188

contents

9 Ecclesiastical Indigenismo 201 The Indigenista Debate 202 Catholic Thought and the ‘Indian Question’ 207 A Bishop, a Priest and a Layman 215 The Rural Church 220 Missionaries and Amazon Indians during the ‘Caucho Era’ 226 Bishops and the Patronato de la Raza Indígena 231 Conclusions 237 Bibliography 243 Manuscript Sources 243 Newspaper Sources (Lima, unless Stated) 244 Printed Primary Sources 245 Printed Works 260 Thesis, Dissertations, and Other Unpublished Works 282 Index 284

ix

Acknowledgments I owe a very great deal to the encouragement, support and assistance I received from many people and institutions in the United Kingdom, Peru, Chile, Rome and the United States. However, any mistakes that remain are my own. This book started life as a doctoral dissertation for the University of Cambridge. In this sense, I am particularly indebted to my supervisor, Professor David A. Brading, who not only provided invaluable guidance and support throughout the drafting process but also continues to be an inspiring mentor. Both him, and his wife, Celia Wu, made me feel at home in Cambridge with their warm hospitality and friendship. I was very fortunate to count with the advice and help of many friends and colleagues in my sojourns during the course of this research. My special gratitude to my good friend Mauricio Novoa-Cain and to Marina García Belaunde. At Cambridge, I counted with the invaluable friendship and advice of Maria del Carmen Barbabosa, José Medina, Oliver Balch, Ashraf Bocktor, Rafael Chambouleyron and the generous spiritual assistance of Fr. Stephen Wang and Alban McCoy OFM Conv. I am most grateful for the hospitality, friendship, and spiritual support I received during the months I lived in the Dominican Priory of St. Michael the Archangel at Blackfriars, Cambridge. Some of my best memories during my research years in England are from that time. In particular my gratitude to Aidan Nichols O.P., John Patrick Kenrick O.P., Robert Ombres O.P., Edmund Hill O.P. (in memoriam), John Mills O.P. (in memoriam) and Zlata Vrabe. I am deeply indebted to David Williams and Olga Mares de Williams for their unconditional hospitality and generosity. I am also very grateful for the important support of Christ´s College (Cambridge) and Professor Nick Gay. The Universidad de los Andes in Santiago offered ideal conditions in which to read, write, discuss (and teach) my research. There my colleagues and friends provided me a deeper insight on many topics related to my work. Among them, I am especially grateful to Vincenzo Gratteri, Jaime Arancibia, Francisco Javier González Errázuriz, Manuel Salas, Marcelo Aguirre, Sergio Salas, Pablo Zegers, Jorge Dagnino, Joaquín García-Huidobro, Manfred Svensson, Daniel Mansuy, Jorge Mittelmann, Diego Honorato, Alexandrine de la Taille, Isabel Cruz, Alfredo Gorrochotegui, Juan Nagel, Nicolás Casanova, Augusto Salinas, Patricio Domínguez, Julieta Ogaz and Raquel Soaje. I am grateful to the Instituto de Historia of the Universidad de los Andes (Chile) for sponsoring the final stage of this research and for the support of the authorities of the University and the Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades,

xii acknowledgments including Enrique Brahm, Bárbara Díaz, Alejandra Eyzaguirre, Jorge Peña, Cecilia McIntyre, José Ignacio Martínez and Orazio Descalzi. I am thankful for the invaluable help of the staff of the Instituto de Historia, including Cecilia Cristi and especially Olga Romero. Special thanks go to my doctoral examiners, Fernando Cervantes and Anthony McFarlane and the two anonymous readers at Brill for their invaluable critical insights and helpful suggestions. I am indebted to Scarlett O’Phelan who supported me from the beginning of this project with her academic help and friendship. This book also owes a great deal to the professional work done by my editors at Brill, including Giulia Moriconi, Stephanie Paalvast, and especially Tessa Schild and Malathy Chandrasekaran. At the same time, John Moorehouse’s assistance in the translation of chapters and Khadidjah Mattar's proofreading in earlier versions of this research were of great importance. Teo Allain Chambi generously allowed me to use the wonderful ‘Ceremonia de los Cirios’ by his grandfather, the notable Peruvian photographer Martín Chambi, for the cover of this book. I acknowledge gratefully the highly professional assistance provided by Sebastián Hernández Méndez who elaborated the index and help me with the edition of the final version of this text. Besides, part of my fieldwork was generously founded by Christ’s College, Cambridge and by the Fondo de Ayuda a la Investigación (FAI) from the Dirección de Investigación of the Universidad de los Andes (Chile). I also would like to thank the institutions and the staff who helped me in different libraries and archives: the Instituto Riva-Agüero, Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Archivo General de la Nación, Archivo Arzobispal de Lima, and Biblioteca de la Universidad Antonio Ruiz de Montoya in Lima; the Universidad Católica San Pablo de Arequipa, the Archivo Arzobispal de Arequipa; the Instituto de Pastoral Andina and the Archivo Arzobispal de Cuzco; the Library of Congress in Washington D.C.; and the Archivio Segreto Vaticano in Rome. I have also benefited greatly from the academic formation I received at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, the Instituto Riva–Agüero and from the mentors, friends and colleagues that help me in different ways to shape this work including Armando Nieto S.J. (in memoriam), Jeffrey Klaiber S.J (in memoriam), José Antonio del Busto (in memoriam), Margarita Guerra, José Agustín de la Puente, Carmen McEvoy, Rafael Sánchez-Concha, José de la Puente Brunke, Carlos Contreras, Fernando Valle, Ricardo Gibu, Ángel Pérez Martínez, Aldo Giacchetti, Miguel Salazar, Gustavo Sánchez, Ernesto Vallejo, Alejandro Estenós, Carlos Zegarra, Andrés Llaury, Rubén León, Jorge Paredes, Gonzalo Conti, Natalia Sobrevilla, Paulo Drinot, José Antonio de Benito and Rolando Iberico.

acknowledgments

xiii

I want to thank my family. Without the unfailing support and encouragement of my mother, Beatriz Ramacciotti, it would have not been possible to begin and finish this project. My father Ricardo Cubas Martins and my brothers and sister Martín, Carlos, and Marcela helped and motivated me in many ways. I am most grateful to Rafael Cubas Vinatea and Orlando Ramacciotti, my late grandfathers, whose guidance and friendship greatly shaped and inspired many aspects of my life, including my passion for history. Finally, to my wonderful wife, Cecilia Mardon, and my dearest sons and daughter Tomás, Diego and Mariana, for their constant love and for sacrificing many hours of family life in order to leave enough time to complete this work. I recall again with heartfelt gratitude my wife’s patience (most of the time), loving support and for her help with multiple practical problems during these years. This book is dedicated to her.

Abbreviations Archives and Libraries (Lima, Unless Stated) aal agn Aira bnp bpucp

Archivo Arzobispal de Lima Archivo General de la Nación Archivo del Instituto Riva-Agüero Biblioteca Nacional del Perú Biblioteca de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú

Institutions and Associations apra ccw ccwa pri

Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana Circle of Catholic Workers Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa Patronato de la Raza Indígena

Introduction ‘Today Catholicism distinguishes itself as the inevitable ally of all oppressors and of the powerful. Wherever a tyrant appears, he holds two weapons: the military’s sword and the priest’s cross’. In this fragment of his essay ‘Religion and Politics’, Manuel González Prada, an influential Peruvian anticlerical writer, portrayed a deep-rooted outlook about the political and social leanings of Catholic Church in Peru since the sixteenth century.1 Indeed, nineteenth century liberals, positivists, Freemasons, anarchists and Marxists tended to share this perspective. Against this background, during the early twentieth century a Catholic historiography responded by developing a defensive stand and vindicating some of the main ecclesiastical historical figures and works in Peru.2 However, from the 1960s onwards the study of this topic became largely influenced by sociological currents of thought that characterised Catholicism as a powerful obstacle to modernisation, social change and democratisation.3 As such, it was upheld that during most of its history the Catholic Church supported an ‘ideology of order’ and functioned as an instrument of local oligarchies to validate unequal economic structures by reducing its social role to spiritual activities and by promoting an ideal of resignation and passivity towards the dominant system.4 1 ‘Hoy el Catolicismo figura como el aliado inevitable de todos los opresores y de todos los fuertes: donde asoma un tirano, cuenta con dos armas: la espada del militar y la cruz del sacerdote’ in: Manuel González Prada, Paginas libres. Horas de lucha (Caracas: Biblioteca ­Ayacucho, 1976), 345. 2 Manuel Tovar, Apuntes para la historia eclesiástica del Perú. Hasta el gobierno del VII arzobispo de Lima (Lima: Tipografía de ‘La Sociedad’, 1873); Pedro García y Sanz, Apuntes para la historia eclesiástica del Perú. Segunda Parte (Lima: Tipografía de ‘La Sociedad’, 1876); Pedro José Rada y Gamio, El arzobispo Goyeneche y apuntes para la historia del Perú (Rome,: Imprenta políglota vaticana, 1917); Rubén Vargas Ugarte, Historia de la Iglesia en el Perú (Lima: Santa María e Imp. de Aldecoa, 1962). For a recent critical approach to the ultramontane tendencies of Peruvian Catholic historiography. See: Rolando Iberico, ‘La fe de todos los siglos: una aproximación a la relación entre teología ultramontana e historiografía católica en el Perú’, Cultura y Religión 9, 1 (June 2015): 9–33. 3 Manuel Burga and Alberto Flores Galindo, Apogeo y crisis de la República Aristocrática, Alberto Flores Galindo – Obras Completas, II (Lima: Sur Casa de Estudios del Socialismo, 1994), 145–46. 4 See: Romero, Catalina, ‘Church, State and Society in Contemporary Peru, 1958–1988: A Process of Liberation’ (New School for Social Research, 1989), 6; Gustavo Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation: History, Politics and Salvation (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1973), 56.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi 10.1163/9789004355699_002

2 Introduction The Ultramontane tendencies of Peruvian Catholicism, along with its opposition to a series of measures such as church-state separation and religious tolerance reinforced this approach in a series of academic works.5 As result, radical movements were identified with the popular cause and Catholicism with the privileged sectors. From this viewpoint, it was only after the Second Vatican Council that the Catholic Church began ‘a major normative shift in Catholic teachings – away from a purely spiritual understanding of salvation towards a more concrete sense of God’s action in history and man’s corresponding responsibility to work for social justice and structural change as a constitutive part of his response to the Gospel’.6 In Latin America, the Second Conference of Latin American Bishops held in Medellín (1968) and the development of movements akin to Liberation Theology were considered a turning point, after which ‘the Church has undergone a dramatic reorientation (although not uniformly) from being an ally of traditional elites to an institution with a preferential option for the poor acting as a voice for the voiceless’.7 This study does not ignore the profound impact of the Second Vatican Council and its Latin American embodiments on the Church in the world and in the region. However, it does suggest a more complex picture about the roles Catholicism played in Peruvian public sphere during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.8 To do so, a number of both ecclesiastical and secular 5 See: Pilar García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 1821–1919 (Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos ‘Bartolomé de las Casas’, 1991). 6 Brian Smith, ‘Religion and social change: classical theories and new formulations in the context of recent developments in Latin America’, Latin American Research Review 10, 2 (1975): 6. This view was developed later in: Brian Smith and Michael Fleet, The Catholic Church and ­Democracy in Chile and Peru (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997). 7 Hannah Stewart-Gambino, ‘New Approaches to Studying the Role of Religion in Latin America’, Latin American Research Review 24, 3 (1989): 188. 8 In this work, the distinction between public and private spheres is understood as ‘respectively, the realm of politics, public institutions, and paid employment and the domestic world of the home and family relations. Public life is governed by shared norms and values while private life is the realm of the intimate, of personal identity, and free will’. Chandler, Daniel and Munday, Rod, ‘Public and Private Spheres’, A Dictionary of Media and Communication (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). For Habermas, the public sphere, is ‘made up of private people gathered together as a public and articulating the needs of society with the state’. From this public sphere grows a ‘public authority’ that dictates the values, ideals, and goals of a given society. Habermas, Jürgen, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989), 175–76. In this sense, the limits between private and public sphere are not always clear and they change according to historical circumstances, culture, and political systems. Frequently in modern society private associations acquire power and influence over the political realm. On the other hand, the state, in many cases, interferes in diverse aspects of the private domain.

Introduction

3

sources are used to examine the way Peruvian Catholics experienced, interpreted and faced the progressive secularisation of the state, the economic and social transformations generated by the expansion of capitalism and the growing influence of radical ideologies in Peruvian society within the context of the modernisation process that the country experienced between 1884 and 1935. At the same time, this book explores the involvement of Catholicism in the development of a national civic culture by participating in the main social debates of the time, including the ‘labour problem’ and the ‘indigenous question’. These aspects are examined in the larger context of the clash between Catholicism and secularist movements, the development of a renewal in the Catholic world, and the socio-economic consequences of the global expansion of industrial capitalism from the 1860s onwards. Together, the period analysed here is crucial to understand a new phase in Peruvian history. It goes from the end of the War of the Pacific (1879–1884) to the immediate years after the world crisis of 1929 and the fall of Augusto B. Leguía’s regime in 1930. Indeed, after its dramatic defeat in the War, the country initiated a process of national reconstruction characterised by the application of new models of economic growth and diversification, state expansion, urban development, social mobilisation and there emerged new intellectual approaches towards Peruvian national identity and problems. As follows, the present research analyses how and with what nuances these changes in global Catholicism manifested themselves in the Peruvian case during those years. It is worth noting here that state secularisation in Peru encompassed a process of transition from a confessional government that banned the public worship of non-Catholic creeds to the legal recognition of religious tolerance (1915) and, later on, to the eventual separation between church and state (1979). It also entailed a diminishing ecclesiastical influence over Peruvian legislation, especially on topics related to public education and to the Catholic conception of natural law, family and marriage. Additional aspects were the elimination of special corporate courts for the clergy and the gradual displacement of the Church from functions that came to be under state control, such as civil registry, social welfare and public health. Another feature, which is not a main object of study in this book, was the transformation of the economic relations between church and state, including an early expropriation of some ecclesiastical properties and a gradual ­reduction  –­ albeit not the elimination- of certain fiscal privileges and public subsidies to the Church. From a socio-political point of view, secularisation was characterised by the influence of old and new actors in the public sphere who, for very different reasons, challenged the cultural and social hegemony of Catholicism in the country. Accordingly, liberals, Freemasons and positivists, in their pursuit to build

4 Introduction a secular republic and to conduct society to the ‘road of progress’, used their political power to control the Church and strived to relegate it to the private realm. On the other hand, Protestants aimed to achieve religious tolerance in order to expand their pastoral and educational projects. For their part, Marxists and Apristas questioned the country’s economic and social structures as a whole and promoted radical revolution. Taking in count these elements, this research addresses three interconnected topics: the ecclesiastical response to political secularisation, the Church’s internal revitalisation, and the rise of social Catholicism in Peru. It is maintained that the process of state secularisation and the political, economic and social changes, which took place in Peru between those years, redefined the Catholic presence in the public sphere by stripping the Church of some of its traditional prerogatives while at the same time giving it greater liberty from state control. Paradoxically, this situation allowed the Church to promote various pastoral, social, educational and political initiatives that, in turn, were instrumental to preserve and expand the Catholic presence in Peruvian society. At the same time, the application of Catholic social thinking in Peru had to be adapted to the specific reality of the country and put forth responses distinct from those implemented in Europe. In this line, the present research analyses a trend within Peruvian Catholicism that, decades before the rise of Liberation Theology and shaped by different theological and political paradigms, advanced a reformist yet anti-revolutionary agenda that addressed the new social problems, including both of the urban workers and of the native populations. This agenda encompassed a defence of individual and corporative rights of workers and Indians against their detractors and exploiters; demands for legal and institutional changes in order to protect those rights; initiatives of social welfare; a reappraisal of native cultures and languages; and efforts to integrate Indian populations to national life. An inseparable element of this approach was its commitment to preserve and spread the Catholic faith.9 9 As seen along this work, it is necessary to consider that since the Catholic Church is a complex institution that encompasses diverse organisations, economic interests, social relations, and intellectual positions, it would be mistaken to assume that the ideas and actions of Peruvian Catholics towards the ‘Social question’ or to the country’s political changes were uniform. For example, in some cases, close relations between the clergy and local elites or civil functionaries generated an uncritical stand – and many times even complicity – towards abuses or legal irregularities. In other cases, racist stereotypes that were common among the early twentieth century intelligentsia, permeated the writings of some Catholic authors. Many times foreign priests – or Peruvians who did their religious training abroad – belonging to new religious congregations were able to address the country’s social problems with more freedom from local stereotypes.

Introduction

5

Academic Approach and Sources Some academic schools have tended to underestimate the value of certain ecclesiastical documents such as councils, synods, pastoral letters, or Catholic press, as they consider them defective for a solid historical analysis. Presumably, they would likely fail to provide a balanced evidentiary basis for assessing the Church’s work. As a result, studies that mainly rely on this information, would risk to appear overly celebratory and insufficiently critical of Catholics’ efforts, seemingly taking these individuals and institutions at their word. From this point of view, religious discourse and legislation just provide a superficial view of social superstructure and, therefore, could be instrumental for covering up the structural contradictions and conflicts of the prevailing social system, and for protecting the underlying ruling-class economic order from change.10 While it is true that these kinds of documents provide a partial view of reality and that an historical analysis is certainly enriched when it is made up from diverse sources, it can be argued that no research in itself can offer a complete picture of a social process. Rather, it have to choose a specific perspective in order to analyse an historical phenomenon. From this viewpoint, the approach of this research is inscribed in the field of Global History, as it asserts that the object of this study is a regional scenario of a process that was taking place in Europe and the Latin America. Thus, the selected writings and documents are focused on the more general social and intellectual matrix out of which they arose, including the political struggles and the secularisation processes that were taking place in both continents. In the case of this research, the means to assess these connections are, in addition to the use of secondary bibliography, an analysis of diverse published and unpublished primary sources. In this line, a main objective of this work is to analyse and confront varied underexplored documents in order to reconstruct relevant aspects of the civic and social roles developed by Catholics in Peru mainly from the perspective of their actors, such as, bishops, clergymen, laywomen and laymen, religious institutes, intellectuals, and diverse Catholic organisations. This include an assessment of the influence of global Catholicism in the Peruvian Church; an examination of the pastoral and social discourses of the National Assembly of bishops, the clergy and other Catholic leaders; and an analysis of the internal organisation, ideas and works of a number of Catholic associations. 10

Many orthodox Marxist authors followed this trend, as it was analysed, in relation to the Italian case, in: Kertzer, David, ‘Gramci’s Concept of Hegemony: The Italian ChurchComunist Struggle’, Dialectical Anthropology 4, 4 (December 1971): 322–23.

6 Introduction Numerous primary sources have been consulted in the elaboration of this study including Catholic and anticlerical journals and newspapers, pastoral letters of the bishops, government information related to religious affairs, ecclesiastical legislation, various pamphlets, personal letters of Catholic leaders, conferences, records and regulations of diverse Catholic associations, records of religious congregations, among others. These sources have been consulted in the Library of Congress (Washington D.C.) and in various Peruvian archives and libraries including the Archivo Arzobispal de Lima, Archivo General de la Nación, Biblioteca Nacional, Archivo Vargas Ugarte (in the Universidad Jesuita Antonio Ruiz de Montoya), Archivo Felix Denegri Luna (in the Instituto Riva-­ Agüero), Archivo del Instituto Riva-Agüero, the Library of the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, the Archivo Arzobispal de Arequipa and the Library of San Jerónimo Seminary in Arequipa. Future studies would need to incorporate other kinds of evidence, such as peasants’ letters about rural priests, ecclesiastical internal reports and inquiries, or workers’ testimonies, in order to provide a more rounded view of the actual impact and perceptions of such activities in Peru. This information would also be useful so as to report the conflicts, abuses and problems generated by Church members. However, anticlerical writers and a number of academic works have already been active in revealing these darker features.11 ‘Culture Wars’ and Catholic Renewal Recent studies have shown the important role played by religion in the formation and development of contemporary political culture. One of the most relevant aspects of this topic was the intense conflict between Catholics and anticlericals against the background of an increasing secularisation process.12 11

12

For example, other works, such as Heilman’s, have already provided documental insights from peasants about common clerical abuses against natives. See: Jaymie Heilman, Before the Shining Path: Politics in Rural Ayacucho, 1895–1980 (Stanford, 2010), 30–33, 75–76, 131–33. See also: Miguel La Serna, ‘In Plain View of the Catholic Faithful: Church-Peasant Conflict in the Peruvian Andes, 1963–1980’, Hispanic American Historical Review 95, 4 (2015): 631–57; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo y crisis de la República Aristocrática, 145–46. For recent studies on the European case see: Christopher M. Clark and Wolfram Kaiser, Culture Wars: Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Cambridge, U.K.; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Michael Burleigh, Earthly Powers: The Clash of Religion and Politics in Europe from the French Revolution to the Great War (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2005).

Introduction

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As maintained by Charles Taylor, in Western-type representative democracies, secularisation can be understood as an historical and political construction where belief in God is not required but becomes an option among others ‘and frequently not the easiest to embrace’.13 In other words, it involved a process directed to establish religious pluralism in society and where the prevailing political assumption was that the foundation of laws should be found in the general will and in rational consensus rather than in religion. As follows, the state, independent from religious influence, was seen as the guarantor of neutrality and freedom. Following these views, a number of intellectuals and politicians maintained that it was necessary to confine faith to private life, and, thus, to exclude organised religions from the political arena and to restrict many aspects of their public expressions under state regulation. As consequence, especially in Catholic Europe and Latin America, supporters of these policies implemented a series of measures directed to hinder ecclesiastical power, which generated diverse types of political, cultural and popular resistance. While the secularisation process was not always associated to anticlericalism, this former trend became predominant among a number of politicians and intellectuals including Freemasons, many liberals and socialists. As Kaiser and Clark point out, these ‘culture wars’ accompanied ‘the emergence of constitutional and democratic nation-states’ and brought with them massive social mobilisation and polarisation involving theoretical debates and intense political struggles touching upon nearly all aspects of people’s lives such as the control of education and the press, the regulation of marriage, interpretations of national histories, appropriations of the national symbols and the control of the public sphere.14 Nineteenth-century laicism, having its intellectual roots in the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, claimed that revealed religion, unable to be sustained by reason, experience or science, had to be reduced to the field of private beliefs. Its political antecedents were in the gallican and regalist tendencies15 proper to the enlightened absolutism of the European Catholic 13 14 15

Charles Taylor, A Secular Age (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007), 2–3. Clark and Kaiser, Cuture Wars, 1. Regalism was a political tendency within the Spanish and Portuguese empires and other states that asserted the sovereign’s supremacy on ecclesiastical matters. To a great extent, it was a variation of French gallicanism that defended the independence of the Church in France and elsewhere from the ecclesiastical control of Rome. See: Gabriel B. Paquette, Enlightenment, Governance and Reform in Spain and Its Empire 1759–1808 (Basingstoke [England] New York: Plagrave Macmillan, 2008), 67–87; Alberto de la Hera, El regalismo borbónico en su proyección indiana (Madrid: Rialp, 1963).

8 Introduction monarchs of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. They sought to increasingly subject the Church to the state and endeavoured to replace Tridentine Catholic culture with one more compatible with enlightened thought. However, this tendency would be radicalised in heretofore unthought of ways during the French Revolution when it sought state control of ecclesiastical life through the Civil Constitution of the Clergy and was directed towards a campaign aimed at the dechristianisation of European society and culture. The liberal laicism of the nineteenth century inherited these currents, increasingly so from 1830 onwards.16 The struggle against religious tradition was viewed as a necessary step in the progress of freedom and reason against the supposed intolerance and superstition in which the people had been submerged for centuries. Supporters of these policies believed that, among organised religions, the Catholic Church was a main obstacle to the establishment of a liberal democracy and a modern pluralist society due to its pervading influence on society, its close and traditional relationship to the state, its privileges and its influence on Western culture, and its association to the Ancien Régime. This hostile position was further accentuated with the dogmatic proclamations of papal infallibility and primacy during the First Vatican Council and the promulgation of the encyclical Quanta Cura and the Syllabus of Errors by Pius IX.17 From this perspective the secularists proposed that the state, as the depositary of the popular will and as the guarantor of equality, should be set up as the maximum authority acknowledging no competition in the exercise of its sovereignty. The liberal political programme sought the passage of laws which consecrated the separation between church and state, the elimination of the Church’s special privileges, religious toleration, equality before the law, civil marriage and divorce, freedom of the press and the exclusion of religion from public instruction. As a consequence, especially in countries of Catholic tradition, secularising projects were carried out that included a series of measures such as the confiscation of the properties belonging to religious institutions, expulsion of religious congregations, state intervention in internal aspects of Church discipline and economics, which in some cases would even include the persecution of those who opposed these policies.18

16 Burleigh, Earthly Powers, 311–63. 17 Wolfram Kaiser, ‘Clericalism –  That Is Our Enemy!’: European Anticlericalism and the Culture Wars’, in Culture Wars: Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. Christopher M. Clark and Wolfram Kaiser (Cambridge, U.K.; New York: Cambridge ­University Press, 2003), 60–61. 18 Burleigh, Earthly Powers, 314–20.

Introduction

9

The secularist agenda, however, comprised a varied group of very different positions among themselves, but with common laicist principles. There were anticlerical radicals who sought to subject the Church to state domination and to eliminate all public manifestations of the faith and replace them with patriotic symbols and rites; gallicans or regalists who held that the Church carried out a function useful to society as long as it remained dependent on the state; pragmatic liberals who were not disposed to start a religious war and who felt that religion fulfilled an important moralising function; and liberal Catholics who, in claiming that religion should be a private matter, believed that the separation of church and state could be beneficial for both institutions.19 From the second half of the nineteenth century and during the twentieth, Marxists as well as socialists and anarchists tended to be hostile to any and all religious presence in society. The degree of divisiveness and radicalness of the ‘culture wars’ varied significantly according to the countries and historical circumstances in which they took place. In the Mexico of the Reform20 and later during the Revolution,21 laicist designs provoked bloody civil wars and persecutions, confiscations of ecclesiastical properties and strict restrictions on the Church’s presence in the public sphere. During the French Third Republic, as in Bismarck’s Germany, secularising measures were pushed which sought to extirpate any Catholic presence from public education and to significantly reduce its cultural influence.22 In other cases, such as Argentina and Peru, despite the retention of 19 20

21

22

Kaiser, ‘Clericalism – That Is Our Enemy!’, 47–48. David Brading, ‘Ultramontane Intransigence and the Mexican Reform: Clemente de Jesús Munguía’, in The Politics of Religion in an Age of Revival, ed. Austen Ivereigh (London: University of London, Institute of Latin American Studies, 2000), 115–42; David Brading, The First America. The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots and the Liberal State, 1492–1867 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 649–74; Pablo Mijangos, The Lawyer of the Church Bishop Clemente de Jesús Munguía and the Clerical Response to the Mexican Liberal Reforma (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2015), Brian Francis Connaughton, Clerical Ideology in a Revolutionary Age: The Guadalajara Church and the Idea of the Mexican Nation, 1788–1853, trans. Mark Alan Healey (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2003). Robert Quirk, The Mexican Revolution and the Catholic Church 1910–1929 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1973); Matthew Butler, Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico’s Cristero Rebellion: Michoacán, 1927–29 (OUP/British Academy, 2004). James McMillan, ‘Religion and Politics in Nineteenth-Century France: Further Reflections on Why Catholics and Republicans Couldn’t Stand Each Other’, in The Politics of Religion in an Age of Revival, ed. Austen Ivereigh (London: University of London, Institute of Latin American Studies, 2000), 43–55; Manuel Borutta, ‘Enemies at the Gate: The Moabit Klostersturm and the Kulturkampf: Germany’, in Culture Wars: Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. Christopher M. Clark and Wolfram Kaiser (Cambridge, U.K.; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 227–54; Burleigh, Earthly Powers, 336–64.

10 Introduction certain regalist paradigms of the eighteenth century, the secularisation of the state was taking place in a progressive, negotiated way and did not involve the outbreak of serious civil conflicts. However, a common aspect was that this phenomenon had a transnational dimension which was developed in most countries across the Catholic world and which led to the establishment of networks and relationships that reached global proportions. In like fashion, laicists and anticlericals tended to congregate in Masonic lodges, translated like-minded intellectual texts and shared political programmes and arguments.23 Simultaneously, Catholics viewed papal authority as a symbol of unity and defence of their liberty vis-à-vis the state, members of religious institutes travelled to various parts of the world as missionaries or educators, the Catholic press flourished, and congresses and other events were organised to strengthen international ties and foster mutual cooperation.24 Contrary to what certain sociological theories maintain with regards to secularisation,25 numerous historical and philosofical studies have demonstrated that these laicist projects did not result in an immediate religious decline but rather that they occurred parallel to a revitalisation of the Church. Such that, from the mid-nineteenth century on, there developed what some authors have called a ‘New Catholicism’ characterised by being more universal, dynamic and oriented to Rome. 26 Despite having lost the Papal States in 1870, the papacy 23

24 25

26

For studies on the international dimension of Latin American anticlericalism see: Matthew Butler, ‘Liberalism, Anticlericalism, and Antireligious Currents in the Nineteenth Century’, in The Cambridge History of Religions in Latin America, ed. Virginia Garrard Burnett and Dove, Stephen C. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 231–250; Roberto Di Stefano and José Zanca eds., Pasiones anticlericales: un recorrido iberoamericano (Buenos Aires: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes Editorial, 2013). Wolfram Kaiser, Christian Democracy and the Origins of European Union (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 16–17. Some of these theories are briefly analysed in: Margaret Lavina Anderson, ‘The Divisions of the Pope: The Catholic Revival and Europe’s Transition to Democracy’, in The Politics of Religion in an Age of Revival, ed. Austen Ivereigh (London: University of London, Institute of Latin American Studies, 2000), 22–23. The decline in the influence of Marxism and structuralism in the studies on the social dimension of religion in France is analysed in: Jean-Paul Willaime, ‘The Cultural Turn in the Sociology of Religion in France’, Sociology of Religion 65, 4 (Winter 2004): 373–88. Christopher M. Clark, ‘The New Catholicism and the European Culture Wars’, in Culture Wars: Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. Christopher M. Clark and Wolfram Kaiser (Cambridge, U.K.; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 11– 13; John W. Boyer, ‘Catholics, Christians and the Challenges of Democracy: The Heritage of the Nineteenth Century’, in Political Catholicism in Europe 1918–45, ed. Wolfram Kaiser and Helmut Wohnout, vol. 1 (London: Routledge, 2004), 22–23.

Introduction

11

since Pius IX (1846–1878) began a process of centralisation which allowed it to establish an increasingly direct and closer relationship with the episcopate and the local churches around the world. At the same time, there was a renewal of religious life thanks to the foundation and expansion of numerous congregations dedicated to the missions, teaching and the development of different works of charity. These were the prime motors of the rebirth of Catholic education owing to the creation of an extensive network of schools and universities. New religious devotions also arose, or old ones that were deeply ingrained in the popular religious sensibility were strengthened; such devotions, both new and old, were sources of massive public manifestations of piety such as processions and pilgrimages.27 The laity played an increasingly relevant role within the Church and formed dynamic associations that developed extensive pastoral, social and cultural projects. In some cases they also participated in politics, whether by forming confessional parties or exerting influence, individually or collectively, in public institutions. As a result, a flourishing Catholic press developed in Europe and the Americas. At the same time, Catholic unions and other workers’ associations were formed in order to address the pressing social questions of the time. Another crucial aspect of this renewal was the growing participation of women in apostolic and social projects. The new female congregations, unlike past centuries, were mainly oriented towards active life and carried out extensive labours in the world, founding schools, hospitals and asylums along with other pastoral initiatives, in the process attracting a greater number of vocations than the male congregations.28 Additionally, women also took on more leadership roles in lay associations, organising activities to finance ecclesiastical projects, forming pressure groups to oppose the anticlerical laws, directing social and charitable works, giving classes in Catholic formation and establishing prayer, catechism and spirituality groups.29 In good measure, this ‘new Catholicism’ during the second half of the nineteenth century possessed an apologetic and ultramontane character which openly condemned liberalism, positivism, socialism and Freemasonry and was 27 28 29

Frank Coppa, The Modern Papacy, 1798–1995 (London: Addison Wesley Longman, 1998), 100–116. Claude Langlois, Le catholicisme au féminin: Les congrégations françaises à supérieure générale au xixe siècle (Paris: Cerf, 1984). Sol Serrano, ¿Qué hacer con Dios en la República?: política y secularización en Chile (1845–1885) (Santiago, Chile: Fondo de Cultura Económico, 2008), 20–22; Anderson, ‘The Divisions of the Pope’, 22–43; Clark, ‘The New Catholicism’, 11–46; Boyer, ‘Catholics, Christians and the Challenges of Democracy’, 7–45.

12 Introduction opposed to the principle of religious tolerance in those countries with an overwhelming Catholic majority. By ultramontanism is understood ‘a strain within Catholicism that emphasises a strict sense of hierarchy and the primacy of the pope within the Catholic Church as a whole’30 and which, at the same time, sought independence from the civil power while preserving the confessional character of the state. In one sense, this attitude was a reaction to the violence generated by certain secularist projects in the wake of the French Revolution and the pretensions of a portion of the scientific community to encompass all reality within the confines of its knowledge, proposing to make the ‘God hypothesis’ superfluous.31 Furthermore, Catholicism defended the need to maintain the Christian roots and identity of society, culture and politics under the old paradigm of western Christendom. Consequently, the Church strived to ensure that Catholicism would continue to be the foundation of social consensus by appealing to its role in the formation of nationalities and questioning the liberal and positivist principles of the secular state.32 This position implied neither a rejection of scientific study, nor an automatic identification with the elites, nor the uncritical validation of the capitalist system nor indifference towards the social question. Catholics used science and technological advances in order to develop their activities and at the same time, in the intellectual sphere, beginning with Leo XIII, philosophy and Thomistic theology were promoted.33 In the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth, a Catholic intellectual rebirth took place, led in many cases by converts.34 In addition, the ‘new Catholicism’ placed particular emphasis on spiritual renewal through the promotion of a series of devotions, an active prayer life and frequent participation in liturgical celebrations. Along these trends, Pius x was a decided promoter of Eucharistic piety, and during the twentieth century numerous Eucharistic congresses were held in various cities around the world bringing together hundreds of thousands of people.35 30

Max Herbert Voegler, ‘Religion, Liberalism and the Social Question in the Habsburg Hinterland: The Catholic Church in Upper Austria, 1850–1914’ (Columbia University, 2006), 2. 31 Benedict XVI, ‘Discourse to the Roman Curia Offering Them His Christmas Greetings’, 22 Dec. 2005. 32 Serrano, ¿Qué hacer con Dios en la república?, 18–26. 33 See: Leo XIII, Aeterni Patris, 1879; James Hennesey, ‘Leo XIII’s Thomistic Revival: A Political and Philosophical Event’, The Journal of Religion 58 (1978): 185–97. 34 Joseph Pearce, Literary Converts: Spiritual Inspiration in an Age of Unbelief (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2000). 35 Hubert Jedin, ed., History of the Church (London: Burns & Oates, 1981), Vol. 9, 257–269.

Introduction

13

In spite of the evident regional differences at the start of the twentieth century, State secularisation, in general terms, made significant progress in most countries. Many political changes such as church-state separation, religious tolerance, civil marriage, and press freedom had to be accepted by Catholics as constitutive aspects of the new system, and, therefore, they had to learn to live with them. This did not mean a distancing of the Church from the public arena as Catholicism continued to exert obvious influence on culture, society and even political institutions. Nevertheless, while the liberal reforms seemed to be consolidating and the capitalist economic system was expanded, new actors within the political spectrum were making themselves increasingly relevant. Marxism, along with other varieties of socialism and anarchism, attaining a significant popular following in the urban world, radically challenged the system and proposed new political and social models which were manifestly hostile to religion.36 The new social and economic conditions generated by industrial capitalism and the rise of radical movements motivated the development of social Catholicism. The concept of ‘social Catholicism’ can be considered redundant since religion and, in particular, Catholicism, are social phenomena themselves. Nevertheless, this term has been used by historians and Catholic intellectuals to draw attention to a particular aspect of Catholicism which is concerned with the common good of society, the social relations of human beings and, to be more specific, it refers to a movement within Catholicism that appeared during the nineteenth century in Europe and then was expanded to other countries in the world. In a technical sense the concept of ‘Social Catholicism’ began to be used with respect to the consequences of the industrial revolution and the Catholic responses to the social and political changes that this process produced.37 As a result, various initiatives arose which promoted a model of business and economic development with a moral basis in accord with Christian principles and which would protect the rights of workers. Throughout the nineteenth century several members of the clergy and laity were recognised as thinkers, legislators, businessmen and workers who had significant influence on social legislation, the unions and the labour movements of countries such as France, Italy, Belgium and Germany. These ideas and actions were confirmed and promoted by Pope Leo XIII’s encyclical Rerum Novarum (1891), which was considered the Magna Carta of Social Catholicism. In it the excesses of capitalist society were criticised, a series of moral principles for the economic order were 36 37

Clark and Kaiser, Cuture Wars, 6. Alexander Roper Vidler, A Century of Social Catholicism, 1820–1920 (London,: S. P. C. K., 1964), IX–X.

14 Introduction proposed and the Marxist and anarchist options were condemned. Catholic social thought was developed throughout the twentieth century by intellectuals, politicians and by succeeding popes. Pius XI left his mark as much for his encyclical Quadragesimo Anno (1931), published after the start of the world crisis of capitalism, as for his opposition to the growing influence of totalitarian ideologies around the world. During the first decades of the twentieth century there was a change of attitude in many Catholics intellectuals, leaders and priests who maintained that the Church needed to adapt some of its socio-political approaches to the new conditions of the Western world. For them it was a mistake to equate the essence of Christianity to the Ancien Régime and there was a gradual acceptance of those elements of modernity that were identified as compatible with Catholic values. Among them was the principle of religious liberty that, after been largely condemned during the papacy of Pius IX, came to be, not only accepted, but endorsed during the Second Vatican Council. The same was true for church-state separation, that was eventually accepted – and in some cases promoted- by Rome, even for Catholic countries. It is necessary to highlight that although this was an important tendency within the Church, Catholics did not respond to cultural and social changes monolithically. One sector of the Church held on to the old model of Christendom; some identified the Catholic social option with a corporatist and nationalist model -at times akin to fascism-;38 on the other extreme, a small but influential group developed close affinities with the radical parties of the left. At the same time, a significant number of Catholics considered the principles of representative democracy to be integrally compatible with the Catholic faith as in the cases of the numerous and influential Christian Democrat and Social Christian parties around the world during the first decades of the twentieth century.39 In this sense, contrary to some traditional premises which held that Catholicism was an obstacle to the democratisation of society and that it was used as an element in the legitimisation of the economic power structures, this Catholic rebirth was an integral part of modernity and contributed in important ways to the formation of new models of sociability and organisation 38

John Pollard, «Corporativism and Political Catholicism», in Corporatism and Fascism: The Corporatist Wave in Europe, ed. Antonio Costa Pinto, Edición: 1 (Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2017), 42–59; Jorge Dagnino, ‘Catholic Modernities in Fascist Italy: The Intellectuals of Azione Cattolica’, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 8, 2 (June 2007): 329–41. 39 Kaiser, Christian Democracy and the Origins of European Union.

Introduction

15

which, in turn, played important roles in shaping the modern public sphere. Similarly, Catholic dissidence was an essential element in limiting the growth of the authoritarian power of the secularist state, during the nineteenth century as well as throughout the entire twentieth century.40 The resistance by the Zentrum to the Kulturkampf during the nineteenth, the criticisms of Catholic intellectuals to the ‘sacralisation’ of politics and to secular messianic leaderships,41 the many papal pronouncements against the various totalitarian systems,42 and the struggles of the Solidarity union against the communist regime in Poland in the latter part of the twentieth century bear testimony to this fact. Catholicism and Politics in Peruvianist Historiography The historiography on the relation between Catholicism and politics in Peru during nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is still scant. However, from the 1990s onwards some studies have addressed this topic with greater emphasis on the reconstruction of historical events by examining varied primary sources.43 Among them, three authors stand out. The first is Jeffrey Klaiber S.J. who, in The Catholic Church in Peru, 1821–1985, A Social History wrote the most complete survey of the history of Catholic Church in Peru from independence until the 1980s.44 There he examines the role and evolution of the hierarchy, the secular clergy, the religious institutes and associations of the laity. 40

‘It can be argued that what prevented liberalism in Spanish America from collapsing into secular theocracy was the opposition of the Church. The secularising, socially restricted liberal state of the nineteenth century was rescued from outright autocracy by the opposition of the anti-modern, hierarchical Church’ in: Austen Ivereigh, The Politics of Religion in an Age of Revival (London: University of London, Institute of Latin American Studies, 2000), 21. John Pollard analysed the role of the Papacy in the face of the rising twentieth century totalitarian regimes: John Pollard, The Papacy in the Age of Totalitarianism, 1914–1958 (Oxford University Press, 2014). 41 Jorge Dagnino, ‘The Intellectuals of Italian Catholic Action and the Sacralisation of Politics in 1930s Europe’, Contemporary European History 21, 02 (May 2012): 215–33. 42 Pollard, The Papacy in the Age of Totalitarianism, 1914–1958. 43 For a comprehensive survey of the general histories of the Catholic Church in Peru see: Rafael Sánchez-Concha, ‘Historias generales de la Iglesia en el Perú: Estado de la cuestión, 1953–2014’, Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia 24 (2015): 117–39. 44 Jeffrey Klaiber, The Catholic Church in Peru, 1821–1985. A Social History (Washington D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1991).

16 Introduction Klaiber  proposes that, following a period of crisis in the wake of Independence, the Catholic Church, beginning in 1855, initiated a new era of renewal characterised by a militant defence of ecclesiastical rights in the face of an advancing secularism and developed a new pastoral, missionary, social and political dynamism. This conservative renewal went on opening itself to the new cultural and intellectual tendencies from 1930 onwards. He then analysed the period that goes from 1968 to 1985, when Liberation Theology became influential in Peruvian Catholicism and was confronted by other currents within the Church. Being a pioneer study, this book gives a panoramic view of the history of Catholic Church in Peru since independence. In this sense, he provides original but general information that has opened new avenues for further research in this area. On the other hand, in his book Religion and Revolution in Peru45 Klaiber analysed the conflictual relationship, but also the points of agreement, between Catholicism and some of the radical Peruvian intellectuals and movements, including Manuel González Prada, the bestknown anti-clerical in Peru, Indigenism and José Carlos Mariátegui, the most important figure of Peruvian Marxism. The most thorough history of the process of secularisation in Peru has been written by Pilar García Jordán who, in her book Iglesia y Poder en el Perú Contemporáneo, 1821–1919,46 analysed Church-State relations from independence to 1919. The author maintained that her work sought to overcome ‘concealing’ and ‘legitimising’ approaches to Peruvian Catholicism and proposed instead the necessity of understanding what were the economic and political interests, along with the ideological prejudices, that led the Church to resist, albeit often ineffectively, any encroachments on its spheres of power within Peruvian politics. From this perspective, the Church became a main obstacle to the construction of a liberal state by promoting an ‘ideology of order’. While the author has carried out an exhaustive compilation of unpublished primary sources, her study is mostly concentrated on the power struggle between both institutions at a national level and less focused on the evolution of the Church’s social and political thought, its internal renewal or its international influences. Another important book by García Jordán is Cruz y Arado, Fusiles y Discursos.47 Like the earlier work, it draws upon a large 45 46 47

Jeffrey Klaiber, Religión y revolución en el Perú, 1824–1988 (Lima: Centro de Investigación (CIUP), Universidad del Pacífico, 1988). García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo. Pilar García Jordán, Cruz y arado, fusiles y discursos. La construcción de los orientes en el Perú y Bolivia, 1820–1940, 1ra ed (Lima, Perú: Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2001).

Introduction

17

collection of primary sources. Nevertheless, the book’s principal focus was not secularisation, but rather the penetration of the Peruvian and Bolivian states in their respective Amazonian regions. It is maintained that both governments supported the Catholic Church’s missionary work because of their own interest in asserting their sovereignty over those territories. In this way the missionaries, in addition to being evangelists, became agents of the westernisation and civic formation of the native populations. A third author is Fernando Armas who, in his book Liberales, Protestantes y Masones, examined the political and doctrinal disputes that ultimately led to the approval of the law of religious tolerance in 1915.48 In more recent texts Armas surveyed the effects of the secularisation of religious properties in Lima between 1820 and 1950 including the confiscatory laws passed during the nineteenth century and the economic strategies of some convents and monasteries to meet these measures. If indeed these works are a novel contribution to an unexplored topic, still there is no complete general survey of the economic situation of the Peruvian Church within the context of the process of secularisation that had been taking place since independence.49 Later, in 2010 Armas, along with Church historian Josep-Ignasi Saranyana, analysed the preliminary debates, doctrinal contents and pastoral guidelines within the episcopal assemblies and the provincial councils of the Catholic Church in Peru from 1900 to 1934.50 More recently historian Jesús Ara Goñi has analysed some of the controversial aspects of Archbishop Emilio Lissón’s administration of his archdiocese in Lima (1918–1930), and the antecedents and development of the 48

49

50

Fernando Armas Asin, Liberales, protestantes y masones: modernidad y tolerancia religiosa: Perú siglo XIX (Fondo Editorial PUCP, 1998). One of the best studies on mainline Protestantism from the Aristocratic Republic to the end of Augusto B. Leguía’s government is: Juan Fonseca, Misioneros y civilizadores. protestantismo y modernización en el Perú: 1915–1930 (Lima: PUCP. Fondo editorial, 2002). Fernando Armas Asin, Iglesia: bienes y rentas: secularización liberal y reorganización patrimonial en Lima (1820–1950) (Lima: Instituto Riva-Agüero IEP, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2007). Fernando Armas Asin, La invención del patrimonio católico: modernidad e identidad en el espacio religioso peruano, (1820–1950) (Lima, Perú: Asamblea Nacional de Rectores, 2006); Fernando Armas Asin, Patrimonio divino y capitalismo criollo: el proceso desamortizador de censos eclesiásticos en el Perú, (Lima: Red para el Desarrollo de las Ciencias Sociales en el Perú: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Instituto Riva-Agüero: Fundación M.J. Bustamante de la Fuente, 2010). Josep-Ignasi Saranyana and Armas Asín, Fernando, La Iglesia Contemporánea en el Perú (1900–1934). Asambleas Eclesiásticas y Concilios Provinciales (Lima: Instituto RivaAgüero – Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2010).

18 Introduction Catholic Action in Peru, including the crucial role of women in this institution (1920–1936).51 Other relevant, albeit older studies on these subjects are those of the Peruvian Jesuit historians Rubén Vargas Ugarte and Armando Nieto Vélez. The former wrote a five-volume Historia de la Iglesia en el Perú that covered the period from the first evangelisation in the sixteenth century to 1900.52 The last volume, dealing with the Church in the nineteenth century, focused above all on institutional aspects related to the ecclesiastical hierarchy and the expansion of the labours of the religious congregations. On the other hand, Armando Nieto has written a panoramic study of the Church in Peru during the twentieth century53 as well as various works on the history of the Society of Jesus in the country. With respect to the history of Catholic social thought, the most relevant study is that of Pedro Planas, entitled Biografía del movimiento social cristiano en el Perú. This work covers Catholic intellectual developments mainly in Lima and, to lesser extent, Arequipa between 1926 and 1956.54 Structure This book is divided into three parts in which different facets of the ‘new ­Catholicism’ in Peru are analysed. The first is composed of four chapters dealing with the evolution of the complex relationship between the Catholic Church and Peruvian politics within the context of the State and social secularisation then taking place in the country. The first chapter surveys the progressive transformation of church-state relations from the sixteenth century until the end of the War of the Pacific (1884). This includes an analysis of the characteristics of the old paradigms which guided this relationship during the viceregal period and the changes that occurred during the first phase of the republic. It also examines the roots of regalism, the development of liberal anticlericalism, the 51

52 53 54

Jesús Ara Goñi, ‘La Iglesia militante y la Acción Católica en Perú (1920–1936)’ (Doctorado ‘Societat i Cultura’, Univeritat de Barcelona, 2015); Jesús Ara Goñi, ‘La Acción Católica y la política en el Perú: La posición de los prelados peruanos a principios de la década de 1920’, Boletín Americanista LXII, 2, 65 (2012): 147–66; Jesús Ara Goñi, ‘La gestión económica de Emilio Lissón al frente de la Arquidiócesis de Lima en la década de 1920’, Histórica 37, 2 (2013): 103–35. Vargas Ugarte, Historia de la Iglesia en el Perú. Armando Nieto Vélez, ‘La Iglesia Católica en el Perú’, in Historia del Perú, ed. Juan Mejía Baca (Lima, 1980), 11: 417–601. Pedro Planas, Biografía del Movimiento Social-Cristiano en el Perú: 1926–1956 (Lima: Gráfica San Pablo, 1996).

Introduction

19

influence of Freemasons, and the characteristics of Peruvian ultramontanism led by Father Bartolomé Herrera and other churchmen. The second chapter explores the progressive secularisation of the state which occurred in Peru between 1885 and 1919. It discusses some of the main topics that generated tension in church-state relations such as the republican patronato, the secularisation of numerous public functions and the approval of the laws of religious freedom and civil marriage. It shows how, although the Church lost a number of its privileges, it also gained greater liberty vis-à-vis the state. It also addresses how, despite Catholic opposition, there was a gradual growth of mainline Protestantism and Adventism that, by receiving political support from liberals and Freemasons, played a significant role in the establishing of religious pluralism in the country. The third chapter analyses the religious policy of Augusto B. Leguía’s government (1919–1930) that sought to cultivate close ties with the ecclesiastical hierarchy. This enabled the Church to enjoy greater scope for its activities in the public sphere but, at the same time, led to questions regarding the degree of closeness between certain bishops and Catholic leaders and the political power. The fourth chapter studies the effects of the worldwide crisis of capitalism and Leguía’s fall in Peru and how these changes affected the Church. It also explores the position of Peruvian Catholics when confronted to the rise of the radical parties of the masses including Marxism, Aprismo, and the Revolutionary Union (of fascist tendencies) and the circumstances which led to the electoral failure of the Catholic-inspired political parties. The second part analyses the way in which a renewal of the Catholic Church came about, parallel to the secularisation of the state and society. It is maintained that, in order to preserve and expand its activities in the public sphere Catholicism had to adapt itself to the new political and social reality, carrying out a spiritual and disciplinary reform, generating new forms of association for pastoral and social action, and creating new opportunities for formation and cultural diffusion. Similarly, the fifth chapter examines the role of an important generation of Peruvian bishops who led the reform of the secular clergy, promoted numerous pastoral and social initiatives and encouraged the reform, foundation or arrival of male and female religious institutes that were essential to the renewal of Peruvian Catholicism. The sixth chapter describes the formation of lay Catholic movements in the country and how they took on an increasingly relevant role in the pastoral and social activities of the Church. Particularly noteworthy among them were the Sociedad CatólicoPeruana (Peruvian Catholic Society), the Unión Católica (Catholic Union), and various youth groups which arose in the 1920s and 30s and would later be influential in the formation of Catholic Action and the Christian Democrat Party. A section of this chapter is dedicated to the essential role played by the

20 Introduction female branches in the growth and financing of diverse ecclesiastical activities, the i­nternal organisation of these institutions and the social thought of its m ­ embers. The seventh chapter addresses the initiatives launched to reassert Catholic influence in the cultural realm. After observing the progressive dechristianisation of the elites and that a notorious lacuna existed in Catholic educational and intellectual endeavours, some of the principal church ­leaders fostered action designed to face this problem. One of the most important measures was the promotion of the arrival to Peru of foreign religious congregations, which created a network of Catholic schools in the country. Another important initiative was the foundation of the Catholic University in 1917, which enabled the growth of a Catholic intelligentsia and sought to be a counterweight to the influence of the secular movements then dominating the National University of San Marcos. Similarly, the chapter assesses the role of the Catholic press in the development of the cultural and social undertakings of the Church. The third and last part studies the rise and growth of Social Catholicism in Peru. Beginning in the last decade of the nineteenth century, the country underwent a process of economic modernisation produced, in large part, by the international demand for natural resources and the capitalist expansion to the country’s interior. As a consequence of this process, there was a notable growth in the urban population, among which a workers’ movement was developed seeking to organise unions to demand improvements in their labour situation. Despite this, a large percentage of the population, mostly indigenous, continued to be fundamentally rural and socially and politically marginalised. This situation was the leaven for the increasing presence of radical ideologies which took the redemption of the working class as its banner. These factors, along with the influence of the papal social magisterium, encouraged the growth of diverse Catholic initiatives that touched upon various aspects of the country’s social problems. Accordingly, the eighth chapter examines Catholic thought and action with respect to the workers’ problem. First, it focuses Catholic discourse concerning the defence of the basic rights of workers and the critique of capitalism’s excesses and radical movements’ proposals. It also analyses the organisation, projects and achievements of the Peruvian circles of Catholic workers with special emphasis on the Catholic Workers’ Circle of Arequipa. Finally, the ninth chapter analyses Catholic social thought and action with respect to the problem of the marginalisation of the native population. Taking into account the longstanding ecclesiastical tradition of the defence of the Indian dating back to the viceregal times, the Catholic position in the indigenist debate in Peru is examined. Then, the way in which this thinking took form in the social and pastoral efforts in the rural

Introduction

21

world is studied. In this regard, the chapter focuses two main aspects: the role played by the missionaries in the Peruvian Amazon in confronting the cruel exploitation of the natives by the rubber companies, and the work of the Peruvian bishops in the direction of the Patronato de la Raza Indígena, a state organisation created in 1922 to ensure the protection of native rights and to propose projects of social development.

Part I The Politics of Religion

∵

chapter 1

Church and State: Viceregal and Early Republican Antecedents The secularisation of the Peruvian state during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries generated significant resistance from the leaders of the Catholic Church. To understand this antagonism, one has only to recall that for the greater part of the viceregal period Peru was governed by the C ­ atholic ­Monarchy of Spain that, like most kingdoms in Europe during the Ancien ­Régime, rested its authority on two pillars, the civil and the ecclesiastical, which each possessed their own hierarchies, codes of laws, courts, prisons, and collected separate taxes from their subjects. It was mainly under the reign of Charles III (1759–1788) that the Crown embarked upon a series of measures designed to curtail clerical jurisdiction and property. At the same time, influential ministers invoked a new concept of the state and argued that the Church was but a subordinate body, whose ­possessions and privileges depended upon the monarch’s authorisation. Moreover, these men brooked no challenge to the crown’s authority and had come to consider clerical wealth and legal exemptions as an obstacle to progress. The stage was thus set for the ideological warfare of the nineteenth century that haunted most of the extensive territories that had once composed the Catholic Monarchy.

The Catholic Monarchy

The Spanish monarchs, in virtue of the right of the ecclesiastical patronage in the Indies given to them by Pope Julius II in 1508, ruled the main aspects of church discipline and organisation leaving the dogmatic definitions to the authority of Rome. This right included the appointment of bishops and canons, the creation of dioceses and the approval of papal bulls and provisions before being despatched to the Americas, among other important issues.1 In this sense, the power of the Pope to intervene directly in the affairs of the Church

1 Consejo de las Indias, Recopilacion de leyes de los reynos de las Indias (Madrid: Viuda de J. Ibarra, impresora, 1791), 1: 36,75–79.

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in the Indies was greatly limited. If it was true that for the appointment of bishops the Crown had to submit a list of its candidates to the Apostolic See for confirmation, in practice this was a mere formality. As a result, the jurisdiction of the monarchy over ecclesiastical affairs in the Indies was much more intimate and absolute than in Spain itself.2 However, if the Holy See entrusted the patronato to the Spanish kings it was because they took as a counterpart the obligation of giving political and economic support to the Church and to promote the evangelisation of the New World. At the same time, in general terms this practice did not imply the absorption of the Church by the state or the formation of a theocratic regime. In fact, in many cases, such as in the discussions concerning the exploitation of the native populations of the Americas, members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and of the religious orders became the critical conscience of the system and censured many of the policies enforced by high ranking secular officials.3 Moreover, by preserving its own courts and authorities, the Church in the Spanish Empire managed to achieve autonomy from the civil power even if the Council of Indies assigned most ecclesiastical posts. In this respect, the Recopilación de las leyes de los reynos de las Indias, a systematic compilation of laws related to the New World, severely commanded viceroys and other high officials and magistrates to protect and respect the immunities and privileges of the clergy in order to facilitate the proper performance of the liturgy and the expansion of the faith among the natives.4 On the other hand, despite the fact that occasionally members of the clergy were appointed by the Crown to civil posts, as in the cases of the archbishop of Lima Melchor de Liñán y Cisneros and the bishop of Quito Diego Ladrón de Guevara, who were viceroys of Peru, it was a common practice of the government to avoid the confusion of roles. For this purpose, there were a series of laws that established with precision the specific and distinct duties of both ecclesiastical and secular judges and officials.5 2 J. Lloyd Mecham, Church and State in Latin America. A History of Politico-Ecclesiastical Relations (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1966), 13–16; John Frederick Schwaller, The History of the Catholic Church in Latin America: From Conquest to Revolution and Beyond (New York: New York University Press, 2011), 47–48; Hans-Jürgen Prien, Christianity in Latin America (Leiden, Boston, 2013), 27–30. 3 See: Lewis Hanke, La lucha por la justicia en la conquista de América (Madrid: Ediciones Istmo, 1988); Quintín Aldea Vaquero, El indio peruano y la defensa de sus derechos (1596–1630) (Madrid – Lima: Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas – Lima: PUCP, Fondo Editorial, 1993). 4 Consejo de las Indias, Recopilacion de leyes de los reynos de las Indias, I, 35. 5 Ibid., 1: 79–85.

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Another essential element of the Catholic Monarchy was the providential conception of the Crown about its mission and history.6 As stated by Juan de Solórzano Pereira, an eminent seventeenth century Spanish jurist and civil official, it was believed that the discovery and conquest of the New World was not an accident but rather part of the Divine design which had chosen Spain to spread the faith to the natives at a time when Protestantism was growing in Europe.7 The justification of the Spanish expansion was grounded in this belief and therefore it was a main priority for the Crown to protect and promote Catholicism in all its territories.8 In this respect, the preservation of orthodoxy was also a main duty that was meant to be achieved through the control of European immigration to the New World and the establishment of the Inquisition. In the first case, the Casa de Contratación (House of Trade) was the institution responsible for preventing anyone suspected of heterodoxy travelling to the Indies.9 On the other hand, the Holy Office was devoted to the eradication of heresy and to punishing a variety of moral offences that were considered grave. The natives were not subjected to the Inquisition because it was stated that their Christian faith was not fully consolidated yet. The Inquisition was dependent on the king rather than on the religious authorities and also became an instrument of political control.10 These close links between church and state had a correlate in society at that time as baroque and Tridentine Catholicism was a constitutive element of the culture. Peru, as an integral part of the Spanish Empire and its most important political and administrative centre in South America, participated in the Catholic Monarchy’s paradigm. Thus, the viceroy assumed the functions

6 7 8

9 10

David Brading, Church and State in Bourbon Mexico: The Diocese of Michoacán ­(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 16–19. Juan de Solórzano Pereira, Politica Indiana (Madrid: M. Sacristan, 1736), 28–33. This view was clearly expressed in the Recopilación where the entire first book was devoted to the Catholic faith and the commitment of the kings to the Christianisation of their subjects. See: Consejo de las Indias, Recopilacion de leyes de los Reynos de las Indias, 1: 1–217. For detailed study on this subject during the Sixteenth century. See: José Luis Martínez, Pasajeros de Indias : Viajes transatlánticos en el siglo XVI (Madrid: Alianza, 1983). René Millar Carvacho, Inquisición y sociedad en el virreinato peruano : Estudios sobre el Tribunal de la Inquisición de Lima (Lima; Santiago, Chile: Instituto Riva-Agüero Instituto de Historia, Ediciones Universidad Católica de Chile, 1998), 18–20. See also: Pedro Guibovich Pérez, Censura, libros e inquisición en el Perú colonial, 1570–1754 (Universidad de Sevilla, 2003), 27–56.

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of vice-patron of the local Church and the first dioceses and religious orders were established within a few years of the Spaniards’ arrival. As in other regions of the empire, the expansion of the Catholic faith among the natives was considered of prime importance and, consequently, synods and councils were convened very early on and promoted energetic campaigns of evangelisation.11 For this purpose, in addition to the diocesan organisation of the secular clergy, it was essential the missionary and educational role of the religious orders, such as the Dominicans, Franciscans, Jesuits, Mercedarians and Augustinians. Evangelisation required the study of the cultures and native languages and, therefore, the production of catechisms, dictionaries, grammars and cultural studies in which the local traditions, rites and customs were analysed. The universities of the viceroyalty established professorships in the native languages, the study of which was required of the priests in charge of rural areas.12 There was an awareness that without a profound understanding of the native societies, Christianity would not be successfully inculturated.13 The evangelisation process profoundly changed the religious structures of indigenous society as well its cosmic vision of the world. In spite of the persistence of syncretistic traits,14 Christianity suffused the Andean societies, becoming an inseparable and constitutive element of their cultural

11

12 13

14

Josep Barnadas, ‘The Catholic Church in Colonial Spanish America’, in The Cambridge History of Latin America. Colonial Latin America, ed. Leslie Bethell, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 517–18; Prien, Christianity in Latin America, 53–108. See: Alan Durston, Pastoral Quechua: The History of Christian Translation in Colonial Peru, 1550–1650, (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2007). For studies on the early Christianisation of Peru see: Fernando Armas Medina, Cristianización del Perú (1532–1600), Publicaciones de La Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos de Sevilla; 75 (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1953); Enrique Dussel, A History of the Church in Latin America. Colonialism to Liberation (1492–1979) (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1981); Enrique Fernández García, Perú Cristiano: Primitiva Evangelización de Iberoamérica y Filipinas, 1492–1660, e Historia de la Iglesia en el Perú, 1532–1900 (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2000); Rubén Vargas Ugarte, Historia de la Iglesia en el Perú (Lima: Santa María e Imp. de Aldecoa, 5 vols. Lima, 1953–62). Sabine MacCormack made a notable study on the changing perceptions held by Spanish and Andean writers about native religions. See: MacCormack, Sabine, Religion in the Andes: Vision and Imagination in Early Colonial Peru (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991). A testimony of some cases of religious syncretism among the native communities in the Peruvian highlands is found in the detailed account written by the seventeenth century priest Francisco de Ávila. See: Francisco de Ávila, Dioses y hombres de Huarochirí, (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1966).

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patrimony. In each Indian village confraternities were established, which, albeit tending to be controlled by the local clergy, had their own organisation and hierarchies, spearheaded the communities’ religious activities and assumed economic responsibilities.15 These communities developed an ingrained popular religiosity which incorporated Christian rites and traditions such as processions and v­ aried devotions. As the historian Juan Carlos E ­ stenssoro points out, the preaching of Catholicism in an indigenous key became an essential aspect in the construction of a new identity not only in the religious field but in politics as well. In this regard, Estenssoro maintains that the Indians took part in the formation of colonial society, not as passive agents but rather by adapting viceregal i­nstitutions and Western culture to their own traditions.16 These characteristics had a decisive influence on the way in which Peru’s cultural and social life took shape. In both the urban and rural worlds, Catholicism became a part of the daily life of the people. This presence was seen as much in the close relationship between the Church and the viceregal state as in the direction of education by the religious orders, as well as in the growth of various popular religious traditions which endured the passage of time.17 In this sense, despite the numerous internal contradictions of the viceregal world, Catholicism became one of the bedrocks of the social consensus and an essential vehicle in the construction of conventions shared by the members of a society divided into castes and classes, and thus in the generation of a new cultural synthesis.

15

16

17

Pedro Morandé, Cultura y modernización en América Latina: Ensayo Sociológico acerca de la crisis del desarrollismo y de su superación (Madrid: Encuentro Ediciones, 1987), 176–77. Juan Carlos Estenssoro, Del paganismo a la santidad: la incorporación de los indios del Perú al catolicismo, 1532–1750 (Lima: IFEA – Instituto Riva-Agüero, 2003). In the same line, Gabriela Ramos stated that: ‘the spread of Catholicism in the Andes was wide and effective and, ... it had deeply permeated the lives of the indigenous population and transformed them completetly’. See: Gabriela Ramos, Death and Conversion in the Andes: Lima and Cuzco, 1532–1670 (Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 2010), 1. See also: Gabriela Ramos, ‘Pastoral Visitations: Spaces of Negotiation in Andean Indigenous Parishes’, The Americas. Special Issue, Canon Law and Its Practice in Colonial Latin America, 73, 1 (January 2016): 39–57. Two notable seventeenth century accounts that show the influence of baroque religiosity on the everyday life in Lima are found in: Juan Antonio Suardo, Diario de Lima, 1629– 1639, Biblioteca de Historia Peruana (Lima, 1936); Joseph de Mugaburu and Francisco de Mugaburu, Diario de Lima (1640–1694) (Lima: Imp. C. Vásquez L., 1935).

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Enlightened Absolutism and Religious Reform

The Bourbon Reforms implemented by the Spanish monarchs during the ­second half of the eighteenth century gradually altered the relations between church and state within the empire. The main objective of this project was the reinforcement of the power of the Crown through a process of state centralisation that sought to weaken the authonomy of civil and ecclesiastical corporations in order to homogenise the laws and institutions of the empire. Far from being a mere change of the administrative system, these reforms involved a transformation of most areas of public life including education, arts and religious practices. Confronted with the dramatic Spanish crisis of the end of the seventeenth century, the new dynasty, along with an influential group of intellectuals and public functionaries, sought to lead a social, economic and cultural renewal following the guidelines of the ‘enlightened absolutism’ predominant in continental Europe.18 For reformers such as Pedro Rodríguez de Campomanes or Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, the new Spanish society had to discard those burdens of the past which hindered its ascent in concert with the developed nations. Whether influenced by Jansenism or by diverse strains of enlightened thought, they repudiated many of the cultural traits that had predominated throughout the Hispanic world during the two preceding centuries. They considered that popular baroque religiosity was infected with superstitions and excesses that had to be purified, promoting a more restrained interior piety aimed at the moral reform of customs. For them the economic power of the Church and the excessive number of religious severely limited the generation of wealth by concentrating so much capital and labour in unproductive activities.19 They affirmed that the teaching of scholastic philosophy and theology encouraged the growth of vain speculations.20 Both the corporate conception of society and 18

For studies on ‘enlightened absolutism’ or ‘enlightened despotism’ see: H. M. Scott, Enlightened Absolutism : Reform and Reformers in Later Eighteenth-Century Europe (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1990); Gabriel B. Paquette, Enlightened Reform in Southern Europe and Its Atlantic Colonies, C. 1750–1830, Empires and the Making of the Modern World, 1650–2000 (Farnham, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009). For the case of Spain and the Spanish empire see: Paquette, Enlightenment, Governance and Reform in Spain and Its Empire 1759–1808. See also: Richard Herr, España y la Revolución del siglo XVIII (Madrid: Aguilar, 1964). 19 Brading, First America, 502–13. 20 Jean Sarrailh, La España ilustrada de la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII (México: Fondo Cultura Económica, 1974), 185.

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the providential vision of the Catholic Monarchy were questioned.21 Among the religious orders, the Society of Jesus was the most criticised by both enlightened thinkers and Jansenists because of its economic power and its cultural and political influence. Moreover, Jesuits were accused of being ultramontanists and of teaching doctrines justifying resistance against the royal authority.22 In contrast to the baroque culture, the proposal of enlightened reformism had an eminently pragmatic and utilitarian character which exalted faith in reason.23 It posited that the state and the intellectual elites were those called to create a cultura dirigida which would lead the society toward material progress and secular felicity. In this context, the reform of the Church according to the regalist concept was seen as a prerequisite to enforce a successful transformation of the empire. Spanish regalism followed the model of French gallicanism in emphasising the state’s right to control ecclesiastic affairs and rejecting the papal prerogative to intervene in national churches without the consent of the Crown. There was a conviction that the authority of the Pope was to be restricted exclusively to dogmatic matters.24 If it is true that these elements were present in the relations between church and state during previous centuries, the Bourbon monarchs used this power to expand the jurisdiction of the Patronato even more.25 In addition, theorists such as the Mexican jurist Antonio de Ribadeneyra maintained that the Patronato was an inherent right of the temporal sovereignty of the Crown rather than a papal concession to the kings.26 These attitudes mirrored the ideas of Campomanes and other enlightened ministers who ‘defined the Church as a privileged corporation within the state, whose rights and property derived from the Crown’s concession. And what the State or sovereign conferred, it could equally retract’.27 In this way the Concordat of 1753 between Rome and the Spanish Crown extended the Crown’s right to

21

François-Xavier Guerra, Modernidad e independencias: ensayos sobre las revoluciones hispánicas (México, D.F.: MAPFRE – Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2000), 23. 22 Charles Noel, ‘Charles III of Spain’, in Enlightened Absolutism: Reform and Reformers in Later Eighteenth-Century Europe, ed. H. M. Scott (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1990), 135. 23 Sarrailh, La España ilustrada de la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII, 185. 24 Brading, First America, 502–12. 25 David Brading, ‘Tridentine Catholicism and Enlightened Despotism in Bourbon Mexico’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 15, 1, 1 (May 1983): 1–2. 26 John Robert Fisher, Bourbon Peru, 1750–1824, Liverpool Latin American Studies (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2003), 37. 27 Brading, First America, 512.

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nominate and control the bishops and most of the members of the cathedral chapters, except fifty-two which were reserved for the pope.28 As a result, members of the hierarchy who did not give royal policy their full support faced harassment and even dismissal.29 Some years later, Charles III (1759–1788) and his ministers enforced a series of reforms to increase the power of the state over the Church. These included the termination of clerical immunity from royal courts, state regulation of tithes, the constant challenging of ecclesiastical courts by the local Audiencias and a more strict secular control of the religious orders. In contrast, the Crown favoured the formation of a secular clergy more attached to the Crown and to its regalist tendencies. One of the most important actions of Charles III was the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions in 1767. This measure had a decisive impact on education since the most prestigious colleges and a number of universities were run by the Society of Jesus. Some of these institutions disappeared and other were re-founded by the Crown and their direction was entrusted to members of the secular clergy.30 The main doctrinal lines of the university programmes were changed. One book that was very important for its attack on traditional Spanish education was the Verdadero método de estudiar para ser útil a la república y a la iglesia (True Method of Study in Order to be Useful to the Republic and the Church) by Father Luis Antonio Verney, a man close to the famous Marquis of Pombal. Many of Verney’s proposals were later used to reform education in the empire after the expulsion of the Jesuits. Menéndez Pelayo points out that it introduced an eclectic perspective into studies combining sensualism and empiricism, an attack on speculative ethics and an explicit recommendation of modern philosophers such as Descartes, Bacon and Locke instead of Aristotle and the scholastic philosophy.31 At the same time, it placed emphasis on scientific and experimental studies. In theology it proposed the abandonment of scholastic theology and favoured a return to the Church Fathers and an emphasis on 28

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Gregorio Mayáns y Siscar, Observaciones legales, históricas y críticas sobre en concordato celebrado entre S. S. Bendicto XIV y el Rey Católico D. Fernando VI (Madrid,: Est. tip. de R. Rodriguez de Rivera, 1847), 12–16. William Callahan, ‘The Spanish Church’, in Church and Society in Catholic Europe of the Eighteenth Century, ed. William Callahan and David Higgs (Cambridge, [Eng.]; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 48. For the case of Mexico see: David Brading, Church and State in Bourbon Mexico: The Diocese of Michoacán (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, Historia de los heterodoxos españoles (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1967), 2: 518.

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ecclesiastical history. In canon law, it formally prohibited the teaching of propositions opposed to royal authority, and an oath to promote and defend the privileges of the Crown was required of graduates: Etiam iuro me nunquam promoturum, defensurum, docturum directe neque indirecte quastiones contra auctoritatem civilem, regiaque Regalia.32 The policies promoted during the reign of Charles III achieved a notable increase in the state’s fiscal collections, expanded the bureaucracy, encouraged mining and liberalised intercontinental commerce. The modernising impulse of the epoch allowed for a rational reordering of Spanish American cities and territories, the creation of new poles of economic and commercial development and the diversification of production. This brought about a significant rebirth of the Spanish economy, army and naval forces. From the cultural point of view, the reforms included the introduction of the new scientific discoveries and some philosophical novelties in the programmes of study, alongside the promotion of neo-classical art.33 Nevertheless, the centralist and regalist tendencies of the Bourbon state, mounting fiscal pressure and the diminishing presence of creoles in civil and ecclesiastical offices caused increasing resentment among Americans directed towards the Spanish government.34 Afterwards, during the reign of Charles IV (1788–1808) the state, in order to meet the costs of its wars, undermined the economy of the Church by using 32 Ibid., II, 457. Also: Law historian Carlos Salinas Araneda analysed the main texts in the teaching of canon law in Chile during the late Bourbon period and during the early indepedent times. See: Carlos Salinas, ‘Los textos utilizados en la enseñanza del derecho canónico en Chile indiano’, Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia 9 (2000): 215–34; and, Carlos Salinas, ‘Los textos utilizados en la enseñanza del derecho canónico en Chile republicano’, Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia 10 (2001): 255–80. For the case of Peru, some studies have explored the enlightened and regalist influence in the Convictorio de San Carlos, a main centre of higher education during this period. See: Ricardo Cubas Ramacciotti, ‘Educación, elites e independencia: el papel del Convictorio de San Carlos en la emancipación peruana’, in La Independencia del Perú: De los Borbones a Bolívar, ed. Scarlett O’Phelan (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Instituto Riva-Agüero, 2001), 289–317; Grover Antonio Espinoza Ruiz, ‘La reforma de la educacion superior en Lima: el caso del Real Convictorio de San Carlos’, in El Perú en el siglo XVIII : la era Borbónica, ed. Scarlett O’Phelan Godoy, 2nd ed. (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Instituto Riva-Agüero, 2015), 205–44; Fernando Valle, ‘Teología, filosofía y derecho en el Perú del XVIII: Dos reformas ilustradas en el Colegio de San Carlos de Lima (1771–1787)’, Revista Teológica Limense XL, 3 (2006): 337–82. 33 Stanley J. Stein and Barbara H. Stein, Apogee of Empire: Spain and New Spain in the Age of Charles III, 1759–1789 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), 350–55. 34 John Lynch, The Spanish American Revolutions, 1808–1826 (New York: Norton, 1986), 35–37.

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a great part of the ecclesiastical revenues through forced donations, loans and confiscation of Church properties (1798).35 In the case of the New Spain, the most radical measure was the amortisation of ecclesiastical property in 1804, which was strongly opposed by both the Creole elite and churchmen and undermined their support to the Crown.36 Although these policies were not intended to attack the Catholic faith or to eradicate its presence from society, they were in fact a decisive step in the subsequent bureaucratisation of the Spanish Church and ‘shifted in favour of the state the old alliance between throne and altar’.37 Thereafter the Church fell increasingly under government control and almost functioned as a national Church. As a result, the institutional presence of the Church, while still essential and strong in Spanish America, was weakened by its lack of autonomy, the decline of the religious orders and the subsequent shortage of vocations. The paradox was that traditionally one of the pillars which had sustained the legitimacy of the royal power was the Church and the Catholic faith. However, since the later decades of the eighteenth century, the same Crown had undermined the basis of this legitimacy through its regalist policies which generated resentments among all social strata in the New World. So too, the diffusion of enlightenment ideas challenged the very foundations of the providential view of the post-tridentine Catholic Monarchy.38 These elements, together with the attack on the autonomy of the reinos or kingdoms which comprised the empire, helped to create the political and doctrinal conditions to justify the Independence of the Spanish American peoples.39 When the Napoleonic troops invaded Spain in 1808, Juntas de Gobierno were formed in America which rapidly evolved from an incipient royal fidelity to openly separatist proclamations. Once the American republics were established, a significant sector of the creole political class, which identified with liberalism, inherited some of the ideas and attitudes of enlightened absolutism such as

35 Callahan, ‘The Spanish Church’, 48. 36 Brading, First America, 512–13. State intervention on ecclesiastical economy is analysed in: Carlos Marichal, Bankruptcy of Empire : Mexican Silver and the Wars between Spain, Britain, and France, 1760–1810, Cambridge Latin American Studies (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 119–53. For the Peruvian case see: Fisher, Bourbon Peru, 40–43. 37 Callahan, ‘The Spanish Church’, 48. 38 James D. Ridley, ‘Christianity in Iberian America’, in The Cambridge History of Christianity: Enlightenment, Reawakening, and Revolution, 1660–1815, ed. Stewart J. Brown and Timothy Tackett (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 389. 39 Brading, First America, 511–12.

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the attack on the corporate bodies, the inclination towards state centralism, the efforts to achieve the regalist subjection of the Church and the critique of various aspects of the baroque cultural and religious tradition.

Independence and Ecclesiastical Crisis

During the Spanish American emancipation process, the majority, though not all, of the bishops and a portion of the clergy supported the royalist cause. At the same time, Pope Pius VII backed this position in the encyclical Etsi longissimo (1816), which urged the Americans to respect the authority of the king. In addition to the traditional alliance between throne and altar, this attitude was a reaction against the French Revolution, which deepened the tendency within the Church to identify revolutionary processes as hostile to the Christian tradition and as sources of anarchy. At the same time, since the first absolutist restoration of Fernando VII in 1814, the Crown had supplied 28 of the 42 American dioceses with firmly monarchical bishops.40 To this may be added the fact that Pius VII, as Napoleon’s prisoner, had not been kept abreast of American affairs while Spanish diplomacy systematically blocked the efforts of the nascent republics to establish relations with Rome. The Pope’s misgivings concerning Independence were considerably diminished when, in 1820, a liberal revolution took place in Spain, which implemented a number of anticlerical measures.41 However, when in 1823 Fernando VII was restored for the second time owing to the Holy Alliance’s intervention, Pope Leo XII, like his predecessor, supported the king in the encyclical Etsi iam diu (1824) though by then the royalist cause was irremediably lost in continental Spanish America. One consequence of this position of the hierarchy was that upon the conclusion of the wars of independence most episcopal sees remained vacant. The royalist bishops went into exile without any immediate replacements owing to disagreements between the Church and the new states with respect to the exercise of the patronato. This caused a lack of clarity regarding how and with what authority new episcopal nominations would be carried out. In Peru’s case, between 1826 and 1835 José Sebastián Goyeneche, bishop of Arequipa, 40

41

Leslie Bethell, ‘A Note on the Church and the Independence of Latin America’, in The Cambridge History of Latin America: Volume 3 From Independence to C. 1870, ed. Leslie Bethell (Cambridge [England]; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 3: 229–30. Alvaro López, Gregorio XVI y la reorganización de la Iglesia Hispanoamericana: El paso de régimen de patronato a la misión como responsabilidad directa de la Santa Sede, Tesis Gregoriana. Serie Storia Ecclesiastica (Roma: Pontificia università gregoriana, 2004), 123–45.

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was the only prelate who remained in the country because, despite his links to Spain, he chose to adapt to the political changes with the goal of preserving the continuity of his pastoral labour.42 The reorganisation of ecclesiastical life in America and the normalisation of relations with the new republics would have to wait for the pontificate of Gregory XVI (1831–1846).43 Despite these events, it would be an error to consider that the views of churchmen towards the independence process were uniform. In the Peruvian case, when the news of the French invasion of Spain and the usurpation of the throne by Joseph Bonaparte arrived, the clergy proclaimed its fidelity to Fernando VII, but at the same time many of them saw this event as an opportunity to gain greater autonomy from Spain. This situation led to some priests forming part of the Juntas of Government established in regions bordering the viceroyalty as in the case of Quito, Charcas and La Paz. The bishop of Cusco, José Pérez de Armendáriz, was even accused of having sympathised with the rebellion that was initiated in that city in 1814.44 Later various noteworthy creole priests, such as the future Archbishop of Lima, Francisco Javier de Luna Pizarro, Mariano José de Arce, the dean Juan Gualberto Valdivia and Toribio Rodríguez de Mendoza, explicitly supported Independence. Immediately after it was achieved, many of them actively participated in the formation and direction of the nascent Peruvian Republic. Indeed, the first congress of the Republic was presided over by Luna Pizarro and nearly a third of the congressmen were priests.45 The establishment of the Republic brought in its wake important changes in church-state relations, but many elements of the period of Spanish dominion were also inherited. In the first place, if it is true that the Church was considered an element of continuity between the viceregal past and the independent Spanish America, the political classes realised that the wars of Independence 42

43

44

45

The most complete study on bishop Goyeneche during independence is: Enrique Rojas, El báculo y la espada: El obispo Goyeneche y la Iglesia ante la ‘Iniciación de la República’ (Lima: Instituto Riva-Agüero – Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú – Fundación M. J. Bustamante de la Fuente, 2007). See also: Prien, Christianity in Latin America, 281. For a panoramic analysis of the process see: John Lynch, ‘Latin America: The Church and National Independence’, in The Cambridge History of Christianity, Volume 8: World Christianities, c.1815–c.1914, ed. Sheridan Gilley and Brian Stanley (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 395–411. Josep-Ignasi Saranyana and Carmen José Alejos-Grau, Teología en América Latina: Volumen 2 –  De las guerras de independencia a finales del siglo XIX (1810–1899) (MadridFrankfurt: Iberoamericana; Vervuert, 1999), 2: 282–83. Francis Merriman Stanger, ‘Church and State in Peru’, Hispanic American Historical Review 7, 4 (1927): 421.

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had been waged against Spain, and not against the Catholic faith.46 Therefore, none of the region’s first constitutions eliminated the confessional nature of the state, nor promoted the dechristianisation of the society and culture as occurred in Revolutionary France.47 The Peruvian case was not an exception to the rule. Since José de San Martín instituted the first independent government, the Catholic religion was the official one of the state, and the public exercise of other religions was explicitly prohibited. This situation remained nearly unaltered in all constitutional texts until 1915.48 It is important to note that, unlike Europe, the transition from the Old Regime to the Republic took place in a predominantly Catholic environment that throughout its history had not experienced conflicts comparable to the Protestant Reformation, the Thirty Years War or the French Revolution.49 Secondly, as John Lynch points out, the fact that the political links between America and Spain had been dissolved, allowed the Church to be freed from the asphyxiating domination of the Bourbon state and enabled it to establish closer links with the papacy.50 If in Peru, as in the rest of Spanish America, it is true that the state tried to appropriate the patronato with the same privileges as in the Bourbon era, the Church defended the position that it was not an inherent right of the states but rather a concession freely given by the Pope and that, therefore, it would not recognise as legitimate any unilateral adjudication of those rights. These facts notwithstanding, despite the presence of a confessional state and the deeply rooted presence of Catholicism in the culture, as elsewhere in the Catholic world of the nineteenth century, the Church in Peru was confronted by the rise of liberalism and a growing secularisation of the state. A third element to consider was that the Church found itself even more weakened during the initial stages of the republic than at the end of the Bourbon era. The already mentioned vacancies of the episcopal sees was one of

46 Serrano, ¿Qué hacer con Dios en la República?, 17. 47 Mecham, Church and State, 46–49. 48 The only exception was the Constitution of 1826 which, while recognising Catholicism as the official religion, it did not prohibit the public practice of other creeds. However, this constitution was in force only from 9 December 1826 to 27 January 1827. See: José Pareja Paz Soldán, Derecho Constitucional Peruano (Lima: Ediciones del Sol, 1963), 55–56. 49 Pedro Morandé, ‘La formación del ethos barroco como núcleo de la identidad cultural iberoamericana’, in América Latina y la Doctrina Social de la Iglesia: Diálogo latinoamericano-alemán. Tomo II: Identidad cultural y modernización, ed. Carlos Galli and Luis Schertz, vol. 2 (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Paulinas, 1991), 396. 50 Lynch, ‘Latin America: The Church and National Independence’, 396.

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the most serious aspects because of the sacramental importance of bishops in Catholicism and the subsequent lack of leadership and authority needed to renew the Church. Additionally, there was a shortage of priestly vocations, liberal and regalist influences among the secular clergy, a relaxation of religious life and economic decline related to the expenses from the wars of independence.51 However, in contrast to the experience of other Latin American countries such as Mexico,52 the Peruvian Church was able to preserve a good portion of its privileges and patrimony. At the same time, in a context of generalised crisis in the country, with a diminished elite and where the institutions and the economy were still fragile, the Church continued to be the religion of nearly the entire population and had a greater presence in the interior of the country than the government itself. In large measure, the mentioned facts defined the relationship between the Church and Peruvian politics.

The Ultramontane Church

Beginning with the latter half of the 1840s, Peru’s political and economic situation began to change substantially. The exploitation of guano brought with it vast resources which allowed the previously exhausted Peruvian treasury to cancel the debts it had incurred since the epoch of Independence and to finance projects that had remained unrealised because of the crisis and anarchy. Concurrently, since the first government of Ramón Castilla (1845–1851), the Peruvian State had been able to establish more internal order and consolidate the civil institutions. This meant devoting a significant portion of public funds to the expansion of the bureaucracy and the army. This situation allowed the state to seek control over areas which, until then, had been relegated to the Church due to a lack of resources. Education, health and the administration

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52

John Lynch, ‘The Catholic Church in Latin America, 1830–1930’, in The Cambridge History of Latin America. C. 1870–1930, ed. Bethell, Leslie, vol. 4 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 306; Klaiber, The Catholic Church in Peru, 1821–1985. A Social History, 18–19, 38–44; Prien, Christianity in Latin America, 282–85. Dougnac and Cubas have studied the regalist influences in Peruvian universities during the early nineteenth century. See: Antonio Dougnac Rodríguez, ‘Regalismo y universidades en el Perú del siglo XIX’, Revista de Estudios Histórico-Jurídicos XXIII (2001): 487–523; Ricardo Cubas Ramacciotti, Ricardo, ‘Educación, elites e independencia: El papel del Convictorio de San Carlos en la emancipación peruana’. Jorge Amadeo Goddard, El pensamiento político y social de los católicos mexicanos, 1867– 1914 (Mexico: Instituto mexicano de doctrina social cristiana, 1981), 11–26.

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of welfare institutions were progressively assumed by the civil power. Starting in this period and during the rest of the nineteenth century, the debates and political struggles between regalist liberals and ultramontane Catholics regarding the Church’s place in the public forum played a pivotal role in Peruvian politics. If most caudillos and political leaders (including Ramón Castilla) tended to take a moderate or pragmatic position between the two factions, many of the most noted intellectuals of the time chose sides, and new spheres of deliberation and political pressure were created in the country. Numerous nuances notwithstanding, both positions had certain defined characteristics. In the case of Peruvian Catholicism, it had been ‘Romanised’ during the course of the nineteenth century and purged of the remaining traces of ­regalism and Jansenism. In addition, a process of renewal of ecclesiastical life was begun owing to the appointment of new bishops who reformed the ­secular clergy and promoted Catholic education. A significant step for this reform was  the formal reestablishment of diplomatic relations between the Holy See and the Republic of Peru in 1835, despite the fact that this accord did not address the manner in which the state would exercise the patronato. From the historical point of view, Catholic intellectuals tended to value the cultural legacy of the Hispanic period but without rejecting either independence or the republican regime. The Catholic renewal in Peru was strengthened from the early 1840s onwards. This process was deeply influenced by the long pontificate of Pius IX (1846–1878), who invigorated the centralisation of the Church and consolidated the authority of the papacy over the national churches. The dogmatic proclamations of papal primacy and infallibility during the First Vatican Council further strengthened the power of the pope. At the same time, in order to preserve the orthodoxy of the Catholic doctrine, Pius IX condemned Freemasonry, liberalism and socialism in his Syllabus of errors, which was appended to his encyclical Quanta cura (1864).53 Another event that had a deep influence in the transformation of the Spanish American clergy was the creation of the Latin American College in Rome (1858). Some of the most brilliant seminarians, and prospective bishops, of Latin America were sent there to study and to be ordained as priests. These elements invigorated the bishops’ consciousness of belonging to a universal institution independent of the state; they also deepened the defensive stand of the Church and shaped the Ultramontane tendencies of the Peruvian clergy.54

53 Jedin, History of the Church, 83–90. 54 Lynch, ‘The Catholic Church in Latin America, 1830–1930’, 317–18.

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During the early years of the republic, the principal defender of papal authority was the priest José Ignacio Moreno (1767–1841), who wrote his Ensayo sobre la supremacía del Papa especialmente con respecto a la autoridad de los obispos (Essay on papal supremacy especially with respect to the authority of the bishops) (Lima, 1831) in which he showed himself to be an early critic of creole regalism and a defender of Church liberties. Moreno was one of the main disseminators in South America of French counterrevolutionary thought, especially of Joseph de Maistre. The influence of Moreno and his work was not insignificant. On one side, he was the uncle by blood of Juan Ignacio Moreno and Gabriel García Moreno. The first was archbishop of Toledo and primate of Spain and one of the first Americans to receive the cardinal’s hat and was an important participant in the First Vatican Council. The second was the well-known president of Ecuador who between 1860 and 1875 installed a pro-ecclesiastic government and was assassinated by his liberal opponents.55 Also, his work was read and made known by Juan de Egaña, the author of the Chilean Constitution of 1823, by Manuel José Mosquera, the archbishop of Bogotá known for his defence of episcopal autonomy vis-à-vis the Colombian government’s regalism and by the Franciscan Pedro Gual.56 He also played an important role as an educator having been vice-rector of the Real Convictorio de San Carlos and later vice-rector of the University of San Marcos. During the following two decades the most influential figure of Peruvian Catholicism was Bartolomé Herrera (1808–1864) who was distinguished as a priest, educator, politician, diplomat and, during the last four years of his life, as bishop of Arequipa. His main ideas were best portrayed in his famous sermon preached in the Cathedral of Lima on 28 July 1846 for the anniversary of Peruvian independence. There Herrera attacked the liberal doctrine of the social contract as an absurdity, since all political sovereignty ultimately derived from God, who was the ‘Sovereign of the nations’. Thus, for example, he asserted that the Almighty had entrusted the Incas with the task of uniting and preparing the diverse peoples of Peru so that they could all the better receive the Christian gospel. So too, God had chosen Spain for the grand task of teaching the peoples of Peru the nature of ‘the true Pachacamac’ and thereby formed ‘the New Peru, the Spanish, Christian Peru whose independence we celebrate today’. Despite its occasional violence and injustice, the 55

56

For an insightful biography of García Moreno see: Peter V. N Henderson, Gabriel García Moreno and Conservative State Formation in the Andes (Austin; Texas: University of Texas Press, 2008). Fernán Altuve, ‘José Ignacio Moreno y la Ilustración católica’, Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 14 (2008): 149–50.

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conquest was a glorious enterprise that had formed a new nation, united by customs, laws, science and life. Just as the Roman Empire had prepared the peoples of Europe for Christianity, so, equally, Spain had introduced the Catholic faith in America. To be sure, the course of independence had been affected for the worse by the French Revolution, which like the great beast of the Apocalypse, had unleashed countless blasphemies against God and had dissolved public authority across Europe. Its malign influence had been felt in Peru and had led to a rejection of Peru’s glorious history and Catholic faith. But Herrera insisted independence did not require the rejection of the conquest. For three centuries ‘We formed a part of the great nation governed by the king of Spain’. At that time Peru was not a colony, but a kingdom and a patria governed by laws, both civil and ecclesiastical, that in the last resort derived from Divine providence. In an open challenge to Liberal doctrines Herrera insisted: What is more, religion is the truth that comes from God, it is God himself communicating with man: and God is sovereign over all nations. His sovereignty will restore freedom to governments, individuals and peoples.57 In all this, Herrera attested to the revival of the Catholic Church during the years that followed the achievement of independence and the civil conflict that had haunted Peru for more than two decades. One of the most important aspects of Herrera’s public life was his work as rector of the Convictorio of San Carlos between 1842 and 1850. This institution, along with the University of San Marcos, was the country’s most important centre of higher studies. There, in addition to reforming discipline, he designed new academic programmes influenced both by Thomistic theology and contemporary authors critical of liberalism including Jaime Balmes, the French counter-revolutionaries and even some non-Catholics such as Victor Cousin and Thomas Reid. At San Carlos, he educated a group of students who later became prominent intellectuals, churchmen and politicians. Some of them, either as bishops or as laymen, led a reform inside the Catholic Church during the following decades. Among his most notable disciples were Juan Ambrosio Huerta, bishop of Puno and Arequipa, Manuel Antonio Bandini, archbishop of Lima, Manuel Pardo, president of 57

‘Mas la religión es la verdad que viene de Dios, es Dios comunicándose al hombre: y Dios es soberano de las naciones. Su soberanía restituirá a los gobiernos, a los individuos y a los pueblos la libertad’ in: Bartolomé Herrera, Escritos y discursos., ed. Jorge Guillermo Leguía (Lima: Librería Francesca Científica y Casa Editorial, 1929), 1: 47.

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Peru, Pedro A. Del Solar, vice-President of Peru, José Jorge Loayza, prime minister and Pedro José Calderón. However, some of his disciples became liberals and his most important antagonists, notably the brothers Pedro and José Gálvez and Luciano Benjamín Cisneros. In 1852 Herrera left San Carlos to become Minister of Justice and Government and then ambassador to the Holy See under the presidency of José Rufino Echenique (1851–1855). Nevertheless, with the exception of a brief period between 1855 and 1856 when the liberal José Gálvez became its rector, his influence prevailed in San Carlos, through the direction of Antonio Arenas and Herrera’s disciples José Antonio Barrenechea and Pedro José Calderón. In 1866, because of the liberal educational reform and the opposition to San Carlos’ tendencies, the college was incorporated into San Marcos University.58 Herrera ended his days as bishop of Arequipa (1860–1864) where he concentrated on the reform of the San Jerónimo seminary and his pastoral duties.59 Herrera was not alone in his battle against regalism and liberalism. Other members of the clergy played an important role in the renovation of the Church in Peru. Among them was Francisco Javier de Luna Pizarro, who in his youth was a liberal priest and became the president of the first Constitutional Assembly of Peru in 1822. Always a supporter of the Republican system, after 1834 he rejected his former regalism and firmly advocated the strengthening of relations between the Holy See and the Peruvian Church. In 1845, he was made Archbishop of Lima and, owing to his experience as a politician, he managed to gain some autonomy for the Church within the limits of the patronato, through a combination of resistance and compromise. He also excommunicated the liberal priest, Francisco de Paula González Vigil, and promoted ultramontane priests. One of Luna Pizarro’s main objectives was to reform the secular clergy. For this purpose he reopened the seminary of Santo Toribio in 1847, which was soon filled with candidates for the priesthood who were educated by prestigious rectors and professors such as Juan Ambrosio Huerta, Manuel Bandini, Manuel Tovar and Pedro García Naranjo. Another influential bishop of this time was José Sebastián de Goyeneche (bishop of Arequipa, 1818–1860; archbishop of Lima, 1860–1872). The only bishop remaining in Peru after independence, he became the most important representative of Ultramontanism until Bartolomé Herrera and led the episcopal opposition to the 58 59

Manuel Vicente Villarán, ‘La Universidad de San Marcos y el Colegio de San Carlos’, Revista Universitaria 2 (1914): 120–23. Ricardo Cubas Ramacciotti, ‘Herrera Como educador: la reforma del Convictorio de San Carlos’, in Bartolomé Herrera y su tiempo, ed. Fernán Altuve-Febres Lores, (Lima: Editorial Quinto Reino, 2010), 35–54.

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liberal Constitution of 1856.60 Goyeneche was also notable for his efforts to promote and reform both male and female religious institutes especially after Pius IX named him Apostolic Visitor of the Religious of Peru in 1860.61 As Archbishop of Lima, he also led the resistance against the Constitution of 1867 and the liberal government of Mariano I. Prado. The pastoral work and political stance of these bishops was supported by the Spanish Discalced Franciscans who arrived in Peru in 1847. They promoted Ultramontane Catholicism to the popular classes and were famous for their missionary work in the jungle. They were led by the Catalan priest Pedro Gual who conducted urban missions in the main cities of the country. He became one of the most important Ultramontane intellectuals of the second half of the nineteenth century. In his writings Gual criticised the works of Francisco de Paula González Vigil and defended the Church’s property rights.62 He also represented bishop Goyeneche in the First Vatican Council. As Commissary General of the Franciscan Order in Latin America, he restored the Apostolic College of Ocopa, which was decisive for the reorganisation of the missionary work. After the deaths of Luna Pizarro, Herrera and Goyeneche and the decline of the predominance of liberals, a new generation of bishops continued their work under the influence of Herrera’s thought. Two of the most notable were Juan Ambrosio Huerta (Bishop of Puno 1866–1874 and bishop of Arequipa 1880–1897) and Manuel Teodoro del Valle (bishop of Huanuco 1865–1872). Both bishops attended the First Vatican Council and became active reformers of the secular clergy; promoters of the first modern lay associations, strongly supported the Church prerogatives against state intervention and invited foreign religious institutes to Peru. Manuel Teodoro del Valle (1813–1888) was a rector of Santo Toribio Seminary until he was consecrated as the first bishop of Huanuco in 1865. One of his most important works in his diocese was the foundation of the San Teodoro Seminary in 1869.63 He was also a pioneer of the modern lay movement in Peru as founder of the Sociedad Católico-Peruana, a lay association created to protect the Church’s rights 60

The role of Goyeneche in the church-state relations during the early years of the Republic is analysed in: Rojas, Enrique, El báculo y la espada. 61 Vargas Ugarte, Historia de la Iglesia en el Perú, 5: 252. 62 See: Pedro Gual, El Derecho de propiedad en relación con el individuo, la sociedad, la Iglesia y las corporaciones religiosas (Lima: Imprenta de la Sociedad Núñez, 1872); Pedro Gual, Equilibrio de las dos potestades: ó sea los derechos de la Iglesia vindicados contra los ataques del Dr. F. de P. G. Vigil (Barcelona: Imprenta de Pons, 1857). 63 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 65.

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in Peru.64 On the other hand, Juan Ambrosio Huerta (1823–1897) was an active collaborator of Herrera during his youth. In 1861, as director of Santo Toribio Seminary, he reformed the institution following the main lines of Herrera’s plan at San Carlos College. Then, in 1866 he was consecrated as the first bishop of Puno, a predominantly indigenous diocese. His ministry was characterised by the defence of native rights against government repression, the reform of the local clergy and by his intense endorsement of the Church’s rights and prerogatives against the regalist measures enforced by liberal politicians. Huerta began his pastoral work in Puno by assembling a synod that enacted a series of norms to reform the clergy of the diocese. At the same time, the synod addressed the problems of the indigenous population of the area, denouncing their exploitation by local officials, lawyers and merchants. Because he convened the synod and published its conclusions without the authorisation of the government he was engaged in a conflict with the anticlerical Minister of Justice and Cult José Gregorio Paz Soldán. 65 Another cause of conflict with the government arose when he left Puno to attend the First Vatican Council in Rome and failed to ask permission from the state. Finally, he placed the district of Lampa in Puno under interdict because its inhabitants refused to accept the conclusions of the synod. Because of his dispute with the government, Huerta resigned as bishop in 1874.66 Six years later, he was appointed bishop of Arequipa and promoted several activities such as the development of the Unión Católica in Arequipa and the reading of the encyclical Rerum Novarum.67

Regalism and the Liberal Challenge

To some extent, the campaign of Herrera and other Ultramontane Catholics was a response to the challenge of a liberal elite that, despite its small number, 64

Sociedad Católico-Peruana, Anales de la Sociedad Católico-Peruana. Segunda Asamblea General y sesión pública (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1869), 32. 65 Agustín Obín y Charún, Fúnebre pronunciada por monseñor Agustín Obín y Charún, dignidad de maestre-escuela del coro metropolitano y gobernador eclesiástico de la arquidiócesis, en los funerales del Ilustrísimo señor Juan Ambrosio Huerta, obispo que fue de Puno y de Arequipa (Lima: Imprenta de ‘La República’, 1897), 11. 66 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 98. 67 Juan Ambrosio Huerta, Carta pastoral que el Ilmo. y Rvmo. Sr. Obispo de Arequipa Dr. don Juan Ambrosio Huerta dirije al clero y a Los fieles de su diócesis con Motivo de la encíclica de nuestro SS. padre León XIII sobre el estado actual de los obreros (Lima: Tipografía Católica, 1891).

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was highly influential in politics. In most cases Peruvian liberals, who were often associated with Freemasons, considered themselves Catholics and agreed with conservatives about the importance of religion in society. In that sense, anti-clericalism did not entail an explicit anti-religious stand although there were some exceptions such as in the cases of Mariano Amézaga and Celso Bambarén.68 Nevertheless, deeply influenced by the regalist paradigms of the Bourbon era, these liberals criticised the religious orders claiming that their vows of celibacy and poverty retarded the demographic and economic growth of the country and that clerical obedience was a powerful agent of despotism. Consequently they strove to increase the power of the national patronato and thus state control over the Church. At the same time, they challenged the Church’s official status by supporting the promulgation of the law of religious tolerance. In their efforts to reduce the Church’s influence on society they tried to seize its properties and eliminate its privileges and immunities. At the beginning of the Republic they enforced a series of actions to achieve these objectives, such as the abolition of ecclesiastical courts (1856) and the nationalisation of the wealth of male convents. Indeed between 1821 and 1845 forty-two convents were suppressed in Peru: Twenty three in Lima, eleven in Ayacucho, five in Trujillo and three in Chachapoyas.69 However, one of the measures of major impact was the suppression of tithes, the main source of income of the Church in 1859 under the rule of Ramón Castilla. At that time, Castilla guaranteed that the state would finance seminaries and Catholic hospitals, but the result was the progressive impoverishment of the Church.70 After independence the chief heir of Spanish Jansenism and its regalistic emphasis was the already mentioned Francisco de Paula González Vigil (1792–1875), a priest who had an important career as a congressman and as a political writer. His most important work was the polemical and erudite Defensa de la autoridad de los gobiernos y de los obispos contra las pretensiones de la Curia Romana, published in eight volumes from 1848 to 1856. There Vigil denounced the process of centralisation enforced by the Pope and the Roman Curia within the Catholic Church. He claimed that Roman pretensions to have absolute power over bishops and to interfere in national politics were against the primitive spirit of Christianity. Furthermore, he denied both papal primacy and infallibility and maintained that the Roman Curia, using these principles, had usurped the legitimate rights of the national governments and 68 69 70

Armas Asin, Liberales, protestantes y masones, 83–88. García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 76. Peter Klarén, Peru. Society and Nationhood in the Andes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 162.

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bishops. Other statements that irritated the Peruvian episcopate were his proposals for a married clergy and religious tolerance. At the same time, he aimed to introduce liberal democratic principles in the internal organisation of the Church using the United States as a model of freedom.71 In essence, Vigil’s ideas were directed towards creating a national Church independent of Rome in all non-dogmatic affairs and in which the members of the clergy would be considered as public functionaries dependent on the state. To support this view, he ­proposed the confiscation of the Church’s wealth and the end of its fiscal privileges. Not surprisingly, Vigil was soon severely criticised by the Peruvian ecclesiastic hierarchy; he was excommunicated by Pius IX in 1851 and his writings were placed in the Index of prohibited books. The historian Fredrick Pike ­illustrates the reaction of the Holy See towards Vigil’s work: ‘Pope Pius IX is reported to have said: “How is it that even in the land of St. Rose they persecute me? Well, to the Index with this diabolic work”’.72 Despite this condemnation, Vigil remained active both in politics and the press and he even radicalised his discourse. Another main leader of the regalist party was Francisco Javier Mariátegui (1793–1884), a prominent Freemason who helped to found this institution in Peru and who, throughout his entire public career, attacked the prerogatives of the Church. His position on this topic was outlined in his book Manual del regalista (1872), which was written under the pseudonym of Patricio Matamoros. Apart from criticising the dogmas of papal primacy and infallibility, he maintained that the state had inherent rights to intervene in Church affairs. Among these rights the most important were the faculty of the state to elect Church authorities, to create or suppress bishoprics, to protect the citizens from ecclesiastic censorship, to suppress convents, to nationalise Church properties, to grant or deny permission to publish papal or episcopal documents and to intervene in all matters related to the external discipline of the Church including granting permission to summon synods and councils.73 Other influential liberals were the brothers José and Pedro Gálvez, former students of Herrera at San Carlos, who were notable congressmen and ministers, and José Gregorio Paz Soldán, a prominent politician and Freemason who tried to place 71 72 73

Francisco de Paula González Vigil, Defensa de la autoridad de los gobiernos y de los obispos contra las pretensiones de la Curia Romana, 6 vols (Lima, 1848). Fredrick B. Pike, ‘Heresy, Real and Alleged, in Peru: An Aspect of the Conservative-Liberal Struggle, 1830–1875’, The Hispanic American Historical Review 47, 1 (1967): 60. Matamoros, Patricio, Manual del regalista, con la agregación de la carta escrita al Sr. Dr. D. Francisco de Paula G. Vijil sobre infalibilidad, y el entredicho de Puno (Lima: Imprenta del ‘Diario de Avisos’, 1872), 200–234.

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religious education under state control. All of them, together with Vigil and Mariátegui, wrote in El Constitucional, a liberal newspaper that defended the Constitution of 1856.74 A great proportion of Peruvian liberals were members of or established close relations with Masonic lodges in the country. As in many other countries, this organisation promoted religious tolerance, deism and secularisation. In many Latin American countries it helped to introduce Protestantism and actively fought against Church privileges seeking to confine its influence to the private sphere. In Peru, Freemasonry supported most politicians and intellectuals who defended the regalist cause. For example, it was at Vigil’s funeral in 1875 that all the Masonic lodges of Lima were present in a public act for the first time.75 As expected, Freemasonry was repetitively condemned both by the popes76 and Peruvian bishops.77 From the political perspective, the liberals were able to achieve power on two occasions. The first was between 1855 and 1857 after the defeat of the government of the conservative José Rufino Echenique who was accused of corruption. The second time was between 1865 and 1868 during the dictatorship of Mariano Ignacio Prado. On both occasions they enjoyed dominant positions in congress and in the executive power and were able to promulgate two ‘liberal’ constitutions, that of 1856 and that of 1867 which, although successful in eliminating ecclesiastical privileges, were unable to pass a law of religious freedom. These two governmental experiences proved to be ephemeral and failed in many of their objectives. Paradoxically, in spite of the fact that this group invoked the theory of popular sovereignty in support of their ideas and defended representative democracy, on both occasions the liberals gained power not by free elections, but rather through revolutions and coups. That said, neither of the two constitutions were enforced for more than two years. Nevertheless, certain advances were achieved in the process of secularisation such as the elimination of ecclesiastical privileges.78 It is important to note that opposition to the liberal movement came not only from ecclesiastic 74 75 76 77

78

El Constitucional, May-June 1858. Ernst Middendorf, Perú: Observaciones y estudios del país y sus habitantes durante una permanencia de 25 años (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1973), 318. See: Clement XII, In Eminenti (1738); Pius IX, Etsi Multa (1873) Leo XIII, Humanus Genus (1884). See: Juan Ambrosio Huerta, Carta pastoral del obispo de Arequipa, Dr. D. Juan A. Huerta en que traza á los católicos de su diócesis la conducta que tócales seguir en la lucha provocada por los masones del Perú (Arequipa: Imprenta de la Crónica Imparcial, 1886). Armas Asin, Liberales, protestantes y masones, 99–103.

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authorities but also from numerous sectors of society that protested against the constitution, which proved to be highly unpopular. Catholic women led by priests organised public demonstrations in Lima.79 The regional authorities of Arequipa refused to swear to the Constitution of 1867 and instead burned its text in the Plaza de Armas. At the same time, in 1867 a group of Catholic laymen were invited by Bishop Manuel Teodoro del Valle to found the Sociedad Católico-Peruana, which soon enjoyed considerable influence in Lima and Arequipa. Catholic newspapers such as El Perú Católico, El Bien Público and La Patria protested against the new constitution. Finally, two revolutions occurred in 1868, one in Arequipa and other in Chiclayo. They overthrew Prado’s government and the liberal Constitution of 1867 was replaced by the moderate one of 1860. In contrast to other Spanish American countries such as Mexico, liberals were unable to enforce their programme in Peru. Knowing that they lacked popular support, they thus required the backing of a charismatic caudillo, even when he did not fully agree with their principles. This fact was an obstacle to their complete success. Liberal attempts to control the Church generated a cohesive resistance from committed Catholics both among the clergy and laity. Had the radical ideas of Vigil and his followers prevailed the Church might have been transformed into a mere instrument of political power and its influence over society severely diminished. However, if the liberal attempts to remain in power and impose a new constitution were frustrated, it did not mean a complete defeat of their political ideas. Not only were Church courts and tithes eliminated but liberal educational reform was successful at San Marcos University. Nevertheless, as Fredrick Pike has noted, if the conflict between church and state did not lead to bloody civil wars or significant political disorder, as in other Latin American countries, it was because of the capacity of both the Peruvian ruling elite and the ecclesiastical hierarchy to engage in a process of peaceful compromise and gradual evolution in these matters.80

79 80

Pareja Paz Soldán, Derecho constitucional peruano, 110–12. Fredrick Pike, ‘Church and State in Peru and Chile since 1840: A Study in Contrasts’, American Historical Review 73 (1967): 37.

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The Secularisation Process during the Aristocratic Republic (1884–1919) After the end of the war with Chile (1879–84), Peru lay in virtual ruin, its economy disrupted and its political system in total disarray. In consequence, its military, led by General Andrés A. Cáceres, remained in power until 1895, when Nicolás de Piérola, a charismatic politician, led to power the National Coalition, an alliance of the main Peruvian civilian parties, including his Demócrata party. During his government (1895–9), a new era in Peruvian history began, characterised by industrial development, a dramatic expansion of the export economy and relative political stability. From 1895 to 1919 Peru was mainly governed by the Civilista party, which was the political expression of the country’s oligarchy. During this period, owing to the influence of liberal and positivist ideas, there were persistent attempts in power to curtail clerical influence and to secularise the state. The paradox was that although several presidents, notably Nicolás de Piérola, Eduardo López de Romaña (1899–1903), Manuel Candamo (1903–4) and José Pardo (1904–8; 1915–19), favoured the Church or were devout Catholics, nevertheless a series of conflicts between church and state developed. For all that, when compared to other Latin American countries, and especially to Mexico, the Church in Peru escaped persecution or radical intervention in its internal affairs and indeed experienced a notable expansion in the range of its activities, both religious and social. One central aspect of the debate about church-state relations was related to the concept of public and private spheres. Liberals and positivists believed that religion should be reduced to the private sphere, though they still aimed to exercise state power over the Church. On the other hand, committed Catholics argued that Peru was a Catholic country in which the Church had a right to be maintained by the state, yet also defined the Church as a perfect and universal society that was independent of the state. Bishops refused to be controlled by the secular power and criticised all political intervention in ecclesiastical affairs, especially regarding the appointment of bishops, the state administration of Church property and operation of Catholic schools. On both sides, there were palpable contradictions. The Liberals wanted religious toleration and the reduction of the Church to the private sphere, yet still sought state control over its affairs. Catholics advocated the union of

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church and state, yet demanded independence from political intervention for the Church.1 These relations were also marked by two attitudes. On one hand, a majority of the ruling class sought to expand the state’s sovereignty by the secularisation of some functions that had traditionally been exercised by the Church, such as the registry of births, deaths and marriages, the administration of hospitals, cemeteries and charitable works and the control of education. Simultaneously, a part of the elite, under positivist paradigms, believed that an essential aspect of the regeneration and progress of the country involved the promotion of European and North-American immigration. Consequently, they advocated religious tolerance for non-Catholic denominations in order to give greater legal facilities to foreign immigrants. The reasons given by positivist politicians were not purely pragmatic, since they inherited some of their anticlerical ideas from liberalism and many of them were active Freemasons. A second, and parallel, attitude was of co-operation with the Church in aspects that the ruling class thought to be beneficial for the progress of the country and which could not be developed by an impoverished state. These activities included missionary work in the Peruvian jungle in particular.

The Republican Patronato

The patronato was a central topic in the debate about church-state relations. Since anticlerical liberals and positivists realised that radical religious reform would be almost impossible and highly unpopular, they aimed at securing control over the Church without giving it any further special privileges.2 On the other hand, Peruvian bishops attempted to negotiate a concordat between the state and the Church on three occasions, in 1892, 1903 and 1919,3 stating that as social and political conditions in Peru had changed significantly between the viceregal era, a concordat was necessary in order to introduce some modifications in the legal framework that regulated relations between church and state.4 Nevertheless, relations were still governed by Pius IX’s encyclical 1 A similar process can be observed in Chile. See: Sol Serrano, ‘La definición de lo público en un estado católico. el caso chileno 1810–1885’, Estudios Públicos 76 (1999): 212–32. 2 Stanger, ‘Church and State in Peru’, 427. 3 R. L. Rubio de Hernández, ‘Acerca de las relaciones de la Iglesia y el Estado Peruano. Presentación de documentos’, Revista de la Universidad Católica del Perú 7 (1980): 109–15. 4 Episcopado Peruano, Mensaje del Episcopado Peruano al Gobierno de la República solicitando la celebración de un concordato (Lima: Tipografía Católica, 1892), 3–5.

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Preclara inter beneficia (1874), which had been approved by the Peruvian State during the provisional government of Nicolás de Piérola in 1880.5 This document stipulated that the government had the right to present to the Holy See candidates for the episcopacy and cathedral dignitaries and to give the exequatur or approval of the civil government to papal and episcopal decrees and pastoral letters in order for them to circulate legally within the country.6 On the other hand, the state had to protect the Catholic faith as the official religion; it had to continue giving its financial support to the Church and it had to preserve Church properties.7 The Congress nominated priests who were Peruvian citizens by birth or naturalisation to fill the vacancies in archbishoprics and bishoprics and submitted them to the Holy See for canonical institution. This body also provided the bishops with nominations for appointments as canons of cathedrals and parish priests. After 1940 all these nominations were removed from the Congress’ authority and the president alone continued to present the episcopal candidates to the Holy See.8 In spite of the continuity of the patronato, the Church progressively gained independence from the civil power because of its reorganisation, especially since the formation of the National Assembly of Bishops. An example of this was the fact that from 1902 this body assembled every three years without requiring official state approval, as had been demanded by some members of the government who maintained that the bishops, as civil functionaries, required a state licence to leave their respective dioceses.9 Indeed, one sensitive matter of discussion was the definition of the clergy as public functionaries subject to state supervision, an interpretation that was constantly rejected by the episcopacy.10 At the same time, in 5 Mecham, Church and State, 170. 6 Stanger, ‘Church and State in Peru’, 426. 7 Pius IX. ‘Bula concediendo al Presidente del Perú el derecho de Patronato’ in: Pedro Manuel García Naranjo, Constituciones Del VII Concilio Provincial de Lima. Celebrado el año 1912 bajo la presidencia del Iltmo. Y Rdmo. Mons. Dr. D. Pedro Manuel García. XXVI arzobispo de esta metrópoli (Lima: Casa editora de San Martí, 1913), 215–18. 8 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 99. 9 García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 314. 10 The debate about this aspect continued throughout the first half of the century. For example in 1938 the Peruvian Episcopate condemned a proposed law that attempted to reduce the clergy to the category of civil functionaries: ‘y ahora, abarcando la totalidad del personal eclesiástico, debemos rectificar el extraviado criterio que se revela en el proyecto, respecto al carácter de funcionarios civiles, que se les quiere atribuir. Ningún eclesiástico es, como tal, funcionario del Estado, es ministro de Dios y de la Iglesia, cuyas funciones desempeña muy por encima de la esfera civil. Porque sus archivos y documentos sean reconocidos como válidos por la autoridad civil ¿se quiere deducir que ellos y los

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spite of the law of exaquatur, the pase fell into disuse and the clergy tended to communicate freely with the Vatican.11 An aspect related to the patronato was the union between church and state. The Latin American Plenary Council (1899) had already outlined the main principles that supported this position. The Latin American bishops condemned the state’s indifference in matters of religion and maintained that the civil power had the duty to protect the faith and to safeguard the common good of the citizens:12 Not to protect religion publicly and to ignore God in the organisation and operation of the affairs of the State as if He did not exist, is a temerity unheard of even among pagans, in whose heart and understanding there was so profoundly engraved not only belief in the gods, but also the necessity of a public religion, so that they would have more easily conceived of a city without territory than without God.13 With regard to relations between church and state, the Council stated that both the civil and the ecclesiastical spheres had their own interests and jurisdictions but were interrelated and that there should be an alliance between them. However, this would not entail the submission of one to the other. In this sense they condemned state intervention in ecclesiastical matters such as government censorship of papal and episcopal decrees, the appointment of Church dignitaries and the imposition of ecclesiastical taxes without the consent of the Holy See.14 In addition, they defended the right of the Church authorities to regulate the programmes of theology in schools and to govern the seminaries without the intervention of the civil authorities. Following these principles the Peruvian episcopacy in the Seventh Council of Lima (1912) stated that although the Church was

eclesiásticos que los acreditan son funcionarios civiles? No, esto es una falacia insidiosa. Lo que sucede es que, pese a la animosidad del autor del proyecto, la Iglesia, sus personas y sus documentos, han alcanzado a través de los siglos tanta autoridad y ofrecen al Estado tales garantías de veracidad, que éste, con asentimiento de la misma Iglesia, se aprovecha de ellos, dándoles valor legal, a falta de otras fuentes civiles que le ofrezcan garantía…’. Episcopado Peruano, La voz del Episcopado Peruano ante un incalificable proyecto de ley sobre nacionalización del clero (Lima: Librería e Imprenta Gil, 1941), 9. 11 Mecham, Church and State, 170. 12 Pontificia Comisón para América Latina, ed., Acta et decreta Concilii Plenarii Americae Latinae in urbe celebrati anno domini MDCCCXCIX = Actas y decretos del Concilio Plenario de la América Latina (Ciudad del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1999), art. 82. 13 Ibid., art. 83. 14 Ibid., art. 91–92.

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an institution independent from the state, with its own sphere of jurisdiction, there should be, to a certain degree, an alliance between it and the civil power, similar to the union between the body and the soul, in order to look after the common good of society.15 If in most cases they had to exercise their authority in their respective spheres, there were also some aspects that were of common interest to both institutions. Following this line, the Peruvian episcopacy maintained that it was necessary to regulate the terms of the patronato by a concordat in order to avoid conflict between church and state in matters that belonged to the competence of both institutions.16 At the same time, the bishops condemned statements that the state had the right to interfere in the free communication between them and the Pope and reaffirmed that the bishops and the laity were independent from civil authority in religious matters.17 In practice, the Church remained officially protected by the state, despite the fact that the law of religious tolerance had been approved in 1915. At the same time, it achieved considerable independence from the civil power in its internal organisation and in the control of programmes of study in the seminaries. One of the most critical statements of the Peruvian episcopate on the relations of the Church with the state was inserted in the documents of the National Assembly of Bishops in 1922. There they criticised what they called the ‘regalist’ and ‘liberal’ tendencies of Peruvian legislation since the beginning of the Republic. Apart from the condemnation of the use of the exequatur to approve Papal documents and to intervene in Church affairs, they criticised three important aspects that were the main points of debate during this period: the economic despoilment of the Church, the progressive secularisation of the state and the law of religious tolerance.18

Legal Status of Religious Institutes

Another major aspect of conflict was the legal status of religious institutes. During this period the Peruvian bishops were conscious of the importance of religious orders and congregations for the expansion of Catholic activity. Consequently, they defended the rights of religious orders to have free communications with their superiors in Europe and to administer their properties. At 15 16 17 18

García Naranjo, Constituciones del VII Concilio, art. 17. Ibid., art. 18. Ibid., art. 20. Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú (Ensayo) Principios, hechos i normas. Informe de la Comisión, nombrada por la Asamblea Episcopal del año 1921 (Lima: Imp. De los Huérfanos, 1922), 79–82.

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the same time, they promoted the arrival of foreign clergy against the opposition of some sectors of the government. Apart from the Franciscans, several female congregations arrived in Peru before the War against Chile; the liberal attacks against the religious institutes had been primarily focused on the male orders. Since their works were concentrated in hospitals and female education, most politicians agreed that they were beneficial for society and did not represent a challenge to liberalism. During the nineteenth century religious institutes were the main objects of liberal reforms. Many liberal congressmen and intellectuals such as Joaquín Capelo and Manuel González Prada severely criticised the proliferation of male religious orders committed to education. From the late 1880s Peruvian bishops and members of the Unión Católica had promoted the elimination of laws that restricted the actions of these institutions. For example, in 1886 Juan Ambrosio Huerta issued a pastoral letter where he criticised the recent expulsion of the Jesuits and condemned a proposed law that sought to suppress the convents of the other religious orders and to ban the arrival of foreign clergy. Huerta appealed to the right of free association and also dismissed as a fallacy the claim that the alleged corruption of some religious justified the closure of convents and other religious houses.19 At the same time, he said that there were evident contradictions in the liberal discourses since on one hand they promoted foreign immigration to regenerate the country and, on the other, they opposed the arrival of European priests who were committed to reforming the problems of the religious orders and developing a notable educational system.20 The episcopate sent a letter to the government in 1892 in which they claimed that there were several laws that restricted the freedom of the religious institutes and that these laws were one of the main causes of the decadence of these bodies. They maintained that it was in the national interest to eliminate laws that were an obstacle to the reform of convents. They remarked that the religious orders expanded civilisation and the sense of national identity in the Peruvian jungle and ended 19

‘Los impíos pretenden que los sacerdotes sean ángeles, y se reservan para ellos el diabólico ministerio de corromper a los pueblos, juzgan escandalosa la conducta de algunos religiosos y ellos provocan en grande escala, con su doctrina y su conducta escándalos sin nombre. Exigen del sacerdote caridad, moderación, humildad y se les ve hacer esfuerzos mil por inocular práctica y teóricamente en los pueblos la altivez, el egoísmo y el desprecio a la religión’ in: Juan Ambrosio Huerta, Carta pastoral que el obispo de la diócesis Dr. D. Juan Ambrosio Huerta Dirige a los fieles de su diócesis en orden al proyecto de ley presentado al Congreso sobre suspensión de las comunidades religiosas de la República (Arequipa: Imprenta de la Crónica Imparcial, 1886), 5. 20 Ibid.

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their document emphasising that Catholicism was deeply rooted in the inhabitants of the country and that this statement represented the beliefs of the majority of the population.21 Many other documents, including pamphlets and articles in newspapers, were opposed to that measure.22 This time the bishops were successful, in 1901 the Peruvian Congress passed a law that withdrew the norms of the Civil Code that prohibited religious institutes from administering their properties freely,23 and two years later Congress abolished a colonial law that prohibited the arrival of foreign priests.

Ecclesiastial Property and Economy

Another important matter was the discussion of ecclesiastical property and economy. There are no complete studies of the economic situation of the Church during the first decades of the twentieth century which can trace to what extent the budget assigned by the state, when combined with the other sources of income, was sufficient to cover its necessities. However, it can be deduced from the documents of the Peruvian episcopate that there was a permanent shortfall in the financial resources assigned by the state to maintain the extensive work of the Church in the country. The Church had to rely on contributions from the laity and at the same time the bishops needed greater freedom from the government to administer its properties. During the nineteenth century the state enacted a series of laws that reduced the economic independence of both the secular and regular clergy, such as the abolition of tithes (1859) and the confiscation of properties owned by the religious orders (1833). Under these laws the government increased its expenditure and the Church had to rely on state economic support since the state made itself responsible to the Church for the amount the tithes had produced, but given the frail situation of the Peruvian economy, the state had not been able to fulfil this responsibility and therefore the financial resources of the Church were reduced. During the ‘Aristocratic Republic’ the Peruvian episcopate issued a series of pronouncements that drew attention to this subject. The Latin 21 22

23

Episcopado Peruano, Mensaje del Episcopado peruano al gobierno de la República solicitando la celebración de un concordato, 4. An example of this was a pamphlet published in Lima that defended the role of the religious institutes in the development of civilisation. Cassianus, Los Conventos. Apuntes históricos. Dedicados a los Srs. Diputados interpelantes en la sesión del día 23 de setiembre de 1892 (Lima, 1892). El Amigo del Clero, 10 October 1901.

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American Plenary Council already had emphasised the right of the Church to own and administer its own properties, which included the faculty to buy, inherit and sell them.24 They also asserted the right of the local churches to determine an obligatory contribution from the laity, such as tithes, and exhorted the Christian people to assist the financial needs of the Church through voluntary donations.25 Furthermore, the Council condemned the confiscation of Church properties without previous agreement with the ecclesiastical authorities and the Holy See.26 Drawing on these principles, the Peruvian bishops constantly demanded from the state an improvement in its economic condition. In 1905 the National Assembly of Bishops described the economic crisis of the Church, emphasising her lack of funds for promoting a renovation of the seminaries. They asserted that there was a contradiction between the demands of the state to have worthy priests and the reduction of subsidies for seminaries. Given the lack of resources obtained from the state, the Peruvian episcopate exhorted the laity to give financial assistance to the Church.27 Again, in 1917, the Peruvian Episcopate stated that the gradual reduction of the budget assigned to the Church directly affected the renovation of the seminaries and that the parochial clergy did not have the necessary resources to attend to their duties. The bishops’ proposals included the re-establishment of the salaries of the bishops and cathedral dignitaries or an increase in the budget assigned to the Church, free telegraphic correspondence between bishops, establishment of scholarships for the diocesan seminarians and for the maintenance of students at the Latin American College in Rome and the elimination of certain taxes on the Church. The bishops also protested the reduction of parochial fees.28 In 1921, the National Assembly of Bishops framed an account of the laws that affected the economic situation of the Church during the republic; including the suppression of tithes in 1859, the amortisation of the properties of the suppressed convents in 1833 and the administration of the brotherhoods’ properties by

24 25 26 27

28

Pontificia Comisón para América Latina, Concilii Plenarii Americae Latinae, art. 824–825. Ibid., art. 829. Ibid., art. 869. Asamblea Episcopal del Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, Carta pastoral colectiva que el ­Iltmo. y Rmo. Sr. Arzobispo y los Ilmos. Rmos. señores obispos de la provincia eclesiástica del perú dirigen al clero y fieles de sus respectivas diócesis, al clausurar la Asamblea Episcopal de 1905 y acuerdos adoptados por la misma (Lima: Imprenta y librería de San Pedro, 1905), 6. Obispos de la República, 1917, Ministerio de Justicia 3.20.9.1.1, Dirección de Justicia, Culto y Beneficencia, Sección de Culto y Beneficencia. Expediente No 779 Libro 20, f. 1. Archivo General de la Nación (AGN).

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the Sociedades de Beneficencia Pública in 1865; and protested against the ecclesiastical contribution, a tax imposed on the parochial clergy, that was, in some cases, five times higher than the contribution made by other professions such as lawyers and doctors. One important change affecting the economic independence of the Church was the derogation of article 1358 of the Civil Code on 30th September 1901. Until then the Church had been prohibited from receiving inheritances and real estate in order to prevent more property falling into mortmain.29 The new law allowed both the secular and the regular clergy to administer properties and to buy and sell them free from state intervention. Mariano H. Cornejo, the president of the Peruvian Congress and other members of this body were opposed to this law stating that it weakened the right of the patronato. However, the new law was approved by a majority. García Jordán states that this brought to an end any state expropriation of ecclesiastical property.30 Nevertheless, the Church continued to rely on subsidies from the state, but the resources assigned to the Church were considered insufficient and the episcopate constantly protested against the reduction of the parochial fees charged on administration of the sacraments and mass.31 The frail economy of the Peruvian state was one of the causes of the continuation of sources of income for the Church such as the primicias and the use of indigenous labour by the clergy. The Seventh Council of Lima established rules for administering the resources of the Church. The Council exhorted the laity to pay the primicias and the parochial fees, regulating the charges for ecclesiastical services such as burials and the administration of some sacraments (baptisms, marriages, special masses, etc).32 These statements show two important things: on one hand the Church was still economically dependent on the state, but on the other, since it achieved a progressive independence in the administration of its properties, the episcopate could devise new sources of income and preserve older ones such as the parochial fees and the primicias.

Civil Registry and the Sociedades de Beneficencia Pública

Another aspect in church-state relations was the secularisation of many functions that had been traditionally performed by the Church. One of them was 29 Mecham, Church and State, 171. 30 García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 267–68. 31 Ibid., 261. 32 García Naranjo, Constituciones del VII Concilio, arts. 495–527.

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related to the registration of births, marriages and deaths, which had been monopolised by the clergy. The Civil Code of 1852 aspired to end this monopoly by establishing a civil system of registration, but this measure could not be enforced given the incapability of the state to provide adequate public officials. As a consequence this decree was eliminated and registration continued to be in the hands of the clergy, who had to send this information to the municipalities and central government.33 Nevertheless, some minor conflicts arose, such as the case of a rule made by the municipality of Cusco in 1904 that prohibited parish priests from administering baptisms if the children were not previously inscribed in the civil registry. The diocesan clergy protested against this measure and afterwards the Seventh Council of Lima condemned this practice.34 This rule was withdrawn but the government reaffirmed the parish priests’ duty to send the information to the municipalities.35 From 1906 onwards the state stipulated that the parochial registries should have civil status, a condition that was in force during the Aristocratic Republic.36 In fact, the Church continued to fulfil this administrative function for the state. Part of the process of the extension of state sovereignty was the creation of the Sociedades de Beneficencia Pública in the late 1840s. The aim of this institution was the administration of hospitals and charitable institutions. In 1865 the liberal government of Mariano Ignacio Prado stipulated that the properties of the brotherhoods would be administered by the Sociedades de Beneficencia Pública and some of their resources were transferred to charitable and educational institutes, a measure that was repeatedly criticised by the Peruvian bishops.37 They demanded that the Sociedades de Beneficencia should provide the brotherhoods with adequate resources to finance their

33 34

35 36 37

García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 176–78. ‘Siendo el bautismo de absoluta necesidad para la salvación y siendo peligrosa las más de las veces la dilación de su administración, reprobamos el abuso de ciertas municipalidades que pretenden impedir a los párrocos la administración del bautismo, sin el requisito del certificado o cédula de inscripción en los Registros del Estado civil, Si esto se atentara, el párroco dé cuenta al Obispo’. García Naranjo, Constituciones Del VII Concilio, art. 287. Ibid., art. 241–242. García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 288. See: Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú (Ensayo) Principios, hechos i normas. Informe de la comisión, nombrada por la Asamblea Episcopal del año 1921, 22–24; and Episcopado Peruano, Carta pastoral del Episcopado Peruano a los venerables cabildos, clero y fieles de la república sobre los problemas de orden religoso social (Lima: Imp. La Providencia, 1931), 22–24.

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religious services.38 In spite of these protests, in some cases the establishment of these institutions was beneficial for the extension of the charitable work of the Church, as can be seen in the organic law of the Sociedades de Beneficencia of 1893, which stipulated that these societies could contract the services of religious congregations.39 Indeed the state, through the Sociedades de Beneficencia Pública, financed part of the work of members of both male and female religious institutes who were appointed to operate hospitals and other charitable institutions. For example, the statistics of those institutions for 1901 in Arequipa,40 and 1911 and 1921 in Lima,41 show that members of female and male congregations, mainly the Daughters of Charity and the Lazarist fathers, administered all the hospitals and orphanages. Furthermore, many committed Catholics were prominent members of the directive bodies of these institutions; these included figures such as Manuel T. Marina, president of the Circles of Catholic of Arequipa, Mariano Belaunde, José Miguel Forga, Jorge Stafford and Eduardo López de Romaña.42 Another function of the Sociedades de Beneficencia Pública was the administration of cemeteries. Members of the Church were opposed to this for two reasons. First, it maintained that this law was against the right of the Church to administer its properties. The second and most important reason was that they were opposed to the burial of non-Catholics, which also included suicides, 38

‘Hiere el derecho de propiedad que tiene la Iglesia, la ley que encomienda a las Beneficencias la administración de los bienes de Cofradías. El Episcopado peruano no pretende la derogación de esta ley. Quiere sí que se cumpla religiosamente con lo principal de sus rentas, conforme a sus presupuestos, aplicando solamente los sobrantes a objetos de instrucción y beneficencia. Anhela, asimismo, que las Beneficencias, a tenor de ejecutorias de los Tribunales de justicia, no exijan entrega ni posesión de los bienes que aseveran ser de cofradías, sin el fallo judicial respectivo’. Episcopado Peruano, Carta pastoral del episcopado peruano a los venerables cabildos, clero y fieles de la república sobre los problemas de orden religoso social, 23. 39 Gobierno Peruano, Ley Orgánica de Sociedades de Beneficencia y Reglamento de la de Are­ quipa (Arequipa, 1898), 9. 40 Manuel T. Marina, Memoria de la marcha de la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública Presentada por el primer vice-director Dr. Manuel T. Marina. a la Junta General reunida El 1° de Febrero de 1902 (Arequipa: Tip. Medina, 1902). 41 Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública de Lima, Presupuesto de la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública de Lima Para el año económico de 1° de enero al 31 de diciembre de 1911 (Lima: Empresa Tipográfica, 1911); Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública de Lima, Presupuesto de la sociedad de Beneficencia Pública de Lima para el año económico de 1° de Enero Al 31 de diciembre de 1921 (Lima: Empresa Tipográfica, 1921). 42 Marina, Memoria de la marcha de la sociedad de Beneficencia Pública, 23.

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murderers and excommunicated people, in Catholic cemeteries. In 1888 the Congress enacted a law that stipulated that the Sociedades de Beneficencia would administer the cemeteries and that in each cemetery there should be a section for non-Catholics.43 Some conflicts arose, as when in 1918 the clergy in Cusco protested against the burial of a woman who had committed suicide. They defended the legal right of the Church to determine who should be buried in Catholic cemeteries and said that for this reason a lay section had been incorporated into them. They also maintained that it was a scandal for the Catholic people of Cusco to bury a person who died outside the Catholic communion in a sacred cemetery. Nevertheless, the objections were not accepted and the woman remained in the Catholic section.44 Henceforth cemeteries were opened to non-Catholics.45 This event illustrated the progressive secularisation and tolerance of the state towards some aspects of everyday life.

Civil Marriage

One of the most contentious issues of debate during this period was the question of civil marriage. During the nineteenth century only Catholic marriage, in accordance with the norms of the Council of Trent, was recognised as valid since it was stipulated in the Civil Code of 1852 that only religious marriage had civil effect. From the 1870s some sectors proposed the establishment of civil marriage on two grounds. First, it was stated that since the mission of the Church was spiritual and not political, its rules should be confined to the private sphere. In this sense, religious marriage should be celebrated in order to fulfil the spiritual duties of the people and secular marriage the juridical duties.46 The second reason was that it was necessary to eliminate all obstacles 43 García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 223. 44 Anonymus, Defensa del cementerio católico del Cuzco contra la profanación autorizada por la honorable sociedad de Beneficencia Pública (Cusco, 1918). 45 García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 223. 46 The statements of congressman N. Pérez, a supporter of the law of civil marriage are testimony to this position. He stated that: ‘La secularización del derecho, señores Representantes, es uno de los ideales más hermosos que vienen persiguiendo y conquistando los pueblos modernos, en donde, como consecuencia del predominio de las ideas religiosas, había llegado a imperar el Derecho Canónico. El matrimonio civil que descansa en el principio de la secularización, responde a ese ideal, y es por lo tanto un gran paso en las vías de la civilización. Establecerlo en el Perú, donde cada día son más varios y heterogéneos los elementos sociales, es no sólo atender a una sentida y reclamada necesidad hace tiempo en la República, sino hacer que las formas del matrimonio guarden conformidad

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to expanding foreign immigration, including the imposition of Catholic marriage on all who did not belong to the Catholic communion. During the 1880s civil marriage had many supporters in Congress, but, given strong ecclesiastical opposition, approval for it had to wait for almost a decade. In 1896 Senator Guillermo Billinghurst (later president of Peru 1912–1914) proposed a law to register non-Catholic marriages, with all the civil effects of Catholic marriages. In 1897 this law was approved by Congress but was vetoed by President Nicolás de Piérola. Finally, the Congress, with a majority of two-thirds, overcame the President’s veto and approved the law in December 1897. As expected, the Episcopate and committed Catholics strongly criticised the new law. The Catholic Congress held in Lima in 1896 stated that civil marriage threatened Peruvian families, since the law attempted to destroy the sacred foundations of marriage and that among Christians religious marriage was the only conceivable form of matrimony. It accused congressmen of supporting a campaign that sought to secularise all Christian institutions. It was also maintained that this measure was the first step towards the approval of a divorce law.47 Apart from the theological and moral arguments, it was maintained that since the family was the foundation of society, this law would lead to the social disintegration of the country. Besides, it was further argued that women would be the most affected by this norm, since they would be unprotected against a future divorce law. The episcopate issued several pastoral letters protesting against civil marriage. The Archbishop of Lima, Manuel Bandini, called the law of civil marriage the legalisation of concubinage and asserted that it would have adverse effects on women who would be left unprotected.48 Juan Ambrosio Huerta, bishop of Arequipa, maintained that since the Congress represented a Catholic country, it did not have the right to approve laws that contradicted Church doctrine. He also accused Freemasons of being behind this law.49



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con los verdaderos principios de la ciencia del derecho’. Fidel Olivas Escudero, Obras de monseñor doctor don Fidel Olivas Escudero, obispo de Ayacucho (Lima: Imprenta Comercial de Horacio La Rosa & Co, 1911), 6: 207–208. 8. Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del primer Congreso Católico del Perú (Lima: Imprenta de la Librería Clásica y Científica, 1897), 304–5. Manuel Antonio Bandini, Carta pastoral que el iltmo. y Rmo. Sr. Dr. D. Manuel Antonio Bandini, por gracia de Dios y de la Santa Sede arzobispo de Lima con motivo de la pretendida ley sobre el matrimonio de los no católicos (Lima 1897), 4–5. Juan Ambrosio Huerta, Carta pastoral del Iltmo. y Rvdmo. Mons. obispo de Arequipa Dr. D. Juan Ambrosio Huerta sobre el matrimonio civil (Lima: Imprenta y librería de San Pedro, 1896), 3–4.

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In 1903 Congress approved a law that allowed mixed civil marriage (that is, permitted a civil marriage when one of the spouses did not belong to the Catholic communion) and the bishops renewed their criticisms. Manuel Ballón, bishop of Arequipa, repeated the same arguments as his predecessor and stated that if a Catholic was married only by civil law, he (or she) would live in a state of sin and concubinage and the children of this union would be illegitimate. He maintained that the state did not have the right to legislate on the nature or validity of the sacraments, it only had the duty to regulate the civil effects of marriage, including inheritance and property.50 Fidel Olivas Escudero, bishop of Ayacucho, maintained that since this law scorned the Catholic conception of marriage, it contradicted the Constitution, which in Article 4 established the protection of the Catholic faith and the exclusion of other religions.51 The cause of civil marriage achieved two victories when in 1918 Congress approved the law of divorce and then, in 1920, civil marriage was made obligatory, thereby stripping religious marriages of any civil status or effect.52 However, these laws were not promulgated until the fall of President Augusto Leguía in 1930. Again episcopal opposition was renewed. In a speech to the Senate, Pedro Farfán, bishop of Cusco, called the law of divorce a project inspired by Satan and stated that this would lead to the degradation of women, the destruction of the family, the corruption of morals and the diffusion of vicious habits in the public and private spheres as was the case in other countries that had approved similar laws.53

Religious Tolerance

The law of religious tolerance was the other main cause of debate during this period. As has been seen earlier, from the early days of the Republic some political sectors were favourable to the tolerance of other cults in the country. Nevertheless, this measure could not be approved during the nineteenth century because, besides clerical opposition, there had not been an extensive wave of European immigration to the country, with the result that almost the totality of the Peruvian population was, at least nominally, Catholic. From the 50 Manuel Segundo Ballón, Carta pastoral sobre el matrimonio civil (Arequipa, 1904), 10. 51 Olivas Escudero, Obras de monseñor doctor don Fidel Olivas Escudero, obispo de Ayacucho, 4: 222. 52 Mecham, Church and State, 171; García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 240. 53 Pedro Pascual Farfán, Carta pastoral sobre el proyecto de divorcio presentado en las cámaras (Arequipa: Tipografía La Rosa del Perú, 1918), 4–6.

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1880s members of the political elite who were partly influenced by reading Comte, Spencer and Le Bon renewed the debate. They were best represented by well-known intellectuals such as Javier Prado and Mariano H. Cornejo, who believed in the superiority of the white race and therefore thought that immigration was the main requisite for the regeneration of the country. At the same time, they maintained that secularisation was indispensable for the modernisation of the state and the progress of society. Consequently they became the main promoters of religious tolerance in order to eliminate what they thought was an obstacle to the arrival of Germanic and Anglo-Saxon immigrants. Freemasons were another group that exercised significant pressure for the law of religious toleration and supported the arrival of Protestant missionaries. The Masonic Lodges were points of confluence for those who opposed Ultramontane Catholicism and advocated the secularisation of society as a necessary step towards eliminating tyranny in Peru. The Peruvian Constitution of 1860, like its predecessors, established that the Catholic faith was the official religion of the nation and that the state prohibited the public celebration of other faiths.54 Members of other religions were allowed to practise their creeds privately but were forbidden to build public temples or to proselytise. In spite of this norm, during the last decades of the nineteenth century the first Protestant missionaries arrived in Peru. One of the most notable was the Methodist Pastor Francisco Penzotti, a member of the American Biblical Society, who first disembarked in the port of El Callao in 1888. There he initiated his activities, founded a church and then travelled to Arequipa to continue his proselytising mission and to distribute Protestant Bibles. Accused by Bishop Juan Ambrosio Huerta of introducing heretical books, he was imprisoned for three months.55 After his release he returned to El Callao and a year later (1890) he was again imprisoned for organising activities against the Peruvian Constitution. The American consulate, the Masonic Lodges and liberal sectors energetically protested against this measure and Penzotti was released. Public opinion condemned this incident and created conditions that favoured a more lax application of article 4 of the Constitution. From then on new Protestant missionaries arrived in Peru.56 Penzotti’s work was carried on by Dr. Thomas Wood, a Methodist preacher who was also a thirty-second grade Freemason, and his daughter Elsie. Both of them gained a notable reputation 54 55

‘Peruvian Constitution of 1860’, art. 4. Juan Ambrosio Huerta, Carta pastoral que el Iltmo. y Rdmo. Sr. Obispo de Arequipa dirije á sus amados diocesanos con motivo de la circulación de algunos impresos anticatólicos (Lima: Tipografía Católica, 1891), 4–5. 56 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 93–94.

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as educators. In 1891 Elsie Wood founded a primary school in El Callao and by 1895 there were five Protestant schools in this city. Later they were united in the Callao High School. Afterwards she founded the Lima High School in 1906 and the Colegio Andino in Huancayo in 1914. At the same time, Thomas Wood founded the Escuela Técnica de Comercio (Technical College of Commerce) supported by members of the Civilista Party and the Peruvian Chamber of Commerce.57 Along with the Methodists, other religious communions were active in Peru. The Baptists began their proselytising activities in 1896 and by the end of the decade were present in Lima, Cusco, Trujillo and Cajamarca.58 At the same time, the Seventh Day Adventists developed strong missionary and educational work in Puno and by 1926 they had established eighty schools for Indians with a total of 3,892 students.59 Committed Catholics and the Episcopate reacted strongly against the expansion of Protestantism and the possibility of the introduction of a law of religious toleration. The members of the Unión Católica expressed their concern through public demonstrations, the signing of public acts and the press. In the Catholic Congress of 1896 they agreed to work for the preservation of the religious monopoly of the Catholic faith and to use all legal and moral means to hinder Protestant development in the country.60 The National Assembly of Bishops in 1899 and the Seventh Council of Lima in 1912 also exhorted the laity to preserve article 4 of the Peruvian Constitution and they prohibited the participation of Catholics in Protestant services.61 The reaction against the expansion of Protestantism was not only limited to declarations and public acts. The Episcopate promoted the development of popular missions where there was a special emphasis on the teaching of Catholic doctrine and lay associations organised schools of Catechism. During the first decade of the twentieth century new catechisms were published such as the Compendio de la Doctrina Cristiana by the Redemptorist Juan N. Lobato and the Texto del catecismo de la doctrina cristiana en Keshua by the priest José Gregorio Castro.62 At the 57 Armas Asin, Liberales, protestantes y masones, 145–46. 58 Ibid., 146–47. 59 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 94. 60 Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 303–4. 61 ‘Exhortamos con encarecimiento a todos nuestros fieles y les recordamos el deber que tienen de cultivar y fomentar la Fe, no sólo en el fondo de sus corazones y en el hogar doméstico, sino también de procurar por todos los medios posibles que florezca y prospere en el seno de la Nación, para que como tal se muestre siempre católica y ostente en su Constitución Política el artículo que la protege’. García Naranjo, Constituciones del VII Concilio, art. 7. 62 García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 247.

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same time, in some cases members of other confessions suffered direct aggression from Catholics. The most noticeable case was an expedition organised in 1913 by Valentín Ampuero, bishop of Puno, and the governor of the province (they led a host of two hundred Catholic Indians) against an Adventist school founded in his diocese. The Adventist mission was destroyed and eight Peruvian Adventists were imprisoned. This event provoked a public scandal and as a reaction the Peruvian Congress discussed the reform of article 4, which was finally approved in 1915, eliminating the monopoly of the Catholic faith and granting religious tolerance, even though the Catholic Church remained the established religion of the Peruvian State and was protected by it.63 It is necessary to point out that if Catholics held an intolerant and, in some cases violent, position against Protestants, these confessions also tended to adopt an aggressive stand against the Catholic Church, blaming it for introducing the ‘idolatrous’ cult of the saints and images to the Indians and of being a vehicle of oppression and obscurantism. Furthermore, Catholics identified Protestants with Freemasons and liberals, and believed that the ultimate goal of the legal support of religious tolerance was the secularisation of society and the destruction of the Church. This view was reinforced by the analysis of the situation of the Catholic Church in Mexico.64 63 64

Armas Asin, Liberales, protestantes y masones, 194–95. The Catholic newspaper La Colmena denounced the persecution of the Catholic Church in Mexico during the government of Venustiano Carranza. They stated that in Mexico there was a clear identification between Protestants, liberals, Freemasons and North-American imperialism: ‘Es generalmente sabido que en ese país se ha perseguido en los últimos tiempos con insólita fiereza, y, lo que es más, en nombre de la santa libertad (¡qué sarcasmo!), á la Iglesia de Cristo, es decir, a la Iglesia Católica. Sus Obispos y ministros eran encarcelados ó arrojados á pesar de las vivas protestas de las multitudes del país. Otros grandiosos hechos de una rara libertad, como el asaltar monasterios, cerrar iglesias ó quemarlas etc. etc., los callamos por brevedad. Eso sí, en nombre de esa misma libertad, acompañada en su ejercicio con bombo y platillos, se amparó y se honró en México á todo bribón que llevara en su frente el signo de la Gran Bestia y en su cimborrio abdominal el triángulo; se favoreció con empeño decidido á todo sectario y descreído que con el equívoco de protestantes se presentara en el país remunerando largamente su nefasta y aniquiladora obra. A los nuevos apóstoles venidos del norte con el santo don de civilizar á los mexicanos (¡pobres chunchos!) con el no menos santo para ellos, es decir, para los nuevos apóstoles, de aligerar el suelo mexicano de aceites bituminosos, mal olientes y pesados, de aplanar montes de plata y oro facilitando graciosa y altruísticamente el trazo y construcción de buenos y duraderos caminos; en suma, á tan buenos y desinteresados gringos debió en gran parte su fortuna política el señor Carranza. Hizo la revolución eficazmente ayudado por los protestantes de Estados Unidos y conquistó la silla presidencial.

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The approval of the law of religious toleration was considered a serious blow against the Catholic faith and the unity of the country. The Archbishop of Lima, Pedro García Naranjo, issued a pastoral letter criticising it. He stated that it was unnecessary since members of other confessions had the right to practise their faiths individually. At the same time, he said that this law was against the will of the majority of the population, who were Catholic. Following the teachings of Leo XIII, he maintained that human beings were by nature religious and that religious unity was a powerful element of social order. One of the problems of Protestantism was the lack of a doctrinal authority. Because of this, they were divided into different sects and beliefs in accordance with their will.65 A nation that professed the true religion could not accept religious toleration of other cults without falling into apostasy and political society could not act as if religion did not exist.66 He distinguished between the concepts of religious tolerance and freedom of conscience. He said that neither the Church nor any other institution had the right to penetrate the internal conscience of the individual. However, this did not mean that human beings had the right to put into practice all their thoughts or desires, because that would lead to the approval of crimes. Protestants and members of other religions had the right

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De ahí sus larguezas para con los llamados protestantes. Después de todo no gastaba más que dineros de un pueblo católico…’. ‘La desaparición de Carranza no ha hecho verter ni una lágrima á sus antiguos favorecidos, á los apóstoles de nuevo cuño que fueron a México con el santo don de civilizar á aquel para ellos semisalvaje país. Esa desaparición les importa un comino á los mercachifles de Biblias, corruptores de la conciencia moral y religiosa del próspero hasta ayer pueblo mexicano; astutos y peligrosos fariseos que agazapados bajo la bandera de la libertad supeditan todo lo más sagrado que simboliza la insignia nacional á personales intereses o a los de su país natal, peritos bien especializados, en el menester de desunir voluntades en el de matar la fe de los pueblos junto con la nobleza de sus sentimientos é ideales de dignidad y honor domésticos, sociales y patrios ¿qué les podía importar á esos vividores descreídos la caída de Carranza? Pero les interesaba convulsionar de nuevo a México y lo han conseguido … Aprendamos la lección en cabeza ajena que no faltan también entre nosotros algunos descreídos empeñados en hacer favores á los sectarios, quienes producirán, si algo producen, iguales frutos que los que les son debidos en México’ in: La Colmena, 1 July 1920. ‘Por falta de esta autoridad doctrinal en materia de fe, las sectas separadas se han dividido en tal multitud de comuniones tan diferentes y encontradas entre sí, que según acertada apreciación de un autor heterodoxo, se ha convertido el protestantismo en un bazar de religiones en donde cada cual puede escoger la que mejor cuadre a sus gustos y caprichos’. Pedro Manuel García Naranjo, Carta pastoral que el Iltmo y Rvmo. Señor Dr. D. Pedro Manuel García y Naranjo, arzobispo de Lima, dirige al clero y fieles de la arquidiócesis acerca de la libertad de cultos (Lima: Imprenta de ‘La Unión’, 1913), 5. Ibid., 3–4.

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to practise their own religions privately. If the law of religious freedom was approved, not only would other religions have the right to build their temples but they would also be able to preach their doctrines and to proselytise. With their economic resources and their fallacies they would be able to delude the poor classes and attack the Catholic faith. If religious freedom was tolerable in other countries, it was a lesser evil because there was no religious unity. In the case of Peru where almost the totality of the population was Catholic, this law had no justification.67 He criticised the statements of those who asserted that the progress of society was dependent on the freedom of cults. He said that true progress could not be related to religious indifference, atheism, immorality and social vices. He emphasised that religious diversity would lead many people, especially the poor classes and the youth, to believe that since there were so many contradictory truths none of them could be accepted. At the same time, secularism would lead people to fight one against other for power and pleasure: ‘Contrary to the statements of the false apostles of irreligion, who believe that secularism would lead peoples to the conquest of their well-being and greatness, they will make society descend into the most terrible unhappiness and barbarism’.68 In this sense, he affirmed that Catholicism was a main element of unity of the Peruvian family.69 Mariano Holguín also criticised Congress for passing the law of religious toleration. He called this measure a brutal blow against the religious unity of Peru and called the members of Congress enemies of God and the nation. He also stated that since the Catholic Faith was the only true religion, it was necessary for the stability of the state. He stated that religion was all-important for the development of society. Society without authority was chaos. God was the foundation of all authority and society.70 He called on Catholics to abandon their indifference and to participate in politics. He stated that it was necessary to organise a Catholic Party in order to promote these principles. The Bishop of Huanuco, Pedro Pablo Drinot, also issued a pastoral letter against the law of religious toleration in which he stated that the Church was the first institution to protect freedom of conscience, as had been the case of the Popes, who always had accepted persecuted Jewish people in their territories, allowing them to practice their religion freely. However, if it was 67 68 69 70

Ibid., 8–9. Ibid., 10. Ibid., 11. Mariano Holguín, Instrucción pastoral sobre la defensa de la Religión que el obispo de Are­ quipa Mns. Fr. Mariano Holguín O.F.M. dirije al clero y fieles de su diocesis con motivo de la cuaresma (Lima: Imprenta y fábrica de Forograbasdos Sanmartí, 1913).

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illegitimate to exercise violence over the individual beliefs of the people, it was also true that the state had the duty to defend the common good of society. In this sense, since it was necessary to put limits on individual freedom in order to protect society, it was also the duty of the state to censor all antisocial doctrines and to ban the propaganda of untrue religions. He also rejected the idea that Peru had to follow the example of the European nations on the question of religious tolerance. When a society was divided into different religions, the lesser evil was religious toleration. He also opposed the idea that religious intolerance was contrary to civilisation, progress and culture. He stated that the Catholic religion had been a powerful civilising element during the history of the world and the nation. He also questioned whether the patronato had been used to repress the liberty of the Church and had not fulfilled its duties to maintain the Catholic Church.71 In 1917 the Peruvian Episcopate lamented the elimination of the religious exclusivity of the country. At this time, they insisted that the Catholic Church was still the official religion of the state and asked for the necessary resources to carry out its mission. As in other cases, eventually the protests of Catholics only delayed but did not impede the establishment of the new law. However, contrary to the predictions made by bishops of the destruction of Catholic unity in the country, in 1930 Protestants still remained a small percentage of the population.72 At the same time, the passage of this law was followed by the realisation for the need of an internal revival, more ambitious pastoral actions and numerous reform measures.

…

The conflicts between church and state in Peru from 1895 to 1919 led to the progressive secularisation of the state and many of the reforms that liberals fought for throughout the nineteenth century were finally approved. Nevertheless, the period also witnessed the achievement of the Church’s independence from the state insofar as it was allowed to hold properties freely, to communicate freely with the Holy See and to promote the arrival of foreign religious institutes and the promotion of new pastoral activities. 71 72

Pedro Pablo Drinot, La libertad de cultos y la Acción Social Católica en el Perú. Pastoral y conferencias del Obispo de Huánuco (Huanuco: Imprenta ‘El Seminario’, 1916), 6. ‘In 1928 the total number of Protestant pastors and ministers, counting both foreigners and Peruvians, was 339 and, according to one estimate, there were approximately 14,399 Protestants in Peru in 1930’. Klaiber, The Catholic Church in Peru, 1821–1985. A Social History, 95.

chapter 3

Leguía’s Oncenio and the Politics of Religion (1919–1930) Between 1919 and 1930 a new era began in the relationship between church and state. Once some of the legislative demands of the liberals, especially religious tolerance, were settled, Church leaders could seek to recover ground lost in the public sphere. This meant a rapprochement with the government, Catholic participation in state organisations and the continued defence of the independence of the Church against the temporal power while simultaneously endeavouring to maintain the confessional state. At the same time, the pastoral, educational and social initiatives of many Catholic organisations and institutions would be expanded. In general terms, the Church established a climate of cooperation with the regime although certain dissident sectors arose which questioned the authoritarian nature of the latter. This did not mean the disappearance of anticlericalism, which was as present in some sectors of the government as in the new radical political movements of the masses which began to gain force in this period but would manifest themselves more actively and openly after the 1929 crisis and the fall of the regime. The Political Project of the Patria Nueva In 1919 Augusto B. Leguía, after being elected president for the second time, staged a coup in the National Congress alleging that the members of the Civilista party were planning to annul his election. Once in the presidency he consolidated his power through control of Congress and all the key governmental positions. He organised congress elections, and his followers obtained a majority of the seats in both chambers. They promulgated a new constitution in 1920, which advanced a series of political and social reforms. Later he introduced a constitutional amendment that allowed him to be re-elected in 1924 and 1929. His eleven-year rule (1919–30), known as the Oncenio, marked a new period in the political life of Peru. Leguía was not a newcomer to Peruvian politics. He had been a successful entrepreneur who joined the Civilista party to become Minister of Finance during the first

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government of José Pardo (1904–8) and then president of Peru (1908–12). During the last year of his first term, after being accused of authoritarian practices, he broke from the Civilista party to become one of its most important political rivals.1 If Leguía won popular support in 1919 it was because he presented himself as a reformer who would establish a new style of government and a true democracy. Indeed, the motto of his programme was to create a ‘Patria Nueva’ (‘new fatherland’) that would break the paradigms of the aristocratic Civilista party. During the Oncenio, Leguía continued the process of economic modernisation that had been initiated in the previous period and benefited from the rise of international commodity prices after World War I.2 Leguía fostered an energetic programme of public works including the modernisation of Lima and other main cities, and a vast road-building project.3 In so doing, the Peruvian economy became increasingly dependent on the United States since a great number of these projects were financed by American capital and loans. In the long run Peruvian international debt increased dramatically which was to prove fatal in 1929 during the world capitalist crisis. In addition, the government expanded the public bureaucracy to five times its original size. These changes allowed an emergent middle-class to be employed by the state and to have more influence and representation in the public affairs of the country. At the same time, with the industrialisation of some cities, concentrated mostly on the coast, the urban working class grew and trade unions became more organised. New political movements were formed during the Oncenio, notably the Marxists, primarily influenced by José Carlos Mariátegui and the APRA party (Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana) founded by Víctor Raul Haya de la Torre. Another important element of the Oncenio was political awareness and recognition of the indigenous question. The Constitution of 1920 was the first to explicitly recognise the legal existence of the Indian communities.4 Furthermore, Leguía’s government established an Office of Indian Affairs in the Ministry of Development and founded the Patronato de la Raza indígena, a governmental institution devoted to the protection of the natives’ rights.5 In spite of these reforms and the apparent prosperity of the Oncenio, Leguía initiated a new style of government in Peru, that was autocratic, pragmatic, populist in nature and which sought to legitimise itself under constitutional 1 Klarén, ‘The Origins of Modern Peru’, 625. 2 Klarén, Peru. Society and Nationhood in the Andes, 241–4. 3 Ibid., 250. 4 Peruvian Constitution of 1920, art. 41. 5 Pareja Paz Soldán, Derecho constitucional peruano, 137–40.

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forms. It expanded the power of the state in order to establish relations of political clientage, and in which its most important adversaries were exiled, repressed or received some form of state benefit in exchange for their silence.6 Economic growth and modernisation helped Leguía to create a favourable atmosphere, which resulted in significant popular support. Despite seeking to project the image of a social reformer, he conserved, nearly intact, the basic national economic structure, but with greater state participation. At the same time, he allowed the radical parties a certain freedom of action to create the sensation that a strong government was necessary to prevent the advance of communism. He was also successful in gaining the support of the United States and other countries to such an extent that ambassador Alexander Moore proposed Leguía as a candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize.7 However, Leguía’s authoritarianism became increasingly evident with the passage of time. In addition to persecuting his rivals, he strove to dominate, neutralise or establish relationships of dependence with the most important institutions and corporations in the country. Church-State Relations during the Oncenio Despite being a conspicuous Mason, Leguía was aware of the Church’s influence in society and so sought to establish close links with the hierarchy and, in general terms, avoided any source of conflict. In his messages to the nation, he frequently highlighted the climate of cooperation which existed between Church and State8 and according to Jaime de Ojeda, head of the Spanish diplomatic delegation in Lima, despite believing in ‘neither God nor the devil’ he sought the Church’s support by frequent participation in religious ceremonies and processions.9 This relation was viewed favourably since some of the issues which had caused great friction between the two institutions had been settled in previous years. At the same time, the legal framework of the era tended to favour the Church. For example, although the Constitution of 1920 6 One of the best political analyses on Leguía’s regime is: Planas, La república autocrática. 7 Basadre, Historia de la República, 9: 344. 8 Augusto B. Leguía, Mensaje presentado al Congreso Ordinario de 1925 por el presidente Augusto B. Leguía (Lima, 1925), 7–8; Augusto B. Leguía, Mensaje presentado al Congreso Ordinario de 1929 por el presidente Augusto B. Leguía (Lima, 1929), 28; Augusto B. Leguía, Mensaje presentado al Congreso Ordinario de 1925 por el presidente Augusto B. Leguía (Lima, 1930), 18. 9 Quoted in Ángel Martínez de Velasco, ‘Relaciones hispano-peruanas durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera: El centenario de Ayacucho’ Quinto Centenario 2 (1981): 183–4.

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confirmed religious tolerance, still it recognised Catholicism as the official religion of the state.10 When public matters aroused Catholic opposition, the government tended to favour the Church. One of the issues debated in the Constituent Assembly was the patronato republicano. The 1920 constitution included among the Presidential powers the faculty of presenting to the Holy See the archbishops and bishops who were selected by Congress from lists drawn up by the Minister of Justice, Instruction and Religion. Furthermore, with the assent of Congress, the President had to approve pontifical documents. This continued to be problematic concerning the autonomy of the Church because the designation of its ecclesiastical leadership and the publication of its most important documents depended upon the political forces that held the majority in congress. To solve this problem, Leguía, in his message to Congress on July 28, 1920, requested it take the steps necessary to sign a concordat with the Holy See, albeit without much success. Nevertheless, significant improvement was made through two laws enacted in 1926 and 1927 by which congress ceased to interfere in these procedures, leaving them as the exclusive province of the executive power.11 In addition, certain anticlerical proposals in the constitutional debates failed, such as that of Clemente Palma who moved that members of the clergy should not be allowed to stand for election to congress.12 However, this impediment was applied to archbishops, bishops, ecclesiastical governors and capitulary vicars.13 At the same time, foreign priests were forbidden to serve as prebendaries or canons of the cathedrals, or curates or to hold other ecclesiastical offices until they acquired Peruvian nationality.14 Another source of controversy were the laws that permitted divorce and made the contraction of a civil marriage prior to a religious ceremony obligatory, laws which had been approved by Congress in 1918 and 1920 although they had not been promulgated. The Church tenaciously opposed divorce, which it considered a direct attack against the good of the family. At the same time, the bishops affirmed that the obligatory civil marriage law violated the dignity of the priestly office since it stipulated that clerics who officiated at a religious marriage without having previously verified that the couple had contracted a civil marriage should be jailed.15 Both Mariano Holguín, bishop 10 Peruvian Constitution of 1920, art. 5. 11 Basadre, Historia de la República, 9: 420. 12 Pareja, Derecho constitucional peruano, 129–30. 13 Peruvian Constitution of 1920, art 76, 4. 14 Ibid., art. 121, 18. 15 La Tradición, 11 September 1920.

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of Arequipa, and Pedro Farfán, bishop of Cusco, published pastoral letters against the divorce legislation in 1918,16 and in Lima the image of the Señor de los Milagros was spontaneously taken out and paraded through the streets to exercise pressure upon the government.17 In 1920 Archbishop Lissón together with the metropolitan chapter personally delivered a petition criticising both laws with the signatures of more than 300 women and 3000 men to Leguía. The president publicly responded that he agreed with the arguments of the archbishop, that he would study the petition carefully and that he would do everything possible to delay the promulgation of the these laws.18 This action by the archbishop was severely criticised by the anticlerical factions. For example, in the newspaper La Crónica it was asserted that Lissón, in asking for the president’s veto of these laws, had disregarded the popular will, as represented by the congress.19 The archbishop replied to these accusations by asserting that the Catholic community supported his action and that the petition was legitimate since the constitution gave the president the capacity to propose modifications to the laws. Moreover, he said that although he opposed divorce, he did not reject civil marriage so long as the threat of prison for priests was removed from the text of the law.20 Ultimately, on this occasion the influence of the Church achieved a brief victory and the Executive Power delayed the promulgation of these laws until after the fall of the regime.21 Another example of state support for the Church was the decree of 1929 forbidding the teaching of doctrines opposed to the Catholic religion in the schools of the republic.22 Nevertheless, given the close relations between the United States and the regime, Leguía chose not to apply a series of laws that blocked non-Catholic missionary enterprises.23 On the contrary, Leguía gave Protestants a series of facilities in order to expand their health and educational services in the country.24

16 Farfán, Carta pastoral sobre el Proyecto de divorcio presentado en las cámaras, 10–14; Holguín, Carta pastoral sobre el proyecto de divorcio, presentado en las cámaras, 5–9. 17 Fonseca, Misioneros y civilizadores: protestantismo y modernización en el Perú: 1915–1930, 318. 18 La Tradición, 11 September 1920. 19 La Crónica, 12 September 1920. 20 La Tradición, 6 September 1920. 21 Basadre, Historia de la República, 9: 420–1. 22 Boletín de la Acción Social de la Juventud, III, 6 September 1929, 6–7. 23 Mecham, Church and State, 175. 24 Fonseca, Misioneros y civilizadores: protestantismo y modernización en el Perú: 1915– 1930,  291–94.

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Another noteworthy feature of this period was the participation of the Church in certain state institutions related to the social and educational development of the country. In large measure, this presence was because the state, although undergoing a process of expansion, did not have the capacity to reach many parts of the country nor to assume some of the tasks of social assistance, and so, for the moment, opted to rely on the Church. As will be analysed further on, one example of this was the presence of ecclesiastical authorities in many positions of authority in the Patronato de la Raza Indígena, where the bishops could defend the rights of the native population.25 Similarly, following the tendency of prior decades, the government entrusted religious institutions with the direction of educational centres for girls, hospitals and asylums. There was also official assistance for the missions in the Amazon jungle owing to the State’s interest in securing the national borders in these distant territories.26 An important event in the relations between church and state was the visit, in November of 1923, of Cardinal Juan Benlloch y Vivó who acted as ambassador of both Pope Pius XI and King Alfonso XIII of Spain during the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera. Holding both charges, Benlloch had a two-fold mission. For the Holy See, he had to ensure the continuation of good relations with Peru and oversee the situation of the Church in the country. For Primo de Rivera’s government, he sought to strengthen the cultural ties with the nations of Latin America, exalting the Hispanist ideal. His visit took place during the preparations for the commemoration of the centenary of the Battle of Ayacucho (1824) for which Leguía prepared a lavishly impressive national celebration. Benlloch was received in grand fashion by President Leguía himself. In the course of his twelve-day visit, he toured the principal civil and Catholic religious institutions in many cities throughout Peru.27 The importance of the Spanish Church in Peru was demonstrated during this visit by the increase in the number of Spanish priests in the country.28 As can be seen, the government sought to cultivate close ties with members of both the hierarchy and the Catholic organisations. Among the most influential members of the regime was the minister and congressman Pedro José Rada 25

Peruvian bishops presided over this institution in most of the departments of the country. See: Boletín del Ministerio de Fomento – Sección de asuntos Indígenas (1926–27), 37–8. 26 Leguía, Mensaje presentado al Congreso Ordinario de 1929, 29. 27 For an illustrated chronicle of the activities of cardinal Benllonch in Lima see: Fausto Linares Málaga, El Cardenal Benlloch en el Perú (Lima, 1924). 28 Martínez de Velasco, ‘Relaciones hispano-peruanas Durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera: El centenario de Ayacucho’, 177.

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y Gamio, a known apologist for the Church, who served as a nexus with diverse institutions such as the Unión Católica and the Circles of Catholic Workers. Partly because of his efforts the government sponsored several Catholic organisations. For example, Leguía was honorary president of the Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa29 and was present at ceremonies of the Centre of Catholic Workers of Lima.30 At the same time, Leguía established close relations with the archbishop of Lima, Emilio Lissón (1872–1961), who was soon accused of being a leading supporter of the President. Lissón had been a prominent missionary who was first appointed bishop of Chachapoyas (1909–1918), a diocese in the Amazon jungle, and later consecrated archbishop of Lima in 1918. A notable sign of the Church’s backing of Leguía occurred during the Centennial celebrations of the Battle of Ayacucho when bishop Fidel Olivas Escudero exhorted the faithful to work ‘with a spirit of abnegation and heroism in order to consolidate the magnificent labour of national aggrandisement initiated with admirable constancy by the Leader of the Nation, Mr. Augusto B Leguía, worthy of all respect and gratitude’.31 What is more, in 1929 Leguía received the pontifical decoration of the Order of Christ at the hands of the apostolic nuncio Cayetano Cicognani in Lima’s cathedral.32 The cooperation between the Church and the regime was best portrayed by Archbishop Lissón’s announcement of his intention to consecrate Peru to the Sacred Heart of Jesus in a public ceremony in 1923, to which Leguía was invited as a patron of the Church and President of Peru. An anticlerical and antigovernment protest arose led by Víctor Raul Haya de la Torre, at that time president of the Federación de Estudiantes del Perú and the future founder of the APRA party, who accused the Church of trying to legitimise the regime. This manifestation brought together diverse groups of workers, political radicals and university students who expressed their emphatic opposition to this act. The declaration of principles by the students of San Marcos University was radically anticlerical and demanded, in addition to the suspension of the ceremony, the absolute separation of church and state, the elimination of religious teaching and symbols in public establishments, the promulgation of the laws of divorce and obligatory civil marriage, limitations on the political rights and the exercise of certain pastoral functions of religious, the confiscation of convents and other ecclesiastical properties, the elimination of parish tithes and those norms 29 30 31 32

La Colmena, 25 April 1925. Variedades, 15 March 1924. Fidel Olivas Escudero, Suplemento del memorándum de las principales obras hechas durante los últimos 8 años de la administración de la diócesis de Ayacucho, 125. La Tradición, 24 February1929.

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which punished crimes against the Catholic religion.33 It is necessary to point out that not just anti-governmental groups were against the consecration. Clemente Palma, an ardent supporter of Leguía, penned fiery anticlerical editorials in Variedades, an important weekly illustrated journal under his direction. Similarly, the Protestants, despite their distrust of the radical movements and their support for Leguía, made common cause in opposition to the act.34 The protest ended tragically as three police officers and two protesters died in street clashes. As a consequence the ceremony was suspended and Haya de la Torre and nearly thirty student leaders were arrested and later exiled.35 It should be noted that support for Leguía did not come exclusively from the Church but from a wide range of political sectors and social classes. During the first years of the Oncenio, Leguía enjoyed wide popular support and was seen as the president who would bring about the end of the old political system. Many political sectors benefited from his rule, including José Carlos Mariátegui, the most important intellectual of Peruvian Marxism, who travelled to Europe under the sponsorship of the regime.36 He regularly wrote for the pro-Leguía magazines Variedades and Mundial and was able to publish his famous journal Amauta and to found the Socialist Party without state interference.37 Paradoxically, and in simultaneous fashion, many Catholics considered Leguía’s authoritarianism to be the lesser evil in comparison to the possibility of the expansion of radical ideologies and Marxism.38 Protestants also received the support of the government to such an extent that, according to the historian Juan Fonseca, ‘if not for his extreme closeness with the Catholic hierarchy, the Protestants would have been the most loyal leguiístas’.39 Another element to consider is that during most of the republican period the Catholic Church had sought to establish close relations with the Peruvian state and the approach to Leguía was no exception to that rule. Regardless of these facts, it would be wrong to maintain that all the sectors of the Catholic Church were submissive to the regime or were completely uncritical of its policies. As early as 1921 a commission of the National Assembly 33 Quoted in: Jeffrey Klaiber, Religión y revolución en el Perú, 1824–1988, 152–3. 34 Fonseca, Misioneros y civilizadores: protestantismo y modernización en el Perú: 1915–1930, 295–6. 35 Fredrick Pike, The Modern History of Peru (London, 1967) 225. 36 Klarén, Peru. Society and Nationhood in the Andes, 255. 37 Sobrevilla, El marxismo de Mariátegui y su aplicación a los 7 ensayos, 113–27. 38 Pike, The Modern History of Peru, 241–2. 39 Fonseca, Misioneros y civilizadores: protestantismo y modernización en el Perú: 1915–1930, 301.

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of Bishops composed of Bishop Pedro Drinot, Fr. Jorge Dintilhac, Fr. Manuel Abreu and Fr. Vélez issued a document criticising the political practices in the country, albeit without mentioning president Leguía. They denounced the corruption in the judicial system, municipalities and local governments and the flagrant irregularities during elections. They also criticised the fact that most political parties were directed by a caudillo instead of contributing to the institutional development of the country. At the same time, the commission warned of the consequences of the excessive growth of an inefficient and corrupt bureaucracy.40 The value of this document is especially important considering that the government suppressed most political criticism. Several prominent Catholics who belonged to Nicolás de Piérola’s Demócrata party were highly critical of the regime and were forced into exile. At the same time, both José de la Riva-Agüero and Víctor Andrés Belaunde, the most important Peruvian Catholic thinkers during the 1930s, were also exiled for their criticisms of Leguía. Perhaps one of the most lucid analyses of the political and moral vices of the Oncenio can be found in Belaunde’s La Realidad Nacional where he advocated the necessity of strong institutions to counteract the authoritarian and corrupted tendencies established by Leguía in the country.41 There are other examples of resistance to Leguía’s political control. In 1925, La Colmena, a newspaper that was the organ of expression of the Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa, expressed its support for the candidacy of José Miguel Forga to the municipality of Arequipa, and praised him for rejecting an offer from Leguía’s Partido Nacional Reformista to join that organisation.42 After Leguía’s fall in 1930, La Colmena’s editorial explained that its director, F. Francisco Cabré, had been threatened several times with exile and with the closing of the newspaper.43 Furthermore, La Colmena criticised the corruption and the policy of indebtedness of the government, which generated oppressive taxes on the population.44 The Militant Church As one may infer from the preceding analysis, in spite of these signs of political dissidence and certain ambiguous attitudes of the government, the Church 40 Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú, 99, 136. 41 Belaunde, La realidad nacional, 175–209. 42 La Colmena, 2 May 1925. 43 Ibid., 30 August 1930. 44 Ibid., 6 September 1930.

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was generally viewed favourably by the regime, which supported the growth of Catholic organisations and activities in a climate of relative tranquillity. As an American academic pointed out in 1927: It would be a mistake to conclude that the church is now a minor f­ actor in Peruvian affairs … In politics, presidents and dictators recognise that the support of the church is quite necessary to a stable government. It is a significant fact that repeatedly executives have been unwilling to even promulgate anti-clerical laws passed by the congress. Usually, anti-­ clerical opinion is inarticulate and dormant but becomes overwhelmingly aggressive in response to stimulus. The church, on the other hand, is an organised force that can apply pressure when and where it chooses, and it usually works through individuals in strategic positions. In the face of the disintegrating effects of modern irreligious tendencies, its organisation is its source of greatest strength.45 However, reading the documents of the time, one can perceive the concern of Catholics over the advance of anticlericalism, the influence of new cultural tendencies transmitted through the media, and the new social and political movements which were emerging in Peru and the world. Certainly processes such as the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, the rapid rise to power of totalitarian ideologies, the growing influence of Marxism and anarchism among labour and in the university, and the advance of the parties of the masses generated new worries in the Catholic world. Faced with this, Peruvian Catholics tended to look to Rome where Pius XI, from the outset of his pontificate in 1922, adopted a critical position towards these political phenomena, condemning the totalitarian state and communism.46 Despite having signed the Lateran Treaty in 1929, which resolved the ‘Roman Question’ and gave birth to the Vatican State, the pope condemned Mussolini’s attempts to co-opt Catholic Action and defended that movement from attempts at political absorption by the fascists.47 He also denounced the religious persecution of Catholics in Mexico48 and later in Spain.49 At the same time, confronted with the world crisis of capitalism, the pope gave impetus to a renewal of Catholic social thought through 45 Stanger, ‘Church and State in Peru’, 437. 46 Burleigh, Sacred Causes, 165–6, 190–1. 47 Pius XI, Non Abbiamo Bisogno, ∫∫ 5, 7. 48 Pius XI condemned the persecutions in Mexico in his encyclicals Iniquis Afflictisque (1926) and Acerba Animi (1932). 49 Pius XI, Dilectissima Nobis (1933).

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his encyclical Quadragesimo Anno, and in the encyclical Ubi Arcano stressed that the Church should not be excluded from social affairs, but should participate actively in them. The Peruvian ecclesiastical hierarchy and the majority of the Catholic press sought to follow these lines of reflection albeit from a more conservative perspective and by adapting them to the specific reality of the country. During the 1920s the Peruvian episcopate, in various ecclesiastical events, produced numerous documents in which social and political issues were central and through which they give directives for the action of Catholics in the public sphere. For example, in the First Interdiocesan Congress on Social Action, held in Cusco in 1921, delegates from the dioceses of Arequipa, Puno, Ayacucho and Cusco convened and, in addition to pastoral themes, dealt with issues related to the political and social situation of Peru, emphasising the living conditions of the indigenous population.50 The same themes would later be present in the Synod of Cusco of 1922 presided over by Pedro Farfán, bishop of the city51 and by the VIII Council of Lima held in 1926 and presided over by Emilio Lissón.52 One of the texts in which the position of a sector of the Peruvian Church vis-à-vis the new political and social realities was presented in the most systematic manner was the already-mentioned La Acción Social Católica en el Perú, produced by the Episcopal Assembly in 1921 and whose principles were later summarised in 1928 in a type of social catechism titled Manual de Acción Católica.53 This document was apologetic in nature and adopted a defensive attitude towards the advance of secularisation in Peru and the world. In the first part an exposition of principles was undertaken, including the role of Christianity in the formation and maintenance of the social order, the necessity of preserving the independence of the Church vis-à-vis the temporal power, the benefits of the confessional state and the rejection of the secularist pretensions to ‘exclude the Church from social life, laws, education and the family’. In order to recover the presence of Christianity in Peruvian culture it was affirmed that prayer and other spiritual methods were not sufficient, but rather called for the militant, organised, disciplined and active participation of the faithful in the development of political and social initiatives that, in conformity with Catholic doctrine and obedience to the hierarchy, would Christianise society and 50

See: Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social, Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social (Cusco, 1921). 51 See: Diócesis del Cuzco, Constituciones del 5° Sínodo de la Diócesis del Cuzco (Cusco, 1923). 52 See: Octavo Concilio Provincial Limense, Decretos del VIII Concilio Provincial Limense (Lima, 1934). 53 Pedro Pablo Drinot, Manual de Acción Católica (Lima, 1928).

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bring about ‘the Reign of Jesus Christ’. It also diagnosed the Peruvian reality from diverse points of view. With respect to the religious situation in the country, it expressed concern over the decline in priestly vocations, the persistence of regalist and anticlerical attitudes in the political class, the lack of catechesis among the indigenous, the expansion of Protestantism and the rapid transformation of the moral norms of the population. It criticised the increasingly ideological nature of public education due to the rationalist influence in the Normal School for Men, and the anticlericalism of a significant portion of the press.54 One aspect to keep in mind is that the text did not restrict itself to a study of issues related to religion, but also sought to identify the political and social problems of the country that would have to be approached by Catholics through the social doctrine of the Church. It considered the construction of a solid institutional regime indispensable for Peru, as one of the national political vices was the existence of ‘caudillista’ parties ‘with neither effective ideals nor aspirations of a higher order’.55 Similarly, as will be studied in chapter 8, it looked with concern upon the widening of social differences in Peru and made a detailed analysis of the marginalised situation of the native population.56 In terms of lines of action, the formation of a movement called Catholic Social Action was encouraged, which would promote coordinated lay participation in politics, in social assistance for the lower classes and in support for the clergy in pastoral activities. With respect to political participation, the document indicated that Catholic Social Action should help protect the rights of the Church in the country through Catholics exercising their right to vote for candidates who favoured the Catholic cause, and it also encouraged them to belong to some organised political party. The authors justified these actions by asserting that the lay state wanted to establish itself as the only source of law, and in that way exercise absolute dominion over the citizens and eliminate Christianity from public life.57 Despite the fact that circumstances in Peru made the formation of a Catholic party extremely difficult, it was affirmed that in the face of the ‘profound confusion of the personalist parties’ and the expansion of ‘socialist, protestant, Masonic, and even Russian Soviet propaganda’, it was absolutely necessary, as a long term objective, to create ‘the basis of a Popular Party which, making the social programme of Leo XIII and Benedict XV its own, would defend the rights of the people, infuse truth into our democracy, establish, as a priority of its political and administrative programme, the 54 55 56 57

Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú, 83, 90–1. Ibid., 136. Ibid., 99–116. Ibid, 23.

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integral education of the native population’ and contribute to the ‘consolidation of a true Christian order’ that would serve as an alternative to the newly emergent ideologies. That is to say, it proposed following the model of the Italian Popular Party created by Luigi Sturzo in 1919 and even recommended that this political movement should take the name Nationalist Popular Party. It should not be called the Catholic Party because in its ‘strictly political conduct’ it had to be autonomous, with responsibility of its own and independent of the ecclesiastical authority, and also because it would not be obligatory that the faithful be members.58 During the 1920s these latter proposals were not implemented, and no Catholic political movement would ever have the capacity to organise at national level. One attempt at doing so began in 1923 when the reorganisation of the Conservative Party of Cusco resulted in the foundation of the Catholic Conservative Party there, but it had a clearly clerical character, and its reach was very limited, even at the regional level.59 However, the Peruvian episcopate was able to create an institution called Catholic Social Action which had as its principal objectives the ‘unification of the Catholic forces’, the promotion of Catholic social principles and the creation of a catalogue of voters disposed to support the political proposals that were consistent with the teachings of the Church.60 According to the information compiled, it appears that this institution had its greatest success in Arequipa, where it had been founded by Bishop Mariano Holguín in 1925.61 During its early years, it was presided over by Juan Gualberto Guevara, an energetic priest who would later become the archbishop of Lima and the first Peruvian cardinal. Father Guevara believed that after the protests against the consecration of Peru to the Sacred Heart of Jesus in 1923, many Catholics had opened their eyes to the dangers inherent in the advance of the ideologies and were newly conscious of the need to have a more solid organisation in order to prevent the occurrence of events similar to those in Mexico where Catholics were being persecuted. In that sense, the model of other countries in Europe and America should be followed. He asserted that two conflicting principles existed in the contemporary world: Catholicism and socialism, the Church and the revolution. In addition to prayer, Peruvian Catholics had to organise in order that they were not defeated in this world struggle. He thought that one of the weak points of Catholic Social Action in Peru was that it was only solidly present in Lima, Arequipa, Cusco, Trujillo and 58 Ibid., 136–37. 59 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 86–87. 60 Juan Gualberto Guevara, Acción Social Católica (Arequipa, 1926), 15. 61 La Colmena, 16 October 1929.

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Ayacucho. Therefore, the work had to expand to other zones, including rural areas, and to other social classes.62 Catholic Social Action was able to become a point of coordination among diverse Catholic institutions in Peru and would later have a definite influence on the formation of the Popular Union Party especially in Arequipa and Cusco, but this party would not be successful in the 1931 elections. This organisation probably had its most significant impact in the pastoral field as it was the direct precursor of Catholic Action. 62

La Colmena, 4 October 1926.

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Catholicism and the Emergence of Mass Politics in Peru (1930–1935) The fears inspired by the rise of ideologies and the outbreaks of anticlericalism in Peru seemed to materialise beginning in 1930 onwards. In that year Leguía’s government was abruptly toppled by a revolution starting in Arequipa led by Lieutenant Colonel Luis M. Sánchez Cerro. The dependence of the Peruvian economy on that of the United States and its economic growth based upon onerous debt had fatal consequences when the world crisis of capitalism broke out in 1929. The corruption, authoritarianism and nepotism of the regime, which in previous years had been tolerated because of economic prosperity, now became sources of generalised indignation. The most important figures of the regime were tried, many properties were destroyed in violent popular protests and many of Leguía’s former collaborators distanced themselves from him and opportunistically became critics of the system.1 Radical Parties and the Sacralisation of Politics One of those affected by the political changes was the Archbishop of Lima, Emilio Lissón, who owing to his close relationship with Leguía and a false accusation of financial mismanagement in his archdiocese, was obliged to resign and leave the country, never to return. He ended his days in Spain where, at the service of a number of dioceses, he dedicated himself to pastoral labours and the publication of documents related to Peruvian Church history.2 The ties between the fallen regime and the Church served as a foundation for increasingly anticlerical attitudes, especially among certain urban and university sectors, a development which would be reinforced when, shortly after taking power, Sánchez Cerro promulgated two decrees-laws by which the restrictions on divorce and obligatory civil marriage were lifted and both measures took immediate effect (8 October 1930). According to the historian Jorge Basadre, these

1 Planas, La república autocrática, 135–55. 2 Emilio Garreaud, ‘Un hombre de Dios en las Tterras del Misti: Emilio Lissón, Testimonio de esperanza’, Persona y Cultura 3, 3 (2004).

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events led some sectors of the Church to fear the start of an anticlerical government. This, however, did not occur as Sánchez Cerro declared himself a fervent Catholic and considered religion an important element of social stability.3 Later, on 1 March 1931, after six months as the provisional president of Peru, Sánchez Cerro left power in the hands of a Junta de Gobierno, which in July of that year called for elections to set up a new constituent assembly that would replace the Constitution of 1920 and elect the president of the republic. Despite the increasing anticlericalism of the political class, some members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, especially the bishop of Cusco, Pedro Farfán, and Mariano Holguín, bishop of Arequipa and apostolic administrator of Lima after the resignation of Lissón, played important mediating roles in the political transition, including Holguín presiding over the Junta for a few hours after Sánchez Cerro’s resignation.4 The electoral campaign of 1931 was one of the most turbulent and tense in Peruvian history. The economic crisis led to the formation and strengthening of radical parties of the masses, messianic in nature, inspired by the movements on the rise in Europe. On one side, the candidacy of Luis M. Sánchez Cerro was supported by the Unión Revolucionaria, an anti-communist, populist and nationalist party which achieved widespread popular support and which, after Sánchez Cerro’s assassination in 1933, was explicitly identified with the fascist model. To the left of the political spectrum were the Communist Party and the APRA. The first had been founded as the Socialist Party in 1928 but in 1929 affiliated with the Third International and changed its name to the Communist Party in 1930. In 1929 the Confederación General de Trabajadores del Perú (CGTP), a labour union dependent upon the party played an important role in inciting labour protests and the promotion of the class struggle. José Carlos Mariátegui, the most noted political and intellectual Marxist in Peru, died in 1930 and became an iconic figure for the left in the country. His famous work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la Realidad Peruana, had tremendous influence in the Peruvian and Latin American intellectual worlds. Due to these elements and the progressive strengthening of communism in the world, Marxism had a significant impact among Peruvian labour and in the universities. However, no Marxist party proved able to take power in the country not only owing to the repression of successive governments but also to the fact that, at the popular level, they had to compete with the APRA, a

3 Basadre, Historia de la República,10: 97–8. 4 Francisco Cabré, Biografía del Exmo. y Rvmo. Fr. Mariano Holguín. Primer arzobispo de Arequipa (Lima, 1958), 62.

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movement which achieved more widespread political support and better electoral results. As has already been mentioned, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre founded the APRA in Mexico in 1924 after he had been exiled by the Leguía government. Haya travelled throughout America and Europe, thoroughly analysing the changing political processes he found in each one. In Mexico he was profoundly influenced by that country’s revolution and then, through news and correspondence, he closely followed the manner in which the anticlerical government of Plutarco Elías Calles had consolidated a system in which its Partido Nacional Revolucionario (later Partido Revolucionario Institucional –  PRI) obtained a political monopoly. In Europe he witnessed the progressive consolidation of fascism in Italy and of communism in the Soviet Union under Stalin. Through these influences and after analysing the circumstances and specific idiosyncrasies of Latin America, Haya de la Torre developed an eclectic political ideology, which in its origins was close to Marxism and radical in nature; although with the passage of time it was to adopt more conservative positions. Haya aspired to become a continental leader who would spearhead an anti-­imperialist, multi-class, revolutionary Latin American (or, in Haya’s terms, ‘indoamericano’) movement. However, Aprismo only became a significant political force in Peru, where Haya founded the Peruvian Aprista Party (PAP). His great personal charisma, oratorical skills and outstanding capacity for organisation inspired an almost religious devotion among his followers, and gave Aprismo a certain messianic feature. The participation of these radical parties in the Peruvian political arena was a cause for concern among many Catholic leaders of the epoch, primarily for two reasons. In the first place, many leaders of the movements inherited the anticlericalism of the nineteenth century and adopted a series of proposals ranging from the separation of church and state to the expulsion of foreign religious congregations and the confiscation of Church property. Moreover, Haya de la Torre as much as Mariátegui took as a teacher and model Manuel González Prada, who was probably the most influential critic of the Church in Peru. In the case of the Marxist left, if it is true that Mariátegui was far from professing the same degree of hostility towards Catholicism as González Prada, the Communist Party proposed the establishment of an atheistic state. In Haya’s case, his detractors recalled that he had led the protest against the consecration of Peru to the Sacred Heart of Jesus and that in an interview he had maintained the necessity of creating a national Catholic Church that would be dependent upon the state. In the case of the Unión Revolucionaria, if Sánchez Cerro publicly declared himself a Catholic and the defender of the faith, many members of his party supported anticlericalist and regalist measures.

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A second cause for concern was the quasi-religious, statist and messianic qualities of these parties and the increasing popular influence they had developed in a short period. In all three cases, their leaders were presented as the only men capable of redeeming the country, and they created a series of symbols, chants and rituals to reinforce that message. Many Catholics sensed a manipulation of popular religious sentiment for political and party ends. Some studies have highlighted the pseudo-religious traits present in these movements. For example, at a massive rally in Trujillo, Haya de la Torre claimed that only the APRA could save Peru, and he frequently compared the ‘Apristas’ to the Christians in the catacombs. According to the historian Tirso Molinari, the Unión Revolucionaria went beyond the limits of traditional political caudillismo and became ‘transformed into a fervently and broadly supported personalised political-religious cult’.5 It went so far as to give nearly charismatic veneration to Sánchez Cerro, as can be seen in this song that was popular among party members in 1931: I believe in the almighty Cerrismo, The creator of all the freedoms and Claims of the popular masses. I believe in Luis M. Sanchez Cerro, Our invincible hero and paladin Who was conceived by the grace of the spirit of patriotism. As a true Peruvian, He was born in a sacred democracy And in the nationalist ideal. He suffered under the abject power of the Oncenio, Was persecuted, threatened and exiled And he gave us liberty. He shed his blood in sacrifice, He came down from the heights of Misti To give us liberty and teach us patriotism He arose powerful, glorious and triumphant.6 This situation caused Víctor Andrés Belaunde to express his concern that ‘the cancer of demagoguery had appeared in Peru along with a sectarian ideology,

5 Molinari, ‘Del mesianismo autoritario de Sánchez Cerro al liderazgo fascista de Luis A. Flores. Religiosidad popular y carisma en la década de 1930 en el Perú’, 310. 6 Quoted in Ibid., 312.

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vertical organisation and the discipline and methods of the most crude totalitarianism’. If Sánchez Cerro represented the road to military dictatorship, the APRA was that of demagogic dictatorship.7 The Unión Popular Faced with this electoral panorama, many Catholics recognised the necessity of creating a political movement that would follow the example of the Italian Popular Party, a non-denominational party independent of religious authority but with a clear Christian inspiration that was founded by Luigi Sturzo in 1919. Thus, during the final months of 1930, a group of laymen with clerical support planned the creation of a party, Unión Popular, which was officially founded in January of 1931. The party was composed of young professionals and diverse Catholic leaders but also included people from other social sectors including artisans and workers. Some of these leaders would later play important roles in the country’s political life, as was the case of José Luis Bustamante y Rivero, who became president of the republic in 1945. Initially the direction of the party fell to Carlos Arenas y Loayza, an important intellectual and politician who had been vice-rector of the Catholic University and president of the Unión Católica. Among the priests who most actively supported the party was the director of the newspaper El Deber and future cardinal Juan Gualberto Guevara. Various religious associations and institutions of Catholic laity also supported the initiative as did some bishops in the interior of the country who promoted the creation of party affiliates in departments such as Cusco, Arequipa, Puno and Ayacucho. Other regional Catholic parties, such as the Decentralist Party of Arequipa, would eventually join or support the Unión Popular. 8 The Union Popular’s political programme maintained that the party sought to construct an order inspired by the Christian social and democratic principles set forth in the encyclical Rerum Novarum and the Social Code of Malines (Mechelen), a compendium of the Church’s social doctrine that was very influential throughout the Catholic world at that time. They also took the social reforms introduced by Catholic parties in Belgium and Germany as models.9 The party’s proposals defended certain traditional positions of the 7 ‘Había aparecido en el Perú el cáncer demagógico con la ideología sectaria, la organización vertical y la disciplina y los métodos del más crudo totalitarismo’ in Víctor Andrés Belaunde, Trayectoria y destino. Memorias (Lima, 1967), 774. 8 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 214–18. 9 Planas, Biografía del Movimiento Social-Cristiano, 61, 72.

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Church such as the protection of the unity of the family, opposition to divorce and a critical stance towards communism. At the same time, they advocated a series of advanced social and labour reforms that went further than anything traditionally associated with the political right. Among the proposed reforms were the economic decentralisation of the country (while conserving the unitary political system), labour laws which would include minimum family salaries and health insurance, union rights, female suffrage, protection of the nation’s industries, freedom of education against the monopolising tendencies of the lay state, the protection of indigenous rights and even a moderate agrarian reform. It also considered the most rapid return possible to a full constitutional regime to be indispensable to the restoration of social and public order.10 The Unión Popular’s reformism led Rómulo Meneses, a journalist and active member of the APRA, to write an article entitled ‘The Conversion of the Right’ in which he accused the Unión Popular of copying the aprista governmental programme. Gerardo Alarco, one of the youthful leaders of the movement, responded to this accusation by saying that their proposals were inspired by the magisterium of Leo XIII and Pius XI. Moreover, he maintained that even if certain similarities did exist between the two programmes, the Unión Popular rejected the excessive statism and radicalism of the aprista plan.11 Given that the Unión Popular had to compete against the two most charismatic politicians, Haya de la Torre and Sánchez Cerro, two of its leaders decided to form an alliance with the Democratic, Liberal, Decentralist parties and the Acción Republicana (composed of notable young intellectuals such as Jorge Basadre, Raúl Porras Barrenechea and Martin Adán). Many members of the Unión Popular did not agree with this alliance, including Carlos Arenas y Loayza who resigned from the party, and José Luis Bustamante y Rivero.12 In a letter to Víctor Andrés Belaunde, Bustamante y Rivero said that the Unión Popular had been created as a centrist party and that this position was distorted by the alliance, since the Democratic party was traditionally a conservative party, while the Liberal party preserved the doctrines of the nineteenth century and lacked representatives in the provinces; hence, the alliance gave a false image of centralism. He added that the only way to win the elections for the Unión Popular was to ally itself with movements that held a rational left-wing position, easily distinguishable from the extremism of communism.13 10 La Voz del Clero, 5 September 1931. 11 Planas, Biografía del Movimiento Social-Cristiano, 72–82. 12 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 221. 13 Bustamante y Rivero, J.L., ‘Bustamante y Rivero to V.A. Belaunde’, 14 August 1931, Lima, AIRA, Correspondencia Víctor Andrés Belaunde.

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At this time, both Víctor Andrés Belaunde and José de la Riva-Agüero, two of Peru’s most prominent intellectuals and Catholic politicians, returned to the country. Paradoxically, neither man chose to join the Unión Popular. However, Belaunde accepted the party’s support for his successful candidacy for the Constituent Assembly.14 Riva-Agüero believed that Sánchez Cerro was the lesser evil compared to the APRA and that the other candidates had no chance of winning.15 The alliance ran unsuccessfully in the elections of 1931, which were polarised between the APRA and the followers of Colonel Luis Miguel Sánchez Cerro. The alliance’s candidate was José María de la Jara, an intellectual who belonged to the Generation of 1900, who received barely 21,291 votes as against the 152,062 of Sánchez Cerro and the 106,007 of Haya de la Torre.16 For the congress the Unión Popular supported an independent list of candidates. Among those elected were Víctor Andrés Belaunde, Manuel Bustamante and Guillermo Lira. In the wake of this electoral defeat, the Alliance dissolved and soon the Unión Popular ceased to exist as a party although some of its members would later exert significant influence in the political life of the country and in the formation of the Christian Democratic Party in 1955.17 .

The Church, Civil Turmoil and the Constitution of 1933 A few days after these results became known and before the inauguration of the new government and constitutional congress, the Peruvian episcopate published a lengthy pastoral letter addressing the religious and social problems of the country. This document sought to influence the imminent constitutional debate by expressing the Peruvian Church’s position on topics such as relations between church and state, religious instruction, ecclesiastical property, civil marriage, divorce and the social laws related to worker and indigenous issues. The document acknowledged the hierarchy’s profound concern over the outbreaks of anticlericalism and secularising political proposals. The attempts of certain political tendencies to establish an atheistic state ‘similar to that of Russian Sovietism’ were condemned.18 In the same tone, they criticised lay 14 Belaunde, Trayectoria y destino, 787. 15 Ibid., 776–7. 16 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 220. 17 This influence is analysed in: Forrester, ‘Christian Democracy in Peru’, 142–52. 18 Episcopado Peruano, Carta pastoral del Episcopado Peruano sobre los problemas de orden religioso social, 6.

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projects that sought the separation of church and state. Based in traditional Catholic doctrine, the bishops asserted that, although a distinction between the temporal and religious sphere should exist, it was good and desirable that the two should be related and that the state protect the Faith since it was the ‘source of innumerable benefits to society’. In this spirit, the bishops repeated their call upon the Peruvian State to sign a concordat with the Holy See.19 With respect to religious education, the bishops urged that the laws stipulating religious instruction in public schools should be maintained. Citing Pius XI, they wrote that ‘the exclusion of God and religion from teaching is a striking attack on the rights of the family, the Church, and society.’20 In the same manner, they severely criticised the pretensions of the state to monopolise education and to prevent the growth of private schools and universities. The bishops defended the right of families to watch over the contents of the education of their children and at the same time requested freedom of education for the Catholic University against which the state had attempted to erect a series of restrictions vis-à-vis San Marcos University.21 Proposals that sought the expulsion of foreign clergy and the confiscation of ecclesiastical property were denounced22 as were attempts to eliminate the rights of clergy to vote in general elections and be elected to public office. The bishops exhorted the legislators to modify the recently decreed law that permitted absolute divorce, since it constituted ‘an attack on the dignity of marriage, as a natural contract and as a sacrament’.23 They considered obligatory civil marriage prior to a religious ceremony to be an abusive and impractical norm, for in many isolated regions of the country the state had no presence and so priests would consider themselves hindered in the administration of this sacrament. It would also make the formalisation of common law unions more difficult owing to the delays inherent in state bureaucracy. They proposed that couples be given a choice between civil or religious marriage.24 At the same time, the bishops also opposed a norm which would e­ stablish that before contracting civil marriage a prenuptial medical form would have to be submitted attesting to the physical and mental state of the couple. This norm would prohibit the marriage if one of the two had a grave illness. 19

Episcopado Peruano, Carta pastoral del Episcopado Peruano sobre los problemas de orden religioso social, 11. 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid. 12–13. 22 Ibid., 22–3. 23 Ibid., 30–1. 24 Ibid., 24–26.

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The bishops held that such a regulation promoted discriminatory practices and corresponded to a reprehensible eugenic vision. The bishops’ protests against obligatory civil marriage were also a response to the fact that various priests had suffered civil sanctions. This was the case of two French Redemptorists in Ayacucho, who had been threatened by public authorities with expulsion from the country and were in fact subject to house arrest in their convent for having officiated at the Catholic marriage of an elderly couple that were unable to travel to the provincial capital for a civil marriage.25 Faced with the world economic crisis and paralysis in the means of production, the bishops feared the strong power of suggestion exercised by the Soviet Union. They considered the promotion of class struggle to be a grave error and called for reconciliation between capital and labour. Citing the teachings of the encyclicals Rerum Novarum of Leo XIII and Quadragesimo anno of Pius XI as a foundation, they urged legislators to pass labour laws that would recognise a series of workers’ rights, including a family wage, respect for periods of rest, the promotion of savings and the adequate regulation of the work of women and children.26 With respect to the indigenous population, they exhorted the legislators to enact laws in support of their individual and communal rights which protected their property, curbed the actions of those who would exploit them, and developed a series of social programmes designed to better their living conditions.27 The new government and Constituent Congress were inaugurated on 8 December 1931, amid tension and political confrontation. Although various historians later concurred that this election was one of the most transparent and clean in Peruvian history,28 Haya de la Torre denounced the existence of electoral fraud against the APRA and organised a fierce and violent opposition to the Sánchez Cerro administration. This resulted, in 1932, in the promulgation by a parliamentarian majority composed of members of the Unión Revolucionaria of an Emergency Law to suppress seditious acts. Congress consisted of 67 members of the Unión Revolucionaria, 29 apristas, 20 members of the Decentralist Party, 4 socialists and a handful of independents. Previously, the governmental junta had designated a commission to prepare the constitutional project, in which Víctor Andrés Belaunde, elected congressman 25 26 27 28

La Voz del Clero, 5 September 1931. Episcopado peruano, Carta pastoral del Episcopado Peruano sobre los problemas de orden religioso social, 34–7. Ibid., 38–9. See: Basadre, Historia de la República, 10: 151; Klarén, Peru. Society and Nationhood in the Andes, 274; Pike, The Modern History of Peru, 256.

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for Arequipa, had participated. It was Belaunde who most prominently represented the Catholic position, and who, despite not having majority support, became one of the most influential figures in the drafting of the Constitution of 1933. As the Peruvian bishops feared, throughout the constitutional debate various anticlerical proposals were presented including the elimination of the union between church and state, the growth of government intervention on religious issues, the restriction of the political rights of the clergy and state control of education. Víctor Andrés Belaunde, arguing from a social Christian position, not only defended the Catholic cause, but also proposed a series of political and social reforms. He defended the church-state union, which would ultimately be preserved, opposed state regalism and advocated the signing of a concordat with the Holy See. Belaunde argued that in a country characterised by so many geographical, political and ethnic divisions, religion was the principal element of unity, that Catholicism had been an essential element in the formation of Peruvian nationality and that it would continue to be the religion of the majority. However, he also defended religious liberty, a view that represented a change in attitude in the Catholic sector.29 He pointed out that the union of church and state and religious freedom were not mutually opposed and that the demand for a neutral State in a majority Catholic country such as Peru would, in reality, ignore popular sentiment and pave the way for religious persecution: Today we know that so-called laicism was, simply, the rationalisation of a new instinct of power and hatred for the Catholic religion. The separation established the lay state, the atheistic State, falsely neutral, falsely impartial, falsely indifferent, which served as the instrument of religious persecution and resulted in the sterile attempt to de-Christianise France and substituted the beliefs and institutions created by a lay tradition that has never been defined and which today lies plainly decadent and bankrupt.30 29 Belaunde, Trayectoria y destino, 804. 30 ‘Hoy sabemos que el llamado laicismo era, simplemente, la racionalización de un nuevo instinto de poder y de un sentimiento de odio a la religión católica. La separación establece el Estado laico, el Estado ateo, falsamente neutral, falsamente imparcial, falsamente indiferente, que es el instrumento de la persecución religiosa y del inútil empreño de descristianizar a Francia y de sustituir las creencias e instituciones creadas por la tradición de un credo laico que jamás se ha precisado y que hoy está en plena decadencia y en definitiva bancarrota’ in Ibid., 805.

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One of the other subjects of debate was female suffrage, which Belaunde arduously defended. The aprista congressmen sought to give the vote only to women working outside the home, thus excluding those who dedicated themselves to household duties. The apristas feared that giving the vote to women would benefit the Catholic sector of the country. They suggested that it was not appropriate to give women the vote because they were subject to ‘clerical influence’. In the end, female suffrage was limited to municipal elections and did not apply to presidential or congressional contests.31 In February 1932, a serious event interrupted the activities of Congress. The Minister of Government Luis Flores, alluding to the existence of proof of an aprista conspiracy to destabilise the regime, applied the Emergency Law against twenty-three aprista Congressmen who were taken prisoner and later exiled. Despite his categorical opposition to aprismo, Belaunde condemned an act that he considered a judicial abuse of Congress that would undermine the work of the Constituent Assembly. According to Belaunde, the government lacked the necessary serenity to deal with the situation.32 Because of this occurrence, Belaunde chose to leave the country. However, for various reasons he would later return to resume his participation in the constitutional debates. In the first place, Bishop Mariano Holguín urged him to do so in order to defend the Concordat and educational liberty, the very basis of the existence of the Catholic University.33 In addition, his friend José de la Riva-Agüero, alluding to his patriotic and religious duties, urged him to return.34 A second reason was that Belaunde feared that the government would install a programme and methods which he considered to be unacceptable since he sought to ­influence the approval of a series of norms related to the independence of the judiciary, the decentralisation of the country, the indigenous problem, and the rights of the Church. At the same time, Belaunde deplored the attempt of an aprista to assassinate President Sánchez Cerro and emphasised the necessity, in a political climate as radicalised as that of Peru, for a moderate constitution which would recognise a series of social rights and design a solid institutional order.35 Finally, the constitution was promulgated in April of 1933. It continued to recognise Catholicism as the religion of the state and, at the same time, proclaimed liberty of conscience:

31 Ramos, Historia del derecho civil peruano, 5: 514–16. 32 Belaunde, Trayectoria y destino, 793. 33 Ibid., 800. 34 Riva-Agüero, Obras completas: Epistolario. Baca-Byrne, 338–40. 35 Belaunde, Trayectoria y destino, 799–802.

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Art. 232° Respecting the sentiments of the national majority, the State protects the Holy, Catholic Religion. Other religions enjoy the freedom to practice their respective rites.36 The state also continued to exercise the Patronato Nacional, and established that Congress would choose a list of candidates for the archbishoprics and bishoprics which would be presented to the Holy See. Congress was also assigned the task of giving instructions for the signing of the concordat. However, a constitutional reform in 1940 placed both powers in the hands of the executive.37 Certain anticlerical congressmen of the Unión Revolucionaria succeeded in introducing laws attacking the civil rights of priests and religious institutions. Hence, according to article 85, the exercise of citizenship and even the right to vote would be lost through religious profession, while article 100 declared that members of the clergy could not be elected as deputies or senators. Similarly, archbishops and bishops had to be of Peruvian birth. The majority of these regulations would be derogated in 1961 by law 13739, which restored the right to vote to clergy and allowed that men who had been naturalised Peruvians for at least three years could serve as archbishops and bishops.38 Significantly, no constitutional norm designed to place education under the monopoly of the state was established, and the freedom of instruction for professors was guaranteed.39 This favoured the growth of the Catholic University. In addition, as has been already been mentioned, female suffrage was restricted to municipal elections. During the debate and the promulgation of this constitution, Peru endured the most violent years of the first half of the 20th century, when a full-scale civil war between the government and the APRA was unleashed. In 1932 aprista militants took over an army barracks in Trujillo and later brutally murdered their prisoners, publicly exhibiting the mutilated corpses. Government reaction was swift, and hundreds of apristas were extra-judicially and summarily executed. To strengthen the repression, the parliamentary majority introduced a constitutional norm prohibiting the existence of international parties, thus rendering both the Communist Party and the APRA illegal.40 Furthermore, in addition to the effects of the 36

37 38 39 40

‘Respetando los sentimientos de la mayoría nacional, el Estado protege la Religión Católica, Apostólica, Romana. Las demás religiones gozan de libertad para el ejercicio de sus respectivos cultos’ in Peruvian Constitution of 1933, art. 232. Domingo García Belaunde, Las constituciones del Perú (Lima, 2006), 452. Ibid., 464. Peruvian Constitution of 1933, art. 80. Ibid., art. 53.

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economic crisis, Peru was on the brink of war with Colombia over a border dispute. This epidemic of violence claimed an eminent victim when President Sánchez was assassinated by an aprista on April 30, 1933. Confronted with a vacant presidency in the wake of the assassination, Congress elected General Oscar R. Benavides, who eventually made peace with Colombia and neutralised the political participation of the APRA, the communists and the Unión Revolucionaria. Certain Catholic leaders occupied important positions in Benavides’ government, especially José de la ­Riva-Agüero, who became president of the Ministerial Council and the Minister of Justice and Instruction, only later to resign, when he refused to sign a new law approving divorce for ‘irreconcilable differences.’ He was replaced by Carlos Arenas y Loayza.

…

In assessing the first half of the 1930s, it is important to observe that, although political parties with messianic, totalitarian and anticlerical policies flourished by the close of this period their hopes for taking power remained frustrated. Meanwhile, the APRA, increasingly conscious of the inveterate religiosity of the Peruvian people and the consequent unpopularity of anticlericalism, moderated its most radical policies concerning the Church.41 This change of attitude with regard to religion reached such a point that decades later the aprista president of Peru and political heir of Haya de la Torre, Alan García Pérez, went so far as to say in a public speech that ‘There can be no politics without religion, I have always maintained that there can be no giving of oneself without spiritual transcendence, because if one does not believe in God, politics is only materialism, vanity egoism … Without Christ and the Church there are no politics, there can neither be justice, nor solidarity, nor hope for the future’.42 It should always be remembered that although the Constitution of 1933 approved some norms which left Catholics unsatisfied, it did preserve the union between church and state, and the cooperation between the two entities tended to be harmonious. In the political realm, the ecclesiastical hierarchy continued to condemn the totalitarian movements, placing special emphasis on the ‘communist threat’,43 defended its rights and prerogatives against the state, and promoted the Catholic vision of the family. The laity held diverse political positions. On 41 42 43

Pike, ‘Church and state in Peru and Chile since 1840’, 36. Quoted in Klaiber, Religión y revolución en el Perú, 218. See: Episcopado Peruano, Carta pastoral del Episcopado Peruano reunidos en Asamblea sobre algunos peligros religoso-sociales, 19–27.

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one side, some Catholics assumed a position similar to fascism owing to their anticommunism, the corporative vision of society and their exaltation of national ideals. Such was the case of José de la Riva-Agüero who sought to elevate the Hispanic ideal, albeit not at the expense of the indigenous legacy. In that sense, Riva-Agüero was emphatic in his rejection of Nazi racism. Contrariwise, Víctor Andrés Belaunde defended the application of the social principles of Catholicism in a society maintained by democratic institutions. Finally, there emerged certain groups of young Catholic leaders, such as José Luis Bustamante y Rivero y Gerardo Alarco, who criticised the political right most critically without, however, failing to reject Marxism. During the following twenty years, none of these tendencies resulted in the formation of a lasting Catholic political party until the emergence of the Christian Democracy party in 1955. Nevertheless, it is necessary to take into account that during this time the only political parties that endured were the APRA and the communists, both of which were proscribed by law and, in the case of the latter, suffered numerous schisms because of internal disputes. In 1935 the Peruvian episcopate organised the First Eucharistic Congress of Peru in Lima. More than 100,000 people attended this event in a city which then had fewer than half a million inhabitants. Among the invited speakers, in addition to ecclesiastical and lay Catholic leaders were various politicians including the president of the Republic, Óscar R. Benavides, ministers of State, congressmen and representatives of the Armed Forces. In his speech, Benavides affirmed the role of Catholicism in the formation of the country and later declared: ‘We proclaim to all the nations, that in our country the consciousness of the Patria and that of Religion were and will always be indivisible’.44 The progressive secularisation of society and politics notwithstanding, this event served as clear testimony that Catholicism would continue to exercise significant influence in the public life of the country, an influence that would manifest itself both in politics and social life. 44

Primer Congreso Eucarístico de Lima, Año 1935 (Lima, 1936), 67.

Part II The Catholic Revival

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Bishops and the Clergy From the late 1880s the Catholic Church in Peru entered a new period that, as elsewhere in the Catholic world, was deeply influenced by the pontificate of Leo XIII. If the Papacy of Pius IX had been characterised by an uncompromising Ultramontanism, the reign of Leo XIII (1878–1903) witnessed a change of paradigms in relations between the Church and society. The rise of European nationalism, the development of the industrial revolution, the emergence of socialism, communism and other movements were events that had dramatically changed society in the Western world and led to a faster secularisation of the state. Under these conditions Leo XIII realised that it was vital for the mission of the Church to open a new epoch characterised by an attempt to reconcile Catholic tradition with the modern world. Part of his programme was to Christianise modern life and to modernise Christian life.1 In the encyclical Aeterni Patris (1879) he promoted the renaissance of the philosophy of St. Thomas Aquinas, which was an attempt to give Catholics solid intellectual grounds to face contemporary ideologies. The new pope also addressed with special attention the political problems of his time by clarifying the Catholic position on essential aspects such as the nature of the state (Immortale Dei, 1885), the duties of the Christians as citizens (Sapientiae Christianae, 1890), relations between church and state (Au Milieu Des Sollicitudes, 1892) and the Church’s doctrine on human freedom (Libertas Praestantissimum, 1888). Analysing the changes in society, he stated that the Church did not reject any particular regime insofar as it ruled under the principles of natural law and the common good. In this way he accepted the principles of democracy as a legitimate form of government but wished to deprive it of its revolutionary character.2

1 Jedin, History of the Church, IX, 10–25. 2 ‘Again, it is not of itself wrong to prefer a democratic form of government, if only the Catholic doctrine be maintained as to the origin and exercise of power. Of the various forms of government, the Church does not reject any that are fitted to procure the welfare of the subject; she wishes only – and this nature itself requires – that they should be constituted without involving wrong to any one, and especially without violating the rights of the Church’. Leo XIII, Libertas Praestantissimum, 44.

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In doing so his ultimate goal was the re-Christianisation of the democratic world. As the secularisation of society grew he encouraged the formation of committed Catholics and their participation in the problems of society. This was notably shown in his famous encyclical Rerum Novarum, where he addressed the problems of the working class and denounced both capitalist exploitation and socialism. There he promoted the formation of Catholic associations of workers and the participation of committed Catholics in the public sphere in order to work for the common good of society.3 Another important element was that he continued Pius IX’s work of centralisation of the Church as a means of developing a universal consciousness in the Catholic world. As a consequence the roles of the Sacred Congregations and the papal nuncios were strengthened,4 along with the development of national assemblies of bishops and regional councils in the world, as for example the Latin American Plenary Council held in Rome in 1899 and the National Assembly of Bishops in Peru. These developments were part of a programme that led to the unification of Catholic forces in society. However, the renaissance led by Leo XIII did not mean a dismissal of all the condemnations made by the Church during the previous era since he issued a series of encyclicals condemning Freemasonry,5 socialism6 and liberalism.7 The influence of Leo XIII and his encyclicals was delayed, however, in Peru owing to the War of the Pacific, the Chilean occupation and the subsequent decade of military regimes (1884–1895). Nevertheless, after the war the Catholic Church in Peru was characterised by the growth of its activity and the deepening of its internal revival, which had been initiated during previous decades. During the early 1890s Peruvian bishops developed common criteria when addressing the problems of the country and better co-ordination when organising the internal structure of the Church. After 1892 the Peruvian episcopate issued a series of pastoral letters in which they analysed relations between Church and society and in 1899 the National Assembly of Bishops was created and became an important instrument in unifying its position against the attempts of some liberal sectors to secularise the state. Another notable aspect of this time was the consolidation of a Peruvian lay movement through the foundation of the Unión Católica in 1886, a lay association which had 3 Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum (1891). 4 Eamon Duffy, Saints and Sinners. A History of the Popes (New Haven, 1997), 243. 5 Leo XIII, Humanum Genus (1884), Dall’alto Dall’Apostolico Seggio (1890) and Custodi Di Quella Fede (1892). 6 Leo XIII, Quod Apostolici Muneris (1878). 7 Leo XIII, Libertas Praestantissimum (1888).

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branches in the biggest cities of the country and supported several apostolic, charitable and social organisations. It also served to gather committed Catholics as a political lobby when the privileges of the Church were threatened by government reforms.8 It was at this time that Peruvian society began to change owing to the development of a prosperous export economy and the beginning of industrialisation. Immigration from Europe contributed to the emergence of an urban middle class. In consequence, both the episcopate and the laity were better placed to develop forms of social Catholicism inspired by the principles of Leo XIII’s Rerum Novarum. As early as 1891 Juan Ambrosio Huerta issued a pastoral letter in which he exalted its principles and recommended its reading.9 Five years later the first association of Catholic workers was founded in Arequipa, an initiative that was later followed in the main cities of Peru, including Lima, Trujillo and Cusco. The Catholic press played a decisive role in the diffusion of Catholic principles. Following a period of decay in the press after the war against Chile, the Peruvian episcopacy created the Apostolado de la Prensa, an institution committed to co-ordinating the actions and promoting the development of the Catholic press. By 1896 there were more than fifteen Catholic newspapers and journals, the most notable being El Bien Social and La Revista Católica in Lima and El Deber in Arequipa.10 The Catholic Church also benefited from the arrival and development of numerous religious institutes, especially those committed to education and health. The most notable of these were the Daughters of Charity (1858), the sisters of St. Joseph Cluny (1870), the sisters of the Good Shepherd (1878), the Daughters of St. Anne (1887), the sisters of St. Joseph of Tarbes (1892), the Little Sister of the Aged (1898) and the Augustinian Daughters of the Most Holy Saviour, a congregation founded in Peru in 1895.11 They founded or were appointed to direct hospitals and schools in most Peruvian provinces, including Lima. By the end of the nineteenth century the Daughters of Charity alone directed twelve hospitals and six schools. The arrival of foreign male religious began in 1838 with the Discalced Franciscans who were entrusted with the evangelisation of the Peruvian jungle. After them, in 1858 the Lazarists were allowed to come as chaplains to the Daughters of Charity. Some decades later they were entrusted with the direction of many diocesan 8 Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 307–31. 9 Huerta, Carta pastoral con motivo de la Encíclica de nuestro SS. padre León XIII sobre el estado actual de los obreros (Lima, 1891). 10 Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 313. 11 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 144–59.

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seminaries in Peru such as Trujillo (1883–1911), Arequipa (1900–1911), Cusco (1917–1918) and Cajamarca (1925–1958). Then in 1871, despite considerable opposition from some sectors of the government, bishop Manuel Teodoro del Valle obtained the approval of President José Balta to bring the Jesuits to Peru. Their Society soon founded two influential high schools: La Inmaculada in Lima (1878) and San José in Arequipa (1898). From 1884 other male religious institutes were established in Peru, notably the Redemptorists (1884), Camillians (1897), Salesians (1891) and the Fathers of the Sacred Heart (1893). Simultaneously, the Spanish Commissary Provincial Eustaquio Esteban restored the province of the Augustinians in 189412 and after 1898 the Peruvian Dominicans invited foreign missionaries from their Order to evangelise the Peruvian jungle. At the same time, the reform of older religious orders was undertaken both by bishops and foreign priests, who were appointed by the Holy See as Apostolic Visitors or Delegates, among whom were bishop Goyeneche, the Italian Bishop Serafín Vennutelli, the Franciscan Pedro Gual and the Dominican Vincent Nardini.13 The restored or new religious institutes were an essential factor in the renewal of the Catholic Church in Peru. They played a decisive role in the reform of the secular clergy as directors of seminaries (Lazarists); created a system of Catholic schools in the country (Jesuits, Sacrés-Cœurs, Salesians); supported diverse Catholic lay associations as spiritual advisors (Jesuits, Franciscans, Sacrés-Cœurs), renewed the missionary work in Peruvian Amazonia (Franciscans, Lazarists and Dominicans) and developed a whole range of charitable and social initiatives (most female religious institutes). Two important events notably marked the development of a committed Catholicism in Peru and the renovation of its structure. The first one was the First Catholic Peruvian Congress held in Lima in 1896, which consolidated the lay movement in accordance with the directives of the Peruvian hierarchy. This event assembled most of the Peruvian bishops, superiors of religious institutes and representatives of all the branches of the Unión Católica and other Catholic associations in Peru and Latin America. A notable aspect of this congress was the emphasis on the laity, who were encouraged to play a leading role in the evangelisation of the country and to cooperate with the episcopacy in defence of the Church. Simultaneously, the clergy intensified its patriotic discourse by emphasising the idea of regenerating the country and developing a national identity based on the Catholic ethos. The Congress was instrumental in organising and promoting a series of activities, proposals 12 13

Ibid., 145. Ibid., 103.

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and associations in Peru and in developing a sense of unity among Peruvian Catholics.14 A second decisive event was the Latin American Plenary Council held in Rome (1899), which had an overwhelming influence on the organisation of the Church, consolidated its bonds with the Holy See and served to develop a Latin American consciousness among the episcopates of the region. The Council was also instrumental in applying a series of reforms in accordance with the guidelines of Rome in a way that had been unimaginable during previous centuries. From the point of view of the Holy See, the Council was an attempt to create the basis for reform of the secular clergy and to unify the episcopal lines of thought and discipline in the continent. In addition, the decrees of the Council were determined by the teachings and policies of Leo XIII. The historian Antón Pazos states that this influence was especially clear in six aspects: the Church’s attempts to recover its presence in the civil sphere after the loss of the Papal States, the missionary impulse of late nineteenth century Catholicism, the growing consciousness of the laity in the evangelisation of society, the reaction against secularism and rationalism (in this aspect there was a continuation of the policies of Pius IX), the reinforcement of Roman centralisation and the strengthening of the authority of the papal nuncios in the organisation of the national churches. This policy was part of a project to reform religious life in Latin America through the Congregation of Ecclesiastical Extraordinary Affairs and applied through the nuncios, as part of an international project of Leo XIII.15 Apart from their statements concerning relations with the various states and their condemnation to modern ideologies, the Latin American bishops discussed several issues including the reform of the secular clergy, the arrival of new religious orders, the promotion of a Catholic press and the organisation of Catholic lay movements and circles of Catholic workers. The impact of the Latin American Plenary Council in Peru can be traced in the councils and synods of the country during the early twentieth century.16 14 15 16

Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 273–98. Pazos, ‘El iter del Concilio Plenario Latinoamericano de 1899 o la articulación de la Iglesia latinoamericana’, Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia 7 (1998): 186–7. Testimony of the impact of this event was the pastoral letter of Manuel Ballón, bishop of Arequipa, who attended the Council. There he expressed a fervent attachment to the papacy as the centre of unity of Catholicism and a firm determination to apply the decrees of council in his diocese. At the same time, he showed a strengthened Latin American consciousness when, echoing Leo XIII, he stressed the common Catholic history of the countries of the region. In: Ballón, Carta pastoral después del Primer Concilio Plenario de la América Latina, 5, 14.

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One of the most representative figures of this time was Manuel Tovar (1844–1907), auxiliary bishop of Lima, 1892–1898, archbishop of Lima 1898–1907, who played a prominent role, if in a lesser degree, to that of He­ rrera in an earlier period. A twenty-two year old deacon in 1866, he was a collaborator in the Catholic journal El Bien Público. In 1866, due to his protests against some anti-clerical measures of the dictatorship of Mariano I. Prado, he was confined to jail with four other members of the clergy. Through the intercession of the Archbishop of Lima, José Sebastián de Goyeneche, he was released and travelled to Rome. In spite of his youth he was ordained as a priest in that year. Once again in Peru, Tovar was active in the political and ecclesiastical life of the country as a member of the ecclesiastical chapter, journalist, lecturer at the Santo Toribio Seminary and politician. For almost ten years he directed the Catholic newspaper La Sociedad. From this position he defended the independence of the Church from the state and attacked the liberal sectors. From 1879, Tovar was rector of the Santo Toribio Seminary in Lima. There he established several changes in the philosophical programmes, introducing the study of St. Thomas Aquinas and scholastic philosophy. During the war against Chile he became famous for his vibrant patriotic sermons and his praise of Peruvian war heroes.17 In 1884 he was elected deputy in the Peruvian congress and became vice-president of that chamber. In 1885 he was appointed Minister of Government. In 1891 he became auxiliary bishop of Lima and then in 1898 Archbishop of Lima. As archbishop, Tovar played a prominent role in the Latin American Plenary Council as chairman of its concluding session and became a main enforcer of its decrees in Peru.18 Through an analysis of Tovar’s ideas from his early writings to his pastoral letters it is possible to trace the evolution of Catholic thought under the papacies of Pius IX and Leo XIII. Ordained in Rome during the reign of Pius IX he was an unequivocal ultramontane, defending the independence of the Church and the primacy of the Pope. Following this line, he wrote extensive letters criticising Francisco de Paula González Vigil. Later, when he was made bishop, in spite of his defensive stand against the secularisation of society, he became a promoter of social Catholicism and Catholic lay associations. When he was auxiliary bishop of Lima, he became a main promoter of the First Catholic Peruvian Congress. In a letter to Carlos Elías, president of the Unión Católica, Tovar expressed his opinion that it was the duty of Catholics as a body to face the problems of society:

17 Manuel Tovar, Obras de Monseñor Tovar, Arzobispo de Lima (Lima, 1901), 1: 405–21. 18 Jedin, History of the Church, 9: 128.

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In such an opportune moment,.. the catholic troops awoke from their slumber, came together, disciplined themselves and provided us with the consoling spectacle of a Catholic Assembly, in which the difficult problems which worried and tormented society had to be considered and resolved according to the profound and elevated criteria of the Faith.19 Taking a defensive stand against liberalism and the modern ideologies, Tovar also proposed the elaboration of a national plan directed to the reevangelisation of society, the promotion of missions, the creation of charitable institutions and revitalisation of the Catholic culture. His ideas were testimony to the Catholic militancy directed towards not only clergymen having an active role in society but also the actions of diverse confessional corporations. Tovar stated that the congress put an end to an era of inaction: The Catholic Congress, that was held last November, put an end to the era of indolence, cowardice, inaction and of that species of mystical Buddhism, that waited upon the divine protection for everything, of which it did not make itself worthy, through the merits of effort and the struggle; and opened the fortunate era of noble, selfless and constant activity, which touches upon everything: the workshop, the school, the press, the university, the congress, and the government, in order to sanctify all and crown it with the cross of Jesus Christ. Let us be like those glorious warriors of Israel, whom David praised because, while they sang the praises of the Lord, they fought his battles with the double sword of doctrine and example.20 19

20

‘En tan oportuno momento … despertaron las huestes católicas, se juntaron, se disciplinaron y nos dieron el consolador espectáculo de una Asamblea Católica, en la cual debían plantearse y resolverse con el profundo y elevado criterio de la Religión, los arduos problemas, que preocupan y atormentan a las sociedad’ in: Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, III. ‘El Congreso Católico de Noviembre último pone fin a la era de la indolencia, de la cobardía, de la inacción y de esa especie de budismo místico, que todo lo espera de la ­protección divina, a la cual no se hace acreedora, sin embargo, con los merecimientos del esfuerzo y de la lucha; y abre la era venturosa de una actividad noble, abnegada y constante, que todo lo invade: el taller, la escuela, la prensa, la cátedra, el parlamento, y el gobierno, para santificarlo todo y coronarlo con la cruz de Jesucristo. Seamos, como esos gloriosos guerreros de Israel, a quienes alaba David, porque, a la vez que cantaban las alabanzas del Señor, peleaban sus batallas, con la doble espada de la doctrina y el ejemplo’ in: Ibid., VI.

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During the early decades of the twentieth century, Peruvian Catholicism experienced a further expansion of its activities and an internal reform that marked the pontificate of Pius X (1903–14). During his reign the centralisation process of the Church was intensified. For the first time since the sixteenth century, the Roman Curia was entirely reorganised according to rational criteria,21 and the power of the papacy was strengthened.22 Pius X was also notable for undertaking the reorganisation of ecclesiastical law, which would constitute the basis of the Code of Canon law promulgated on 27 May 1917, during the reign of Benedict XV (1914–22).23  These reforms were not only essential to the efficient re-organisation of the internal structure of the Church but also had a decisive impact in the expansion of several apostolic initiatives within the Catholic world.24 It is necessary to remark that contrary to the situation in some European countries, where the centralisation process was perceived by some sectors of the Church as a Roman interference in local ecclesiastical affairs, in the case of the Latin American countries it was a decisive element in helping to protect the independence of the Church from secular powers. Indeed, it was during the republican period that the Church achieved a greater degree of autonomy from the state and a closer relationship with Rome. Although several governments tried to impose a series of laws to place the Church under their political influence, in most cases they had to face resistance from Catholics who relied on the pope as a symbol of church independence. Another influential aspect of the pontificate of Pius X in Peru was that the pope enforced a revitalisation of several religious practices, notably Eucharistic devotion, promoting the celebration of Eucharistic congresses around the world. These events generated an increasing spiritualisation of the Church and revived devotion. Like his predecessors, Pius X had as a main priority the spiritual and moral improvement of the clergy. For this purpose he promoted the reform of seminaries throughout the world and modified the programmes and discipline of these institutions. At the same time, he aimed to reform the episcopate by revising the methods of appointment, increasing control over the activities of their bishops through periodical visitatio liminum and obligatory visits to Rome every five years, where they had to present a detailed report on the conditions of their dioceses. He also encouraged a greater participation by the laity in the 21 Jedin, History of the Church, 9: 399. 22 Aspden, Fortress Church. The English Roman Catholic bishops and politics, 1903–1963, 2–3. 23 Jedin, History of the Church, 9: 399. 24 Indeed, two notable Protestant canonists saw in the new code an expression of the ‘progressive and increasing spiritualization of the Roman Catholic Church’. Ibid., 9: 403.

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activities of the church, emphasising the necessity of an organised apostolate and promoting Catholic Action groups.25 The influence of Pius X on the Church in Peru was manifest in the Seventh Council of Lima, convoked by the archbishop of Lima, Pedro Manuel García Naranjo in 1912, as can be seen in the Pope’s letter to the Peruvian bishops. There he praised their fervent adhesion to the papacy and their efforts to re-establish and promote discipline in their dioceses.26 He also exhorted them to pay special attention to the religious formation of young seminarians by reforming the Santo Toribio Seminary and by sending its most brilliant students to the Latin American College in Rome.27 This was also explicit in the decrees that established the duties and rights of bishops, including the obligation to make pastoral visits in their dioceses every year and to travel to Rome once in ten years in order to give an account of the situation in their dioceses to the Holy See.28 A main objective of the council was also the reform of the secular clergy. They considered the creation of junior seminaries for children and the improvement of the education in the seminaries for priests indispensable. The formation of these institutions and the courses taught in them followed the norms of the Latin American Plenary Council and every three years an episcopal commission was appointed to supervise their discipline and studies.29 Several decrees were promulgated in respect of priestly discipline, including the obligation of the diocesan clergy to follow a series of activities to improve their religious life, such as regular attendance at spiritual exercises, prayer and sacraments.30 The clergy also had to assist regularly in ecclesiastical lectures in their dioceses or parishes. In order to avoid scandal, they were forbidden to attend bars and parties, and they were warned against drunkenness and concubinage.31 Priests were forbidden to belong to a political party or to participate in politics as congressmen or other elected posts without a licence from their bishop.32 Nevertheless, they were encouraged to instruct the laity about their duty to participate in elections and to exhort them to vote for those candidates who best guaranteed the common good for the Church and the republic. 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

Ibid., 9: 146–8. García Naranjo, Constituciones del VII Concilio Provincial de Lima, 9. Ibid., 10. Ibid., arts. 56–7. Ibid., arts. 387–91. Ibid., arts. 419–21. Ibid., arts. 409–12. Ibid., arts. 415–6.

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The statements concerning liberalism and other movements followed the teaching of Pius X, especially when they condemned modernism. Liberalism was described as ‘a plague that is invading all social classes’ since it rejected God’s sovereignty over human beings. Peruvian bishops not only condemned what they call ‘radical liberalism’ that asserted that each individual is free to choose any religion or none; but also ‘liberal Catholics’, which is to say ‘those who believe that religion is a matter of private conscience and relegate it from public life and politics’.33 Along the same lines they warned about the growth of ‘free thinking’, spiritism and Protestant propaganda. To counteract these tendencies, the bishops exhorted the laity to develop a Catholic press and organisations committed to the spread of Christian doctrine. Nevertheless, they commanded that each Catholic newspaper should have an ecclesiastical censor and established that no priest could be the director of any Catholic periodical or publish any book without the authorisation of the local bishop.34 One important aspect of the council was its explicit support for the Unión Católica and other lay organisations, including Circles of Catholic Workers and organisations committed to the financial support of the missions in the jungle.35 Finally, the Council analysed a series of social problems such as the precarious situation of the working class and condemned diverse types of exploitation of Peruvian Indians.36 The bishops encouraged both the clergy and the laity to develop a series of charitable and social initiatives to counteract these problems.37 The Seventh Council of Lima was followed by a series of ecclesiastical events that testified to the increasing dynamism of the Church. The National Assembly of Bishops now met every three years and produced documents concerning the problems of the Church and it relations with the state and society. Numerous diocesan synods were held, such as the Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social (Inter-diocesan Congress of Social Action, 1921), the Fifth Synod of Cusco (1922), the First Synod of Trujillo (1924) and the Fifth Synod of 33 34 35 36

37

Ibid., art. 22. Ibid., art. 45–6. Ibid., art. 50. ‘Pero sí reprobamos como execrables las diversas maneras de explotar al pobre, abusando de su miseria y urgente necesidad. Entre estos inicuos procedimientos señalamos, al celo de los misioneros, confesores y párrocos, los siguientes: el préstamos conocido con el nombre de dinero al diario; la compra disfrazada de frutos; de la que principalmente son víctimas los de la clase indígena; y el exaccionar al pobre exigiéndole excesivos trabajos a cambio del dinero adelantado’. Ibid., art. 459. Ibid., arts. 168–9.

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Chachapoyas (1925). In all of these synods there was a growing concern for the social problems of the country and they marked a further development of ‘social Catholicism’. This concern included the awareness of the problems of the working class, the precarious social situation of Peruvian Indians, and the proposal of a plan of action at a national level. At the same time, there was firm support for missionary work in the Peruvian jungle. Later, in 1927, a new Council was convened in Lima, this time by Archbishop Emilio Lissón, who followed the guidelines of the pontificate of Pius XI (1922–1939). This pope was notable for promoting Catholic missions around the world, encouraging the recruitment of local priests. He also signed a series of concordats with several states to secure Catholic education, guaranteed free communication between bishops and the Holy See and counteracted the secularisation of modern society.38 He developed his papal social thinking in his famous encyclical Quadragesimo Anno (1931) and condemned communism. Another important emphasis was the promotion of lay organisations, notably Catholic Action and several Eucharistic Congresses around the world,39 including the Eucharistic Congress of Lima (1935). In the Eighth Council of Lima, Peruvian bishops addressed certain workers’ problems in a systematic way, considering the changing conditions of the Peruvian economy and reaffirmed the Church’s commitment to the defence of the Indians’ rights.40 In this connection, they stated that an important way of counteracting communist and socialist influences was the formation of Catholic trade unions and associations that would be able to address effectively the problems of the working class.41 The decrees concerning Catholic education testified to the advances made in this aspect in Peru through the work of several religious congregations and the foundation of the Catholic University. At the same time, the Council gave greater support to lay organisations, to missionary work in the jungle and to the development of the Catholic press. The organisation of all these events and the application of their resolutions was largely made possible by the presence of a generation of notable bishops who completely accepted the guidelines of Leo XIII. In contrast with previous decades, many of these bishops came from religious institutes that had been reformed or had recently arrived in the country, such as Emilio Lissón (Lazarist), Mariano Holguín (Franciscan), Pedro Pablo Drinot (Sacrés-Cœurs,) and Francisco Irazola (Franciscan). However there were also some influential 38 Duffy, Saints and sinners, 257. 39 Jedin, History of the Church, 10: 28. 40 Farfán, Decretos del VIII Concilio Provincial Limense, arts. 31–6, 45–7. 41 Ibid., art. 35.

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bishops among the secular clergy, such as Fidel Olivas Escudero and Pedro Farfán. As Klaiber has noted, some of them, notably Holguín, Farfán, Olivas Escudero and Drinot, ‘displayed notable leadership qualities in steering the church with firmness and discretion through troubled times’ and ‘within a conservative framework, demonstrated an openness toward the social question and gave a strong impetus to the nation-wide lay movement’.42 Indeed, their prestige made them influential figures in the political and social spheres of the country. In a time of dramatic social change in Peru, they aimed at developing a pastoral and social plan to recover the cultural and institutional presence of the Church in Peru. They promoted the reorganisation of the Church, expanded the activities of Catholic lay associations and encouraged the participation of Catholics in diverse aspects of public life. All of these prelates represented the prototype of the bishop of the early twentieth century: deeply pious, with a high conception of their episcopal mission based upon an unquestioning loyalty to the papacy. They played a prominent role in the development of the Church’s life for more than three decades (from the 1900s to the 1930s). To illustrate the ideas and works of the Peruvian hierarchy during this time, it is best to examine the record of several of its most prominent bishops. One of the most popular bishops was the Franciscan Mariano Holguín (1860–1945). Endowed with a charismatic and energetic personality, he was an outstanding organiser and a pioneer of the Catholic labour movement in Peru. He embodied a truly Franciscan spirit: piety, concern for the poor, supporter of lay associations and defender of the Christian family. Born in a rural suburb of Arequipa he embodied the regional sentiments of his homeland and became one of its main representative figures. He joined the Franciscans of the Recollection in Arequipa in 1880 and six years later was ordained as a priest. Given his spiritual and pastoral qualities he was elected guardian of his monastery in 1891 and 1897 became commissary of the Franciscan province of the Doce Apóstoles (Lima, Arequipa and Cusco), consultant of the National Assembly of Bishops (1901) and definitor general of the Franciscan order (1903).43 As a friar, Holguín was not only an active preacher and spiritual director but also was convinced that Catholics had to be involved in all spheres of social life. He considered that evangelisation in Peru should encompass social development and patriotism as its main principles of action. In this sense, in 1890 he took part in the foundation of El Deber, which became the most

42 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 233. 43 Definitor: A religious deputed or elected to participate authoritatively in the government of a religious institute.

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important newspaper in southern Peru and the leading Catholic newspaper in the country. His concern for social questions led him, in 1896, to found the Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa, the first Catholic labour association in Peru, which was for two decades the most important workers’ organisation in southern Peru. Fr. Francisco Cabré, his biographer and close collaborator, stated that he was deeply influenced by the ideas of Leo XIII and Rerum Novarum. Cabré quoted one of his phrases that summarised his social thought: ‘There is no point in provoking a war between capital and labour, but on the contrary it is necessary to train, dignify and christianise the worker in order to make him capable of being respected by the capitalists’. Indeed, like other bishops in Peru he proposed reconciling the working class with their employers.44 When he was in Rome in 1904, Pius X, welcoming a proposal of the Peruvian Congress, appointed him bishop of the newly created diocese of Huaraz. As Holguín stated in his first pastoral letter, at the beginning he was reluctant to accept this responsibility, but Pius X had encouraged him to put his fears to one side, observing: ‘It is better to start at the very beginning. We do not want you to work miracles. Sow the mustard seed, and later it will grow to become a tree. The great rivers start from small springs’.45 The motto of his episcopal coat of arms was ‘Non venit ministrari, sed ministrare’ (I have not come to be served but to serve). Once in Huaraz he outlined his pastoral priorities. The first duty was to rule his people ‘through the narrow and difficult way of the Gospel’ as a guide and teacher in order to ‘dispel the darkness of error, superstition and ignorance … This is especially important in these days of brutal positivism, when men have forgotten their immortal destinies and care almost exclusively for their material welfare’.46 He stated that since religious ignorance was a 44

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‘No era cuestión de provocar la guerra entre le capital y el trabajo, sino lo contrario, capacitar al obrero, dignificarlo, cristianizarlo para que se hiciera capaz de la consideración y de la comprensión del capitalista’. Cabré, Biografía del Exmo. y Rvmo. Fr. Mariano Holguín. Primer arzobispo de Arequipa, 28. ‘Es mejor empezar desde el principio. Nos no queremos que haga milagros; siembre el grano de mostaza, y después crecerá hasta hacerse árbol: los grandes ríos tienen su origen en pequeñas fuentes’. Mariano Holguín, Primera carta pastoral que el Iltmo y Rdmo obispo de Huaraz Fr. Mariano Holguin O.F.M. dirige al clero y a los fieles de su diócesis al tomar posesión de ella (Lima, 1904), 6. ‘¡Ah! ¡Cuánto tiene que trabajar el Obispo para cumplir fielmente el oficio de Maestro y Guía que Dios N.S. le ha impuesto! Cuánto para desterrar de su grey las negras tinieblas del error, de la superstición y de la ignorancia!… Sobre todo en estos días de brutal positivismo, en que los hombres olvidados de sus destinos inmortales, atienden casi exclusivamente al bienestar temporal, es tan vergonzosa como lamentable la ignorancia religiosa en que vegeta la generalidad de las personas, aun aquellas que por lo demás son

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general evil, even among cultivated people, it was absolutely necessary to promote religious instruction. However, in order to be healthy and effective, this instruction should not be based on a superficial knowledge of the basic dogmas but on a cultivated religion prepared to show the compatibility between faith and reason: ‘It is not enough to believe abstractly in the dogmas of the Church; it is necessary to know their concrete consequences in order to acknowledge the practical rules of life that direct our conduct. Only in that way will it be possible to build a believing nation, a moral and honest nation, truly educated and on the right path of legitimate progress’.47 In applying these principles in his diocese, Holguín organised Sunday schools for the religious instruction of Indian children in order to eradicate ‘their crude superstitions’. At the same time, he considered it indispensable to reform the seminary and to supervise the conduct of the local clergy.48 The second priority of his rule would be ‘the protection of the weak and poor through the promotion of charitable works’. He could not develop extensive pastoral work in Huaraz because only two years later (1906) he was appointed bishop of his native Arequipa, where he was to remain for almost forty years (1906–1945). It was there that he enforced a pastoral programme that combined the defence of orthodoxy, the reform of the clergy and the promotion of several kinds of lay and social institutions. In his first pastoral letter in Arequipa he emphasised the necessity of following the teachings of St. Francis of Assisi and St. Francis of Sales with respect to the importance of charity in the life of Christians. In this sense, the teaching of doctrine must always be accompanied by Christian charity: ‘Only by grasping

47

48

verdaderamente ilustradas y eruditas. Y ¿qué diremos de la gran masa de nuestro pueblo, de nuestra desgraciada raza indígena?’. Holguín, Primera carta Pastoral que el Iltmo y Rdmo obispo de Huaraz Fr. Mariano Holguin O.F.M. dirige al clero y a los fieles de su diócesis al tomar posesión de ella, 12. ‘Pero esta fe para ser saludable no puede ser una creencia estúpida, que no sepa lo mismo que cree, es necesario que sea una fe ilustrada, una fe por la que nuestra inteligencia se someta á la autoridad de Dios, Sabiduría infinita, convencida de que esta sujeción es justa y racional. No basta creer en abstracto los dogmas que la Iglesia nos propone; es necesario conocer en concreto las consecuencias que entrañan y deducir de ellas reglas prácticas para dirigir nuestra conducta. Sólo así se puede hacer de un pueblo creyente, un pueblo moral y honrado, verdaderamente culto, pronto á todo legítimo progreso’. Ibid. ‘En el desempeño de este importante ministerio, el más delicado del oficio pastoral, quizá nuestro Báculo tenga que lastimar con sus golpes la susceptibilidad y delicadeza de algunos de nuestros diocesanos; pero desde ahora os protestamos que sólo emplearemos ese remedio cuando sea absolutamente imprescindible, y siempre que Nos veamos forzados á herir, será, no con herida cruel de enemigo, sino con entrañas de caridad para curar’. Ibid., 14.

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the hearts of men they will be converted’.49 One of his pastoral priorities was the promotion and defence of the Christian family. In this regard he praised the role of paternity and maternity, encouraging parents to look after the Christian education of their children and proposing a traditional view of family. Through maternity women were co-operators in the creative work of God. In this sense he severely condemned abortion.50 He strongly encouraged parents to inculcate diligent and useful habits in their daughters in order to make them women of profound and solid piety. For those young ladies who did not need to work he recommended the avoidance of frivolity by the practice of several activities such as domestic duties, charitable works, honest recreations and the study of religion and sciences. He sharply criticised what he called the ‘deplorable propensity for luxury’, especially of young women, who became a heavy burden to their parents.51 This vice was not only present among rich families but also among the poor. On the other hand, the role of paternity was also emphasised. Fathers were representatives of the Heavenly Father in the Christian family. Their duties implied not only working honestly to provide daily sustenance for their families but also looking after the intellectual, moral and religious guidance of their children. Holguín encouraged them to form the character of their children by teaching them the importance of the fulfilment of their duties so that they could become virtuous Christians and honest citizens. For this purpose, parents should preferably send their children to schools where religious education was provided. He denounced the ‘enervating effeminacy of our times’ as a strong factor in the destruction of the moral character. ‘This system of delicate education that only uses soft suggestions, affectionate pleas, prudent dissimulation; that cowardly education which in every step yields to the wicked natural instincts; that is the worst enemy of a true education which is the children’s guidance into the way of order and duty’.52 He emphasised that 49 Holguín, Carta pastoral que el Iltmo y Rmo. Obispo de Arequipa, Mariano Holguín O.F.M. dirige al clero y a los fieles de su diócesis al tomar posesión de ella (1906), 16. 50 ‘No quisiéramos ni hacer mención aquí del crimen sin nombre que cometen mujeres más crueles que las fieras, eliminando por medio de brebajes, y procedimientos sugeridos por el infierno, el fruto inocente de su criminal incontinencia. Recordaremos tan solo que incurren en excomunión reservada al Obispo los que procuran el aborto si se sigue el efecto’. In: Holguín, Instrucción pastoral que el Iltmo. y Rvdmo. Mons. Fr. Mariano Holguín, Obispo de Arequipa, dirige al clero y fieles de su diócesis con ocasión de la Cuaresma (1916), 5. 51 Holguín, Carta pastoral que el Iltmo y Rmo. Obispo de Arequipa, Mariano Holguín O.F.M. dirige al clero y a los fieles de su diócesis al tomar posesión de ella, 16. 52 ‘El afeminamiento enervante de nuestros tiempos es un factor poderoso de rebajamiento para los caracteres. Ese sistema de educación melosa que no sabe emplear sino las suaves insinuaciones, las súplicas afectuosas, los disimulos prudentes, esa educación cobarde

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‘without legitimate repression and punishment children become selfish, rebellious and ungovernable’. However, corrections, in order to be effective, had to fulfil some conditions: they must be just and proportional to the fault. They should be applied at opportune moments and not be inspired by anger. Parents should be firm and constant but without exercising any kind of physical violence on their children. It was necessary to patiently inculcate them with the love of good behaviour rather than any mechanical amendment of their deeds.53 As bishop of Arequipa, Holguín was a zealous advocate of the rights of the Church. For example, in 1913 he expressed strong opposition to a law of religious tolerance and encouraged committed Catholics to be involved in all the spheres of public life. He even took a leading role in the founding of the short-lived Catholic Party of Arequipa in 1913.54 At the same time, he reorganised the Unión Católica de Arequipa and other smaller lay associations in his diocese. Holguín was also committed to the development of a series of social works. First, he became a main promoter of the Circle of Catholic Workers, which he had founded years before. He was one of the founders of La Colmena, a publishing house and newspaper that were the main organs of expression of the circle.55 For almost two decades La Colmena was the most important Peruvian Catholic newspaper committed to the problems of the working class. Holguín outlined the Franciscan spirit as a model of social reconciliation: ‘If the Franciscan spirit is spread, it will result, as a natural consequence, in the moderation among the rich of the greed with which they seek to multiply their riches, which drives them to commit the most objectionable injustices and to cruelly oppress the poor’.56 In 1911 he promoted the foundation of a female



que transa á cada paso con los instintos aviesos de la naturaleza, es el peor enemigo de la verdadera educación, que consiste en encarrilar todas las energías del niño por la senda del orden y del deber, no obstante las vivas resistencias que oponga, resistencias que es necesario vencer con energía’. Ibid., 20. 53 ‘La represión intempestiva, impetuosa, acre, es contraproducente, á lo más conseguirá formar hipócritas, que por el temor servil del castigo se abstengan en circunstancias dadas de obrar mal, pero no obtendrán la reforma verdadera y estable, la reforma del corazón’. Ibid., 23. 54 Holguín, Instrucción pastoral sobre la defensa de la Religión, 19. 55 Cabré, Biografía del Exmo. y Rvmo. Fr. Mariano Holguín. Primer arzobispo de Arequipa, 45. 56 ‘Si se propaga el espíritu franciscano se logrará como consecuencia natural, moderar en los ricos la codicia de multiplicar sus riquezas, que les hace cometer las más clamorosas injusticias y oprimir hasta la crueldad a los pobres’ in: Mariano Holguín, Carta pastoral que con motivo del VII Centenario de la Institución de la Tercera Orden Franciscana, 9–10.

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correctional prison and school under the direction of the Franciscan mothers. This initiative helped to improve the conditions of female convicts, since formerly prisoners of both sexes were placed in the same location. The objective was to save women from the abuse of male convicts and to encourage their regeneration and reinsertion in society after the end of their sentence. The Franciscan mothers created an office of legal assistance, a school for domestic works and a friendly society for the benefit of these female convicts. He also promoted the arrival of several female congregations in Arequipa that developed important social and educational works such as the Little Sisters of the Aged (Hermanas de los Ancianitos Desamparados) who directed two old people’s hospitals, the Dominican mothers who founded two schools and the Servants of Mary for the Care of the Sick. In 1925 he founded the Acción Social Católica de Arequipa (Catholic Social Action), following the guidelines laid down by Pius XI.57 Between 1931 and 1933 Holguín was apostolic administrator of the archdiocese of Lima following the resignation of Emilio Lissón. After the resignation of Colonel Luis Miguel Sánchez in March 1931 he acted as president of Peru for a few hours.58 Another notable bishop was Pedro Pablo Drinot y Piérola (1859–1935), who can be considered the most important intellectual among the Peruvian episcopate at this time and the main promoter of Social Catholicism in Peru. Born in Callao, he entered the Congregation of the Sacrés-Cœurs, of Jesus and Mary (Picpus Society) and studied in the novitiate of this institution in ­Valparaiso (Chile), where he was ordained. There he had contact with the Catholic Action groups and directed the Social Centre of the Sacrés-Cœurs. He returned to Peru in 1904 when he was appointed bishop of Huanuco, where he acted as a main promoter of the development of the region. For example, he encouraged the people of his diocese to collaborate in the construction of a public highway, became an important protector of Indian rights and created the Catholic Circle of Workers of Huanuco. As a member of the National Assembly of Bishops, Drinot strongly encouraged the development of the Acción Social Católica, a lay organisation committed to the social development of the country and the defence of the Church.59 In 1920, given his frail health, he resigned this position and was made auxiliary bishop of Lima. Once in Lima he became closely involved in the organisation and spread of the Unión Católica and became national advisor to the female branch of this institution. Drinot 57 La Colmena, 16 October 1929. 58 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 233. 59 Armas, ‘Sobre la unidad Religiosa y la Tradición: Notas sobre el Discurso Católico Ultramontano y Militante y los Inicios de la Democracia Cristiana’, 456–7.

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also became an important promoter of the Catholic University together with Fr. Jorge Dintilhac, who also belonged to the same congregation of the SacrésCœurs. In 1924–5 Drinot served as rector of this institution. One of the aims of the newly founded university was to create a centre of higher education in order to form a Catholic intellectual elite which could offer an alternative to the secular tendencies promoted in the University of San Marcos.60 In 1928, following the guidelines of Pius XI on Catholic Action, he became one of the pioneers of this organisation and promoted Pius XI’s pastoral letter on ‘Principles and General Bases of Catholic Action’. In 1929 he was appointed president of the first general meeting of all the Catholic youth groups in Lima.61 Drinot became one of the most active promoters of the social doctrine of the Church. Apart from his numerous pastoral letters on this topic, he was the main author of the document La Acción social Católica en el Perú (1921) (‘Catholic Social Action in Peru’) issued by the National Assembly of Bishops, which during the 1920s figured as the most systematic analysis of Peruvian social problems undertaken from a Catholic perspective. In this document he addressed the weaknesses of public institutions, the corruption in the electoral system, the exclusion of Indians from national life and the conditions of the working class. At the same time, this document set out the main lines of organisation of Catholic social action in Peru. In it he strongly encouraged the laity to be involved in the life of the Church and to participate in the evangelisation of the Peruvian society. Among the proposals advanced in the document was the formation of a Catholic party to defend the rights of the Church and to oppose the secularisation of the country.62 Pedro Pascual Farfán de los Godos (1870–1945) can be characterised as a defender of Indian rights and one of the main representatives of ecclesiastical indigenismo. Born in Cusco in 1870, he came from one of that region’s traditional families with roots in the eighteenth century. He received a scholarship to study at the Seminary of San Antonio Abad in Cusco in 1886. In 1890 he became a lecturer at this institution and in 1894 he was ordained as a priest. In 1896 he was made vice-rector of the seminary and at the same time parish priest of the districts of Belen and Santiago. In 1907, he replaced Mariano Holguín as bishop of the highland diocese of Huaraz in north-western Peru, where he stayed for eleven years.63 Like Holguín, he was characterised by his orthodoxy, his firm adhesion to papal teachings, and at the same time by a 60 Dintilhac, ‘Resumen histórico de la universidad’, 7–20. 61 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 210. 62 Armas, ‘Sobre la unidad Religiosa’, 422–57. 63 Vega-Centeno, Pedro Pascual Farfán de los Godos. Obispo de Indios (1870–1945), 120–7.

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commitment to the defence of Indian rights. In Huaraz he founded a seminary. In his pastoral letters he condemned modernism. He created the Boletín Eclesiástico de la Diócesis de Huaráz, a weekly journal that became the diocese’s main organ of communication. He undertook several pastoral visits and inaugurated the first diocesan synod in 1912. To improve the quality of the clergy he invited Spanish priests from the religious congregations to fill vacancies in the parishes and also to teach in the seminary, which was inaugurated in 1908. In 1917 he was appointed bishop of Cusco. Like Holguín and Drinot, Farfán believed that committed Catholics had to found a confessional party. When he was bishop of Cusco he supervised the reorganisation of the Catholic Conservative Party of Cusco and presided over the installation of its directing committee.64 He performed extensive pastoral work among the Indian peoples when bishop in Huaraz and Cusco. In Cusco, with the assistance of the priest Isaías Vargas, he organised the Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social in 1921 (Inter-diocesan Congress of Social Action) and the Fifth Synod of Cusco in 1922. These events paid special attention to the conditions of the Peruvian Indians and denounced a series of injustices carried out against them. His measures in favour of the natives are analysed in a later chapter. In 1933 Farfán became archbishop of Lima and had the difficult task of recovering the prestige of the Catholic Church in Peru after the resignation of Emilio Lissón, who had been seen by many political groups as a close ally of President Augusto B. Leguía. During his time in Lima, he promoted the foundation of Catholic Action in 1935, a new lay association that replaced the old Unión Católica, and followed the guidelines of Pius XI. Indeed the pope had encouraged the development of this organisation throughout the entire Catholic world and created the Central Council of Catholic Action in Italy.65 All these bishops consistently introduced a series of initiatives, which helped transform Catholicism. Their works benefited from the presence of stronger lay organisations and new religious institutes. Indeed, during this time more religious congregations arrived in Peru, most of them committed to education, priestly formation and charitable works. Among them were the Marist Brothers (1909), Claretians (1910), Discalced Carmelites (1911), Mercedarians (1917) and the Salesians (1922). The Canonesses of the Cross, a new Peruvian female religious congregation, was founded in 1919 by Teresa de la Cruz Candamo, the daughter of the former president of Peru, Manuel Candamo (1904).66 Due to the presence of the various religious organisations 64 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 87. 65 Jedin, History of the Church, 10: 28–9. 66 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 153–61.

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a Catholic school system was consolidated, which was essential in the recovery of the Church’s influence among the elites. At the same time, the foundation of the Catholic University in 1917 by F. Jorge Dintilhac was important in counteracting the positivist and socialist influences of the University of San Marcos and in developing a Catholic intelligentsia in the country.67 The religious groups were also involved in missionary work in the jungle. Some of them, notably the Claretians, Redemptorists, Jesuits and Salesians, developed extensive social work in the highlands and on the coast, creating farming and technical schools and other social initiatives. On the other hand, the Catholic laity, especially the female branches, continued to be active in their work. During the 1920s, new lay groups for young people were founded; influenced by the intellectual revival of European Catholicism and many of their members became leaders of the Christian Democratic party during the 1950s.68 At the same time, Social Catholicism was strengthened after the late 1920s due to the conversion of two prominent intellectuals, Víctor Andrés Belaunde and José de la Riva-Agüero, who played notable roles in the political, social and intellectual debate of their time and decisively supported the development of the Catholic University.69 67 Dintilhac, ‘Resumen histórico de la universidad’, 7–20. 68 Planas, Biografía del Movimiento Social-Cristiano, 15–43. 69 Dintilhac, ‘Resumen histórico de la universidad’, 20.

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Lay Associations During viceregal times lay people who aspired to lead a collective religious life were associated with different kinds of institutions such as brotherhoods, guilds and third orders that, together with their religious practices, developed a wide range of charitable activities. Brotherhoods and guilds were related to the protection of their members’ rights and acted as incipient mutual-aid societies. On the other hand, lay members of third orders were associated with a particular religious community in order to benefit from its spirituality and were involved in its charitable and pious works. One of the main characteristics of these associations was their corporative constitution. In other words, each association had its own spirituality, aims and beneficiaries. Therefore, they did not develop a central organisation or a common view of the country’s politics, society or culture. In the context of a Catholic society where, in general terms and despite some conflicts, the final ends of the Church were identified with those of the state, and where the ecclesiastic institutions and religious orders had a preponderant role in society, the laity did not develop a distinctive apostolic or charitable mission in the country.1 The role of lay associations changed dramatically with the breakdown of the Ancien Régime and the beginning of the secularisation process in Europe and Latin America. In the case of Peru, since the application of the Bourbon reforms but especially after independence and the first decades of the Republic, a radical change occurred in the relations between church, state and society. As it has been explained in previous chapters, the regalist tendencies of the state were strengthened and the main religious orders had to face oppressive measures from the state, such as confiscation of their property, state control of some aspects of religious discipline and even expulsion from the country. The secular clergy was not in a much better condition. Under the control of Republican Patronage they were influenced by the regalist ideas predominant during that era.2 Furthermore, the influence of modern ideologies, especially among the elites, was perceived as a threat to the preservation of the Catholic faith in society and culture. Indeed, from different positions, liberalism and positivism during the late nineteenth century and the Marxism and Aprismo 1 Rafael Sánchez-Concha,‘Los santos y las concepciones políticas y sociales en el Perú virreinal’, Hispania Sacra 54, 109 (2002): 315–28. 2 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 38–58.

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since the mid-1920s, were highly critical of the Peru’s Catholic tradition and enforced a series of projects to secularise society. Followers of these trends used modern means to spread their ideas, including clubs, parties, press and education. Many of them belonged to Freemasonry, which was considered by Catholics to be a point of confluence of anticlerical positions. Confronted with these challenges, the laity had to change their ideas and attitudes and developed a new range of activities. In first instance the Peruvian laity developed a closer co-operation with the Catholic hierarchy in order to prevent the secularisation of the state and society. From the second half of the nineteenth to the first half of the twentieth centuries, lay Catholics fought against the attempts of the state to enact laws related to the Church’s interests, such as, religious freedom, confiscation of Church properties and the state supervision of ecclesiastical affairs. They developed an apologetic stand and a spirit of crusade against ideological currents predominant in the country, a stance characterised by the perception that the Church was under siege. In this sense, the aim of devout Catholics under these new conditions was to preserve the Catholic character of the country. To achieve these ends, lay groups used the same modern instruments as their antagonists: associations with a central organisation, press, diverse educational initiatives, pamphlets and Catholic working associations. At the same time, given the development of the means of communication, Peruvian Catholics were more aware of the international tendencies of Church and society. Official Church documents, news of the Catholic world and writings by Catholic intellectuals were published in the press and had an important influence over lay associations. They also established formal relations with similar institutions abroad and shared similar patterns of organisation and doctrinal tendencies. In this sense, they perceived local problems to be part of a global conflict between two rivals: secularism and Catholicism. Nevertheless, these associations had to adapt their ideas to the concrete realities of the country. Given the scarcity of vocations for the priesthood and these new conditions, the laity assumed a more active role in activities that were traditionally performed by the religious and the clergy, such as charitable and social works, education and even evangelisation. This new role was also influenced by the development of the Catholic social thought in Europe that found expression in Leo XIII’s Rerum Novarum (1891) and by the promotion of a lay apostolate by the papacy most, notably during the reigns of Pius X and Pius XI.3 However, it is necessary to emphasise that, especially during the late nineteenth and early 3 Both Popes actively promoted the development of Catholic Action groups as organisations closely attached to the apostolic mission of bishops and the hierarchy. See: Pius X, Il fermo proposito (1905) and Pius XI, Ubi arcano Dei Consilioi (1922), § 54.

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twentieth centuries, the lay apostolate was organised under the strict guidance of the hierarchy since lay associations were conceived as ‘light guerrillas that come to the point of danger; that stand guard to defend the authority of the bishops, who bring to the world the spirit of the Gospel’.4 At the same time, in spite of their social works, the leaders of these associations tended to be members of the elite and to preserve, to some extent, an aristocratic character within these institutions. The aim of this chapter is to trace the evolution of the lay associations created in Peru from the second half of the nineteenth century until 1935 when Catholic Action was created in Lima. It traces the main lines of thought that guided these institutions, their objectives, internal organisation, social works, vehicles of expression, affiliation and their main branches in the most populated Peruvian cities. Another objective is to evaluate the social and ecclesiastical influence of the Catholic lay movement in Peru by describing its most notable leaders, their role in Peruvian politics, their capacity to introduce social and political projects and by tracing their diverse social background. The Sociedad Católico-Peruana On 22nd May 1867, the bishop of Huanuco, Manuel Teodoro del Valle, founded the Sociedad Católico-Peruana, the first modern lay association in Peru, as a reaction to the liberal government of Mariano Ignacio Prado (1865–1868). In this sense, it was created with an apologetic character. Bishop del Valle thought that under these circumstances it was indispensable to organise the Catholic laity of the country in order to support the Peruvian Episcopate and to counteract the effects of liberalism, rationalism and pantheism in Peru and at the same time to spread the Catholic doctrine.5 Two main and interdependent emphases were the protection of the Church from a newly secularised state and at the same time the development of fidelity to the Pope. In many aspects, this institution was shaped by the tendencies of the Catholic Church under the Pontificate of Pius IX, especially with respect to the primacy of the Papacy 4 ‘Las asociaciones laicas, de piedad, de caridad y propaganda son como las guerrillas ligeras que acuden al punto del peligro; que montan la guardia para defender la autoridad de los obispos, que llevan al seno del mundo el espíritu del Evangelio’. Manuel Tovar, ‘Sobre la libertad de la Iglesia’ in Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 97. 5 Sociedad Católico-Peruana, Anales de la Sociedad Católico-Peruana inaugurada en Arequipa el 19 de julio de 1868 (Arequipa, 1868), 3.

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over the so-called ‘National Churches’, and in the defensive stand of Catholics against the secularist bias of the time. Consequently, the society followed the model of other institutions of that kind in Europe and established relations with other Catholic lay associations in Latin America such as the Sociedad Amigos del País of Chile.6 The Sociedad Católico-Peruana was conceived as a Catholic association composed exclusively of lay Catholics. Bishops and priests collaborated as advisors or as honorary members but the society was independent in its actions and initiatives. However, the members had close relations with the Peruvian episcopate. The statutes stressed that the aims of the institution were not political but religious and therefore its members could not use the name of the society when participating in politics.7 The Sociedad developed a national organisation. This was directed by a central council, based in Lima, composed of twelve life members and twelve honorary members. The central council co-ordinated its actions with the departmental councils (Consejos Departamentales) and appointed five members, who could be re-elected, for two-year terms.8 Each council had to direct the actions of the members in its respective province. The leaders of the Sociedad Católico-Peruana aimed at developing a pyramidal structure with some military characteristics. Manuel Cornejo, a prominent member of the society in Arequipa, stated that each member had to consider himself a soldier of the Church and the country.9 José María de La Jara, another prominent arequipeño of the society said that it was necessary to form a ‘Peruvian Phalanx’.10 Financial expenses were covered by donations and each member had to pay a monthly contribution of ten cents to the society. Apart from Lima, the society was established in Arequipa, Puno, Huanuco, Cusco and Ayacucho.11 Arequipa was one of the strongholds of the Sociedad Católico-Peruana. Women and youths were also important participants of the society. There was no female branch of the society but women were accepted 6

Sociedad Católico-Peruana, Anales de la Sociedad Católico-Peruana. Segunda Asamblea General y Sesión Pública, 2: 18. 7 ‘Como la Sociedad no se propone otra cosa que defender y propagar la verdad católica, no tendrá injerencia alguna en asuntos políticos, que deberán serle completamente ajenos’ in: Sociedad Católico-Peruana, Anales de la Sociedad Católico-Peruana inaugurada en Arequipa el 19 de julio de 1868, 4. 8 Ibid., 4–6. 9 Ibid., 55. 10 Ibid., 61. 11 Sociedad Católico-Peruana, Anales de la Sociedad Católico-Peruana. Segunda Asamblea General y Sesión Pública, 2:18.

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as protectors and contributors. Their role as promoters of the collections was considered essential.12 On the other hand, the society proved to be attractive to young people, especially to university students and young professionals such as Carlos Elías and Felipe Varela y Valle who later became leaders of the Unión Católica.13 Information found in the society’s annals shows that the members came from different social and economic backgrounds, from manual workers to professionals, but that the great majority of them belonged to urban areas. However, most of the leaders were prominent lawyers and politicians who came from the social and political elites of the country.14 As far as can be ascertained, the activities of the society were limited. Among the works actually performed, there is evidence that the society organised a nation-wide collection to support the victims of a disastrous earthquake in southern Peru. Twelve thousand pesos were collected and sent to the most affected regions.15 The society also developed a project to train Chinese catechists so that they would be able to Christianise their compatriots and to prepare them for the reception of the sacraments.16 Additionally, since the two most important objectives of the society were the protection of the Church’s rights and the propagation of Christian doctrine it was considered indispensable to have a printing press. It was bought in the United States in 1869 and was used to publish pamphlets and apologetic writings.17 Later, in 1870, the society promoted the foundation of the daily newspaper La Sociedad, which was directed by the priest Manuel González la Rosa and was active until 1879.18 Considering these elements, it is clear that the Sociedad Católico-Peruana had many of the characteristics of a modern Catholic association. Despite being founded by a bishop and advised by the hierarchy, it was composed exclusively of lay people. Secondly, it sought to become a national organisation rather than creating a corporation, as had been the case of brotherhoods and guilds. For this purpose, the Society created consejos departamentales (departmental councils) in some of the most important cities of the country. Another important characteristic was that it tried to articulate a coherent vision of the political and social situation of the country. Most of its leaders identified 12 Ibid. 13 Sociedad Católico-Peruana, Anales de la Sociedad Católico-Peruana. Segunda Asamblea General y Sesión Pública, 2: 40. 14 Ibid., 2: 2–8. 15 Ibid., 2: 19–20. 16 Ibid., 1: 12. 17 Ibid., 2: 21. 18 Klaiber, The Catholic Church in Peru, 69.

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Catholicism with national identity and patriotism. One of their main premises was that Catholicism unified a nation that was otherwise racially and geographically fissiparous. Catholicism was the religion of almost the entire population of the country, so that the granting of religious freedom to other denominations in the name of universal tolerance and progress was considered an attack on the social unity of Peru and was depicted as a scornful dismissal of the popular claims of the Peruvian people.19 In spite of the initial progress of this society, its activities ended in 1879 with the beginning of the war against Chile. In any case, since the main objectives of the Sociedad Católico-Peruana were related to the defence of the Church’s rights, especially with respect to the rejection of the law of religious tolerance, the society had fulfilled its objectives. This law was not approved in the Constitution of 1867 and the society’s political lobby proved effective since Prado’s government, as stated before, was overthrown by two revolutionary movements so that the liberal Constitution of 1867 was replaced by the previous one (that of 1860). It is difficult to measure the influence of the society over these revolutions but effectively liberal pretensions were vanquished for some years. It is possible to find some links with the revolutionary leaders, since Colonel Balta was a conservative soldier, Nicolás de Piérola his polemical finance minister, was a devout Catholic while Colonel Pedro Diez Canseco, who led the revolution in Arequipa, was also aligned with the Catholic sectors of the region. The perception of a systematic attack on the Church by Peruvian legislators was not revived until some years after the end of the war against Chile. Apart from this, as far as it has been found, the society languished and there is no evidence of further activities after the beginning of the war.20 The Unión Católica The fact that the Sociedad Católico-Peruana was dissolved did not mean that its former members were inactive. Under the rule of Andrés A. Cáceres (1886–90), a new and more vigorous Catholic association called the Unión Católica was founded in 1886 as a reaction against the expulsion of the Jesuits from Peru. Some of the most notable figures of the Sociedad Católico-Peruana such as Felipe Varela y Valle, Evaristo Gómez Sánchez and Jorge Loayza played 19

Sociedad Católico-Peruana, Anales de la Sociedad Católico-Peruana inaugurada en Arequipa el 19 de julio de 1868, 28. 20 Klaiber, The Catholic Church,   70, and García Jordán, Iglesia y poder en el Perú contemporáneo, 207–8.

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a crucial role in the development of the new institution. The origins of the Unión Católica can be traced from the meetings that Catholics held throughout the country to organise themselves. They founded the Central Council of the Unión Católica under the presidency of Evaristo Gómez Sánchez and organised the first public assembly on 10 October 1886 in Lima. Some women, such as Emilia du Bois, Manuela Orbegozo de Panizo and Mercedes Vigil, played a decisive role in the organisation of the new society.21 In this sense, like the Sociedad Católico-Peruana, the Unión Católica was created when the Catholic groups of the country believed that there was a revival of the liberal campaign to attack the Church and undermine the Catholic ethos of the nation. However, one of the differences between the Unión Católica and its predecessor was that its leaders envisioned an organisation with long-term objectives and not merely for the defence of the Church in specific political circumstances. As a result they managed to develop several pastoral and social initiatives and to frame a national plan to coordinate the social actions of Peruvian Catholics. The statutes of the Unión Católica defined it as a religious and social institution which had two main objectives: the promotion of the permanent and deep-rooted union among Catholics and the diffusion of Catholic principles and works, especially those concerning the interests and the rights of the Church in the public sphere.22 In order to fulfil these objectives the society encouraged its members to create scientific, literary, pious and charitable associations and also to found newspapers and popular libraries. At the same time, the statutes stipulated that there should be general assemblies each year in order to promote the integration of the Catholic associations of the country. The organisation of the institution was nationwide and pyramidal like the Sociedad Católico-Peruana. It was directed by a Central Council based in Lima that co-ordinated its actions with the Departmental, Provincial and Parochial Councils. In each Department the members were divided into centurias, and each centuria was subdivided into decurias.23 The Central Council was composed of twenty-one members and the Departmental delegates. There were seven members of Departmental Councils plus the provincial delegates. Finally, each Provincial council was composed of five members plus the parochial delegates. Most of the members of the Unión Católica were lay people who worked under the supervision of the bishops and co-operated with them 21 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 78. 22 Unión Católica del Perú, Reglamento orgánico y estatutos provisionales de la sociedad Unión Católica del Perú, art. 1. 23 Unión Católica del Perú, Reglamento orgánico y estatutos provisionales de la sociedad Unión Católica del Perú, art. 2.

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in several pastoral activities and in the defence of the church’s rights in the public sphere. The three most important divisions of the Unión Católica were the Unión Católica de Caballeros (Catholic Union for Gentlemen), the Unión Católica de Damas Peruanas (Catholic Union for Ladies), and the Juventud Católica (Catholic Youth). The Unión Católica had branches in the most populated cities of the country and even in some remote provinces. Many of its regional branches established their own publications and newspapers. By 1896 many departmental and provincial councils had been created. Apart from Lima, the Unión Católica was consolidated in Arequipa, Puno, Cusco, Huanuco, Ayacucho, Cajamarca and Ancash.24 There is evidence of the existence and consolidation of the Unión Católica de Damas Peruanas on the northern coast of Peru since 1898: Lambayeque (1898), Trujillo (1906), Piura (1916), Chiclayo (1916), Catacaos (1926).25 The Unión Católica was influenced by the renewal of Catholic thought and action in Europe and Latin America. Apart from the social thought of Leo XIII, other thinkers such as Frédéric Ozanam, Leo Harmel, the Dominican Jean Baptiste Lacordaire and bishops Wilhelm Emmanuel Von Ketteler of Mainz and Denis-Auguste Affré of Paris were also read in Peru.26 Inspired by Rerum Novarum, the leaders of the Unión Católica drew up a plan of social activities adapted to the Peruvian situation. Among the social initiatives proposed the most important were: the formation of Circles of Catholic Workers, support for the missions in Peruvian Amazonia, attention to the indigenous problem, protection of the institutions of Catholic marriage and Catholic family, religious education and defence of the Church’s rights. One testimony to the defensive character of the Unión Católica was the discourse given by Fernando Pacheco, president of this association in Cusco, in 1889 against the proposals presented to the Congress by G. Alejandro Seoane, Minister of Justice and Religion.27 The minister had demanded that the Congress enact measures such as the subordination of seminaries to civil authority, intervention of civil justice in matters related to the honesty and honour of the clergy, the right of the state to close and move male religious communities, the authorisation of religious tolerance and imposition of taxes over religious

24

Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 46–52. and Arana, Conferencia sobre la misión del catolicismo (Lima, 1896). 25 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 80–1. 26 See: El Bien Social, 14 February 1898. 27 Guillermo Alejandro Seoane (Lima 1848–1924) was Minister of Justice and Cult from 1889 to 1890 under the government of Andrés A. Cáceres.

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properties.28 Pacheco accused Seoane of trying to surreptitiously destroy the Catholic Church in Peru by the restriction of the secular and regular clergy’s liberty. He maintained that there should be a legitimate autonomy vis-à-vis the secular and ecclesiastical spheres. Citing the French author Hugues-Félicité Lamennais, he added that these restrictions of the Church’s liberties would produce political manipulation of the ecclesiastical structures and therefore would lead to the general corruption of society.29 In respect to the law of religious tolerance he said that Peru was an hospitable country, but the rules of hospitality had a limit, and national interests were the limit. If almost the whole population of the country was Catholic, he argued, to enact a law to permit the public cult of other religions would constitute an act of aggression against the nation and its true faith. He maintained that plurality of cults was against Natural Law. At the same time, he said that Catholicism was a fundamental element for the national unity in a country like Peru that was so divided by its difficult geography and racial differences.30 By 1896, the Unión Católica had expanded to encompass the main cities of Peru and was able to develop numerous initiatives. A testimony of the influence of this institution was the active opposition to the liberal project in Congress to impose civil marriage and the state administration of ecclesiastical properties and discipline. Alejandro Romaña, the prefect of Arequipa and an active member of the Unión Católica, sent at least two acts of protests to the central government signed by the residents of La Calera and Socabaya where they expressed their opposition to this project.31

The First Catholic Peruvian Congress (1896)

In 1896 the Unión Católica organised the First Catholic Peruvian Congress in Lima, which announced the emergence of a new ‘militant Church’ and a reorganisation of ecclesiastical activity. This event assembled most of the Peruvian 28

Unión Católica del Cuzco, Exposición que la Unión Católica del Cuzco hace al Supremo Gobierno con motivo de la memoria del Señor Ministro de Culto presentada al Congreso del año 1889, 1–2. 29 Ibid., 3–4. 30 Ibid., 10. 31 ‘Acta de protesta suscrita por los vecinos de la Calera (Yura) con motivo de la presentación de un proyecto anti-católico en la Cámara de diputados’, 6 September 1896, Lima, BNP, D-5743; and ‘Expediente sobre el acta de protesta suscrita por los vecinos del pueblo de Socabaya con motivo de haberse presentado proyecto anti-católico en la Cámara de Diputados’, 14 September 1896, Lima, BNP, D-5742.

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bishops and representatives of all the branches of the Unión Católica and other Catholic associations of Peru and Latin America. A notable aspect of this congress was the emphasis on the laity, who were encouraged to play a main role in the evangelisation of the country and to cooperate with the episcopacy in the defence of the Church. Manuel Tovar, who was auxiliary bishop of Lima at that time, was a main promoter of the congress. The official delegations were formed by all the members of the Central Council of the Unión Católica of Peru, three delegates of each Departmental Council of Unión Católica, the director of the Unión Católica de Señoras de Lima and three male delegates elected by them for each session of the Congress, one canon of each diocese of Peru, and ten religious or secular priests designated by the Consejo Central. The honorary president was the Archbishop of Lima, Manuel Bandini, and the vice-presidents were the bishops present in Lima at the time of the Congress. The main lay leaders of the Congress were Carlos Elías and Mariano Belaunde. Carlos Elías was a prominent politician and entrepreneur. He was elected four times as congressman and in 1887 he was appointed Minister of International Relations. By 1896 he was the president of the Unión Católica del Perú. From this position he became the most active organiser of the First Catholic Congress. Mariano Belaunde was one of the founders and president of the Unión Católica de Arequipa. Like Elías, he was an active politician and entrepreneur. He joined the Demócrata Party of Nicolás de Piérola and was elected deputy in 1899. Then in 1899 he was appointed Finance Minister during the presidency of the Catholic Arequipeño, Eduardo López de Romaña. Belaunde was one of the founders of El Deber, the most prestigious and long-lasting Catholic newspaper in the country. He was the father of the notable Catholic thinker Víctor Andrés Belaunde, and grandfather of the two-term president of Peru, Fernando Belaunde. The Congress was inaugurated on 8 November 1896. It followed the model of other Catholic congresses in Europe. It should be emphasised that this was the first event of its kind in South America and it was supported by bishops and Catholic associations from Europe and Latin America, such as the bishops of Sao Pablo (Brazil), La Paz (Bolivia), Guayaquil (Ecuador),32 an association of North American priests, the President of the Catholic Centres and Associations of Belgium,33 the President of the Catholic Youth of Italy, the President of the Catholic Circle of University Students of Italy, several circles of Catholic workers in Italy, the Unión Católica of Chile and many individual

32 33

At that time the Bishop of Ecuador was exiled in Valparaiso (Chile). Mr. Ch. Weste. He was also a Minister and congressman in Belgium.

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lay and religious collaborators from Germany, Italy and Bolivia. More than three hundred representatives attended the Congress, including bishops, superiors of religious orders and congregations and lay people. Carlos Elías, as president of the commission for the organisation of the congress, invited all the Peruvian bishops, the nuncio and presidents of the Catholic associations of the country. Among them were the Unión Católica de Señoras, Centro de Juventud Católica from Lima and Arequipa, the San Francisco de Sales Oratory, the Conferences of St. Vincent of Paul, the Congregación de Seglares de Nuestra Señora de la ‘O’ (a lay confraternity directed by Jesuits) and the third order of the Franciscans.34 There were representatives of the Departmental Councils of the Unión Católica from Lima, Huanuco, Cusco, Puno, Ayacucho, Ancash and Arequipa. There were also representatives of other lay associations from all the departments of the country.35 Additionally, the superiors of many religious orders and congregations attended the congress such as the SacrésCœurs, Redemptorists, Mercedarians, Dominicans, Salesians, Augustinians and Franciscans. Some Jesuits also played an important role in the Congress, especially Fr. Manuel Fernández Córdoba, as delegate of the Centro de Juventud Católica and Fr. Camilo Korninck as the representative of the Cathedral Chapter of Arequipa. It is important to stress that this event was directed by lay people who aimed to work under the authority of the bishops. The presence of Catholic women had an overwhelming importance. The participants of the Congress also expressed their commitment to develop or support a series of initiatives directly related to the Social Question: Associations of workers, Catholic education, Catholic press, opposition to civil matrimony, intolerance of cults, objectives to improve the condition of the native race and charities. There was also an emphasis on the spiritual life and the intellectual formation of the Catholic people. 34

35

Other associations and institutions represented in the Congress were the College of the Sacred Hearts, the Congregación de Obreros de San José, the Cofradía de la Tercera Orden de las Mercedes, the Sociedad de los Sagrados Corazones y de la Adoración Perpetua, the Hermandad de Nuestra Señora de Aranzazú, the Congregación de Santo Tomás de Villa­ nueva, the Sociedad de San Camilo de Lélis, the Archicofradía de la Purísima, the Cofradía del Nuestra Señora del Rosario de Copacabana, the Congregación del Señor Crucificado del Rimac, the Cofradía de Nuestra Señora del Rosario de Españoles and the Archi­cofradía del Santísimo y Santo Domingo. See: Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 335. They came from Lima, Arequipa, Cusco, Puno, Apurimac, Moquegua, Tacna, Ayacucho, Ica, Junin, Huanuco, La Libertad, Lambayeque, Ancash, Cajamarca, Piura, Amazonas, Loreto and Callao. Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 334.

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In a letter to Pope Leo XIII, Elías said that the Peruvian Catholics, considering the advances of the ‘impious forces’, believed that it was their duty to unite all the genuinely Catholic societies in order to defend and promote their works. Elías stated that they were following the guidelines of the Encyclical Sapientiae Cristianae where Leo XIII dealt with problems between the state and the Church and the secularisation of society. There the Pope strongly encouraged the participation of the laity in the evangelisation of society. This call was particularly addressed to those who had prominent positions in society.36 Elías professed the absolute attachment of Peruvian Catholics to the Holy Father and their commitment to fighting for the regeneration of the Church in Peru and to opposing the regalist legislation of the country.37 Pope Leo XIII answered this letter, praising the effort of Peruvian Catholics to follow the example of some Catholics in Europe in organising this kind of assembly and gave them his blessing. The congress was held at a particularly favourable moment for devout Catholics in Peru. Nicolás de Piérola, a devout Catholic and leader of the ‘National Coalition’ had won the civil war against Andrés A. Cáceres and was elected President of Peru. His wife, Jesús Iturbide, was appointed honorary president of the section for the Unión Católica de Mujeres, and his sister, Eva María de Piérola, was the main promoter of the Obra de propagación de la Fe en el Oriente del Perú.38 Some of Piérola’s closest collaborators were also prominent members of the Unión Católica, notably Mariano Belaunde, José Jorge Loayza and Pedro A. Del Solar. Under these circumstances, the participants in the Catholic Congress were not limited to upholding a strong defence of the Church’s rights but were also committed to developing social and pastoral activities, associations and institutions in the country. However, this fact did not mean that there was not an apologetic stand in the general discourse of the congress since its members still saw some ‘threats’ against the Catholic character of Peru, such as the project to establish a law of civil marriage for non-Catholic foreigners, which was approved in 1897. At the same time, Peruvian Catholics shared some of the fears of secularisation and their opposition to liberalism, socialism and positivism with other Catholics in the world. For example, Bishop Manuel Tovar strongly encouraged Catholics to fight for the Church with Christian virtues and not surrender to liberalism:

36 Leo XIII, Sapientiae Cristianae (1890), § 3, 14, 16. 37 Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 13. 38 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 83.

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Against the furies of hate, that from their coward ambushes, hurl against us darts poisoned with disdain, injury and calumny we have to answer with the noble and generous kindness of charity that always forgets and forgives and triumphs over evil by doing good. To the howls of blasphemy, that sadden heaven and make hell joy, we have to oppose hymns of praise, adoring fervour and the magnificent splendour of public ceremony.39 The organisers of the congress saw this event as an awakening of the Catholic forces of Peru that, from their point of view, had been relatively inactive and disorganised since independence. In this sense it was an opportunity to strengthen relations between the associations of the country and to develop projects. Indeed the congress had a great importance for the organisation of Catholic institutions in Peru. Its aims were the analysis, promotion and development of the Catholic works and associations of Peru, the defence of the Church’s rights and the propagation of the Catholic doctrine. It explicitly stipulated that political discussion was prohibited in the congress.40 This was an important norm considering the conflictive political environment of the country after the civil war of 1895. To fulfil these objectives, the congress was divided into three sections. The topic discussed in the first section dealt with the rights and liberties of the Church, the second dealt with the Press and Catholic propaganda, and the third was related to education, pious works and social and charitable activities.41 The first section was directly related to politics since it discussed different issues concerning the relationship between the church and the state in Peru. At the end of the debate, the Congress issued five resolutions. In the first instance the members were to advocate the signing of a concordat between the Holy See and the Peruvian State in accordance with articles 4 and 134 of the 1860 Constitution. The second resolution was to defend the property rights of ecclesiastical institutions, which included diocesan churches, religious orders and congregations, and brotherhoods. The third was to demand that the state 39

‘A los furores del odio, que desde sus cobardes emboscadas, nos arroja dardos, envenenados por el desprecio, la injuria y la calumnia debemos responder con los nobles y ge­ nerosos afectos de la caridad, que olvida y perdona, y triunfa del mal haciendo el bien. A los aullidos de la blasfemia, que contrista al cielo y estremece de alegría al infierno, opongamos los himnos de la alabanza, el fervor de la adoración y las espléndidas pompas del culto público’. Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, III–IV. 40 Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 6. 41 Ibid., 7.

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fulfil its financial obligations to the Church by subsidising its activities and the clergy’s salaries. In the fourth the members expressed their opposition to any changes to article 4 of the Constitution, which explicitly prohibited the public cult of any other religion. Finally they expressed their opposition to attempts to enact a law of civil marriage in Peru. The aim of the Congress was to fight what its leaders called the ‘regalist’ pretensions of some sectors of the political elite. Carlos Elías observed that in spite of the fact that there had never been an open war or persecutions against the Church in Peru, there were numerous attacks against its principles and institutions. He mentioned the influence of anti-Catholic propaganda over society through conferences, lay education and the press. He also addressed other ‘threats’ to Catholicism such as the introduction of Protestantism in Peru and the action of Freemasons.42 Another speaker, Francisco Moreyra y Riglos, defended the property rights of the Church. He maintained that the Church was a perfect and universal society that was independent of the state. Under its influence Western civilisation had modelled its culture and institutions. Property was an inherent right for all human beings and corporations. The Church needed worldly possessions in order to fulfil its spiritual mission: it needed to have churches for the cult, hospitals for the sick, the financial means to maintain its ministers, schools and other works. He defended the right of the Church to acquire possessions through inheritance, tithes and donations. The Peruvian state had prohibited alienations in favour of convents, churches and monasteries since 1829. He criticised the confiscation of the properties of the religious institutes and brotherhoods (in Peru they were administrated by the Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública). In the second section, the main discussion was about ways to improve the Catholic press and propaganda in Peru. The press was considered particularly useful for the diffusion and protection of the faith. At that time there were fourteen Catholic newspapers and journals. Catholic propaganda was also encouraged through the creation of associations, which had as their objective the support of evangelisation in the country. Among them were the Apostolado de la Prensa, an association committed to co-ordinating and supporting the Catholic press in Peru and also to creating popular libraries with Catholic books and newspapers. This association directed the Liga contra la mala prensa, a watchdog committee that supervised criticisms in the press against the Church. Two other associations were the Obra de las conferencias y lectura nocturna para los obreros and the Liga contra los espectáculos inmorales. The aims of the first were to promote the Christian instruction of the working class. 42

Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 74.

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The second was a committee directed by the female members of the Unión Católica that criticised the theatre and opera plays considered immoral and promoted plays with Christian values. There was also support for the antiMasonic Congress held in Trento (Italy). Finally, the third section dealt with apostolic and social works. There was a commitment to expand the Unión Católica to all the cities of the country. A declaration to improve the conditions of the Peruvian Indians was also issued and the members agreed to create a committee to promote their proposals on this aspect. There was a more specific statement about the education of the indigenous people in the department of Puno. The members decided to establish Sunday and evening schools. Among the associations formed were the Obra de la Propagación de la Fe entre los Infieles del Perú, an organisation created to support the missions in the Peruvian jungle. There were numerous initiatives as regards the working class such as the Sociedad de Caridad Recíproca entre los Obreros, a committee that had the function of co-ordinating the works of the mutual-aid societies of the country. There were also pronouncements to promote the circles of Catholic workers in the country and harmony between capitalists and workers. Other associations were the Patronato de Presos, an institution created to promote the rehabilitation of both male and female convicts, the Olla de los Pobres, a welfare institution with the objective of feeding the poor, the Obra de San Juan Francisco Regis, to promote the marriage of couples who lived in concubinage. They also promoted the spread of the Conferences of St. Vincent of Paul, the Congregation of the Daughters of Mary and the expansion of the schools directed by the Salesians. In all of this, the First Catholic Congress strengthened the influence of the Unión Católica in Peru. In spite of the fact that many of the projects proposed were not enforced and became, as Klaiber said, ‘dead letters’, many of its initiatives were developed, such as the expansion of the Unión Católica, the development of the Apostolado de la Prensa, and other associations proved to work during the first decade of the twentieth century, such as the Obra de Propagación de la Fe en el Oriente del Perú, the Olla de los Pobres and the Obra de San Juan Francisco Regis. The Congress had the effect of reinforcing the Catholic cause in Peru, promoting itself not only as a Catholic ‘lobby’ in the public sphere, but also uniting the efforts of devout Catholics in the country. After the First Catholic Congress the Unión Católica continued its activities for more than two decades. The association’s main daily newspaper, El Bien Público, founded one month before the congress, proved an effective means of expression. At the same time, El Deber of Arequipa became the most important newspaper in southern Peru. These and other regional Catholic newspapers co-ordinated their actions through the Apostolado de la Prensa. The Juventud

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Católica, the youth branch of the association, which was directed by the young lawyer Enrique Grau, had by 1898 been consolidated in Lima and Arequipa and developed its own statutes.43 The welfare project Olla de los Pobres, was directed by the female branch of the Unión Católica.44 In 1898, the Unión Católica established formal relations with the Centro Católico of Venezuela and the Unión Católica of Guayaquil (Ecuador). At the same time, it created a committee to co-ordinate the actions and the expansion of the Circles of Catholic Workers in Peru.45 There was an evolution in the thought of the institution from a defensive stand to an approach consistent with the Rerum Novarum Encyclical. One testimony to this is the article written in El Bien Social by Juan de Hinostrosa, a member of the Unión Católica. Following the social thought of Leo XIII, Leo Harmel and bishop Von Ketteler, he stated that Catholicism should not be synonymous with conservatism. Catholic criticism of socialism was not an approval of the current social injustice of the system or opposition to change. He stated that Catholics should play a role in the development of a just and more equal social order: The mentality in question is essentially conservative. These conservatives believe that since anti-Christian socialism threatens the present social order, this order should be entirely maintained ... It is necessary then – and the Catholic press has a duty in this respect – to distinguish between the Christian social order and the false contemporary order … In other words, as Catholics we must not support a social order based in egoism and injustice and we must not be opposed to the evolution of social life.46

43 44 45 46

Grau, E., ‘Letter from E. Grau to F. Varela y Valle’, 7 January 1898, Lima, BNP, Correspondencia Felipe Varela y Valle. Beltrán, J., ‘Letter from J. Beltrán de Elías to F. Varela y Valle’, 22 December 1896, Lima, BNP, Correspondencia Felipe Varela y Valle. Unión Católica del Perú, Memoria y Discursos en la Asamblea General de la Unión Católica del Perú celebrada el 13 de Febrero de 1898, 9. ‘La mentalidad en cuestión es esencialmente conservadora. Creen aquellos conservadores que puesto que el socialismo anticristiano amenaza el orden social existente, este debe ser mantenido íntegramente … Es preciso pues – y la prensa católica tiene un deber sobre este punto- distinguir entre el orden social cristiano y el falso orden social existente … En suma: que como católicos no debemos ser conservadores de un estado social basado en el egoísmo y la injusticia, ni debemos oponernos a las evoluciones de la vida social’. El Bien Social, 30 October 1908.

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This position was coherent with the efforts of members of these associations to support associations of Catholic workers in the country. A notable member of the Unión Católica was Felipe Varela y Valle (1845–1900), an influential lawyer, magistrate and politician. He was a member of the Congregación de Seglares de Nuestra Señora de la ‘O’, vice-president (1897) and president of the Unión Católica. He was also president of the Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública of Lima (1882–5) when the Chilean army occupied the capital and president of the Supreme Council of National Instruction, and for the reform of the high schools of the country (1885). He was appointed President of the Junta Reformadora del Reglamento General de Instrucción Pública, a government board charged with the reform of academic programmes of the country. There he presented a project to reform the national education. He was elected senator of the republic for two terms. He was also a member of the Superior Court of Lima since 1886. He constantly expressed active opposition to secularist education. He stated that Christian schools were indispensable for the development of the country. From his position he use his influence in the government to maintain courses of religion in the state schools and promoted religious congregations committed to education, especially Salesians. In 1906 the President of the Unión Católica was Carlos Elías. Among the members of the central committee were Primitivo Sanmartí, the owner of a printing press and one of the main promoters of Catholic publications and Pedro José Rada y Gamio, a politician who held prominent posts during Leguía’s regime during the 1920s. The ecclesiastical advisor of the institution was monsignor Carlos García Irigoyen. The committee in charge of the supervision of El Bien Social was composed of Francisco Moreryra y Riglos, Pedro Helguero and Ismael Portal.47 From 1909 to 1912 the central council was presided over by Pedro Beltrán and the vice-president was Lizardo Velasco. Three priests, including the Dominican Paulino Alvarez, and three laymen supervised El Bien Social.48 In 1917 the president was José Vicente Oyague y Soyer. Another important organisation within the Unión Católica was the Centro Juventud Católica (Centre of Catholic Youth). It was established in Lima, Arequipa and other departments of Peru. The branch in Lima had the task of co-­ ordinating relations between the centres. It was conceived as a non-political 47

48

Oyague, J., ‘Letter from J. Oyague y Soyer to Archbishop Tovar’, 20 August 1906, Lima, AAL, Asociaciones, Cofradías, hermandades, pías uniones, fundaciones, estatutos cuentas y otros. 189l1947’, f. 177. L. Velasco to P. García Naranjo, 29 November 1909, Lima, Archivo Arzobispal de Lima (AAL), section ‘Asociaciones, Cofradías, hermandades, pías uniones, fundaciones, estatutos cuentas y otros. 1898–1947’, ff. 177.

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association but their members were allowed to participate in politics as individuals. It was supervised by the local bishops who appointed ecclesiastical advisors.49 Many of the leaders of this association created later new independent Catholics groups that followed the influence of the Catholic intellectual renewal in Europe and afterwards participated in the foundation of the Christian Democratic Party during the 1950s.

Female Associations

Catholic female lay associations played a decisive role in the development of social Catholicism in Peru during this time. From the second half of the nineteenth century to the first decade of the twentieth, positivism and anticlericalism were influential in the Peruvian oligarchy, especially among men. Although these attitudes were not as radical as in other countries such as Mexico or France, men did not usually attend religious ceremonies, or defend the Church in public. Some of them were Freemasons and liberals. There were some contradictions in their attitudes, since they placed their children in religious schools. In contrast, women tended to preserve the Catholic faith within the family. In the same way, Manuel González Prada criticised what he called the ‘dark influence’ of the clergy over Peruvian women. This was also one of the reasons why communists, apristas and liberals were opposed to the women’s right to vote in the Constitutional Assembly of 1933, whereas the Catholic thinker Víctor Andrés Belaunde supported this petition. The Unión Católica de damas peruanas developed an organised web of connections in the country and carried out numerous works. Catholic women not only were close co-operators with the Ecclesiastical hierarchy and benefactors of the clergy, but they also developed original social and religious projects. The Unión Católica de damas peruanas became the most active branch of the Unión Católica and received the full support of the Peruvian episcopate. Generally, prominent women from the elite formed the society. It was founded in 1888 and had branches in all the provinces where the Unión Católica existed, including Lima, Cusco, Arequipa and Trujillo. In Lima, the association developed apologetic, pastoral and social activities. They organised an association against pornography in theatres and cinemas, supported the publication of pamphlets against Protestant propaganda, denounced the secular education given in the teaching training school for men (Escuela Normal de Varones), 49

E. Grau to F. Varela y Valle, 7 January 1898, Lima, Correspondencia Felipe Varela y Valle, Lima, Biblioteca Nacional (BN).

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protested against the law of religious freedom in 1915 and against the law of divorce and obligatory civil marriage in 1918. Among their pastoral-social works were the development of Sunday schools for female workers, the Asociación San Francisco Regis, to promote marriage among couples who were already living together, the Olla de los pobres, a welfare institution committed to the assistance of the poor people in the capital and the Obra de propagación de la Fe en el Oriente del Perú, an institution that promoted collections to support missionaries in the Peruvian jungle.50 Another important association was the Sociedad Auxiliadora de la Infancia, founded by Juana Alarco de Dammert with other prominent ladies in the society such as Jesús Iturbide de Piérola, Matilde Miró Quesada and Mara B. de Wells. This association was the first institution to develop the concept of public assistance for children in Peru. Inspired by the works of the French philanthropist, Jean Baptiste Firmin Marbeau, it was created with the aim of fostering childcare. Within a relatively short period day nurseries were established in many parts of Lima. All of them were partly supported by local and national government. Two nurseries were set up in factories, enabling mothers to take brief periods from their work to tend to their young children and a programme called La gota de leche to provide milk and breakfast to the children in these nurseries.51 Another important example of female activities was the Sociedad San Francisco Javier para la conversión de los orientales. The aim of this institution was the evangelisation and social promotion of Asian immigrants in Peru (mostly Japanese and Chinese). They had arrived to the country to work in sugar and cotton plantations under poor labour and economic conditions.52

New Catholic Associations

During the 1920s there was a renaissance of Catholic militancy, especially among the young people. Whereas at the end of the nineteenth century the most active Catholics were women, in the 1920s young men became aware of their religious duties as. This was the effect of the arrival of religious 50 51

52

Unión Católica de Señoras, Memoria de la Unión Católica de Señoras que comprende desde 1914 hasta 1919 (Lima: Sanmartí, 1919). Juana Alarco de Dammert, Memorias que ha presentado Juana Alarco de Dammert a sus consocias y amigas de la‘Auxiliadora de la Infancia’ del 1° de julio de 1897 al 30 de Junio de 1931. Memorias de su hija Luisa Dammert del año 1932 al año 1947 (Lima, 1947). Asociación de San Francisco Javier para la Conversión de los Asiáticos (Lima: Imprenta García Grilló, 1912).

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congregations committed to education. Most of the young Catholic leaders had studied in religious high schools such as La Inmaculada run by Jesuits, and La Recoleta of the Fathers of the Sacrés-Cœurs. The topics of discussion among these young Catholics differed substantially from those of their predecessors. They were nourished by the Rerum Novarum Encyclical and by the Catholic social thought of their time, especially from Cardinal Mercier’s Social Code of Malines. Many young Catholics from Lima believed that their Catholicism should be different from what they identified as the traditional stand of their elders. Consequently, there was a stronger concern for the social problems of the country and small study circles were founded with the hope of creating larger associations. The first of these groups was the Grupo 900, an intellectual group founded by students of San Marcos University in 1924. In spite of the anti-clerical environment of the university, they began to promote contemporary Catholic thought, especially European authors such as Léon Bloy, Jacques Maritain, Giovanni Papini, G.K. Chesterton and Paul Claudel in order to break the cultural bias against Catholicism. The leader of this group was José León Bueno who sympathised with the royalism and the pre-fascist positions of Maurras’ L’Action Française but who also promoted the reading of Maritain, and was later to become the father of Christian Democracy.53 The group edited the short-lived monthly journal Novecientos where many students who would later become leading intellectuals and poets collaborated, such as Jorge Basadre, Jorge Guillermo Leguía, José Santos Chocano, José María Eguren and Manuel Seoane. The group was committed to defending Christian values against the advance of communism in the world but at the same time adopted a critical stand against Peruvian politics and drew upon the writings of Manuel González Prada. The group was dissolved in 1925, but three of its leaders, José León Bueno, César Arróspide de la Flor and José Jiménez, were invited by Carlos Arenas Loayza, the president of the Unión Católica to found the Federación Nacional de Estudiantes Católicos. However, this project foundered owing to the different perspectives of Arenas and the young leaders. Arróspide said that an obstacle to the co-operation was the traditional political ideas of Arenas.54 In spite of the discrepancies, Arenas decided to support the initiatives of the new group. In view of this, the students created the Acción Social de la Juventud (AsJ), an association that had the objective of attracting a generation of middle class university students to contemporary Catholic thought. They decided to create a club and rented a building in Lima. The members aimed to create 53 54

Arróspide de la Flor. ‘El movimiento católico seglar en los años 20’, 5–24. Ibid., 11.

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an organisation of workers and a popular university but this became soon dead letter. The activities of the AsJ encompassed the maintenance of the club, cultural meetings and sports. The position of the AsJ was opposed to communism and the capitalist penetration of the United States. They also believed that they held a ‘progressive’ and non-clerical Catholicism but professed their fidelity to the hierarchy and organised masses and prayer groups. There were also some welfare activities in hospitals, prisons and legal assistance. The AsJ attracted nearly one thousand members; but many if not most of them were more interested in sports than in religious or social work.55 It edited the journal Lux. The success of the AsJ as a sports association was one of the reasons for the decline of the social objectives of the institution. On the other hand, since they were reluctant to be directed by the clergy they lacked support from the hierarchy or the Unión Católica. The leaders felt that the objectives of the association had become distorted. After the fall of Leguía’s regime the association was dissolved. Some of the former members of the AsJ later joined small study groups such as the Centro Fides, which was supported by the Jesuits, the Centro de Estudiantes Católicos (CEC) formed by students of the Catholic University and directed by Fr. Jorge Dintilhac, and the Centres of Catholic Youth of Miraflores, Barranco, Magdalena, Chorrillos and Callao, which became important bases for the formation of the Catholic Action in Peru. One of the common characteristics of these centres was the study of the ‘social’ encyclicals and Catholic thinkers. In order to co-ordinate the activities of the new groups in 1931 the Federación Diocesana de la Juventud Católica was created under the spiritual direction of the Jesuit Juan Albacete. Some of the members of these groups later became prominent members of the Unión Popular party in the early 1930s and of the Christian Democratic party in mid-1952. Among them were César Arróspide de la Flor, Juan Cargin Allison, Ricardo Mariátegui, Ernesto Alayza Grundy, Gerardo Alarco and Luis Bedoya Reyes. The Centro Fides edited the journal Verdades. In spite of the small number of members, these groups nurtured intellectual and political leaders who would play important parts in Peruvian politics and the Church. Nevertheless, in spite of their criticisms of the so-called ‘traditional’ stand of older generations, they never developed an organisation or social activities as their predecessors had done.56 The Catholic Action (Acción Católica) was a movement supported by the hierarchy from the 1920s. Pius XI encouraged lay people from the Catholic

55 Boletín de la A.S.J. (Acción Social de la Juventud), September 1929. 56 Planas, Biografía del Movimiento Social-Cristiano, 92.

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world to co-operate with the apostolate of the clergy. As in most Catholic countries, the Catholic Action did not act as an effective political lobby but was almost exclusively committed to pastoral works.57 Nevertheless, like other Catholic associations in the past, many of its members became involved in politics guided by the principles of the social doctrine of the Church.

57

Stephen Andes has analysed the non-political character of the Catholic Action in Mexico and Chile. See: Stephen Andes, The Vatican and Catholic Activism in Mexico and Chile: The Politics of Transnational Catholicism, 1920-1940 (OUP Oxford, 2014), 193–94, 214–22.

chapter 7

Catholicism and Culture From the nineteenth century onwards, one of the constant concerns of Peru’s Catholic leaders was the necessity of creating institutions and forming persons who were capable of generating and diffusing a Catholic culture that would counter the advance of secular movements. In addition to efforts to block the passage of laws restricting or eliminating ecclesiastical privileges and beyond the creation of social works and lay associations, it was understood that one of the essential factors in preserving and expanding the Catholic presence in the public sphere was to be found in the arena of ideas and culture. In large measure, this concern was due to the fact that, although in the times of the viceroyalty the Church played a nearly monopolistic role in the educational institutions of Peru, its presence in pedagogical projects and intellectual debates had declined noticeably towards the end of the nineteenth century. Some manifestations of this phenomenon included the lack of Catholic thinkers, the ever-increasing predominance of liberal and positivist thought in the principal centres of higher education and the progressive secularisation of a significant part of the Peruvian elite, especially in Lima, who tended to look with disdain upon popular religious traditions. Reflecting this attitude, Manuel González Prada, in Horas de lucha, one of his well-known books, he sarcastically asserted that … adhesion to Catholicism, rather than proving the aristocratic origins of a man, exposes his Africanism. The intensity of religious fervour grows in proportion to the darkness of the skin … Catholics in Peru should not pride themselves on their Catholicism; rather they should be ashamed of it as a hereditary stigma: it is proof that in terms of reason, they are negroes, and in terms of intellectuality they are plebeians.1

1 ‘la adhesión al catolicismo, en vez de probar el origen aristocrático de un hombre, denuncia su africanismo. La intensidad del fervor religioso crece en proporción a la oscuridad de la piel … Los católicos del Perú no deberían enorgullecerse de su catolicismo sino avergonzarse de él como un estigma hereditario: es prueba que si por la razón son negroides, por la intelectualidad son plebes’ in González Prada, Páginas libres. Horas de lucha, 292.

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Pre and Post-Independence Decline The origins of this decline can be traced to the last decades of the eighteenth century when the Bourbons, acting from a regalist and ‘enlightened’ perspective, brought about a set of reforms that would have a profound impact on education. The measure that had the most dramatic effect was the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish Empire in 1767, since that entailed the closing of some of the most prestigious educational institutions in Peru including the colleges of San Pablo and San Martín in Lima, the San Ignacio de Loyola University in Cusco and the colleges for Indian nobility, El Príncipe (Lima) and San Francisco de Borja (Cusco). Furthermore, among the expelled Jesuits were some of the country’s leading intellects. This, along with the weakening of other religious orders, led to the passing of the leadership of the principal educational establishments to members of the secular clergy, who were much more dependent upon the government. The programmes of study through which the secular elites and future churchmen were formed during the last years of the viceroyalty and the first decades of the republic, although maintaining courses in theological and religious formation, took on marked enlightened and regalist tendencies. The wars of Independence and the first twenty years of republican life were accompanied by a crisis that negatively affected the general state of education in the country. This crisis also had a significant impact on the Catholic Church, as much from the vocational and formative point of view as from the economic. Despite this, during the early Republic, a significant proportion of the men of letters and congressmen were members of the secular clergy, although many of these priests held liberal and regalist views which in some aspects distanced them from Catholic orthodoxy, as in the cases of Toribio Rodríguez de Mendoza, Juan Gualberto Valdivia and, above all, Francisco de Paula González Vigil. Father Bartolomé Herrera sought to reverse this trend when, in 1842, the ­Peruvian government chose him as rector of San Carlos College, one of the most prominent centres of higher education in the country. As was analysed in the first chapter, Herrera was the principal intellectual and political figure of Peruvian ultramontanism in the mid-nineteenth century. In that sense, his reforms sought to mould a generation of Catholic leaders that would play an important role in the political, cultural and religious life of the country and counteract the regalist and liberal thinking prevalent among a certain sector of the political class. Herrera’s influence endured in Peru thanks to the efforts of some of his disciples who continued his educational work and developed certain aspects of his political thought. However, the achievements of this reform were limited because from the time of Herrera’s stepping down from the rectorship in 1852, many of the chief liberal leaders led a systematic campaign to remove his

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collaborators and disciples from San Carlos and transform the doctrinal characteristics of the institution.2 Ultimately, as part of a general educational reform enacted in 1866 by the liberal government of Mariano Ignacio Prado (1865– 1868), San Carlos was incorporated into San Marcos University as the faculty of law and humanities, thus initiating a liberal epoch in this institution. After the War of the Pacific, however, liberalism would be replaced by Positivism.3 Positivism created an intellectual and doctrinal atmosphere which dominated cultured circles, evidence of which was to be seen in the literature, politics and journalism of the period.4 One of the era’s most influential thinkers was Manuel González Prada (1844–1918), for whom attacks on the Church were nearly an obsession. Blaming Catholicism as the chief cause of the backwardness of Latin America and Peru, he maintained that it constituted a ‘perennial threat to modern civilisation’ and that ‘the intellectual and moral progress of the South American nations may be measured by the degree to which Catholicism has been eliminated from its laws and customs’.5 To promote this position he developed a freethinking and markedly anti-clerical press.6 González Prada founded the Unión Nacional party and later became an anarchist. If it is true that the electoral results of this political organisation were nil, his influence can be seen in indigenist literature as well as among radical intellectuals and movements in Peru. Beyond González Prada’s virulent anticlerical propaganda, Peruvian positivism reached the height of its influence at San Marcos University between 1885 and 1915. It included among its proponents noteworthy professors such as Carlos Lissón (1823–1891), Javier Prado (1871–1921), Manuel Vicente Vi­ llarán (1873–1958) and Mariano H. Cornejo (1855–1942). The majority of these professors were members of the oligarchy and occupied important positions in the government. To differing degrees they applied positivism in its varied strains to the interpretation of the country’s reality and sought to adapt the programmes and philosophical studies at San Marcos to the positivist tendencies then current in Europe. The ideas of Comte as well as those of Spencer and Social Darwinism would eventually be widely diffused in the lecture hall and, at the same time, would have a tremendous effect on public education in Peru.7 2 Ricardo Cubas, ‘El proyecto político y educativo de Bartolomé Herrera: la reforma del Convictorio de San Carlos’, (Lima, 1998),  176–81. 3 Carmen Mc Evoy, La utopía republicana (Lima, 1997), 250. 4 A. Salazar Bondy, Historia de las ideas en el Perú contemporáneo (Lima, 1965), 2: 6. 5 González Prada, Páginas libres. Horas de lucha, 349. 6 Jorge Basadre, ‘Para la historia de las ideas en el Perú: un esquema histórico sobre el catolicismo ultramontano, liberal y social y democristiano’, Scientia et Praxis 11 (1976): 61. 7 Salazar Bondy, Historia de las ideas en el Perú contemporáneo, 2: 6.

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An initial reaction to the predominance of positivism was undertaken by the so-called generation of 900 featuring Francisco García Calderón, José de la Riva-Agüero and Víctor Andrés Belaunde who, under the influence of Alejandro Deustua, embraced other intellectual currents. Although during their first years of university life at San Marcos some of them accepted certain positivist postulates, later, spurred on by their reading of such thinkers as Fouillée, Boutroux, Bergson and the Uruguayan José Enrique Rodó, they questioned the anti-metaphysical scientism, materialism and pragmatism so dominant at that time in the university. Similarly, as will be discussed in chapter 9, Belaunde as well as Riva-Agüero criticised the racist vision of Social Darwinism, while at the same time extolling the role of the Hispanic tradition in Peru’s historical formation. Nevertheless, this generation’s influence at San Marcos would be curtailed because during the 1920s its most outstanding representatives fled the country owing to their opposition to Leguía’s government. During their exile, Belaunde and Riva-Agüero returned to the faith of their youth and became later the principal Catholic intellectuals in Peru. Meanwhile, a second reaction to positivism arose at San Marcos, but this time, at least partially, it featured more radical tendencies related to Marxism and Aprismo. Beyond the university orbit, towards the end of the 1920s José Carlos Mariátegui, the most prominent Peruvian Marxist intellectual, and Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre became two of the most influential political thinkers of the 20th century in Peru. The Rebirth of Catholic Education In response to this loss of ground in the cultural and intellectual life of the country, the Church, especially after the War of the Pacific, promoted a series of initiatives that sought to remedy the situation. Two of the most important objectives were to restore the Catholic presence in education and to develop a more active and coordinated Catholic press that would effectively influence public opinion. It was during the first years of the 1880s that the rebirth of Catholic education in Peru commenced. On the one hand, this phenomenon was directly related to the religious renewal in Europe which was characterised, among other aspects, by the foundation or expansion of new congregations devoted to education. On the other hand, state control of education was one of the crucial themes in the conflicts between church and state in many European countries, as it led to an aggressive campaign of secularisation that sought to exclude and eliminate any Catholic presence from the classroom. A paradigmatic case was that of France, where at the start of the twentieth century more than 3,000 Catholic schools were closed and approximately 20,000

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religious expelled, many of whom settled in Latin America where they developed extensive pastoral, social, and cultural projects.8 As was analysed in previous chapters, throughout the nineteenth century and during the first decades of the twentieth, numerous legislators and liberal intellectuals, positivists and Freemasons openly opposed the arrival of the European congregations in Peru and the establishment of confessional schools. If female religious congregations were able to install themselves more quickly in the country, it was because their presence aroused fewer objections among the liberal politicians. Even some legislators who, as a rule, supported anticlerical measures, such as Joaquín Capelo, felt that religious formation was beneficial for women because of its moral content and the preparation it provided for domestic life, whereas it was inappropriate for men because of its ‘prejudices against science, its philosophical distinctions and its conservative aims’.9 The male religious institutes encountered greater resistance, especially the Jesuits who had to overcome many obstacles and biases to carry out their work in Peru. For example, in 1855 Congress, under the liberal influence of Francisco Javier Mariátegui and Francisco de Paula González Vigil, approved a law that explicitly prohibited their reinstatement in the national territory. Despite this severe opposition, the measure was quickly repealed, and in 1871 Bishop Manuel Teodoro del Valle promoted the Jesuits’ arrival in Peru. Their problems with the political powers did not stop with their return, however, since shortly after the foundation of the La Inmaculada school (1878) they were accused of spreading anti-republican ideals in their classrooms because of a history textbook written by Father Ricardo Cappa in which the viceregal period was re-evaluated and the official version of the process of Independence questioned. Consequently, in 1886 they were again expelled from the country. Faced with this situation, President Andrés A. Cáceres, who favoured the Jesuits, recommended that its members leave Peru for one year until tensions diminished. In 1888 they returned and refounded La Inmaculada.10 Other congregations also experienced various hindrances, but ultimately the efforts of the bishops and the Catholic politicians to eliminate the legal impediments against their establishment in Peru were successful, especially when, in 1901, a law was passed that allowed religious institutes full freedom to administer their goods and acquire property. One of the reasons for this success was the political class’s understanding that the state did not have the ability to develop an educational system that covered the entire 8 Francisco González Errázuriz, Aquellos años franceses: 1870–1900 (Santiago, 2003), 92. 9 Quoted in: García Jordán, Iglesia y poder, 291. 10 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 148–50.

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population and that, therefore, it was necessary to permit the establishment of private schools. Hence, presidents Manuel Pardo, Nicolás de Piérola, José Pardo and Augusto B. Leguía all invited numerous congregations to take charge of education in various provinces of the country and among different sectors of society. It is important to note that from the time of the passage of the law regarding religious freedom, Protestant schools also experienced significant growth. Amidst these favourable circumstances, religious institutes arrived from various parts of Europe, especially from Spain, France and Italy, and established themselves in the major cities of the country. These newly arrived institutes were distinguished by the fact that they acted as disseminators of their respective countries’ cultures in Peru, and brought with them some of the epoch’s most important advances and pedagogical methods. Given France’s prestige in the Latin American intellectual world, the presence of French religious foundations showed the other face of the country, that of Catholic France in contrast to a secular France. In his essay, ‘Our Immigrants’ (1909) González Prada lamented this new influence in Peru and severely criticised the French government for promoting anticlericalism only within its borders while enabling Catholicism to thrive in other lands: Gambetta, the great man of sequins and papier maché, said: ‘Anticlericalism must not become an article of export’. Which really means: for us, the French, freethinking and for you, the barbarians, Catholicism; for us the lay educator, and for our neighbours the Jesuit priest or Christian Brother; for us, Science, and for the rest, the catechism.11 In contrast to what may be inferred from the above quotation, the work of these institutions not only brought with it a renewal of Catholicism but also made significant contributions to the growth and expansion of education throughout the country, filling many of the gaps left by the state and private initiative. Both Víctor Andrés Belaunde and José de la Riva-Agüero valued, in addition to the religious and moral formation, the solidity and breadth of the classical and humanist education, the instruction in logical reasoning and the mathematical and scientific knowledge that they received in their schools.12 Even Francisco García Calderón, who, influenced by positivism, criticised the

11 12

González Prada, Páginas libres. Horas de lucha, 310. See: Belaunde, Trayectoria y destino, 1: 179–91; José de la Riva-Agüero, Afirmación del Perú (Lima, 1960), 2: 228–39.

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clerical influence on Peruvian education, acknowledged the outstanding quality of the formation he received in the Sagrados Corazones School.13 Between 1890 and 1935 the male and female religious orders created an extensive educational network that, if focusing a good portion of its efforts on the formation of the elite and the urban middle class, also reached the urban lower class and rural areas in various regions in the country’s interior. In the area encompassed by the archdiocese of Lima more than sixty schools were founded. In the provinces, dozens of schools for both sexes arose. Some of these schools would come to be recognised as the most prestigious in the country, forming politicians, churchmen, businessmen and intellectuals, and their impact was decisive on Peruvian culture, society and even politics. In terms of the education of the masculine elite, at the end of the nineteenth century the most prestigious were the Jesuits’ La Inmaculada and La Recoleta administered by the Sagrados Corazones (Picpus Fathers). As has been mentioned, La Inmaculada had reopened in 1888 and according to Riva-Agüero had become the only facility where ‘a fervent Catholicism for secular youth’ was taught, despite being ‘continually threatened by rabid liberal prejudices’. At the same time, it was insufficient to serve ‘the numerous male clientele, who demanded multiple centres of orthodox instruction’.14 These problems notwithstanding, La Inmaculada would quickly become one of the most prestigious schools in the country and would continue to be recognised as such throughout the next 100 years. In 1898 the Jesuits founded the San José School in Arequipa, which followed the same pedagogical lines as its counterpart in Lima and became one of the leaders in the academic formation of the elite in that southern city. La Recoleta School was founded in Lima in 1893 and was immediately recognised for its excellence. This institution was a privileged vehicle for the dissemination of French Catholic culture. During its first years, it formed some of the most outstanding intellectuals in Peru, including the brothers Francisco and Ventura García Calderón, José de la Riva-Agüero, Raúl Porras Barrenechea and Luis Alberto Sánchez. This school would become the nucleus from which the Catholic University would be founded.15 Despite the presence of these important institutions, Catholic education continued to be clearly insufficient, as was recognised at the Catholic Congress of 1896, where it was resolved to support the creation of new educational centres with the goal of forming the middle and lower classes of the country.16 From that date onwards, 13 See: Francisco García Calderón, El Perú Contemporáneo (Lima, 2001), 285. 14 Riva-Agüero, Afirmación del Perú, 2: 231. 15 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 156–7. 16 Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 316.

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there was considerable growth in the number of Catholic schools. Among the most i­mportant actors in this growth were the Salesians, the Christian Brothers (­ LaSalle), the Claretians and the Marist Brothers. The first three congregations were characterised by their emphasis on schools for the underprivileged, while the Marists tended to direct their efforts towards the elite. The labour of the Salesians was widely recognised by the government and society because, in addition to scholastic and religious education, they sought to provide their students with technical instruction so that upon concluding their studies they would be skilled in a trade. One of their most noteworthy projects was the School of Arts and Trades (later the Polytechnic School) founded, with the support of the Union of Catholic Ladies, in Lima in 1891. The success of this institution was such that the Salesians were invited to create new educational establishments. Therefore, in 1896, under the presidency of Nicolás de Piérola, Congress approved two projects to expand the schools of arts and trades throughout the country and gave the religious institutions the freedom to select the textbooks that they considered compatible with their own spiritual traits and the necessities of society.17 Following this model, in the rural areas they started two Farm Schools, one in Yucay (Cusco) in 1924 and the other in Puno in 1925.18 They also began a School of Arts and Trades in Arequipa but, despite its initial success, it had to be closed when the governmental subsidy was revoked.19 Other important works of the Salesians were the creation of a school in the poor district of Breña in Lima in 1898, a school in Arequipa and another in Cusco.20 Later came the foundation of more schools in Ayacucho, Chiclayo, Huancayo and Piura. At the other end of the social spectrum were the Marist Brothers, who in 1909 took charge of a bilingual business school in Callao as a Catholic alternative to similar institutions run by Protestants from the United States. They would later found a group of schools considered among the best in the country. They were the Colegio San José in Callao (1913), San Luis in Barranco (1923), Champagnat in Miraflores (1927), San José in Huacho (1932) and the Maristas in San Isidro (1934). In the following decades the educational activities of the Marists would extend to the interior provinces of Peru. In Arequipa the labour of the Lazarists and Father Hipólito Duhamel in the Colegio San Vicente de Paul stood out. This establishment combined a free school for candidates for the priesthood and a high school campus with both boarding 17 18 19 20

Calderón and Pennati, Presencia Salesiana en el Perú. I Los inicios de 1891–1898, 1: 90. La Colmena, 24 January 1925. Ibid., 1 May 1920. Ángel Arrieta, Conferencia dada a los cooperadores salesianos (Cusco, 1914), 10–11.

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and day students. It imparted a broad humanistic formation and was the first school in Arequipa to introduce chemistry and physics laboratories.21 One of the teachers at the school was Father Emilio Lissón who later became archbishop of Lima. Among its most outstanding students were Víctor Andrés Belaunde, Juan Gualberto Guevara who would also later become archbishop of Lima and the first Peruvian cardinal, seven future bishops and nearly fifty future priests.22 In addition to the new congregations three traditional religious orders also participated in the educational work of the country: the Augustinians, the Dominicans and the Mercedarians. In 1893 the Augustinians founded the San Agustín School, which achieved great academic prestige and formed a portion of the upper and middle class of Lima. The Dominican and Mercedarian schools were directed at the lower middle and lower classes. The former founded the Colegio Santo Tomás de Aquino in 1896 in the centre of Lima, and the Mercedarians founded a school in Lima in 1898 and another in Huacho in 1903. They later expanded their efforts in the interior provinces founding schools in Abancay, Caraz and Puno.23 The labour of the female congregations, begun in the middle of the nineteenth century, bore even greater fruit. Among the numerous religious who came to Peru, those of French origin included the Sisters of the Sacred Heart, the Congregation of the Sacred Heart (Congrégation Dames du Sacré-Cœur), the Daughters of Charity of Saint Vincent de Paul, the Dominican Tertiaries of the Immaculate Conception, the Sisters of Charity of the Good Shepherd of Angers, and the Sisters of Saint Joseph of Cluny. Other very influential orders of female religious were the Salesian Mothers (Daughters of Mary, Help of Christians) and the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary from the United States. It is also worthy of note that various congregations for women were founded in Peru which dedicated themselves to education, the most significant being the Congregación de Reparadoras del Sagrado Corazón and the Franciscan tertiaries of the Immaculate Conception. These institutions created schools in Lima and in the principal cities of the country, took charge of both state and private schools and founded pedagogical institutes which had a tremendous impact on girls’ education in Peru. Many of the most prestigious girls’ schools serving the elite were directed by nuns. Generally they were bilingual and imparted a broad humanistic culture. Among the most outstanding were the Colegio Belén, founded in Lima in 1851 by the religious of the Sacrés-Cœurs, the Sophianum founded by the Sisters of the Sacred Heart, Villa María Academy founded by 21 Basadre, Historia de la República del Perú, 11: 27. 22 Belaunde, Trayectoria y destino, 1: 189–191. 23 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 144.

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the sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary and, later, Colegio Santa Úrsula created by the German Ursulines in 1936. They also started numerous schools serving the lower classes. In this work, the Sisters of Charity and the Salesians distinguished themselves. The educational dynamism of both male and female religious congregations in Lima can be observed in tables 7.1 and 7.2: Table 7.1 Catholic schools for boys in the Archdiocese of Lima in 1935 School

District

Year of Foundation

Religious institute

La Inmaculada Sagrados Corazones (La Recoleta) Santo Tomás de Aquino Don Bosco Escuela Salesiana San Agustín Nuestra Señora de las Mercedes St. Joseph’s College Santa Rosa Instituto Santa Rosa (for blind boys)

Lima Lima

1888 1893

Lima Callao Lima Lima Huacho

1896 1898 1898 1903 1903

Jesuits Fathers of the SacrésCœurs (Picpus) Dominicans Salesians Salesians Augustinians Mercedarians

Callao Chosica Lima

1909 1911 1912

San Agustín Nuestra Señora de las Merced San Luis La Salle

Chancay Lima Barranco Lima

1914 1917 1923 1926

Champagnat

Miraflores Magdalena San Isidro Surco

1927

Marist Brothers Augustinians Dominican Sisters of the Immaculate Conception Augustinians Mercedarians Marist Brothers Christian Brothers (Lasallian Brothers) Marist Brothers

1933

Claretians

1934

Marist Brothers

N/I

Christian Brothers (Lasallian Brothers)

Claretiano Instituto San Isidro Reformatorio de Menores (Reformatory school for boys)

source: philips, anuario eclesiástico de la arquidiócesis de lima para el año 1935, 55–8.

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catholicism and culture Table 7.2 Catholic schools for girls in the Archdiocese of Lima in 1935 School

District

Year of Religious institute Foundation

Belén Santa Teresa (Boarding school) El Buen Pastor

Lima Lima

1848 1858

Sisters of the Sacrés-Cœurs Daughters of Charity

Lima

1871

Colegio Santa Rosa de Candamo Escuela del Instituto Pedagógico de Mujeres La Inmaculada Concepción

Lima

1871

Sisters of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd of Angers Daughters of Charity

Lima

1878

Sisters of the Sacred Heart

Lima

1883

San José de Cluny Lima San José de Cluny (Boarding Lima School) Santa Eufrasia Lima

1884 1889

Franciscans Sisters of the Immaculate Conception Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny

Escuela Taller Santa Rosa

Lima

1889

San José de Cluny María Auxiliadora Escuela Correccional (Reformatory school for girls) Instituto Sevilla Sagrados Corazones Señor de la Misericordia

Callao Callao Lima

1893 1893 1897

Lima Barranco Lima

1898 1898 1899

María Auxiliadora Colegio Italiano Antonio Raimondi La Reparación

Lima Lima

1902 1902

Lima

1903

Sagrado Corazón Chorrillos San José de Cluny (Barranco) Barranco

1889

1903 1904

Sisters of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd of Angers Sisters of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd of Angers Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny Salesian sisters Franciscan Sisters of Christian Charity Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny Sisters of the Sacrés-Cœurs Franciscans Sisters of the Immaculate Conception Salesian sisters Daughters of St. Anne Sisters of the Reparation of the Sacred Heart Sisters of the Sacred Heart Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny

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Table 7.2 Catholic schools for girls in the Archdiocese of Lima in 1935 (cont.) School

District

Year of Religious institute Foundation

Sagrado Corazón Instituto para niñas ciegas (Institute for Blind Girls) Escuela taller de María Auxiliadora María Auxiliadora La Reparación

Lima Lima

1908 1912

Lima

1914

Chosica Miraflores

1914 1916

Villa Maria Academy

Miraflores

1923

St. Antony Catholic School

Callao

1928

Santa Ana Santísimo Salvador

San Miguel 1929 Chosica 1931

San José de Cluny Colegio de Jesús

Magdalena 1932 Lima N/I

Esclavas de María Nuestra Señora del Patrocinio Santa Teresa Santa Eufrasia

Lima Lima

Belén La Inmaculada Concepción (Kindergarten) Jesús Reparador

Chosica Miraflores

N/I N/I

La Punta

N/I

Colegio de Misioneras Dominicas Inmaculada Concepción

Huacho

N/I

Ica

N/I

N/I N/I

Lima N/I Magdalena N/I

Sisters of the Sacred Heart Dominican Sisters of the Immaculate Conception Salesian sisters Salesian sisters Sisters of the Reparation of the Sacred Heart Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary Daughters of St. Anne Augustinian Daughters of the Most Holy Saviour Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny Dominican Sisters Missionaries of Mary Sisters Slaves of Mary Dominican sisters Daughters of Charity Sisters of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd of Angers Sisters of the Sacred Heart Franciscans Sisters of the Immaculate Conception Sisters of the Reparation of the Sacred Heart Dominican sisters Franciscans Sisters of the Immaculate Conception

source: philips, anuario eclesiástico de la arquidiócesis de lima para el año 1935, 259–68.

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Nevertheless, despite this notable expansion of the religious schools, the Catholic leaders understood that they represented only a relatively small fraction in the educational panorama of Peru and were far from achieving nationwide coverage. Hence, they sought to have a greater influence in state education. In an important document published by a commission of the Episcopal Assembly in 1922, they denounced the fact that, despite the Peruvian laws stipulating that the principles of the Catholic religion be included in school educational programmes, the public schools were ‘contaminated with official French laicism … undermining Christian beliefs among children and youth.’24 One of the most severe criticisms was directed at the Normal School for Men, where future public school teachers were educated. According to the document, a ‘rationalist, heretical environment, boastful of its independence with respect to the authority of the Church’, had developed, ‘converting it into, a patent factory of unbelieving or indifferent teachers’.25 Nevertheless, a decade later the Peruvian Episcopate would acknowledge that ‘the education actually provided in Peru, in the official establishments, be they elementary or secondary schools, is religious, in conformity with the dictates of the law’.26 The Church had its greatest influence in public education among women. Of chief importance was the Normal School for Women, which, although it was a state centre of higher education, was led by the religious of the Congregation of the Sacred Heart from 1878 onwards. It trained primary education teachers from throughout the country. In 1927 the School changed its name to the National Pedagogical Institute and began to train secondary teachers as well. According to Basadre and Klaiber, this institution became one of the most important educational projects in the history of an independent Peru. Similarly, in various cases the congregations of female religious assumed the direction of national schools in the provinces, such as the Saint Rose National Normal School in Trujillo and the Our Lady of the Rosary National Normal School directed by the French congregation the Dominican Tertiaries of the Immaculate Conception27 or the National Normal School in Huancayo led by the Peruvian congregation the Franciscans of the Immaculate

24 25 26 27

Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú (Ensayo), 82. Ibid., 83. Episcopado Peruano, Carta pastoral del Episcopado Peruano sobre los problemas de orden religioso social, 11. García Irigoyen, C., ‘Letter from the Bishop of Trujillo, Carlos García Irigoyen to the Minister of Religious Affairs’, 5 July 1922, Lima, AGN, Estadísticas de la diócesis de Trujillo.

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Conception.28 Concerning the public education of males, the Salesians who in 1928 created a Normal School for Men in Arequipa to form primary and secondary teachers were tremendously influential.29 Then, in 1933, the Catholic University founded a Normal School in Lima directed by the Brothers of the Christian Schools. The Catholic University and the Intellectual Renewal Many devout Catholics believed that, although the creation of this extensive network of schools was essential to recover the Church’s cultural influence, its efforts would be neutralised if they did not develop some type of initiative that had as its goal the renovation of higher education. This was the perception of Father Jorge Dintilhac who around 1916 was of the opinion that the Catholic faith was at the point of disappearing from the highest social and intellectual spheres in Lima and Peru because the religious schools ‘produced very little fruit, as the majority of their alumni declared themselves to be atheists or at least indifferent towards religion shortly after leaving the classroom’.30 Similarly Mariano Holguín, as bishop of Arequipa, expressed his concern that the young people who went on to university in the country tended to distance themselves from the faith owing to ‘the texts they study, the books they read, the explanations they hear, the classmates and friends with whom they interact’ who were enthralled by positivist and rationalist ideas.31 Víctor Andrés Belaunde, recalling in his memoirs the influence of the university environment on his own distancing from the faith, wrote that: ‘the subtle poison of the positivist and laicist atmosphere of San Marcos infiltrated my spirit’32 and Riva-Agüero, rejecting his laicist youth recalled: … the confused university environment, the indigestion of the most opposed and difficult philosophical systems, the incoherent noise of the historical projections, nearly ruled by Fouillée’s timid spiritualist eclecticism,

28

‘Relación del personal de la Congregación de religiosas Franciscanas de la Inmaculada Concepción, conforme a las listas subsiguientes y al orden de casas’, 1913–14, Lima, AAL, Instituto León XIII 1913–1914; 1917–1918; 1940–19141; 1942; 1956–1958. 29 La Colmena, 4 February 1928. 30 Dintilhac, ‘Resumen histórico de la Universidad’, 6. 31 Holguín, Instrucción pastoral con ocasión de la cuaresma (Arequipa, 1916), 10–11. 32 Belaunde, Trayectoria y destino, 1: 285.

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or tyrannised and humiliated by strict positivist evolutionism, they filled me with the vertigo of stupefied reason, boastful of its own perplexity and anxious trepidation. How many toxic ingredients were combined in that orgy of thought! To the red frenzy of the crazed Nietzsche, was added the black and lethal depressant of the Buddhist Schopenhauer, the hidden obscurities of neo-Kantism, the monotonous, grey disciplined superficiality of Spencer and the leaden pedantry of their mediocre acolytes.33 This situation convinced various Churchmen of the necessity of founding a Catholic university in the country, following the model of those established in other countries in Europe and America such as the Catholic University of Chile (1888) and the Catholic University of America (1889). The driving force behind this idea was Father Jorge Dintilhac (1878–1947), a French religious of the Sacrés-Cœurs, (Picpus) who undertook his ecclesiastical studies in Chile where he appreciated the importance of the Catholic University created in Santiago. In 1902, he was sent to Peru where he was ordained a priest, received his doctorate in theology from the University of San Marcos and taught in La Recoleta School, directed by his congregation. Between 1915 and 1916 Father Dintilhac unveiled his plan to parents at the school and diverse ecclesiastical authorities including the nuncio Monsignor Angel Scapardini and the Archbishop of Lima, Pedro García Naranjo. The project met with the support of these individuals and the archbishop approved its provisional statutes. His fellow Picpus religious were also inclined to collaborate and it was stipulated that the university would function on part of the property belonging to La Recoleta in downtown Lima. A group of priests and laymen were disposed to join the faculty of the university. Because of the economic precariousness of the project and the possible opposition that might arouse, Father Dintilhac thought that in its first years the university should only have a Faculty of Arts. Nevertheless, in 1917 it was decided to appeal to Article 102 of the Organic Law of Instruction then in effect, which permitted one or more persons to offer classes in higher education and form Faculties and free universities subject to inspection by the Superior Council. Appealing to this law, the university was constituted and founded with only two faculties, Arts and Law. The nascent university received much criticism from politicians and professors from San Marcos in the country’s major newspapers. It was claimed that the Catholic University would be a national danger because it would divide the youth and produce students opposed to the progress of the country. It was also claimed 33 Riva-Agüero, Afirmación del Perú, 2: 104.

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that the number of lawyers already in the country indicated that the creation of another Law School was not justified. Despite this, in March 1917, the government passed a Supreme Decree signed by President José Pardo in which the university was approved. Immediately afterwards the statutes were drawn up and approved by the Archbishop of Lima, creating a Superior Council to oversee the new entity. Father Dintilhac was elected rector and the rest of the administrative team was composed of laymen, among whom Carlos Arenas y Loayza figured as vice-rector. In addition to opposition from certain members of the political class, the university faced a precarious economic situation and a limited number of students in the first matriculating classes. To meet these problems the university received help from the Unión Católica de Señoras and from the Episcopal Assembly. One of the most active supporters of the university was the bishop of Ayacucho, Fidel Olivas Escudero. During its first years the Catholic University demanded that its students should concentrate on academic life and discipline, and so discouraged political activity, a policy in contrast to San Marcos University, where political agitation was so intense that it repeatedly interrupted classes and eventually led to a temporary shut-down. In 1926 a group of students enrolled at the Catholic University who hoped to engage in politics, but their leaders were expelled the following year. When the government of Sánchez Cerro closed San Marcos in 1930, many of its students transferred to the Catholic University, an important event in its history, since it allowed for more rapid growth and the creation of new faculties. In 1931 the Higher Institute of Commercial Sciences was founded, to be followed, in 1932, by the establishment of the Feminine Institute of Higher Studies, and, in 1933, by the School of Engineering. Also in 1933 a Normal School for Men under the direction of the Christian Brothers opened. In 1936 a similar institution opened for women, directed by the Canonesses of the Cross, a Peruvian order. In the 1930s the University enjoyed the collaboration of both Víctor Andrés Belaunde and José de la Riva-Agüero. The first was vice-rector, while Riva-Agüero was a noted professor of history. Later Riva-Agüero left his entire fortune to the Catholic University, a benefit which provided it with the requisite resources to exist and expand. After a few decades, the Catholic University was to become one of the most prestigious centres of higher education in the country, rivalling San Marcos.34 During the 1930s and 1940s, it also became an important centre for the renewal of Catholic thought and the diffusion of the social doctrine of the Church. As was analysed in the third chapter, the presence of Belaunde and Riva-Agüero helped to revive the Catholic intellectual environment in Peru. Belaunde’s influence was 34 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 229–32.

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of great importance because, rather than merely repeating the postulates of the Church’s social teaching, he sought to adapt it to the specific reality of Peru, and in so doing challenged the chief thinkers of the epoch. In his book, La Realidad Nacional, Belaunde strove to offer a Catholic alternative to the analysis of Peru’s social problems proposed by José Carlos Mariátegui. Influenced by the English historian Christopher Dawson, Belaunde proposed a model of interpretation that sought to re-evaluate all the cultural traditions that had formed Peru (the indigenous, the Hispanic, the African, and, to a lesser degree, the other European and Asian traditions) and held that this living synthesis had been possible owing to the beneficent influence of Catholicism which had fostered the process of ‘mestizaje’. As critical of socialism as he was of liberalism, Belaunde proposed a series of important social and political reforms that would allow Peru to move towards economic progress with social equity. The Catholic Press Since the 1840s, Peruvian Catholics had begun to organise a confessional press in order to counteract the spread of secularism and to propagate Catholic principles. All Peruvian constitutions had sanctioned the right of freedom of press.35 Consequently, since the beginning of the republic a great variety of newspapers and journals had been founded in the country and became influential political and doctrinal means of expression. The pioneers of the Peruvian Catholic press were Archbishop Francisco Javier de Luna Pizarro who founded El Redactor Eclesiástico (1845–6)36 and Bartolomé Herrera who, in order to counteract the influence of the liberal newspaper El Constitucional during the mid 1850s, founded the bimonthly El Católico (1855–60). The ­debates between both newspapers are a testimony to the intellectual struggle between regalism and ultramontanism in Peru. In this sense, during its first period, the Catholic press had a political emphasis, especially in matters related to church-state relations. Several notable priests and laymen collaborated with El Católico, notably Juan Ambrosio Huerta and his brother José, Francisco Solano de los Heros and Luis Guzmán.37 In 1860 El Católico was closed by the liberal government because of its ‘subversive’ opposition to the Constitution of 1856 and the two priest-editors, José Ayllón and Francisco Solano de los Heros

35 Peruvian Constitution of 1823, art. 60, inc. 27. 36 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 69. 37 Basadre, Historia de la República del Perú, 11: 342.

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were arrested.38 After the liberation of both priests, Herrera promoted the foundation of El Progreso Católico (1860–2), which was directed by Juan Ambrosio Huerta and was supported by Monsignor José Antonio Roca y Boloña and Nicolás de Piérola. The government under liberal influences in 1861 also closed this newspaper.39 Five years later (1866) Roca y Boloña directed El Bien Público, which severely criticised the liberal dictatorship of Mariano Ignacio Prado. For this reason, Roca y Boloña was arrested and Manuel Tovar, a twentytwo-year-old deacon (and future Archbishop of Lima) succeeded him in the direction of this newspaper. Tovar even radicalised his criticisms against Prado’s government and consequently he also was confined to jail, though both priests were soon freed.40 After his return to Lima from Rome, for nine years Tovar directed the religious and political newspaper La Sociedad (1870–9).41 El Tiempo and La Patria were also two pro-Catholic newspapers founded by Nicolás de Piérola that appeared from 1867 to 1879. Nevertheless, their aim was primarily political support of Piérola.42 The priest Manuel González de la Rosa was another important publisher who edited El Perú Católico in 1867 and also for short periods directed El Bien Público and La Sociedad.43 The Catholic press in Peru was reorganised after the War of the Pacific and the foundation of the Unión Católica (1886). During the First Catholic Peruvian Congress church leaders created the Apostolado de la Prensa, an institution that co-ordinated the activities of the Catholic press and functioned as a watchdog over what they called the advance of the ‘impious’ press. In this sense, this institution was characterised by its defensive stand and strong criticisms of secular ideologies and any reading that was perceived as a threat to the Catholic identity of Peru.44 In spite of the conservative thought that guided this institution, the tools used to propagate their ideas were modern and, to some extent, similar to their liberal and socialist counterparts. Apart from the press, it developed a range of activities that included the spread of booklets, literary events, popular libraries, theatre plays and lectures. In this way Peruvian church leaders followed the example of similar Catholic institutions in Europe, such as the Society of Catholic Journalists of Germany, which was supported

38 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 69. 39 Ibid. 40 Basadre, Historia de la República, 11: 344. 41 Tovar, Obras de Monseñor Tovar, 1: XI–XII. 42 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 69. 43 Ibid. 44 Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 312.

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by Pope Leo XIII.45 Among the members of the first directive committee of the Apostolado de la Prensa were Monsignor Carlos García Irigoyen (later Archbishop of Trujillo, 1909–37), Juan José Calle and Primitivo Sanmartí.46 García Irigoyen was an active president co-ordinating several initiatives in this work. Primitivo Sanmartí (1841–1927) was one of the most important promoters of the Catholic Press in Peru. Since the beginning of his career he was committed to the expansion of Catholic propaganda. In 1869 he opened a popular library in his house in Arequipa and, some years later, a bookshop and founded the publishing house Imprenta Católica, which later opened a branch in Lima. From there he printed diverse pamphlets and books related to the Church in Peru for more than three decades. He published the journal La Revista Católica (1877–9; 1884–1906) and was a leading member of the Comisión del Apostolado de la Prensa, where he promoted the development of Catholic journalism in Peru.47 The Apostolado de la Prensa had four branches: the Liga de San Roque, the Obra de los buenos libros (promoted the purchase of new books), the Obra del reparto gratuito (distributed booklets to workers, peasants, prisoners and sick people in hospitals) and Obra de las bibliotecas parroquiales (developed ‘popular’ libraries in parishes of the country).48 One of the objectives was to create ‘popular libraries’ with books about religion, arts, literature and the sciences. In 1908 Fr. Belisario Phillips was entrusted with the supervision and maintenance of the eight parish libraries created by this association.49 One of the authors promoted was the intransigent priest Felix Sardá y Salvany (who wrote El liberalismo es pecado – ‘Liberalism is sin’).50 Several booklets written by priests or members of the Unión Católica were distributed free in schools, industries, parishes, shops and prisons. The main topics were Catholic apologetics, Church history and popular devotion. One of the most active branches of the Apostolado de la Prensa was the Liga de San Roque, which had the duty of censoring books that were considered immoral or anti-Catholic. It was created in 1897 by the Franciscan Esteban Pérez. By 1902 the league had 686 members who promised not to read prohibited books or to buy anticlerical newspapers or journals.51 The Liga produced a booklet indicating the titles of 45 Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 312. 46 Ibid., 193. 47 La Colmena, 7 March 1925. 48 El Bien Social, 11 May 1908. 49 Ibid. 50 El Amigo del Clero, 12 December 1901. 51 Ibid., 7 February 1901.

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prohibited books and promoted their collection. These books were exchanged for ‘healthy’ ones and then the prohibited books were burned (by 1901 928 books had been burned).52 Among the titles that suffered that fate were: The Four Gospels (Protestant translation), The Bible (Protestant translation), El libro negro o la magia (a book on spiritism) and Alexandre Dumas’s The Three Musketeers.53 Peruvian bishops were important supporters of this work, notably Manuel Tovar, who issued a series of pastoral letters condemning the reading of the mala prensa (bad press) and prohibited books: ‘The human being cannot be free to spread false doctrines and to do evil. A rightful conscience will never be able to admit that lies, blasphemies and calumnies could change in their nature, even if they are spread by the press’. ‘Whatever doctrines influence modern society, it would be maintained that freedom of press must be limited by the principles of truth and common good and that the reading or the propagation of writings that are contrary to religion and morals it is not licit’.54 The Seventh Council of Lima and the National Assembly of Bishops gave their full support to the Apostolado de la Prensa, considering it an efficient means of spreading Catholic principles and of defending the Church.55 In 1914 the Apostolado de la Prensa had branches in Trujillo, Arequipa, Puno, Huaraz, Chachapoyas, Cusco and Cajamarca and was directed by the Jesuit José Cano.56 It is necessary to note that if the Apostolado de la Prensa held an intolerant attitude, it was also true that it responded to the perception that Catholicism was threatened in Peru by the anticlerical press. Indeed, during the late nineteenth century several satirical anticlerical newspapers were published. Among them were La Sotana (1900–1), La Picota (1901), Don Giuseppe (1907–8), Fray K. B. Zon (1907–12), Fray K. Derón (1910), Fray K. Lilla (1916) Los Sucesos and Fray Simplón (the last two newspapers were directed by the Freemason Juan

52 53 54

55 56

Ibid., 20 February 1902. Ibid., 12 December 1901. ‘el hombre no puede ser libre para propagar el error y hacer el mal. La recta razón no podrá admitir nunca que la mentira, la blasfemia, la difamación y la calumnia cambien de naturaleza, porque tengan la estabilidad, dilatación y resonancia que les da la prensa … Sean cuales fueren las doctrinas que informen á la sociedad moderna, repetirá siempre, desde la altura de su cátedra, que la libertad de prensa está limitada por los imprescriptibles derechos de la verdad y del bien, y que no es lícita la lectura y propagación de impresos, directamente contrarios á la Religión y a las buena costumbres’. Ibid., 13 March 1903. García Naranjo, Constituciones del VII Concilio, art. 50. Apostolado de la Prensa en el Perú, Asamblea General. Celebrada el 25 de octubre de 1914, 7–8.

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de Dios Bedoya).57 More important however, were a series of journals that aimed to propagate radical political ideas among the working class such as El Libre Pensamiento (1896–1904), the official organ of expression of Peruvian Freemasonry (which also distributed a series of free booklets attacking the Church),58 La Idea Libre (1900–2) and the radical newspapers Los Parias (1904–10) and Páginas libres (1910), which published the radical writings of the famous anticlerical intellectual Manuel González Prada.59 Additionally, from 1916 onwards a series of Protestant newspapers were published in Peru such as El Heraldo (1916) and Inca Land (1925–26).60 They tended to accuse Catholicism of being a new form of paganism under a Christian appearance. After the late 1880s Catholic press experienced a revival in Peru. By 1896 there were fourteen Catholic newspapers or journals including five in Lima and two in Arequipa.61 57 Basadre, Historia de la República, 11: 105. 58 One example of this was the writings of Christian Dam, the leader of Peruvian Freemasonry. In one booklet Dam severely attacked the Jesuits, stating that they represented a great obstacle against the intellectual improvement of society and that they were a cancer that should be extirpated from Peruvian society. He maintained that St. Ignatius of Loyola, after being crippled by a cannonball, swore to take revenge against humanity because all his worldly aspirations were frustrated. Consequently he decided to found an ‘evil society’ following the model of the Assassins, a fanatical sect of Ismaili Muslims dominant at the time of the crusades. ‘Desde los primeros años de la fundación de la Compañía hizose sanguinaria, astuta, codiciosa y dominadora. Aquellos que murmuraban contra su extraña organización y prácticas, eran denunciados ante el tribunal de la Inquisición y quemados o torturados como herejes’. See: Christian Dam, Breve reseña sobre la historia de los jesuitas. Desde su fundación hasta el año 1907 (Lima, 1907), 7. During the 1900s Dam actively campaigned for the expulsion of the Jesuits from Peru. See: Christian Dam, Los jesuitas en el Perú (Lima, 1909). 59 Basadre, Historia de la República, 11: 106–8. 60 Ibid., 11: 105. 61 These were: Journal or Newspaper

City

Year of foundation

Revista Católica El Centinela Boletín de San Vicente El Amigo del Clero El Bien Social El Deber La Verdad La Verdad El Obrero

Lima Lima Lima Lima Lima Arequipa Arequipa Trujillo Callao

1877 1886 1887 1890 1896 1889 1895 1888 1894

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Afterwards, new periodicals were founded. Most of them were organs of expression of Catholic organisations, religious orders or dioceses and, therefore, their character and topics were related to the ideas and aims of those institutions. Among them, El Amigo del Clero became one of the most long lasting journals (1891–1968). It was the official monthly journal of the Archdiocese of Lima and now is a valuable source for the church’s history in the country.62 It published ecclesiastical documents and Church news in Peru. Similar journals were founded in other dioceses of Peru, notably El Estandarte Católico in Ayacucho created by bishop Fidel Olivas Escudero63 in 1900. It was published at least until 1971. During the pastoral administration of Olivas Escudero (1900–1935), apart from the usual ecclesiastical matters, this journal was characterised by its defence of the natives of the region.64 Religious orders and congregations also issued their own journals. The Dominicans published La Rosa del Perú (1886–1967)65 and the bimonthly Misiones Dominicas del Perú founded in 1919. This last journal promoted the missionary work of the order and there were valuable articles that included anthropological, sociological and geographical studies of the Peruvian Amazon region. The Franciscans published the monthly Revista Franciscana del Perú (1916–65) and Las Florecillas de San Antonio (1911–78) in Cajamarca, which in its time of apogee had thirteen thousand subscribers.66 The Fathers of the Sacred Hearts created the monthly Revista mensual de los Sagrados Corazones 1907–19.67 Lay associations also developed their organs of expression. El Bien Social (1896–1912) was a daily newspaper that functioned as the official voice of the Unión Católica of Lima and was financed by the members of this institution, Journal or Newspaper El Gremio La Justicia La Paz Bien por todos La Unión

City Cusco Huaraz Huanuco Ayacucho Cajamarca

Year of foundation 1895 1892 1893 1893 1894

source: primer congreso católico del perú, anales del primer congreso católico del perú, 313. 62 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 88–9. 63 Olivas Escudero, Suplemento del Memorándum de las principales obras hechas durante los últimos 8 años de la administración de la diócesis de Ayacucho, 3. 64 I have found copies of this journal in the Biblioteca Nacional del Perú up to that year (1971). 65 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 89. 66 Ibid. 67 Ibid.

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at least until 1906 by Carlos García Irigoyen.68 Apart from reporting the activities of the Unión Católica, this newspaper published ecclesiastical documents, news of the Church in Peru and in the world, reproduced discourses of churchmen and advertised diverse Catholic activities. One important emphasis was the promotion of Catholic social thought applied to Peruvian reality. There was also a commitment to counteract the growth of socialism in the country by trying to propose an alternative model that could address the social problems of the country.69 In this way, several of Bishop Pedro Pablo Drinot’s discourses and pastoral letters were reproduced, where he analysed the problems of the working class and the Indian population of Peru.70 Authors like Lizardo Velasco, the president of the Liga de San Alfonso71 or Juan Hinostrosa72 were inspired by Leo XIII and Von Ketteler and expressed strong social criticisms against social injustice in the country and criticised the economic and political conservatism of many Peruvian Catholics albeit still defending the Church’s rights in the country. The works of prominent European Catholic social thinkers such as the German Bishop Wilhelm Von Ketteler and the French industrialist Léon Harmel were published.73 At the same time, the newspaper had as its objective the encouragement of patriotism. Occasionally they gave their support to political leaders especially to Nicolás de Piérola (several manifestos of the Demócrata party were published).74 During its last period El Bien Social was directed by the Dominican priest Paulino Álvarez and Francisco Moreyra y Riglos.75 In 1912 this newspaper was closed and was replaced by La Unión (1913–15) as the organ of expression of the Unión Católica. Its editors were Emilio Huidobro and Gonzalo Herrera who tried to modernise its presentation and established links with foreign newspapers. Apart from reporting notices of Catholic associations, both Herrera and Huidobro wrote articles on Latin American politics. Sharing some of the intellectual tendencies of the time in

68

69 70 71 72 73 74 75

J. Oyague y Soyer to M. Tovar, 20 August 1906, Lima, Archivo Arzobispal de Lima (AAL), section ‘Asociaciones, Cofradías, hermandades, pías uniones, fundaciones, estatutos cuentas y otros. 1898–1947’, file 177. The anti-socialist stand of the newspaper can be seen in: El Bien Social, 9 August 1909. Ibid., 8 January 1908; 23 January 1908; 28 February 1908. Ibid., 10 February 1908 Ibid., 30 October 1908. Ibid., 2 May 1908. Ibid., 7 January 1908; 4 January 1909. Velasco, L. ‘Letter from L. Velasco to Archbishop García Naranjo’, 29 November 1909, Lima, AAL, Asociaciones, Cofradías, hermandades, pías uniones, fundaciones, estatutos cuentas y otros. 1898–1947’, f. 77.

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the region they emphasised the necessity of creating a Latin American identity and developing a national industry in order to counteract the growing economic influence of the United States. They published articles by the Argentinean thinker Manuel Ugarte who wrote a manifesto calling for the development of Spanish American unity.76 At the same time, several social topics were treated. For example, Pedro Zulen, the leader of the Asociación Pro-Indígena wrote articles on the situation of the Indians in Peru. 77 In several editorials they wrote about the working movement and the achievement of the eight-hour law. The position of Huidobro was that a prerequisite for the improvement of the workers conditions was the development of a solid national industry within the capitalist system. Following some common statements among Catholics, he stated that it was necessary to reconcile capital and labour. Because of financial difficulties this newspaper ceased to be published and was replaced by La Nueva Unión, which was published from 1915 to the early 1920s.78 The director was Manuel I. González Olaechea, who held a more conservative social tendency than his predecessors. The newspaper had a proGerman orientation with respect to the First World War.79 Archbishop Emilio Lissón promoted the founding of the daily newspaper La Tradición in 1918. It was published at least until 1929. During its first years La Tradición followed the same pattern as La Unión and La Nueva Unión: it reported Church news in Peru and in the world and gave information about the activities of the Unión Católica, and at the same covered the main events of the time. By 1929, the newspaper rarely had articles on religious issues or church news and it was characterised by its complete adhesion to Leguía’s regime.80 As seen in another chapter, some circles of Catholic Workers published their own newspapers. By far the most important of them was the bimonthly newspaper La Colmena of Arequipa, which came out from 1920 to 1942. It continued the work of the pioneer of the Catholic labour press, the monthly La Abeja, which functioned from 1897 to 1907 as the official organ of the Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa.81 During the 1920s La Colmena became one of the most important labour newspapers in southern Peru and was the main vehicle for propagating the ideas of social Catholicism in the region. It held a social reformist position within the Catholic orthodoxy. The Franciscan 76 La Unión, Lima, 25 February 1913. 77 Ibid. 13 January 1913. 78 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 88–9. 79 La Nueva Unión, 1 July 1919. 80 La Tradición, 24 February 1929; 9 June 1929. 81 La Colmena, 17 April 1920.

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Francisco Cabré was the founder and director of this institution and bishop Mariano Holguín also supported it.82 Other similar periodicals were El Obrero Ideal (1912–?) of the Centre of Catholic Workers of Lima and 83 La Hormiga (1921- at least until 1933) of the Circle of Catholic Workers of Ayacucho.84 The most notable Catholic newspaper was El Deber (1890–1958) of Arequipa, which became the most important periodical in southern Peru during the first decades of the twentieth century. It was founded by the Franciscan Mariano Holguín (later bishop of Arequipa) with the cooperation of Mariano Belaunde and Eduardo López de Romaña (later president of Peru, 1899–1903). It was directed by prominent churchmen such as José María Carpenter (later auxiliary bishop of Lima), Francisco Rubén Berroa (later bishop of Huánuco) who directed it for twelve years and Juan Gualberto Guevara (later Archbishop of Lima and the first Peruvian cardinal).85 Other Catholic newspapers in the provinces were El Diario in Cusco (1919) and El Heraldo in Puno (1923).86 The most important academic Catholic journal was Mercurio Peruano founded by Víctor Andrés Belaunde in 1918 (and published until 1978). This journal was an expression of the renewal of Catholic thought in some circles. Several intellectuals of different tendencies, including non-Catholics, were invited to write articles. The main concern was the development of the humanities and the study of Peru, and the journal became a space for debate on the social problems of the country.

82 Ibid. 83 El Obrero Ideal, February 1914. 84 La Hormiga, 28 December 1933. 85 Cabré, Biografía del Exmo. y Rvmo. Fr. Mariano Holguín. Primer arzobispo de Arequipa, 34. 86 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 89.

Part III Social Catholicism

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Chapter 8

Catholicism and the Labour Question The rise and development of the labour movement in Peru attracted increasing interest among historians from the 1960s to the late 1980s.1 Most of these studies focused on the influence of radical movements, the state or foreign economic interests in the shaping of the Peruvian working class and its changing social conditions. Although this literature explored new areas of Peruvian social history, it tended to be guided by certain academic premises that, as described by Carl Striwerda in the case of Belgium, ‘have 1 During the 1980s some of the most important works on the origins and early development of the Peruvian labour movement were: Carlos Basombrío Iglesias, El Movimiento Obrero: 1940–56 En la lucha por la democracia (Historia Gráfica ; 3) (Lima: Tarea, 1982); Carlos Basombrío Iglesias and Wilson Sagástegui L., El movimiento obrero: 1962–68 (Historia Gráfica ; 5) (Lima: Tarea, 1984); Peter Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement, 1883–1919 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1982); Ricardo Melgar Bao, Burguesía y proletariado en el Perú, 1820–1930 (Lima: C.E.I.R.P., 1980); Piedad Pareja Pflucker, El movimiento obrero peruano de los años 30 (Lima: Fundación Friedrich Ebert, 1985); Julio Portocarrero, Sindicalismo peruano: primera etapa 1911–1930 (Lima: Gráfica Labor, 1987). The essays compiled by Stein and Miller analysed various aspects of the Peruvian working class: Steve Stein and Laura Miller, Lima obrera: 1900–1930, (Historia Social y Cultura Popular en América Latina) (Lima: El Virrey, 1986). Alberto Flores Galindo examined the case of the miners of Cerro de Pasco: Alberto Flores Galindo, Los mineros de la Cerro de Pasco 1900–1930, 2a ed (Lima: PUCP. Fondo Editorial, 1983). The influence of radical movements on the Peruvian working movements was studied by a number of authors. This was the case of anarchism: Piedad Pareja Pflucker, Anarquismo y sindicalismo en el Perú 1904–1929 (Lima: Rikchay Perú, 1978); Luis Tejada, La cuestión del pan: el anarco sindicalismo en el Perú, 1880–1919 (Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura, 1988). Aprismo: Piedad Pareja Pflucker, Aprismo y sindicalismo en el Perú: 1943–1948 (Lima: Rikchay, 1980); Steve Jay Stein, Populism in Peru: The Emergence of the Masses and the Politics of Social Control (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1980) and Marxism: Carmen Rosa Balbi Scarneo, Identidad clasista en el sindicalismo: su impacto en las fábricas (Lima: DESCO, 1989); Carmen Rosa Balbi and Jorge Parodi, ‘Radicalismo Y Clasismo En El Movimiento Sindical Peruana’, Socialismo Y Participación 26 (June 1984): 85–98; Denis Sulmont, El movimiento obrero en el Perú. 1900–1956 (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1975). One of the most recent and innovative studies on the Peruvian labour movement is: Paulo Drinot, The Allure of Labor: Workers, Race, and the Making of the Peruvian State (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011).

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assumed that socialism represented the authentic working class ideology’.2 This predisposition led implicitly or explicitly to convey the idea that other movements were unrepresentative of the workers’ interests and identity.3 As a result a variety of topics relevant for the understanding of a new urban working-class culture were summarily excluded. One of them undoubtedly was the role of religion. This chapter analyses unexplored aspects of the Catholic position and the initiatives developed concerning the labour question. It studies the main influences of Peruvian Catholic social thought on the topic using as sources the official declarations of the hierarchy, lectures given at the Circles of Catholic Workers (CCW) and the writings of some of the most significant intellectuals and politicians. Secondly, it analyses the workers organisations linked to the Church during the first decades of the twentieth century. In order to understand the spirit and the activities of these institutions, a more detailed study has been made of the Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa (CCWA) owing to its regional impact and the quality of the sources found for this research. The time frame of the chapter is from the second half of the 1890s until the early 1930s when significant political, social and economic changes occurred in the country that brought the ‘social question’ to the fore. In this context, the old charity practices of the Church were insufficient when facing new labour demands and conditions in Peru, along with the increasing influence of radical ideologies in the working movements.4 Confronted with these changes, and taking as their models the papal social magisterium and the example of European social Catholicism, a number of church leaders strove to offer an alternative model to meet these challenges. At the same time, their objectives included the formation of a Catholic worker culture to promote the defence of workers’ rights while avoiding the class struggle and to incentivise cooperation with business owners, the creation of cooperatives and other associations of mutual help and the fostering of Christian virtues applied to the labour world. 2 Strikwerda, ‘The Divided Class: Catholics vs. Socialists in Belgium, 1880–1914’, 333. 3 Ibid. 4 Macarena Ponce de León analised how the modernisation process in Chile conditioned the transformation of the meaning of some key concepts such as ‘poverty’, ‘charity’ and ‘social welfare’. At the same time, she examined the new approaches and initiatives developed by the state and the Church in order to face the social consequences generated by the expansion of industrial capitalism in the country. See: Macarena Ponce de León, Gobernar la pobreza. Prácticas de caridad y beneficencia en la ciudad de Santiago, 1830– 1890 (Santiago, 2011).

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Papal Magisterium and Social Catholicism During the first decades of the twentieth century, Catholic social thought in Peru was notably influenced by the principles espoused in Leo XIII’s encyclical Rerum Novarum published in 1891. This document was considered the Magna Carta of the Catholic workers’ movements and a guide for their social action. Rerum Novarum opposed the ravages upon the working class caused by the process of industrialisation and condemned capitalist exploitation and the system’s individualist and materialist principles. In this sense a series of labour rights were defended, including the just wage, adequate working conditions and the right to form workers’ associations. Socialist movements were also condemned for their secularising character and for promoting violent revolution, class struggle, the substitution of private for collective property, and for the arbitrary interference of the state in the daily life of the people.5 At the same time, the encyclical, in addition to explicitly supporting Catholic worker associations, promoted the foundation of new institutions of that type, both those composed exclusively of workers and those which would also admit business owners. The teachings of Rerum Novarum were followed and updated by later popes, in particular in Pius XI’s encyclical Quadragesimo Anno (1931). It again supported the Catholic worker associations, criticised the excesses of the capitalist system through an analysis of the system’s recent crisis and reiterated the condemnations of both communism and the state totalitarianisms which violated the principle of subsidiarity. It affirmed the idea that private property was a natural right but that its exercise had to be at the service of the common good, and it also defended the ideas of the just wage and the workers’ right of association.6 The papal documents validated the social thinking and works carried out by many Catholics in Europe who sought to address the consequences of industrial capitalism during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In recent decades, a number of studies have analysed the importance and influence of Social Catholicism in various Western countries, especially Belgium, the Netherlands, Germany, France, Spain, the United States and among the Irish working class in the United Kingdom. Bishops, priests, intellectuals, politicians, businessmen and workers actively participated in the economic and legal reform of labour conditions of these countries and developed a whole

5 Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, § 10, 55. 6 See: Pius XI, Quadragesimo Anno (1932). For a study of the development of the papal social teachings see: Holland, Modern Catholic social teaching: the popes confront the industrial age, 1740–1958 (New York, 2003).

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range of initiatives including cooperatives, welfare institutions, confessional trade unions and political parties.7 The ideas and actions put forth and carried out in the industrialised nations served as models for Latin American Catholics. Figures such as Frédéric Ozanam, Wilhelm von Ketteler (bishop of Mainz), Léon Harmel and Albert de Mun were of great influence in the region. Social Catholicism in Latin America In Latin America, Social Catholicism experienced notable growth in those countries where the industrialisation process was most advanced. For example, in Argentina the first Circle of Catholic Workers (CCW) was founded in Buenos Aires in 1892 and by 1912 there already existed seventy-seven similar groups with a total number of 22,930 affiliates and twenty-one with their own buildings.8 In rural districts the Argentinean Social League was created, which was able to reach more than 6000 members and the Christian-Democrat League, which had 5000 members. The CCW borrowed many characteristics from the associations established in France by Albert de Mun, such as creating mutual-aid societies, spreading the principles of the social doctrine of the Church and defending the rights of workers.9 After the First World War, the Catholic Popular Union of Argentina was founded, which supported the Catholic unions and provided the development of house-building projects 7 For some relevant bibliography on this topic see: A. Vidler, A Century of Social Catholicism, 1820–1920 (London, 1964); P. Misner, Social Catholicism in Europe. From the onset of industrialization to the First World War (London, 1991); Antón Pazos, ed., Un siglo de catolicismo social en Europa 1891–1991 (Pamplona, 1993). For the case of Spain see: Q. Aldea Vaquero, J. García Granda and M. Tejedor, eds., Iglesia y sociedad en la España del siglo XX: catolicismo social (1909–1940) (Madrid, 1987); F. Montero, El primer catolicismo social y la Rerum Novarum en España, 1889–1902 (Madrid, 1983); and J. Castillo, El sindicalismo amarillo en España: aportación al estudio del catolicismo social español (1912–1923) (Madrid, 1977). For the case of Ireland see: D. ’Leary, Vocationalism and social Catholicism in twentieth century Ireland: the search for a Christian social order (Dublin, [Ireland]; Portland, OR, 2000). For the French case see: R. Gibson, A social history of French Catholicism, 1789–1914 (London; New York, 1989). The case of Belgian trade unions are studied in: C. Strikwerda, A house divided: Catholics, Socialists, and Flemish nationalists in nineteenth-century Belgium (Lanham, 1997). A brief survey on American social Catholicism can be seen in: Joseph Mc Cartin and James Mc Cartin, ‘Working-class Catholicism: A call for new investigations, dialogue and reappraisal’, 99–110. 8 Lynch, ‘The Catholic Church in Latin America, 1830–1930’, 586–8. 9 A. Ivereigh, Catholicism and Politics in Argentina, 1810–1960 (Oxford, 1995), 64–5.

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for workers.10 In Mexico Social Catholicism was actively promoted by bishops, priests and laymen through a series of congresses and the creation of Catholic associations which proposed labour reforms for the industrial sector as well as changes in the rural world. Two examples of this activity were the National Catholic Party founded in 1911, which promoted important social reforms and the National Catholic Worker Confederation, which had great influence in rural zones. However, many Catholic initiatives were violently repressed during the Mexican Revolution which brought with it, among other things, a deep religious polarisation in that country.11 Economic and Social Conditions in Peru In the case of Peru, the principles of the social doctrine of the Church and Rerum Novarum had to be applied to a radically distinct reality from that of Europe. By1930 the industrial proletariat was still a minority and the greater part of the economically active population was dedicated to agriculture. In this sense, Peru was far less urbanised than Brazil, Argentina and Chile. With a population of 6,000,000 inhabitants, only 5.4 % lived in cities of more than 20,000 residents, and ‘Peru’s ten largest provincial cities barely mustered a combined population of 250,000’.12 Despite that, from the last decades of the nineteenth century, after initial efforts to overcome the crisis generated by the defeat in the War of the Pacific, an economic and political modernisation process began. In 1895 a civil war put an end to the influence of General Andrés A. Cáceres and that of the military in power and marked the beginning of an era of constitutional governments in which the Civilista Party prevailed. The Aristocratic Republic (1895–1919), as the historian Jorge Basadre has dubbed the period, was characterised by greater institutional stability but also by the concentration of political power in the hands of the elite. Nevertheless, the civilista governments fostered the expansion of the state, economic growth 10 11

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Lynch, ‘The Catholic Church in Latin America, 1830–1930’, 587. Surveys on the Mexican case are found in: Manuel Ceballos, El catolicismo social: un tercero en discordia: Rerum novarum, la cuestión social y la movilización de los católicos mexicanos, 1891–1911 (México, 1991) and Jaime Arenal, M. Ceballos and A. Garza, eds., Catolicismo social en México: teoría, fuentes e historiografía (México, 2000). The classic study in English of the Cristiada (the conflict between Mexican Catholic peasants against the anticlerical government) is: Jean Meyer, The Cristero Rebellion: the Mexican People between Church and State, 1926–1929 (Cambridge; New York, 1976), Drinot, ‘Workers, the State, and Radical Politics in Peru in the Early 1930s’ (Oxford, 2000), 21.

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and a vigorous promotion of public education resulting in the growth of the cities, the middle class and the number of urban workers.13 From the economic point of view, the expansion of industrial capitalism in Europe and the United States generated ever increasing and diverse demand for commodities. Peru inserted itself within the world economy, giving priority to an export-led growth model which promoted a diversification of production much greater than that of the time before the War of the Pacific, when most of the country’s income depended upon the export of two products, guano and saltpetre. Therefore, modern sugar and cotton plantations developed on the northern and central coast, the production and commercialisation of wool in Arequipa and the southern highlands, mining in the central and southern highlands, petroleum on the northern coast and rubber in the Amazonian region.14 This economic expansion entailed the arrival of foreign investment on a large scale, proceeding especially from Great Britain and the United States; albeit a local capitalist sector that invested in sugar and cotton production and was a promoter of the incipient national industry also developed. An industrialisation process took place, especially in textiles and food processing as well as in services mainly in Lima, but also to a lesser extent in other cities such as Trujillo, Arequipa and Cusco.15 Two essential requirements for the expansion were the strengthening of the banking system and the growth of the transportation and communication infrastructure. The railroad network was greatly expanded, connecting the interior of the country with the ports, especially in the case of the central and southern railroads.16 Economic and industrial growth led to a growing migration from the countryside into the cities, the population of which increased dramatically. Lima, from having 104,000 inhabitants in 1891, grew to 141,000 in 1908, to 224,000 in 1920 and to nearly 300,000 in 1930. El Callao, Arequipa, Trujillo and Cusco also underwent significant growth, but to a lesser extent than the capital.17 13

A different approach from the traditional Marxist views on the role of the elite in the economic development of the country is found in: Alfonso Quiroz, ‘Financial Leadership and the Formation of Peruvian Elite Groups, 1884–1930’, JLAS 20, 1 (May 1988): 50–6. A more detailed study is found in Quiroz’s book: Quiroz, Domestic and Foreign Finance in Modern Peru, 1850–1950: Financing Visions of Development (Pittsburgh, Pa., 1993). 14 Klarén, Peru. Society and Nationhood in the Andes, 203–12, L. S. Rowe, Early Effects of the War upon the Finance, Commerce and Industry of Peru (New York 1920), 3–7. 15 Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement, 9. 16 Enock, Peru: Its Former and Present Civilisation, History and Existing Conditions, 209. 17 Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement, 11.

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Demographic and productive changes were accompanied by the formation and expansion of worker organisations in the country, which at first had a mutualist quality.18 Later, anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism exerted significant influence on the working class in Lima and in some provincial cities, taking part in some of the most important protests in support of labour rights.19 Nevertheless, the influence of these movements was limited since they failed to generate a national organisation and to replace the mutual-aid societies. However, worker protests in Lima and Callao did achieve certain legislative objectives such as the law of compensation for accidents and injury in the workplace which was approved by the Congress in 1911.20 Later, the short-lived populist government of Guillermo Billinghurst (1912–1914) created state offices to attend to workers’ claims, recognised the right to strike in extreme cases and granted the eight-hour workday to the dockworkers of Callao.21 After the Russian Revolution, socialist influence became increasingly more important among the working class but was far from enjoying a monopoly of power over them. Between 1918 and 1919 a series of protests and worker strikes were carried out that pressured the government of José Pardo (1915–1919) to approve important social laws such the eight-hour workday in all of Peru. Moreover, it established a labour calendar and regulated the labour of women and children. In these protests both Victor Raul Haya de la Torre and José Carlos Mariátegui played early, but not decisive, political roles.22 When in 1919 Augusto B. Leguía was elected president of the Republic for the second time, he established a regime, which, despite preserving some democratic forms, became progressively more authoritarian, repressing adversaries and changing constitutional laws. These measures allowed Leguía to be re-elected on two occasions and his government to be prolonged until 1930. As indicated in the second chapter, many of Leguía’s main political opponents were exiled and the Civilista Party was the object of a campaign designed to discredit it, resulting in the permanent loss of its predominance 18 Ibid., 15–16. 19 Klarén, Peru. Society and Nationhood in the Andes, 219–25; Drinot, ‘Workers, the State, and Radical Politics in Peru in the Early 1930s’, 30–44. 20 Klarén, Peru. Society and Nationhood in the Andes, 220. 21 On Billinghurst, see: Peter Blanchard, ‘A Populist Precursor: Guillermo Billinghurst’, JLAS, 2 (1977): 251–73 and José Luis Huiza, ‘From the República Aristocrática to Pan Grande: Guillermo Billinghurst and Populist Politics in Early Twentieth Century Peru’ (University of Miami, 1998). 22 Alexander and Parker, A history of organized labor in Peru and Ecuador, 8–12.

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in Peruvian politics. In order to garner electoral support, Leguía presented himself as a populist reformer who would attend to the increasing needs of the middle classes, labour and the indigenous and rural population. However, the economic foundations of the system followed the same general outlines as in the preceding period, albeit with some changes. The exportation of raw materials continued to be the chief source of national income, but in this epoch investments from the United States intensified, particularly in mining and the exploitation of oil. State bureaucracy expanded, as did public investment in urban projects, highway construction and educational coverage. In large measure, the government projects were financed by a massive increase in the external debt which, in the eleven years of the government, multiplied eight times.23 Both the middle class and the urban labouring class underwent significant growth. To respond to the challenges and claims of the workers, the government created the Sección de Trabajo (Department of Labour) in 1919 as one of the offices of the Ministry of Development.24 Throughout the 1920s, the labour movements acquired greater strength, with the Marxists becoming increasingly influential although they never achieved a position of dominance. After the crisis of 1929 and the fall of Leguía in 1930, aprismo enjoyed ever more relevance in the labour movement. However, the 1933 constitution declared both the Communist Party and the APRA illegal, which reduced their participation in the labour movement’s activities. In contrast, the government of General Oscar R. Benavides (1933–1939) opted to employ corporativist policies in which the state sought to mediate in the problems between worker organisations and business owners and at the same time established a number of measures attending to the claims of the worker movements, among which stood out the Worker Social Security law and the construction of worker neighbourhoods, restaurantes populares and hospitals were the most prominent.25 Peruvian Catholic Thought and the Labour Question The social question was an essential part of the discourse of numerous Peruvian Catholic leaders, both ecclesiastics and laymen. Among the most important were the bishops Pedro Pablo Drinot (bishop of Huánuco and later auxiliary 23 24 25

Carlos Marichal, A Century of Debt Crises in Latin America : From Independence to the Great Depression, 1820–1930 (Princeton, N.J., 1989), 104–15. Drinot, ‘Workers, the State, and Radical Politics in Peru in the Early 1930s’, 74. Alexander and Parker, A History of Organized Labor in Peru and Ecuador, 16–24.

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bishop of Lima),26 Mariano Holguín (Arequipa) and Pedro Farfán (bishop of Cusco and later Archbishop of Lima). The most noteworthy priests included Isaías Vargas, a canon of Cusco who was a prolific writer on the indigenous issue in southern Peru,27 the canon Mariano García, the Jesuit José Bermejo and the Franciscan Francisco Cabré who, as director of the newspaper La Colmena, methodically analysed the country’s labour problem. Among the most active laymen may be counted Carlos Elías, one of the leading organisers of the First Catholic Peruvian Congress of 1897, Carlos Polar, rector of Saint Augustine University of Arequipa, and a number of politicians who, over the years, became part of the Unión Católica. Víctor Andrés Belaunde was probably the intellectual who elaborated the most systematic Catholic-inspired vision of Peru, especially in works such as La realidad nacional and Peruanidad. From the official perspective, the ecclesiastics made pronouncements on the labour question and other social aspects in a series of collective documents emanating from the Episcopal Assembly,28 the Councils of Lima29 and various congresses.30 If indeed there were some differences in the emphases and proposals among the Catholics who addressed social and labour problems, it is possible to delineate a series of common sources, principles and ideas. In the first place, as in the rest of the Catholic world, the influence of Leo XIII and his encyclical Rerum Novarum played a vital role, as did the social thought and action developed in Europe and Latin America. Since the late 1920s the Social Code of Malines was particularly influential among Catholic leaders in Peru. Both in the lectures given in workers’ associations and in Catholic newspapers the references to the projects, problems, ideas and challenges of similar organisations in other countries were recurrent themes. Most often cited were those of the Catholic 26 27

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Drinot published a number of Pastoral letters addressing the social question. A summary of his social thought is found in: P. P. Drinot, Manual de Acción Católica (Lima, 1928). Some of his most important works are: I. Vargas, Apuntes críticos sobre asuntos indigenistas (Cusco, 1936); Vargas, Conferencias y discursos (Cusco, 1952); Vargas, La democracia auténtica y la encíclica ‘Rerum Novarum’ de León XIII (Cusco, 1947); Vargas, Recapitulación psico-sociológicos de mis ‘Apuntes críticos sobre asuntos indigenistas’ (Cusco, 1948). Two important documents of the Episcopal Assembly are: Asamblea Episcopal del Perú. Pastoral colectiva (Lima,1905) and; Asamblea Episcopal, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú (Ensayo) (Lima, 1921). Pedro García Naranjo, Constituciones Del VII Concilio Provincial de Lima (Lima, 1913); Octavo Concilio Provincial Limense Decretos del VIII Concilio Provincial Limense (Lima, 1934). Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social, Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social (Cusco, 1922).

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movements in France, Belgium, Germany and Italy. With respect to Latin America, the cases of Argentina and Mexico were most present in the press, the first for the dynamism of the Catholic social movement, and the second for its resistance to the aggressive anticlerical policies unleashed by the Revolution. In that sense Peruvian Catholic social thought had a significant transnational dimension although it also analysed the particular characteristics of Peru. In keeping with these influences, ecclesiastical leaders in Peru defended the position that the Church’s action should not be confined to the private sphere; to the contrary, it had the right and duty to participate in the public sphere in order to transform society according to the demands of the gospel. Especially beginning with the pontificate of Saint Pius X (1903–1914) it was maintained that all Catholics should contribute to the construction of the social reign of Jesus Christ.31 As a result, the laity were encouraged to take part in the political life of the country and at times, as is analysed in other chapters, there was even institutional support for particular candidates or parties. Nevertheless, this did not mean that the Church offered specific political programmes or ideological formulas purporting to solve the social problem, although utopian proposals or those in favour of a type of political messianism were generally rejected. In his essay El problema social y económico (1930), Víctor Andrés Belaunde discussed the Catholic position towards the industrialisation process and the growth of capitalism in Peru. He said that there were three main approaches to social problems derived from the new economic and working conditions in the world: individualist conservatism, reformism and revolution. The first was the supreme expression of modern capitalism personified in the North-­American Republican Party and the third was modelled on two currents that had their main expression in Soviet communism and French socialism. As an alternative to these extremes, the Catholic position was identified with social reformism. However, he admitted that the term ‘reformism’ could have different interpretations and could be appropriated by both conservatives and communists. What he called a ‘true reformism’ was distant from the timid reforms that hid a ‘selfish conservatism’ and from Marxism. Instead, it was characterised by the conviction of the injustice of the contemporary social system and its commitment to enforce concrete and gradual social reforms without subverting the institutional order. This position was represented in the world by Christian Democracy in Belgium, Germany and Austria, and by the labour movement in Great Britain. In the case of Catholic reformism, it followed the principles of the traditional social teaching of the Church which encompassed a Catholic 31

Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú, 11.

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understanding of the human person and society. Among the most important principles stressed were the essential equality and dignity of the human person, the origin of society and civil authority in the social nature of humanity, the principles of common good, subsidiarity and the dignity of human work. Belaunde stated that Catholic social thought was the application and adaptation of these principles to the concrete situation of society.32 One essential principle was that Catholic social action was understood as a natural consequence of living the Christian faith, which undeniably implied the practice of charity and the search for justice in the face of the necessities of both individuals and society: Catholic social action must be eminently a work of love and must bear the stamp of Christian charity, because Jesus Christ, the divine master of the world said in his Gospel, this is my commandment, that you love one another. The love of God and of souls must be, then, the motive and the soul of this religious social work…. This charity must be rich in benefits primarily for the oppressed, the weak, the ignorant and the abandoned. It must be industrious and diligent in studying and remedying, prudently and effectively, the true needs of the Christian people. In this sense, Catholic action manifests itself in multiple and varied works of preservation, propaganda and protection preferably of the people in benefit of the poor, the worker, the orphan, the family, the sick, the lost and even the criminals.33 Another trait was its apologetic character. There was the perception that the influence of the Church and the Catholic identity of Peru were being undermined both by radical movements and by the encroachments of Protestantism. It was felt that the Catholic ethos constituted an essential aspect of Peruanidad and

32 Belaunde, La realidad nacional, 147–9. 33 ‘La acción social católica ha de ser eminentemente obra de amor y llevar el sello de la caridad cristiana, porque Jesucristo, maestro divino del mundo dijo en su Evangelio, este es el precepto mío, que os améis los unos a los otros. El amor a Dios y a las almas ha de ser, pues, el móvil y el alma de esta obra social religiosa…. Esta caridad debe ser fecunda en beneficios principalmente hacia los oprimidos, los débiles, ignorantes y desamparados. Debe ser industriosa y diligente para estudiar y remediar con prudencia y eficacia las verdaderas necesidades del pueblo cristiano. En este sentido la acción católica se manifiesta con múltiples y variadas obras de preservación, propaganda y protección preferentemente populares en favor del niño, del obrero, del huérfano, de la familia, del enfermo, de los extraviados y hasta de los criminales’ in: Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú, 14–15.

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because of that, these influences were not only attacks on orthodoxy but also forces destructive of the national identity. There was a constant call upon the laity to militantly defend the Catholic presence in the country and to combat the new influences which attacked it, especially Marxism and anarchism. In some cases the apologetic discourse assumed a militant character asserting that inaction would bring about a breakdown of society, a fear expressed in the dramatic exhortation to the members of the CCW of Cusco by the Jesuit José Bermejo: The enemy does not desist in his labour, he does not put down his arms, nor put out the lights of his battery just because you, neutral and timid Catholics and friends of compromise, put down your arms, abandon the field of battle, and stay in your own house to mind your own business. The exact opposite occurs: the good mixed with bad becomes bad, the bad increase in number and valour, their partial victories won owing to our apathy give them new strength, they slowly, step by step, take possession of the press, the local government, the classroom, all the social trenches, and, fortified there, they riddle us with bullets. Gentlemen, if we remain with arms crossed, the day will come when the walls of the sanctuaries, the factories of the rich and the homes of the poor will be knocked down, because the attacks on the interests of God mortally wound the interests of man. Don’t invent for yourselves vain illusions; place yourselves in someone else’s shoes and learn by the sinister flames that in Spain, Portugal, and France, they destroyed the house of God and his servants, the religious, the libraries of the wise and the factories of the masters, read this teaching: The fruits of apathy are very bitter.34 34

‘El enemigo no desiste de su empeño, no arroja las armas, no apaga los fuegos de su ba­ tería, porque tú católico neutral y tímido y amigo de componendas, dejes las armas, abandones el campo de lucha, y te metas en casa para cuidar sólo de tus negocios particulares. Sucede todo lo contrario: los buenos mezclados con los malos se hacen malos, los malos crecen en número y valor, las victorias parciales ganadas á merced de nuestra apatía les infunden nuevos alientos, se apoderan lentamente y paso a paso de la prensa, del muni­ cipio, de las cátedras, de todas las trincheras sociales, y parapetados en ellas nos acribillan á balazos. Señores, si permanecemos con los brazos cruzados, llegará un día en que serán abatidos los muros del santuario, las fábricas de los ricos y el hogar del pobre, porque los tiros contra los intereses de Dios, hieren de muerte los intereses de los hombres. No os forjéis vanas ilusiones, escarmentad en cabeza ajena y á la luz del incendio siniestro, que en España, Portugal y Francia destruyó la casa de Dios y de sus siervos los religiosos, las bibliotecas de los sabios y las fábricas de los patrones, leed esta enseñanza: Son muy amar­ gos los frutos de la apatía’ in: Bermejo, Conferencia dada al círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa, el 31 de mayo de 1914, 10–11.

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In this vein, Marxist revolutionary proposals encouraging the class struggle and the use of violence to achieve structural change were denounced.35 In contrast, Catholic intellectuals maintained that it was necessary to bring about a reconciliation between capital and labour. Numerous writings emphasised the need to create the means through which owners and workers could arrive at agreements amenable to both which would serve to avoid violent confrontation. This did not imply an attitude of indifference to capitalism’s excesses or the acceptance of an attitude of resignation in the face of existing economic and labour conditions. To the contrary, there were severe condemnations of the exploitation of the workers, an example of which may be found in the VIII Council of Lima at which capitalist exploitation was condemned: The Church laments the lack of justice and Christian charity with which some capitalists, forgetful of God and worshippers of the Golden calf, oppress the labouring class, as well as the excesses of some labour organisations which, not content with using legal means to defend their rights, often disturb, through illegal strikes, the life of the people, thus fanning the flames of class hatred and threatening to violently destabilise the natural order of society, and She suggests, to the employers and workers alike, that in order to solve the social problem, they seek to find in the precepts of the Gospel and the practice of the Christian virtues, the necessary class harmony, founded upon the respect of the inflexible norms of justice and the dictates of charity.36 Along these lines, the Franciscan Francisco Cabré vehemently denounced capitalist exploitation: Heartless capital which tries to grow immeasurably whatever the cost, caring little that the wheels of its triumphal carriage crush thousands upon thousands of proletarians and many more homes which have a right to happiness; it has no qualms about abusing the weakness of the child and the woman, brutally exploiting their work and destabilising the worker’s home with great damage to society in general.37 Similarly, the canon Mariano García, spiritual advisor to the CCW of Cusco, affirmed that the worker associations must have a juridical character in order to demand 35 36 37

Ibid., 10–11. Octavo Concilio Limense, Decretos del VIII Concilio Provincial Limense, art. 208. Francisco Cabré, La unión de la clase obrera (Arequipa, 1918), 14.

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just salaries and the other considerations imposed by natural law. Nevertheless, García indicated that in most cases these conditions were not realised since: … with impunity and surprising and reprehensible ease, the great capitalists and captains of industry trample, with not the slightest right, upon the laws of justice, by imposing upon their workers and employees a yoke little different from that borne by slaves, as the cited pontiff says, and treats them in a way that openly attacks their human dignity, which by natural law demands love, respect and moral consideration ... Thus it is not strange to see – not without generous indignation – in the masters and capitalists a hard and inhuman heart that lets their dependent workers live amidst a poverty bordering on misery, suffering a life riddled with bitterness and penury. While they live in opulence and insolent luxury, swimming in innumerable riches at the expense of the sweat of their workers, and leaving them covered in squalid tatters, their health spent, with no hope to improve their fortune, surrounded by a numerous family suffering from a lack of clothing and hunger, cold and anguish, exhaling through their chests the most tender and heartbreaking sounds, whose echoes, on reaching the ears of their masters only find an heartless spirit. Add to this situation a circumstance that aggravates the affliction suffered by the worker, which is the variety of machines invented by human ingenuity, that, with their marvellous mechanism and functioning, allow the industrial owners to greatly reduce the number of workers they employ.38 38

… impunemente y con facilidad sorprendente y reprobable, los grandes capitalistas y empresarios de industria saltan, sin derecho alguno, por encima de las leyes de la justicia, á parte de imponer á sus operarios y empleados un yugo que difiere poco del de los esclavos, como dice el Pontífice citado, y darles un trato que pugna abiertamente con la dignidad humanas que por derecho natural exige amor, respeto y consideraciones morales … Así no es extraño ver – no sin generosa indignación – en los patrones y capitalistas un corazón duro e inhumano para con sus dependientes obreros que en medio de una pobreza rayana en miseria, arrastran una vida acribillada de mil amarguras y penurias: aquellos en la opulencia, con insultante lujo, nadando en cuantiosas riquezas á costa del sudor de sus operarios; y éstos cubiertos de mugrientos andrajos, con la salud gastada, y sin esperanza de mejorar de fortuna, rodeados de numerosa familia que sufre desnudez y hambre, frío y angustias, exhalando de su pecho los acentos más tiernos y lastimeros, cuyos ecos al repercutirse en los oídos de sus patrones sólo encuentran un espíritu insensible. Añádase á esto una circunstancia que aumenta la situación aflictiva del obrero y es la diversidad de maquinarias inventadas por ingenio humano que, con su maravilloso mecanismo y funcionamiento, ahorran muchísimos brazo á los propietarios industriales’ Mariano García, Conferencia dada al Círculo de Obreros Católicos el 19 de marzo de 1913 (Cusco, 1913), 7–8.

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Specifically, García referred to the abuses in the Peruvian mines and alluded directly to the problems that had occurred in the Peruvian jungle, citing the scandal of Putumayo.39 Faced with this situation, it was maintained that if the workers could not find a tribunal or an ad hoc arbiter to see their just demands realised, they could, with legal right, opt to exercise pressure upon their employers by making collective appeals, always observing the moral law as inviolable and obligatory. One of the legitimate means to defend their rights was the strike. However, it should not be accompanied by violence or the destruction of private property.40 On many occasions workers were exhorted to contribute to the modification of existing labour law by making their voice heard in the municipality and in Congress.41 In keeping with certain European Catholic labour movements a series of rights were proclaimed including the just wage, worker social security and the right of association for workers. The workers’ societies should become sources of mutual solidarity, Christian formation and the protection of the rights of labour.42 However, it was considered that the workers’ associations should not limit themselves to protesting against the system, but rather that they should generate a series of social initiatives that would contribute to the economic, cultural and moral growth of their members. For that, the promotion of cooperativism and mutualism was indispensable. This included the formation of a network of welfare institutions such as mutual aid societies, credit unions, housing projects and night schools.43 At the same time, in contrast to the Marxist movements, there was a decided defence of the principle of private property and it was stressed that the worker must have a sufficient salary to give him the capacity to generate savings. Through those savings, eventually the worker would be capable of becoming an owner, which process would itself become a means of essential economic progress. However, the right to property was not considered absolute.44 It was considered justifiable to place limits upon private property when required by the common good of society, but with a proportional indemnification to those owners who were affected. Another common element of Catholic social thought in Peru was the exaltation of patriotism through a series of civic events. In this way, the Church sought, to the extent possible, that workers’ 39 Ibid., 9. 40 Ibid., 9, 13. 41 Cabré, La Unión de la Clase Obrera, 14. 42 La Colmena, 19 March1920. 43 Cabré, La Unión de la Clase Obrera, 17–20. 44 Ibid.

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associations establish harmonious relations with the state. However, this did not mean that on certain occasions they should not assume a critical stance towards governmental actions considered damaging to the social order. The Circles of Catholic Workers (CCW) Since the 1890s there had been a number of initiatives, mainly generated by bishops, religious institutes and some prominent laymen, to put into action the ideas they had developed concerning the labour movement in Peru. The most important of these was the creation of the Circles of Catholic Workers (CCW). The pioneer was the Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa (CCWA) founded by the Franciscan Mariano Holguín in 1896, which, during the First Catholic Peruvian Congress, was proposed should be the model to be followed in other cities of the country.45 Apart from the case of Arequipa, which will be the object of a more detailed study, associations of this type were founded in Lima, Cusco, Trujillo, Ayacucho, Puno and Huanta. In all cases they were supported by the ecclesiastical hierarchy in the declarations of the Episcopal Assembly and the Councils of Lima.46 A Directive Committee that was generally elected each year by a General Meeting of the members administrated the CCW. Each CCW had an ecclesiastical advisor who was normally chosen by the bishop. His main duty was to assist the spiritual needs of the members and to safeguard their moral life. There were statutes and special organisations in each section of the Circles, such as mutual aid societies and evening schools. Most circles also published a newspaper. Although bishops were their promoters, the Circles developed an autonomous organisation, albeit always related to the ecclesiastical hierarchy. As can be seen in the statutes and publications of the CCWs, their principal goals were to evangelise the working class, procure its moral and material welfare, protect workers’ rights, generate links of solidarity among their members and encourage the formation of the Christian social order. The CCWs tended to declare themselves apolitical, holding that in this manner they could avoid being manipulated by the caudillos in power. Nevertheless, this distancing from politics was not absolute and occasionally they did 45 46

Primer Congreso Católico del Perú., Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 6. García Naranjo, Constituciones del VII Concilio Provincial de Lima, art. 50; Octavo Concilio Provincial Limense, Decretos del VIII Concilio Provincial Limense, art. 35; Diócesis de Trujillo, Constituciones del primer sínodo diocesano de Trujillo, art. 530; Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú, 134.

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support a certain candidate in order to defend the ‘Catholic social order’ and at the same time to establish links with the state. There was an emphasis on the need to create a genuinely Christian worker culture and to engender a sense of identity among the members of the CCWs. The new culture implied the adoption of new practices. Workers were urged to be honest, sober, to develop saving habits and to fulfil their religious duties. This also presupposed an effort to uproot certain vices, such as alcoholism, through the formation of temperance leagues.47 On the other hand, artistic creation was valued: poetry filled Catholic publications. Hymns and symbols were created with worker themes. A number of activities were promoted such as theatrical productions, literary events and participation in recreational events and sports.48 Special days for workers’ celebrations were created in contraposition to those celebrated by the anarchists or socialists. Doctrinal, intellectual and technical formation was considered essential. To that end, night schools were established which were attended both by the workers who had not completed their studies and their children. A number of workers’ libraries were founded and proved popular. Furthermore, priests together with committed laymen regularly gave lectures on various topics related to the labour question. These were later published in pamphlets passed out among the members. Each CCW also aimed to publish a newspaper that became an essential tool for the propagation of ideas. These educational and cultural activities had, among other goals, the object of forming labour leaders within a Catholic doctrinal context. In this area as well as in other of its social projects, the CCW adopted strategies of recruitment and of organisation similar to those used by other worker movements of a different ideological complexion, such as the anarchists and the socialists.49 With the moral and material welfare of the worker as one of its central objectives, the CCW considered the development of a series of social projects to be essential. An ongoing project was the promotion of cooperativism and mutualism via the creation of credit unions, public pawnshops, buyers’ cooperatives and mutual aid societies. Job fairs were also created to assist those members who had lost their jobs and juridical consultancies to help members with their legal problems. Recreation centres and meeting halls where workers could meet in a place to deepen fraternal bonds and practise sports were also considered important.

47 48 49

Jesús Margañón, La honradez del obrero (Arequipa, 1912), 3–4. Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú (Ensayo), 134–5. Drinot, ‘Workers, the State, and Radical Politics in Peru in the Early 1930s’, 34.

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In Lima the Catholic Centre of Workers (Centro Católico Obrero) was founded in 1913 by Fr. Jorge Dintilhac. Supported by the Congregation of the SacrésCœurs (Picpus) this association developed a number of works. From that year onwards it published the newspaper El Obrero Ideal and sponsored an evening school, a mutual-aid society and a savings co-operative.50 Like other circles, the Centre tended to maintain good relations with the government and close links with the ecclesiastical hierarchy. One example of this was the visit of the President of Peru, Augusto B. Leguía, in 1924 to the Centre in order to preside over the prize-giving ceremony for the best students at the evening school.51 One of the most active associations was the CCW of Cusco. This was founded in 1899 by the Franciscans of that city.52 Other priests such as the Jesuit José Bermejo, the canon Mariano García and Fr. Angel de Jesús Arrieta played an important role in its development, by giving lectures that shaped its doctrinal tendencies and by directing spiritual exercises for its members.53 By 1909 this CCW had more than 300 members. From 1913 they supported an evening school which in 1925 was attended by 250 students, most of them children of the members.54 This organisation maintained close relations with the Archbishop of Cusco, Pedro Farfán, who acted as its honorary president.55 Although the impact of this institution on the region has not been thoroughly studied, its endurance over time must be noted. In 1999 the Peruvian Congress congratulated the CCW of Cusco for its 100 years of existence and recognised that it had been ‘a civic association designed to foment bonds of solidarity among its members and to carry out actions in benefit to the community’ and that throughout its institutional life it had ‘been rooted in the social life of the city of Cusco’ and, had effected a series of fruitful activities, among which was its especial and permanent concern for education and culture.’56 A CCW was also founded in Ayacucho and was active at least from 1916 to 1933. It was backed by the bishop of Ayacucho, Fidel Olivas Escudero.57 By 1920 it had at least 250 members and sponsored a public library, an evening 50 51 52

El Obrero Ideal, February 1914. Variedades, 15 March 1924. José M. Álvarez, Conferencia pronunciada en el Círculo de Obreros Católicos el día de la patrona del Perú, santa Rosa de Lima (Cusco, 1901), 8. 53 El Amigo del Pueblo, 1 April 1909. 54 La Colmena, 25 April 1925. 55 Ibid., 21 November 1925. 56 http://www.congreso.gob.pe/congresista/2001/destrada/gestion-95-99/mociones.htm last accessed 22 August 2017. 57 Olivas Escudero, Suplemento del Memorándum, 3.

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school, a mutual-aid society, a savings co-operative and a centre of cultural formation.58 The evening school was directed by the Carmelite Agustín de los Reyes. Since 1920 the circle published the bi-monthly newspaper La Hormiga that contained articles on the social teaching of the Church, local and ecclesiastical news and occasionally, political opinions. For example in 1933 La Hormiga denounced the inefficiency of the government in combating the measles epidemic in Ayacucho (in less than two months more than two hundred people died in the region). At the same time, it was critical of the APRA party.59 In Puno a CCW was founded by the local bishop Fidel Cosío during the late 1920s and became an influential organisation in the city. The ecclesiastical director was Fr. Benardino Ramírez who in 1925 occupied the same post in the CCW of Cusco. Some members of the local elite, such as Dr. Julio Campos and General Eduardo del Águila, were appointed as protectors of the institution. It had an office for the legal assistance of its members, a public library and a centre of cultural formation.60 In addition to the CCWs, there was a tendency among Catholic workers to form small associations that resembled the old confraternities and guilds. Generally the members had a common devotion and developed mutual-aid societies or savings co-operatives. These associations were often founded or supported by religious institutes, mainly Salesians, Dominicans, Franciscans, Jesuits and members of the Congregation of the Sacrés-Cœurs (Picpus), who in some cases also created technical schools for the training of artisans and workers. Most of these associations had their own statutes and were closely attached to their local diocese or parish. Several associations of this kind flourished in Lima. One example was the Congregación de Artesanos de San José, founded by the Jesuit Antonio Pérez Barba and from 1908 directed by the Jesuits Nicanor Gonález and Elías Mera. To a certain extent this society was successful since it had more than 400 members61 and developed a technical school for artisans.62 In 1935 the name of the association changed to Círculo de Obreros de San José and was closely attached to the archbishopric of Lima.63 Another organisation was the Liga de San Alfonso founded by the Redemptorist Fr. Eugenio Pernin before 1908. The objective was the ‘moralisation’ of the working class through the promotion 58 La Colmena. 1 July 1920. 59 La Hormiga. 28 December 1933. 60 La Colmena. 15 February 1930. 61 El Bien Social.11 May 1908. 62 Ibid., 7 July 1908. 63 Philipps, Anuario de la Arquidiócesis de Lima para el año 1935, 170.

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of cultural activities such as literary events that included drama, poetry, music, comedy and doctrinal lectures on religion, morals and science. One of the main projects was the creation of evening schools for workers.64 The Dominicans created the Sociedad de Trabajadores del Sagrado Corazón, which had 500 members in 1931 and was the base of the Federación de Sociedades de Obreros Católicos founded the following year.65 Another example of this kind of society in Lima was the Asociación de Caballeros del Apostolado de San Judas Tadeo, established in 1932 by the Franciscan Tomás Courret who was also its spiritual director. This was a charitable institution that also functioned as a mutual-aid society.66 In the provinces similar organisations were developed. In Cusco the Salesians founded the Unión Pía de Trabajadores Salesianos with a technical school for children.67 In Arequipa the Dominican Tomás Tagle set up the Sociedad de Obreros del Sagrado Corazón de Jesús in 1924 and which in 1932 opened a branch in Lima where it had more than 200 male and female members.68 The Case of the Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa (CCWA) During the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth, Arequipa was considered the bastion of Peruvian Catholicism. The so-called ‘White City’ had been the cradle of some of the most important Catholic leaders of Peru such as Víctor Andrés Belaunde, the bishops José Sebastián de Goyeneche and Mariano Holguín and the first two Peruvian cardinals, Juan Gualberto Guevara and Juan Landazuri. At the same time, ecclesiastical figures of enormous influence in the life of the country such as Bartolomé Herrera and Juan Ambrosio Huerta ended their days as bishops in that diocese. Arequipa’s elite distinguished itself from that of Lima, generating its own identity and being notably more associated with Catholicism than was the case of the coastal oligarchy. Some of its members played a central role in the country’s direction such as the presidents Nicolás de Piérola (1895–9), Eduardo López de Romaña (1899–1903) and later Luis Bustamante y Rivero (1945–8). Arequipa was the 64 El Bien Social, 22 October 1908. 65 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 241. 66 ‘Asociación de Caballeros del Apostolado de San Judas Tadeo’, Lima, AAL, Hermandades, Estatutos 1929, 1942. Monasterio Santa Rosa. 1914, 1946. 67 Arrieta, Conferencia dada a los cooperadores salesianos, 8. 68 Alegre, I., ‘Letter from Irene Alegre to Pedro Farfán’, 1939, Lima, AAL, Hermandades, ­Estatutos 1929, 1942. Monasterio Santa Rosa. 1914, 1946.

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second most populous city in Peru, albeit far behind Lima. However, its demographic growth was rapid. In 1916, it had 48,000 inhabitants and by 1940 it had grown to 81,000. From the last decade of the nineteenth century onwards it underwent rapid economic expansion becoming the main mercantile and manufacturing centre in southern Peru.69 Because of the construction of the southern railroad, Arequipa was the connection point between the port of Mollendo and the wool and cattle regions of Puno and Cusco. During the early twentieth century, this led to the rise of important British, German and local commercial houses, influential regional banks, various textile factories and the diversification of the regional economy.70 It was in this context that on 19 March 1896, under the slogan ‘Faith, Honesty and Labour’, the then Franciscan friar Mariano Holguín together with a group of sixty-four workers, founded the Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa – Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa (CCWA), which was the first confessional worker association in Peru. Like other CCWs, one of the main objectives of the CCWA was the formation of a Catholic labour culture. Like the anarchist and Marxist labour associations which sought not only to instil their ideas but also to create a new lifestyle and ‘class consciousness’.71 The CCWA strived to create a Catholic identity which would have a real impact on the way in which the workers understood their labour and themselves both as persons and as a community. As stated in the manifesto of the first issue of La Colmena: ‘We want to …dignify the worker by means of religion and culture and make him ready to fight the battles of life and achieve the material well-being to which he has an undeniable right’.72 An additional goal was that Arequipa’s working class should be prepared to resist socialism’s advances when it arrived in the region. It asserted that this worker identity should display various definite traits. The workers must be formed in the Catholic faith, know the basic principles of the Church’s social doctrine, cultivate the virtues of honesty and work. They should develop a civic conscience, knowing their own civil rights, respecting the institutions, participating democratically in the association’s activities and cultivating patriotism. The necessity of seeking a reconciliation between the workers and owners of factories was inculcated, although ‘mercantilist’ liberalism, which did not ‘recognise the rights of the workers’, was also criticised. Improvement of one’s social condition through education, work and savings was encouraged, and it was urged that in so doing the worker might become 69 70 71 72

Carlos B. Cisneros, Frutos de paz (Lima, 1908), 28–9. Percy Martin, Peru of the Twentieth Century (London, 1911), 302–5. Drinot, ‘Workers, the State, and Radical Politics in Peru in the Early 1930s’, 33–5. La Colmena, 19 March 1920.

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an owner. The necessity of developing a spirit of camaraderie and association was emphasised. Various means were used to cultivate this identity. In terms of intellectual formation, lectures were given and a periodical launched. Literary, dramatic, musical and poetry festivals were promoted. In addition, a set of symbols was created: a coat of arms, a hymn and various mottos and slogans. A target-shooting club was established and friendly gatherings were frequently organised. The first statutes of the CCWA were drafted by Mariano Holguín, and these were reformed by José Miguel La Rosa in 1901. Then in 1922 the Catalan Franciscan Francisco Cabré again reformulated them according to the needs of the time. In the statutes of 1901, it was indicated that the institution’s objective was ‘the dignification, union and protection’ of its members. In those of 1922, procuring ‘the moral and material well-being of the working class and the encouragement and vigorous defence of the Christian social order’73 were added as objectives. To realise this goal, it was maintained that they should develop the means of intellectual formation, seek the ‘effective but prudent elimination of the bad customs which degrade the labouring class’, create means of socialisation and camaraderie, and foster means of labour protection such as economic institutions that would promote savings and assist the membership in cases of sickness, death or other emergencies.74 As has already been noted, from the outset it was established that the CCWA was an association composed of both ‘active members’ and ‘protector members’.75 The first were workers who practised ‘an art or honourable profession’, were older than seventeen years and promised to ‘remain faithful sons of the Catholic Church … and fulfil the statutes and rules of the Circle of Catholic Workers’.76 They had the right to receive the social benefits offered by the CCWA, to participate in the general assemblies and to have a voice and a vote in the election of the group’s managing committee. At the same time, they were assigned a complex of duties including the mutual assistance between the members in times of need, frequent participation in CCWA activities, the fulfilment of certain religious precepts and the payment of the monthly dues 73 74

75 76

Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa, Estatutos de Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa y Reglamento de la Sección de Socorros Mutuos de 1922, (Arequipa, 1922), art. 2 Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa, Estatutos del Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa. Aprobado en Sesión de Junta General del 6 de octubre de 1901 (Arequipa, 1901), art.1. Ibid., art.7. Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa, Estatutos de Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa y Reglamento de la Sección de Socorros Mutuos de 1922, art.11.

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for the expenses of the institution.77 On the other hand, the ‘protector members’ included members of Arequipa’s elite and young professionals. They were elected by the Directive Committee of the CCWA and committed themselves to make a monthly economic contribution to the institution’s treasury and to endeavour to provide work, to the extent possible, to the ‘active members’.78 The ‘protector members’ in turn elected an Honorary President who participated with voice and vote in the General Assembly. The incorporation of this category of membership enabled the CCWA to obtain financing and professional assistance for many of its works and, at the same time, to establish relatively fluid means of dialogue between the workers and the business owners. However, this arrangement also entailed a lessened independence in terms of the social reform proposals which the workers could promote. The CCWA’s government was the responsibility of a Directive Committee which was composed of a president, a vice-president, a treasurer, an attorney, a secretary, eight committeemen, an ecclesiastical director and the directors of each one of the charitable organisations dependent upon the institution.79 The ‘active members’ met periodically in an Ordinary General Assembly to listen and approve the reports from the Directive Committee, which had to present each year a record of its projects and the institution’s budget. At the same time, all the active members who had paid their dues had voice and a vote in the annual election of all the officers of the governing body. The only exception to this process was the ecclesiastical director who was named by the bishop of Arequipa at the request of the Directive Committee. In practice the ecclesiastical director had tremendous influence on the organisation. In the course of forty years, various figures played transcendental roles in the growth of the CCWA. In the first place, the presidents of the Directive Committee including José D. Cáceres (1896–9, 1902), José Miguel La Rosa (1906–8, 1916), Cayetano Arenas (1909–14) and Tomás Berenguel (1917–21). The periodical La Colmena described José D. Cáceres as ‘believing, honest, hardworking, he was the incarnation of our motto, he was the model Catholic worker’. If he was exalted in this way it was because Cáceres represented, for the membership, the ideal of economic and social progress by dint of honest labour, virtuous living and savings. Having been initiated into the working life as a manual worker, over time

77 78 79

Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa, Estatutos del Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa de 1901, art.18. Ibid., art. 13. Ibid., art.25.

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he accumulated a small fortune that allowed him to educate himself and also to become the owner of a typographical business.80 He was, along with the friar Mariano Holguín, one of the initial organisers of the CCWA. José Miguel La Rosa was a different case; he was not properly speaking a labourer, but rather a lawyer who took part in the foundation of the CCWA. Over the course of twenty-two years he held nearly all the posts in the Directive Committee: secretary, conference director, founder of the Night School, vice-president and president (1906–8, 1916). He was a teacher at the Night School, reformed the statutes in 1901 and drafted the regulations for the Mutual-Aid associations. He was dedicated to the formation of the workers in social themes, as shown by his numerous lectures with titles such as ‘The need for association of the working class’, ‘The concept of worker dignity’, ‘Discourse against gambling as a social plague’, ‘The need to combat alcoholism’, ‘The Budget as the foundation of progress’, ‘The fight against socialism’, ‘Individual guarantees recognised by the state Constitution’ among many others. According to La Colmena, La Rosa had been essential to the institution because he: … struggled along with us as a fellow worker; never held back either his physical, moral or intellectual strengths. He represented us everywhere bearing our creed; he withheld no sacrifice and we have the right to call him our own. Gentlemen, all our archives bear his marks … We see in him not the teacher who instructed us but rather the brother who blazed the trail.81 Cayetano Arenas was another outstanding president between 1909 and 1914. In his youth he had been a blacksmith and foundry worker, and like Cáceres, within a few years was the owner of his own factory: That admirable man who, being a simple blacksmith without education or instruction of any kind, lacking the technical principles of his art, with only his proverbial industriousness, his upright honesty, his natural talent, his tenacious soul of iron forged in the fires, knew how to establish the great factory ‘The Eagle’, the main one of its kind in southern Peru and one of the first in the Republic.82

80 81 82

La Colmena, 17 April 1921, 24. Ibid., 25. Ibid., 26.

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Arenas led a group of workers in uniting themselves to Father Holguín’s first project. Later, as president of the CCWA he encouraged the expansion of the Night School and made significant donations to that institution. Among the protector members a prominent figure was Jorge Stafford, a member of Arequipa’s elite and president of the city’s Chamber of Commerce in 1909. For fourteen years he was honorary president of the CCWA, making donations towards the development of the group’s projects.83 Other leading protector members included Pedro José Rada y Gamio, who was later an important minister under Leguía; José Miguel Forga, the owner of one of the country’s most important textile factories and mayor of Arequipa,84 Juan Vidaurrázaga and José Luis López de Romaña. There were also many priests involved in the growth of this institution. Without doubt the most influential were the Franciscans Mariano Holguín and Francisco Cabré. As has been mentioned, the first took the initiative to found the CCWA and accompanied it during its early years, drafting statutes and directing La Abeja (The Bee), the CCWA’s first periodical. Later, when he was named bishop of Arequipa in 1906, he continued to support its activities. Father Francisco Cabré modified the first statutes, directed the periodical La Colmena and, to a great extent, guided the principal doctrinal lines of the organisation.85 Owing to a lack of access to the CCWA’s archives, it is not possible in this work to undertake a detailed analysis of either the social origin or the labour activities of the workers who belonged to this association or the number of beneficiaries of its projects. However, through the information found in the statutes, in the periodical La Colmena and in records of some of the annual reports certain significant features can be discerned. In the first place, the workers who joined the organisation were dedicated to a variety of activities. There were workers from typographic and lithographic plants, shoe factories, breweries, cotton and woollen mills, iron and steel foundries and artisans. In this sense, they did not necessarily have a common set of labour demands because the conditions, benefits and problems varied according to trade. Nevertheless, on certain occasions there were proposals and declarations in support of some governmental measures such as the demand for price reductions of basic 83 84 85

Ibid., 26. Ibid., 2 May 1925; Martin, Peru of the Twentieth Century, 303. Besides him, many religious and secular priests were involved in the activities of the CCWA such as Hipolito Duhamel, Mateo Crawley-Boevey, canons Santiago Martínez, Juan Gualberto Guevara, Remigio Zeballos and Pedro Martínez Vélez; the Franciscans Juan A. Valdivia, Luis Bouroncle and the Jesuits of Arequipa. Ibid., 17 April 1921.

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living expenses86 or the support of a law of Obligatory Worker Insurance.87 By 1921 the number of active members who had enrolled in the CCWA was 510.88 However, its influence was greater than that exercised upon its membership since its means of formation, such as its lectures and its press, were also directed at other workers in Arequipa. For example, the workers of the railway union Sociedad Fraternal de Empleados y Obreros del Ferrocarril attended the CCWA lectures and under the influence of Bishops Holguín created a ‘Pro-Catechism Association’.89 Also by 1906 the members of the ‘Social Worker Centre’, another workers’ association, used to attend some of the CCWA events and for some time entertained the idea of uniting both associations.90 Similarly, some of its social projects, such as the library and the night school, benefited people who had no formal links to the CCWA. A dialogue was also established with other labour groups. On the one hand, there was explicit support for other CCW groups in Peru, as in the cases of Cusco, Puno, Ayacucho and Lima. On the other hand, occasionally the CCWA made common cause with secular worker associations in Arequipa in order to move forward certain specific proposals.91 If all this demonstrates that the organisation’s drawing power was limited, it is important to note that the labour movement was still in its infancy in Peru, especially in the provinces. That was the reflection expressed in La Colmena in 1927 when it asked the question: ‘What labour unions exist in Peru? We, who greatly concern ourselves with the social issues of our nation, know of none, not a single one, which merits the name’.92 It affirmed that numerous worker associations existed, called unions but ‘without any type of plan, or notion of what a labour movement is’, and which limited themselves to obtaining certain concessions from the government, but their meetings and activities were few. According to La Colmena these unions reached not even 1 % of the population.93 If these assertions do not exactly reflect the reality as both Marxism and anarchism had some influence in the world of labour, especially in Lima, it is undeniable that the labour movement in 1927 found itself greatly weakened. The historian Peter Blanchard maintains that, in effect, the approval of the eight-hour workday in 1919 destroyed the momentum of the Peruvian 86 La Colmena, 15 April 1920; 15 May 1920; 8 February 1925; 19 November 1927. 87 Ibid., 11 June 1927. 88 Ibid., 17 April 1921, 24. 89 El Deber, 27 July 27 1917. 90 La Colmena, 17 April 1921, 22. 91 Ibid. 92 Ibid., 11 June 1927. 93 Ibid.

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working movement and ‘although it managed to survive the crisis, its inherent weaknesses were evident to all’ as a consequence of its internal divisiveness, reliance on bourgeois political leaders, and repression.94 In theory one of the principles of the CCWA was to avoid direct involvement in party politics in order to protect the unity and harmony of its members and to preserve without distortions the social and religious aims of the association. It was stated that the workers had to fulfil their civic duties in accordance with their consciences. Nevertheless, the statutes determined that in certain cases, and only on specific occasions, with the approval of two thirds of the General Meeting, it was permitted to give an institutional endorsement to a candidate or a party as long as doing so was considered necessary to defend the ‘Catholic social order’ or the workers’ interests.95 This participation was expressed in support of candidates for the municipal government, the Congress or even the national Presidency. One example was the CCWA’s endorsement of the presidential candidacy of Augusto B. Leguía in 1919 and those of Pedro José Rada y Gamio and José Miguel La Rosa for Congress. Later, as congressman and minister Rada y Gamio sponsored several of the circle’s projects, such as subsidies for its housing project and donations for the evening school and the library.96 During the early 1920s the CCWA established close links with the government and Leguía was appointed as an honorary member. However, these facts did not entail unconditional political support of Leguía since a number of presidential policies were occasionally criticised as in the case of some aspects of the road-building programme and the centralist tendencies of the state.97 Furthermore, during the late 1920s the CCWA became critical of the increasingly authoritarian and nepotistic practices of Leguía and consequently it was threatened with repression and closure.98 It also enthusiastically supported the candidacy of José Miguel Forga for mayor of Arequipa in 1925. La Colmena praised Forga for having rejected Leguía’s proposal that he adhere to the governing party (the National Reform Party) and for maintaining himself as an independent in municipal politics.99 94 Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement, 1883–1919, 160. 95 Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa, Estatutos de Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Arequipa y Reglamento de la Sección de Socorros Mutuos de 1922, art. 7. 96 In 1920 Rada y Gamio donated a collection of forty volumes of manuals for artisans to the library of the CCWA. La Colmena, 1 April 1920. 97 Ibid., 27 June 1925. 98 Ibid., 30 August 1930; 6 September 1930. 99 Ibid., 2 May 1925.

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Another facet of the political participation of the CCWA was its public pronouncements on various aspects related to the problems of the working class, the Church or Peruvian politics and economy. For example, in June 1896, the CCWA published a statement against a separatist movement in Iquitos and in 1898 another one where a rebellion in Puno was condemned. When President José Pardo visited Arequipa in 1905, the CCWA gave him a list of demands, which included the reorganisation of the local police and the penal system; economic protection of the typographic industry, a new regimen for primary schools and prevention against immoral spectacles and pornography.100 Between 1896 and 1919 there were also numerous public manifestos that criticised the Government’s attempts to separate church and state and to secularise society, such as the law of religious tolerance, civil marriage, secularisation of cemeteries, among others. Other objects of the CCWA’s criticisms were the country’s socialist and anarchist movements.101 One of the most important facets of the CCWA was the creation of a number of social and cultural works that developed their own organisation and were accountable to the General Meeting every year. There were four important areas or sections: the section of cultural promotion, the mutual-aid society, the evening school and the house-building project. Another important work was the CCWA’s newspaper. The section of cultural promotion coordinated the lectures and other events such as literary evenings and theatrical plays. It also had the duty of maintaining the CCWA’s library. In one sense the labours of this section were similar to those of the ‘Popular Universities’ for workers, a sort of university extension created by anarchists and Apristas to indoctrinate the workers and to bring ‘the benefits of culture and learning to the poor and uneducated’.102 As explained before, the objective of this area was to create a new ‘Catholic working class culture’. The subjects covered dealt with diverse aspects related to the Catholic faith, the labour situation in Peru and the world, civic formation, the virtues of the worker, the struggle against vices such as alcoholism and a critique of the ideologies. Moreover, topics of a technical and practical nature were developed for the workers. The lectures were given mainly by university professors, senior students, young professionals and priests who volunteered to cooperate with the activities of the institution.

100 The editors of La Colmena stated that their pleads were not heard by Pardo’s government. See in: La Colmena 17 April 1921. 101 Ibid. 102 Klaiber, ‘The Popular Universities and the Origins of Aprismo, 1921–1924’, 693–5.

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The mutual-aid society was a fundamental part of the CCWA because it was considered a primary means of promoting the workers’ saving habits and of providing some social protection for active members. It was originally founded in 1896 but had to close in 1899 because of financial problems. Owing to the efforts of José Miguel La Rosa and the economic support of bishop Holguín and members of the local elite it was reopened in 1911. The society supported workers in cases of work accidents, illness or death. This meant a daily stipend to the worker for each day he had to be absent from work and the right to receive free medication and the care of a physician. In the case of death the society had to give a subsidy of fifty soles to the worker’s family and pay the funeral expenses.103 Every member of the society had to pay a monthly fee in order to have the right to receive these benefits. The first evening school was founded in 1896 but, as in the case of the mutual-aid society, after some months it had to close because of economic problems. Some years later, in 1903, José Miguel La Rosa re-founded it and from 1905 onwards the school functioned in its own building owing to the sponsorship of the Municipality of Arequipa and some prominent citizens. Only the director and the school inspector received a salary and all the other teachers were volunteers. Among them there were prominent priests and laymen such as Fr. Emilio Lissón, who later became Archbishop of Lima. An average of 250 students attended the school from 6p.m. to 9:00p.m. during the weekdays, mainly the children of the workers and some adults.104 Another social initiative was a housing project. The CCWA’s leaders stated that an essential way to promote workers’ dignity was to enable them to buy cheap and hygienic houses. Following the ideas of the Spanish sociologist Andrés Majón they believed that ‘Making proprietors is making anti-­ revolutionaries and there are no better or greater enemies of socialism than the owners of well-distributed property’.105 They also considered that it was crucial to face the ‘Social Question’ in Peru and thus it was the duty of the state and society to give the working class the means to have decent living conditions: ‘Without rooms there is no home, without home there is no family, without family there is no society, without society there is no patria’.106 They stated that Capitalist exploitation had enlarged the gap between rich and poor and that workers’ living conditions had deteriorated during recent decades. A decent house was portrayed as an important requisite to promote the moral and 103 La Colmena, 19 March 1920. 104 Cabré, La Unión de la Clase Obrera, 24. 105 La Colmena, 20 June 1925. 106 Ibid., 1 May 1920.

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material development of the people. They maintained that over-crowding was one of the main causes of epidemics and infant mortality. At the same time, it created an inadequate environment for the improvement of the ­workers’ ­morality since they had to sleep in a hovel with their children and animals in only one room and with miserable hygienic conditions. In this sense, the CCWA leaders stated that the first practical lesson in the workers’ education was to give them hygienic and comfortable houses. The first thing that the popular educator had to inculcate in the people was the self-respect of their own dignity. It was not enough to increase wages; it was also necessary to encourage workers’ moral and material aspirations by giving them the possibility of buying a house.107 To implement these ideas, since the late 1910s the CCWA’s directors had planned to develop a housing project in Arequipa. Father Francisco Cabré stated that this was the first attempt in the region to build a complex of low-cost but decent houses for workers with adequate hygienic conditions. For years the project was postponed because of insufficient financial resources. This situation seemed to change between 1920 and 1921 when, owing to the influence of congressmen Pedro José Rada y Gamio and Arturo Núñez Chávez, two state subsidies of 4,000 and 11,000 soles were assigned to the project to buy land.108 The construction of the ‘Barrio Obrero León XIII’ as this project was called, was planned to begin on 28 July 1921. However, later the government alleged that, owing to the crisis, the dispersal of the funds had to be postponed despite the fact that they had already been officially approved. In 1925, thanks to a loan offered by Arequipa’s mayor, José Miguel Forga, they were able to buy land where more than fifty houses were projected to be built.109 The most important means to spread the ideas of the Circle was the press. On 19 March 1897, the first CCWA newspaper, La Abeja (The Bee), was founded and was published monthly for ten years. Its main topics were related to the diffusion of Christian doctrine and the discussion of the ‘Social Question’ in Peru. In 1907, La Abeja was closed because of economic problems. Between 1907 and 1919, other Arequipa Catholic newspapers, especially El Amigo del Pueblo and El Deber, published the CCWA’s pronouncements and news. In March 1919 Fr. Francisco Cabré founded the CCWA’s second newspaper, La Colmena (The Beehive), which was published bi-monthly until 1942.110 La Colmena became one of the most important newspapers of southern Peru and 107 Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 Ibid., 20 June 1925. 110 Klaiber. The Catholic Church, 85.

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one of the most long-lasting organs of expression of an association of workers in the country. In addition to the already mentioned projects, around 1938 the CCWA created a Savings Cooperative, free legal defence consultancies for workers faced with labour problems and a cafetería that provided breakfast for poor children.111 In spite of its economic problems, the delay of some of its projects and the fact that it never became a massive institution, the CCWA was a prominent institution in Arequipa’s labour environment.

…

In 1927, in the wake of the celebration of the thirty-first anniversary of the CCWA’s founding, Father Francisco Cabré O.F.M. made a detailed self-evaluation of the organisation’s achievements throughout its history and its prospects for the future. He indicated that one of its merits had been that it was the first Catholic labour movement during the republic. However, he claimed that, taking into account the existing changes in society, the CCWA had to evolve since otherwise it would be condemned to disappear. He felt that the educational and mutualist efforts were not enough to achieve significant influence among the working class or to arrest the increasing advances of socialism. He proposed that the CCWs become unions that would fight against ‘the tyranny of socialism and the excesses of capital when it did not fulfil its duties’. However, to do so, it needed to train new leaders who were committed to social change and the Christianisation of the labour movement. The CCWs, with their many projects, must convert themselves into breeding grounds for those who, in the future, would form a truly Catholic unionism.112 Father Cabré’s words are a testimony of the support and the limitations of the Catholic labour organisations. If it is true that the CCW were not able to generate a truly mass movement similar to those found in other Latin American countries and in Europe, some of them constituted institutions with decades of existence which fomented a deeply-rooted sense of identity among its members. It is necessary to highlight that during the first three decades of the twentieth century no party or ideology was able to achieve hegemonic control over the labour movement. Social Catholicism and the CCWs were unable to do so, but they did play a vital role in the development of a Catholic presence among the labouring class through various means such as periodicals, lectures and participation in some of the labour struggles. In that sense, the CCWs

111 La Colmena, 19 March 1927. 112 Ibid.

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represented concrete initiatives and alternatives for participation in the social question and contributed to the formation of a civic and democratic culture among the working class. Their influence would lessen during the early 1940s when repressive measures against the Marxist movements were attenuated and the aprista party regained its legal standing. The return of mass political movements to Peru led to a progressive displacement of the worker associations that did not become unions with a local party base (like the APRA) or enjoyed international backing (like the Marxist movements). In this context, the CCW’s presence in the Peruvian labour world was reduced. Nevertheless, the degree to which Catholic social principles influenced subsequent labour legislation and workers associations remains to be studied.

chapter 9

Ecclesiastical Indigenismo The definition of the ‘Indian question’ in Peru has been the subject of numerous debates and has been analysed from different perspectives and methodologies. In spite of conflicting positions, most authors agree that this is a central social problem of the country and that its resolution plays a fundamental role in the difficult struggle to form a national identity while reconciling its diverse heritages, specifically those of the indigenous and Spanish traditions. Most of the studies that examine this phenomenon have tended to emphasise the role of revolutionary intellectuals,1 the State2 or the emergence of radical political and social movements in the Peruvian highlands.3 However, in spite of the deep influence of Catholicism in rural Peru, the study of its social impact on the indigenous people remains an unfinished task, and the literature on this topic is scant.4 As in the case of the role of Church in the urban labour movement, this absence is the result of a series of presuppositions advanced by a number of writers and politicians who maintained that Catholicism was one of the main obstacles to the transformation of the rural structures and a powerful tool used by the Peruvian oligarchy to both legitimise and preserve

1 See: Tamayo Herrera, Historia social del indigenismo en el Altiplano (Lima, 1982); José Deustua and J. L. Rénique, Intelectuales, indigenismo y descentralismo en el Perú, 1897–1931 (Cusco, 1984); Nicolás Lynch, El pensamiento social sobre la comunidad indígena a principios del siglo XX (Cusco, 1979). 2 See: François Chevalier, ‘Official Inidigenismo in Peru in 1920: Origins, Significance and Socioeconomic Scope’; and Brooke Larson, Trials of Nation Making: Liberalism, Race, and Ethnicity in the Andes, 1810–1910 (Cambridge; New York, 2004). 3 See: F. Mallon, The Defence of the Community in Peru’s Central Highlands. Peasant Struggle and Capitalist Transition, 1860–1940 (Princeton, N.J., 1983); W. Kapsoli, Los movimientos campesinos en el Perú, 1879–1965 (Lima, 1977); N. Manrique, Yawar Mayu: Sociedades Terratenientes Serranas, 1860–1910 (Lima, 1988). 4 Imelda Vega-Centeno studies the life and works of Bishop Pedro Farfán, one of the leading defenders of Indian rights in Cusco during the early Twentieth century. See: Imelda VegaCenteno. Pedro Pascual Farfán de los Godos. Obispo de Indios (1870–1945) (Cusco, 1993). Other works on the Catholic Church have been focused either on institutional aspects (such as church-state relations, the development of the law of religious tolerance) or on Catholic missions in the Amazon region.

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the dominant social system.5 Charitable associations were described as palliatives that failed to confront the structural roots of the Indian problem by promoting an ideal of resignation and social immobility.6 Indeed, as seen in previous chapters, almost all members of the Catholic hierarchy of Peru were unambiguously opposed to radical movements and to the transformation of society through violent revolution. It is also true that accusations of misbehaviour against the clergy in rural Peru were not always unfounded. Nevertheless, the defence of doctrinal orthodoxy and the rejection of revolutionary movements did not necessarily entail apathy towards the Indian question. To the contrary, several Catholic leaders such as Bishop Pedro Farfán7 and Víctor Andrés Belaunde8 maintained that whereas social Catholicism in Europe was focused on problems resulting from industrialisation in a capitalist economy, in Peru a major social issue that had to be addressed by Catholics was the fact that the Indians, despite constituting a great part of the country’s population, lived under deplorable economic and social conditions and tended to be excluded from political representation. Thus, in order to understand the role and attitude of Catholics with regards to the Indian question it is necessary to analyse their involvement in the indigenista debate and to evaluate to what extent their network of charitable and missionary organisations and their participation in Peruvian politics left a significant imprint in rural Peru and in the Amazon region from 1890 to 1930. The Indigenista Debate After independence, liberal elites designed an institutional framework that aimed to establish formal legal equality for all Peruvians. Nevertheless, they repealed the tutelary legislation that, during the times of the Spanish rule, safeguarded property rights of indigenous communities, gave them procedural legal privileges, kept chairs of native languages in Peruvian universities, and acknowledged the social status of indigenous elites.9 In doing so, liberals – 5 See. Alberto Flores Galindo, Buscando un Inca (Lima, 2005), 246–7, 264, 267. However, Flores Galindo stated the bishop Pedro Farfán was an exception to the rule. See in: Ibid., 268. 6 González Prada, Páginas libres. Horas de lucha, 332–343. 7 Pedro Farfán, Exhortación pastoral sobre la protección de la raza indígena (Cusco, 1920). 8 Belaunde, La realidad nacional (Lima, 1987). 9 For an insightful analysis of indigenous rights and legal privileges in the Viceroyalty of Peru see: Novoa, The Protectors of Indians in the Royal Audience of Lima: History, Careers and Legal Culture, 1575–1775. (Brill, 2016). For an in-deep examination of indigenous elites before independence see: O’Phelan, Mestizos Reales: Indios Nobles, Caciques y Capitanes de Mita (Lima, 2007).

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and afterwards positivists – largely excluded indigenous peoples from the national making process and deepened a series of social problems, including loss of community lands, unpaid use of peasant labour, and stigmatisation of native languages.10 During the nineteenth century some influential bishops such as Bartolomé Herrera and Juan Ambrosio Huerta sharply criticised the attitude of liberalism towards the Indians, considering it unrealistic and appealed for the return of a tutelary legislation to protect them from multiple abuses by provincial authorities and landowners.11 Afterwards, Peru’s defeat in the War of the Pacific generated a profound moral crisis in the country and gave impetus to an intense and often bitter debate over the internal problems that had been exposed during the conflict and which had been partially to blame for the debacle. Intellectuals and politicians, from across the political and philosophical spectrum, emphasised that, although the nineteenth century had seen an intense process of mestizaje, the country still found itself divided culturally, economically, and socially. A significant part of the population, for the most part indigenous, lived in precarious economic conditions excluded from effective political participation and subjected to servile social relations which still existed in many regions. Furthermore, the contrast between the urban creole, mestizo, westernised and Spanish-speaking world and the predominantly indigenous rural world made palpable the existence of profound cultural differences, thus rendering the construction of a common identity difficult. This confrontation with reality led some authors to assert that the ideals and promises upon which the republic had been built were far from being realised. Positivism influenced by Social Darwinism was one of the chief currents of intellectual thought during this era. Latin American positivists intended to give a scientific explanation for the region’s backwardness by invoking racial and economic issues. Generally, they rejected the Spanish legacy and Catholicism and proclaimed that their countries were ‘sick’ because of racial miscegenation.12 They looked upon the Anglo-Saxon and Germanic countries as the proper models to follow and encouraged immigration and education as the key elements of development. In Peru, San Marcos University was the main centre of positivism. Some of its leading professors were enthusiastic apostles 10

Alejandro Diez Hurtado, ‘Autoridades locales y comunidades indígenas en el Perú del siglo XIX. Una aproximación desde la Sierra Centro y Norte del Perú’, Boletín del Instituto Riva-Agüero, 37 (2014), 123–143. 11 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 67–8, 98, 198–9. 12 Martin Stabb, In Quest of Identity. Patterns in the Spanish American Essay of Ideas, 1890– 1960 (Chapel Hill, 1967), 12–13.

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of social Darwinism and Spencerian Positivism. For example, Javier Prado, as a positivist, severely criticised metaphysics and adopted the scientific method as the key to understanding social development.13 He developed a positivist interpretation of Peru during the Spanish era. In one of his most famous discourses, El Estado Social del Perú durante la dominación Española (1894), he attacked Spanish rule, accused the Catholic Church of encouraging both despotism and superstition among the Indian population and rejected the entire viceregal legacy. At the same time, his descriptions of the Indian population were not favourable. He maintained that the Indians were a corrupted race owing to the effects of alcohol and the oppression of more than three centuries.14 Their characteristics were melancholy and hypocrisy, which cloaked endemic unrest. Prado explained poverty and underdevelopment in Peru through positivism and racist theories influenced by Taine, Le Bon, Spencer and the Argentineans, José F. Sarmiento and Juan Bautista Alberdi.15 One of the chief critics of this crude Social Darwinism was Manuel González Prada who declared that the indigenous population was the only transmitter of nationality, since the western tradition was a mere varnish violently and oppressively applied to the true Peruvian native. In this González Prada passionately criticised the foundations of Peruvian culture to the point of affirming that ‘Peru is not a nation but rather an inhabited territory where flocks of serfs vegetate’.16 Nor did he see any possibility for reconciliation between the races. He expressed this notion clearly both in his essay Nuestros indios, and in his famous Politeama speech in which he asserted that: The groups of creoles and foreigners that inhabit the strip of land between the Pacific and the Andes do not make up the true Peru; the nation is composed of the multitudes of Indians spread throughout the eastern flank of the mountain range.17 Thus, Peru could not look to the past for its model, since there it would only encounter oppression. Only after the extirpation of the Hispanic heritage, 13 14 15 16

17

Salazar Bondy, Historia de las ideas en el Perú contemporáneo, 40–5. Javier Javier, Estado social del Perú durante la dominación española (Lima, 1941), 21–3. Ibid., 52, 196–197, 203–206. ‘El Perú no es una nación sino un territorio habitado donde vegetan rebaños de siervos’ quoted in: Karen Sanders, Nación y tradición. cinco discursos en torno a la nación peruana. 1885–1930 (Lima, 1997), 236. ‘No forman el verdadero Perú las agrupaciones de criollos y extranjeros que habitan la faja de tierra situada entre el Pacífico y los Andes; la nación está formada por las muchedumbres de indios diseminados en la banda oriental de la cordillera’ in: González Prada, Páginas libres. Horas de lucha, 45.

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Catholicism and even some elements of the republican tradition, could a true country and nation be constituted. This idea was clearly expressed in one of his most remembered slogans: ‘Young men to work, old men to the grave’.18 González Prada was an important model for the radical movements. Mariátegui, Haya de la Torre and the indigenistas considered him a pioneer and visionary who had plotted the course to take in building a new society. The vindication of the Indian race and culture was often accompanied by a radical attack on the Western tradition, as was the case in Tempestad en los Andes by Luis Valcárcel, who maintained that there was an essential dichotomy between Lima and Cusco. Lima embodied the attempted adaptation of European culture, while Cusco represented the mother culture, heir to the millenarian tradition of the Incas. The white and westernised man of Lima understood neither the essence nor the authentic life of the man of the Andes, since he had no roots in the soil. To Cusco alone was reserved the Indian’s redemption. That is to say, for Valcárcel there existed two nationalities in Peru, a reality that was the fruit of an as yet unresolved conflict dating back to the conquest: A few mysterious men … came to the great empire of Cusco and in less than five years destroyed the native empire. Afterwards a dual citizenship was formed: that of the conquered, broken, battered, with no collective consciousness; and that of the conquerors, that of the white men, united in the task of private profit … At present, Peru’s ethnic duality is the most serious problem of the political and social life, and this heterogeneity, which the centuries have been unable to reconcile or reduce, constitutes the danger that our country will not attain in many years the level of culture of other peoples.19 In the case of José Carlos Mariátegui, indigenismo was proposed as a r­ equisite for bringing about the revolution in Peru and the installation of socialism. 18 19

‘Los jóvenes a la obra, los viejos a la tumba’ in González Prada, Páginas libres. Horas de lucha, 46. ‘Unos cuantos hombres misteriosos. Llegaron al gran imperio cusqueño y en menos de un lustro destruyeron el imperio aborigen. Se formó entonces una doble nacionalidad: la de los vencidos, rota, maltrecha, sin conciencia colectiva; la otra, la de los vencedores, la de los hombres blancos, unimismados en la labor de enriquecimiento individual…. La dualización étnica del Perú se presenta como el más grave problema de su vida política y social; esta heterogeneidad, que los siglos no han podido conciliar, ni amenguar, constituye el peligro de que nuestro país no alcance en muchísimos años el grado de cultura que otros pueblos’. Luis Valcárcel, Del ayllu al imperio (Lima, 1925), 22–3.

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In contrast to González Prada, his critique of the nation’s problems, in addition to being more balanced, was accompanied by a proposal for change, while in contrast to the indigenistas, he maintained that there were Western elements in Peruvian culture that already had a permanent character.20 For all that, it was necessary to propose a revolutionary model in order to transform the reality, a model that could be found in Marxism. Therefore, according to Mariátegui, in order to correctly identify the essence of Peru, the Marxist method, which presumed that the root of all a nation’s problems were economic, had to be applied. ‘In this sense the seven essays are seven attempts to apply the Marxist method in order to adequately grasp the essential rather than the apparent nature of Peru. The Marxist method would give realism to the Peruvian reality’.21 From this perspective Peruvian history was characterised as a process of oppression in which had generated the conditions necessary to spark a revolution that would eventually bring about the establishment of a socialist utopia. Another tendency was that of the Asociación Pro-Indígena founded in 1909 by Pedro Zulen (1889–1925) and Dora Mayer (1868–1957). Many Catholics such as Víctor Andrés Belaunde, José de la Riva-Agüero and the priest Juan Vitaliano Berroa were also active members.22 Characterised by its reformist stance, they held that it was necessary a period of tutelage and legal protection for the Indians until they were able to defend their own interests. Since 1912 they published the newspaper El Deber Pro-Indígena. The Asociación Pro-Indígena was influential in Peruvian legislation and its works expanded alongside the country.23 20

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Mariátegui stated that Valcárcel was not correct in this aspect because ‘Ni la civilización occidental está tan agotada y putrefacta con Valcárcel supone; ni una vez adquirida su experiencia, su técnica y sus ideas, el Perú puede renunciar místicamente a tan válidos y preciosos instrumentos de la potencia humana, para volver, con áspera intransigencia, a sus antiguos mitos agrarios. La conquista, mala y todo, ha sido un hecho histórico. La república, tal como existe, es otro hecho histórico (…). La historia del Perú no es sino una parcela de la historia humana. En cuatro siglos se ha formado una realidad nueva. La han creado los aluviones de Occidente. Es una realidad débil. Pero es, de todos modos, una realidad. Sería excesivamente romántico decidirse hoy a ignorarla’. Quoted in: Sanders, Nación y tradición, 300–1. ‘En este sentido los 7 ensayos son siete intentos de aplicación del método marxista a fin de captar adecuadamente el ser esencial no aparencial del Perú. El método marxista le daría realismo al análisis de la realidad peruana’ in Sobrevilla, El marxismo de Mariátegui y su aplicación a los 7 ensayos, 269–70. Pedro Planas, El 900. Balance y recuperación (Lima, 1994), 38–40 For an extensive study of the Asociación Pro-Indígena see: Jancsó Katalin, ‘Indigenismo político temprano en el Perú y la Asociación Pro-Indígena’ (University of Szeged, 2007).

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An important grassroots indigenista association was The Comité Central Pro-Derecho Indígena Tahuantinsuyo (CPDIT). Founded in 1919 by various rural leaders, former members of the Asociación Pro-Indígena, provincial migrants to Lima and urban workers, the CPDIT soon established close links with Peruvian anarcho-syndicalism, and developed a revolutionary and anticlerical stand. In addition to Lima, the CPDIT founded committees mostly in the central and southern Peruvian Andes, including Puno, Cusco, Arequipa, Apurímac, Ayacucho, Huancavelica and Junin. Between 1921 and 1926 they organised six conferences that hosted representatives of different indigenous communities from across the country. Initially Leguía’s regime supported CPDIT’s activities that included complaints against the seizure of peasants’ lands and other abuses. However, since 1924, as they were radicalised, the government stopped supporting the movement, and its leaders were repressed. In August 1927, a Supreme Resolution forbade its operation nation-wide.24 Catholic Thought and the ‘Indian Question’ Modern ecclesiastical indigenismo continued a long tradition dating back to the sixteenth century that included members of the religious orders, bishops, the secular clergy and laypeople such as Bartolomé de las Casas and Francisco de Vitoria.25 Their interventions concerning the treatment of natives did not remain mere theological speculation but their conclusions took form in wide-ranging legislation such as the famous Leyes Nuevas of 1542 or in the Recopilación de las Leyes de Indias. In the case of Peru, the works of churchmen, such as the Archbishop Toribio de Mogrovejo, Antonio Ruiz de Montoya and Domingo de Santo Tomás, followed this pattern.26

24 25

26

Carlos Arroyo, ‘La Experiencia del Comité Central Pro-Derecho Indígena Tahuantinsuyo’, 185–208. Lewis Hanke, La lucha por la justicia en la conquista de América (Madrid, 1988). For an insightful analysis of Las Casas’ thought from the perspective of Liberation Theology see: Gustavo Gutiérrez, En busca de los pobres de Jesucristo (Salamanca, 1993). For studies on archbishop Toribio de Mogrovejo see: R. Vargas Ugarte, Vida de Santo ­Toribio (Lima, 1971); M. Grignani, La Regla Consueta de Santo Toribio de Mogrovejo y la primera organización de la iglesia americana (Santiago, 2009). For Antonio Ruiz de Montoya see: Blanco Villalta, Montoya: apóstol de los Guaraníes (Buenos Aires, 1954) and J. Coronado Aguilar, J., ed., Conquista espiritual: a história da evangelização na Província Guairá na obra de Antônio Ruiz de Montoya, S.I. (1585–1652) (Rome, 2002).

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Jesuit anthropologist Manuel Marzal has argued that a type of political indigenismo had developed during that epoch which could be defined as the attempt of the ‘conquerors’ to integrate the ‘conquered’ into the society created by the Spanish conquest and which expected the native societies and cultures to stay ‘as they were’ under the control of the dominant society.27 That is to say, it was an indigenismo that held that the Indians, despite the fact of their domination, should preserve their own identity and be guaranteed a series of rights. The ecclesiastical indigenismo of the viceregal period did not restrict itself to the defence of the natives against the Spaniards’ abuses, but rather sought to study the languages, customs and traditions of each community. This meant that they could value those cultural elements that were not considered contrary to the Gospel, but would also seek to introduce such European elements as were considered necessary for the social development of the Indians. In the twentieth century a new, albeit less well-known, Catholic approach to the traditional defence of Indian rights was developed and adapted to the social, political and cultural changes that had taken place in the native societies. Despite the fact that its perspectives were far from uniform, certain common threads tended to appear in most ecclesiastical pronouncements as well as in the writings of Catholic intellectuals. Throughout the first decades of the new century, these proposals did not remain static, but were enriched by the sociological and economic studies of the Indian’s situation as well through the practical experience of pastoral labour. Nevertheless, there was a clear line of continuity from the epoch of Bartolomé Herrera to that of Víctor Andrés Belaunde. Among the most common perspectives of Catholic thought on this topic was its opposition to both the racism of Social Darwinism and the various currents of radical and revolutionary indigensimo. It maintained that the social situation of the Indians was not the result of their genetic inheritance and rejected the thesis of the intrinsic superiority of the Aryan race and, consequently, its right to dominate others. The idea that all peoples and races shared a common dignity was constantly defended. In the same way, the indigenista positions that repudiated the European legacy were criticised as being not merely impractical, but also undesirable since many elements of Western culture were by then inherent in the traditions of the native population; a rich, if incomplete, cultural and social melding had already taken place. The promotion of race warfare was condemned and replaced by the necessity to seek a social reconciliation emphasising the fact that Peru was a mestiza cultural synthesis, which, although suffering from numerous fissures, had the capacity to integrate 27

Manuel Marzal, Historia de la antropología indigenista (Lima, 1986), 43.

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the indigenous legacy along with those of the Hispanic, the ­African and that of its other communities into a common national heritage and identity. At the same time, the Marxist invocation of indigenismo to promote class warfare and foster a social revolution that sought to institute a communist ­system was also strongly criticised. The idea that, in Peru’s history, evangelisation had had a retarding effect on the Indian societies was rejected. To the contrary, Catholic social thinking of the time asserted that the secular proposals could not constitute a true solution to the indigenous question because they were inspired either by racist proposals or by violent solutions. Catholicism was presented as the supreme sign of unity in a country divided by its races, traditions and geography, and was thus the element which had brought Western culture to the native p ­ eoples, and thereby became the principal agent of the Peruvian cultural synthesis. At the same time, the renewed tradition held that the roots of the indigenous problem were not only economic and social but also moral. These differences notwithstanding, Catholic social thought coincided with contemporary ideologies in certain aspects. Like the positivists, and even before them, Catholics thought that education was indispensable in the ‘regeneration of the indigenous race’ and their incorporation in the political and economic life of the country. This education should include technical instruction that would have practical applications for the development of local economies, and should also inculcate basic elements of civic education and criteria of public health and hygiene. However, in contrast to the secular movements it held that a true education should not be reduced to the transmission of technical and civic content, but should also place significant emphasis on moral and religious education as the foundation of a healthy social order. At the same time, the two schools of thought also agreed on the necessity of an expansion of the State’s presence in the most isolated rural areas as well as on the importance of providing incentives for the indigenous to integrate into the national economy. In some Church documents, certain prejudices concerning the psychological characteristics of the indigenous race that were very common among the intellectual elite of the time were expressed. A series of negative psychological traits was attributed to the Indians, such as their supposed passivity, their susceptibility to being seduced by violent currents of thought and their tendency to hypocrisy and melancholy.28 In contrast to many of the positivists, however, it was maintained that these characteristics were not inherent, but were rather 28

For example, in a lecture given by Fr. Agustín Palomino at the Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social in Cusco, he revealed deep-rooted prejudices with respect to the native people. Focusing on the unsanitary conditions and the effects of alcohol and coca

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the result of their exploitation, deeply-rooted cultural habits, deplorable sanitary conditions and a nutrient-poor diet. Hence, in many cases one can observe in these documents a paternalistic tendency derived from the notion that the natives were incapable of becoming the agents of their own regeneration and therefore needed the help of the state and the rest of civil society to become fully integrated as citizens. On the other hand, like the indigenistas of a radical bent, they condemned the various attacks on the rights of natives in rural areas. Concrete criticisms of the various ways in which the Indians were exploited throughout the country were a constant element of the ecclesiastical documents dealing with this question. They echoed the condemnations of the village leaders and other provincial authorities who used their power for their own economic benefit and to preserve a structure of dominance. There were even numerous self-criticisms about the conduct of some members of the rural clergy. However, Catholic leaders unanimously opposed the use of violence and revolution to effect an abrupt transformation of the system. They believed that solidly based social change should be brought about through coherent policies that would endure rather than through revolutionary changes. They also generally favoured, though not in all cases, the development of tutelary legislation which would grant the Indians a number of procedural benefits and which would also recognise the legal standing of their communities. Another common element in Catholic social thought was the recognition of the indigenous contribution to the development of Peruvian nationality. Not only was the Inca past revaluated but so too were the traditions and culture of the contemporary native population, and not least in their contributions to the labour force and the military. At the same time, a diagnosis of their social situation was sought in order to propose a variety of responses designed to solve certain concrete problems. Some papers and thinkers made a detailed study of the historical, political, social, religious, economic and cultural factors that generated the situation then current.



on the Indians, he affirmed: ‘at the present moment, one sees in the Indian a sombre imbecility, a horrid stupefaction, a regression to cretinism and even to the craftiness of the ancient troglodyte, owing to the complete absence of any culture or progression in his psychic faculties and, why not say it, to that infernal toxin, alcohol, which burns the brain, corrodes the blood, dulls the nerves, and submerges the imagination in a chaotic abyss of feverishness’. in Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social, Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social, 206.

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After the War of the Pacific, the Church’s official position on the Indian question was expressed through a series of congresses, synods, councils and the documents of the Episcopal Assembly. The Catholic Peruvian Congress of 1896 marked an important early milestone when Carlos Elías, as president of the Unión Católica, dedicated part of his inaugural address to an analysis of the indigenous issue. Speaking from a position critical of the policies put forth by recent Peruvian governments, he asserted that one of the causes of the prostration of the native population was that republican institutions and laws had been built with a ‘complete lack of knowledge of the nature, necessities and conditions of our peoples’.29 It was of the utmost necessity to conduct a study of the material and religious state of the highland population because the exploitation and oppression of the Indian had created a situation of collective hate which, if a remedy was not found quickly, might transform itself into ‘horrifying social upheaval, a race war, the consequences of which would be such as to compromise Peru’s very existence’.30 To this problem could be added the alcoholism, hate and ignorance that were deeply-rooted in Indian society. According to Elías, a people without God or morals would be ungovernable, a proposition which made the action of Catholics absolutely indispensable. These reflections caused the indigenous issue to be discussed at the Catholic Congress. A resolution was put forward to strive to ‘better the conditions of the indigenous race’, and which recognised that it was the most numerous and most widely dispersed group throughout the national territory and that the origin of their sufferings should not be attributed to ‘their natural condition but rather to the mistreatment and injustices of which they have constantly been victims.’ It was affirmed that one of the causes of the frequent native uprisings in the country’s interior was the fact that, in practice, they had not been effectively incorporated as citizens of Peru since their rights and duties were systematically ignored. The congress called upon the civil and ecclesiastical authorities to support educational efforts and an increased state presence. Regarding the former, the printing ‘in Spanish and Quechua of dictionaries, catechisms and other foundational books of geography, arithmetic, grammar, economics, hygiene, and manners’ was proposed, along with the establishment of Sunday schools and night schools in the parishes, Indian villages and haciendas, and the formation of a permanent committee in the Unión Católica to work on this issue.31 A more detailed analysis was undertaken of the situation in the province of Puno, where ‘the Indian is used only 29 30 31

Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 74. Ibid., 75. Ibid., 310–11.

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as a taxpayer or soldier, without enjoying the advantages of citizenship that a solid civil and religious instruction would give him’.32 Acknowledging that the majority of the population of that zone only spoke Quechua or Aymara, the analysis proposed the creation of professorships in these languages in Puno’s seminary, as well as the formation of Sunday and night schools for its residents. Like many of the proposals of the men’s branch of the Unión Católica, these resolutions usually went unrealised, but the basic ideas were appropriated by priests and bishops. During the Seventh Provincial Council of Lima in 1912, the bishops of Peru reiterated their concern for the social conditions of the indigenous and dedicated a meeting to the issue. In addition to calling upon the authorities and the civil society to promote the social and religious progress of the Indians, some of the problems of the native communities were analysed. They acknowledged the devastating effects of alcoholism and the excessive consumption of coca, the deficiencies in sanitation and hygiene in the homes and the lack of public instruction.33 At the same time, the Council reminded landowners and miners that the Indians shared with them a common dignity, such that they should be able to enjoy the fruits of their labour, and exhorted them to respect native rights, urged them not to prevent the completion of their religious duties, pay their employees a salary commensurate with their work, ‘keeping in mind fairness and the sustenance of each one of them and their families’, and urged them not to encourage their vices, either directly or indirectly, threatening them with the ‘wrath of God’ if these expectations were not met.34 Even more emphatically did the Council command priests to explain ‘the gravity of the sin against justice and charity committed by those masters who convert the natives into true slaves or deny them the stipulated salary or mercilessly exploit them’.35 It also denounced as ‘execrable’ various forms of exploitation of the Indians including: ‘the loan known by the name of daily money, the forced purchase of fruit … and the exacting from the poor man of excessive work in return for monetary advances’.36 Additionally, they decreed the excommunication of those who carried off the wives or children

32 33 34 35 36 37

Ibid., 314. Pedro García Naranjo, Constituciones del VII Concilio Provincial de Lima (Lima, 1912), art. 470, 475, 478. Ibid., art. 480. Ibid., art. 481. Ibid., art. 459, VIII. Ibid., art. 481.

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of Indians,37 a common practice in certain zones of the Peruvian highlands. These resolutions were reaffirmed at the Eighth Council of Lima in 1927.38 During the Oncenio (1919–1930), interest in the Indian question grew. Among the numerous documents published by the Peruvian episcopate addressing the issue, two stood out.39 One was the already mentioned essay La Acción Social Católica en el Perú drawn up by a commission of the Episcopal Assembly and published in 1921. The other was produced by the First Interdiocesan Congress of Social Action held in Cusco in 1922. The first document offered an unsparing analysis of the indigenous situation consisting of five elements: the physiological, the religious, the moral, the civic and the political. Prejudices and generalisations about the psychological condition and characteristics of the Indians manifest themselves throughout the text, since it was asserted that the Indian lived in a situation of degradation and was little better than a child.40 Referring to the physiological state, the work reviewed the horrible sanitary conditions of the majority of the indigenous population that reflected their poverty and lack of hygienic habits. This, added to the lack of medicines and generalised malnourishment, led to a high index of infant mortality and grave disturbances in the physical, psychological and intellectual growth of the people. It also referred to the pernicious effects of alcoholism and the consumption of coca leaf on the life expectancy of the population.41 With respect to religious matters, the existence of syncretistic practices, the limited catechetical instruction and the excesses displayed in religious festivals were acknowledged. A reform of the rural clergy was proposed together with, above all, the creation of mission schools, which under the protection and auspices of the government would exercise ‘an intense and structured civilising and apostolic labour’.42 From the moral point of view, it indicated that concubinage was a widely-practised reality and that children were brought up in a violent fashion; it also denounced the abuses suffered by the native woman, who lived as a ‘slave for the man’ and who ‘with neither dignity nor rights, worked more 38 39

40 41 42

Decretos del VIII Concilio Provincial Limense, art. 45–6. Other documents related to the Assembly of Peruvian Bishops where this topic is discussed are: Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, Carta pastoral Colectiva al clausurar la Asamblea Episcopal de 1905, 12–13; Diócesis del Cuzco, Constituciones del 5° Sínodo de la Diócesis del Cuzco, art. 21–27; Diócesis de Trujillo, Constituciones del primer sínodo diocesano de Trujillo, art. 532–533; Episcopado Peruano, Carta pastoral del Episcopado Peruano sobre los problemas de orden religioso social, 37–39. Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú (Ensayo), 25–30. Ibid., 100–3. Ibid., 105.

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than the man, and received from him the most ignominious and cruel treatment, which she suffered with stoic resignation as the natural manifestation of the marital state’.43 The woman’s lack of freedom to contract the sacrament of matrimony was also condemned. In terms of the civic and political situation, the lack of proper formation of the native in the exercise of his rights of citizenship, which exposed him to exploitation by the local authorities, masters and village leaders, was condemned. The lack of governmental presence and the patent injustices suffered by the Indians led to repeated outbreaks of popular rage ending in the lynching of local authorities, crimes which generally went unpunished by the state.44 The document proposed the cooperation of the state and the Church in the ‘integral civilising’ of the indigenous population through the recruitment of foreign religious who would establish rural schools and hospitals. It also proposed that the Catholic University should inaugurate a normal school for men to train teachers for rural areas.45 The First Inter-diocesan Congress of Social Action held in 1921 marked a significant milestone in Catholic reflection on the indigenous question and the nation’s social problems. Encouraged by the bishop of Cusco, Pedro Farfán, and the canon Isaías Vargas, this event brought together representatives of the dioceses of Cusco, Arequipa, Ayacucho and Puno. A high proportion of the native Peruvian population was concentrated in these provinces of the southern Andes as were as the highest levels of poverty. Since the end of the nineteenth century these regions, especially Puno and Cusco, had been affected by numerous peasant uprisings in reaction to the abuses committed by landowners and local authorities, but above all owing to the expansion of sheep farms on lands once held by native communities. In many cases, governmental repression of these movements reached a high degree of violence.46 In this sense, reflection on the indigenous question became a vital and unavoidable issue for the congress. In speeches and discussions the influence of Catholic social thinkers such as the German bishop, Wilhelm von Ketteler, and Frédéric Ozanam who were explicitly quoted in many of the presentations, was evident. The necessity of expanding works of charity was emphasised, while at the same time the political, economic and social conditions that had created the conditions of poverty were analysed. Charity was not only a 43

‘… sin dignidad y sin derechos, trabaja más que el hombre, recibe de él los más ignominiosos y crueles maltratos, que ella soporta con estoica resignación como naturales manifestaciones del derecho marital’ in Ibid., 107. 44 Ibid., 111–16. 45 Ibid., 122–3. 46 Larson, Trials of Nation Making, 173–4.

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desirable action but was rather a Christian duty, and the obligation of the elite, the government and the citizens to participate in the social development of the country was highlighted.47 Sanitary conditions, infant mortality, problems resulting from alcoholism, deficient public education and deficiencies in religious formation were analysed in detail. It is important to underline that a range of positions were represented at the congress. Canon Isaías Vargas offered one of the most lucid analyses of the congress by analysing the economic problems of the Indians and the expansion of haciendas at the expense of communities. Vargas maintained that the roots of the indigenous problem and of the recent uprisings in the region were closely related to the existing economic arrangements and problems of property. To illustrate this, he detailed the vicissitudes of the communities of Canas and Espinar in the province of Puno that had been dispossessed of their lands by a great hacienda, acting with the complicity of local leaders through ‘fraud, deceit or force’. According to Vargas, the racial problem would not be solved if justice were not done for those whose property rights had been violated, and since without such measures the Indians would be easily seduced by the violent proposals of the Bolsheviks.48 In this way Vargas exhorted the participants at the congress to petition the legislature to pass a law that would guarantee the agrarian property of the rural communities and promote the formation of Indian patronatos and unions, which under the protection of the government would defend through legal means the lands usurped by corrupt local leaders and officials. The conclusions of the Congress included both proposals, which were promoted in parliament by the Cusco priest, Mariano García, who was at the same time a congressman. Also proposed were the creation of temperance leagues and the seeking of governmental cooperation in order to found boarding schools and trade schools directed by religious institutes, especially the Salesians and the Hijas de María Auxiliadora. A Bishop, a Priest and a Layman In addition to these documents and events, certain influential personalities became active participants in the events surrounding the Indian question. Among these, it is possible to highlight the work and thought of Bishop Pedro Farfán, canon Isaías Vargas and the intellectual and politician Víctor Andrés Belaunde. 47 48

Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social, Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de ­Acción Social, 111–12. Ibid., 346–8.

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Bishop Pedro Farfán had extensive pastoral experience in different regions of the country’s sierra, having been bishop of Huaraz (1907–1918), then of Cusco (1918–1933) ending his days as archbishop of Lima (1933–1945). Being a native of Cusco and a descendant of one of the most traditional of the city’s elite families, Farfán identified profoundly with the history and the social problems of his native land.49 As was indicated in chapter four, Farfán can be characterised as one of the principal representatives of ecclesiastical indigenismo owing to his intense pastoral, intellectual and social work in this area. He carried out exhaustive pastoral visits, convened two diocesan synods in Cusco, was the driving force behind the Interdiocesan Congress of Social Action and presided over the Patronato of the Native Race of Cusco. His position in the debate over the Indian question was constantly expressed in his numerous pastoral letters and speeches at ecclesiastical and secular events. In addition to his writings in Quechua to further the evangelisation of rural areas of Cusco,50 his Pastoral Exhortation on the Protection of the Indigenous People is especially noteworthy. In this document, Farfán points out that the great national task of the day was the protection and resurgence of the natives and that their cause had to be the bishop’s cause.51 In the first place, he highlighted the need to revaluate the role of the Indian in the social, cultural and economic growth of the country. Then he warned of the dangers of socialism since if that movement could adopt the just claims of the natives in order to foment a social revolution, the outcome would be a deluge of blood. Nevertheless, even had there been no socialist threat, it was a fact that the Republic was losing its vitality in large measure because of the poverty in which the Indians lived. It was necessary that they should see themselves as citizens integrated into the national life and be formed in civic culture. He criticised the conscription laws which obliged the Indian to enlist only to become a victim of ill-treatment and abuse. At the same time, he analysed in detail the problems of property in the rural world.52 Farfán’s work and thought illustrates a paradigmatic case of a bishop involved in the social problems of his diocese and country, a case that was not unique among Catholic prelates, but rather corresponded to a tradition of the defence of the Indian with deep roots in the Peruvian mountain diocese. Much less remembered by historians is the canon of Cusco, Isaías Vargas, although he was one of the churchmen who studied the Indian problem most extensively. As has been mentioned, he was a principal collaborator with 49 See: Vega-Centeno, Pedro Pascual Farfán, Obispo de Indios, 120–153. 50 Farfán, Exhortación pastoral á los indígenas de su diócesis al inaugurar su gobierno. 51 Farfán, Exhortación pastoral sobre la protección de la raza indígena, 4. 52 Ibid., 5–11.

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Bishop Farfán and an active member of the Patronato de la Raza Indígena in Cusco. The following are his most significant works: Apuntes críticos sobre asuntos indigenistas (1936), Conferencias y discursos (1937), La democracia auténtica y la encíclica Rerum Novarum (1937), Recapitulación psi-sociológicoss de mis apuntes críticos sobre asuntos indigenistas (1948) and Conferencias y Discursos. Tercera Serie (1952). Some of his books were compilations of his articles from the time when he was editor of the Catholic newspaper of Cusco La Unión from 1904 until the 1940s. Vargas’s strength lay in analysing the indigenous question realistically from various perspectives; his writing touches upon political, religious, economic, cultural and social matters. Early in his career he denounced the various abuses committed by the authorities and landowners against the property rights of the peasants as well as the forced labour of the Indians despite the fact that they were, in name at least, free citizens of the republic. With respect to the agrarian problem, he maintained that promoting the transformation of each peasant into a small rural landowner with land protected by the state would be more beneficial than just protecting the communally owned lands.53 At the same time, during the 1920s, he pressed for greater judicial prerogatives for the Patronato de la Raza Indígena and the need to give Indian mayors or varayocs greater authority to protect indigenous property rights more effectively.54 Like other Catholic authors, Vargas criticised the radical indigenismo of González Prada and the Marxist proposals of José Carlos Mariátegui, but in the 1940s came close to accepting the policies advocated by Haya de la Torre. Despite acknowledging the problems caused by some rural priests, he defended the general work of the Church in the Andes. He severely criticised ‘gamonalismo’, which was to say the illegitimate political power of great landowners, and proposed the reform of national institutions to better protect native rights. He maintained that the improvement of education for the Indian would bring greater awareness of his rights and duties and thus enable him to combat these evils. However, the solution to this problem would require confronting its economic causes, which implied the protection of native property rights through judicial and policy measures. In some cases he justified the confiscation of hacienda land and its division among the communities, which would then receive technical and economic assistance to develop their agricultural productivity.55

53 54 55

Isaías Vargas, Conferencias Y Discursos (Cusco, 1937), 297–8. Ibid., 298. Isaías Vargas, Recapitulación psi-sociológicos de mis apuntes críticos sobre asuntos indigenistas para el 2° Congreso Indigenista Interamericano (Cusco, 1948), 106–110.

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The writings of Víctor Andrés Belaunde were widely diffused and provided a more complete exposition of the Catholic vision concerning the Indian problem. One of the constant concerns in his thought was the search for a national identity appealing to the various cultural traditions and historical epochs that had formed Peru. In contrast to the Social Darwinists, who rejected the native element which they considered inferior to the European, Belaunde displayed a notable, early interest in the pre-Hispanic civilisations and their development throughout the viceregal period and the republic was demonstrated in his doctoral thesis El Perú Antiguo y los Modernos Sociólogos (1908),56 Ensayos de Psicología Nacional (1912) and his famous discourse titled La Crisis Presente (1914).57 Belaunde felt that Peru was a nation still in formation, a living, if unfinished, synthesis in which the encounter between the Spaniards and the Indians had initiated a new social and cultural reality to which had been added the contributions of the Africans, Asians and Europeans who came later. According to the author, Catholicism had fulfilled an essential role in this process because, thanks to its evangelical efforts, the faith had served as a nexus of unity among the different cultures. At the same time, the Church had striven to defend and advance the oppressed native populations. Hence, for Belaunde the essence of Peru was not the Indian, but rather the cultural mestizaje. From that position he attacked both the antiindigenous racism and the radical indigenismo which claimed that the Indian was not an essential part of the nationality but the national identity itself. And so, he maintained that in Andean America ‘the application of racism is not the affirmation of nationality, but its disintegration and rupture’ and that racialist nationalism would lead to barbarism.58 On the other hand, in his refutation of Mariátegui’s Siete Ensayos, he criticised the use that Marxism made of indigensimo in order to promote a socialist revolution, but concurred in denouncing the different types of exploitation to which the Indian was subject and the need to transform the economic regime in order to achieve a realistic solution to the social problem. He maintained that the absolute nationalisation of land proposed by the Marxists would lead to the establishment of a totalitarian society and a catastrophic decline in agricultural production. It was necessary to apply a realistic programme ‘with neither utopias nor dogmatisms’ that would correspond to the reality of each region. Among his proposals may be found the following:

56 Víctor Andrés Belaunde, El Perú Antiguo y los modernos sociólogos (Lima, 1908). 57 Víctor Andrés Belaunde, Meditaciones peruanas (Lima, 1987). 58 Belaunde, La realidad nacional, 52.

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… protection and vitalisation of the communities, expropriation of the unproductive or backwards hacienda, the conversion of the serf and sharecropper into an owner, the defence and extension of small property, the constitution of a farm bank to achieve the aforementioned goals and to apply the rigorous enforcement of worker protection laws, the fixing of a proportion of the national capital in all industries and the establishment of parishes administered by religious orders.59 In the 1932 Constituent Assembly Belaunde supported the renewal of the tutelary indigenous legislation, respect for the traditional Andean communities and institutions: ‘When he is a proprietor, the Indian must be defended, and when he is not a proprietor, he must be made one’.60 In light of the revealing numbers of the 1940 census and the permanent lessons of Christian humanism, Belaunde fine-tuned his ideas in the book Peruanidad (1943 and 1957), in which Peru is depicted as a harmonious system of legacies which continue to consolidate its nationality, a living synthesis of western and native values.61 Considering these basic lines of reflection, it is possible to speak of a Catholic indigenismo or a republican Catholic social thought of a reforming character which, although having its roots in the tradition of the defence of the Indians dating from the viceregal era, had to adapt to the significant changes that had occurred in Peru after Independence. An important point to keep in mind is that in contrast to many of the indigenistas of the period, the ecclesiastics wrote about realities in which they had lived, since the Church was one of the few institutions with a genuine presence in the rural world throughout the country. Many bishops were not merely theorising about matters remote from Lima, but were speaking from experience, as they had formerly been pastors in rural areas or missionaries in inhospitable regions and had had to deal with conflicts with local powers while, at the same time, serving as effective agents of the social development of their dioceses. 59

‘… protección y vitalización de las comunidades, expropiación del latifundio improductivo o retardado, conversión del yanacón o aparcero en propietario, defensa y extensión de la pequeña propiedad, constitución de un banco agrícola para los fines anteriores y para sustituir la inhabilitación extranjera, gravar el absentismo, aplicar rigurosamente las leyes de protección obrera, fijar una proporción al capital nacional en toda empresa, establecimiento de parroquias conventuales y escuelas misionarias’ in Belaunde, La realidad nacional, 51. 60 Belaunde, El debate constitucional, 67. 61 Pacheco Vélez, ‘Belaunde y el indigenismo novecentista’, La Prensa, 14 December 1976, quoted from: Katalin, ‘Indigenismo político temprano en el Perú y la Asociación ProIndígena’, 68

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The Rural Church As during the times of the Spanish rule, Catholic leaders believed that the work of evangelisation would be incomplete in Peru if it was unaccompanied by the promotion of the integral development of the society, the defence of the basic rights of the indigenous peoples, and the study and evaluation of the cultural contributions of the natives which were not considered to be contrary to Christian principles.62 However, as Marzal indicates about the evolution of indigenismo in contrast to the viceregal epoch, the Church’s action with respect to the indigenous problem did not expect that the native societies and cultures would ‘remain as they were’ under Hispanic dominion but rather that they would integrate into the national society in order to form a ‘mestiza’ nation, while conserving some of their peculiarities.63 This new concept derived from a realisation that Peruvian society had passed through a process of substantial change over the course of the previous four centuries, a transformation which had generated a new cultural and racial synthesis in which, their marginalisation notwithstanding, the native cultures of the coast and the sierra had undoubtedly incorporated certain elements of European culture. The social problem now consisted of helping the marginalised populations to greater political representation, broadening the health and educational coverage, generating a civic culture that would effectively integrate them into the nation, eradicating social vices (such as alcoholism) while salvaging certain cultural values, effectively protecting the rights of the indigenous from the diverse forms of exploitation in the country and proposing changes to aspects of the political and economic order so that they could be effectively and equitably incorporated into the market. At the same time, the characteristics of the pastoral labours were also different because now they were brought to bear on populations in which Christianity, syncretistic traits in many regions notwithstanding, was already an inseparable part of their cultural heritage and traditions. Hence, the rural missions sought to catechise, administer sacraments, purify popular devotions, carry out moral campaigns and form local catechists, but not to inculcate a new faith in the pueblos. In the case of the Peruvian Amazon, a different reality had to be faced as many of the jungle tribes had had barely any relations with the rest of the country. So the missionaries, in addition to being evangelisers, were transmitters of western culture as well as consolidation agents of the national borders. Later, when the rubber boom began,

62 Asamblea Episcopal del Perú, La Acción Social Católica en el Perú (Ensayo), 13–14. 63 Marzal, Historia de la antropología indigenista, 43.

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the religious again would become defenders of native rights against various forms of exploitation. In this era the material and human resources that the Church possessed were insufficient to embark upon extensive social and pastoral projects compared to those available during the viceroyalty. Although the existence of the confessional state was maintained in the country, bishops’ petitions in which the Church’s economic difficulties were made evident were frequent.64 As a result, the ability of the Church to initiate projects was limited. Despite that, in the setting of a political context in which the civil institutions were still weak, the presence of the Church in the rural world continued to be of the utmost importance as it replaced the state in certain functions, being an agent of development and educational and social assistance, acting as an important source of mediation in social conflicts and as a vehicle of complaints in cases of exploitation. At the same time, Catholicism helped to maintain among some sectors of the elite an awareness of the problems of marginalisation and exploitation in the country’s interior. Partial state financing was obtained for the maintenance of certain projects such as the Amazon missions and schools, but the funds tended to be insufficient and the Church had to resort to campaigns soliciting private donations and to self-financing by its parishes through charging stipends for religious services. The role of the feminine branch of the Unión Católica tended to be essential for the maintenance of certain ecclesiastical projects in the indigenous world. One of the requisites for effective action with respect to the indigenous question was the reform of the clergy in the interior of the country. There were frequent denunciations by more radical indigenist writers of the rural clergy as part of the ‘trinity of exploitation’ of the Indian, along with the village chief and the judge. The priest was represented as the incarnation of hypocrisy, ambition and authoritarianism and as someone who, in the name of religion, committed all manner of abuses against the defenceless Indian.65 According to some Catholic authors this characterisation was unjust because, if it is true that the faults of the rural clergy were common, in large measure this was because those same liberals who criticised the situation had systematically prevented the Church from obtaining the resources and authority necessary to 64

65

See: Peruvian Episcopate, ‘Memorial colectivo elevado al gobierno peruano sobre asuntos económicos vitales para el mantenimiento de la Iglesia’, 1917, AGN, Ministerio de Justicia 3.20.9.1.1, Dirección de Justica, Culto y Beneficencia. Mesa de Partes: 2. Sección de Culto y Beneficencia, Expediente N° 779 Libro 20, f. 1. See: J. Itolararres, La trinidad del indio ó, costumbres del interior (Lima, 1885); N. Aréstegui, El padre Horan (Lima, 1848); C. Matto de Turner, Aves sin nido (Cusco, 1986).

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bring about an internal reform. On the other hand, the silent labour of those priests who sacrificially fulfilled their mission was forgotten.66 Despite the fact that the images presented by the radicals corresponded to stereotypes motivated by an accentuated anticlericalism, one of the concerns of the ecclesiastical authorities was the misconduct of a sector of the rural clergy that derived from their lack of formation and solitude. Among the most common abuses were concubinage, drunkenness and irregularities with respect to the charges demanded from the Indians for different liturgical and pastoral services. As was seen in the fourth chapter, beginning in the second half of the nineteenth century and with greater vigour during the first decades of the twentieth, this situation resulted in a series of measures designed to change things and encourage better pastoral and social work in the sierra. Thus ecclesiastical legislation imposed more strict norms in sanctioning the faults of the diocesan clergy, establishing clear economic standards regarding liturgical services for the Indians and creating more demanding criteria in the selection of vocations. The arrival of religious institutes to direct seminaries and encourage rural missions was promoted, and the collaboration of female congregations to encourage the work of evangelisation was requested. The programme of studies in the seminaries was improved, and minor seminaries were created to promote vocations from the local provincial populations. The synods and councils which took place in Peru during the first decades of the twentieth century were a testimony to these measures. For example, in the synod of Ayacucho held in 1906, a not uncommon reality was acknowledged: ‘Disgracefully, there are priests who go so far as to permanently live in open concubinage, causing grave scandal among the faithful and inspiring contempt for the laws of the Church’.67 Faced with this situation, a series of norms which sought the reform of customs and required episcopal visits were enacted. The Seventh Council of Lima, held in 1912, called for the bishops to organise and carry out annual pastoral visits to the different localities in their dioceses.68 To avoid irregularities in the costs of religious services, it was ordered that the list of fees approved by the ecclesiastical authorities be published in each parish and that the pastors rigorously adhere to them. The parish priests also were commanded to give a receipt to the faithful for the money charged for parish services. Similarly, it was ordered that ‘under holy obedience, the pastors must provide parochial ministry to the insolvent at no cost, especially if they are 66 Drinot, La libertad de cultos y la Acción Social Católica en el Perú, 24; Vargas, Apuntes críticos sobre asuntos indigenistas, 84–86. 67 Episcopado de Ayacucho, Constituciones Sinodales del Obispado de Ayacucho, 3. 68 García Naranjo, Constituciones del VII Concilio Provincial de Lima, art. 57.

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Indians’. Any priest who demanded payment from the insolvent or received a greater sum than that specified in the list of fees would be punished by a fine imposed by the bishop that would go towards the parish church and would be obliged to ‘make restitution for the excess received and suffer the penalties incurred by repeat offenders’.69 Unfortunately, a complete study of the situation of the seminaries, the pastoral visits or the reforms enacted in this period does not exist. However, through the sources consulted in both bishops’ memoirs and official registers found in the General Archive of the Nation, one can find evidence of an increasing pastoral activity in the countryside. One example was the case of the diocese of Ayacucho in Peru’s central sierra, under the direction of Bishop Fidel Olivas Escudero from 1900 until 1935. During this period Olivas reformed the Seminary of San Cristóbal in order to adapt it to the Church’s pastoral demands and ordained 69 priests for the diocese.70 He encouraged the missions and rural visits with the help of the Redemptorists and Franciscans, presided over three diocesan synods (1906, 1912, and 1918), founded the magazine El Estandarte Católico and published various pastoral works.71 A similar activity was characteristic of Bishop Mariano Holguín in Arequipa and Bishop Pedro Farfán in Cusco.72 An essential aspect of the recuperation of religious activity in the sierra was the creation of new apostolic institutes of Propaganda Fide in Peru. Their peculiarity was that they were convents under the jurisdiction of a special superior (commissioner) and distinct from the provincial of the order, and that their goal was to form religious for missionary work. During the viceregal period a number of these institutions had been created among which the Franciscan convent of Santa Rosa de Ocopa was the most significant. This convent was restored in 1838 and other convents were later created in Lima (1852), Cusco (1853), Arequipa (1869), Cajamarca (1870) and Ica (1879). Because the majority of these colleges were located in already Christian areas, they became seedbeds of numerous popular missions, that is to say periodic campaigns of sacramental and social assistance in various isolated regions on the coast and in the mountains.73 69 70 71 72

73

Ibid., art. 479. Olivas Escudero, Suplemento del memorandum, 4–5. Ibid., 24–68, 272–277. The most important biographies of both bishops are: Francisco Cabré, Biografía del Exmo. y Rvmo. Fr. Mariano Holguín. Primer arzobispo de Arequipa (Lima, 1958); and: Vega-­ Centeno, Pedro Pascual Farfán de los Godos. Obispo de Indios (Cusco, 1993). Á. Espinoza de la Borda, 'Recuperando el Altiplano para la fe: el Colegio Apostólico de Arequipa y su labor misionera en Puno en el siglo XIX’, Allpanchis 69 (2007): 85–6.

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This pastoral dynamism was accompanied by a significant increase in social work among the indigenous. The Seventh Council of Lima (1912) urged pastors to work for ‘the religious, social and civil progress of the natives’, preach in the native language, implement measures designed to eliminate the vices of alcohol and coca, encourage children’s attendance at school and encourage the Indians to build houses according to sanitary norms.74 One concrete way employed to carry out these plans was the introduction of Quechua to the curriculum during the first three years of study in the central seminary in Peru.75 Ecclesiastical renovation allowed for the expansion of education in the rural areas, which was primarily in the hands of the religious congregations, notably the Salesians who sought to provide basic academic instruction along with technical knowledge which would enable their students to get a job and contribute to the practical development of their region. Such was the case of the Farm-Schools founded in the provinces of Cusco and Puno that obtained state funding for their operation.76 These schools acquired great prestige in those provinces and served as models for the establishment of similar institutions. At the same time, parochial schools in rural areas were expanded. Although there are no statistics to demonstrate their impact, there are testimonials of their presence in Peru’s sierra, as in the case of Cusco where priests like Santos Calderón in the parish of Santa Ana, Lucas Ormachea in San Jerónimo and Manuel Pareja in Maras had created free parochial schools for the indigenous.77 Minor seminaries in the provincial capitals also opened their doors to formation of the natives. Another important feature was the reappraisal of certain aspects of the native culture including the study and recovery of native languages. Likewise, the indigenista intellectual Luis E. Valcárcel highlighted the promotion of que­ chua by the Cusqueño clergy in his memoirs: Provincial priests were generally good quechuistas. A parish priest from Urubamba even came to write plays. Preachers in quechua could be found in the provinces ... The clergy used quechua with a practical sense, for preaching, while civilians promoted it as an erudite interest...’.78

74

Séptimo Concilio Provincial Limense, Constituciones del VII Concilio Provincial de Lima, art. 470–8. 75 Ibid., art. 259–60. 76 La Colmena, 28 February 1925. 77 Vargas, Apuntes Críticos sobre asuntos indigenistas, 70. 78 Luis Valcárcel, Memorias (Lima, 1981), 69–70.

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An example of this was the quechua play Qisanpi sapan urpikuna, written by Moisés Cavero Cazo, a prominent member of the Círculo de Obreros Católicos de Ayacucho. This play was also used to denounce abuses against the Indians of Ayacucho.79 In terms of actions, both public and private, related to issues of health, the expansion of female religious institutes had a significant impact in the countryside owing to their participation in the growth of hospitals in the interior of Peru.80 At the same time, in order to combat alcoholism many temperance leagues were created in rural parishes. There are no statistics quantifying the  ­results at state level, but they were promoted by different synods and ­councils.81 Another important aspect of Catholic social action worthy of mention is that the Church was, in many cases, the mediator in conflicts and a channel through which complaints, which would otherwise go unheard, could gain an audience. One of the most serious problems in the rural Andean world was the lack of an effective central state presence in the interior and the generally corrupt spoils/patronage system employed by the civil and military authorities in collusion with village leaders in the provinces. This led to a multitude of abuses including unjust imposition of taxes, appropriation of communal lands, unpaid use of native labour, forced sales to indebt the peasants, and the rape of women. Generally, force was used, violently punishing any native reaction to these abuses and persecuting those who dared denounce them to the central authorities. In many cases, the abuses caused outbreaks of popular rage and the rise of local movements whose excesses, in some cases, took on racial connotations. An important example of mediation, described by the historian Jeffrey Klaiber, was the role played by the then youthful priest Fidel Olivas Escudero in 1885 when he prevented the rebellion of the Indian Pedro Pablo Atusparia in Huaraz from exterminating the white race in the region. When Atusparia was defeated by the Peruvian army, Olivas Escudero interceded vociferously on his behalf and on that of his men and prevented their execution.82 In the same vein, there are many examples of the Church acting as a channel for accusations. One of these occurred in 1903 when a group of messengers sent by the indigenous communities of Puno, appealing to the memory 79 Alan Durston, ‘El Teatro Quechua En La Ciudad de Ayacucho, Perú, 1920–1950’, 12–14. 80 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 112–22. 81 Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social, Primer Congreso Interdiocesano de Acción Social, 15. 82 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 200.

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of Saint Toribio de Mogrovejo as the defender of the native race and to the social principles of the encyclical Rerum Novarum, requested the assistance of Archbishop Manuel Tovar of Lima to have their complaints heard by the central government.83 In the letter they attached a pair of prints and a petition to Congress in which they related a series of abuses against numerous indigenous communities in the province of Chucuito (Puno) by the local authorities acting in league with village leaders and even with some priests of the region. Among the abuses described were unpaid and forced services, exactions, obligatory payments and the increased contributions in tax that would be extracted in punishment for their complaints. The messengers suffered various reprisals for going to Lima, including prison sentences for their relatives, the murders of other messengers and numerous threats. Upon arrival at Congress, they were victims of bureaucratic indifference and slowness in attending to their claims. In their petition, they also referred to the actions of two individuals who defended the Indian cause: the congressman Alejandrino Maguiña and the priest Alberto Paniagua. The first was an important member of the Unión Católica who had received from Congress the task of verifying the deeds. His investigation in Puno was impeded by the local authorities and threats against the local residents. Maguiña proved that the abuses were genuine, but at first he was unable to apply any sanction owing to the open opposition of local public functionaries. Similarly, the priest Alberto Paniagua was arrested by the sub-prefect of Juli (Puno) for being an interlocutor and defender of the Indians in the region. Ultimately the Congress of the Republic resolved the case in favour of the complainants, with the result that seventeen indigenous leaders were liberated and numerous sub-prefects, governors and judges who had participated in the abuses were dismissed. A law was then passed abolishing all unpaid labour. 84 Missionaries and Amazon Indians during the ‘Caucho Era’ A realm of pastoral and social action intimately related to the indigenous issue occurred in the mission fields of the Peruvian Amazon. After the first expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 and, with greater force, after Independence, the

83 84

Calamullo, ‘Letter from José Antonio Calamullo and other Indian commoners to Archbishop Manuel Tovar’, 12 November 1903, Lima, AAL, Comunicaciones, ff. 39:139. Calamullo, J. A., ‘Memorial al Congreso del Perú sobre el Problema Indígena’, 1903, Lima, AAL, Comunicaciones, ff. 39:139.

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missions in the eastern part of the country had undergone a dramatic decline. At the same time, the effective presence of the state in those regions had been precarious because of the difficulties associated with the terrain and a lack of economic incentives. This situation changed when at the beginning of the 1840s the Peruvian State, now better off economically owing to the resources derived from guano, endeavoured to consolidate its territorial limits with neighbouring countries, a process which required the effective establishment of its sovereignty in previously forgotten areas. To do so, the state and even some liberals, sought to encourage the development of Catholic missions, seeing in the missionary a civilising agent who would contribute to the integration into Peruvian nationality of the diverse tribes and ethnicities living in regions whose peoples were often completely unaware of the existence of Peru as a country. The reopening of the Franciscan convent of Santa Rosa de Ocopa in 1838 was a milestone in the recovery of the jungle missions. This mission was raised to the status of an Apostolic College of Propaganda Fide in 1853 and had under its jurisdiction practically the entire Peruvian jungle. Many friars, hailing primarily from Spain but some also from Peru, dedicated themselves to these missions. During the remainder of the nineteenth century the Franciscans were practically the only evangelists in the jungle, and became renowned for their important studies of the native cultures, not to mention a series of social projects. The Franciscans’ significant and extensive labour in Peruvian Amazonia has been recorded in the monumental fourteen volume work by Father Bernardino Izaguirre in which, in addition to reproducing the diaries of many missionaries, he provides documentary evidence of the ethnographic, linguistic, geographic, botanical and zoological studies carried out between 1619 and 1921.85 Particularly worthy of note were the dictionaries, grammars and catechisms in the Quechua, Amueixa and Campa languages prepared by Father Gabriel Sala (1852–1898)86 and proposals for the economic development of the Amazon region made by Father Bernardino González in his book Ojeada sobre la Montaña87 In the First Catholic Peruvian Congress of 1896 the Franciscan work in Peruvian Amazonia was praised, and the ladies auxiliary of the Unión Católica pledged financial support for the missions.88 Also, in 1899 the Latin-American 85 86 87 88

Bernardino Izaguirre, Historia de las misiones franciscanas y narración de los progresos de la geografía en el Oriente del Perú, 14 vols (Lima, 1922). Ibid., vol. 13. Ibid., 10: 319–403. Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 324.

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Council, echoing the support for the missions expressed by Leo XIII, called upon religious of both genders to promote the South American jungle missions by the encouragement of the study of the native languages and the establishment of schools.89 This led in 1900 to the creation by the Holy See, in agreement with the Peruvian State, of three apostolic prefectures, which allowed other religious institutes to participate in the evangelisation of the Peruvian jungle. Thus, the Franciscans directed the Prefecture of San Francisco Solano, which covered the regions of Ucayali and Huallaga, the Dominicans were placed in charge of the Prefecture of Santo Domingo in Urubamba and Madre de Dios, and the Augustinians took over the Prefecture of San León de Amazonas in the northern jungle. Later, in 1921, another prefecture was created, that of San Gabriel del Marañón, directed by the Passionist fathers.90 The female missionary institutes also played an important role, as in the cases of the Salesian nuns who established themselves in La Merced where they founded a primary school and a hospital; the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary, a French congregation, directed the Hospital de Santa Rosa in Iquitos where they also founded a school and established houses in Yurimaguas, Requena, Chanchamayo and other areas of the Peruvian jungle; and the Dominican religious who opened the first school for girls in the jungle in the town of Puerto Maldonado.91 The work of the missionaries in Peru has been studied from different perspectives by various authors, who concur in affirming that despite their limited resources and lack of numbers, they were able to create an important network of pastoral assistance and social development, which included the construction of schools and hospitals, involved the study of the native cultures and contributed to the development of the regions.92 Nevertheless, the missionaries faced tremendous obstacles especially when, from the last years of the nineteenth century onwards, Amazonia experienced a rapid transformation owing to the exploitation of rubber. This new economic initiative brought with it demographic and urban growth in the region owing to the migration from the coast and sierra. Rubber companies were quickly established and, taking advantage of a reduced governmental presence, intensively utilised the manual labour of thousands of natives, reducing them to slaves in all but 89 Pont. Comisión para América Latina, Concilio Plenario de la América Latina, art. 771–4. 90 La Colmena, 4 October 1926. 91 Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 131–4. 92 See: Klaiber, The Catholic Church, 129–35; García Jordán, Cruz y arado, fusiles y discursos, 59–246; Izaguirre, Historia de las misiones franciscanas y narración de los progresos de la geografía en el Oriente peruano, 1619–1921, 10: 319–403.

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name.93 Among the most powerful and unscrupulous entrepreneurs was Julio Arana who created a powerful rubber company with affiliates in London and New York and was numbered among those responsible for the infamous ‘scandal of Putumayo’ in which thousands of Indians died, victims of brutal labour exploitation. These events came to light in the English-speaking world in 1909 when Walter E. Hardenburg wrote an article entitled ‘The Devil’s Paradise’ for the magazine Truth, in which he described the tortures, methods of exploitation and the murder of the natives of Putumayo, and thereby inspired a generalised indignation in Europe and throughout the countries of America.94 In reaction to this situation, increasingly common in Peruvian Amazonia, the missionaries systematically denounced the abuse of the native population. The historian Pilar García Jordán has extensively studied the way the incompatibility of the aims of the religious and the actions of the rubber companies led to conflict. The religious objected to the usurpation of native lands and the exploitation of native labour. Both abuses provoked the abandonment of the missions by the Indians, thus threatening the survival of the missions.95 Testimony to this is to be found in the report written by the Augustinian Pedro Prat to the Peruvian government about the state of the missions in the prefecture of San León de Amazonas in 1907. There he indicated that on the banks of the Putumayo River: ‘it is impossible to establish a mission because of the caucheros’ abuses of the natives, whom they maltreat and kill for frivolous reasons, helping themselves to the women and children’ and recommended ‘that the Supreme Government enact the most severe measures to prevent the caucheros from hunting the infidels’.96 In the same year, the Franciscan Agustín Alemany, apostolic prefect of San Francisco de Ucayali, denounced the existence in the region of … the infamous practice of the buying and selling of boys and girls that has been going on for years in these places of the montaña, despite repeated prohibitions issued by the Government, as if the poor savages were irrational beings … This business incites and foments hunts which frequently prey upon the poor savages, catching them in their houses when they least expect it. Certain businessmen, through their peons, particularly some in the upper Ucayali, do this. 97 93 94 95 96 97

García Jordán, Cruz y arado, fusiles y discursos, 219–46. Thomas Davies, Indian Integration (Lincoln, 1974), 56–8. García Jordán, Cruz y arado, fusiles y discursos, 219. Prat, ‘Memoria del estado de la Prefectura Apostólica de San León de Amazonas’, 782. ‘El infame negocio de la compra y venta de muchachos y muchachas, que hace años se viene practicando, en estos lugares de la montaña, a pesar de las repetidas prohibiciones

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Some years later the situation had not changed. In 1910 the Franciscans issued repeated reports from the Apostolic Prefecture of Ucayali, detailing how the natives in the area were subjected to slavery in order to perform forced labour for the rubber companies. This led the delegate to the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Lima, David Quattrocchi, to protest to the Minister of Foreign Relations of Peru observing: True crimes against morals, religion and civilisation are being perpetrated in the Apostolic Prefecture of Ucayali … there they practice white slavery; they impudently persecute the natives, killing them, making slaves of their women and children, carrying them out of Peru and selling them in Brazil, sacrificing and ignominiously violating their modesty … Every day the merchants, most of them Jews, commit these crimes, and it seems that no authority can be bothered to punish them and stop this disgrace of the Peruvian name. Thus, it is necessary that energetic measures be taken to stop these crimes that are so opposed to the civilisation of that population.98 Protests about these scandalous acts led, in 1912, to Pope Pius X himself writing the encyclical Lacrimabili Statu, in which he denounced the constant abuse of the Amazonian natives and called upon the governments involved to solve these grave problems.99 Repeated denunciations in the Putumayo zone resulted in the arrival of delegates from the Holy See, the Peruvian government and the United Kingdom, since many of those involved in the abuses were British subjects and a significant part of the financing of the rubber enterprises came

que ha dado el Gobierno, como si los pobres salvajes fueran unos seres irracionales … Este negocio excita y fomenta las correrías, que, con frecuencia, se hacen a los pobres salvajes, para agarrarlos en sus casas en la hora que menos piensan. Esto hacen algunos comerciantes, por medio de sus peones, particularmente algunos del alto Ucayali’ in: Alemany, ‘Prefectura Apostólica de San Francisco de Ucayali’, 784. 98 ‘En la Prefectura Apostólica de Ucayali se vienen perpetrando verdaderos crímenes en contra de la moral, y de la religión y de la civilización … Se ejerce allá la verdadera trata de blancas; se persiguen descaradamente los indígenas, matándoles, haciendo esclavas las mujeres y niños, llevándoles afuera del Perú y vendiéndoles en Brasil, sacrificando y violando ignominiosamente su pudor … Estos crímenes cometen todos los días los mercaderes, en gran parte judíos, y parece que ninguna autoridad se preocupa de punir e impedir esta deshonra del nombre peruano. Es pues necesario que se tomen medidas energéticas para acabar con estos crímenes que muchísimo se oponen a la civilización de aquella población’ Quoted in García Jordán, Cruz y arado, fusiles y discursos, 231. 99 Pius X, Lacrimabili Statu (1912).

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from London. They confirmed the truth of the accusations and recommended a series of dispositions to change the situation. The creation of the new Prefecture of Putumayo, which for years was to be led by Irish Franciscans,100 was a result of this investigation. Despite this, the abuses committed by the rubber companies, especially Julio Arana’s Peruvian Amazon Co., continued, although in an attenuated fashion, until the business ceased to be profitable and the region was ceded to Colombia through the Salomón-Lozano Treaty in 1922. During all this time, the missionaries continued to be the principal defenders of the native peoples and critics of their abusers. Their complaints were not taken seriously enough by the government, nor were effective actions taken to solve the problem. The scanty resources of the missionaries, limited State help and the fact that they had to confront powerful companies with great political and economic influence undermined their efforts. Nevertheless, they made a powerful contribution in raising awareness at the national and international levels of the human rights violations in the region and helped to lessen the abuses themselves. Bishops and the Patronato de la Raza Indígena The Catholic Church’s commitment to the Indigenous question manifested itself prominently through its significant participation in the Patronato de la Raza Indígena during the 1920s. From the beginning of his second term in 1919, Augusto B. Leguía championed the cause of the ‘regeneration’ of the indigenous race, initially taking on as collaborators well-known indigenistas such as José Antonio Encinas, Erasmo Roca and Hildebrando Castro Pozo.101 Shortly after gaining power, he encouraged the promulgation of a series of norms that demonstrated, at least in part, the political will to transform the social and legal situation of the native world. For example, the 1920 constitution was the first in the republic’s history that gave explicit legal recognition to the indigenous communities, stipulating that special laws be enacted for their development102 and the protection of their lands.103 Later, on 12 September 1921, 100 Pilar García Jordán, ‘En el corazón de las tinieblas... Del Putumayo, 1890-1932. Fronteras, caucho, mano de obra indígena y misiones católicas en la nacionalización de la Amazonía’, Revista de Indias LXI, 223 (2001): 606. 101 Chevalier, ‘Official Indigenismo in Peru in 1920: Origins, significance and socioeconomic scope’, 190–91. 102 Peruvian Constitution of 1920, art. 58. 103 Ibid., art. 41.

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the Section on Indigenous Affairs was created as part of the Ministry of P ­ ublic Works; its function was to investigate the social situation of the Indians in the Republic, respond to their claims and oversee the fulfilment of the laws with respect to them.104 In like fashion, throughout the 1920s, a series of laws against the exploitation of Indians were approved and hundreds of communities were formally recognised.105 This pro-indigenous policy was rife with contradictions, the most obvious being the law of roadwork conscription issued on 10 May 1920, which compelled all male residents in Peruvian territory, from the ages of eighteen to sixty, to work on the building of roads and highways for twelve days each year. This obligation could legally be avoided by paying a sum equal to a day’s wage or by sending someone to work in one’s place. In practice this meant that the majority of the workers were Indian peasants. The result of this law was that in less than ten years the network of roads and highways was tripled, significantly improving communications in the country. However, this measure was seen by many as a modern re-establishment of the mita (the colonial labour draft), and as a way in which different groups in Peru manipulated the law for their own ends at the expense of the natives who were obliged to do the work.106 Despite this, Leguía’s government officially introduced a policy, enacted a series of laws and created tutelary institutions, which sought the integration of the rural areas into the public and economic life of the country. The most relevant governmental institution to deal with the indigenous issue during the Oncenio was the Patronato de la Raza Indígena (PRI), created on 29 May 1922. The continuous conflicts between the indigenous communities and the landowners led the government to consider the necessity of a new public entity that would be active throughout the country and be dedicated to the protection and defence of the indigenous peasants, while at the same time encouraging their cultural and economic development.107 Its regulations stipulated that it should investigate the causes of indigenous disturbances in the country, protect their property rights, create working opportunities and attend to their complaints and claims.108 The members of this institution were elected for two-year terms but could be continually re-elected. The PRI was led by a 104 Boletín del Ministerio de Fomento. Sección de Asuntos Indígenas, 1–1926, 5. 105 Davies, Indian integration in Peru, 68–95. 106 An historiographical balance on the effects of the road conscription law is found in: Mario Meza, ‘Campesinado, Estado y modernización en la Ley de Conscripción Vial: enfoques y perspectivas para un balance historiográfico’, Diálogos en Historia 2 (2000): 207–30. 107 Boletín del Ministerio de Fomento. Sección de Asuntos Indígenas, 1–1926, 25–37. 108 Ibid., 1–1926, 26–7.

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board of directors (Junta Central) in Lima with considerable power; they had the capacity to present projected legislation of both a national and regional character to the government, negotiate the legal claims of the natives before the public authorities and issue reports requested by the government about matters related to the entity’s goals. Because of the lack of a state presence in many parts of the country and the influence of the Church in the rural world, the government opted to delegate the most important positions in the PRI to the bishops. In a startling reversal to viceregal policy, Leguía nominated his close associate, Archbishop Emilio Lissón, to the presidency of the Junta Central and chose bishops to lead all the provincial juntas: Pedro Farfán in Cusco, Fidel Olivas Escudero in Ayacucho, Justo Riquelme in Puno, Domingo Vargas in Ancash, Francisco de Paula Grosso in Cajamarca and Mariano Holguín in Arequipa. Similarly, in the majority of cases, the provincial juntas were presided over by the parish priests of the localities. Among the most notable clergymen were the canons Isaías Vargas in Cusco and Faustino Falconí in Ayacucho. In addition to the ecclesiastics, the juntas were composed of delegates selected by the government, who tended to be persons who in one way or another had studied or had been involved in the solution to the indigenous problem. Some of them were laymen committed to the work of the Church. Most noteworthy were Gonzalo Herrera, senator Pedro de Noriega Alejandrino Maguiña, Juan José Calle and José Luis Bustamante y Rivero.109 Pedro de Noriega provided the impetus for the creation of farm schools in Puno and Cusco directed by the Salesians.110 The already mentioned Alejandrino Maguiña, had, from the outset of the century, participated in congressional commissions analysing the causes of peasant revolts in the southern Andes and made a series of recommendations that inspired the promulgation of laws for the protection of the Indians and brought about the removal of regional authorities who had abused their powers. A testimony to his work was his report ‘The indigenous peoples of Chucuito’ published in the limeño magazine ‘El Diario’ in 1909.111 Throughout its existence the PRI carried out numerous activities. One was the protection of the indigenous communities from diverse efforts to appropriate their lands. Cases were denounced in which the Indians, owing to their illiteracy and ignorance of Spanish had been stripped of their property titles 109 José Luis Bustamante y Rivero was a prestigious Catholic lawyer from Arequipa who was president of Peru between 1945 and 1948 and had great influence on the future founders of the Christian Democrat Party. 110 La Colmena, January 24 1925. 111 Paredes, ‘El Primer Congreso Católico del Perú: Alcances y resultados’, 66.

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and others in which village chiefs, local authorities or American mining companies had increased their own holdings at the expense of the communal properties.112 Also analysed were the protests against the destruction of the natural environment of the communities because of mining activities. This was the case of La Oroya where the American Cerro de Pasco Copper Corporation had, since 1922, operated a foundry that had contaminated the adjacent lands, causing devastation of the fields, the destruction of cattle and gravely affecting the health of the people. In this case, the PRI’s efforts resulted in the company paying an indemnity to some of the communities. This solution was clearly insufficient when compared to the magnitude of the harm done by the company. Faced with this outcome Archbishop Emilio Lissón, together with the senator Pedro de Noriega, proposed that the affected peasants be given land in the Amazon and that their expenses be paid by the company. However, the PRI did not have the necessary coercive power to enforce this proposal.113 The PRI was also a government department where various types of labour exploitation were denounced, including unpaid forced labour, servitude, hidden slavery and the charging of unjust taxes. In many cases the Indians were obliged to work once they were enlisted for obligatory military service, in others they were the victims of ‘enganche’, that is to say they were indebted to a hacienda or company and were forced to work almost permanently for those entities. These actions were accompanied by many forms of abuse of power in which the local authorities, in collusion with village leaders, carried out active repression including threats, physical mistreatment and mutilations and even murders.114 Many of these cases were processed and both the Junta Central as well as the departmental juntas of the PRI released decrees that were confirmed by Congress and the executive power. This allowed the enactment of laws prohibiting unpaid labour and establishing a minimum wage for rural workers in addition to sacking and bringing charges against the authorities involved in the abuses. A series of proposals were also made to overcome the social problems. The fact that the PRI was a state organisation in no way prevented it from denouncing abuses committed by government functionaries. For example, the junta departamental of Ayacucho presided over by Fidel Olivas Escudero severely criticised irregularities committed during the execution of the roadwork conscription law in that region. It asserted that governors and lieutenant governors

112 Wilfredo Kapsoli and W. Reátegui, El campesinado peruano: 1919–1930 (Lima, 1987) 31–5. 113 Ibid., 35–9. 114 Ibid., 39–71.

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… committed abuses and trampling of the road law, such as the destruction of the Indians’ work receipts in order to oblige them to work more on the highway, the lack of workbooks, registers and other documentation absolutely necessary for the appropriate control of the service, thus enabling the accomplishment of repeated violations.115 The Junta Departmental agreed, protesting against the public authority and denouncing the authorities involved in these acts.116 In spite of these noteworthy efforts, the sheer magnitude of the indigenous problem ensured that the work of the PRI would be insufficient. This was made clear in a petition sent by Archbishop Emilio Lissón to the government in which, after studying the numerous examples of exploitation of which he was informed, he affirmed that ‘the injustices that have been done to the native race are so grave and so numerous as to constitute a social crime’ and that therefore these injustices warranted reparation or the consequences for the country would be of the utmost gravity. Lissón maintained that the PRI’s activity was not enough and that it was necessary to take action of a general character to remedy the ‘innumerable partial evils’.117 Lissón proposed the creation of the Indian Tribunal, an institution composed of provincial and district authorities for the defence of the Indian that would be clearly differentiated from the sub-prefects and governors. He also proposed that the Indians of the communities be exempt from the payment of taxes and that ‘religious services, legal services and medical care be administered to them absolutely free’. Throughout its existence, the PRI, although it lacked sufficient funds and sufficient political authority to establish sanctions, became the state institution that studied in the greatest detail and breadth agrarian social problems and channelled with the greatest success the legal complaints of the Indians. This allowed for the punishment of some of the authorities involved in the abuses, the enactment of various laws protecting indigenous rights, and the recognition of hundreds of peasant communities, assigning them lands that were declared untouchable. In one sense, the restoration of tutelary legislation 115 ‘… cometieron abusos y conculcaciones de la ley vial, tales como la destrucción de los comprobantes de trabajo de los indígenas para obligar a éstos a nuevos períodos de trabajo en la carretera, la carencia de libretas de trabajo, de padrones y otras documentaciones absolutamente necesarias para el debido control de ese servicio, que permitieron la consumación reiterada de semejantes atropellos’ in Boletín del Ministerio de Fomento. Sección de Asuntos Indígenas, 1–1926, 207. 116 Ibid., 208. 117 Ibid., 217–18.

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enabled the Church, as in the viceregal period, to once again play a dynamic role in the defence of the Indian, carrying out a function that had certain parallels to the viceregal office of Protector of the Indians. The fall of Leguía brought with it a structural change in the PRI and in the Section of Indigenous Affairs, which acquired a more laicist and anticlerical character, though it did not become a more efficient agency. Despite a later campaign to discredit the PRI as paternalistic and ineffective, this organisation vigorously contributed to the creation of a much clearer awareness of the particular characteristics of the natives’ problems and encouraged a series of measures to alleviate them. Its actions were obviously limited, but considering the scope of the indigenous problem, the scanty economic and legal resources at its disposal and comparing its efforts with those of other republican institutions, the PRI marked an important milestone in the work on behalf of the native communities in the history of Peru. At the same time, the role of the Church in the institution demonstrated the degree to which the evangelical revitalisation of the hierarchy and the religious institutes had restored its prestige and role in the public life of the republic.

Conclusions In his opening address to the First Catholic Peruvian Congress held in Lima in 1896, and attended by bishops, priests, religious superiors and a wide range of influential laymen, Manuel Tovar, auxiliary bishop of Lima (1892–1898) and later Archbishop of Lima (1898–1907), celebrated the union of Catholics, meeting in liberty and faith. In ringing tones, he emphasised that Christ had founded his Church in opposition to the Empire and the Synagogue and had established ‘the sovereign authority of the Church, free and independent of all human power’. But, he added, for three centuries the Church had lived in the shadows, persecuted and isolated. Moreover, although Constantine the Great recognised the Church, nevertheless, it was still necessary to preserve its independence from Imperial control. Indeed, during the Middle Ages, there was a fierce struggle between Church and Empire, in which popes such as Gregory VII and Boniface VIII opposed tyranny and defended the liberty of the Church. And ‘in the modern era, inaugurated by Protestantism, there has been a universal struggle’, he said, not least during the French Revolution, when popes were taken prisoner. Here were forces, which still operated, so that ‘in the school and in the workshop, in the Academy and the Parliament, in books and the press, a vast conspiracy against the liberty of the Church is planned and executed’. Moreover, the civil power of the current era was contaminated by the ‘regalist heresy’. So great was the attack on the Church that at the close of the eighteenth century ‘triumphant Regalism in all States imposed the most odious chains on the authority of the Bishops’. Indeed, there had been sinister prophecies abroad that Pius VI would be the last Pope. And yet in the current epoch how different was the scene and condition of the Church! If governments continued in their apostasy, in the people there had occurred a renewal of the religious life. Once proscribed, the religious orders were now thriving and increasing. Now in all Christian nations new schools and new Catholic universities were to be found. One could only contemplate with joy ‘the torrent of living waters that has sprung from the open wound that the Revolution inflicted on the heart of the Church, and those waters now irrigate and render fertile the earth’, which shortly would yield ‘the flowers and fruits of a true Christian democracy, which is the social form of the future’. Already, although in Rome the Pope was a ‘prisoner of the Revolution’, he ‘dominated the world through his word and his authority’. Where once the Church had suffered humiliation at the hands of the ministers of Charles III and Louis XV, not to mention the mockery of Voltaire, today it experienced a true resurrection. The

238 conclusions Church would no longer be enslaved to the powers of this world, but would live as ‘a free Church, with liberty conquered by its blood’.1 In this discourse, Bishop Tovar described the evolution of the relations between church and state in Europe in order to apply this analysis to the case of Peru. After independence, as in most Spanish American countries, there had been a confrontation between liberal politicians who aimed to secularise national institutions and control the Church as an organisation within the state, and committed Catholics, who developed a series of initiatives not only to defend Church independence but also to recover its institutional, social and cultural presence in the public sphere. During the period studied here, the state expanded its jurisdiction over areas that were traditionally controlled by the Church and launched a series of reforms that abolished several of the traditional privileges of this institution. Nevertheless, the process did not lead to serious conflicts, confiscations or persecutions as in Mexico or France. If it was true that Catholic leaders perceived that some state measures threatened to undermine the Catholic ethos of the country, especially the laws of civil marriage, religious toleration and divorce, their resistance to them was channelled through the means of representative democracy. Catholics mobilised by creating associations to oppose the laicist legislation and participating in the political debates of the time. Contrary to the expectations of anti-clerical thinkers and the fears of some churchmen, the process of secularisation did not entail any immediate decline of religious practice and activity and indeed was offset by a revival of Church life and organisation. After independence, the Church had suffered a vocational, intellectual and economic crisis and, at the same time, it lacked adequate leadership since most of the dioceses in the Republic were without bishops. But by the early twentieth century the state of affairs had completely changed. From the 1890s onwards two generations of prestigious bishops played an influential role in public life; female and male religious institutes had arrived in the country and had imparted a new vitality to pastoral care, education and social work; and voluntary associations of the laity had been created and mobilised, not merely to support the clergy, but also to develop their own pastoral, social and political initiatives. An important feature of these initiatives was the leadership position taken by women in them and their crucial role in promoting and sponsoring multiple Church works and projects. Alongside a new network of confessional schools, the Catholic University had emerged, flanked by a flourishing Catholic press. Moreover, a group of prominent Catholic 1 Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, Anales del Primer Congreso Católico del Perú, 91–100.

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intellectuals now came to participate in the political and cultural debates of this era in Peruvian history. Another aspect of the involvement of the Church in Peruvian public life was the application of papal social doctrine to the changing conditions of the country. Catholic churchmen both criticised radical movements but also sought to address the social and economic problems that had been created by a new and more intrusive capitalism. Catholic thinkers defended the right of private property and opposed the promotion of class warfare and revolution but also proposed a series of social reforms within the democratic system. Thus, they condemned the outright exploitation of the labouring classes and in particular tried to alleviate the conditions of the native peasantry, not to mention the deplorable treatment of native peoples in Amazonia. They rejected Social Darwinism and Marxism that successively thrived in the University of San Marcos, and instead aspired to reconcile the diverse cultural and ethnic heritages of their country. The role of the Circles of Catholic workers served as a measure of their partial success. Despite all this, the Catholic Church in Peru had to face internal and external problems and threats. The scarcity of vocations for the priesthood and the necessity of improving the quality of religious formation in the seminaries continued to be an unfinished task, as was the moral and disciplinary reform of the rural clergy. Moreover, the inability of many churchmen to realise that some aspects of the modern polity were not intrinsically incompatible with Christian principles was at times a source of unnecessary conflict with other groups and frequently led to the development of an intolerant stand towards contemporary thought and other creeds. As Joseph Ratzinger affirmed for other cases, a permanent risk of the Church’s participation in the public arena in Peru was that ‘Christianity’s claim to truth can become exaggerated into political intolerance, and this occurred more than once’.2 Nevertheless, there was also a gradual process of change of mentality among some prominent Catholics during the 1920s. In this line, intellectuals and politicians who left a deep imprint on Peruvian Catholicism such as Víctor Andrés Belaunde and President José Luis Bustamante y Rivero, defended democracy and liberty using the principles of the social doctrine of the Church. In this sense, the evolution of Catholic responses to the changes brought by political secularisation in Peru were not uniform. During the early twentieth century, most ecclesiastical authorities opposed the law of religious tolerance and to the subsequent Protestant growth in the country. However, afterwards 2 Joseph Ratzinger, Church, Ecumenism & Politics. New Endeavors in Ecclesiology (San Francisco, 2008), 202.

240 conclusions Catholics gradually began to endorse religious freedom and to engage in interfaith dialogue, as it was more clearly manifested since the Second Vatican Council. At the same time, in general terms the displacement of the Church from a number of civil functions was not an object of serious dispute. Furthermore, local bishops and the Holy See managed to maintain close relations with Peruvian governments and to preserve the confessional character of the state until 1979. Likewise, church-state separation was achieved in good terms, under the paradigms of the Second Vatican Council. Soon after, in 1980 the Peruvian State and the Vatican signed a Concordat to regulate their relations. In this way, the Church achieved a long-awaited goal since the beginning of the Republic that safeguarded its autonomy, its rights and a number of fiscal exceptions.3 At the same time, Peruvian constitutions of 1979 and 1993 declared that the Peruvian State, in a regime of autonomy and independence, acknowledged the Church’s role in the formation of the country’s history, culture and moral development. They also stipulated the willingness of the government to cooperate with the Church and with other creeds.4 In contrast, the questions related to the influence of Catholic views on natural law, human dignity and family in the country’s legislation have remained a field of heated disputes until the present times. These were the cases of civil marriage and divorce during the period studied in this book, as it has been with same-sex marriage, abortion, birth control, sex education, euthanasia and certain points related to gender discrimination during the 2010s. Indeed, in these former topics, practicing Catholics and Protestants have tended to make common cause, having developed an influential presence in the contemporary public debate. Taking in count these facts, it is possible to affirm that the secularisation process in Peru implanted as a dominant assumption that the source and foundation of the country’s social and institutional order had to be located in the general will and not in religion. Moreover, liberalism and positivism became prevalent within a prominent faction of the elite, while radical movements became increasingly more popular among urban working classes and in state universities. 3 As seen in this book, most Peruvian constitutions stipulated that the signing of a Concordat between the Peruvian State and the Holy See was a national objective. It also was a main goal of ecclesiastical authorities. However, it was never materialised due a series of disagreements on the terms of this document. See: Milagros Revilla Izquierdo, ‘El sistema de relación Iglesia –  Estado Peruano: Los principios constitucionales del derecho eclesiástico del Estado en el ordenamiento jurídico peruano’, Pensamiento Constitucional 18 (2013): 447–68; Alberto Patiño Reyes, Libertad religiosa y principio de cooperación en Hispanoamérica (México D.F.: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2011). 4 Peruvian Constitution of 1979, art. 86; Peruvian Constitution of 1993, art. 50.

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Nevertheless, these forces failed to confine the Church to the private realm or even to that of civil society. The fact that the country was not exclusively Catholic anymore or that leading sectors in the press, the academia and politics contested Church’s authority were not sufficient elements to turn it into another competitor among others in the public arena. Rather, Catholicism remained the official religion of the State and both the ecclesiastical hierarchy and other Catholic leaders were still relevant in the political and social life of the country. In this sense, the Church used the means provided by the democratic system in order to promote or to oppose laws in accordance to its vision of the common good of society and to its institutional interests. In this way, it showed a strong capacity to mobilise people, associations and resources for specific causes. Catholics made use of the press, intellectual and political debates, public demonstrations, lobbies, signed manifestos, participation in political parties, and appeals to voters. As in present times, many Peruvian politicians backed or opposed Catholic positions in order to instrumentalize them in favour of their own interests. Similarly, ecclesiastical leaders also tended to build close links with politicians and government officials who supported their views, albeit this fact did not necessary mean an unconditional or uniform endorsement to them. For all that, Catholics were unable to prevent the enactment of some measures that were considered incompatible with their principles. For instance, during Leguía’s Oncenio bishops established close relations with the regime and played an important role in the Patronato de la Raza Indígena, yet they could not avert the government’s support for Protestant educators and missionaries. So too in 1935, President Oscar Benavides attended the First Eucharistic Congress of Peru and reaffirmed the Catholic character of the country, but at much the same time enacted the law of divorce. In order to assess the real dimension of this Catholic revival much research is still needed. There are no statistical nor comprehensive studies on the presence and impact of the religious institutes, the diocesan clergy and Catholic associations of the laity in Peru. The legislative social reforms promoted by Catholic laymen in the Peruvian Congress and other institutions is an almost unexplored issue. Despite some rigorous studies on Catholic missionaries in the Amazonia, the assessment of their cultural and social labour is an unfinished task. These lines of research could be useful in the future to understand the differences and similarities between the Social Catholicism of that time and the new theological and political tendencies within Peruvian Catholicism from 1960s onwards. However, taken all together, the Catholic revival during the early twentieth century in Peru stimulated civic and social thought, created a whole range of new institutions that helped to strengthen civil society and thanks to its

242 conclusions deep-rooted religious and cultural presence, demonstrated that the Church, amidst its numerous limitations and inner contradictions, still played a central role as an agent of social development, as a critical voice towards political power and social injustice, as a mediator of conflicts, and as a defining element of Peruvian identity.

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Thesis, Dissertations, and Other Unpublished Works

Ara Goñi, Jesús. ‘La Iglesia militante y la Acción Católica en Perú (1920–1936)’. Doctorado ‘Societat i Cultura’, Univeritat de Barcelona, 2015. Cubas Ramacciotti, Ricardo, Ricardo. ‘El proyecto político y educativo de Bartolomé Herrera: La reforma del Convictorio de San Carlos’. Licenciatura, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1998. Cubas Ramacciotti, Ricardo. ‘Rediscovering the Peruvian Culture: A Study of the Intellectual Influence of Francisco Garcia Calderón and the Generation of 900 in the Peruvian Political Debate during the Early Twenty Century’. MPhil, University of Cambridge, 2000. Dawson, Alan. ‘Politics and the Labour Movement in Lima, 1919–1931’. PhD, University of Cambridge, 1981. Drinot, Paulo. ‘Workers, the State, and Radical Politics in Peru in the Early 1930s’. D.Phil, University of Oxford, 2000. Forrester, Virginia O’Grady. ‘Christian Democracy in Peru’. PhD, Columbia University, 1970. Huiza, José Luis. ‘From the República Aristocrática to Pan Grande: Guillermo Billinghurst and Populist Politics in Early Twentieth Century Peru’. PhD, University of Miami, 1998. Hurtado Galván, Laura. ‘Cusco: Iglesia y sociedad: El obispo Pedro Pascual Farfán de los Godos (1918–1933) en el debate indigenista’. Bachillerato, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1982. Katalin, Jancsó. ‘Indigenismo político temprano en el Perú y la Asociación ProIndígena’. PhD, University of Szeged, 2007. Paredes, Jorge. ‘El Primer Congreso Católico del Perú: Alcances y resultados’. Licenciatura, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2004. Romero, Catalina. ‘Church, State and Society in Contemporary Peru, 1958–1988: A ­Process of Liberation’. PhD, New School for Social Research, 1989.

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Romero, María Elvira. ‘El protestantismo anglosajón en el Perú. 1822–1915’. Doctorado, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1974. Valdés, María Paz. ‘La labor hospitalaria de las Hijas de La Caridad de San Vicente de Paúl en Chile (1854–1890)’. Magíster, Universidad de los Andes (Chile), 2016. Voegler, Max Herbert. ‘Religion, Liberalism and the Social Question in the Habsburg Hinterland: The Catholic Church in Upper Austria, 1850–1914’. PhD, Columbia University, 2006.

Index Abeja, La 164, 193, 198  Abreu, Manuel 77 Acción Republicana 88 Acción Social Católica de Arequipa 115 Acción Social de la Juventud 138–9 Adán, Martín 88 Affré, Denis-Auguste 126 Águila, Eduardo del 187 Alarco de Dammert, Juana 137 Alarco, Gerardo 88, 96, 139 Alayza Grundy, Ernesto 139 Albacete, Juan 139 Alberdi, Juan Bautista 204 alcoholism  Catholic labour culture and 185, 192, 196 Indian society and 204, 209–10n28, 211–3, 215, 220, 222, 224 temperance leagues and 225 Alemany, Agustín 229 Alfonso XIII of Spain 74 Álvarez, Paulino 135, 163 Amauta 76 Amézaga, Mariano 45 Amigo del Clero, El 161n61, 162  Amigo del Pueblo, El 198  Ampuero, Valentín 65 anarchism  anticlericalism and 1, 9, 13 Circles of Catholic Workers and 189, 196 in Peru 78, 143, 169n1, 175, 194, 207 opposition of Catholicism to 14, 180, 185 Andes, Stephen 140n57 anticlericalism  after the Oncenio 83–5, 92, 94–5, 236 anticlerical press 6, 76, 159–61 as a transnational phenomenon 10 conflict between Catholicism and 6, 44, 78, 80, 89, 145, 178 during the Oncenio 69, 72–3, 75, 207 Freemasonry and 120 liberalism and 18, 35, 45, 50, 222 positivism and 136, 143, 145 secularisation process and 7, 9

See also González Prada, Manuel  Apostolado de la Prensa 101, 132–3, 158–60 Apostolic Colleges of Propaganda Fide 223, 227 APRA (Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana)  against female suffrage 93, 136 and labour movements 196, 200 bibliography of 169n1 civil conflict and 93–5 criticism of Peruvian Catholics to 19, 87–9, 187 declared illegal 96, 176 electoral campaign of 1931 and 84, 89 Haya de la Torre and 70, 75, 85–6, 91, 144 secularisation process and 4, 119–20 See also Haya de la Torre, Víctor Raúl Ara Goñi, Jesús 17 Arana, Julio 229, 231 Arce, Mariano José de 36 Arenas y Loayza, Carlos 87–8, 95, 138, 156 Arenas, Antonio 42 Arenas, Cayetano 191–3 Argentina 9, 172–3, 178 Aristocratic Republic 17n48, 49–68, 173 Aristotle 32 Armas, Fernando 17 Arrieta, Ángel de Jesús 186 Arróspide de la Flor, César 138–9 Asociación de Caballeros del Apostolado de San Judas Tadeo 188 Asociación Pro-Indígena 164, 205, 206n23, 207 Asociación San Francisco de Regis 133, 136 Atusparia, Pedro Pablo 225 Augustinian Daughters of the Most Holy Saviour 101, 152 Augustinians 28, 102, 129, 149–50, 228 Austria 178 Ávila, Francisco de 28n14 Ayacucho, Battle of 74–5 Ayllón, José 157

index Bacon, Francis 32 Ballón, Manuel Segundo 62, 103n16 Balmes, Jaime 41 Balta, José 102, 124 Bambarén, Celso 45 Bandini, Manuel Antonio 41–2, 61, 128 Barrenechea, José Antonio 42 Basadre, Jorge 83–4, 88, 138, 153, 173 Bedoya Reyes, Luis 139 Bedoya, Juan de Dios 160–1 Belaunde, Fernando 128 Belaunde, Mariano 59, 128, 130, 165 Belaunde, Víctor Andrés  as congressman 91–3 Bustamante y Rivero and 88 female suffrage and 136 in Arequipa 149, 188 Indian problem and 202, 206, 208, 215, 218–9 labour and social problem and 157, 177–9 Leguía’s government and 77 Mariano Belaunde and 128 Mercurio Peruano and 165 Pontifical University of Peru and 118, 156 positivism and 144, 154 Riva-Agüero and 96, 146 Sánchez Cerro’s government and 86–7 Social Doctrine of the Church and 239 Unión Popular party and 89 Belgium 87, 169 Social Catholic Movement in 128, 128n32, 171, 178 unions and labour movements in 13, 172n7 Beltrán, Pedro 135 Benavides, Oscar R. 95–6, 176, 241 Benedict XV, Pope 80, 106 Benlloch y Vivó, Juan 74 Berenguel, Tomás 191 Bergson, Herni-Louis 144 Bermejo, José 177, 180, 186 Berroa, Francisco Rubén 165 Berroa, Juan Vitaliano 206 Bien Público, El 48, 104, 133, 158  Bien Social, El 101, 134–5, 161n61, 162–3 Billinghurst, Guillermo 60, 175 Bismarck, Otto von 9

285 Bloy, Léon 138 Boletín de San Vicente 161n61 Boletín Eclesiástico de la Diócesis de Huaráz 117 Bolivia 129 Bolshevik revolution 78, 175 See also Soviet Union  Bonaparte, Joseph 6 Boniface VIII 237 Borboun Reforms 30–35, 45, 119, 142 Bouroncle, Luis 193n85 Brazil 173, 230 Bueno, José León 138 Bustamante y Rivero, José Luis 87–8, 96, 188, 233, 239 Bustamante, Manuel 89 Cabré, Francisco 111, 181 as director of La Colmena 77, 165, 177, 198 Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa and 190, 193, 198–9 Cáceres, Andrés A. 49, 124, 126n27, 145 civil war of 1894–5 and 130, 173 Cáceres, José D. 191–2 Calderón, Pedro José 42 Calderón, Santos 224 Callao High School 64 Calle, Juan José 159, 233 Calles, Plutarco Elías 85 Camillians (Fathers of a Good Death, Ministers of the Sicks) 102 Campomanes, Pedro Rodríguez de 30–1 Campos, Julio 187 Candamo, Manuel 49, 117 Candamo, Teresa de la Cruz 117 Cano, José 160 Canonesses of the Cross 117, 156 Capelo, Joaquín 54, 145 capitalism  Catholic critical views on 12, 139, 164, 182, 197, 199, 239 expansion of 3, 20, 70, 170n4, 174 need to reconciliate capital and labour 111, 133, 164, 181 Rerum Novarum and 13, 91, 100, 171 Victor Andrés Belaunde and 178, 202 See also world crisis of capitalism Cappa, Ricardo 145

286  Cargin Allison, Juan 139 Carpenter, José María 165 Carranza, Venustiano 65n64 Castilla, Ramón 38–9, 45 Castro Pozo, Hildebrando 231 Castro, José Gregorio 64 Catholic Action 78, 107, 109, 115–7, 139–40 of Peru 18–9, 82, 117, 121, 139, 179 Catholic Conservative Party 81, 117 Catholic Party of Arequipa 114 Catholic Social Action 80–2, 116, 179, 225 Catholic Union (Unión Católica)  Acción Social de la Juventud and 138–9 branches of 126, 128, 136 Catholic Union for Gentlemen 126 Catholic Union for Ladies 126, 128–9, 134, 136, 148, 156, 221 Catholic Youth 126, 129, 135–6  Catholic press and 158–9, 162–4 in the First Catholic Peruvian ­Congress 102, 127–30, 133, 211–2, 227 lay Catholic movements and 19 Leguia’s government and 75 origins and foundation of 100–1, 124–5 Peruvian bishops and 54, 114–5, 117 Protestantism and 64 Seventh Council of Lima and 108 Unión Popular and 87 Catholic University of America 155 Catholic University of Chile 155 Catholic University of Peru 20, 87, 155–7, 238 Centro de Estudiantes Católicos and 139 Constitution of 1933 and 94 Educational institutes and 147, 154 First Inter-Diocesan Congress of Social Action and 214 Peruvian bishops and 90, 93, 109, 115–6, 118 Católico, El 157–8  Cavero Cazo, Moisés 225 Centinela, El 161n61  Centre of Catholic Workers of Lima See Circles of Catholic Workers  Centro de Estudiantes Católicos 139 Centro Fides 139

index Charcas 36 Charles III of Spain 25, 32–3, 237 Charles IV of Spain 33 Chesterton, Gilbert Keith 138 Chile 33n32, 50n1, 40 Catholic lay associations in 122 Catholic Union of 128 Jorge Dintilhac in 155 modernisation process in 170n4, 173 See also War of the Pacific  Chocano, José Santos 138 Christian Brothers (Lasallian Brothers) 146, 148, 150, 154, 156 Christian Democracy 14, 138, 178, 237 Christian Democratic Party of Peru  Bustamante y Rivero and 233n109 Catholic lay movements and 19 during the 1950s 118, 136, 139 formation of the 89, 96 Cicognani, Cayetano 75 Circles of Catholic Workers 20, 170 Catholic Union and 126, 135 in the First Peruvian Catholic Congress 128, 133–4 Latin American Plenary Council and 103 of Arequipa 59, 170 active and ­protector members in  190–3 Catholic press and 164, 198–9 foundation and goals of 101, 184, 189 Leguía and 75, 77 Mariano ­Holguín and cultural facets of 195–6 social and educational i­ nitiatives of  197–8 of Ayacucho 165, 186, 225 of Cusco 101, 180–1, 186–7 of Huanuco 115 of Lima (Centre of Catholic Workers of Lima) 75, 101, 165, 186 of Puno 187 of San José 187 of Trujillo 101 Peruvian Catholic thinkers and 239 relations between Leguía’s government and 75 Seventh Council of Lima and 108

index Social Catholicism and 172, 199–200 structure and goals 184–5 Cisneros, Luciano Benjamín 42 Civil Code 55, 57–8, 60 civil marriage, law  anticlericalism and 75, 83 Catholic opposition to 127, 137, 196, 238 discussion and approval 60–2 First Catholic Congress of Peru and 129, 130, 132 liberal political programme and 8 Peruvian Catholicism and 13, 240 Peruvian Episcopate and 89–91 prior to religious ceremony 72–3 secularisation process and 19 Civil War of 1894–5 130–1, 173 Civilista Party 49, 64, 69–70, 173, 175 Claretians 117–8, 148, 150 Clark, Christopher M. 7 Claudel, Paul 138 coca 209n28, 212–3, 224 Code of Canon Law of 1917 106 Colegio Andino 64 Colmena, La 65n64, 177, 196n100  Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa and 77, 189, 191–5, 198–9 labour question and 114, 164 Colombia 40, 95, 231 Comité Central Pro-Derecho Indígena Tahuantinsuyo 207 communism 15, 71, 84–5 opposition of Peruvian Catholics to 88, 96, 138–9, 178 Pius XI’s condemnation of 78, 109, 171 Communist Party of Peru 84–5, 94–6, 176 See also communism  Comte, Auguste, 63, 143 See also positivism concordat  between the Holy See and the Peruvian State 50, 72, 90, 92, 131 Mariano Holguín on 93 of 1753 31 of 1980 240 patronato and 53 Peruvian Congress and 94 Peruvian constitutions and 240n3

287 Confederación General de Trabajadores del Perú (CGTP) 84 Conferences of St. Vincent of Paul 129, 133 Congregación de Artesanos de San José 187 Congregación de Seglares de Nuestra Señora de la ‘O’ 129, 135 Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (Propaganda Fide) 230 Congregation of Ecclesiastical Extraordinary Affairs 103 Conservative Party of Cusco 81 Constitucional, El 47, 157 Constitution of Peru:  of 1826 37n48 of 1856 47 of 1860 48, 63, 124, 131–2 of 1867 47–8, 124 of 1920 69–72, 231 of 1933 89, 92–5 of 1979 240 of 1993 240 Cornejo, Mariano H. 57, 63, 122, 143 Cosío, Fidel 187 Council of Indies 26 Councils of Lima 17, 177, 184 Seventh Council 52, 57–8, 107–8, 222 Apostolado de la Prensa and 160 ­indigenous question and 212, 224 ­Protestantism and 64 Eighth Council 79 indigenous ­question and 213 labour question and 109, 181 Council of Trent 60 Courret, Tomás 188 Cousin, Victor 41 Crawley-Boevey, Mateo 193n85 Crónica, La 73  Culture Wars 7, 9 Dam, Christian 161n58 Daughters of Charity of St. Vincent of Paul 59, 101, 149, 151–2 Daughters of Mary, Congregation of the 133 Daughters of Mary Help of Christians 149, 215, 228 Daughters of St. Anne 101, 151–2 Dawson, Christopher 157

288  Deber Pro-Indígena, El 206 Deber, El 87, 128, 161n61, 198 Apostolado de la Prensa and 101, 133 Mariano Holguín and 110–1, 165 Decentralist Party 87, 88, 91 Democratic Party 49, 77, 88, 128 Descartes, René 32 Deustua, Alejandro 144 Diario, El 165, 233 Diez Canseco, Pedro 124 Dintilhac, Jorge 77, 139, 186 Catholic University of Peru and 116, 118, 154–6 Discalced Carmelites 117 divorce, law 61–2, 72, 83, 95 Church opposition to 89–90, 137, 238, 240–1 Dominican Mothers 115 Dominican Sisters Missionaries of Mary 152 Dominican Sisters of the Immaculate Conception 149–50, 152–3 Dominicans  Catholic associations and 187–8 educational role 28, 149–50 First Catholic Congress of Peru and 129 missionary work in Peruvian Amazonia 102, 162, 228 Dougnac Rodríguez, Antonio 38n51 Drinot y Piérola, Pedro Pablo 67, 77, 109–10, 115–7 social question and 163, 176, 177n26 du Bois, Emilia 125 Duhamel, Hipólito 193n85 Dumas, Alexander 160 Echenique, José Rufino 42, 47 ecclesiastical indigenismo  Asociación Pro-Indígena and 206 criticism to racism, Social Darwinism and Marxism of 208–9 defense of the Indian rights and 210 during the viceroyalty 207–8 First Catholic Congress of Peru and 133, 211–2 First Inter-diocesan Congress of Social Action and 214–5 Isaías Vargas and 177, 216–9

index Pedro Farfán and 116, 215–7 Peruvian bishops and 44, 202–3 Seventh and Eighth Councils of Lima and 212–4, 224 Víctor Andrés Belaunde and 93, 202, 208, 218–9 See also missionary work; ­indigenous question; Patronato de la Raza ­Indígena Ecuador 40, 128, 128n32, 134 Egaña,Juan de 40 Eguren,José María 138 Elías,Carlos 104, 123, 135 First Catholic Congress of Peru and 128–30, 132, 177, 211 Emergency Law of 1932 91, 93 Encinas, José Antonio 231 Enlightenment 7–8, 30–5, 30n18, 33n32, 142 Escuela Normal de Varones See Normal School for Men  Estandarte Católico, El 162, 223 Esteban, Eustaquio 102 Estenssoro, Juan Carlos 29 Falconí, Faustino 233 Farfán de los Godos, Pedro Pascual 110, 177, 214, 223 against the divorce law 62, 73 Circle Catholic Worker of Cusco and 186 ecclesiastical indigenismo and 201n4, 202, 215–7 his role in the Peruvian Church 116–7 in the Synod of Cusco 79 relation with Peruvian government 84, 233 Federación de Sociedades de Obreros Católicos 188 Federación Diocesana de la Juventud Católica 139 female suffrage 88, 93–4, 136 Fernando VII of Spain 35–6 First Catholic Congress of Peru 127–36, 147, 158 Carlos Elías and 177, 211 Franciscans and 227 lay movements and 102

index Manuel Tovar and 104–5, 237 Mariano Holguín and 184 religious toleration and 64–5 First Eucharistic Congress of Peru 96, 109, 241 First Interdiocesan Congress on Social Action 79, 108, 117, 209n28, 213–4, 216 Florecillas de San Antonio, Las 162 Flores Galindo, Alberto 202n5 Flores, Luis A. 93 Fonseca, Juan 76 Forga, José Miguel 59, 77, 193, 195, 198 Fouillée, Alfred Jules 144, 154 France  anticlericalism and secularism in 9, 92, 136, 144–5, 180, 238 labour movements in 13 religious institutes arrived from 146 Social Catholicism in 171–2, 178 See also French Revolution Francis of Assisi, Saint 112 Francis of Sales, Saint 112 Franciscan Missionaries of Mary 228 Franciscan Mothers 114–5 Franciscans (First Order) 54, 129, 162, 186–7 Discalced Franciscans 43, 101 Franciscans of the Recollection in Arequipa 110 missionary and educational role 28, 102, 223, 227–8, 230–1 Franciscan Tertiaries of the Immaculate Conception 149, 151–4 Franciscans (Third Order) 129 Freemasonry  anticlericalism and 1, 10, 120, 145, 161 Papal condemnation of 39, 100 criticism of Peruvian Catholics to 11, 61, 65n64, 80 Peruvian liberals and 45, 47, 50, 136 Protestantism and 19, 63, 65, 132 secularisation process and 3, 7 French Revolution 8, 12, 35, 37, 41, 237 gallicanism 7, 7n15, 9, 31 Gálvez, José 42, 46 Gálvez, Pedro 42, 46 Gambetta, Léon 146 García Calderón Rey, Francisco 144, 146–7

289 García Calderón Rey, Ventura 147 García Irigoyen, Carlos 135, 159, 163 García Jordán, Pilar 16–7, 57, 229 García Moreno, Gabriel 40 García Naranjo, Pedro Manuel 42, 66, 107, 155 García Pérez, Alan 95 García, Mariano 177, 181–3, 186, 215 Germany 9, 13, 87, 129 Social Catholicism in 171, 178 Gómez Sánchez, Evaristo 124–5 González la Rosa, Manuel 123, 158 González Olaechea, Manuel I. 164 González Prada, Manuel 138, 161 anticlericalism and 1, 16, 54, 136, 141, 146 indigenismo and 204, 206, 217 influence on Mariátegui and Haya de la Torre of 85, 205–6 Unión Nacional Party and 143 González Vigil, Francisco de Paula 42–3, 45–8, 104, 142, 145 González, Bernardino 227 González, Nicanor 187 Goyeneche, José Sebastián de 35–6, 42–3, 102, 104, 188 Grau, Enrique 134 Gregory VII, Pope 237 Gregory XVI, Pope 36 Grupo 900 138  Gual, Pedro 40, 43, 102 Guevara, Juan Gualberto 81–2, 149, 188, 193n85 as director of El Deber 87, 165 Habermas, Jürgen 2n8 Hardenbur, Walter E. 229 Harmel, Léon 126, 134, 163, 172 Haya de la Torre, Víctor Raúl 76, 144, 175 APRA party and 70, 75–6, 85–6, 91, 95 electoral campaign of 1931 and  88–9, 91 indigenism and 205, 217 Heilman, Jaymie 6n11 Helguero, Pedro 135 Heraldo, El 165 Heros, Francisco Solano de los 157–8 Herrera, Bartolomé 19, 40–4, 46, 188 indigenous question and 203, 208

290  San Carlos College (Convictorio de) and 104, 142 Herrera, Gonzalo 163–4, 233 Hinostrosa, Juan de 134, 163 Holguín, Mariano 67, 93, 109–17, 154, 223 Catholic press and 165 Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa and 184, 188–94, 197 criticism to divorce law 72–3 Peruvian government and 84, 233 Social Question and 81, 177 Holy See  Bartolomé Herrera and 42 communication between Peruvian Church and 68 concordat with 90, 92, 131, 240n3 creation of apostolic prefectures by 228 González Vigil and 46 Latin American Plenary Council and 52, 56, 103 patronato republicano and 72, 94 reform of religious orders and 102 relations between Peruvian State and 39, 42, 51, 72, 74, 240 scandal of Putumayo and 230 Seventh Council of Lima and 107, 109 Spanish Empire and 26 See also Vatican State  Hormiga, La 165, 187 Huerta, José 157 Huerta, Juan Ambrosio 41–44, 54, 61, 63, 188 Catholic press and 157–8 on the indigenous question 203 Rerum Novarum and 101 Huidobro, Emilio 163–4 Ignatius of Loyola, Saint 161n58 See also Jesuits Imprenta Católica 159 Incas 40, 205, 210 indigenous question 3–4, 16, 20, 201–236 Indigenist literature 143, 205 Office of Indian Affair and 70 Section of Indigenous Affair and 232, 236 See also Patronato de la Raza Indígena; ecclesiastical indigenismo; ­missionary work 

index Inquisition 27 Irazola, Francisco 109 Ireland 172n7 Italy 13, 117, 128–9, 133, 146, 178 fascism in 85 Iturbide de Piérola, Jesús 130, 137 Izaguirre, Bernardino 227 jansenism 30–1, 39, 45 Jara, José María de la 89, 122 Jesuits  Catholic lay associations and 139, 187, 193n85 educational labour 28, 102, 142, 150 expulsion of 32, 54, 124, 142, 226 in First Catholic Congress of Peru 129 La Inmaculada School and 102, 138, 145, 147, 150 missionary work 118 opposition to 31, 145–6, 161n58 return to Peru of 102 San José School and 102, 147 Jiménez, José 138 Jovellanos, Gaspar Melchor de 30 Julius II, Pope 25 Kaiser, Wolfram 7 Ketteler of Mainz, Wilhelm Emmanuel Von 126, 134, 163, 172, 214 Klaiber, Jeffrey 15–16, 110, 133, 153, 225 Kulturkampf 15 La Gota de Leche 137 La Rosa, José Miguel 190–3, 195, 197 Lacordaire, Jean Baptiste 126 Ladrón de Guevara, Diego 26 Lamennais, Hughes-Félicité 127 Landazuri, Juan 188 Las Casas, Bartolomé de 207, 207n25 Lateran Treaty 78 Latin American College (Rome)  39, 56, 107 Latin American Plenary Council 52, 55–6, 100, 103–4, 107, 227–8 Lazarists (Congregation of the Mission) 59, 101–2, 148 Le Bon, Gustave 63, 204 Leguía, Augusto B. 

291

index Catholic criticism to the government of 77 Circles of Catholic Workers and 186, 195 fall of the regime of 3, 62, 83 indigenous question and 207, 231–2, 236 opposition to the government of 85, 144 political and economic project of 69–71 political and social support to 76, 175–6 relationships between Church and the regimen of 19, 71–5, 117, 146, 233, 241 See also Patronato de la Raza Indígena Leguía, Jorge Guillermo 138 Leo XII, Pope 35 Leo XIII, Pope  Carlos Elías and 130 Catholic Union of Peru and 126, 134 influence on the Peruvian Church of 66, 104, 109, 163 Latin American Plenary Council and 228 magisterium of 13, 80, 88, 91, 99, 103 pontificate of 12, 99–100, 159 See also Rerum Novarum  Liberal Party 88 Liberation Theology 2, 4, 16, 207n25 Liga Contra la Mala Prensa 132 Liga Contra los Espectáculos Inmorales 132 Liga de San Alfonso 187 Lima High School 64 Liñán y Cisneros, Melchor de 26 Lira, Guillermo 89 Lissón, Carlos 143 Lissión, Emilio  as teacher in Arequipa 149, 197 in the VIII Council of Lima 79, 109 indigenous question and 234–5 Ara Goñi on 17 La Tradición and 164 relations with Leguia’s government 73, 75, 117, 233 resignation as archbishop of 83–4, 115 Little Sisters of the Aged 101, 115 Loayza, José Jorge 42, 124, 130 Lobato, Juan N. 64 Locke, John 32 López de Romaña, Eduardo 49, 59, 128, 165, 188

López de Romaña, José Luis 193 Louis XV of France 237 Luna Pizarro, Francisco Javier de 36, 42–3, 157 Lux 139 Lynch, John 37 MacCormack, Sabine 28n13 Maguiña, Alejandrino 226, 233 Maistre, Joseph de 40 Majón, Andrés 197 Marbeau, Jean Baptiste Firmin 137 Mariátegui, Francisco Javier 46–7 Mariátegui, José Carlos  Indigenism and 205–6, 206n20 Isaías Vargas on 217 Klaibert on 16 labour question and 175 Manuel González Prada and 85 Peruvian marxism and 16, 70, 76, 84–5, 144, 206, 217–8 Víctor Andrés Belaunde on 157, 218 Mariátegui, Ricardo 139 Marina, Manuel T. 59 Marist Brothers 117, 148, 150 Maritain, Jacques 138 Martínez Vélez, Pedro 193n85 Martínez, Santiago 193n85 Marxism  anticlericalism and 1, 9, 13, 119–20 Haya de la Torre and 85 influence in Peru of 84, 176, 189, 194, 200, 208 Peruvian Catholicism and 19, 78, 96, 178, 180–1, 183, 239 Rerum Novarum and 14 social revolution and 4 studies about Peru and 169n1, 174n13 studies of religion in France and 10n25 See also Mariátegui, José Carlos  Marzal, Manuel 208, 220 Matamoros, Patricio See Mariátegui, Francisco Javier  Maurras, Charles 138 Mayer, Dora 206 Medellín (Second Conference of Latin American Bishop) 2 Menéndez Pelayo, Marcelino 32

292  Meneses, Rómulo 88 Mera, Elías 187 Mercedarians 28, 117, 129, 149–50 Mercier, Désiré Joseph 138 Mercurio Peruano 165 Mexico  Catholic Church in 65 contrast between Peru and 38, 48–9, 136, 238 culture wars in 9 Haya de la Torre in 85 persecution of the Church in 65–6n64, 81, 178 Pius XI and Catholics in 78 Social Catholicism in 173 Miró de Quesada, Matilde 137 Misiones Dominicas del Perú 162 missionary work  assistance of the Peruvian government to 73–4, 231 during the viceroyalty period 28 female congregations and 222, 228 García Jordán on 17 in the Peruvian Amazonia 21, 43, 50, 102, 118, 162, 220–2, 226–31, 241 in the sierra 216, 222–4 Peruvian bishops and 64, 75, 105, 108–9, 219, 223 Protestantism and 63–5 religious orders and 43, 102, 118, 162, 223, 227–8 renewal of the 102 See also Obra de la Propagación de la Fe modernism 108, 117 Mogrovejo, Toribio de (Turibius of), Saint 207, 207n26, 226 Molinari, Tirso 86 Moore, Alexander 71 Moreno, José Ignacio 40, 40n55 Moreno, Juan Ignacio 40 Moreyra y Riglos, Francisco 132, 135, 163 Mosquera, Manuel José 40 Mun, Albert de 172 Mundial 76 Mussolini, Benito 78 Napoleon 35 Nardini, Vincent 102

index National Assembly of Bishops  activity of 108 Apostolado de la Prensa and 160 Catholic University and 156 Circles of Catholic Workers and 184 documents of 79–80, 153, 177n28 Drinot and 115–6 ecclesiastical autonomy and 51, 51–52n10, 53 economic resources and 56 Indian question and 211, 213 Josep-Ignasi Saranyana on 17 labour question and 177 Leguía's government and 76–7 Mariano Holguín and 110 protestantism and 64 unification of Catholic forces and 100 See also Councils of Lima; synods in Peru National Pedagogical Institute 153 National Reform Party 195 native languages 28, 202–3, 224, 228 amueixa and campa and 227 aymará and 212 quechua and 211–2, 216, 224–5, 227 neo-Kantism 155 Netherlands 171 Nieto Vélez, Armando 18 Nietzsche, Friedrich 155 Noriega, Pedro de 233–4 Normal School  for Men 80, 136, 153–4, 156 for Women 153 Novecientos 138 Nueva Unión, La 164 Núñez Chávez, Arturo 198 Obra de las Conferencias y Lectura Nocturna para los Obreros 132 Obra de Propagación de la Fe en el Perú 130, 133, 137 Obrero Ideal, El 165, 186 Ocopa, Convent of Santa Rosa de 223, 227 Ojeda, Jaime de 71 Olivas Escudero, Fidel  as bishops 110 as mediator 225

index Catholic University and 156 Circle of Catholic Worker of Ayacucho and 186 criticism to civil marriage law 62 diocese of Ayacucho during the government of 223 El Estandarte Católico and 162 Junta departamental of Ayacucho and 233–4 Leguía’s government and 75 Olla de los Pobres 133–4, 137 Orbegozo de Panizo, Manuela 125 Ormachea, Lucas 224 Oyague y Soyer, José Vicente 135 Ozanam, Frederick 126, 172, 214 Pacheco, Fernando 126–7 Palma, Clemente 72, 76 Palomino, Agustín 209 Paniagua, Alberto 226 Papini, Giovanni 138 Pardo, José  and Augusto B. Leguía 70 as President of Peru 49 Catholic Circle of Arequipa and 196 Catholic University of Peru and 156 labour question during the government of 175 religious congregations and 146 Pardo, Manuel 41, 146 Pareja, Manuel 224 Partido Nacional Reformista 77 Partido Nacional Revolucionario (Mexico) 85 Passionist Fathers 228 Patria, La 48, 158 patronato  Constituent Assembly and 72 Holy See and 39 Mariano H. Cornejo and 57 Peruvian bishops and 42, 53, 68 Peruvian liberals and 45 regalism and 119 in the Spanish Empire 26, 31 Republican patronato 19, 35, 37, 50–3, 94 Patronato de la Raza Indígena 70, 217 Peruvian bishops and 21, 74, 231–6, 241

293 Paula Grosso, Francisco de 233 Paz, La 162n61 Paz Soldán, José Gregorio 44, 46 Pazos, Antón 103 Penzotti, Francisco 63 Pérez Barba, Antonio 187 Pérez de Armendáriz, José 36 Pérez, Esteban 159 Pernin, Eugenio 187 Perú Católico, El 48, 158 Phillips, Belisario 159 Piérola, Eva María de 130 Piérola, Nicolás de 49, 77, 124, 128 Church-State relations during the government of 51 congregations and religious institutions and 146, 148 Democratic Party and 77, 128 El Bien Social and 163 Peruvian Catholicism and 130, 158, 188 veto to civil marriage law 61 Pike, Frederick 46, 48 Pius IX, Pope 8, 14, 99–100 Church-State relations in Peru and  50–1 González Vigil and 46 Goyeneche, Juan Sebastián de, and 43 influence on the Peruvian Church of 103, 104, 121 renewal of Catholicism during the pontificate of 11, 39 Pius VI, Pope 237 Pius VII, Pope 35 Pius X, Pope 12, 106 Francisco Cabré and 111 indigenous question in Peru and 230 influence on the Peruvian Church of 107–8, 120, 178 Pius XI, Pope  Catholic Action and 139–40 Church-State relations in Peru and 74 influence on the Peruvian Church 88, 90–1, 109, 115–7, 120 magisterium of 14, 78, 78n49, 79, 171 pontificate of 78, 79 Planas, Pedro 18 Poland 15 Pombal, Marquis of 32

294  Ponce de León, Macarena 170n4 Popular Union Party 82 Porras Barrenechea, Raúl 88, 147 Portal, Ismael 135 Portugal 180 positivism  anticlericalism and 1, 143 foreign immigration and 50 Francisco García Calderón and 146–7 in San Marcos University 143 Indigenous question and 202–4 influence on Peruvian society 136, 141, 143, 240 new Catholicism and 11 Peruvian Catholics and 111, 118, 144, 154–5, 203 secularisation process and 3, 49, 119–20, 130 Prado, Javier 63, 143, 204 Prado, Mariano Ignacio 43, 47–8, 121, 124, 158 anticlericalism and 104 San Marcos University and 143 Sociedades de Beneficencia Pública and 58 Prat, Pedro 229 Primo de Rivera, Miguel 74 Progreso Católico, El 158 Protestantism  Carlos Elías on 132 Episcopal Assembly and 80, 108, 179, 237 Fernando Armas on 17 Freemasonry and 47 in Europe 27 missionary and educational work of 63–5, 146 Pedro García Naranjo on 66–7 press and 161 reaction of Peruvian Catholics to 64–5, 68, 136, 148, 239 relationship between the Peruvian State and 73, 76, 241 religious pluralism in Peru and 19 religious tolerance and 4 Putumayo, Scandal of 183, 229–30 Quattrochi, David 230

index racism  Catholic criticism to 96, 144, 208, 211, 218 Manuel Gonzalez Prada and 141, 204 racist stereotypes in Peruvian Catholics 4n9 Rada y Gamio, Pedro José  Catholic Union and 74–5, 135 Circle of Catholic Workers of Arequipa and 193, 195, 195n94, 198 Ramírez, Bernardino 187 rationalism 103, 121 Ratzinger, Joseph Cardinal 239 Realidad Nacional, La 77, 157, 177 Redactor Eclesiástico, El 157 Redemptorists 91, 102, 118, 129, 223 Reid, Thomas 41 religious tolerance, law  about 201n4 approval of 66 Catholic Union for Ladies and 136–7 debate on 62 demonstrations against 196 Fernando Armas on 17 Francisco Pacheco on 127 gradual acceptance by Catholics of 13 Peruvian episcopate and 53, 64–8, 114, 238–40 Peruvian liberals and 45 Peruvian State secularisation and 3 Protestantism and 4, 63–4 Sociedad Católico-Peruana and 124 Reparadoras del Sagrado Corazón, Congregación de 149, 151–2 Rerum Novarum (Leon XIII)  Catholic Union of Peru and 126 indigenous communities of Puno and 225–6 Leo XIII and 100 Peruvian bishops and 44, 91, 217 Peruvian social Catholicism and 101, 111, 120, 138, 171, 173, 177 Social Catholicism and 13 Unión Popular and 87 Revista Católica, La 101, 159, 161n61 Revista Franciscana del Perú, La 162 Revista Mensual de los Sagrados Corazones 162

index Reyes, Agustín de los 187 Ribadeneyra, Antonio de 31 Riquelme, Justo 233 Riva-Agüero, José de la  as member of Asociación Pro-Indígena 206 as minister at Óscar Benavides’ government 95 Catholic University and 118, 156 exile of 77 in La Recolecta School 147 national ideals on 96 on laicist atmosphere of San Marcos University 154–5 reaction to positivism 144 religious institutes and 146 Unión Popular and 89 Víctor Andrés Belaunde and 93 Roca y Boloña, José Antonio 158 Roca, Erasmo 231 Rodríguez de Mendoza, Toribio 36, 142 Romaña, Alejandro 127 Rosa del Perú, La 162 rubber boom 21, 174, 220, 228–31 Ruiz de Montoya, Antonio 207 rural clergy 213, 221–2, 239 Sacred Heart, Fathers of the 102 Sacred Heart of Jesus, consecration of Peru to 75, 81, 85 Sacred Heart, Congregation of the (Congrégation Dames du SacréCœurs) 149, 153 Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary, Congregation of the (Fathers of the Sacrés Cœurs) 102, 115–6, 149–50, 162, 186–7 Sagrados Corazones School (La Recoleta) and 138, 147, 150, 155 Saint Augustine University of Arequipa 177 Salesian Sisters 151–2 Salesians Mothers See Daughters of Mary, Help of Christians  Salesians  Circles of Catholic Workers and 187 educational labour 117, 148, 150, 154, 215, 224, 233 established in Peru 102

295 Felipe Varela y Valle and the 135 in the First Catholic Peruvian Congress 129, 133 social work 118, 188 The First Inter-diocesan Congress of Social Action and 215 Salinas Araneda, Carlos 33n32 San Carlos College (Convictorio) 33n32, 40–4, 46, 142–3 See also San Marcos, University of  San Francisco de Sales Oratory 129 San Marcos, University of  Catholic University and 90, 155–6 Grupo 900 and 138 José Ignacio Moreno and 40 liberal educational reform in 48 Peruvian State and 90 San Carlos College and 41–2 secular ideologies at 20, 116, 118, 143–4, 154, 203–4, 239 anticlericalism and 75 See also San Carlos College San Martín, José de 37 Sánchez Cerro, Luis Miguel 83, 115, 156 assassination of 95 elections of 1931 and 88–9, 91 Peruvian Church and 84–5 Unión Revolucionaria and 86 Víctor Andrés Belaunde on 87, 93 Sánchez, Luis Alberto 147 Sanmartí, Primitivo 135, 159 Santo Tomás, Domingo de 207 Saranyana, Josep-Ignasi 17 Sardá y Salvany, Félix 159 Sarmiento, José F. 204 Scapardini, Ángel 155 schools  evening and night schools 133, 183, 185, 192–4, 211–2 farm-schools 224, 233 in Amazon missions 228 parochial schools 224 Sunday schools 112, 133, 211 Schopenhauer, Arthur 155 seminary 222–4, 239 of San Antonio Abad of Cusco 102, 116 of San Cristóbal 223 in Trujillo 102

296  in Cajamarca 102 in Huaraz 117 reform of 112 of Santo Toribio 42–3, 104, 107 of San Jerónimo of Arequipa 6, 42, 102 Seoane, Alejandro 126, 127 Seoane, Manuel 138 Servants of Mary for the Care of the Sick 115 Sisters of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd of Angers 101, 149–52 Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny 101, 149, 151–2 Sisters of St. Joseph of Tarbes 101 Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary 149–50, 152 Sisters of the Sacred Heart See Reparadoras del Sagrado Corazón, Congregación de  Sisters Slaves of Mary 152 Social Code of Malines 87, 138, 177 Social Darwinism 143–4, 203–4, 208, 218, 239 socialism 11, 99, 170 anticlericalism and 7, 9, 13 Circles of Catholic Workers and 185, 189, 196, 197, 199 in Peru 175, 205 José Carlos Mariátegui 76, 205–6 Peruvian Catholicism and 80–1, 109, 118, 130, 134, 163, 192, 216 Roman Church and 39, 100, 171 Víctor Andrés Belaunde on 157, 178, 218 See also Socialist Party of Peru Socialist Party of Peru 76, 84, 91 Sociedad Auxiliadora de la Infancia 137 Sociedad Católico-Peruana 19, 43, 48, 121–5 Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública 57–60, 132, 135 Sociedad de Caridad Recíproca entre los Obreros 133 Sociedad de Obreros del Sagrado Corazón de Jesús 188 Sociedad de Trabajadores del Sagrado ­Corazón 188 Sociedad San Francisco Javier para la Conversión de los Orientales 137 Sociedad, La 104, 123, 158

index Society of Jesus See Jesuits  Solar, Pedro A. del 42, 130 Solórzano Pereira, Juan de 27 Soviet Union 85, 91 Spain  Bartolomé Herrera on 40–1 Emilio Lissón in 83 José Bermejo on 180 religious institutes and 146, 227 religious persecution in 78 Social Catholicism in 171, 172n7 Spanish empire 25–27, 30n18, 34–37 Spencer, Herbert 63, 143, 155, 204 Spiritism 108, 160 Stafford, Jorge 59, 193 Stalin 85 Stranger, Francis Merriman 78 Striwerda, Carl 170 Sturzo, Luigi 81, 87 syncretism 28, 28n14, 213, 220 synods in Peru 223 fifth of Chachapoyas 108–9 fifth of Cusco 79, 108, 117 first of Huaraz 117 first of Trujillo 108 of Puno 44 synod: of Ayacucho 222 Tagle, Tomás 188 Taine, Hyppolyte 204 Taylor, Charles 7 Third International (Comintern) 84 Thomas Aquinas, Saint 99 the scholastic philosophy and 12, 30, 41, 104 Tiempo, El 158 Tovar, Manuel  Catholic press and 158 condemning liberal press 160 in the First Catholic Peruvian Congress 128, 237–8 in the Seminary of Santo Toribio 42 indigenous question and 226 on liberal secularisation 130–1 role in Peruvian Church of 104–5 Tradición, La 164 Ugarte, Manuel 164

297

index ultramontanism  ‘new Catholicism’ and 11 Freemasonry and 63 in the Peruvian Catholic historiography 1n2, 2 Jesuits and 31 meaning of 12 Peruvian Catholicism and 19, 38–44, 142 Pius IX and 99, 104 regalism and 157 Unión Católica de Arequipa 44, 114, 126, 128 Unión Nacional Party 143 Unión Pía de Trabajadores Salesianos 188 Unión Popular Party 87–9, 139 Unión Revolucionaria 84–6, 91, 94–5 Unión, La 163–4, 217 United Kingdom 171, 174, 178, 230 United States 123, 164, 65n64, 171 as model of religious freedom 46 Leguía’s government and 71–3 Peruvian economy and 70, 83, 139, 174, 176 Protestantism in Peru and 148 religious congregations from 149 Ursulines 150 Valcárcel, Luis 205, 206n20, 224 Valdivia, Juan A. 193n85 Valdivia, Juan Gualberto 36, 142 Valle, Manuel Teodoro del 43, 48, 102, 121, 145 Varela y Valle, Felipe 123–4, 135 Vargas Ugarte, Rubén 18 Vargas, Domingo 233 Vargas, Isaías 117, 177, 214–7, 233 Variedades 76

Vatican I 8, 39–40, 43–4 Vatican II 2, 14, 240 Vatican State 78 See also Holy See Vega-Centeno, Imelda 201n4 Velasco, Lizardo 135, 163 Venezuela 134 Vennutelli, Serafín 102 Verdades 139  Verney, Luis Antonio 32 Vidaurrázaga, Juan 193 Vigil, Mercedes 125 Villarán, Manuel Vicente 143 Vitoria, Francisco de 207 Voltaire 237 War of the Pacific 3, 18, 124, 134, 203 Catholicism in Peru after the 100–1, 144, 158, 2011 economic and political consequences in Peru of the 49, 173–4 Peruvian liberalism after the 54, 104, 143 Wells, Mara B. de 137 Wood, Elsie 63–4 Wood, Thomas 63–4 World capitalist crisis 3, 14, 19 aprismo after 176 Peruvian anticlericalism after the 69 Peruvian bishops and 91 Peruvian international debt and  70, 83 Pius XI and 78 World War I 70, 164, 172 Zeballos, Remigio 193n85 Zentrum 15 Zulen, Pedro 164, 206