The Peoples of Hermanaric Jordanes, "Getica" 116 9514102312, 9789514102318

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Editor: Prof. Dr. Y rjö B lomstedt Krämertintie 5, 00620 Helsinki 62

S ARJ A — s e r . B n i d e — TOM. 187

THE PEOPLES OF HERMANARIC JORDANES, GETICA 116

BY

IRMA KORKKANEN

HELSINKI 1975 SUOMALAINEN T1EDEAKATEMIA

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S U O M A L A I S E N T I E D E A K A T E Μ IA N T O I M I T U K S I ANNALES ACADEMIÆ SCIENTIARUM FENNIC

Presented November 12th, 1973

Copyright © by 197 5 Academia Scientiarum Fennica

ISSN 0066-2011 ISBN 951-41-0231-2

Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Kirjapaino Oy Helsinki 1975

Contents Introduction .......................................................................................................................... The Problem ...................................................................................................................... Jordanes .......................................................................................................................... His Name .................................................................................................................. His Origin .................................................................................................................. His Life ...................................................................................................................... H is Literary Productions .......................................................................................... The Contents andthe Sources of Getica ................................................................... The Manuscripts ............................................................................................................. Editions ...................................................................................................................... The Testimony of the Quotations from Jordanes.......................................................... Hermanaric, King of the G oths...................................................................................... The Preceding Studies .................................................................................................. Golthescytha .............................................................................................................. Thiudos ...................................................................................................................... Inaunxis ...................................................................................................................... Vasinabroncas .......................................................................................................... Merens ...................................................................................................................... M ordens...................................................................................................................... Imniscaris .................................................................................................................. Rogas .......................................................................................................................... Tadzans ...................................................................................................................... Athaul ...................................................................................................................... Navego ...................................................................................................................... Bubegenas .................................................................................................................. Coldas.......................................................................................................................... Summary of the Names Discussed .......................................................................... The Method .................................................................................................................. The Interpretation of the Names ...................................................................................... * Celtas = Coldas .......................................................................................................... * Peucenas = (B)ubegenas .............................................................................................. * Goc = -go B(ubegenas).................................................................................................. Naue = Nave(go).............................................................................................................. Athal = Athaul .............................................................................................................. Rogas .............................................................................................................................. * Iadzans = Tadzans ......................................................................................................... Imniscans = Imniscaris .................................................................................................. Gothi = Golthe(scytha) .................................................................................................. Scythathiudos = (Golthe)scytha Thiudos ......................................................................... I naxu ngis = Inaunxis ......................................................................................................... * Vasinabrocans = Vasinabroncas..................................................................................... Merens .......................................................................................................................... M ordens............................................................................................................................. Summary ......................................................................................................................... The Biblical Influence ......................................................................................................... Bibliography and Abbreviations ..........................................................................................

9 9 10 10 11 12 14 15 17 19 21 25 32 32 33 35 36 38 39 40 42 43 43 44 45 45 46 47 48 48 53 54 61 63 64 66 66 68 69 69 70 71 72 73 74 81

1. V aticanus Palatinus 920. The V atican Library.

2. V aticanus Reginae 639. The V atican Library.

V aticanus O ttobonianus 1346. The V atican Library.

Introduction* THE PROBLEM The aim of this study is to examine certain references to tribes in Getica, a history of the Great Migration, written by Jordanes, an author of the late classic period. In Getica Jordanes relates of Hermanaric, the king of the Ostrogoths, who subdued many peoples during the first half of the fifth century. The pas­ sage according to Mommsen’s edition is as follows (116— 120): Nam Gothorum rege Geberich rebus humanis excedente post temporis aliquod Hermanaricus nobilissimus A malorum in regno successit, qui multas et bellicosissimas arctoi gentes perdomuit suisque parere legibus fecit. quem merito nonnulli Alexandro Magno comparavere maiores, habebat si quidem quos domuerat Golthescytha Thiudos Inaunxis Vasinabroncas Merens Mord­ ens I mnis caris Rogas Tadzans At haul Nave go Bube genas CoIdas, sed cum tantorum servitio clarus haberetur, non passus est nisi et gentem Herulorum, quibus praeerat Halaricus, magna ex parte trucidatam reliquam suae subege­ ret dicioni, nam praedicta gens, Ablavio istorico referente, iuxta Meotida palude inhabitans in locis stagnantibus, quas Greet ele vocant, Eluri nominati sunt, gens quantum velox, eo amplius superbissima, nulla si quidem erat tunc gens, quae non levem armaturam in acie sua ex ipsis e legeret, sed quamvis velocitas eorum ab aliis crebro bellantibus evagaret, Gothorum tamen stabili­ tate subiacuit et tarditati, fecitque causa fortunae, ut et ipsi inter reliquas gentes Getarum regi Hermartarico servirent, post Herulorum cede item Her­ manaricus in Venethos arma commovit, qui, quamvis armis despecti, sed numerositate pollentes, primum resistere conabantur, sed nihil valet mul­ titudo inbellium, praesertim ubi et deus permittit et multitudo armata advene­ rit. nam hi, ut in initio expositionis vel catalogo gentium dicere coepimus, ab una stirpe exorti, tria nunc nomina ediderunt, id est Venethi, Antes, Sclaveni; qui quamvis nunc, ita facientibus peccatis nostris, ubique deseviunt, tamen tunc omnes Hermanarici imperiis servierunt. Aestorum quoque simili­ ter nationem, qui longissimam ripam Oceani Germanici insident, idem ipse prudentia et virtute subegit omnibusque Scythiae et Germaniae nationibus ac si propriis lavoribus imperavit. VARIANTS. — golthescytha] P v b X, golthescita Y Z, golthescitha A, golthescyta L, gothescytha H Va, got hescit ha O, got hi scythas B. — thiumdos O, thuidos Z, thiuidos A. — inaunxis] H P V O B, inauccis L , inauxis L , inaunxes X Z, ynaunxes Y, inaxungis A. — uasinabruncas Y Z, uasinaboroncas A. — imnascaris Z, ymnascaris Y, ymniscans A. — rogas] H P V L Ab, rocas O B X Y, rogans A*Z. — tazans X Y Z. — athaul] H P V A X Y Z, azaul L, athual B, athal O. — bubeienas L, bubegentas O B, bumbegenas X Y Z. — caldas O

— Soon Geberich, king of the Goths, departed from hu­ man affairs and Hermanaric, noblest of the Amali, succeeded to the throne. He subdued many warlike peoples of the north and made them obey his

T h e T ra n sla tio n .

* This study was compiled at the Vatican Library during the spring terms of 1970 and 1971. I should like to take this opportunity of thanking the staff at the Library, those at the Institutum Romanum Finlandiae Foundation, Dr Tuomo Pekkanen, Director of the Finnish Institute and the members of the team, resident at the same time at the Institute.

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laws, and some of our ancestors have justly compared him to Alexander the Great. Among the tribes he conquered were the Golthescytha, Thiudos, Inaunxis, Vasinabroncae, Merens, Mordens, Imniscaris, Rogas, Tadzans, Athaul, Navego, Bubegenae and Coldae. But though famous for his conquest of so many races, he gave himself no rest until he had slain some in battle and then reduced to his sway the remainder of the tribe of the Heruli, whose chief was Alaric. Now the aforesaid race, as the historian Ablabius tells us, dwelt near Lake Maeotis in swampy places which the Greeks call fiele; hence they were named Heluri. They were a people swift of foot, and on that account were the more swollen with pride, for there was at that time no race that did noot choose from them its light-armed troops for battle. But though their quickness often saved them from others who made war upon them, yet they were overthrown by the slowness and steadiness of the Goths; and the lot of fortune brought it to pass that they, as well as other tribes, had to serve Hermanaric, king of the Getae. After the slaughter of the Heruli, Hermanaric also took arms against the Venethi. This people, though despised in war, was strong in numbers and tried to resist him. But a multitude of cowards is of no avail, particularly when God permits an armed multitude to attack them. These people, as we started to say at the beginning of our account or cata­ logue of nations, though off-shoots from one stock, have now tree names, that is, Venethi, Antes and Sclaveni. Though they now rage in war far and wide, in punishment for our sins, yet at that time they were all obedient to Hermanaric’s commands. This ruler also subdued by his wisdom and might the race of the Aestii, who dwell on the farthest shore of the German Ocean, and ruled all the nations of Scythia and Germany by his own prowess alone.1 Most of the names of the subdued peoples mentioned above are not ex­ plained. Some of these have commonly been identified with Finnish peoples. My aim is to interpret the list name by name. JORDANES His N am e . — Jordanes belongs to the late classic period, the sixth century. The name Iordanes appears in several forms, the author himself mentioning his name in a passage (Get. 266) containing the following ms variants: iordannis H P, iordanis V A X Y Z, iornandis Ο B. Mommsen chooses the first of these. On 1 The translation is by Mierow, 37, 38. He says that he has used Mommsen’s edition. Among the best known works are two French translations by Savagner (see edition 15) and by Nisard (see edition 17). The list of the peoples is translated by Savagner as follows: ”les Goths, les Scythes, les Thu ides dans les Aunxes, les Vasinabronces, les Merens, les Mordensimnes, les Cares, les Roces, les Tadzans, les Athual, les Navego, les Bubegentes, les Coldes.” The first German translation of Getica was published as early as 1567 (Potthast I, 683). Jordanis Gotengeschichte nebst Auszügen aus seiner Römischen Geschichte, translat­ ed by W. Martens, was printed in 1913. Some of the names of the list have received German endings. Martens reads the text according to Mommsen, (’’die Golthescytha, die Thiuden, die Inaunxer, die Wasinabronken, Merens, Mordens, Imniskaren, Rogas, Tad­ zans, Athaul, Navego, Bubegenas und Koldas.”)

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grammatical grounds he uses the form Iordanes in the preface to his edition*2 Geographus Ravennas uses the form Jordanus (§ 12), which is a mistake of the copyist, according to Schnetz.3 Schönfeld finds the form Jordanus once in the sixth and once in the seventh century. He holds that the form lornandes cannot be considered as the original form.4 Grimm uses the form lornandes, which he explains as a pure Gothic name. The latter part -nandes is, according to him, a Latin form of the Gothic -nanps meaning ’audax.*5 The form ending -is is chosen by some medieval authors, among others Frechulf von Lisieux (Migne PL 106, tom. II, lib. V, cap. XVIII), Widukindus (MGH SS III, 425), Herigerus (MGH SS VII, 142), Sigebertus Gemblacensis (MGH SS VI, 301, 317), Ekkehard (MGH SS VI, 24, 35), Otto Frisingensis (MGH in usum scholarum I, 194) and Thomas Ebendorfer (MGH NS XIII, 38, 44). His O r ig in . — There are various opinions cencerning Jordanes’ background. Mommsen discusses the question in his preface, referring to Jordanes himself, whose own testimony regarding his Gothic origin is not questionable in Mommsen’s opinion, but he thinks that the passage needs special interpreta­ tion.6 At the end of his Getica Jordanes writes (315, 316): Haec hucusque Getarum origo ac Amatorum nobilitas et virorum fortium facta. . . . nec me quis in favorem gentis praedictae, quasi ex ipsa trahenti originem, aliqua addidisse credat, quam quae legi et comperi. He has written of his family and of himself (265, 266): Scyri vero et Sadagarii et certi Alanorum cum duce suo nomine Candac Scythiam minorem inferioremque Moesiam acceperunt. cuius Candacis Alanoviiamuthis patris mei genitor Paria, id est meus avus, notarius; quousque Candac ipse viveret, fuit, eiusque germanae filio Gunthicis, qui et Baza dicebatur, mag. mil., filio Andages fili Andele de prosapia A malorum descendente, ego item quamvis agramatus Iordannis ante conversionem meam notarius fu i. Mommsen concludes that when Jordanes says that he is a Goth, he does not deny being an Alan.7 Kappelmacher feels that we cannot conclude on the basis of the above quotations whether Jordanes was a Goth of Alanic origin, as has been explained, or not. He opines that the information stating that Jordanes’ grandfather, Paria, was a notarius of an Alanic prince and that Jordanes himself was a notarius of a Gothic prince does not explain their origins. The word quasi in passage 316 is, according to Kappelmacher, only a 2 Mommsen, Prooem. V, 1: ’’auctor ut Iordanes appelletur, requirit grammatica; Iordanis tamen et hic in libris est et similiter scribitur ibi Heraclis, Epifanis et sic porro cum itacismo tum ut vulgari, ita non recepto: immo constat ea aetate utrumque in usu fuisse.” — For the names Iordanes, lordanus and lordannes see Schönfeld, 148. 3 Schnetz, 86,2. 4 Schönfeld, 148. Cf. Kappelmacher, RE IX, 1908. 5 Grimm, 4. 6 Mommsen, Prooem. VI, VII. 7 Ibid., VII.

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causal addition.8 Erhardt agrees with Mommsen and considers Jordanes as either a Goth or an Alan.9 The explanations of Gothic origin seem more numerous than those referring to an Alanic family. Three sixteenth century editors add the name Alanus to Jordanes.10 The medieval authors who have used Jordanes as their source usu­ ally mention only Jordanes. Thomas Ebendorfer (t 1494) speaking of the Goths, refers to Sigebertus Gemblacensis, who has given his description Iordane historiographo Gotho nacione testante11 Irenicus describes the author by lornandes scriptor egregius natione gottkus12134 Albertus Kranzius Iordanes Gothus13 and Iordanem archiepiscopum Rauennatem, natione GothumM Johannes Magnus, too, states that Jordanes was a Goth.15 Many scholars, for example Schönfeld,16 think that he was a Goth, but do not explain more closely.17 Only a few mention that Jordanes was of Alanic origin.18 Wagner discusses the problem extensively on the basis of the quotations about Jordanes mentioned above and concludes: ”Es gibt keinen Grund und man hat daher keine Möglichkeit, die eigene Aussage des Jordanes, derzufolge er sich als Gote be­ trachtete, anzuzweifeln und zu korrigieren.”19 The question of Jordanes’ Gothic origin, which seems very probable, is further discussed in connection with the sources used by Jordanes (pp. 15— 17). His L i f e . — Knowledge of Jordanes’ literary and other activities is very scanty. Kappelmacher has treated the bibliography of Jordanes in his article in RE, based on the occurrences in literature.20 Wagner in his Getica has thor­ oughly discussed the author. Jordanes mentions that he was a notarius, which was ante conversionem meam.21 We cannot date this because the nature of the conversio is unknown. Kappelmacher believes Jordanes to be a Christian and thinks that the conversio means the transition from heathenism to Christianity,

8 Kappelmacher, RE IX, 1908, 1909, Cf. Wagner, 13. 9 Erhardt, 671, 672. See also Hachmann, passim. 10 Basilæ 1576 (tornandis Alani), Geneuæ 1594 (tornandis Alanis), Lugdvni 1594 (Jornandis Alani). In the edition mentioned last there is no Gothic war of Jordanes, as the title promises. 11 MGHXUl , Lib. II, 37. 12 Lib. I De rerum Scriptoribus, cap. I, I. 13 Daniae Lib. Ill, cap. 2, 45. 14 Sveciae Lib. I, cap. 1,204. 15 Praefatio, 3: Iordanes Raue nnas, A blab iusque Senator vrbis Romœ, ambo Gothi; Cap. I, 4: forda nes Gothus. 16 Schönfeld, 148. 17 See Papencordt, 383, Grimm, 2, 4, 5, Wattenbach, 48, Schmidt (1941), 29, Homeyer, 8, Ebert (1889), 557, Martens, Einleitung, VI, Altheim (1959), 25—27. 18 Wölfflin, 361, Homeyer, 26. Cf. Mommsen, Prooem. VI, VII. 19WTagner, 17. 20 Kappelmacher, RE IX, 1908— 1929. See also Manitius (1911,1), 210—215. 21 Get. 266. Cf. p. 11.

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but says that the expression may be a reference to the fact that Jordanes became a monk.22 The mss give some information on the social status of Jordanes. The mss HPVL of Getica give no extra information about the author, but Kappelmacher considers this unnecessary, because the mss PSV of Romana inform: incipit liber iordanis episcopi de summa temporum uel origine actibusque gentis romanorum (lege felix add. V).23 According to Kappelmacher excerptum S, which belongs to the mss of the second order, gives the attribute episcopus to the name Jordanes; this is lacking in excerptum of Getica for the same reason as above.24 The author is mentioned only in S of the mss of the second order, in which only the name iordanis is given. Z and X of the mss of the third order gives iordanis episcopi rauennatis duitatis, Y iordanis episcopi connected with the praefatio of Getica, after which incipit historia iordanis episcopi. According to this information, Jordanes should be considered as a bishop; however, Kappelmacher holds this questionable.25 In quoting from Jordanes the following medieval texts attribute episcopus to the name of Jordanes: Herimannus Augiensis (Migne PL 143, p. 50), Sigebertus Ge mb lace ns is (Chronographia, MGH SS VI, 317), Chronica monasterii Casinensis (MGH SS VII, Auctore Petro, 746), Annales Mellicenses (MGH SS IX, 492), Ekkehard (Chronicon Wirziburgense, MGH SS VI, 24), Nicolaus Olahus (Bibliotheca scriptorum medii recentisque aevorum, Saec. XVI, Hungaria, cap. I, 8). Albertus Kranzius at the end of the sixteenth century gives Jordanes the attribute archiepiscopus.26 The testimony of the mss that Jordanes was a bishop cannot be denied. Jordanes mentions two of his friends, Vigilius and Castalius. The former is mentioned in the beginning of Romana (1: nobilissime frater Vigili).27 Getica is written at the request of the latter (l):28

22 RE IX, 1909, 1910. 23 RE IX, 1911. Mommsen’s edition, 1. Cf. Mommsen, Prooem. XIII, XIV. 24 Kappelmacher, RE IX, 1911. 25 Ibid. Cf. also Kappelmacher (1914), 182, 188. An attempt is made to identify Jordanes with a person named Iordanis episcopus Crotonensis, to whom Pope Vigilius has addressed his letter in 551 A.D. Kappelmacher writes, however, 188: ’’Das aber in dem Zusammentreffen der Namen bloss Zufall waltet, zumal sowohl Iordanis wie Vigilius ganz verbreitete Namen waren und auch der Inhalt der Werke weder für den gelehrten und kampfeslustigen römischen Papst als Empfänger noch für einen Bischof als Schreiber besonders gut passen, scheint mir nun, da die Handschriften keine Bestätigung dafür bieten, dass Iordanis Bischof war, doch wahrscheinlicher.” According to Tusculum-Lexi­ kon, 263, Jordanes was probably Bishop of Kroton, later of Constantinople. 26 Sveciae Lib. I, cap. 1, p. 204, cap. 7, p. 208, Lib. II, cap. 15, p. 242. 27 Mommsen, Prooem. XIII, XIV. Cf. note 25 above. 28 Mommsen, Prooem. XIV.

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Volentem me parvo subvectum navigio oram tranquilli litoris stringere et minutos de priscorum, ut quidam ait, stagnis pisciculos legere, in altum, frater Castali, laxari vela compellis relictoque opusculo, quod intra manus habeo, id est, de adbreviatione chronicorum, suades, ut. . . His L iterary P ro d u c tio n s . — We know of two works by Jordanes, usually entitled Romana and Getica. The former is mentioned in mss PVS de summa temporum uel origine actibusque gentis romanorum, which is accepted by Mommsen. Jordanes himself dates the work (4): in vicensimo quarto anno Iustiniani imperatoris; he adds later (363): lustinianus imperator regnat iam iubante domino ann. XXIIII. With reference to historical facts it has been stated that the year of publication was 551.29 For the contents and arrangement of Romana, see Mommsen, Prooem. XVI— XVIII, and Kappelmacher RE IX, 1916, 1917. Getica, which is considered Jordanes’ main work, is entitled de origine ac­ tibusque getarum in the mss HPVL.30 There is, however, an addition at the end of the work explicit de antiquitate getarum actusque (actibusque XYZ) eorum quos deuicit iustinianus imperator per fidelem rei (regi O) publicae belesarium (belasarium O) consulem PVOXZ, explicit historia iordanis episcopi de an­ tiquitate et actibus getarum Y, explicit de antiquitate getarum actibusque eorum quos deuicit iustinianus imperator per fidelem rei publicae belisarium consulem B. There is no such addition in A.31 Jordanes mentions in his work that he has written of the origin of the Goths: gens, cuius originem flagitas (9), omnem Gothorum texamus originem (245) and Haec hucusque Getarum origo ac Ama­ torum nobilitas et virorum fortium facta (315). He has written his work for Castalius, as he mentions in the preface (l).32 Jordanes was asked to write a history based on the books of Cassiodorus Senator: suades, ut nostris verbis duodecim Senatoris volumina de origine actusque Getarum ab olim et usque nunc per generationes regesque descendentem in uno et hoc parvo libello choartem. The work of Jordanes is thus a rapidly composed abridgment of Cassiodorus, who wrote his history before 534 A.D. Jordanes states in the preface of Roma­ na that he wrote this Gothic history before he had completed Romana (Rom* Praef 4):

29 Mommsen, Prooem. XIV, XV. Kappelmacher, RE IX, 1914, 1915. Manitius (1911, I), 211, 212. 30 The names Gothi and Getae are used interchangeably and confusingly by Jordanes with reference to the Goths. See the index in Mommsen, 160. See note 97 below. 31 Mommsen’s edition, 138. Kappelmacher, RE IX, 1915, thinks that the additions (subscriptio) are not written by Jordanes, but scholars. 32 Cf. p. 13.

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confeci, iungens ei aliud volumen de origine actusque Getice gentis, quam iam dudum communi amico Castalio ededissem. The interval between Romana and Getica cannot be very great. According to Mommsen, Getica was completed in the beginning of the year 551, Romana by the end of the same year.33 T he C ontents a n d th e S ources of G e t ic a . — Getica is considered a re­ markable source for the history of the Great Migration. The work begins with a general geographic introduction (1— 24), in which there is a description of an island called Skandza. Jordanes says that the Goths come from this island (25), and tells of the Goths in the regions of the Ulmerugi (26) and of their arrival in Scythia under the leadership of King Filimer (27—29). Chapters 30— 37 com­ prise a description of Scythia, followed by the mention of three regions of the Goths (38— 42), iuxta paludem Maeotidem, in Mysiam Thraciamque et Da­ ciam and supra mare Ponticum. The peoples of this study are coupled with the Goths north of the Black Sea. Chapters 113— 115 tell of the king of the Goths, Geberich, and of his triumph over the Vandali, then of King Hermanaric and the occupations carried out by him (116— 120). Jordanes then relates the in­ vasion of the Huns and prefaces this with an explanation of their origin (121— 130). The following section (131—245) relates of the Vestrogoths, and the last long section (246— 314), of the Ostrogoths. Chapters 315, 316 com­ prise the epilogue. Jordanes informs the reader in his preface that he has made an abridgment of the history of Cassiodorus (Get. Praef. I).34 Elsewhere in the work appear quotations from other writers. A catalogue of the authors utilized in Getica is given by Mommsen in his introduction, listing the following authors: lustinus, Vergil, Livy, Strabo, Mela, Lucanus, Josephus, Dio Chrysostomus, Cassius Dio, Tacitus, Ptolemy, Dictys, Solinus, Mappa geographica, Dexippus, Fabius, Am­ mianus, Continuator Ammiani, Rufinus, Prosper, Priscus, Ablabius, Symma­ chus, Marcellinus comes and Cassiodorus.35 This catalogue is based on direct references given by Jordanes and on Mommsen’s own conclusions. The role of Cassiodorus in Getica is discussed by Hachmann, Mommsen and Kappelmacher.36 A source used by Jordanes for the passage with which this study is concerned is Ablabius; Mommsen writes: ”et recensum populorum in dicione Hermanarici constitutorum (c. 23, 116), ibi probabile est Ablabium auctorem subesse.”37

33 Mommsen, Prooem. XV. See also Kappelmacher, RE IX 1915, 1916. 34 See p. 14 above. 35 Mommsen, Prooem. XXX—XLIV. 36 Hachmann, passim, Mommsen, Prooem. XL—XLIV, Kappelmacher, 1919— 1922. 37 Mommsen, Prooem. XXXIX.

RE IX,

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Mommsen says that Ablabius is known only by Jordanes, who mentions that he was descriptor Gothorum gentis egregius (28). There is a quotation from Ablabius in 82, where Jordanes tells of the Ostrogoths and the Vestrogoths. Immediately following the list of the peoples Jordanes refers to Ablabius; he describes the regions of the Heruli Ablavio istorico referente (117). Hachmann thinks that passage 116— 120 is from Ablabius.38 Jordanes used Cassiodorus as a source for his history of the Goths; Cassiodorus has used material from Ablabius according to Mommsen: ’Optandum foret, ut de Ablabio accuratius constaret: nam quae adsunt apud Iordanem petita ex narrationibus Gothorum, ut constat Iordanem debere Cassiodorio, ita si quid video Cassiodorius ex Ablabianis sublegit.”39 Mommsen places Ablab­ ius chronologically before Cassiodorus,40 so that quotations by Cassiodorus from Ablabius are chronologically possible.41 Because the historical work of Cassi­ odorus has not survived, it cannot be stated with certainty that the passage in question has appeared in his work as a quotation from his predecessor. The reference to Ablabius immediately following the list of peoples gives us reason to assume that the preceding list, also, was quoted from him. The introduction of the Heruli and of the Greek etymology of the name comes from Ablabius, as Jordanes himself mentions (117). Who this Ablabius was is not known.42 Grimm mentions a person with the name Ablabius, who formed an alliance in 561 A.D. with Marcellus and Sergius against Justinian. If this is the person in question, he would be a contemporary of Cassiodorus and Jordanes. Grimm admits, however, that this person could be some one with the same name.43 Schmidt states that Ablabius’ identity is obscure, but it is certain that he has taken material from Gothic heroic legends.*4 We do not know in what language Ablabius wrote. Mommsen thinks that it was probably in Greek or Latin.45 Although Mommsen thinks that Ablabius might have been a Goth, he does not, however, mention the possibility of his having written in Gothic.46 According to Seeck, Ablabius used Gothic legends,47 and Grimm, Schmidt and 38 Hachmann, 494. 39 Mommsen, Prooem. XXXVII. 40 Ibid., XXXVIII—XXXIX. 41 For Cassiodorus as a source of Jordanes see besides Hachmann, Mommsen and Kappelmacher also Papencordt, 384, Grimm, 17, Wattenbach, 45 ff., Holder-Egger, 296 ff., Sybel, 174—210, Erhardt, 672 f., Gutschmid V, 293—336, Schmidt (1941), 240, Enss­ lin, 23, Wagner, 15, 57, 58, 66 ff. 42 Seeck, RE I, 103, 104, refers to the three passages of Jordanes, mentioned above, about Ablabius. 43 Grimm, 17. 44 Schmidt, 19 ff. Cf. p. 28 f. — In the beginning of the family list of the Amali Jordanes mentions (79): ut ipsisuis in fabulis referunt. 43 Mommsen, Prooem. XXXVII. 46 Massmann, 110, thinks that Ablabius has written either in Gothic or in German. 47 Seeck, RE I, 103, 104.

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Wattenbach believe that his texts go back to Gothic sources.48 Wagner is sus­ picious about the significance of Ablabius as a source for Jordanes: ’’Mit Ablabius selbst, den Mommsen so hoch stellte, gerät man in Un­ gewissheiten. Als Autor ist er lediglich aus den Getica (28; 82; 117) bekannt, die von ihm berichten (28), er sei ein hervorragender Schilderer der Goten gewesen und habe eine überaus wahrhafte Geschichte — vielleicht über sie — verfasst. Mehr ist über ihn nicht zu erfahren. Seine Identifizierung stösst deshalb auf grosse Schwierigkeiten und ist noch nicht gelungen.”49 Information about Ablabius is thus very scanty, based only on mentions by Jordanes. That Ablabius is mentioned in connection with the Heruli has led to the conclusion that Ablabius utilized Dexippus as his source.50 Jordanes states in his quotation from Ablabius: in locis stagnantibus, quas Graeci ele vocant, Eluri nominati sunt.51 Mention of the Heruli is found in the fragments of Dexippus: "Ελονροι Σκν&ικόν εϋνος, περί ών Δέξίππος εν χρονικών ιβ* 52 Mommsen considers the quotation by Ablabius from Dexippus as probable: ’’praeterea veriloquium de Herulis c. 23, 117 quod Ablabio acceptum refertur venit a Dexippo. probabile e st... Dexippum per Ablabium citari.”53 This sup­ position, based on a fragment of Dexippus, must be considered highly improb­ able. The fact that the quotation from Ablabius includes a Greek etymology of the Heruli, and that we know on the basis of a fragment that Dexippus wrote about the Heruli in Greek, is not enough to prove that Ablabius received his inform­ ation from Dexippus. The problem of the original language of the list of the peoples is discussed at the end of this study. THE MANUSCRIPTS The mss of Jordanes are divided by Mommsen into three orders, ordo pri­ mus, secundus and tertius. The mss of the first order are more reliable and chronologically older than those of the second and the third order. Mommsen in his edition has used the following mss, which form the archetypum commune in the following way: 48 Grimm» 17: ”Er scheint seine gothischen sagen mehr aus einheimischen liedern und Überlieferungen, als auf gelehrtem wege gesammelt zu haben, und desto höchlicher bleibt der Verlust seiner schrift, wie kurz sie gewesen sein mag, zu bedauern.” Schmidt, 19 ff., Wattenbach, 48. 49 Wagner, 66. 50 Cf. Gutschmid V, 301 ff., who objects to the opinion of Schirren (Deutsche Litera­ turzeitung, 1882, 1422) that Ablabius would be another name of the historian Dexippus. Gutschmid, 303, thinks it very unlikely that Jordanes has thrice used the name Ablabius, once Deuxippus (113) about the same author. δ1 Cf. p. 9 above. 52 Corp. script, hist. Byz·, 36. 53 Mommsen, Prooem. XXXIII.

2

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Primus ordo H = Heidelbergensis 921 is written in the eighth rather than in the ninth century, perhaps in Fulda. The ms has meanwhile been in Rome and Paris, and was then transported to Heidelberg. The ms includes sections p. 7, 26 (et finis) of Romana to p. 135, 6 (regi) of Getica. The best of the preserved mss (Prooem. XLVII). P — Vaticanus Palatinus 920 dates from the tenth century (Prooem. XLV11I). (See Photo 1.) Mommsen differs with this ms only in the division of words. V — Valenciennensis dates from the middle of the ninth century (Prooem. XLVIII). L = Florentinus Laurentianus dates from the eleventh century. The ms has been emen­ dated, and Mommsen thinks that it could have been omitted from the mss of the first order (Prooem. XLIX). A = Mediolanensis Ambrosianus is a ms of the eleventh/twelfth century; it has several abbreviations of words (Prooem. L).

Mommsen includes in the first order the ms Vaticanus Reginae 639, dating from the eleventh century; the ms is not included in his edition because it is very similar to A. The reading inaxungis, chosen in this study, is given in Vaticanus Reginae. (See photo 2.) Secundus ordo S = Epitome Phillippsiana dates from the ninth century, but it does not include the passage of Getica discussed here. (Prooem. LVIII.) Cf. Bradley (1963). O = Vaticanus Ottobonianus 1246 dates from the tenth century. According to Mommsen the copyist has written it ’’imperite et indiligenter” (Prooem. LIX). The full stops separating the words are not used logically. (See photo 3.) B = Breslaviensis Rehdigerenus dates from the eleventh century (Prooem. LIX). Tertius ordo X = Cantabrigiensis dates from the beginning of the eleventh century (Prooem. LX VIII). Y — Berolinensis dates from the twelfth century (Prooem. LXVIII). Z = Atrebatensis (Prooem. LXVII).

Besides the mss mentioned above many others are mentioned in each group by Mommsen. He distinguishes deteriores ordinis primi, secundi and tertii. Four of the mss used by Mommsen, HBXY, were destroyed by fire.54 A new

54 Mommsen, Prooem. LXXII.

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ms found in 1925, was named Codice Basiled The text of the Codice Basile according to Bradley is as follows: golthes · cytha thiudos ■in/aunxes ■uasinabroncas * merens *mor dens imniscaris - rocas · tazans · athaul ■nauego ■ bubegenas · coldas. E d it io n s . — The works of Jordanes seem to have been scattered chiefly over Germany and France;5556 mainly German and French scholars have edited and translated them. Mommsen gives on pp. LXX— LXXI of his edition a list of editions and says at the beginning: ’’Editiones factae sunt esseve dicuntur hae.” Consequently, he has not seen all the editions he mentions. I quote the list of the peoples according to the editions I succeeded in discovering. I have not seen editions 7, 8 and 13. The editions, except those giving commentaries, are not included in the bibliography.

1. Iornandes. De rebus Gothorum. Paulus Diaconus. De gestis Langobar­ dorum. Cura Conradi Pevtingeri. Augustae Vindelicorum 1515. Gothos, Scythas, Thuidos in Aunxis, Vasinabrocas, Merens, Mordesimnis, Caris, Rocas, Tadzäs, Athual, Nauego, Bubegetas, Coldas. In the margin of the book: Gothi, Scythœ, Thu idς, Inaunxis, Vasnaboricas, Merens, Mordesimnis, Ca­ ris, Rocas, Tadzans, Athual, Nauego, Bubengentas, Coldas. 2. Procopii Caesariensis De rebus Gothorum, Persarum ac Vandalorum libri VII. Iornandis de origine actuque Getarum liber. Cura Beati Rhenani. Basileae 1531. Gothos, Scythas, Thuidos in Aunxis, Vasinabroncas, Merens, Mordensimnis, Caris, Rocas, Tadzans, Athual, Nauego, Bubegentas, Coldas. 3. Zosimi Comitis et exadvocati fisci, historiæ novæ libri VI, numquam hactenus editi. Quibus additae sunt historiae Procopii Caesariensis, Agathiae Myrrinaei, Iornandis Alani. Cura Levnclavii. Basileæ 1576.57 The same list as above. 4. Iordani episcopi Ravennatis de origine actibusque Getarum liber I, quo XII Cassiodori libros de eadem historia complexus est. Cura Fornerii. Paris55 The ms is named after Nino Basile, who found it. (See Bradley (1963), 366 (4). He has sent the text quoted above by letter.) This Italian art historian has donated the ms to the archives of art in Palermo (Archivio di Stato di Palermo), where it is nowadays. Sthamer studies the ms in photocopy and writes as follows, 45: "Ein Vergleich der photographisch übermittelten Seite mit der Ausgabe Mommsens ergibt, dass die Hand­ schrift zur 3. Überlieferungsklasse (Mommsen, ebendort Prooemium S. LIX ff) gehört, und dass sie innerhalb dieser Klasse wiederum dem Codex des Trinity College in Cambridge 0. 4. 36 (Mommsen, ebendort S. LXVIII) am nächsten steht. Da die neue Palermitaner Handschrift etwa zweihundert Jahre älter sein dürfte, als der Codex in Cambridge, so erscheint es nicht ausgeschlossen, dass wir in ihr dessen unmittelbare Vorlage vor uns haben.” Codice Basile adds no new information to the explanation of the list of the peoples. 56 Cf. Manitius, Neues Archiv 23, 652. See the catalogue of the mss on pp. 651, 652. — An extentive catalogue of the editions is given by Potthast I, 682, 683. 57 There is a question mark beside the year in the catalogue at the Vatican Library. The edition given by Mommsen is from the year 1531.

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iis 1579.58 Gothos, Schythas, Thuidos in Aunxis, Vasinabroncas, Merens, Mordensimnis, Caris, Rocas, Tadzans, Athual, Nauego, Bubegentas, Coldas. Reprinted. The 1588 edition: Gothos, Schytas, Thuidos in Aunxis, Vasinobroncas, Merens, Mordensimnis, Caris, Cocas, Tadzans, Athual, Nauego, Bubegentas, Coldas. 5. Iustiniani Augusti Historia,. . . Opera autem & studio Procopii Caesari­ ensis, Agathiae Myrrinaei, Iomandis Alani. Geneuæ 1594. The same list as 2. (Navego pro Nauego) 6. De Getarum, sive Gothorum origine & rebus gestis. Isidori Chronicon.. . , Procopii fragmentum. Cura Bonaventurae Vulcanii. Lugduni Batavorum 1597. (Mommsen mentions an edition from the year 1617, too.) The same list as 2. The editor has given also an index with explanations: f*Thuidi, gens, Vasinabroncx, gens” etc. There is an introduction to Goth­ ic spelling at the end of the edition. 7. Getica in the same edition with the work of Cassiodorus. Cura Petri Brossei. Aureliae Allobrogum 1609 (reprinted 1622, 1637, 1650, 1656). 8. Historiae Augustae Scriptores Latini Minores. Gruterus. Hanoviae 1611. 9. Diversarum gentium historiae antiquae scriptores tres. Iornandes Episcop. De regnorum ac temporum successionibus, eiusdem historia De origine Go­ thorum. Cura Lindenbrog. Hamburgi 1611. The same list as 2. 10. Bibliotheca Patrum Colonensi. Vol. VI, 2. 718. 1618. M. de La Bigne. The same list as 2. 11. Historia Gotthorum, Vandalorum, & Langobardonum, ab Hugone Grotio partim versa, partim in ordinem digesta. Getica. Amstelodami 1655. The same list as 2. (Navego pro Nauego) 12. Bibliotheca Patrum Maxima Lugdunensi. Vol. XI, p. 1092. 1677. M. de La Bigne. The same list as 2. 13. Getica in the same edition with the work of Cassiodorus. Cura lohannis Careti. Vol. I. Rotomagi 1679. 14. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Muratori. Tom. I. Mediolani 1723. The same list as 2. The editor states that he has used the 1679 edition and gives the following variants in a note: A. Golthes, Etta, Thividos, Inaxungis, Vasina, Bovoncas, Merens, Mord­ ens, Remniscans, Rogans, Tadzans, Athaul, Navego, Bubegenas, Coldas. 15. Jordandes. De la succession des Royaumes et des Temps et de l’origine et des actes des Goths. Traduction nouvelle par M.A. Savagner. Nouvelle Edition revue et corrigée. Paris 1842. The same list as 2. 16. S. Endlicher began an edition in 1848, which was not completed. 17. De Gothorum origine et rebus gestis. Collection des Auteurs Latins avec la traduction en Fran^ais, publiés sous la direction de M. Nisard. Principales Publications de Firmin Didot Freres. Paris 1849. The same list as 2. (Navego pro Nauego) Ammien Marcellin, Jornandés, Végéce, Modestus avec la traduction en Frangais de M. Nisard. Paris 1878. 58 Mommsen, Prooem. LXX: ’’indice mutato vel repetita editione 1583, 1588, 1600.” At least the list of the peoples in the 1583 edition is exactly the same as that in the 1579 edition.

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The same list as above. 18. Jornandis seu Jordani episcopi Ravennatis De Getarum sive Gothorum origine et rebus gestis ad Castalium. Migne PL 69. 1865. The same list as 2. (Navego pro Nauego) 19. Iordanis de origine actibusque Getarum. Edidit Alfred Holder. Ger­ manische Bücherschatz. Freiburg I.B. und Tuebingen 1882. Golthescythas, Thiudos, Inaunxis, Vasinabroncas, Merens, Mordens, Rimniscans, Rogans, Tadzans, Athaul, Nauego, Bubegenas, Coldas. 20. Jordanis de Getarum sive Gothorum origine et rebus gestis. Recognovit et cum varietate lectionis edidit Carol. Aug. Closs. Editio tertia. Reutlingen 1888. The same list as 2. (Navego pro Nauego) 21. O proischoZdenii i dejanijach getov. Getica. Vstupitel’naja stat’ja, perevod, kommentarij E.C. Skriinskoj. Moskva 1960. The same list as that by Mommsen. Romana is included in several editions mentioned above, in numbers 2, 3, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14 and 15. The editions preceding Mommsen are consistently without textual critique. The edition of Muratori (14) from the year 1723 gives a variant of list (A), but this must be based on an incorrect reading. As late as the beginning of the twentieth century the German Dahn was familiar with this reading.59 The edition of Closs (Stuttgart 1861) has been critized by Gutschmid.60 Kappelmacher discusses Mommsen’s edition and the variants of the mss.61 THE TESTIMONY OF THE QUOTATIONS FROM JORDANES Many medieval authors were familiar with Jordanes’ works and quoted from him. Some of them mention Jordanes by name, some do not. There is a theoret­ ical possibility that some authors who have used Jordanes as their sources may have known a ms, unknown to us, but older than the now known mss. A text going back to such a ms, lost at a later date, could help in interpreting the names in the list given by Jordanes. Most of the authors who quote Jordanes do not include the list of the Herma­ naric peoples.62 The first medieval author who mentions the list of the subdued 59 Dahn II, 242, 245. This reading of A is compared by Dahn with two mss and the reading of Muratori at the end of the chapter, where he discusses the language of the main works of the history of the Goths. He says that he has received the mss as late as a little before the printing, and he gives the variants thus without commentaries. Cf. p. 32 below. 60 Gutschmid V, 288—292. 61 Kappelmacher, RE IX, 1929. 62 The following sources mention Jordanes by name and/or take quotations from him. The list does not appear in any of them. These authors, if not quoted anywhere else, are excluded from the bibliography. Anonymus Ravennas, § 12, 11. Frechtilf von Lisieux (t 853), Migne PL 106, tom. I, lib. II, cap. XVI; Migne PL 106, tom. II, lib. V, cap. XVIII.

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peoples is Ekkehard (t 1125). He began to write his chronicle (Chronicon universale) toward the end of the eleventh century and he seems to have quoted Jordanes often.63 He more or less transformed most of the names in the list. The transformations are not so great that they cause difficulties in identifying the names with those names listed by Jordanes. Ekkehard gives the following list (MGH SS VI, 123): Golthesl, Citathiudos2, Jnanxos3, Suasos, Narboncas4, Merentes, Mordentes, Ymniscaros5, RoscathaizantesP, Athaalos, Mavegones, Rubegenas, HoIdas, — 1gothos 4.9c golthos 10. — 2citathindos 9c — 2manxos 9c — 4narboneas 4. narbunxas 9c — 5inn iscatos 4. — Qroscathazantes 9c ios. cathaizantes 4. The oldest of the Ekkehard mss, Codex bibliothecae Carlsruhanae N. 36, Widukindi (966—980) Lib. I, MGH SS III, 425 § 18. Annales Quedlinburgenses (1025), MGH SS III, 31, 21 § 15. Heri mannus Augiensis (t 1054), Migne PL 143, 35, 50. Herigeri et Anselmi Gesta episcoporum Tungrensium, Traiectensium et Le odiens in m. MGH 55 VII, 142, 172. Chronicon Hugonis (* 1065), MGH SS VIII, Hb. I, 313, 36, 37, 57; 315, 35. Chronicon Vedastinum (the end of the 11 th cent.), MGH SSXIII, 679. Marianus Scottus (t 1083/1086), Notitia in Marianum et ejus Chronicon, Migne PL 147, 616. Guido (1118— 1119), 125. Sigeberti Gemblacensis ( t i l 12) Chronographia, MGH SS VI, 301, 31,317. Leonis Marsicani (t 1115) et Petri Diaconi Chronica Monasterii Casinensis, MGH SS VII, lib. Ill § 63, 746, 42, 43. Ekkehardi (t 1125) Chronicon Wirziburgense, MGH SS Vlt 24, 37. Annales Mellicenses (begun 1123), MGH SS IX, 492 § 549. Ottonis Frisingensis ( t i l 58) Chronicon, MGH in usum scholarum, I, 16, 194. Ottonis episcopi Frisingensis Chronica sive historia de duabus civitatibus. Editio altera. Lib. IV, 202, 17 ff. Theodericus Monachus (about 1160 or 1170), Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagensium, Monumenta historica Norwegiae, 32, 33. Thomas Ebendorfer(\ 1464), Chronica Austriae, MGH 7VSXIII, lib. II, 38. Beatus Rhenanus (1485— 1547), Lib. I, 59. Irenicus, Lib. I, De rerum scriptoribus, cap. I, p. I (d.), lib. I, cap. XXVIII, pp. XVI (s.), XVI (d.), cap. XXXII, p. XVIII (s.), lib. VI, cap. VI, cap. VIII, p. CXLV (s.). Nicolaus Olahus (1493— 1568), Bibliotheca scriptorum medii recentisque aevorum, saec. XVI. Hungaria, cap. I, 8. Albertus Kranzius, Daniae Lib. Ill, cap. 2, 45, Sveciae Lib. I, cap. 1, 204, 205, cap. 7, 208, cap. 10, 209. lohannis Vasaei Brugensis Rerum Hispanicarum Chronicon, cap. V, 446. Rerum His­ panicarum scriptores aliquot, tom. I. Johannes Magnus, Praef. 3, cap. I, 4, 15, cap. XXII, 218, 219, cap. XXIII, 220. Cf. Mommsen, Prooem. V, XLIV, XLV. Simson, 747, thinks that Rudolf of Fulda could be placed between Frechulf and Widukindus. Sicut tradit antiquitas is a mention by Rudolf in his preface (Translatio S. Alexandri). This is considered by Simson as typical for Cassiodorus and Jordanes. 63 MGH SS VI, 4.

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dates from the eleventh and twelfth centuries; the next oldest from the twelfth century.64 Because Ekkehard has tended to latinize the names and because Jordanes’ list probably does not go back to a Latin source, there would be no possibility of emendating his text on the basis of Ekkehaid’s text. Mommsen is familiar with Ekkehard’s works and places him in the order deteriores ordinis primi: ’’pendet Ekkehardus ex libro aliquo non bono ordinis primi.”65 The most prominent medieval Spanish historian was Rodericus Toletanus (t 1247). In his work De rebus Hispanis he sates that he used Jordanes as his source. He totally omits the subdued peoples, although this passage of Getica is evidently directly copied from Jordanes (Lib. I, cap. XVIII, 162): Nam Geberico rebus humanis exempto, Hermanaricus regimen suscepit in Gotthis anno Constantini Imperatoris secundo, aera CCCLVIL Hic multas & bellicosissimas gentes perdomuit, suisque legibus parere coegit, quem merito nonnulli Alexandro maximo compararunt. Siquidem cum gentes domitas ha­ beret subiectas, & apud omnes earum subiectione clarus floreret, non est contentus, nisi gente Herulorum quibus praeerat Alaricus, fere trucidata, refiduum suae sub liceret ditioni. Another medieval author, Gobelinus Persona (1358— 1421) relates the histo­ ry of Hermanaric and his invasions; this is an apparent quotation from Jor­ danes, but the list of the subdued peoples is omitted. He writes in his work (Cosmodromii aetas VI, Cap. XVI, 155, 21—29): Istis temporibus apud Gothos Aorico defuncto successor regni exstitit Geberich, filius Balderici. Hic Geberich centesimo decimo anno vitœ suœ obijt: cujus nouissis temporib. Huni Mœotides paludes ductu ce nue ipsam paludem, quam imperuiam vt pelagus œstimabát, peditus transierunt & super Gothos ruunt: vsq: de Scythia in Thraciam cöpellunt, & vt dicit lordanus episcopus in Chronica sua, tunc rex Gothorum erat Hermanricus successor Geberichi. Huc Hermanricum propter gestorum magnitudinem Gothi assimilabant Alexandro Magno. Ipse tamen ferocitatem Hunnorum timuit: isi, Gipedes, Celtae etiam et Eruli, praedae cupiditate in Romanum solum inrup[uen\erunt atque illic pleraque vastarunt, dum aliis occupatus est Claudius dumque se ad id bellum, quod confecit, imperatori [a] e instruit, ut videantur fata Romana boni princi­ pis occupatione lentata. In this passage the people Celtae are in the vicinity of the Heruli; the people are mentioned as Scythic. The Celtae appear in the same connection with the Heruli in Ammianus, too, when he tells of sending auxiliaries against the Per­ sians in the fourth century (20, 4, 2): ob haec et similia percitus metuensque ne augerentur in maius, stimulante, ut ferebatur, praefecto Florendo, Decentium tribunum et notarium misit aux­ iliares milites exinde protinus abstracturum Aerulos et Batauos cumque Petu­ lantibus Celtas et lectos ex numeris aliis trecentenos, hac specie iussos adcelerare, ut adesse possint armis primo uere mouendis in Parthos. Among all the references to the Heruli, one finds the name Celtae sharing the same relationship in the text with the Heruli as in a handbook called Notitia dignitatum dating from the beginning of the fifth century. In this book are recorded all the civil and military offices of the Roman empire of those times. Auxdm Palatina contain among others: (1) Cornuti Seniores, (2) Brachiati Seni­ ores, (3) Petulantes Seniores, (4) Celtae Seniores, (5) Heruli Seniores, (6) Bata­ vi Seniores, (7) Mattiaci Seniores.109 The Heruli as the auxiliaries in Notitia dignitatum are those same Heruli of Jordanes represent this second and more important group. Jordanes mentions regarding the group's regions (gens praedicta .. .) iuxta Meotida palude inhabitans. In these times the Goths made invasions into the Roman empire, and the Heruli also took part in these invasions. The Heruli were known for their skill in navigation. For more about the Heruli, see Cliiver, Lib. Ill, cap. XXXV, p. 143 f., Lindqvist, 119, 133, 135 f., 156, Karsten (1928), 76, 165; Chambers, 216, thinks that the word Eolum in Widsith, 87, refers to the Heruli, and he thus supports the explanation of Grimm; Rappaport, RE VIII, 1150— 1167. 108 Mommsen, Hermes 25, 255, states that Pollio is the first in using other than Latin sources — even Greek ones, probably Dexippos, concerning this period. That is why he mentions the Goths as Scythians, Mommsen supposes. Tomaschek, RE III, 1886, thinks that the people Celtae are a northern people and live in the vicinity of the peoples Gipedes and Heruli. He supposes that the name may possibly be transformed to the form Getae. 109 Notitia dignitatum, Occ. V, p. 24. See Rappaport, RE VIII, 1152, Mommsen, Hermes 24, 232, note 4. 4

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mentioned by Ammianus above. In the handbook there appear the same Celtae and Heruli beside each other in another passage as well (Cap. VII, p. 33): Qui numeri ex praedictis per infrascriptas provincias habeantur: A . Infra Italiam: (1) loviani seniores, (2) Herculiani Seniores, (3) Divitenses Seniores, (4) Tungrecani Seniores, (5) Pannoniciani Seniores, (6) Moesiaci Seniores, (7) Cornuti Seniores, (8) Brachiati Seniores, (9) Petulantes Seniores, (10) Celtae Seniores, (11) Heruli Seniores, (12) Batavi Seniores, (13) Mattiaci Seniores. The military signs of the infantry are enumerated in the following order (Cap. V, p. 17): Insignia viri illustris magistri peditum: (n) Cornuti, (ο) Brachiati (p) Petulantes (q) Celtae Seniores (r) Heruli Seniores (s) Batavi (t) Mattiaci. . . Ad Mamertini opsculum appendix, Vita FL Claudii Juliani mentions, too, that the Heruli, the Batavi and the Celts were used as auxiliaries: An. U.C. 1143, Christi 360, Constantii Aug 24, Juliani œtat. 29: Julianus tertium consulatum gerebat cum Constantius ejus glorice invidens_jper Decen­ tium tribunum et notarium Herulos, Batavas, Celtas, aliasque auxiliares copias ad se revocavit, quibus adversus Persas uteretur. Six citations have been presented in which the Celts are noted in connection with the Heruli. Three of these, the mentions in Trebellius Pollio, Ammianus and Notitia dignitatum, can be considered independent of each other. The last of the peoples in the list are the Coldae (Coldas), according to Jordanes. In the text the Heruli are subsequently subdued. It seems that the Coldae of Jordanes, mentioned as neighbours of the Heruli, and the Celtae of Trebellius Pollio, Ammianus and Notitia dignitatum designate the same people. Authors under the influence of Christianity were inclined to explain that the peoples of the world are descendants of Noah.110 This explanation first appears in connection with the name of the Celts by Hippolytos (T 251—258). Hippolytos mentions that the Celts were descendants of Magog (Diamerismos, IV §58 (2)): Μαγώγ, άφ* ον Κελτοϊ και Γαλάται.Ηο mentions the Celts in the list of the peoples of Japheth, too (§ 79 (35)): Γάλλοι (pi και) Κελτοί. Bishop Epiphanius, who lived a century and a half later (t 403), used Hip­ polytos as his source in the geneological tree of the peoples, and the Celts appear as descendants of Japheth (§ 113, 140): 5Ιάφεϋ δε τω τρίτω παΐδες και παίδων παΐδες δεκαπέντε έως του αντον διαμε­ ρισμού των γλωσσών. ... Γάλλοι ( sathagerem, comperi historiis sanc­ torum digestum, quod in divisione filiorum Noe Sem sibi vendicavit orien­ tem, Cham vero meridiem et Iaphet, a quo X V generaciones, septentrionem. The Hungarian Nicolaus Olahus, who states that the Hungarians descended from Noah, writes (Hungaria, cap. I, 10): Nonnulli tradunt Noe, cuius aetate diluvium totum operuerat orbem, tres genuisse filios Sem, Cham et Iaphet; hunc Iaphet post diluvium ex Enech uxore genuisse Hunor et Magog filios, quos tamen chronica Hungarica filios Nemroth filii Chus, qui ex Cham Noe filio genitus erat, fuisse tradunt. As in the name Gog, so also in the name Naue the basis for the explanation is the Gothic language, because even naue may go back to a Gothic source. The name of Noah appears thrice in the Bible of Wulfila: Luc. 3, 36 sunaus nauelis ( —filii Noelis), 17, 26: jah svasve varp in dagam nauelis, svah vairpip jah in dagam sunaus mans ( = Et sic factum est in diebus Noelis, sic fit etiam in diebus filii hominis) and 17, 27: etun jah drugkun. liugaidedun jah liugaidos vesun und Partei dag galaip nauel In arka jah gam midjasveipains jah fragistida allans ( = Ederunt et biberunt; uxoresque duxerunt et nuptae fuerunt usque quem diem ivit Noel in arcam et venit diluvium et perdidit omnes).143 The commentary attached to 17, 26 explains the Gothic genitive nauelis: ”gr. omn. Νώε, a Gothis consonans iis nominibus propriis, quae in vocalem desinunt, saepius affigi solere, ad Cor. II, VI, 15 monebimus.”144 In The Second Letter to the Corinthians the Gothic form mip bailiama appears, which has been translated into the Latin cum Beliamo. In the commentaries examples are given of a consonant added to Gothic oblique cases, but the writer himself hesitates whether the consonant is to be added to the nominative, too.145 An example of an extra letter / in a Gothic word is the word alabalstraun αλάβαστρον and an

143 Migne PL 18, 597, 598; 645, 646. 144 Ibid. 145 Migne PL 18,761,762.

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example of / added to a nominative nauel Νωέ.146 The fact that the name of Noah appears without the letter / and without any ending in the list of Jor­ danes, is not enough to refute the Gothic origin of the passage. The appearance of the word without the letter / may be influenced by the Greek form Νωέ. The form Naue is here to be interpreted as a genitive. The Gothic digraph au has two values, a short open o and a diphthong au.147 The person who has taken the name of Noah from a Gothic text has preserved the combination au in the Latin transliteration, though he should have written o in this case. The translator has not understood the text quite correctly, nor has his knowledge of the Gothic language been complete. ATHAL = ATHAUL Naue and *Goc, discussed above are references to the family of Noah in the Bible. The word Athaul, which is read athal according to ms O here, precedes these words in Jordanes’ list. Grienberger considers the word Gothic, even though it does not appear as such in the Gothic texts preserved: "athal, athul ist ohne zweifei gleich, ahd. adal stn. ’prosapia’ in comman adales ’vir nobilis’ und unser waren zuelfe geboren fon eine me adele WGen. 64, 12, oder adal, edili adj. ’edel’ Graff I 141. 142, ags. œdelo, œdelu neutrales plurale tantum ’nobili­ ty, origin . . .’, œdel- ’noble’ in compounds œdelboren, -cund, œdele adj. ’noble’, isl. adal stn. ’inborn native quality’ in compos, ’chief-, head-’ (Cleasby-Vigf.), im got. als solches zufällig nicht belegt, aber in den namen der Amalinge Athal Jordanes 77, 1 und Athalaricus 77, 6 erhalten.”148 Athal is in my opinion the principal word modified by the following noun Naue. Athal appears thus in this passage as a synonym to the word ’prosapia’149, and it is the only appellative of the words in the list explained to this point. Athal Naue mean together ’the family of Noah.’ Athal is thus considered an accusative singular neuter. If *Goc is considered to be a genitive, athal Naue *Goc can be interpreted ”(he subdued = domuerat) the family of Gog, the descendants of Noah.” If *Goc is considered as an accusative singular, the

146 Migne PL 18, 932. Jellinek, § 138, 128, considers, however, the second / in the word as a possible mistake in spelling. 147 Braune — Ebbinghaus, §§ 24, 25, 26 A 1. 148 Grienberger, 177. 149 Dahn II, 232, takes up the words stirps, gens and prosapia of Jordanes: ’’Aber stirps ist auch die Familie im engsten Sinne, Asdingorum e stirpe (c. 22), A malorum de stirpe (c. 58), regalis stirps = genus. . . Freilich wird stirps auch von den nationalen Abstammung gebraucht: Warnorum e stirpe (c. 44), stirps Gotorum = gens Gotorum (c. 4) = prosapia (c. 17), aber anderseits bezeichnet gens bestimmt die Familie: in gente A mala (c. 4 8 ) , . . The word prosapia is used by Jordanes, when he tells of the origin of the Gepidi (95): nam sine dubio ex Gothorum prosapie et hi trahent originem, and further (48): ex quorum nomine vel genere Pompeius Trogus Parthorum dicit extitisse prosapiem.

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translation is ”(he subdued (seil, the peoples of)) Gog who belonged to the family of Noah.” The words athal Naue *Goc can refer either to the beginning or to the end of the list. They appear thus as a summarizing attribute. A third, but less probable possibility is that they form an independent part of the list. ROGAS In the neighbourhood of the Heruli are the Rugi, to which the name Rogas of Jordanes is therefore to be identified. Of all the references to the Rugi (51 in all), gathered by Schönfeld, there are six where the Heruli and the Rugi have in one way or the other been placed beside one another. Laterculus Veronensis places the Rugi and the Heruli together among the peoples who disturbed the Roman empire (GLM, 128, 19): Gentes barbarae quae pullulaverunt sub im­ peratoribus: Scoti I Picti I Caledonii I Rugi I Heruli / Saxones I Franci I Chattovari / Chamavi I . . . Rappaport thinks, however, that the Rugi have been mis­ placed.150 It is true that the Rugi and the Heruli are not exactly beside one another in the list of the peoples of the western Ocean (Cosmographia Aeth.), but this case is discussed here, as the names are placed under the same title (GLM, 84, 4, 32): Oceanus occidentalis habet gentes: Gotos I Turingos I Herulos /5 Sarmatas .. .30t Saturnianos 11 Franciscanos / Rugos / Hasmos . . . A king of Rugian origin appears in the same connection with the Heruli in Romana (344): Sed mox Odoacer genere Rogus Thorcilingorum Scirorum Herolorumque turbas munitus Italiam invasit Augustulumque imperatorem de regno evul­ sum in Lucullano Campaniae castello exilii poena damnavit. The Rugi and the Heruli are mentioned by Jordanes in the passage also in Getica (261): nam ibi admirandum reor fuisse spectaculum, ubi cernere erat contis pug­ nantem Gothum, ense furentem Gepida, in vulnere suo Rugum tela frangen­ tem, Suavum pede, Hunnum sagitta praesumere, Alanum gravi, Herulum levi armatura aciem strui. Mention is made in the seventh century of a war between the king of the Heruli and the king of the Rugi (Chron. Min. I, Auct. Havn. ordo prior a. 487, 1): Fevva rex Rugorum adversum regem Erutorum Odoachrem bellum movet. And further (ibid, Auct. Havn. ordo post. a. 487, 2): His consulibus Odoacher rex Herulorum Fevvanem regem Rugorum proelio devictum supra Danuvium cepit atque secum intra Italiam vinctum pertrahit.

150 Rappaport, RE, Zweite Reihe I, 1215.

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Paulus Diaconus speaks of the wars between the Rugi and the Heruli (MGH Script. rer. Germ. XIII, lib. II 44, 45). Cliiver considers the Rugi and the appear in the same connection in a passage by Thomas Ebendorfer (MGH Script, rer. Germ. XIII, lib. II 44, 45). Cliiver considers the Rugi and the Heruli neighbours (Lib. Ill, cap. XXXV, p. 143): ”Ex hoc argumento equidem conjecerim, olim etiam in priscis apud mare Svevicum sedibus, fuisse Rugiis conterminos Herulos.” The Rugi belong to the eastern Germans and are close relatives of the Goths. Procopius considers them Goths (Bell. Goth. 3, 2, 1): ol δε *ΡογοΙ ούτοι ί&νος μεν cun Γοτθικόν. Tacitus is the first who mentions the location of the Rugi (Germ. 44): Trans Lugios Gotones regnantur, paulo iam adductius quam ceterae Ger­ manorum gentes, nondum tamen supra libertatem, protinus deinde ab Ocea­ no Rugii et Lemovii. The Ulmerugi on the coast of the Baltic Sea were pressed by the Goths coming from Scandinavia, according to Jordanes (Get. 25, 26).151 The Rugi also lived further north in Scandinavia, which is likewise mentioned by Jor­ danes (Get. 24). They moved southwards gradually. We do not know when this happened or by which routes they wandered.152 The Rugi participated in the great war of Attila, and after the death of Attila they received their liberty again according to Jordanes (Get. 259—263). It is thus clear that they had lost their liberty, but it is difficult to say when. Rappaport thinks that the Rugi had come to the Danube at the latest in the first half of the fifth century and had there become dependent on the Huns.153 It is not clear if the Rugi were on the Danube in the times of Hermanaric. In any case they moved southwards from their territory on the Baltic Sea. It can be stated that they were subdued by the Huns after the death of Hermanaric and after the fall of his empire during the Hunnic invasion. The identification of the form Rogas of Jordanes with the Rugi has already been given on phonetic grounds by Grienberger.154 Regarding the change of the declension see p. 51. For the variants of the name Rugi, see Schönfeld pp. 195, 196. The name Rugi appears six times in Jordanes (Rom. 344, Get. 24, 261, 266, 277, 291), most often in the form Rugi. Mommsen reads the name with o 151 The Ulmerugi have been explained as ’the Rugi of islands.’ Rappaport, RE, Zweite Reihe I, 1214. Möllenhoff, Mommsen’s index, 166: ’’Rugi, qui Oceani ripas vel potius insulas in Vistulae (non Viaduae) amnis ostiis sitas insedisse ferebantur, a Gothis sine dubio Hulmarugeis vocati sunt, sicut Holmrygir a Northmannis, qui insulas i.e. holma circa Rogaland. . . incolebant, ab Anglosaxonibus quoque Holmryge carminibus epicis celebrati sunt.” 152 Rappaport, RE, Zweite Reihe I, 1214 f.

153 Ibid., 1215. 154 Schönfeld, 279. 5

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twice, Rogus (Rom. 344) and Rogorumque (Get. 291). This o is according to the best mss. Many examples of the confusion of o and u in the mss of Jordanes are given by Mommsen (p. 174). *IADZ ANS = TADZANS I read the name as does Mommsen, Tadzans. Hower, it might have had the form *Iadzans or *Iazans, for mss XYZ give the form tazans without d, and examples of the change between t and / are found in the mss (for example in Get. 303). The change of the initial t and i also appears in the ethnic name 9Ινρκαι, used by Herodotos (4, 22), which is found as Tyrcae in Pliny (N.H. 6, 19) and as Turcae in Mela (1, 116). The word Tadzans I *Iadzans I *Iazans is declined as if Gothic (accusative plural), and the first part of the word is thus tadz-1 iadz- / ιαζ-. This first element may be connected with the name of the Jazygi (Iazyges, lazuges), which may be derived from the stem zaz-,155 the element -yges (-uges) being the suffix -ug (-ug, -ig, -?g) in the Ossetian language; this suffix is found in the form -uh in the language of the Hungarian Jasi,156 The Jazygi were Sarmatians (Tac. Ann. 12, 29, Hist. 3, 5); their region was the coast of the Azov Sea according to Ptolemy (3, 5, 19): και παρ ολην την πλευράν πής Μαιώτιδος9Ιάζνγες και *ΡοξολανοΙ καί ένδοτερω τούτων οΐ τε 'Αμαξόβωι και οι 9Αλαννοι Σκύ&αι. The Jazygi are mentioned as plain inhabitants by Pliny (N.H. 4, 80): superi­ ora autem inter Danuvium et Hercynium saltum usque ad Pannonica hiberna Carnunti Germanorumque ibi confinium, campos et plana Iazyges Sarmatae. They are placed in the vicinity of the Roxolani by Ammianus (22, 8, 31): circa haec stagna ultima ext imaque plures habitant gentes, sermonum institutorumque uarietate dispariles, laxamatae et Maeotae et Iazyges, Roxolanique et Halani et Melanchlaenae et cum Gelonis Agathyrsi. Mention is made by Jordanes (Get. 74) that the Jazygi and the Roxolani are peoples of the frontiers of Dacia. The Jazygi thus fit very well, even geographically, into the list of Hermanaric’s peoples. It is known that they inhabited the plains of Hungary for at least four hundred and fifty years.157 ’

IMNISCANS = IMNISCARIS Grienberger’s discussion is the basis for the following explanation of the word Imniscaris. He considers the word as Gothic and explains the meaning: ’’Dem namen liegt got. ibns adj. ’eben, flach’, in sw. form ibna ’gleich’, Luc. 20, 36 ibnans aggilum auk sind, zu gründe, das in der assimilation imn- bei 155 Pekkanen (1973), 38. 156 Ibid., Cf. Nemeth, 24. 157 Sulimirski, 172.

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Jordanes noch einmal auftritt, denn Himnerith 107, 22 got. *Ibnareiths ist ein compositum wie die adjectiva got. ibnaleiks und ibnaskauns, oder das subst. ahd. ebanscalc stm. ’conservus’ Tat., und entsprechend dem letzteren als ’mitreiter, reitergenosse’ zu erklären, ohne zweifei sind die Imniskans < *Ibniskans die ’ebene bewohnenden’ oder ’flächenbewohner’, wobei einem die südrus­ sischen steppen wol in den sinn kommen.”158 Unlike Mommsen I read the end of the word -ans according to ms A. The change of n to ri is supported by mss. We meet such a change even in Get. 80 matesuentam SOB ~ athesueritae A. Grienberger discusses the change of ri and n: ’’und in der tat, wenn auch nur A ymniscans darbietet, während alle übrigen hss. -aris haben, so wird man sich dennoch für -ans zu entscheiden haben, nicht so sehr deshalb, weil eine Verlesung von n zu ri leichter möglich schiene, als eine solche ri zu n — die Chancen stehn hier wol ziemlich gleich — als vielmehr deshalb, weil unmittelbar zuvor die endung -ans folgt, somit ein gewisser zwang der analogie geschaffen ist, der nicht gut umgangen werden kann.”159 The Gothic Imniskans