The Parma Ildefonsus: a Romanesque illuminated manuscript from Cluny, and related works 1g05fb89d

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Preface (page v)
Introduction (page 3)
I. The Parma Codex, Biblioteca Palatina MS 1650 (page 5)
II. Description of the Parma Codex (page 7)
III. The Choice of Scenes (page 9)
IV. The Ildefonsus Painter (Hand A) (page 10)
V. The Architecture (page 11)
VI. The Figures (page 14)
VII. The Ildefonsus Painter and German Art (page 20)
VIII. The Initials (page 26)
IX. The Ornament of the Borders (page 30)
X. The Colophon Painter (Hand B) (page 34)
XI. Cluny and the Italo-Byzantine Style (page 41)
XII. The Parma Codex and Burgundian Art (page 54)
XIII. The Date of the Parma Codex (page 59)
XIV. The Text (page 62)
XV. The Madrid Ildefonsus, MS 10087 (page 64)
XVI. The Purpose of the Parma Codex (page 67)
Appendix I. The Contents of the Parma Codex (page 73)
Appendix II. The Limoges Ildefonsus, Paris, Bibl. Nat. MS lat. 2833 (page 75)
Index of Manuscripts (page 77)
General Index (page 80)
Illustrations (page 89)

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THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS A ROMANESQUE ILLUMINATED Oo MANUSCRIPT FROM CLUNY AND RELATED WORKS

MONOGRAPHS ON ARCHAEOLOGY AND FINE ARTS SPONSORED BY

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA AND THE COLLEGE ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA

XI THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS A ROMANESOUE ILLUMINATED MANUSCRIPT FROM CLUNY AND RELATED WORKS BY

MEYER SCHAPIRO

1964

PUBLISHED BY THE COLLEGE ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA

IN CONJUNCTION WITH THE ART BULLETIN

The publication of this monograph has been aided by a grant from the Samuel H. Kress Foundation

> Copyright 1964 by College Art Association All Rights Reserved

L.C. Card No. 64-17286

PREFACE HE substance of this monograph was presented in a lecture at Dumbarton Oaks in April 1958. The typescript was completed at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, in the fall of 1962. I wish to thank Mrs. Joan Warmbrunn of the Center for retyping the entire text and Professor H. W. Janson for good suggestions in editing the work. I am indebted also to the staffs of the Columbia University Libraries, the Frick Art Reference Library, the Pierpont Morgan Library, the Cabinet des Manuscrits of the Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, and the Biblioteca Palatina, Parma, for their kind help, and to the publisher Sansoni of Florence for photographs of the Parma manuscript and to Moreno of Madrid for those of the

Madrid Ildefonsus (Bibl. Nac. lat. 10087). Mr. Albert Skira has generously placed at our disposal the two colorplates, originally reproduced in André Grabar and Carl Nordenfalk, Romanesque Painting from the Eleventh to the Thirteenth Century, Geneva, 1958. The index was prepared with the help of Mrs. Marlene Park.

Preface Vv Introduction 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. The Parma Codex, Biblioteca Palatina ms 1650 5

IT. Description of the Parma Codex 7

III. The Choice of Scenes 9

IV. The Idefonsus Painter (Hand A) 10

V. The Architecture II

VI. The Figures I4

VII. The Ildefonsus Painter and German Art 20

VIII. The Initials 26 IX. The Ornament of the Borders 30

X. The Colophon Painter (Hand B) 34 XI. Cluny and the Italo-Byzantine Style AI XII. The Parma Codex and Burgundian Art 54

XIII. The Date of the Parma Codex 59

XIV. The Text 62 XV. The Madrid Ildefonsus, Ms 10087 64

XVI. The Purpose of the Parma Codex 67 Appendix I. The Contents of the Parma Codex 73 Appendix II. The Limoges Ildefonsus, Paris, Bibl. Nat. ms lat. 2833 75

Index of Manuscripts 77

General Index 80 Illustrations 89

,

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS A ROMANESQUE ILLUMINATED

MANUSCRIPT FROM CLUNY AND

a RELATED WORKS

N THE art of Cluny about 1100 may be distinguished two styles, a native Burgundian Roman-

| esque and what may be called an Italo-Byzantine. Of the first, the best known examples are the capitals from the choir of the abbey church,* and of the second, the miniatures of the lectionary in the Bibliothéque Nationale in Paris, ms Nouv. Acq. lat. 2246 (Figs. 37-39).’ There is also a fragmentary painting in a gradual from Cluny (Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 1087) in a Germanic variant of the Romanesque style (Fig. 40),* and another example of the Italo-Byzantine in the great frescoes in the chapel of Berzé-la-Ville (Figs. 44-48).*

This duality of styles about 1100 is not peculiar to Cluny.’ In other centers in France—at Limoges, Dijon, Angers—we observe a similar practice of two styles. In the frescoes of SaintSavin, the two styles (or at least distinct elements of these styles) occur within one work, prob-

ably by the same hand; thus, in the Offerings of Cain and Abel (Fig. 49) the brothers are drawn with the banded lines so common in the Romanesque sculptures of southern France, while

God who receives Abel’s gift is painted with streaks of light based on conventions of ItaloByzantine art.° This example permits us to see how different meanings could be attached to the two styles as symbolic modes of expression.’ In the Stavelot Bible (British Museum, Add. ms 28106-28107), completed in 1097, the contrast of the two styles is apparent throughout the book. Finally, in Citeaux, we can follow the interplay of the styles in successive periods. In the earliest manuscripts, dating from the first decade of the twelfth century, only the native Romanesque style appears. Later, and especially in the 1120’, the second style is dominant.® This change corresponds perhaps to the new role of the order of Citeaux under Saint Bernard, when the Cistercians replaced the Cluniacs as a leading spiritual force in the Western church. 1. See V. Terret, La sculpture bourguignonne au XIIe the head expresses here by contrast a moral difference, and

et XIIIe siécles, Cluny, Autun-Paris, 1914; A. K. Porter, helps to characterize Cain like other evil, demonic, and Romanesque Sculpture of the Pilgrimage Roads, Boston, 1923, socially inferior figures in early medieval art.

I, pp. 71-108 and ills. 5-9. TOn the concept of “modes” as distinct from styles, per2. See Fernand Mercier, Les primitifs francais. La peinture haps applicable here, see my remarks in Review of Religion,

clunystenne en Bourgogne a Pépoque romane, Paris, 1931, Vill, New York, 1944, pp. 181ff., and E. Kitzinger,

pp. 23-80, pls. 92-107. The Mosaics of Monreale, Palermo, 1960, pp. 2o0ff. An in3. See note 12 below. teresting parallel on a lower level of quality is a miniature

4. Mercier, Les primitifs francais, pls. 1-65; A. Grabar in Vatican lat. 4922, the Vita Matildis by Donizo, 1114-1115 and C. Nordenfalk, Romanesque Painting from the Eleventh (P. Schramm, Die deutschen Kaiser und Kénige in Bildern to the Thirteenth Century, Geneva, 1958, pp. 103-109, with #hrer Zeit, 1, 751-1152, Leipzig-Berlin, 1928, fig. 113). In

colorplates. the scene of Henry IV kneeling before Matilda and Hugo 5. This duality of styles is not the same phenomenon as of Cluny, the emperor is painted in the Italo-Byzantine

the coexistence of the Mozarabic and Romanesque in Spain cloisonné fold style with comb-shaped lights, the other two or the Anglo-Saxon and Norman in England about 1100, figures in unmodeled Romanesque forms. The Byzantine conwhich I have discussed in ART BULLETIN, XXI, 1939, pp. 314ff. | ventions apply here only to the monarch, though he is humbled

and note 4. In those examples it is a matter of an old native (the inscription reads: “Rex rogat abbatem / Mathildim style surviving for one or two generations beside a newly | supplicat atque”). introduced foreign style. In France the native Romanesque 8. See C. Oursel, La miniature du XIle siécle 4 Vabbaye

is itself a highly productive, developing art. de Citeaux @apreés les manuscrits de la Bibliothéque de Dijon, 6. Note also that Cain, unlike the other two figures, is in Dijon, 1926. profile; the deviation from the usual three-quarters pose of

CHAPTER I

HERE exists a richly illustrated manuscript from Cluny in which the Italo-Byzantine style

and a Germanic variant of the native Romanesque occur together. This little-studied codex, Ms 1650 in the Palatine Library of Parma (Figs. 1-36 and Colorplates),’ contains the treatise of Ildefonsus, bishop of Toledo (ca. 607-667), on the Virginity of Mary. Its origin in Cluny is evident from several facts. The handwriting is of a kind that appears in the parts of the cartulary of Cluny (Paris, Bibl. Nat. ms Nouv. Acq. lat. 1497-1498) executed around 1100 (Fig. 66).*° A similar handwriting is found also in the lectionary (Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq.

lat. 2246) which came to Paris from the library of Cluny (Figs. 37-39, 57). The decorated initials (Figs. 22, 28, 30, 32-35) are of precisely the type current in manuscripts from Cluny in the late eleventh and early twelfth century (Figs. 57, 65-66), including both the cartulary and the lectionary.™ It is a local variant of a Germanic style of spiral foliate ornament widely practiced

during the period of the Ottos and their successors, in a large region extending from Eastern France and Burgundy to Southeastern Germany and to Italy—the region of the Holy Roman Empire. Of the two hands that painted the figures in the Parma manuscript, the first—which produced all but two of the thirty-five miniatures (Figs. 1-35 and Colorplate 1)—belongs to the artist of whom a fragmentary trace has survived in the mutilated manuscript, Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 1087, already mentioned (Fig. 40). Here we find, besides, the identical style of initials and other ornament (Figs. 41, 43) that appears in the borders of the Parma Codex.” The second hand, which painted the two concluding miniatures in an Italo-Byzantine style (Fig. 23 and Colorplate 11), is remarkably similar to the artist who produced several miniatures in the Paris lectionary (Figs. 37-39). If the late Georg Swarzenski, an admirable scholar whose judgment must always be accorded

considerable weight, thought that the miniatures of the Parma manuscript were the joint work of a Bavarian and an Italian painter, it was because of the striking resemblance of the first hand to a number of paintings in manuscripts from Regensburg and Salzburg where he had found just such a conjunction of a Germanic and a Byzantinizing style. The plan of the Parma Codex, with every page of text enclosed by an elaborate frame, often by modeled ornament of acanthus and perspective meanders, and with so many pages of miniatures on gold backgrounds, and large foliate g. I had studied this manuscript and photographed it in century by the same hand as the rubrics and majuscules of 1931 in connection with researches in Cluniac art. My friend, the Parma Codex—cf. Figs. 22 and 41. An office in honor of

Carl Nordenfalk, whom nothing in medieval manuscripts St. Odilo was added on fol. 112v at the beginning of the escapes, has independently inferred its origin in Cluny; see 12th century. See Dom Hesbert, “Les témoins manuscrits du Grabar and Nordenfalk, Romanesque Painting, pp. 189f. culte de Saint Odilon,” 4 Cluny, Congrés Scientifique. Fétes et 10. On the dating of the cartulary, see pp. 59, 60 below. céremonies liturgiques en Vhonneur des saints Abbés Odon et

11. See pp. 26ff. below. Odilon, 9-11 Juillet 1949. Travaux du Congrés, Arts, His-

12. Cf. Figs. 22, 28, 30, 32-35 for the initials; Color- toire et Liturgie, publiés par la Société des Amis de Cluny, plate 1 and Figs. 11, 21, 25-27 for the borders. All but one Dijon, 1950, pp. 57, 92, 102ff., 119. of the miniatures originally in this manuscript have been 13. See Die Salzburger Maleret von den ersten Anfangen torn out. From the impressions of the missing pages on the bis zur Bliltezeit des romanischen Stiles, 11, Leipzig, 1913, adjoining ones, from the inscriptions, and from the spacing op. 83 and n. 1. He regarded the script as Italian. See of the text, I conclude that there were at least nine painted also his Regensburger Buchmalerei, Leipzig, 1901, pls. xxtII, miniatures and possibly ten or eleven: Nativity (between fols. xxvuiiff., xxx111, for examples of the two styles and their 7 and 8), Magi (12-13), a pre-Passion episode (43-44, in fusion in manuscripts of Regensburg and Salzburg (pl. xxvi1I Quadragesima), Crucifixion (55-56), Resurrection or Marys is a Salzburg manuscript painted by Bertolt, now in the at the Tomb (56-57, two leaves torn out), Ascension (65- Morgan Library, Ms 780). The Parma Codex was called a 66), Pentecost (69-70), Annunciation to Zacharias (74-75), German manuscript by Max Manitius, Geschichte der lateimtUnidentified (75-76), Peter in Prison (on a stub of fol. 75 — schem Literatur des Mittelalters, 1, Munich, 1911, p. 2 35) 0. 2,

bis—there was perhaps also a scene of the Martyrdom of and by the editors of the catalogue of the great exhibition Peter and Paul), Unidentified (two leaves torn out between of illuminated manuscripts held in Rome in 1954-see biblifols. 110 and 111—possibly the Martyrdom of St. Vincent). ography in note 18 below. The manuscript was written in the last quarter of the 11th

6 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS initials in gold and silver on a purple ground—this conception of the book as a work of art recalls the sumptuous treasure-manuscripts produced for the German rulers. Among these are several that were made for the emperor Henry I], formerly Duke of Bavaria,“* who was also a patron of Cluny and a dear friend of the abbot Odilo.** The latter’s successor, Hugo, maintained through the second half of the eleventh century the same close relationship with the German imperial

house: he was the godfather of the emperor Henry IV. When in the Parma Codex the painter has to represent a royal figure such as David, he gives him a gabled crown of German imperial type (Fig. 8).”° One could suppose from the long association of Cluny with the German emperors that both the Germanic and Italo-Byzantine elements in the Parma manuscript were based on German art and especially on the south German centers which before 1100 had begun to absorb the Byzantine forms. It should be observed, however, that the Ottonian ornament does not appear in the art of Cluny until after Odilo’s death in 1049 and long after the rule of Henry II (1002-

1024). A Bible made for Odilo toward the end of his life (Paris, Bibl. Nat., ms lat. 15176) still shows little trace of the Ottonian style.” Not until the time of the abbot Hugo (1049-1109) do we find in the manuscripts of Cluny that Germanic type of initial. The book art of Cluny, relative to that of other great monastic centers in the eleventh century, seems to have been quite backward. Only toward 1100, when the great church was under construction, did Cluny produce works that were abreast of the more advanced schools. But this judgment rests in part on the scarcity of Cluniac painting; few decorated manuscripts of Cluny have survived from the period before the last quarter of the eleventh century, and its early wall painting is still unknown. The Parma Codex has therefore a special interest, apart from its high quality, as evidence of the otherwise scarce manuscript art of the greatest monastic center in Western Europe at a moment of intense stirring in art, when monumental stone sculpture was revived in Burgundy and in the Cluniac order at large and a new architecture was created. 14. Cf, the sacramentary in Munich, lat. Ms 4456 15. See Jotsaldus, “Vita Odilonis,” Migne, Pat. lat., CKLI, (Swarzenski, Regensburger Buchmalerei, pls. vil-Ix, and A. cols. 902, 904; for the friendship of Hugo with Henry III, Goldschmidt, German Illumination, New York, 1928, 11, pls. see Hildebertus, “Vita Hugonis,” zbid., 159, col. 864.

72, 73) 3 Vatican, Ottob. lat. 74, Gospels of Henry II (Swar- 16. For the German examples, see page 23 and note 70 zenski, ibid., pls. xtx-xx1; Goldschmidt, ibid., pl. 78); Bam- below.

ibid., pl. 79). near future.

berg), Staatl. Bibl. 95 (A.11.46), from Seeon (Goldschmidt, 17. I plan to publish a study of this manuscript in the

CHAPTER II |

DESCRIPTION OF THE PARMA CODEX”* HE Parma Codex consists of 111 parchment leaves with text and illustrations, 23 cm. by 16 cm., between two blank leaves in front and a blank leaf at the end. The three unused leaves are without numbers in the modern pagination, but the first two (fols. i, ii) seem

to belong to the same gathering (of eight) as fols. 1 to 6, and the final leaf forms a union with fol. 111. On every full page of text are nineteen long lines of writing between pencil rulings. The script is a regular minuscule of about 1100, stable and distinct, without slope, and with a beginning of fracture in the growing contrast of thick and thin strokes and the analysis of the round letter into these separate elements (Figs. 29, 7-24, Colorplate 11). The middle zone predominates, the upper and lower are perfectly balanced. There are few ligatures beside the usual & and s&. Another hand, less advanced in style, has written the rubrics and most of the inscriptions in rustic and Roman capitals. The text, framed throughout by bands of gold and silver and an occasional purple, and most often with painted foliate and geometric motifs between the gold and silver bands, is enclosed in a space of 145 mm. by 85 mm. The outermost border is 185 mm. by 125 (to 127) mm. These dimensions will give an idea of the small scale and preciousness of the book. It is wonderfully preserved; the text and illuminations are intact. Only the last page, folio 111, suggests an accident (Fig. 36). It was written later in a script that imitates the original hand, and seems to replace a page that was removed or lost.” Of the thirty-five miniatures, nine are full-page; thirteen are half-page or slightly more (Figs. 7-10, 12-17, 20), and three are one-third of a page or smaller (Figs. 11, 18, 19); the remaining ten are bust portraits of prophets, about an inch or two square (Figs. 18, 19, 29). This variety in the format of the pictures, which were newly designed illustrations rather than copies—a variety that required of the scribe and the painter an effort of thought in adapting text and pictures to each other for the first time—has some interest for the history of book art. It points to the complexity of design possible in the scriptortum of Cluny at this time, a complexity which we would not surmise from other manuscripts, although it is consistent with the character of the new church building.” 18. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Paolo Paciaudi, Ad codicem mem- Romagna a cura del Prof. D. Fava, Milano, 1932, p. 210, branaceum saeculo X. exscriptum quo liber B. Hildephonsi and fig. 89 on p. 208 (reproducing fol. 4; he dates the episcopi Toletani Peri Trion Apiston continetur. Parma, manuscript in the roth century, like Paciaudi and Odorici, Biblioteca Palatina, MS 1589, vol. Iv, 23 pages (ca. 1761- and the editors of the Atlante Paleografico); Mostra 1771), a description and analysis of the manuscript and its storica nazionale della miniatura, Palazzo di Venezia, Roma, illustrations; idem, I] bibliotecario diretto nel formare, clas- Catalogo, Firenze, 1954, p. 108, no. 150, “probably Basare e continuare una publica biblioteca (Vincenza, 1785), 4th varian”; Carl Nordenfalk, in Romanesque Painting from the ed., Rome, 1863, p. 51, on the value and historical impor- Eleventh to the Thirteenth Century (Mural Painting by André

tance of the Parma Codex for its script and paintings; A. L. Grabar; Book Illumination by Carl Nordenfalk), Geneva, Millin, Voyage dans le Milanais, Paris, 1817, U1, p. 122, Nn. 1958, pp. 189, 190, with reproductions in color of fols. av, 5,

3, on the library of Parma (“on y remarque, parmi les manu- 1ozv. Dr. Nordenfalk plans to publish an article about the scrits, . . . le Traité de saint Ildephonse, De Virginitate manuscript in Art de France, 1964. beatae Virginis, avec des miniatures singuliéres”) ; Federico 19. I neglected to examine the structure of the gatherings Odorici, “Memorie storiche della Nazionale Biblioteca di of the whole manuscript. Most of the quire numbers have Parma,” Atti e Memorie della R. Deputaxione di storia patria been cut by the binder; they survive on the lower margins

per le provincie Modenesi e Parmensi (serie 1a), Modena, of fols. 46v (v1), 54v (vir), 7ov (vi), in the hand of the Ill, 1867, pp. 425ff.; Atlante Paleografico-artistico per cura original scribe.

di F. Carta, C. Cipolla, e C. Frati, Turin, 1899, pp. 19, 20 20. As in the latter, the greatest concentration of imagery and pl. xx1 (fols. gv, ro—Ildefonsus kneeling before the Vir- is at the head (fols. 1v-45v)—cf. the chevet; there follows gin, and initial D) ; Max Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen a long section of text (fols. 46-101Vv) with ornamented frames

Literatur des Mittelalters, Munich, 1911, 1, p. 235, 0. 23 but without pictures, like the nave; and finally, towards the Georg Swarzenski, Die Salzburger Maleret, Leipzig, 1913, p. end (fols. 102, 102v) are the twin miniatures of the colophon, 83; A. Boselli in Tesori delle biblioteche d’Italia, 1, Emilia e like the decoration of a facade.

8 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS Nine large ornamented initials with interlacing spiral foliage (Figs. 22, 28, 30, 32-35) introduce the major divisions of the text. These letters, together with the incipits and opening words written in gold majuscules, are set on a purple ground and are paired with a full-page miniature on the adjoining page (Figs. 5, 28). One of the initials (fol. 5) shows Ildefonsus praying to Christ; the scene is painted in the same style as the preceding miniature on fol. 4v (both on Colorplate 1). Like the choice of initials, the subjects of the miniatures correspond to the divisions and content of the text. The main work, Ildefonsus’ treatise on the Virginity of Mary against the Infidels and Jews, in six chapters or lectiones,” is preceded by a eulogy of the author by Julian, a later bishop of Toledo; it is followed by a lengthy colophon borrowed from a copy of Ildefonsus’ work executed in Spain in 951 by the monk Gomez for Gotiscalc, bishop of Le Puy.” After this colophon comes a life of Ildefonsus by Cixila, here mistakenly attributed to a Spaniard, Elladius.” This colophon was so important to the sponsor of the Parma Codex that he had it illustrated by two original pictures (Fig. 23 and Colorplate 11) representing the scribe and the recipient of the copy made in 951. The latter, which is now preserved in the Paris Bibliothéque Nationale (ms lat. 2855), has no illustrations at all.” 21. It is not the whole of the treatise, but ends abruptly, Nationale, Paris, 1868-1881, 1, p. 516; Blanco Garcia, San like Paris, B.N. lat. 2855, the ancestor of the text of the Parma Ildefonso, pp. 11ff., 53. See also note 268 below.

manuscript. See page 62 below. For this text see Vicente 24. Migne, Pat. lat., xcvi, cols. 43-47. I must ask the

Blanco Garcia, San Ildefonso, De Virginitate Beatae Mariae. reader’s indulgence for the inconsistent forms of the proper Historia de su tradicién manuscrita, texto y comentario gra- names. I have used modern forms where they are in common matical y esttlistico, Madrid, 1937, and Migne, Pat. Jat., xCvI, use and otherwise the medieval Latin forms.

cols. 53ff. 25. It is described in detail and collated by Blanco Garcia, 22. Migne, Pat. lat., cols. 43, 44. San Ildefonso, pp. 11ff., 53. 23. L. Delisle, Le Cabinet des Manuscrits de la Bibliothéque

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THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 25 temporary miniature in a breviary from Li¢ge (Munich Clm. 23261), Usener has noted the conversion of a native Ottonian model of the 1020’s (Bamberg Staatsbibl. Lit. 3) into a Romanesque form, a process that may be likened to that in Cluny.” But if the new definiteness of the human and architectural forms recalls our manuscript, the specific relationships of figures and buildings — that characterize Cluny are not found in this work from Liége. How far the similarity to later German art depends on the influence of one school upon another, how far it is the outcome of similar aims operating on common inherited forms, I am unable to say. mano-Slavic works are provincial variants of Bavarian (and University, Bibl. Ms 360a and the Abdinghof gospels (Gold-

perhaps Saxon) art; cf. Clm. 18005 from Tegernsee, ca. schmidt, German Illumination, 11, pls. 95, 96) about 1060. 1030 (Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, figs. 7-10) and the 78. For the fusion of Ottonian, late 11th century, and Regensburg Gospels of Henry IV in Cracow (Swarzen- Byzantine forms to create a new Romanesque style in the ski, Regensburger Malerei, pls. XXXI1I-XXXV, nos. 92-101). Mosan region, see Karl Hermann Usener, “Das Breviar Clm. The tendency to more regular schematic forms with ac- 23261 der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek und die Anfange der

cented verticals may be found in Echternach toward 1100 romanischen Buchmalerei in Liittich,’ Méinchner Jahrbuch (the Theofrid manuscript in Gotha), and also in Cologne der bildenden Kunst, 1950, 1, pp. 78-92, and especially pp.

in the second half of the 11th century, as in the Freiburg 83ff.

CHAPTER VIII

THE INITIALS HE dependence on German art is clearest in the large decorated initials, though here, too,

the immediate source is uncertain. From the d on fol. 5 (Colorplate 1), in which the painter of the neighboring miniatures has drawn the figures of Christ and Ildefonsus, we judge that all the initials are by the same hand as the miniatures. The initials are traced in red outlines; the basic letter form is in gold; the stems, leaves and trefoils in gold or silver; the blossoms and ties in silver; and all are set on a contrasting inner ground of light blue and green and an outer ground of purple. In places this inner ground, broken into reserved spots of cool light color, appears to be a part of the initial, an inlay rather than a ground, and adds a note to the scale of luminosities, as well as a degree of opaqueness, between

the gold and purple. ,

Little collars with an ornament of dots hold the split shafts and bows of the letter together, and stems sometimes pass through the clefts. In several initials a stem pierces another stem (Fig. 22) or an unsplit shaft. The wavy and spiral stems cross each other often; the secondary stems, of shorter span—there are as many as six in the A of Fig. 28—issue successively from the inner side of a major one and in crossing it form complementary or counter spirals of different curvature and span, each ending in a trefoil (Figs. 30, 32-35, Colorplate 1). A late classic taste for the spiral rinceau—a spreading, organic, yet recurrently centered form— has been adapted to a Northern taste for the interlace: for crossing, entanglement and penetration. The natural luxuriance of curving foliage is combined with the metallic and artificial aspect of smoothly hammered bands and collars, like a bouquet fashioned by a goldsmith—a spiral grill with attached vegetation. With all the overlapping of stems and blossoms there is little effect of relief; the elements are perfectly flat. To the intricacy of the interlaced spirals is opposed the simplicity of the letter as a whole, restless but compact, a clearly silhouetted spot against a darker purple ground. Admitting the German origin of the type, the questions that arise for us in studying this ornament are: a) from what German center did it reach Cluny, and b) at what point in the native development of Cluniac ornament? c) Are there distinctive features that belong to the Cluniac adaptation? d) What development does this ornament undergo in Cluny? To give definite answers to all these questions would require a fuller study of German ornament than I have been able to make. I shall state some tentative conclusions. a) This type of initial is so widespread in Ottonian art that a resemblance to the forms of a particular center is not by itself decisive for determining the source of the Cluniac examples. In the latter can be found similarities in color and design to initials from St. Gall, Reichenau, Trier, Echternach, Regensburg, Salzburg, and other Bavarian centers, particularly Tegernsee and Freising (Fig. 31), which have learned from Regensburg.” Because the accompanying frames and miniatures resemble the Parma Codex, Bavarian initials seem at first the likely source of the Cluniac. But

the Southeast German ones, in color and motifs, are themselves derived from schools in the West nearer to Cluny.** Their ornament appears earlier in St. Gall and Reichenau,” whence it spreads 79. Cf. Munich lat. 18005, gospels from ‘Tegernsee, 80. Ibid., p. 24 and fig. 16 (Uta Codex). ca. 1030; Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, figs. 13-15 (our Fig. 81. As was noted by Swarzenski, Salzburger Malerei, p. 26. 31)3 Clm. 18121, psalter from Tegernsee, zbid., fig. 17; Clm. 82. Cf. the St. Gall Maccabees manuscript in Leyden (A. 6204, gospels from Freising, zbid., fig. 38 (with bust of angel Schardt, Das Initial, Berlin, 1938, pp. 99, 100) and works in circular field of scroll, as in the Parma Codex, fol. 5, our from Einsiedeln nearby: E. T. DeWald, ART BULLETIN, VII, Colorplate 1); and later examples from the Bavarian schools 1925, pp. 79ff., figs. 7, 8 (Einsiedeln ms 113), 40 (Ms 156),

(ibid., figs. 123, 125, 131-Clm. 828, etc.). 48 (ms 141). For Reichenau cf. the Gero Codex, Darmstadt

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 27 before the end of the tenth century to the Rhineland® and soon after to Bavaria. Although I have not found in the Rhineland a type of page with a single large silhouetted initial quite like the pages in Parma, there are in the Echternach codices smaller decorated initials in the body of the text and foliate letters of a title or incipit, very close to the Cluniac forms.*” But where the initial fills a framed page the Rhenish artists give it a more complex and open ornament. Both the simpler, compact initials from Echternach and the larger lack the collars of the stems, with five studs, which are so common in Cluny and Bavaria. These may be found, however, in the initials of Metz which depend on Rhenish art.** Perhaps in Cluny a first stage of the Germanic initial, borrowed from a Rhenish center, has been modified in the copying of a Bavarian codex. b) In Cluny this ornament appears for the first time nearly a century after it had been established as a common type in Ottonian art. I know of no examples that can be placed before 1050. Its introduction in Cluny seems to date from Hugo’s rule (1049-1109)—-a surprising fact, since his predecessor, Odilo (994-1049), was a close friend of the German emperors and especially of Henry II with whom he exchanged gifts of works of art.’ Other communication between Cluny and the German monasteries would imply an acquaintance with Ottonian art. About 1015 a German bishop, Meinwerk, in visiting Cluny with Henry II, took back with him to Paderborn thirteen monks to found a new monastery, and with them he brought several liturgical books from the mother abbey—a transaction that we suppose was not one-sided.” If this type of initial cannot be found in surviving manuscripts from Cluny before the second half of the century, one of its important elements, the spiral scroll with crossing of stems and even with penetrations, does occur in a Bible written for Odilo (Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 15176, fol. 421) during the latter part of his rule. By 1050 the Ottonian type of initial ornament had reached Burgundy, to judge by the manuscripts of St. Benigne at Dijon under the abbot Halinardus (1031-1046). And there are traces of this Germanic style in manuscripts of the Jura region and Metz, where Cluny had strong interests.”° (Schardt, op.cit., p. 103), the Heidelberg sacramentary 86. For Bavaria, cf. the Uta Codex (Schardt, Das Initial, (ibid., p. 107), the Codex Egberti (Trier Ms 24) and the p. 165), Munich lat. 18005 (Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, Bamberg Apocalypse (Bibl. 140). The dotted trefoil, char- figs. 13, 15), 18121 (ébéd., fig. 17), 6204 (ibid., fig. 38), acteristic of the Cluniac and German initials of this type, ap- 122014 (ibid., fig. 86). For a Metz initial, cf. Berlin, Phillips pears together with the spiral rinceau on the border of an Ms 1687 (J. Kirchner, Beschreibende Verzeichnis der MiniaAnglo-Saxon miniature of 935-939 in Bede’s Life of St. Cuth- turen-Handschriften der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Leipzig,

bert, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College ms 183 (D. T. Rice, 1, 1926, fig. 40). See notes 108 and 109 below for other English Art 871-1100, Oxford, 1952, pl. 47). This trefoil parallels to details of the Cluny initials in West German is distinct from the Hiberno-Saxon motif of the three dotted books. However, a survey of initials, undertaken by my pupil,

berries, which occurs on the same border. Dr. Betty Ann Weinshenker, led her to suppose a Bavarian 83. Cf. Paris, B.N. lat. 8851 (Goldschmidt, German Illumi- model of the Cluniac initials. nation, 11, pl. 16); B.N. lat. 10501, ébid., 11, pl. 15; Chantilly, 87. The spiral rinceau with crossing stems appears already, Musée Condé, codex 1447 (C. Nordenfalk, Miinchner Jahr- late in Odilo’s rule, in an initial of his Bible, Paris, B.N. lat.

buch der bildenden Kunst, dritte Folge, 1, 1950, p. 64, fig. 6); 15176, fol. 421, but with a different type of foliage and

Walters Gallery, Baltimore, Ms W.g, ibid., fig. 7—all from color. |

Trier. For Echternach, cf. the golden codices in the Escorial On gifts of the emperor Henry II and his successors to and Nuremberg—Goldschmidt, of.cit., 1, pl. 49 A, B, and for Odilo, see notes 15 and 38 above. There is in the Bamberg more complete illustration, A. Boeckler, Das goldene Evange- library a manuscript of a commentary on Paul’s Epistles

lienbuch Heinrichs LI, pls. 13, 41, etc., and P. Metz, Das (B.1.8) written at Cluny and presented by Odilo to Henry | goldene Evangelienbuch zu Niirnberg, pls. 37, 43, etc. For II, a surprisingly poor work with provincial ornament. similar initials in other Echternach manuscripts, see Boeckler, 88. See Vita Meinwerci, Mon, Germ. Hist. SS., X1, p. 118, op.cit., pls. 184, 187, 190, 205. For Echternach initials closer cap. 28.

in time to Parma 1650, cf. Gotha Ms 1.70 (Liber Floridus 89. Cf. Berlin, Staatsbibl., Hamilton ms 481, fol. 97 (b) of abbot Theofrid, ca. 1100) and Ms 1.1, a late 11th century and Paris, B.N. lat. 11624 and 9518.

Bible. Other West German examples are in the Bernward go. Cf. Paris, B.N. lat. 17006, fol. 79 (from the SavoyBible in the Domschatz of Hildesheim (ms 61) and Vatican, Vosges region); lat. 823 (missal of Remiremont) ; lat. 9392

Reg. lat. 15. (from Senones in the Vosges); lat. ros00 (from Besancon) ; 84. Besides the examples in notes 79 and 80 above, cf. the The Hague, Bibl. Meermann, Ms 10 B 12, fol. gv (from St.

gospels in St. Peter’s, Salzburg (Swarzenski, Salzburger Vincent, Metz); Metz, Bibl. mun. (pre-war), Ms 2, vol. 3, Malerei, fig. 41) and the Michelbeuern gospels (ibid., figs. fol. 54 (Bible, s.x1,2), Ms 14, fols. 147(A), 170(c), 185v

43) 44). (psalter, s.x1), Ms 16, fol. r9v (lectionary, s.x1), MS 35, 8s. Cf. the Escorial Codex—Boeckler, of.cit., pls. 33, 40, fols. 20v, 130 (gospels), Ms 304, fols. 1, 5, 15 (recueil, s.xI). 59) 71, 97, 108, 124, 136.

28 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS Perhaps earlier examples that existed in Cluny have been lost.** In a cartulary of Cluny (Paris, Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq. lat. 1497-1498), begun in the last years of Odilo’s rule and continued into the early twelfth century, we observe the replacement of an older style of initial ornament, with a looser knotting and foliage characteristic of the time of Odilo, by the new Germanic forms (Fig. 66).°* (The intermittent and somewhat haphazard transcription of old charters in this cartulary

keeps us from fixing precisely the moment of the change.) The two styles also exist side by side in another manuscript of Cluny (Paris, Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq. lat. 1455; Fig. 65) which we know to be later than Odilo, since in the title of a work by the abbot, copied in this

manuscript, he is called saint.”

A possible clue to the transmission of Ottonian book ornament to Cluny is the activity of the scribe Albert the German, who was brought to Cluny from Trier by his father, Andreas, under abbot Hugo. Both became monks of Cluny. From an inscription in a magnificent jewel-covered copy of the Bible produced by Albert for the abbot Pontius (1109-1122), and now lost, we learn this story of father and son.** Andreas died in Cluny. His son’s name appears on charters written during the last years of Hugo’s rule.” Albert most probably learned the book arts at Cluny; but if the father was a scribe and illuminator, he would have brought with him the style of Trier of the middle or second half of the eleventh century. c) In the Cluny manuscripts the initial-ornament of this common Ottonian type seems, on the whole, clearer, rounder and simpler than in the full-page West German examples which tend to become sinuous and intricate, with multiplied detail and many pointed angular forms.”* Beside them, the most complex Cluniac initials look centered and balanced, with a closer, more regular fitting of the spirals and trefoils to the large framework of the letter. A single detail may be taken as a distinctive Cluniac sign. In the manuscripts of the Burgundian abbey, the trefoils are often marked with an inverted curved V that connects the dotted or ringed centers of the three lobes—centers already drawn in the German works.*’ It arose perhaps as a graphic translation of the strokes of color that spot or model the trefoil in certain German manuscripts.”* It resembles also the arrowhead unit beside two round lobes in a blossom that often appears

beside the trefoil in West German initials. This pointed blossom is particularly common in Reichenau” and spreads to Bavaria*”’ and the Rhineland.“ 91. There is probably a connection with West German art Bruel, Paris, 1876-1903, V, p. 213, no. 3862 (1107), p. 223, in a drawing of s.X1,1, in Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 2390, fol. 32 no. 3869 (1108). (our Fig. 63, martyrdom of Peter and Paul), a lectionary 96. For Echternach, see note 83 above, and for Reichenau, with readings for Cluny’s main feasts—see page 55 below. Schardt, Das Initial, pp. 114, 127, 136, 137, 140, 147.

92. In N.A. lat. 1497, fol. 85, initial d, the trefoil with 97. For examples, cf. the manuscripts cited in notes 82 three dots appears in an appendage of an initial of the older and 83 above.

Odilo type. The latter type continues fairly late in the cen- 98. Cf. the Gero Codex, Schardt, of.cit., p. 103, and tury, to judge by B.N.N.A. lat. 638 (Udalric, Consuetudines, Munich lat. 4456, the Sacramentary of Henry II from Regens-

which must be later than ca. 1082). There are also residues burg, zbid., p. 161. of the old art beside the new initial forms in B.N. lat. 13875, 99. See Schardt, of.cit., pp. 113, 114, 127, 135, 143, 147. fol. 24 (Bernard, Consuetudines, last quarter of the 11th cen- For the connection of Reichenau and Cluny, note in the

tury or the very end). Heidelberg sacramentary (Schardt, op.cit., p. 114.) the unusual

93. On fol. 134. To judge by the script the book was writ- four-lobed, spool-shaped unit which appears in the center of

ten in the third quarter of the century, soon after Odilo’s the A on fol. 16 of the Parma Codex (fig. 28). In a mid-

death in 1049. 11th century book (Paris, B.N. lat. 11624) from St. Bénigne 94. “Hunc librum scripsit quidam frater Cluniacensis, antea at Dijon, an abbey reformed by Cluny, the blossom forms in-

vero J'reverensis, Albertus nomine. . . . Pater autem prae- clude a trefoil supported by a curved V (fig. 62)—a familiar dicti fratris, Andreas nomine, cum ipso Cluniacum venit, et Reichenau motif (Schardt, op.cit., pp. 104, 105).

ambo, scilicet pater et filius, sancto Spiritu cooperante, et 100. Cf, the Freising sacramentary, Munich lat. 6421 cordum illorum illustrante, a S. Patre Hugone habitum (Schardt, of.cit., pp. 111, 112) and also Munich lat. 18005 religionis susceperunt. Sed pater iamiam in Cluniacum obiit (Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, figs. 13-15). The motif in Domino. .. .” The text is published in M. Marrier and A. appears in a collection of leaves from Cluny-Paris, B.N.N.A. Duchesne, Bibliotheca Cluniacensis (1614), Macon, 1915, col. lat. 2442, fol. 1.

1645. See also page 48 below. to1. Cf. the Nuremberg Codex Aureus—P. Metz, Das 95. See Recueil des chartes de Pabbaye de Cluny, formé goldene Evangelienbuch, pl. 4.

par Auguste Bernard, complété, revisé et publié par Alexandre

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 29 From Cluny this tiny motif on the trefoil was transmitted to the art of Cluniac abbeys at Limoges, Moissac and Fleury.*®’ It may well be a Cluniac invention since it is absent from some of the earliest Cluniac initials that reproduce the German prototypes and include the three dots or circles of the trefoil, which are later connected by the inverted V. The form in its special Cluniac aspect does not seem to be characteristic of any German school, though it occurs sporadically in Germany” and later in Italy,"** perhaps through copying of Cluniac manuscripts. In a few early German books there is a related graphic form, but this too is exceptional: an inverted T or Y joins the centers of the lobes of the trefoil."’° There is also the rare motif of a curved V in a trefoil, which is different, however, in its relation to the larger unit—the trefoil being set between two converging stems. This motif appears in both Echternach and Bavaria, but is absent in Cluny.*”° This type of initial, with the inverted V of the trefoils, is the common one in the manuscripts

of Cluny in the later eleventh century and the beginning of the twelfth (Figs. 41, 57, 65-66)" In time, it becomes increasingly dense, richer in repeated detail, more intricate and irregular (Figs. 58-60). The ties are treated like plastic members in the round, the leaves curl and turn in depth, the background 1s strewn with dotted circles,*** the outlines of the lobes are often wavering, and blossoms of five and more lobes are introduced.*°* From this elaboration, which agrees with the general tendency in Romanesque ornament of the early twelfth century toward greater

relief and modeling, no strong consistent new style arises; indeed the later examples show a slackness of design and execution that points to the decline of the school.“° When compared to these later works, the initials of the Parma Codex, in their flatness, firm drawing, and simple legible patterns, are seen to belong to an early stage of the type. 102. Cf, Paris, B.N. lat. 743, fols. 86v, 94, Limoges Ms 1845, from Bamberg (Verzeichnis, vit, 2, fig. 17). In the breviary, late 11th century; B.N. lat. 5351, fol. 93 (Limoges); first two examples the form is not in an initial.

B.N. lat. 2388, fol. 1 (Moissac); B.N. lat. 2788, fol. 72 107. It is found in B.N.N.A. lat. 1455, lat. 1087, Arsenal (from Fleury, but perhaps written at Cluny); Leyden, B.P.L. 371, B.N. lat. 13875, N.A. lat. 1497, 1498, 2246, 2261, 2247,

Ms 82, fol. r4v, Juvenal, s.x!1,2 (Burgundian?); B.N. lat. 1491, 1456 (fols. 1, 2), 1496, 1450, 1436; the order is

4614 and 5672. roughly that of their time. For reproductions, see Mercier, .

103. Cf. Trier, Stadtbibliothek ms 859, Bible, German, Les primitifs francais, pl. 88 (1450), pl. gt (1455), 108 s.XI,2. (2247), 109 (2247, 2261), 112 (1436), 113 (1496). BN. 104. Cf, Vatican lat. 10511, the Bovino Bible (Garrison, lat. 3779 (Mercier, pls. 85, 86) is probably from St. VinStudies in the History of Mediaeval Italian Painting, 1, Flor- cent at Chalons, and B.N.N.A. lat. 1439 (ibid., pl. 88) is ence, 1953, fig. 73); Parma, Pal. 386, Bible (idid., fig. 83); by an Italian artist, as Delisle, Imventaire des Manuscrits de Paris, B.N. lat. 7102, s.X1I,2, Italian, medical; Ithaca, N.Y., la Bibliothéque Nationale, Fonds de Cluni, Paris, 1884, p. 455 Cornell University Library, Ms B 12, Origen on Paul, s.X1I,1, has recognized.

Italian. 108. The dotted circles (N.A. lat. 2247, 2261) occur al105. Cf. Einsiedeln 156 (DeWald, ART BULLETIN, VII, ready in the roth century in the Codex Egberti, Trier 24, fol. 1925, opp. p. 86, fig. 40, pl. Lxv); Munich lat. 22311, from 16v, which was made by Reichenau monks for the archSt. Gall (Merton, Die Buchmalerei in St. Gallen, pl. 38); bishop of Trier, perhaps in Trier itself. Cf. also Trier Ms 859,

Vienna cod. 553, W. German, s.X1,1 (Verzeichnis, Vill, 2, p. an 11th-century Bible, and an evangelistary of the early 11th 19, fig. 11) 3 Vienna cod. 1845 (#bid., fig. 17, and Swarzenski, century in the treasure of Mainz Cathedral. The same motif Salzburger Malerei, fig. 68), Nuremberg, Codex Aureus (Metz, appears, however, as a decoration of costume in a Cluny Das goldene Evangelienbuch, pl. 56) ; Munich lat. 828 (Bange, _lectionary, B.N.N.A. lat. 2390 (Fig. 63). In the Parma Bayerische Malerschule, fig. 126); Trier Domschatz Cod. 140 Codex, fol. 16, dots mark the boundaries of the patches of (ibid., figs. 139, 140); Prague, Codex VySehrad (Lehner, Die color in the background (Fig. 28). béhmische Malerschule, pl. xxxi1). Cf. also Florence, Laurenz. 109. For multi-lobed forms, as in 2247 and 2261, cf, the MS XXI, 33, Italian, gospels, ca. 1100. In the Limoges breviary, Gero Codex, fol. 117 (Schardt, Das Initial, p. 103), Trier,

Paris, B.N. lat. 743, fol. 86v, both the V and T (inverted) Stadtbibl. 859, and Cornell University Ms B 12, fol. sov. For forms occur, suggesting that Cluny knew the two forms at a parallel to the initials of 2261, cf. the Bible of Routpertus

the end of the 11th century. from Echternach, Gotha, Membr. 1, 1, fol. 276. 106. In the Nuremberg Codex Aureus (P. Metz, of.cit., 110. Cf. B.N.N.A. lat. 1496, fol. 8v(B).

pls. 27, 28), the Uta Codex (Schardt, of.cit., p. 6) and Vienna

CHAPTER Ix

THE ORNAMENT OF THE BORDERS (FIGS. 24-27) HE borders are an extensive repertoire of motifs each repeated in single file; one could construct from them a comprehensive treatise on Romanesque ornament, at least on the kind composed along one axis. Adapted to the narrow bands framing a picture or text, these motifs lack the freely branching forms of the ornament of the initials, which grows from inside the decorated letter and is intertwined with it. Yet under the constraints of the marginal field, this border ornament shows an unremitting search for movement and change—a great liberty of choice—not only from page to page but on the same frame. I have not seen another Romanesque manuscript with an equal variety in the borders. Most of the unit patterns are familiar from older works; but we cannot say how much of the less obvious ornament is original, since few early manuscripts of this richness have come down. One can admire, however, the painter’s playful freedom of variation on certain pages and his flashes of wit in selecting a motif that corresponds to a unique design in the enclosed miniature. An adequate description of the ornament—impossible in the limited space of this study—would have to take account of the many departures from regularity even when the same unit is repeated (Figs. 26f, g, 1, 27r). I have assembled on three plates (Figs. 25-27) seventy-four segments of the borders of the text which, together with the illustrations of the ornament framing the miniatures, will permit the reader to explore by himself this distinctive aspect of the book. Every page of text is heavily framed, like the display manuscripts made for the Carolingian monarchs." Except for a few pages (fols. 28v, 89v, 95) where a fourth band is added, each frame

, is formed of three bands of which the outer and inner are of gold and silver and the middle one is usually filled with ornament. (On twenty-four of the 220 pages it is a plain purple strip.) Fewer than twenty frames have a flat geometrical decoration of dots, circles, bars, chevrons, X’s, lozenges, or arcs, some recalling inlaid gems and other jewelry designs (Figs. 12, 27 a-g). On the rest are ribbon meanders in perspective and plant forms (isolated or joined leaves, blossoms in regular alignment, a simple vine with slender or thick foliage, half palmettes or acanthus in

profile—Figs. 1-3, 8, 11, 17, 20-22, 25, 26 and Colorplate 1). Among the plant forms one kind, a reduced acanthus, is usually modeled with dark lines of the pen and with shadow tones that produce an effect of the concave and convex; white calligraphic lines and dots along the edges

define the contours—dots that also mark the ridges of the leaves and are sprinkled on the meanders and sometimes on a panel in a plain outer border (Fig. 272). In many of the meanders foliage fills the widened intervals at cardinal points of the frame (Figs. 16, 18, 19). Together with the meander ribbons (on sixty-seven pages) the modeled foliate motifs (on eighty-six) are the most frequent ornament. Beside these classic types are unmodeled plant forms: vines, flat blossoms and palmettes, quatrefoils and rosettes in diapered lozenges, that recall the textile fabrics of the period (Figs. 24, 26g, h, i); there are also linear plant patterns like the goldsmith’s designs in filigree and wire (Figs. 25t, 27s). On several pages the final lobe of a leaf in each turn of a rinceau is treated as a stem with knobbed lobes, as in Islamic and Byzantine art (Fig. 25q). Last should be mentioned an ornament that is specifically Northern and distinct in principle from 111. Cf, the manuscripts of Charlemagne’s Court (“Ada”) Bald, Munich, Staatsbibliothek Cim. 55 (Der Codex Aureus School: Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 1203; Trier 22; Paris, B.N. lat. der bayerischen Staatsbibliothek in Miinchen, ed. Georg Lei8850; London, B. M. Harley 2788 (Wilhelm Koehler, Die dinger, Munich, 1921).

karolingischen Miniaturen. 1. Die Hofschule, Berlin, 1957, In my illustrations (Figs. 25-27) all the segments are in pls. off. and passim); and the Codex Aureus of Charles the the axis of the original, except Fig. 26a.

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 31 the other types I have listed: the compact knotted bands, intricate and of elusive continuity, which appear on eight pages (Figs. 27, i-p).

This rough inventory, disregarding the distribution, conceals an interesting fact—that there is | in the choice of patterns a definite drift. While the ribbon meander and modeled acanthus— continuous repeated forms—are most frequent in the first two-thirds of the book, the artist has introduced toward the end and in particular after fol. 80 many motifs from other traditions— forms also related to metal and textile ornament—and has aligned more than a dozen different patterns on a single frame (Figs. 24, 26k, 1, y), often dividing the frame into separate panels of unequal length. He has also split the ornamented band into half friezes with distinct motifs on each or run two parallel ornaments within the same band (Figs. 25w, 27f, g). This change in the borders from the sumptuous and monumental types, the regular perspective meander and acanthus, to a less strictly coordinated form may be likened broadly to the difference between the full-page pictures with elaborate architectural settings and the smaller ones with simple grounds, set more loosely on the page. One can imagine that an old manuscript of imperial origin served the artist as a model of splendor for the large paintings and the associated ornament, while in the lesser scenes and on the pages of text he gradually freed himself from the Ottonian model and worked with forms more habitual in Burgundy. There are, indeed, striking resemblances of the first borders to the imperial manuscripts from Regensburg and their Carolingian prototypes in the Codex Aureus of Charles the Bald (Munich, Staatsbibliothek, Cim. 55). But this distinction between the foreign and native is not borne out by the choice of motifs on the frames of the pages with the smaller miniatures, or by the character of monumental decoration in Burgundy, where the acanthus and the meander were favored types.“” More pertinent to the artist’s process, I think, is the fact that the less regular ornament appears in the part of the manuscript with a long succession of pages of text between folios 45v and 102, uninterrupted by pictures. On these pages the artist, relieved of the necessity of accommodation to a painting with strongly marked vertical and horizontal axes and with large elements, human and architectural, extending through the field, and perhaps stimulated by the script with its small, discrete wordunits of variable length and form which determine an irregular pattern of spacing in the parallel lines of writing, has filled the borders with many freely-chosen motifs submitted only to common requirements of compactness, of consistent color, and of a balance of accents in the frame as a whole. Here the frame is not subordinate in the same sense as on the pages with miniatures, where , the decorated border adheres to the picture; on the contrary, the frame of the text is more pronounced than the writing and has a degree of independence as an object in its own right. Like the script which it encloses, the ornament of the frame invites reading as a sequence of many distinct units. One should note, however, that if this diversity of ornament in the same band is opposed in principle to the repetitive or strictly symmetrical decoration of the borders of the miniatures, and recalls the looseness of folk art in which the pattern units are treated as an array of distinct symbols, it has also a precedent in manuscripts of the Carolingian Court School,’ where it depends perhaps on Italian art of the eighth century (like the Egino Codex). The subdivision of the frame 112. They were widely used in French mural painting of clude the possibility that in the Parma Codex they have been the 11th and 12th century. For early examples in and near taken from a German model; it would require a more minute Burgundy, cf. the remains at Les Allinges (Haute-Savoie) in study of the forms to determine what features, if any, depend P. Deschamps and M. Thibout, La peinture murale en France, on the foreign source. Paris, 1951, pl. vitt; Saint-Chef (near Vienne in Dauphiné), 113. For examples, see the manuscripts of the Court school

ibid., pl. x; Ternand (Rhone), zbid., pp. 29ff., fig. 4; cf. cited in note 111 above. The division of a border into units also St. Pierre-les-Eglises (near Chauvigny in Poitou), ibid., of different type is common also in Bavarian manuscripts of figs. 7, 8. In my opinion, the authors date all these works the 11th century; cf. the Rule of Niedermiinster (G. Swarzentoo early, especially in placing St. Pierre-les-Fglises, Ternand ski, Regensburger Malerei, pl. 11, no. 5), and Munich Jat.

and Les Allinges in the Carolingian period. 9476 and 6204 (Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, figs. 23, 25,

The frequency of these widespread motifs in native mural 35-37). oo .

painting (and in later monumental sculpture) does not ex- :

32 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS into many compartments with different fillings occurs also in manuscripts of the twelfth century, especially in Italy. Still, I do not know of a Carolingian or Ottonian manuscript with so richly varied an ornament of the borders of both miniature and text. A close relative in the tradition of sumptuous book art is the already-mentioned Codex Aureus of Charles the Bald in Munich, a French Gospels of fantastic splendor that belonged to the abbey of St. Emmeram in Regensburg and was copied there often in the tenth and eleventh centuries. But the meander, which in the Parma manuscript is so surprisingly flexible a form, varying in scale, rhythm, and filling as well as in design (Figs. 1, 3-7, 16, 27h, u), is exceptional and of meager variety in the Codex Aureus, where the foliate theme predominates; and in the superb luxuriance of his borders the Carolingian artist never attains on the pages of text the freedom and complexity of the foliate ornament of the Parma frames. Neither in the Munich manuscript nor in the works of Charlemagne’s Court School, with their elaborate enclosures of the text, does a designer venture to align so many distinct motifs on a single band as in the Ildefonsus Codex. The Cluniac artist’s capacity for both strict order in regular series and for a freer harmony of unique motifs with a developing variation from one to the next in color, axis and analogy of design (while maintaining some relations of symmetry), is an extraordinary phenomenon (Figs. 24, 25x, y, 26], k, 1, w, x, y); it recalls the exuberance of carved ornament on

the new monumental sculpture of the time, on the capitals, archivolts, and jambs, and on the corbels and intervals of a cornice—in all of these the carving seems firmly fitted to its space, yet admits great liberty of conception in each unit even to the point of caprice. In the varying elements and rhythms of the parallel sides of the frame in the manuscript (Figs. 24, 25d, q, y; 25x, 26v; 26j, 0, t) there is an effect like polyphony in multi-part music. The designer of the borders is an erudite artist who in exploiting a complex heritage of patterns is boldly imaginative, combining motifs of quite different origin and character and adapting them successfully to his lengthy strips. His impatience with the standard acanthus and meander is a sign of his inventive verve. In resolving the inevitable incongruences between pattern and field at the corners he shows much

ingenuity and a quick, unpedantic hand (Figs. 25k, 1, p; 26e, q; 27r). , However different in conception, the varied motifs are also brought into harmony by a common execution which is rapid, vigorous and fresh. The borders throughout are painted with the same basic palette as the initials: red, green, blue, gold and silver. The backgrounds are blue and green, the lobes of the palmettes often gold and silver. The meander is divided into planes of contrasted color, as in Carolingian and Ottonian manuscripts. On some borders the colors in the compartments are disposed in symmetrical X patterns: abcb on one side, dabc on the other; but there are more complex variants of this familiar primitive form. Most important for the effect of the enclosed paintings are the perspective meander and the modeled acanthus (and its palmette-like variants) which bring a strong plastic note to the whole page; they continue a late classic practice of salient borders that was revived by the Carolingian and Ottonian artists."* They are a witness to the fascination of the illusionistic—the magic of the 114. They appear in almost all the Ottonian schools. Cf. the Tegernsee (Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, fig. 7), lat. 828

Egbert psalter in Cividale from Reichenau (Goldschmidt, (idid., fig. 123), and Trier Domschatz cod. 140 (dbid., figs. German Illumination, 1, pl. 20) ; St. Gall Stiftsbibliothek 390- 141-143).

391 (Merton, Die Buchmalerei in St. Gallen, pl. 69); Paris, The insertion of acanthus at the cardinal (and sometimes B.N. lat. 10501, from Trier (Goldschmidt, of.cit., 1, pl. 15); other) points of the polychrome meander border, as in the Darmstadt Ms 1946, from Echternach; the Géttingen sacra- Parma Codex (Figs. 16, 18, 19) occurs in the Gero Codex mentary from Fulda (E. H. Zimmermann, Die Fuldaer Buch- from Reichenau (Grabar and Nordenfalk, Early Medieval maleret in karolingtscher und ottonischer Zeit, Halle aS.,. Painting from the Fourth to the Eleventh Century, Geneva, 1910, fig. 2); Munich lat. 4456, the Sacramentary of Henry 1957, p. 197, colorplate) and in the Sacramentary of Henry II from Regensburg (Goldschmidt, of.cit., 11, pls. 72ff.) and II (Munich Clm. 4456; Goldschmidt, of.cit., m1, pl. 72). the Regensburg Pontifical of bishop Otto (1060-1089) There is also an example in Einsiedeln Ms 113, s.XI,2, en(Swarzenski, Regensburger Malerei, pl. xXx1I, no. 91); and closing an initial with the dotted trefoil (DeWald, arr BUL-

manuscripts from other Bavarian centers: Munich lat. 18005, LETIN, VII, 1925, fig. 8, pl. Lvir).

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 33 seemingly tangible relief form on a flat surface—during an age of spiritualistic art. They support in the pictures the related qualities of modeling and depth, but the meander also brings out the artificial and constructed in the compositions and corresponds to elements of architecture in the scene. In its great frequency it appears more consistent with Romanesque than with Ottonian art and agrees with the monumental painting of the Burgundian region. I have remarked before on the resemblance of the ornament of the border to the larger forms of the enclosed painting. In the first miniature (Fig. 1) the strong verticals and horizontals, the gesturing hands of the figures at the central column, and the pattern of the embracing arches, rise, bend, and turn like the bordering meander. The latter is an echo of the painting, a reduced marginal accompaniment; but it may be seen also as a nucleus from which the whole has been expanded. On Fig. 20 is another neat example of such a correspondence: the cow! and its adjoining forms resemble the close-packed triangular leaves of the frame.*” One should not regard the analogy of border and miniature as a set program. On only a few pages does it appear as distinctly as in the two examples that I have cited. If the verso and recto pages facing each other sometimes have a similar ornament of the two frames, as often the paired frames are different in detail, in color and in scale of elements, and even in the patterns chosen, they owe their unity to other features. Within a single frame the number of units of the same motif often differs on the two parallel sides. Clearly the painter has not aimed at a strict order, although he designs carefully with precise control of his spacing. I must mention a particularly ingenious example of a pattern of the frame contrasted with the enclosed forms. On Fig. 22, where a large asymmetrical A is decorated with a counterclockwise spiral, the artist has superimposed a clockwise direction on the band of small foliage by alternating regular patches of light and dark, larger in scale than the single units of foliage and of marked rightward slope—creating two distinct rhythms in the same field. On the opposite page, Fig. 21, the similar plant ornament lacks that strong pulse of light and dark; less contrasted in value, it frames the image of Christ in Glory, which has a strong vertical axis."*° The many similarities of the details of this ornament to the foliage on the capitals and bases in the miniatures (and also to some elements in the initials) confirm the idea that the frames were designed by the Ildefonsus painter, though the execution on some pages may be credited to an assistant."** Many of the patterns are standard for frames in Ottonian and early Romanesque art, and we are therefore less surprised by the difference from the ornament of the initials, the lack of the latter’s spiral and trefoil forms. The same separation appears in another manuscript of Cluny, Paris Bibl. Nat. lat. 1087, where the artist—very close to the style of the Ildefonsus

master (and probably the same man a few years before)—has traced on a blank space at the end | of a text several parallel strips of ornament (Fig. 43). Three of these bands, I have remarked before, duplicate plant motifs of the borders of the Parma Codex, while the initials correspond as faithfully to the initials of the latter (Fig. 41). 115. The same pattern is found in the Codex Aureus border of Fig. 8, and that much of the ornament within the (Leidinger, of.cét., pls. 6, 8, 9), the Egbert psalter in Cividale, two pictures by Hand B (Fig. 23 and Colorplate 2) is similar

the Gospels of Henry IV from Regensburg (Swarzenski, to motifs throughout the book. Regensburger Malerei, p\. xxx1v) ; in Bavarian works (Munich 118. Cf. with the Parma Codex, fols. 18v and 19 (Fig.

lat. 6204, 12201a, Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, figs. 35, 25s) for the rinceaux and fol. 36 (Fig. 11) for

81); and in manuscripts of ca. 1060 from the school of the acanthus. The motif of the dragon biting the tail of a Cologne (cf. Freiburg University Ms 360a, Goldschmidt, second beast may be compared with initials in another manu-

German Illumination, pl. 96B). script from Cluny, Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 1461, fols. 1, 6,

116. The sloping light-dark on fol. 45 may be seen also where dragons bite each other in a circle. The bands of foliate as a diagonal that, in paralleling the inclined Ildefonsus in and animal ornament on this page of lat. 1087 recall a page the left corner of fol. 44v, helps to bind the two pages. in the Echternach Codex Aureus of Gotha-Nuremberg (Gold117. Note also that the ornamented border of fol. 102 schmidt, German Illumination, M1, pl. 48). (Fig. 23), which frames a miniature by Hand B, is like the

CHAPTER X

THE COLOPHON PAINTER (HAND B) o reorient the reader after this long account of the first painter, I shall repeat some information already given at the beginning of this study. The second hand painted two miniatures (Fig. 23 and Colorplate 1) near the end of the manuscript (fols. 102, 102v) to illustrate an old colophon. It is a text that records the writing of a copy of the work of Ildefonsus by the monk Gémez of the monastery of “Abba Hildensis” at the request of Gotiscalc, bishop of Le Puy, during the latter’s visit to Spain in 951. On one page the Spanish scribe is shown writing, on the other side he offers the book to the enthroned bishop. The manuscript of 951, with the original colophon, is preserved in Paris (Bibl. Nat. ms lat. 2855).°*° It is remarkable that this colophon should not only be transcribed in the later copy of the text of Ildefonsus, but should also be illustrated, unlike the original of 951. We shall inquire later into the significance of this fact. In the rendering of the figures the colophon painter applies faithfully the conventions of the Italo-Byzantine school of the period about 1100. His command of that style seems so complete that Georg Swarzenski could regard him as an Italian artist.” That first impression is strengthened by the contrast with the work of his companion painter. Yet closer study will bring out common features in the two sets of works and Hand B will appear less consistently Italian when he has

been compared with other artists of the Italo-Byzantine style at Cluny. Before I go into the problem of his relation to Italian art, I shall try to describe more precisely his individual style. What is most striking in his miniatures, when considered beside those of Hand A, is the weight of the figures, their effect of the sculptured and voluminous, Hand A’s picture of Idefonsus writing (Colorplate 1) seems a flat, linear tracery beside the picture of Gémez at his desk. In the first the head-dress is a plane triangle as flat as the head it is designed to cover; the cowl of Gomez, hanging on his shoulder, is a conical vessel that could envelop the rounded mass of the head. ,

While no less compact and stable than A’s figures, Hand B’s have a greater complexity of form in neighboring details, with more contrasts of the smooth and broken, the angular and curved. His modeling and lights and division of parts are highly schematic, but he employs—at least in the figures—a more varied drawing than A’s system of repeated lines. On the arms and legs the costume is divided into large cloisons by solid folds that curve broadly with the convexities of the limbs. Hand B models by light and dark—by light through white lines in a casual tracery of zigzags, triangles, meanders and comblike forms, and by dark through parallel lines drawn as folds along the contour of the limb, and sometimes through a deeper shadow tone of the local color. This combination of the graphic and the painterly in the modeling, with highlights that are complex lines spanning a surface, and with fold lines that build up a shading and rounding of the mass, is distinctive for the Italo-Byzantine style. It is in the painting of the heads, however, that the Byzantine tradition is maintained in its purest state. The grave, contemplative faces are delicately toned with red and green and brought into relief by white highlights which are applied in graded patches and blendings with the local color, or traced as slender lines along the features to form a continuous calligraphic T on the brow and nose. The sensibility evident in the finer transitions and contrasts of light and dark appears also in the choice of colors.*** While Hand A sets the figures on a uniform gold ground, Hand B divides 119. For the texts and their history, see above, p. 8, and 121. Colorplates 1 and 11 render very well the local colors

below, p. 62. although nuances of modeling and tone, especially in the faces 120. Salzburger Malerei, p. 83, n. 1: “der byzantinisierende on fol. 1o2v, are lost in the reproduction. Miniator ist zweifellos ein Italiener.”

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 35 that ground into rectangles of gold and silver—a warm and a cool metallic luminosity. In the presentation page, the order is gold and silver behind the figures, silver and gold behind the dome and towers overhead. On Fig. 23, against the gold, Hand B paints a lavender robe and a green curtain; against the silver, a blue and red desk and a light blue curtain. On the next page (Colorplate 11) the bishop’s robes are red and deep blue upon the silver ground.” Here the contrasts with cooler, more somber, and neutralized tones are more subtle than those of his fellow painter who works with bright hues.

This greater refinement of Hand B yields a less pure, less consistent effect, however, than A’s best pages. In striving for richness, the colophon painter multiplies ornament and bright touches that compete with the subtler forms and colors. Where Hand A in representing a row of columns brings out the large structure by accenting the correspondences of the members in a

series, painting all the columns blue and all the imposts and astragals red, B varies the colors, giving the architecture a playful, broken aspect: one column, together with its capital and astragal, is green, a second is blue, a third is purple with a purple astragal and a blue cap—all this in contrast to the sculptural, even monumental aspect of the figures. Hand A aims in his color at compactness and strength by clear contrasts of large elements or regions of the picture; Hand B enjoys scattering his contrasts and enriches every part of the field by varied details of drawing, ornament or color. Yet B knows how to bind his elements and is fertile in coupling unlike objects through similar rhythmic lines and colors. The great ornamented dome, the towers, and the speckled entablature, accord with the bishop’s elaborate costume, throne, and crozier; the rectangular arches below are like the open book. In the picture of the scribe we see the motif of the scalloped form developed progressively in the arches of the footstool, the upper edge of the writing-desk, the hanging knotted curtain, and also in the buildings on the entablature. But these objects when seen together are no eloquent group like the responding architecture in A’s paintings—they have only slight expressive weight in themselves and as parts of an ensemble. The careful fitting and balance in Hand B’s two miniatures are less effective perhaps because of the pronounced decoration of the major forms. The ornament of the figures, furniture, and buildings, a worldly surface decoration, stands out ineluctably in the whole which lacks the earnestness and simplicity of the best pages of the other painter. In the buildings, in particular, the details look isolated and large. In general, the architecture here contributes less to the unity of figure and setting and has little of that resonance of the humans in their surroundings which appeals to us in the strong, sober paintings by the first artist. It is as if two styles of different tendency and force of expression have been applied within the same picture and given an equal scope. But one can see already in the figures alone—and in their most Byzantine feature, the modeling with light—the distracting effect of the decorative impulse in the calligraphic caprice of the highlights. This lack of concentration, of a fully decided expression, is reflected in B’s drawing of hands. They are delicate and seem diffident in grasping the book, the pen, and the crozier, compared to A’s stronger, coarser hands which hold things firmly.

These qualities are not inherent in the Italo-Byzantine style as such, but arise within B’s individual adaptation, which corresponds perhaps to a broader tendency of life in Cluny.. When we compare Hand B with another contemporary painter of Italo-Byzantine style in Cluny, the master of the lectionary, Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq. lat. 2246 (Figs. 37-39, 42), B’s art, accomplished as it is, seems hybrid and stiff.* We find in the lectionary an almost identical manner of 122. The greenish-gray patches on the figure of Gomez on (The Pigments and Mediums of the Old Masters, London, fol. 102v (Colorplate 11) seem to be due to the action of the 1914, pp. 78, 79). binding medium of the silver background on the other side of 123. All the miniatures in B.N.N.A. lat. 2246 have been the leaf (Fig. 23) penetrating the parchment. That is how reproduced by Mercier, Les primmitifs francais, pls. 92-107. A. P. Laurie has explained similar effects in other manuscripts For a recent description of the contents of the manuscript,

36 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS drawing the heads and the same devices of lighting the brows and nose; in some respects Hand B is more authentically Byzantine—the rendering of the eyes and surrounding parts is more faith-

ful to the Greek modeling. In the miniatures of the lectionary the figures dominate the field, and the accessory elements—the architecture and furniture and the decoration of costume and borders—are not allowed to intervene in the large effect as in the colophon pictures. Where the costume is richly ornamented, as on the archangel of the Annunciation, whose robes are insignia of his heavenly office (Fig. 42), the effect is restrained and subordinate to the human actors. What inspires this painter above all are the spiritual qualities of his figures, which are realized through

a suppler drawing and proportion. Beside the elongation and movement of the bodies in the lectionary, Hand B?s figures look rather squat and inert. Here the religious person in his fixity has nothing of the latent emotion that we sense in the other. Is this difference due perhaps to the constraints of the subject, the painter of the colophon having to render the static themes of the scribe and the presentation, while in the other manuscript the artist has had to imagine themes of intense feeling—Christ on the Cross and the Descent of the Holy Spirit? I do not think so, for the difference in quality that I have noted may be seen in the treatment of the common elements on the smallest scale, in the rendering of hands and single bits of drapery and especially of the highlights. There is, however, a miniature by the master of the lectionary representing a scribe, and from this work we can judge how the master approached the theme of the colophon. It is a fragment from a Bible manuscript in Montreal (Canada) and represents St. Luke writing (Fig. 50).’* The elements of architecture and furniture, also rhythmic, reinforce the figure, prolonging its great curves and the movement of the scroll. With all the obvious differences in their opposed richness and austerity, the two artists of the Parma Codex have common traits. Some of these point to the broadly contemporaneous in the two styles—the common heritage and outlook—others to recent contacts and exchanges between diverging schools. We are not surprised to find their works in the same book, for they share, although with varying effect, such qualities and elements as the firm colored outlines, the schematic simplicity of drawing, the layered shallow space, and the compact figures in compositions ruled by the vertical and horizontal. A comparison of Hand B’s presentation page with the first artist’s painting of Ildefonsus and the Virgin (Fig. 3) will bring out this common Romanesque core. The posture of the bishop, frontal and symmetrical, corresponds to that of the enthroned Virgin, and the humble Ildefonsus is like the scribe, though one kneels and the other stands. In both works the costume is accented see Giles Constable, “Manuscripts of Works by Peter the Stephen Harding in Dijon (Oursel, La miniature du XIle siécle,

Venerable,” in Petrus Venerabilis 1156-1956, edited by G. pl. xvi). The seat is like that of Gotiscalc in the Parma Constable and J. Kritzeck, Rome, 1956, pp. 238ff. Codex, fol. 102v, the fore-edge of the book between the bull’s 124. A detail that shows their close kinship as painters feet is drawn exactly as in 2246 and Parma, fol. 102v. For and perhaps their common apprenticeship, in spite of the a similar costume, cf. a figure in Dijon ms 641, Oursel, ornamental and calligraphic treatment of the lights by B, op.cit., pl. xxxive. The type of evangelist with the bull at is the identical pattern of lines on the fore-edge of books his feet occurs in an Italian Bible from Bologna, B.N. lat. 18, in miniatures by the two men. This is not a usual form in fol. 36o0v, but the bull’s posture, with head turned back and France, though it may be found in Italy (Fig. 51). Note, too, looking upward, is a French Carolingian and Romanesque that the knotting of the curtain behind Gémez’s head on fol. type (see p. 53 below); the conception of the bull as a half102 is very much like the knotted end of the garment of the figure emerging from behind Luke’s seat and looking back, beardless apostle at the right of Peter in the Pentecost of 2246 appears in a painting of the evangelist in a gospel manuscript

(Fig. 37). of the second half of the 9th century from Innichen in the

125. It is part of a leaf in the collection of Mr. L. V. University library at Innsbruck, cod. 484 (Goldschmidt, GerRandall of Montreal, Canada, to whom I am grateful for the man Illumination, 1, pl. 52, “Alamannic”?), to which I have

permission to reproduce the miniature. The text is of the already referred for its background of gabled buildings, as argument of the Gospel of Luke. The two columns of writing, in the Parma Codex, fol. 12v (note 53 above).

their small size (the left column is 314’’ wide), the position I learn from Dr. Hanns Swarzenski, on completing this of the argument (with its “explicit argumentum”) and the study, that he had independently recognized the Cluniac oriminiature in the text, make it probable that the fragment is gin of the leaf and knows of a related miniature of the

from a Bible rather than from a gospel or New Testament Ascension at a dealer’s in France. : or a lectionary. A similar script appears in the Bible of

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 37 by strongly marked spanning folds and the surface is illuminated by white lines, however different the patterns. And in the color, while Hand B employs the rarer tones of the Byzantine palette—

the lavender and deep blue—their somberness and delicacy are set beside sharp notes of red and bright blue which are dominants in his companion’s pictures.

There are more specific traces of Hand A’s art in Hand B. Not only does B accept the type of border used by A; he applies its elements to the miniature itself, painting the same band of foliage on the frame of the first picture and on the base of the towers in the second. In dividing the border of the second miniature into alternate silver and gold strips that correspond to the division of the background of the enclosed scene, he exploits a treatment of the frame that occurs elsewhere in the book (e.g., fols. 99v, 100).'** Like the Ildefonsus painter, Hand B sets his figures in an architecture that combines interior and exterior views, and attaches the boundaries of the building to the inner border. If the contact is less strict in the picture of the scribe (Fig. 23), it is because the curtain projects outside the columns and there is no upper border; but curtain and bases do touch the other borders.*”” Both painters give their domes a decoration of gored or petaled forms, radiating from a knob. From these relations to Hand A we may conclude that Hand B assimilated the Italo-Byzantine features after having learned to paint in the native manner with its Germanic elements.’* The same process is observable in German art in Regensburg, Salzburg, and elsewhere in Bavaria in the second half of the eleventh century;** the German monastic artists applied Byzantine forms to figures of traditional Ottonian art with a German setting, while maintaining also the German ornament and style of initial.

There are, of course, Italian details in B’s architecture, but it is not always easy to say whether an Italian element has come from Italy directly or belongs to a stratum of Italian forms in older Northern art. An example is the stilted lintel in the presentation page (Colorplate 1), that appears also in several of A’s miniatures (Colorplate 1 and Fig. 4). This form, I have remarked earlier, was known in Italy before and during the Carolingian period, but was widely diffused in the North and undoubtedly owes its presence in Hand A’s work to the Carolingian-

Ottonian tradition.**° Yet in B’s painting the slight curvature of this lintel is perhaps a reflection of recent Italian models.*** And several accompanying details of classical form seem to confirm the Italian origin. The leaves of Hand B’s capitals are curly and modeled in the ancient manner, and the columns are enriched by flutings and in one case by a surface ornament that vaguely simulates a marble grain. The egg and dart—again a classical motif—is applied to the 126. The division of the background into four rectangles, to the ornament and general aspect of the book. with diagonal symmetry of the two colors, may be a Northern 129. Cf. Pierpont Morgan Library ms 780, the pericope feature. It occurs in the Bamberg Apocalypse from Reiche- book of Master Bertolt from Salzburg (ca. 1070), Swarzenski, nau, but with gold and lilac as the paired colors (H. Wélfflin, Regensburger Malerei, pl. xxvii1; the Gospels of Henry IV Die Bamberger Apokalypse, Eine Reichenauer Bildhandschrift from Regensburg, ibid., pls. xxx111; Fulda, Landesbibliothek

vom Jahre tooo, Munich, 1921, pl. 27. Cod. A.a.44, Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, figs. 27, 28 (pos-

1247. The curtains behind the scribe, knotted around the sibly West German); Trier, Domschatz cod. 140, ibid., figs. columns, are a feature of Ottonian and later German evange- 141-143, a good parallel to the Parma Codex. . list-portraits (cf. Munich, lat. 4454, from Reichenau; 18005, 130. See above, p. 22 and n. 56. Tegernsee, Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, figs. 8-10; 9476, 131. Like the frescoes of the life of Saint Alexis at S. Cleibid., figs. 21-23, 25; Fulda Landesbibl., Cod. s.a.44, zbid.. mente in Rome, and of Tuscania (see the following note for

fig. 27). The central dome between two towers over an en- the references). Cf. also the drawing in Monte Cassino, tablature is also found in Bavarian manuscripts of the 11th cod. 99, Fig. 51. The curved form appears already in the century: Munich lat. 6204 (ibid., fig. 36), 18005 (sbid., fig. ninth century on the gold altar of S. Ambrogio in Milan. 7), 122014 (ibid., figs. 81, 82). The quatrefoils of the entab- It is from a North Italian model that the painter of the lature decorate the border of the painting of the Last Judg- Poussay gospels (Paris, B.N. lat. 10514) from Reichenau ment at Burgfelden (Paul Weber, Die Wandgemdalde zu Burg- probably derived the curved stilted lintel (Sauerland and Hase-

felden, Darmstadt, 1896, pl. 1). loff, Der Psalter Erzbischof Egberts, pl. 55). The same form 128. I must admit, however, the possibility that the colo- occurs early in the 11th century on the gold altar frontal of phon painter, having first learned to paint from an Italian Aachen Cathedral (attributed to Fulda and Mainz) in the artist at Cluny, adopted elements of Hand A and of the pre- scenes of the Last Supper and the Washing of Feet (Schnitzler, vailing Germanic tradition to accommodate his own manner Rheinische Schatzkammer, pls. 79, 80).

38 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS entablature above the writing monk and on the cornice of the right tower on the next page.*” Symptomatic, too, is the conception of the astragal, which on two columns is a thickening of the shaft; for the other painter it is always a separate member, framing the capital like the abacus or impost and appearing as a molding of the lower edge of the capital. The latter is the normal practice of the Romanesque builders and stone-carvers, in keeping with their preference for the inert, wall-like pier as a supporting member; the astragal as a molding of the thickened upper end of the column is the more organic and plastic classical form. But this form survived (or was revived) in the twelfth century in French as well as Italian schools that show in other respects an awareness of ancient art.*** In Cluny the famous capitals of the choir, which impress one by their wonderfully fresh modeling of the classic acanthus, are carved like ancient Roman capitals without astragals. And elsewhere in Burgundian buildings may be found the egg-and-dart and the fluted columns and pilasters.*** It may be that the introduction of classical forms from Italy through the painters in the late eleventh century stimulated the builders and sculptors in Burgundy to study and adopt elements of Roman art still visible in ancient remains in France. But Hand B is not at all consistent in his use of these classic forms and betrays a restless hybrid taste in varying his architectural details. If the column at the right has a Roman astragal, the other two are plainly medieval, one with two equal moldings at the top, the other with a square block." The double astragal is found especially in Ottonian art, in Trier and Echternach: in Trier with a thicker and a lighter member,*** in Echternach with equal moldings as in Cluny.’ The Trier painting of Pope Gregory in the famous Registrum Gregorii—a refined and masterly work— retains far more of classic feeling for the atmospheric and plastic; compare in particular the modeled pallium of the Saint, responding to the folds of the costume and body beneath, with the rigidly flat form in Parma. Yet in the latter the capitals, which appear to follow Ottonian models, are drawn with curled acanthus ending in a crocket as in advanced Romanesque and early Gothic buildings; while the master of the Trier painting draws the acanthus in flattened profile (Fig. 68). The conception of the scribe presenting the book to the bishop is also probably of Northern origin. The scribe in profile holding the book, the bishop enthroned frontally at the right, had appeared for nearly three hundred years in the numerous copies of the presentation miniature of

Rabanus Maurus’ De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis, originally a Fulda work of the early ninth century.”’” The same type, sometimes with bishop (or abbot) and patron saint as donor and recipient, is found nearer to the Cluny manuscript in time and place in the presentation page of 132. Cf. the Italian examples at S. Pudenziana, Rome (W. ture, ill. 84 (Perrecy-les-Forges, Sadne-et-Loire, archivolt), Paeseler, “Die rémische Weltgerichtstafel im Vatikan,” Kumst- 93 (Neuilly-en-Donjon, Allier, tympanum), and Berzé-lageschichtliches Jahrbuch der Bibliothek Hertziana, 11, 1938, Ville, archivolt in fresco of St. Blaise (Mercier, Les primitifs fig. 316) 5 the painted wooden panel of the Last Judgment in francais, pl. 23). The fluted columns and pilasters appear in the Vatican (zdid., fig. 277) 3 a fresco in the crypt at Aquileia Burgundy at Autun, Cluny, Avallon and elsewhere. (Mercier, Les primitifs francais, pl. 58); the fresco of the 135. The square block appears between capital and column Birth of St. John at S. Pietro in Tuscania (Ch.-A. Isermeyer, in a fresco at S. Pudenziana, Rome, as a kind of pseudo“Die mittelalterlichen Malereien der Kirche S. Pietro in Tus- Ionic element (Paeseler, Jahrbuch der Bibliothek Hertziana, cania,” Kumnstgeschichtliches Jahrbuch der Bibliothek Herizi- 1, 1938, fig. 316), anticipated already in the painting

ana, Il, 1938, fig. 258); a fresco from Magliano Romano, of the Annunciation at S. Urbano alla Caffarella (Ladner, now in the Galleria Nazionale in Rome (E. B. Garrison, Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, 1931,

Studies in the History of Mediaeval Italian Painting, 1, fig. 72).

Florence, 1958, fig. 243); S. Clemente, Rome, frescoes of the 136. Cf. the Registrum Gregorii, miniature of Pope Greglower church; Rome, Bibl. Vallicelliana Ms E. 16, evangeliary, ory, Goldschmidt, German Illumination, u1, pl. 7.

Rome, early rath century (ibid., fig. 229); Monte Cassino, 137. Goldschmidt, German Illumination, 11, pl. 44. But Ms 99 (Fig. 51); Naples, Bibl. Naz. codex viil.c.4, Bene- see also Einsiedeln Stiftsbibliothek ms 151, s.xI.2 (DeWald, ventan (G. Ladner, “Die italienische Malerei im 11. Jahr- ART BULLETIN, VII, 1925, fig. 27) for the double astragal.

hundert,” Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen im 138. In Monte Cassino Ms 99, fol. 5 (Annunciation), the

Wien, N.F.V., 1931, fig. 19). more Byzantine hand draws capitals with curled leaves, but

133. For Italian examples, cf. S. Pudenziana, the Vatican they are as a whole less classic in form than those of the panel of the last Judgment, the Vallicelliana Ms E. 16, and Parma colophon painter or the Registrum Gregorii. See Janine Monte Cassino Ms gq, all cited in the preceding note. Wettstein, Sant’Angelo in Formis et la peinture médtévale en 134. For the egg-and-dart, see Porter, Romanesque Sculp- Campanie, Geneva, 1960, pl. 23, and Peter Baldass, “Disegni

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 39 the Egbert psalter in Cividale,“° written in Reichenau in the late tenth century, and in works from Echternach and St. Gall. Significant, too, in the Parma image is its place at the end of the text of Ildefonsus, where the colophon had been transferred from its position at the beginning of the book in the Le Puy copy. In the great Carolingian Bible of Charles the Bald, it is at the end that the monks of Tours are represented offering the book to the monarch;*? and this Northern custom is maintained in the display manuscripts made for the German emperors at Echternach in the eleventh century.” Some decades after the Parma Codex was illustrated, a painter at Cluny decorated the famous catalogue of the library of the abbey with a miniature at the end, showing a monk offering the catalogue to the abbot Hugo III (1158-1161).**

There is, however, in an earlier Italian manuscript an arresting parallel to the Cluny painting. It is a drawing of the presentation of a book to Saint Benedict in a homiliary of Monte Cassino (Ms 99) written in 1072 (Fig. 51)."° The resemblance is not only in the broad conception of the subject, with the standing monk at one side and the seated Benedict at the right; several features

of drawing and ornament, too, recall the Cluny miniature. In the architectural setting are the rectangular opening, the fluted and marbled columns with the astragal drawn as part of the column in the classical manner, and the egg-and-dart ornament.*** In the figures the draped surface of the lap and legs is divided into close-fitting, almond-shaped units and with these occur the nested V folds and the long parallel lines that shade and model the lower edge of the sleeve

and the back, as in the Cluny figures. ,

In discussing the history of the Rabanus presentation type, Prochno has conjectured that an image of Saint Benedict giving the rule to Maurus in a supposed Monte Cassino manuscript of della Scuola Cassinense del Tempo di Desiderio,” Bollettsno Amandi by Milo, a later 11th-century copy of a manuscript

d’Arte, XXXVII, 1952, Pp. 102-114, fig. 15. of 845-855: a monk gives the book to the enthroned Charles

139. See Prochno, Das Schreiber- und Dedtkationsbild, 1, the Bald, under an arch with spandrel towers (Schramm, Die pls. riff. and pp. xxiil and 16. A copy of the Rabanus text deutschen Kaiser und Kénige, fig. 30, and 1, p. 179). is listed in the 12th-century catalogue of the Cluny library; The example of a presentation picture at or near the end see Delisle, Fonds de Clunt, Paris, 1884, p. 358, no. 345 of a book in a South Italian work of the 13th century, the

(“mirabile opus ejus de laude crucis”). Manfred Bible (Vatican, lat. 36, fol. 522v), was perhaps in-

140. Prochno, Das Schreiber- und Dedikationsbild, pl. 32. spired by a Northern model. See Graf zu Erbach-Fiirstenau, Cf. also the presentation page of the Codex Egberti (Trier Ms Die Manfredbibel, Leipzig, 1910, pl. 1, and pp. 36ff. There 24) and the Gero Codex in Darmstadt (bid., pl. 28). Inter- are several examples of self-portraits of scribes in the coloesting for the Parma manuscript is the miniature of a scribe phons at the end of Italian manuscripts: an evangeliary in sitting beside the frontal Jerome in a tall and elaborate archi- Padua (B. Katterbach, Le Miniature dell’ evangeliario di

tectural setting in the gospel book in the Cologne Priester- Padova dell’ anno 1170, Vatican City, 1931, pls. B and seminar, H. Ehl, Die ottonische Kélner Buchmalerei, Bonn- xx11) and the epistolary of 1259 in the same city (B. Katter-

Leipzig, 1922, fig. 63. bach, Le Miniature dell? epistolario di Padova del? anno

141. St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek 390 (the Hartker antiph- 1259, Vatican City, 1932, pl. XLvr). onary, 986-1017, Prochno, Das Schreiber- und Dedtkationsbild, 144. The original has been lost, but it is described in a pl. 21). Cf. also London, B.M. Harley Ms 2908, from Augs- manuscript of the 17th century, Delisle, Fonds de Cluni, p. burg (?), zbid., pl. 40. The frontispiece with scribe and seated 337. The description is worth quoting for its suggestion of

frontal bishop appears in manuscripts of Einsiedeln in the resemblance to the Parma miniature: “Vetus catalogus roth and 11th century, see DeWald, aRT BULLETIN, VII, 1925, bibliothecae Cluniacensis tempore Hugonis abbatis factus, ut

fir. 33 (ms 167), fig. 31 (Ms 156). ex ejus imagine in ultima pagina repraesentata liquet; ibi For Echternach cf. Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 2196, evangeliary, videre est tam ipsum Hugonem abbatem quam monachum of-

ca. 1040, abbot Gerhard of Luxeuil presenting the book to ferentem illi librum, cum cuculla strictarum manicarum et St. Peter against a background of arches (Prochno, pl. 48); acuminati et angusti colobii seu caputii repraesentatos maniBremen, Stadtbibliothek, ms b. 21 (1039-1043), pericope of festissime.” Henry III, zbid., pls. 49, 50; Gotha, Landesbibliothek Ms 1. 145. Lhe abbot Desiderius, with square nimbus, introduces 70, Ca. 1100, tbid., pl. 55. I note here that the types of Gémez the donor, John, to Saint Benedict; at the latter’s feet kneels

writing and of the frontal seated bishop correspond to por- the scribe, Leo. I wish to thank Dr. Janine Wettstein of traits of Matthew and Mark (in episcopal dress) in manu- Geneva for the kind loan of her photograph and her perscripts of Trier and Echternach (Paris, B.N. lat. 8851, the mission to reproduce it. She has discussed this drawing in her Gospels of the Ste. Chapelle, Sauerland and Haseloff, Der dissertation (Sant?Angelo in Formis, pp. 116ff.). See also P. Psalter Erzbischof Egberts, pl. 50; the Gotha Codex Aureus, Baldass, Bollettino d’Arte, XXXVII, 1952, and Herbert Bloch’s

Goldschmidt, German Illumination, 11, pl. 44). important study in Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 111, 1946, p. 202. 142. W. Koehler, Die karolingischen Mintaturen, 1, Die 146. On the astragal and the egg-and-dart ornament, see Schule von Tours, Berlin, 1930, pl. 76 (fol. 423). page 37 above. This ornament alone, which is so common in 143. As in the Bremen pericope book of Henry III, fols. Italian painting of the period, is enough, I believe, to throw 125v, 126 (Prochno, Das Schreiber- und Dedikationsbild, pls. doubt on de Francovich’s view that the Byzantine current in

49, 50, and Goldschmidt, German Illumination, 1, pl. 52). France is entirely independent of Italian art. See his article Cf, also Valenciennes, Bibl. mun. ms 502, fol. 74, Vita Sancti ‘“Problemi della pittura e della scultura preromanica,” Set-

40) THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS the eighth century was the model of the first Rabanus miniature.’ But the examples which are preserved in manuscripts of the Rule of Saint Benedict from the post-Carolingian period are not as close to the Parma miniature as are the presentation figures of the Rabanus scene and the later German works that I have cited.** If the colophon master found his model in Italian art, it was a work already influenced by the Carolingian and Ottonian type.*” To distinguish the Italian and the Germanic-Burgundian in this manuscript of Cluny is therefore more difficult than at first appears. In Monte Cassino, too, there was, as in Cluny, a connection

with Ottonian art. The Emperor, Henry II, presented to the Italian abbey a richly ornamented book, made in Regensburg and now in the Vatican Library (Ottob. lat. 74), with miniatures in which I have noted similarities to the work of the Ildefonsus painter.*”° The initial ornament of Monte Cassino in the eleventh century, unique as it is, owes much to Northern art in its animal,

foliate, and interlace forms.*”*

timane ai Studio del Centro Italiano di studi sulValto medi- Gotiscalc of the Parma Codex in manuscripts of the Roman oevo, 11 (Spoleto, April 6-13, 1954), Spoleto, 1955, pp. school, e.g., Vatican lat. 6074 (Garrison, Studies, 1, p. 795

507ff., 516, 517. fig. 105); St. Nicholas’ crozier with foliate spiral end is like

147. Das Schretber- und Dedtkationsbild, pp. 16 and xxiii. Gotiscalc’s. For an early Italian example of a similar theme, cf. the minia- 149. See page 38 above and notes 139-143. ture in the goth-century Codex Juvenianus in the Biblioteca 150. See pages 21, 22 above and notes 14, 50, 51, 62 and Vallicelliana in Rome; the scribe at the right offers the book 75. On the presentation to Monte Cassino and the political to the elevated enthroned Saint Lawrence at the left (J. Braun, context, see Herbert Bloch, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 111, 1946,

Die liturgische Gewandung, Freiburg i.Br., 1907, fig. 125). pp. 177ff. 148. For other examples of presentation in Monte Cassino, 1s1. See F. von Baldass, “Zur Initialornamentik der cf. Cassinensis 175 (915-934) and 73 (1022-1032), Bloch, _ siiditalienischen Nationalschrift,” Anzeiger der philos.-hist. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 111, 1946, figs. 217, 218, ab- Klasse der kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, XLVI, bots offering books to Saint Benedict. If in the Monte Cassino 1911, pp. 290-298, and Bloch, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 111, miniatures, the receiving figure is in three-quarters view and 1946, pp. 202ff. asymmetrical, there are parallels to the frontally enthroned

CHAPTER XI

HE Italo-Byzantine style in Cluny—in fact the whole broad Byzantinizing current in Romanesque art—has been referred by several writers to the influence of the Monte Cassino school. Earlier than any of the Romanesque examples elsewhere is a manuscript of Monte Cassino, Vatican lat. 1202, with pictures of the Life of Saint Benedict (Fig. 56), written in the early 1070’s by the same scribe as Casinensis 99.° In its many painted illustrations the typical cloisonné divisions of the garment on the legs and arms are more pronounced than in the other book; almond-shaped, triangular and near-circular, they are modeled by patterned angular white lines as in the Parma colophon pictures. Here we see also another of the latter’s forms: the hem folded to show alternately its inner and outer sides. The posture of Gdmez—so monastic in feeling, with feet close together and with body bent at the waist and head—is a common stance in the Monte Cassino manuscript. In neither of these Italian books is there, however, a completely painted picture in the Romanesque or Ottonian sense; the Byzantine figure types are brought together on an empty ground in a loosely contrived setting, which is often unframed."** In this school, for a closed image with great expressive force one must turn to the stupendous frescoes of Sant’Angelo in Formis, where the new Byzantine forms seem to have been fused with a strong native Campanian art. But this

gyg))

native art was probably an outgrowth of an earlier phase for which an older Byzantine style, brought to Italy in the preceding centuries, had supplied the basic forms, as in the frescoes of Castelseprio and Volturno and later in the Exultet Rolls.* What is preserved in Monte Cassino from the last third of the eleventh century (admitting the incompleteness of a description limited to the miniatures, for the lost wallpaintings might have given us another view of the whole) depends on a development within Byzantine art since the end of the tenth century that was transmitted to other Western centers as well.*” The cloisonné forms of drapery and the modeling by geometrically patterned highlights are established features in the Menologion of Basil II (Vatican

reek Ms613)” I61 and in the in mosaics Luke a at ocis, a more provincial Greekwork.” work. Greek and th f ofSt.St.Luke Phocis, p 1 Greek

Even what appears to be a stylized, reductive Western treatment of the subtler Byzantine forms can be matched in Greek manuscripts of the eleventh and twelfth centuries.*°* The line between 152. The miniatures have been reproduced by M. Inguanez 4 la fin du Xe siécle,” Neue Beitrage zur Geschichte des I. and M. Avery, Miniature Cassinesi del secolo XI illustranti la Jahrtausends (Spatantike und Byzanz, Forschungen zur Kunst-

vita di S. Benedetto, Monte Cassino, 1934. They were per- geschichte und christlichen Archiologie, I, I, 1951, pp. 189haps copied from the gold antependium with scenes from the 190, figs. 51, 52) and his remarks in Byzance et la France life of St. Benedict ordered by Desiderius in Constantinople Meédievale, Manuscrits a P emtures du Ile au XVIe siecle. about 1068: Bloch, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 111, 1946, p. 201. Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, 1958, p. 62, no. 110. 153. In the presentation miniature, Fig. 56, the superposed « 155: The transmission has been studied by W. Koehler, arcaded buildings behind Benedict suggest an influence from Byzantine Art in the West,’ Dumbarton Oaks Inaugural

. Lectures, 1940,Ottob. Cambridge, Mass., 1941, pp..61-873; Vatican .in Pacht, anGarrison, * abs . . Studies, 111, pp. 206, lat. 207; and 74. Otto Pacht, Dodwell, 154. It is this earlier art of Monte Cassino and the Bene- ? )

‘ . andreproduced Wormald, The in St. Albans Psalter, pp. 122-125, ventan school that .was several drawings in apl.. 143. « . £ the i € saint tt + St. Martial in 156. For its date, 979-984, see S. Der Nersessian, ‘“Re-

manuscript of the wp, ° BN ° written at of same d marks on the Dating of the Menologion and Psalter of Basil Limoges about he ft ans, 1 5 at. peer th can J” a Il,” Byzantion, XV, 1940-41, pp. 104ff. The cloisonné system not only from the figure style ut also from the associate is already apparent in some figures in Paris, B.N. gr. 510, intrusive ornament of one of the initials (Q, 300v) with con- dated 867-886 (cf. fol. 7s, the Transfiguration, D. T. Rice,

torted, excited beasts; cf. fols. 196, 236v, 279V (Thomas) 7,, 4ry of Byzantium, New York, 1959, pl. 85). and 3o0ov (the Matthew symbol) with Vatican lat. 9820 157. E. Diez and O. Demus, Byzantine Mosaics in Greece. (Exultet Roll from Volturno) and Rome, Casanatense 724 Hosios Lucas and Daphni, Cambridge, Mass., 1931. See also B.1.13, both of the roth century (Myrtilla Avery, The Exultet the lesser known frescoes of the crypt: O. Morisani, “Gli Rolls of Southern Italy, Princeton, 1936, II, pls. CXLI, Affreschi dell’ Hosios Lukas in Focide,” Critica d@’Arte, 1X, CXLVI, cx!I). Jean Porcher has derived these drawings of 1962, pp. 1-17. To the same current, related to Italo-Byzantine Limoges from a Byzantine work such as the Peter on the ivory art, belong the frescoes of St. Sophia at Ochrid in Western cover of the gradual of Henry II in the Bamberg library; Macedonia. see his article “Les ivoires byzantins et ’enluminure limousine 158. Cf. the lectionary in the Pierpont Morgan Library,

42 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS the Byzantine and the Western is therefore unclear; at least it is not as distinct as is often supposed. One should note, too, that the new current in Byzantine art, which was the source of the Western forms that we are considering, was not the only Byzantine manner in the eleventh century. Another style, more voluminous and classical in form, was practiced at the same time (it may be found in

some pages of the Menologion of Basil II)*® and was also imitated in the West, as in certain manuscripts of Regensburg in the first half of the eleventh century, though with little effect

on the general trend of contemporary Western art. As early as 1066 the abbot Desiderius (1057-1087) of Monte Cassino, later Pope Victor III, had begun to import artists and works of art from Constantinople for his great enterprise of rebuilding and decorating the abbey church, and incited the young artist-monks to learn from the Greek masters. In assimilating the noble foreign style, the native artists schematized further the canonic formulas of drawing, modeling and lighting, and reduced their subtleties to more obvious and sometimes more forceful shapes and contrasts. But they retained the aristocratic slenderness of the Greek figures even in the monastic types. During the second half of the eleventh century other Western centers beside Monte Cassino received the new Byzantine art. In Germany the Greek forms seem to have reached the Bavarian and Rhenish schools directly from the East or possibly from Venice. In 1070 the monks of S. Paolo fuori le mura in Rome, whose abbey had been reformed by Cluny, obtained from Constantinople bronze doors with figures in Byzantine style.“ And toward 1100 the frescoes of the underground

church of San Clemente in Rome show a masterful handling of Greek forms in a local style of great elegance, with beautiful silhouettes and surface pattern and a new power of representing the contemporary ecclesiastical scene in its ceremonial and festive aspect. In slightly later paintings in Santa Pudenziana in Rome and at Nepi and in Roman manuscripts,’ the recently imported Byzantine drapery forms are translated into large rhythmical linear schemes around a kernel space, which become standard for this phase of Romanesque art throughout Western Europe. The appearance of related versions of the Italo-Byzantine style in widely separated Western centers around 1100—in the Stavelot Bible of 1097, in the frescoes of Saint-Savin, in the Cluny lectionary and the Ildefonsus Codex, in manuscripts of Angers, Limoges, Dijon, and some German schools—requires that we consider the practice of this art in Cluny not so much as the © outcome of a unique influence from Monte Cassino, but as part of a broader European movement resuming an older attraction to the superior Byzantine art. We may assume that Cluny was important in promoting this style in France. That both Rome and Cluny owe these forms to Monte Cassino is impossible to say at present with certainty; the disappearance of the frescoes of the church built by Desiderius has deprived us of the most essential evidence. Given the close ties of Rome and Monte Cassino, is it not more reasonable to describe their styles as variants of a single Roman-Campanian art, resting on a common culture and the renewed economic and political

relations with Byzantium in the course of the eleventh century? With its growing strength the Roman clergy found in Byzantine art an appealing visual expression of its own ideals of authority, nobility, and spiritual power. For Cluny, at any rate, Monte Cassino during this period was less MS 692 (Catalogue of the Exhibition of Illuminated Manu- Early Medieval Painting, p. 208.

scripts, New York, 1934, pl. 36) and the Vienna National 161. See Th. Preston, Jr. The Bronze Doors of Monte

Library Ms Suppl. gr. 164, dated 1109. Cassino and St. Paul’s, Rome, Princeton, 1915. The abbot of

159. Il Menologio di Basilio II (Codice Vaticano greco SS. Paolo f.l.m. in 1070 was Hugo’s friend, Hildebrand, ho

1613), Torino, 1907, pls. 50, 61, 365, and passim. had visited Constantinople that year and was later to become 160. Cf, Munich lat. 4456, the Sacramentary of Henry II Pope Gregory VII. (1002-1014), Goldschmidt, German Illumination, 11, pls. 72- 162. Cf. Rome, Bibl. Vallicelliana ms £E.16 (Garrison, 75, and Swarzenski, Regensburger Buchmalerei, pls. vil, vill, Studies, 111, figs. 226-229); Vatican, Barberini lat. 587 (Sta. especially the modeling of the head and hands of Gregory, Cecilia Bible), zbid., 111, 1, fig. 113 Florence, Bibl. Laur. PI. and the figure of Christ in the mandorla. There was also a 17.27, an evangeliary from S. Cecilia, Rome, #d7d., fig. 10, strong Byzantinizing trend in the manuscripts of Cologne and pp. 18, and 11, fig. 22, and the Vatican panel of the Last JudgMainz in the early 11th century. See Nordenfalk and Grabar, ment (see note 132 above).

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 43 significant than Rome, to which Cluny was subject and from which it received exemption from local episcopal control. Cluny’s increasingly centralized order and European outlook in the second

half of the century perhaps made her more receptive to the Byzantine style. In the eleventh century Cluny’s aims were supported by the popes, who shared with Cluny the conception of a disciplined church under a single head and independent of secular control. The period of adoption of the Italo-Byzantine style in Cluny coincides with the rule of Pope Urban II (1088-1099),

a former prior of Cluny. ,

The painting of the Pentecost (Fig. 37) in the lectionary (Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq. lat. 2246) is a revealing document of Cluny’s Roman outlook. Christ and Peter are united by a common central axis, a conception unusual in the picturing of the subject before this time.* In Byzantine art Christ does not appear in images of the Pentecost, nor is Peter singled out among the apostles

through a favored position." In the West, where Peter is often central, Christ is generally absent in this scene;**’ and where He does appear, as in the Drogo Sacramentary, Peter is offcenter.“ The formation of the Cluniac image may be reconstructed from a few surviving works as an original synthesis of Italian and Northern types. On an ivory box made for Monte Cassino in 1071 or 1072, which later came to the abbey of Farfa, a house near Rome that had been reformed by Cluny, the Pentecost, like the accompanying scenes of the life of Christ, is Byzantine in some details; but the enthroned Christ is set above the heads of the apostles and the dove descends from a hand beneath his feet.**’ The same type, with Christ in a medallion, is found on an icon in the monastery of Mount Sinai; it has been attributed by its recent editor to Palestinian

art of the seventh century, a monastic tradition independent of the Byzantine." In Cluny this conception was fused with another that had arisen in France in the ninth century. The miniature of the Pentecost in the Drogo Sacramentary shows Christ above the apostles, with the rays and the dove issuing from his hand as well as from the isolated hand of God the Father, undoubtedly to affirm the “filioque” of the Western doctrine of the procession of the Holy Spirit, which divided the Latin from the Greek church.*® In later art, this counter-Byzantine aim has disappeared and Christ alone is represented as the source of the rays."”® The synthesis of the Carolingian and the Palestinian-Italian monastic types, with a dominant Peter, is probably the work of Cluny; it culminates in the grandiose tympanum of Vézelay, where Peter is subordinated. In the lectionary miniature the conception of Christ—a bust with extended arms—is like that of God in Creation scenes in Italian art.*” 163. On the iconography of the Pentecost see L. Réau, 1958, figs. 17, 19, pp. 34) 35. This icon reflects a type known Liconographie de Part chrétien, 11, 2, Paris, 1957, pp. §91ff., through one of the Monza ampullae, with an enthroned with bibliography, a disappointingly meager account. The Christ, a hand, rays, dove, and standing apostles and Virgin. dissertation of Stephan Seeliger, Die Ikonographie des Pfingst- 169. This doctrine may account for the two phials in the wunders, Munich, 1956, has not been available to me. beak of the dove in the Baptism scene in the Benedictional of 164. For the Pentecost in Byzantine art, see A. Grabar, St. Ethelwold (975-980); Grabar and Nordenfalk, Early

“Le schéma iconographique de la Pentecdte,” Recueil d’Etudes, Medieval Painting, p. 180. : Seminarium Kondakovianum, Prague, 1928. 170, For other examples of Christ as the source in the

165. Cf. A. Goldschmidt, Die Elfenbeinskulpturen, 1, Ber- Pentecost, cf. the Sacramentary of Limoges, Paris, B.N. lat. lin, 1914, no. 27 (“Ada” school); St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek 9438 (cited in note 166 above); the manuscript of the New MSS 338, 340, 341, Merton, Die Buchmalerei in St. Gallen, pls. Testament from Verona (13th cent.), Vatican lat. 39 (Ga80, 81; the Nuremberg-Gotha Codex Aureus from Echter- vette des Beaux-Arts, LXV, 1923, vol. 2, p. 37); and a manunach, Metz, Das goldene Evangelienbuch, pl. 86; the Egbert script from St. Trond (E. G. Millar, The Library of A. Ches-

Codex, Trier Ms 24, fol. 1033 etc. ter Beatty, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Western Manu166. Boinet, La miniature carolingienne, Paris, 1913, pl. scrépts, Oxford, 1927, 1, pl. 68c). 88. In the sacramentary of the Cathedral of Limoges, Paris, 171. Cf, the lost Roman fresco reproduced by Wilpert from

B.N. lat. 9438, fol. 87, there is no apostle directly below an old drawing in the Vatican library (Die rémischen MoChrist; see L’art roman &@ Saint-Martial de Limoges, Catalogue saiken und Malereien, Freiburg i.Br., 1916, U, p. 597, fig. 241)

de Exposition, Limoges, 1950, pl. xxt1. and the mosaic in Monreale (O. Demus, The Mosaics of 167. See H. Bloch, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 111, 1946, Norman Sicily, London, 1949, fig. 93). Other examples are in pp. 208ff. and fig. 252. There is no central apostle here; the the Bible of St. Vaast, Boulogne, Bibl. Mun. ms 5, fol. 13 apostles are divided in two separate groups, as later in the Moulins, Bible of Souvigny, fol. 4v; Bible in the John Ry-

Limoges manuscript, Paris, B.N. lat. 9438. lands Library, Manchester (R. Fawtier, La Bible historiée tout

168, G. and M. Sotiriou, Eikones tes Mones Sina, Athens, figurée de la John Rylands Library, pl. 454). There is a simi-

44 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS The inscription on the band across his arms, “Ecce ego mitto promissum patris mei in vos,” from Luke 24:49, has suggested to scholars that the scene is not a Descent of the Holy Spirit but rather Christ Appearing to the Apostles after his resurrection and promising the future Pentecostal descent of the Spirit, as described by Luke.*” The prominent rays and other features make that interpretation improbable. The position of Christ does not agree with the account in Luke: “Jesus himself stood in the midst of them... . He showed them his hands and his feet” (24:36, 40). The rendering of the bust of Christ in a medallion above the sitting apostles is hardly a medieval way of representing Christ appearing among the apostles. It conveys rather the transcendence of Christ, his heavenly position, with respect to the event on earth, as in a miniature in a Lombard manuscript of the thirteenth century (Vatican, lat. 39) where Christ is enthroned in a mandorla above the apostles who receive the rays as in the Cluny lectionary.** On a side door at Vézelay the scene of Christ’s appearance among the apostles after the Resurrection shows Christ standing among them, as we would expect.’ In the Cluny lectionary the gesture of Peter pointing to his book alludes, I believe, to his long speech on the occasion of the descent of the Holy Spirit,

reported in Acts 2, in which he refers to the gift of tongues by the Holy Spirit as the fulfillment of a prophecy of Joel.*” In reply to the mockers, “Peter lifted up his voice and said to them: This is what was spoken by the prophet Joel: And it shall come to pass in the last days, says God, I will pour out of my spirit upon all flesh; and your sons and daughters shall prophesy, your old men shall dream dreams, your young men shall see visions” (Joel 2:28). And continuing, Peter

speaks directly of Christ’s promise: “Therefore being by the right hand of God exalted, and having received of the Father the promise of the Holy Ghost, he has shed forth this which you now

see and hear” (Acts 2:33). The Cluniac miniature not only depicts the Descent of the Holy Spirit but, following closely the text of Acts 2 and in particular Peter’s explanation of the miracle, indicates that the Descent of the Spirit is doubly a fulfillment, first of the Old Testament prophecy and then of God’s promise."”° The artist has assigned to Peter, who was also the patron saint of Cluny, a central place as the one who first understood and explained the apostles’ mission. The prominence of Christ and Peter in this scene gives vivid expression to the idea of the reforming papacy that Peter (and hence the pope) is the “vicartus Christi?" lar Christ in the second Bible of St. Martial of Limoges, of the Pentecost (leaving no place for Peter in the center Paris, B.N. lat. 8, vol. 1, fol. 91 (L’art roman & Saint-Martial below Him) fuses in a highly original way the outpouring de Limoges, pl. 27). The extended arms of Christ in the Last of the Holy Spirit and the powerful transcendent Christ who Judgment at S. Angelo in Formis and at Berzé-la-Ville seem is shown in a mandorla and among the clouds, His head to be connected with this type, but are perhaps independent — rising through the break at the crown of the tympanum. In a

of the latter, since they may be understood through the North French manuscript of the 11th century, Paris, Arsenal specific content alone. But the gesture of Christ on the Ms 592, in a scene which is unquestionably Christ’s Reaptympanum of Vézelay, though motivated by the subject, is pearance to the Apostles after the Resurrection (fol. 105),

more likely to have been influenced by a model like the minia- He floats above ground, a full standing figure with arms out-

ture of the Cluny lectionary. stretched as on the cross, above and among the apostles; there

172. See A. Fabre, “L’iconographie de la Pentecéte,”’ Ga- are no rays. Below this scene is a painting of the next episode, vette des Beaux-Arts, LXV, 1923, pp. 33-42. His view, in op- the Doubting Thomas.

position to E. Male’s reading of the scene as the Descent of 175. The text of Joel 2:28, quoted by Peter in Acts 2, the Holy Spirit, has been accepted by several scholars (cf. Mer- was a reading in Cluny during Pentecost-see Albers, Concier, Les primitifs francats, pl. 99, E. Kitzinger, ART BUL- suetudines Monasticae, 1, p. 77.

LETIN, XXXI, 1949, pp. 277, 278, n. 49) and is now canon- 176. The “Ecce” prefixed to the promise in Christ’s inized in Réauw’s L’iconographie de Part chrétien, 11, pp. 567ff., scription, replacing the “Et” of Luke 24:49, indicates that 592, where the versions in Vézelay and the Limoges sacra- it is the fulfillment, the Pentecostal outpouring of the Spirit mentary, as well as the Cluny miniature, are interpreted as _ itself. the Mission of the Apostles or Christ’s Promise and not the 177, See Michele Maccarrone, “Vicarius Christi, Storia del Pentecostal Descent of the Spirit. Seeliger, according to Réau, titolo papale,” Lateranum, N.S. xvi11, Rome, 1952, pp. 94, 95)

supports Male’s view. for the use of the expression “vicarius Christi” for the pope 173. Reproduced in Fabre, of.cit., p. 37. Cf. also the minia- by Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny, and earlier by Peter

ture in the Limoges sacramentary, cited in note 166. Damian, the friend of abbot Hugo. ~

174. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ill. 50, the tympanum The frequent rendering of the Liberation of Peter from of the North door of the narthex. It is mistakenly called an Prison (‘Petrus in vinculis”) in Cluny and its priories, as “Ascension” by Porter. The adjoining central tympanum at in the miniatures in Paris, B.N. lat. 1087 and N.A. lat. 2246, Vézelay could hardly have been intended then as an image of and on capitals at Vézelay and Moissac, may be connected Christ’s reappearance which was already represented on the with Cluniac supprot of the papacy, struggling with its secside door. Christ’s presence among the apostles in the scene ular opponents. In 1079 Pope Gregory sent to Alfonso VI, the

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 45 The Roman source of the Italo-Byzantine style in Cluny is confirmed by the character of another work of this trend in Cluny, the greatest of all: the frescoes of Berzé-la-Ville, a little priory near Cluny where the abbot Hugo often stayed and conducted affairs in the last years of his long life.*”°

The surviving paintings of the apse (Figs. 44-48) were done by an artist of great conviction who was able to realize with impressive force figures of spiritual authority that revive for us the

ideal physiognomy of the Gregorian reform. Here the Italo-Byzantine style appears as a power- , ful means of expression, with a grandeur of rhythm and scale that ennobles the single figures and the whole composition. Details of ornament that in the Parma miniatures rival the figures in interest are marginal in the frescoes and of far less weight. The forms and ornament of the great surmounting dome and towers in the miniature (Colorplate 11) reappear surprisingly at Berzé-la-Ville inverted on a vase at the spring of the arch soffit, from which issues a narrow band of foliage." The conception of the painting of the apse-vault on a blue ground, with a clear gradation of figures from the giant central Christ to Peter and Paul and the apostles, to the lesser figures of Lawrence and Vincent, and finally to a pair of unknown bishop or abbot saints who are cut at the knees (Figs. 45-47), recalls the traditional mosaics of the Roman basilicas. In Berzé the hierarchically ordered whole has a more compact and dramatically focused aspect; the rhythm of arched lines and the contrasts of size are like the compositions of the great Romanesque sculptured tympana. The series of busts of male and female martyrs below and the martyrdoms of Vincent (or Lawrence) and Blaise (Fig. 48) have been interpreted by Grabar as an additional sign of direct dependence on Roman art.** I do not doubt that the style has close connections with Rome—the similarities to the paintings in Santa Pudenziana seem to me sufficiently strong evidence—but the choice of saints is not a convincing proof. While listed in the Roman martyrology, these saints are

also in the old Cluny calendar, and beside them are others like Denis and Quentin who are obviously French. Vincent was specially honored at Cluny and so was Blaise. Even the unusual Consortia and Florentia appear in the Cluny calendar and in a Cluny lectionary of the lives of saints.”*"

The relations of the Berzé painter to Italian art are a problem that calls for further study. It is hard to agree with the opinion expressed by Deschamps and Thibout that already formed Spanish patron of Cluny, a golden key containing filings of 180. Romanesque Painting, pp. 106ff. Saint Peter’s chains (Gregory, Register, vil, 6). But the same 181. The Cluniac calendar and litany in the 11th century theme is also represented in a miniature of ca. 1000 from the can be reconstructed from various Cluniac manuscripts: Cathedral of Autun (Paris, Arsenal Ms 1169) and on a_ Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 2246, 2261, 2390 and lat. 13371, with

Romanesque capital in that cathedral. lives of saints, and the Consuetudines of Bernard (B.N. lat.

178. On his residence at Berzé see H. Diener, in Newe 13875) and Udalricus (N.A. lat. 638). For Denis and QuenForschungen tiber Cluny und die Cluniacenser von J. Wol- tin, see B.N.N.A. lat. 2246, fols. 153v, 166v; Dorotheus and lasch, H.-E. Mager und H. Diener, hrsg. von G. Tellenbach, Gorgonius appear in 13875 (fol. 180v, fol. 83—Sept. 9), Flor-

Freiburg, 1959, pp. 369, 371-373. The oldest document entia in the litany in 13875, fol. 84, Consortia in N.A. lat. dates from 1093 (Bruel, Recueil des chartes, no. 3666). See 2261, fol. 26v. In the Consuetudines of Udalricus, composed Diener, pp. 414, 415, for a large list of monks and priors in the 1080's, is noted the feast: “In depositione Consortiae who were with Hugo at Berzé-la-Ville, as evidenced by their virginis” (Migne, Pat. lat., cxLix, col. 654); in the earlier signatures on documents drawn up in Berzé during the last Cluniac Consuetudines “Farfenses” (ca. 1040-1049), the feast

fifteen years of Hugo’s life. days of Consortia and Florentia are singled out together in On the paintings, see Mercier, Les primitifs francais, pp. 23- sequence (Albers, Consuetudines Monasticae, 1, p. 81), and the 80, pls. 1-65; Koehler, Dumbarton Oaks Inaugural Lectures, Gospel readings for their feasts are of Matthew 25, the parables 1940, pp. 61-873; Deschamps and Thibout, La peinture murale, of the wise and foolish virgins and of the merchant, which

pp. 89ff.; E. W. Anthony, Romanesque Frescoes, Princeton, pertain to the kingdom of heaven and the Last Judgment. 1951, pp. 135ff., figs. 271-276; A. Grabar, “Peintures Five of the six female saints at Berzé carry lamps. The choice murales, notes critiques,” Cahiers Archéologiques, V1, 1952, of these saints, as of the lamps, need not depend then, as pp. 185, 186; Grabar and Nordenfalk, Romanesque Painting, Grabar thinks, on Italian models. The painting of the wise

pp. 103-109, with colorplates. virgins occurs, as he observes, already in the gth century in 179. Cf. the baptismal font in a painting at Sta. Pudenzi- Gorze, near Metz, later a focal point of the Cluniac reform.

ana, Rome, for related forms (Ladner, Jahrbuch der kunst- I wish to thank Mrs. Jane Rosenthal for verifying the historischen Sammlungen in Wien, 1931, fig. 52; Anthony, manuscript references for me. Romanesque Frescoes, fig. 79).

46 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS French artists, accompanying Hugo on one of his trips to Italy, could by observing Italian painting have absorbed so much of the foreign style.** I have been unable to find in Berzé, at least in the figures of the apse vault, as pervading a trace of native Burgundian art as in the colophon minia-

tures. Apart from the ornament, which includes several motifs of the Parma Codex and which might be the work of an assistant,’ the forms at Berzé that appear elsewhere in Burgundy are either Italian or Byzantine or so generally Western that one cannot infer from these alone the native region of the painter.*** There is, however, something of the élan of the Romanesque sculptured portals of Burgundy in the free partitioning of the painted wall and in the artist’s bold violation of the architectural form—he carries down the painted edge of the apse arch diagonally across the side wall instead of vertically along the piers.**® Besides the eruptive effect of Christ’s hands, feet and halo crossing the mandorla, which reminds us of the great Christ of Vézelay, there are the apostle’s feet treading the ground line and the executioner’s arm and sword breaking the edge of the frame. But this freedom in monumental design 1s a Western trait that can be found in Italian churches since the early Christian period and was still practiced there in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. A deeper study of French and Italian painting of the period about 1100 is needed before we can distinguish fully the Italian from the native Burgundian elements in the art of the master of Berzé-la-Ville. Professor Grabar, who regards him as French, would place his work at least fifty years later than the accepted date.**® The style, according to Grabar, is too advanced for 1100 but agrees with the Romanesque stage of Italo-Byzantine art in the second half of the twelfth century, and surely not before 1150."*" His comparison of the frescoes with mosaics of the apses of San Clemente and Santa Maria in Trastevere in Rome and also with Sicilian mosaics dated after 1148 seems to me mistaken. I do not find their distinctive features in the frescoes, which look to me much closer to paintings of the earlier Roman school, like those of San Clemente, Sant’Elia at Nepi, and the oratory of Santa Pudenziana.*** On the other hand, the similarity of intimate detail to the Cluniac manuscripts (the Parma Codex, the Cluny lectionary in Paris and the Montreal leaf) makes it clear that the frescoes are contemporary with these works which, because of the accompanying script and ornament, cannot be dated after the beginning of the twelfth century. The relation of the painter of the Cluny lectionary to Roman art and his place within the Italianate 182. La peinture murale, pp. 89ff. Oursel, in Bulletin his Romanesque Painting, pp. 103-109, where he dates the annuel des Amis de Cluny, 1x, Cluny, 1955, pp. 1-8, thinks Berzé murals “mid-12th century (?)” on p. 108. He that the painter was an Italian. A more likely author of the argues that the style is based on the art of the Comnene Berzé fresco, I believe, is a Burgundian artist taught early dynasty, and that “it is difficult to believe that the influence in his career, if not from the start, by an Italian master. of this style could have reached far-away France before the 183. The complex palmette and scroll ornament on the middle of the 12th century.” But there is a letter of Peter upper molding of the dado is like that of the borders of the of Cluny, written to John Comnenos, in which the abbot re-

Parma Codex, fol. 18v, 19, 72Vv. calls to the Byzantine emperor that his father Alexis (1081-

184. E.g., the big rosettes on the band at the base of the 1118) gave many gifts (“precious ornaments”) to places apse vault and on the chasuble of the bishop saint at the across the sea, including Cluny and its dependent abbey of La lower right of Christ appear in 1650, fol. 102v (Gotiscalc) | Charité-sur-Loire (Pat. lat., CLXxx1x, cols. 260-262). Grabar’s

and in the Montreal miniature (Fig. 50). The acanthus collaborator, C. Nordenfalk, ibid., p. 190, places both the rinceaux on the vault and the interlaced spirals are like the frescoes and N.A., lat. 2246 after the Parma manuscript, withinitial ornament of the Parma Codex. Note also the vase with out proposing a more definite date. Oursel, Bulletin annuel des rosette and acanthus ornament on the soffit at Berzé. The per- Amis de Cluny, 1x, 1955, defends the early dating. spective meander of 1650 occurs there below the apse windows 187. His view has been accepted by Garrison, Studies, 11,

(Mercier, pl. xv), but this is a widespread motif in mural p, 42, n. 3. painting since the 9th century. Another element, found also 188. On Sta. Pudenziana, see Mercier, Les primitifs franin the Parma Codex, fol. 1o2Vv, is the forked foliate end of the —¢ais, pls. XLVvIII, XLIx (but the Italian works look provincial

spiral on the crozier of one of the abbots at Berzé, like beside those at Berzé); cf. also the frescoes of S. Pietro, Tos-

Gotiscalc’s crozier. canella (Tuscania), Garrison, Studies, 111, fig. 239, p. 199, 185. On this feature of Romanesque art, see my remarks and Isermeyer, Jahrbuch der Bibliothek Hertziana, 1, 1938, in “Uber den Schematismus in der romanischen Kunst,” figs. 255, 256 (Peter cycle), 263 (Ascension), 268 (angel of Kritische Berichte, 1932-33, pp. 1-21. In 2246, the angel apse); the frescoes of the old Lateran Palace chapel, Entombof the Annunciation, the Christ of the Pentecost, the cross ment of St. John the Evangelist (Garrison, 11, 4, pp. 18off., of the Crucifixion, and Saint Mark’s scroll all break through figs. 195-202); and Vatican lat. 12958, the Pantheon Bible, ca.

their frames; cf. also the bull in the Montreal miniature. 1100. 186. Cahiers Archéologiques, 1952, pp. 185, 186. See also

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 47 group in Cluny are difficult to state precisely. While sharing so many features with the frescoes, his forms have another accent and rhythm than those of the apse vault of Berzé-la-Ville, where the folds have become in places great whorls of arbitrary lines around an almond-shaped core. Are these differences purely individual variations of a common style? Or does the miniaturist proceed from another current in the common Roman art, perhaps from a specialized tradition of manuscript painting? In the Cluny lectionary, differences among the miniatures, too, suggest that all may not be by one hand; but if the Crucifixion looks weaker than the Pentecost and is possibly by another painter, it is still too close to Italian art to be attributed to a Burgundian assistant twice removed from the foreign source. Unmistakably Italian in the pattern of the naked torso,’ the conception of Christ on the cross (Fig. 38), with the feet descending below the ground line of the attending figures, is like that of Italian Romanesque crucifixes where Mary and John are placed together on one side of Christ as in the Cluny miniature.” This painting has several features in common with the Italianate pages of the Parma Codex, and even with those of the Ildefonsus master. The borders of gold, silver, and purple belong to the same artistic milieu; the division of the frame of the Crucifixion into little compartments with varying motifs occurs also in the Parma Codex,” and we find among these motifs the curious form that appears in the latter on the column in Fig. 1. In the posture of Christ, the arms and hands are distinctly Germanic; the gesture of the Virgin, too, comes from Northern art.’ But these details might have appeared in an Italian style already saturated, like the initial ornament, with Northern types. In the Montreal miniature (Fig. 50), which is probably the work of the lectionary painter, we discern many similarities to the colophon master. The evangelist holds his pen exactly like Gomez and the edge of the desk is scalloped as in the Parma page, though on the outside. His seat is of the same type as Gotiscalc’s in shape and ornament. The scroll, curved and rising, repeats a form that is found in the Berzé fresco as well as in the Cluny lectionary,*” but recalls also the floating or descending scrolls in Germanic portraits of the evangelists."** *”°

From these relationships it appears that the painter of the Parma colophon responds to more than one Italianate artist in Cluny. He is like the chief painter of the Cluny lectionary in some details of folds and like the Berzé master in others. He combines the clossonné lighting of the first with the parallel lines along the contours in the fresco; but these lights are more broken and varied, even capricious in form. His figures are shorter and heavier and more rigidly symmetrical 189. For a detail of the torso, see Mercier, Les primitifs Northern form of the arms and hands of Christ appears in

francais, pl. 97. the fragmentary fresco at Doméne (Isére), a Cluniac priory

190. Cf. E. B. Garrison, Italian Romanesque Panel Paint- dedicated in 1058; Deschamps and Thibout, La peinture ing, Florence, 1949, pp. 183ff., nos. 456ff. and especially no. murale, fig. 9, p. 49. 459 (Sta. Chiara, Assisi, crucifix), and E. Sandberg-Vavala, 193. Cf. the scrolls of Peter and Paul in Berzé (Figs. 45, La croce dipinta italiana, Verona, 1929, figs. 15, 51, 45, 56, 46) and the bust of St. Mark in the lectionary, fol. 7yov (Fig.

58, 66, 67, 78, 79, 82, 92, 97) TOT, 112, 407, ete. 39). For a similar scroll, cf. the Moses on the tympanum of The two angels above the cross are an Italian feature of La Charité-sur-Loire (Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ill. 115). Byzantine origin. They appear in the fresco of S. Urbano alla 194. Cf. Mainz, Dombibliothek ms 974 (s.x1), Mark and Caffarella, Rome (1011; Ladner, Jahrbuch der kunsthistorisch- Luke; St. Omer, the enamel and copper Mosan base of a en Sammlungen in Wien, figs. 75, 76) and on the Farfa ivory cross (J. Braun, Meisterwerke der deutschen Goldschmiedebox (1071-1072, from Monte Cassino; Bloch, Dumbarton kunst, Munich, 1922, 1, pl. 51); and the Eilbertus altar in Oaks Papers, No. 3, 1946, fig. 250). Probably Italian, too, is Vienna, ibid., pl. 64. the gabled form of the field of the miniature of the Dormition 195. The feet of the Montreal evangelist are curiously like of the Virgin in the lectionary (fol. 122v; Mercier, La peim- those of a figure in a Trier manuscript, Paris, B.N. lat. 8851 ture clunysienne, pls. Civ-cv1). It is typical for Italian wood (Goldschmidt, German Illumination, 11, pl. 11). The scalloped panels with the enthroned Virgin and Child. Such a panel is arcature of the seat, which is like that in 2246 (and unlike the represented at Assisi in the Giottesque fresco of an episode at Parma Codex, where the arches of the footstool rest on distinct the funeral of Saint Francis. For preserved examples, mainly dwarf supports as in Byzantine art), is a favorite motif of the Tuscan and of the 13th century, see Garrison, Italian Roman- Master of the Registrum Gregorii (cf. Goldschmidt, German

esque Panel Painting, pp. 78ff. Illumination, 11, pls. 7, 8, and our Fig. 68; and Nordenfalk,

| 191. On fols. 8off. (figs. 24, 25x, y, 26h, i, 1, x, y, 27w). Miinchener Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, 1, 1950, figs. 9, 10, 192. Cf, the Bavarian manuscript, Bamberg, Staatsbibl. 13, 14). Lit. 2; Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, fig. 65. The same

48 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS than those of the other Italianate artists; and he elaborates the breaks in the folds beyond expressive and mimetic needs for their interest as a complex pattern, as he does with the lights.**° The same T-shaped motif of white lines that we find in 2246 and Berzé along the brow and nose, with a light dot above the nose, is also applied by the colophon painter. In the Parma Codex, however, the dark dot between nose and mouth is more as in the Cluny lectionary than in Berzé, where this spot is attached in the Byzantine manner to the line of the nose.**’ The eye and brow in the latter are more fully arched and closed than in the corresponding form of both the lectionary and the colophon miniatures. In this expressive detail we may see, perhaps, an example of the basic difference of sentiment in the graver, more concentrating art of the Berzé master. These peculiarities in the use of Greek conventions make it probable that the colophon painter depends more on a miniaturist, who might have been the lectionary painter or his teacher, than on the

author of the frescoes. ,

The reverse possibility, that the painter of the lectionary formed his style by purifying the art of the colophon master, seems to me unlikely.*’* (The script of the Parma Codex, we shall see later, is more advanced than that of the lectionary; but this argument is not conclusive for dating— since old and young scribes worked in the same scriptorium together.) If contemporary, I think it more likely that the colophon painter acquired the Byzantine forms from the painters of the lectionary and of Berzé-la-Ville (or their Italian teachers) and set them in a whole bedecked with native ornament and architectural detail. Most interesting for the question of the links between the Parma Byzantinizing miniatures and Italian art is the fact that there were at Cluny around r1oo at least three, if not four, painters who worked in an Italo-Byzantine manner. Their differences and similarities are hard to evaluate for judging their relative age and distance from the parent Italian style. The master of the lectionary, we have seen, is not just a pupil of the Berzé mural painter; the Parma miniaturist is distinct from both, while agreeing with them in many elements of his art. Whether one attributes the Montreal leaf to the lectionary master or to another painter with the same tradition, it confirms the general unity of the school at Cluny by its close relation to both the frescoes and the colophon miniatures in different details. For the presence of an Italian artist in Cluny there is an indirect literary indication. In the decade after Hugo’s death a great Bible of remarkable beauty was made at Cluny by three men, Albert of Trier, Peter the Librarian, and Opizo.”*® The first of these must be the scribe, Albert the German, who was close to Hugo and accompanied him at Berzé where he signed a charter in 1107.” Opizo is an Italian name, and Peter may well be French.” The collaboration of these three is in the spirit of Cluniac art of the time, when Germanic, Italian and native forms were combined. . The library of Cluny possessed several manuscripts of this period that were imported from Italy and show an Italian variant of the Germanic initial ornament of the eleventh century.”” 196. Cf. Gomez’s right arm in the Parma Codex, fol. 102Vv, 198. This is the view of Carl Nordenfalk, Romanesque with Lawrence at the left in Berzé (Mercier, Les primitifs Painting, p. 190, who says that the style of the Parma painter francais, pl. 38; less clear in our Fig. 45) and Gémez on fol. (B) appears again “in a somewhat more developed form” in 102, with the same Lawrence, with the Montreal figure and the miniatures of 2246 and the frescoes of Berzé. with an apostle at the left of the Pentecost in 2246 (Fig. 37). 199. See Marrier, Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, col. 1645.

In general, the colophon painter, while working on a much 200. See Bruel, Recueil des chartes, v, nos. 3862, 3869, smaller scale than the artist of Berzé, is more detailed and 3873. He signs himself “Albertus Teutonicus.” graphic; this is evident in the execution of the same motif: the 201. The “Petrus Armarius” who helped Albert is probItalian egg-and-dart, which is handled more broadly in Berzé ably the same scribe who wrote the charter published by

(Mercier, Les primitifs francais, pl. 23). Bruel. Recueil des chartes, Vv, no. 3798, dated 1100, and

197. It is attached to the nose line at Sant’Angelo in signed himself “Petrus Cluniacensis ecclesie armarius.” It is

Formis (Grabar, Romanesque Painting, pp. 35, 38), but is not indicated in the colophon of the Bible, however, that any placed between nose and mouth in the frescoes of S. Pietro, of the three men was a painter or illuminator. Civate (zbid., pp. 24, 27) and in some miniatures from Rome, 202. Cf, Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 1458, Jerome on Ezekiel

as in the interesting homiliary, Vatican lat. 1267-1270. (no. 193 of the mid-12th century catalogue of the Cluny

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 49 We may suppose that when Hugo undertook to build the new abbey church of Cluny in 1088, on a scale rivaling that of St. Peter’s in Rome, he invited to Cluny several painters from Italy, where he had traveled in 1083 and had seen the new magnificence of Monte Cassino.’ In this Campanian center, the birthplace of Benedictine monasticism, with which Hugo then established confraternity, he could admire not only works ordered from Constantinople by the abbot Desiderius, but also the products of immigrant Greeks who had helped to form a native group of monk-artists at the urging of the same abbot Desiderius. The rebuilding of Cluny, began in 1088 under Hugo, was perhaps inspired by the sight of the new church of Monte Cassino, consecrated in 1071. There are, we have seen, significant similarities between the art of the colophon master and the manuscripts made under Desidertus. But the style of Berzé is not of the Cassinese type, and study

of the lectionary and the Parma book convinces me that the likeness to Monte Cassino is too broad or incidental to justify the view that these works depend directly on the Campanian center. More plausible is the idea of a Roman source, which has already been discussed. It is supported by the detailed resemblance of the Byzantinizing art in Cluny to Roman frescoes and manuscripts and it is intelligible in the light of the close relations of Cluny with the papacy and her old and persistent interest in several abbeys and priories in Rome.*™ If we assume that there were at Cluny around 1100 several artists painting in the Italo-Byzantine manner, whether Italians or taught by Italians, we can understand better not only the diversity of the works in Cluny, but also the varied character of those Italianate forms elsewhere in France and especially in Cluniac abbeys. I have referred before to related styles in Burgundy at Citeaux after about 1110°” and also at St.-Benigne in Dijon;** we find them in a number of manuscripts from Limoges of the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries,” at St.-Savin in the frescoes, and in manuscripts from Angers.”

In the Bible from St.-Martial of Limoges (Paris, Bibl. Nat. ms lat. 8) are striking parallels to Hand B of the Parma Codex, clearly the work of painters who had studied the style of an artist like the Colophon master (Figs. 52-54).°°° The first initial of the book (vol. I, fol. 1), it is interesting to note, is framed with panels of ornament that strongly suggest the borders of the Parma manuscript, designed by the Ildefonsus painter. The miniature of Jerome standing before Damasus in the preface to the Pentateuch (vol. I, fol. 4v; Fig. 52) recalls the page of Gémez and Gotiscalc in Parma. The painted calligraphic white lights on the leg of Gémez have become a complex drawing of hatched black lines of varied pattern—a clear example of the translation of the neo-Byzantine painting style into a Romanesque technique of drawing. In another miniature, library, Delisle, Fonds de Cluni, p. 103); N.A. lat. 1439, pendencies in the North of Italy. Ambrose on Luke (no. gs of the old catalogue, zbid., pp. 45, 205. See Oursel, La miniature du XIle siécle, cited in note

46). In N.A. lat. 1491, p. 268, the ornament of the initial 8 above. I has a decidedly Italian appearance. Italian manuscripts of the 206. Cf. Montpellier, Bibl. de la Faculté de Médecine, H late 11th and early 12th century appear also in the remains 30, fol. 165; Nordenfalk (and Grabar), Romanesque Paintof the libraries of Cluniac houses, e.g., Moissac (Paris, Bibl. ig, p. 155 (colorplate).

Nat. lat. 2213, Gregory on Job, and lat. 3862, Burchard’s 207. Paris, B.N. lat. 8, 1987, §296A. Canons) and St.-Martial of Limoges (lat. 2056, Augustine, 208. Cf. Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 1390, life of St. Aubin, ca.

City of God). 1100, and Amiens, Bibl. mun. Fonds L’Escalopier Ms 2,

203. Hugo’s visit to Monte Cassino in 1083 and the re- psalter of late 11th century; V. Leroquais, Les Psautiers manusulting confraternity of the two abbeys (recorded in the scrits latins des bibliothéques publiques de France, Planches,

Chronicon Casinense, lib. 111, Migne, Pat. lat., cLxx111, col. pls. xxv, xxvi (pls. xx111, xxiv of the same manuscript are in 790) are ignored by Prof. G. de Francovich who, in rejecting a more linear Romanesque style). I have noted a trace of the the supposed influence of Monte Cassino on Cluniac art—an in- Italo-Byzantine in nearby Vendéme, Bibl. mun. Ms 193, fol.

fluence that has been assumed by others on insufficient 2Vv.

grounds—also denies any significant contact between the two 209. On lat. 8, see J. Porcher, in the Catalogue de PExpoabbeys under Hugo. See his article cited in note 146 above, sition, L’Art Roman a Saint-Martial de Limoges, Les Manu-

pp. 507i. scrits & Peintures, no. 33, pp. §1-58, 66, 67, pls. XV-XVII,

204. Perhaps painters called from Italy to Cluny by abbot figs. 20-23. Porcher ignores the Italo-Byzantine factor here, but Hugo painted the interior of the church in 1088-1100, while in the catalogue of the exhibition, Byzance et la France Médtétheir native pupils produced the miniatures and the frescoes vale, Bibliothéque Nationale, 1958, p. 64, no. 115, he writes: of Berzé-la-Ville. A possibility that I have not explored for “Byzance y est présente, mais sans doute par l’entremise arabe lack of documents is the mediating role of the Cluniac de- d’Espagne”——a judgment that I do not understand.

50 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS in the preface to Joshua and Judges (vol. I, fol. 81), Jerome sits writing on a scroll held upward (Fig. 54), as in the Cluny lectionary, the Montreal leaf, and Berzé; here we see also the nested V folds and the long lines parallel to the contours of arm and sleeve—-other devices of the ItaloByzantine style. I have no doubt that in St.-Martial, which had been subject to Cluny since 1063, there were available before 1100 several works in the Italo-Byzantine manner of the mother house and that these works already showed the diversity of its practice at Cluny. In a Limoges manuscript of Saint Augustine on the Psalms (Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 1987; Fig. 58), which may be earlier than the Bible (lat. 8), the Italianate style is broader, more painterly and spontaneous, and suggests rather the hand of a fresco painter. In a manuscript of the Life of Saint Martial (Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 52964) we meet another offshoot of the Cluny style, heavily charged with ornament in the lighting of the drapery (Fig. 55).° A few features—the drawing of the brow hairs under the tonsure, the modeling of the head by white lines along the brows and wrinkles, the form of the brows and eyelids—are enough to betray the painter’s source in a work of the Italo-Byzantine current.”* That his models included a miniature like the painting of GOmez in the Parma Codex (fol. 102) appears not only in the details already mentioned, but in the accessory objects: the leafy growth at the base of the writingtable, the marbled columns, the caps and bases with curled leaves, the curtains, the bead ornament of the seat. Their connection with Cluny is confirmed by the modeling of arms and legs with the cloisonné forms and lighting. The Limoges painter has absorbed the foreign elements into a style which was essentially linear, flat, and minutely ornamented. The big gold bands of the costume— immense patches of brilliance—repress the convex forms beneath and make an independent restless pattern that is unsculptural and inorganic and is seen with the bands in the architecture overhead. On a smaller scale, the flicker of the little units of masonry, tiles, windows, and arches, is taken up in the lights on the costume and the curtains, and on the seat and columns, What remains large and sculptural amid the ornamental detail in the Cluny miniature has disappeared in the Limoges painting, where the dense hatchings of white on the draped body have little if any sense

as modeling.”™ ,

In all these French works the Italian forms have become more schematic, linear and ornamental than at Cluny, but in some instances looser and more impulsive in brushwork. In Italy, too, the Byzantinizing style shows a great range of qualities, with more or less schematic forms and reductive features.”** But for none of the other French works would one raise the question, as for Berzé and the Cluny lectionary, of a possible Italian authorship; their French Romanesque char-

acter is evident in numerous details that connect them with the native tradition. They suggest, however, that if Cluny was the original point of diffusion in France, there must have been two, if not more, variants of the Italian style available at Cluny around rroo. At Stavelot also, where the Byzantine forms in the Bible of 1093-1097 are probably independent of Cluny, at least two types of Byzantine style are reflected in the miniatures." Before I conclude this study of the Byzantine factor in Cluniac painting, I must call attention 210. Garrison, Studies, 11, pp. 42, 43, connects it with manuscript, B.N. lat. 743, a breviary—beside initials of the Monte Cassino, and places it in the early 12th century. Cluniac Ottonian style. In the catalogue of the exhibition of Limoges, p. 66 (see 212. In other Limoges miniatures—e.g., in lat. 8—the note 209), Porcher says that this may be the volume hatched white lines emerge from a solid white highlight, a written under the direction of Adémar de Chabannes, a monk device that appears also in the paintings at Berzé-la-Ville.

of Limoges who lived ca. 988-1034. The script, the orna- 213. An example is Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, Pluteo ment and the painting are clearly no earlier than the end of 17, 27, fol. 6v (Matthew writing), a Roman evangeliary of

the 11th century. the early 12th century—Garrison, Studies, 11, p. 38, fig. 22211. See Garrison, Studies, 11, fig. 172 and p. 163, for a which may be compared with the Angers manuscript, B.N.N.A. comparison with the much later Casanatense Bible, cod. 721 lat. 1390. (his figs. 170, 171). The initial ornament of lat. 5296a in- 214. See H. Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art, cludes blossoms with “sprung” and curled petals of Byzantine Chicago, 1955, figs. 224, 225, 251, 252, 356. type. Similar foliate ornament appears in another Limoges

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 51 to its presence also in the work of the Ildefonsus master. What is Byzantine in his art, however, comes only in small part from the Italian current; certain elements have been transmitted through older Western tradition, and even through Ottonian art.

The small miniatures of the prophets inserted in the text (Figs. 18, 19, 29) recall in their place and format the Byzantine practice of representing busts of prophets and saints, often in isolated medallions, within the text or on the margins close to the passages that refer to them.”” I do not know of so extensive a use of such bust portraits in the text of Western manuscripts before this time. The conversion of the circular medallion to a square or more complex rectilinear frame is in the spirit of Romanesque art, with its taste for fractioned and composite forms and its openness to the accidental in designing frames.”° Similar portraits had appeared outside the text in Ottonian manuscripts, where effigies of rulers and personifications, formerly enclosed in medallions, were set in squares at the corners or cardinal points of a frontispiece frame.”"’ In a Bavarian manuscript of the eleventh century the busts of the twelve apostles in rectangular frames are aligned in two vertical rows beside a central figure of Christ, a conception that was probably derived from a Byzantine plaque with superposed busts of the apostles in medallions or divided oblong strips.”*°

The parallel thin white lines on the parts of the costume bounded by dark folds seem to be of Byzantine origin (Figs. 3-7). Are they a sign that the newly imported Italian style at Cluny was already affecting the older native Romanesque? These serried lines are not designed for modeling as in the Byzantine practice. In most figures they are barely luminous; yet in spite of their decorative surface character they suggest the contemporary Italo-Byzantine method. One should not forget, however, that before this time Carolingian and Ottonian art showed a similar streaking of lines of light, sometimes in gold, inspired by older Byzantine art.”° In Hand A’s work it is not applied alike to all figures. In the Christ in Glory (Fig. 21) we see a broader patching of light with an effect of true modeling; and on other pages (e.g. on the secular figures in Fig. 14) are long parallel streakings of light, sometimes comb-shaped, which are more pronounced than the short thin lines of white on the monks’ costumes and resemble the streaks of light on certain figures in the Menologion of Basil II.” This variety is typical for the late eleventh century in the West, when a heritage of different styles from the preceding development, from late antiquity onward, provided a repertoire of types and elements for the artist’s choice. In the

Parma Codex the parallel lines of light, both the minute and the larger kind, may be a newly acquired feature, for they are absent in the first four miniatures and appear regularly in those that follow, though with unequal delicacy—perhaps introduced by the artist from a German model in the course of work, and after observation of the paintings of a fellow artist of the Italo-Byzantine trend. 215. Cf. Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, Cod. E.49-50 inf., 219. Cf, the manuscripts of the Carolingian Court school homilies of Gregory Nazianzus (K. Weitzmann, Illustrations (“Ada”) in Goldschmidt, German Illumination, 1, pls. 37, in Roll and Codex, Princeton, 1947, fig. 105) 3 cf. also Paris, 40, 43, 11, pl. 184; the fresco of the Descent into Limbo in B.N. gr. 923, the Sacra Parallela of John of Damascus. S. Clemente, Rome, Anthony, Romanesque Frescoes, fig. 51; 216. Note in 2246, fol. yov (Fig. 39) a bust of St. Mark Reichenau manuscripts, Goldschmidt, o.cit., 11, pl. 6 (Codex in a square which is broken by the halo and the scroll; at Egberti), pl. 188 (Gero Codex), 11, pl. 32 (Vatican, Barberini the base the frame is dented to make way for the capital V _ lat. 711), and the Pericope Book of Henry Il, Munich lat. below. A question: is the cutting of the figures at the thighs 4452, Grabar and Nordenfalk, Early Medieval Painting, p. and knees in 1650 (Figs. 11, 18, 19) connected with the 204 (colorplate) ; from France: Pierpont Morgan Library Ms similar cutting of the smaller figures in the apse painting at 641, from Mont St. Michel, H. Swarzenski, Monuments of Berzé-la-Ville (Figs. 45-47)? Such a treatment appears later Romanesque Art, fig. 174, and Paris, B.N. lat. 9436, sacra-

in Italian Romanesque tympana and in German art. mentary of St. Denis, V. Leroquais, Les sacramentaires et les 217. Cf. Paris, B.N. lat. 1os01, sacramentary of Trier missels, Paris, 1924, pls. 31, 32. Very close to the Parma (later in Metz), Goldschmidt, German Illumination, 11, p\, Miniatures are the thin white lines of light in the Vyserad 153 lat. 8851, ibid., pl. 16; Manchester, John Rylands Li- Coronation gospels of ca, 1085, a work of the Bohemian brary, MS 98, zbid., pl. 16, all from the school of Trier. school strongly influenced by Bavarian art, H. Swarzenski and 218, Munich, Staatsbibl. lat. 9476, a gospel book from J. Kvét, Czechoslovakia, Romanesque and Gothic Illuminated

Niederaltaich (Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, fig. 20). Manuscripts, Unesco, New York, 1959, pl. 1v; cf. also the Bange, p. 30, cites other examples in Darmstadt Ms 1946, a St. Vitus gospels in Prague Cathedral, zbzd., pl. x. missal of the Echternach school, and a Reichenau carving in 220. See Il Menologio di Basilio II, pls. 5, 9, 43, ete. Paris,

52 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS In that same miniature of Christ in glory another feature of East Christian origin, which undoubtedly came to Cluny from the pre-Romanesque art of Northern Europe, is the iconographic conception: the mandorla, with two arcs symbolizing heaven and earth as seat and footstool, and Christ with the blessing hand at his breast and the other hand holding the closed book on the upper edge. This posture gives compactness to the figure and accords with the outlook of this sober

monastic artist; just as the other medieval type of Christ, with extended hand blessing and commanding, often attracts artists who display in their work a more impulsive, outgoing nature. All these elements of the image of Christ in glory, which are known in early Christian and Byzan-

tine art," had reached the West by the ninth century and were transmitted repeatedly in the successive vogues of the Byzantine during the Middle Ages, appearing often as thoroughly assimilated types with little if any trace of Byzantine style in the rendering.” They are especially common in Germany in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.” A little detail in the Cluny miniature suggests dependence on a German source at some point in the line of descent: the dots that fill the background in the mandorla—a familiar feature in

German wallpainting during this period.** Yet this element appears also in the mandorla of Christ at Berzé-la-Ville. In the Parma Codex the dots have lost the old Byzantine star pattern

which is still visible in Berzé.”” : ,

221. For the mandorla with arc see Walter Cook, “The zenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art, fig. 20); fresco of Earliest Painted Panels of Catalonia,” ART BULLETIN, VI, 2, 959, Sta. Maria delle Fratte, near Carpignano, S. Italy (N. H.

1923, pp. 16ff.; cf. the ampullae of Monza and Bobbio (A. Westlake, History of Design in Mural Painting, London, Grabar, Les ampoules de terre sainte, Paris, 1958, pls. vil, Oxford, 11, 1905, p. 63, pl. LxxIv); Charlieu, tympanum, Xxx1II); the mosaics of Hosios David and Hagia Sophia, West door (Berger, OP Cth fig. 73, Porter, Romanesque Salonica (R. Berger, Die Darstellung des thronenden Christus Sculpture, ill. 4)5 Dijon, Bibl. mun. Ms 132 (Oursel, La

in der romanischen Kunst, Reutlingen, 1926, fig. 57); the “”#ature du XIle siécle, pl. xLv); Tuscan sacramentary, |

Zo& mosaic in Hagia Sophia, Istanbul (1028-1043; Rice, Pierpont Morgan Library, ms 737 (Garrison, loc.cit.) ; Calci

Art of Byzantium, pl. 133 and colorplate x111); the mosaic missal (ibid.). hf h dorl “ch th of the Ascension, central dome, S. Marco, Venice; the mosaic Note that both teatures—the mandoria with the arc and . the Christ with blessing of.cit., hand at thefig. breast—occur of the Last Judgment, Torcello (Berger, 115). , together a.;

. ° . ope ee > °

For th £ Chri £ the L q a Vati in Morgan Ms 737, the Calci missal, the Citeaux manuscript, or the type of Arist, ci. the Last Ju gment in Vatican Dijon 132, and the Limoges enamel plaque in the Musée de

gr. 699, Cosmas Indicopleustes (Berger, of.cit., fig. 59); a Cluny, Paris relief in S. Marco, Venice (ibid., fig. 50); the mosaic in Tor- 223. For the mandorla, cf. Munich lat. 4456, Sacramen-

cello (zbid., fig. 46). tary of Henry II (Goldschmidt, German Illumination, uy, pl. 222. For the mandorla with arc in Western art, cf. Lon- 72) 3 Madrid, Codex Aureus from Speyer (made for Henry don, Brit. Museum, Stowe MS 944, Liber Vitae, Winchester, III at Echternach, 1043-46; zbid., 11, pl. 57); the Bamberg 1016-1020 (E. G. Millar, English Illuminated Manuscripts Apocalypse, fol. ov; Vienna MSs 791 (Swarzenski, Salzburger Xth-X11Ith Century, Paris, Brussels, 1926, pl. 25a); Brit. Malerei, fig. 71-from Mondsee) ; Bamberg, Ms Lit. 2, from Museum, Harley Ms 2928, fol. 14v, from Solignac, s. x11 in.; Freising (Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, fig. 63) ; and many |

ivory carving, Rouen, s. x1 (Berger, Die Darstellung des other works reproduced by Berger, Die Darstellung des thronenden Christus, fig. 31); Dijon, Bibl. mun. Ms 132, ‘thronenden Christus, figs. 67 (Knechtsteden, fresco), 86 Jerome on Daniel (Oursel, La miniature du XIle siécle, (Alpirsbach, tympanum), 108 (Freckenhorst, baptismal font), pl. xtv); Limoges enamel plaque, Christ in Majesty, Paris, 109 (Burgfelden, fresco), 116 (Reichenau-Oberzell, fresco), Musée de Cluny; Tournus, crypt, fresco (Mercier, Les prim- etc. itifs francais, pls. LXXI, LxXxl11); Rome, S. Clemente, fresco For the Christ type, cf. the Madrid Codex Aureus from of the Ascension (847-853); Monte Cassino, codex 175m Echternach (see above); Vienna ms 791 (see above); the (915-934), Rule of St. Benedict (Ladner, Jahrbuch der kunst- early stone relief at St. Emmeram, Regensburg (Berger, historischen Sammlungen in Wien, 1931, fig. 62); Tuscan op.ciét., fig. 1); fresco at Schwarzrheindorf (ibéd., fig. 11). sacramentary, New York, Pierpont Morgan Library Ms 737, Note that both features appear together in the Echternach fol. 86 (E. B. Garrison, Studies, 1, 1954, p. 178, fig. 279); Codex Aureus of Henry III, in Vienna 791, and on an ivory Calci missal (zbid., fig. 276); Parma, Baptistery portal (Ber. | book-cover in Braunschweig (dbid., fig. 33).

ger, of.cit., fig. 22); Burgo de Osma, Beatus on the Apoca- 224. Cf, the frescoes at St. George, Oberzell-Reichenau lypse, 1086 (J. Dominguez Bordona, Cédices Miniados (Berger, of.cit., fig. 116), Burgfelden (ibid., fig. 109), Espanoles, Catdlogo, Madrid, 1929, pl. 23~-an influence from Knechtsteden (Clemen, Die romanische Monumentalmalerei in

the North, probably from France). den Rheinlanden, fig. 187), Tournus, crypt (Mercier, Les For the type of Christ which goes back to a late classical prismitifs francais, pls. LXXI, LXxII!).

secular image like the figure of Probianus on the Berlin 225. For the traces of stars on a blue ground, originally diptych from Werden (H. Schnitzler, Rheinische Schatzkam- filled with glass or metal, in the Berzé mandorla, see Clemen,

mer, figs. 160, 161), cf. Rome, S. Maria Antiqua, fresco Die romanische Monumentalmalerei, p. 650, n. 16 (re(Grabar and Nordenfalk, Early Medieval Painting, p. 48); ferring to the original publication by Lex and Martin in the Carolingian Gospels of St.-Médard de Soissons, Paris, B.N. 1895). For stars in the mandorla, cf. the mosaic of the Aslat. 8850, initial Q (Berger, of.cit., fig. 36); a Carolingian cension at S. Marco in Venice, the Bobbio ampulla (Grabar, ivory carving in Berlin (idid., fig. 27); the gold cover of Les ampoules de terre sainte, pl. xxx111), a miniature from the Codex Aureus, Munich lat. 14000, ca. 870 (H. Swar- Reichenau in the New York Public Library (a gospel manu-

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 53 On the same page the conception of the four symbols, with heads turned back to gaze at Christ, — is a French Carolingian invention that synthesizes older Eastern and Western types.”* In Byzantine as in early East Christian art the four beasts are centrifugal, moving outward from the man-

dorla, like the horses of the Sun in classic imagery; while in Italy another early Christian type, with the four beasts turned in profile to Christ as if in adoration, is maintained throughout the Middle Ages—the exceptions are borrowings from Northern art.” In Parma the awkward repeti-

tion (instead of the expected symmetry) of the postures of lion and bull is adapted to the presence of the saint in prayer at the lower left. Yet we find this odd form on an old drawing of the tympanum of Cluny.” The deviation also had a precedent in the repeated parallel postures of the two beasts (as distinguished from a true symmetry) on canon tables in gospel manuscripts of the eleventh century in Bavaria.” The placing of Ildefonsus in prayer below Christ in glory is typically Western, although combined with Byzantine features in the figure of Christ. In the West, since the ninth century, and often in the tenth and eleventh, even humble monastic figures were brought into the field below the heavenly Christ. In a miniature of the St. Gall school in Einsiedeln, ca. 900, the scribe kneels in prayer beneath an enthroned Christ.’ Contemporary with the Parma Codex, a Benedictine monk is drawn in prayer before Christ in majesty in the Volturno chronicle, a work that like the Parma manuscript has both Northern and Italo-Byzantine forms.” In the page from Cluny the Byzantine, Carolingian, and Ottonian elements have been fused into a distinctly Romanesque and even Burgundian whole, to judge by its similarity to the other works of the region. There is in the figure of Christ an aspect of the constructed and monumental, an accentuation of the axes of the body in contrast to the curves and angles of the surrounding forms, that is akin to the new stone sculpture of Burgundy, which has, however, a more expansive line. The older tympanum at Charlieu, from the period before 1100, offers a parallel in the conception of Christ.” script of the 1oth century), the tympana of Moissac and and the lion turns his head back to see Christ (the whole reConques, etc. The figure of Christ had already been painted versed in the print). Sagot patterned his drawing perhaps on a starry ground in the gth century on a vault of St. Faron on the central tympanum of Chartres. See Mercier, Les primat Meaux (Deschamps and Thibout, La peinture murale, itifs francais, pl. LXvil.

p. 16). : 229. Bange, Bayerische Malerschule, pls. 2, 21, 28, 395 49, 226. On the types of the four symbols, see my article: “Two 52.

Romanesque Drawings in Auxerre and Some Iconographic 230. Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibl. cod. 17 (Merton, Die BuchProblems,” Studies in Art and Literature for Belle Da Costa malerei in St. Gallen, pl. 33, no. 13 Prochno, Das Schreiber-

Greene, Princeton, 1954, pp. 338, n. 36, and p. 344. und Dedikationsbild, pl. 19). Cf. the posture of Ildefonsus 227. Where they face Christ in Byzantine art, as in Parma, with the kneeling king in the Munich Prayer Book of Charles Pal. ms 5, fol. 5—a Greek gospel manuscript of the 11th or the Bald, Prochno, of.cit., pl. 3 and the following examples. 12th century—one may infer a Western and probably an There is a close resemblance to the kneeling king at the feet Italian influence. The symbols carry books and in the same of Christ in Majesty in the Echternach Codex Aureus from miniature the four evangelists are shown writing, with Peter Speyer in Madrid, written for Henry III (1043-1046), Gold-

and Paul and two figures of the Old Testament. schmidt, German Illumination, 11, pls. 57, 58. The Christ

228. See R. Berger, Die Darstellung des thronenden figure is related to the Christ in our miniature. For the king Christus, fig. 72 (lithograph by Sagot). In Professor Conant’s kneeling at the feet of Christ in a mandorla, see also the restoration of the tympanum (see Joan Evans, Cluniac Art miniatures in the prayer book of the young Otto III (made for of the Romanesque Period, Cambridge, 1950, fig. 20, and archbishop Willegis of Mainz, 975-1011) in the library of K. J. Conant, “Mediaeval Academy Excavations at Cluny,” the Counts Schénborn in Pommersfelden, cod. 2940, reproSpeculum, XXIX, 1954, p. 41, pl. xvc), the beasts are shown duced in Grabar and Nordenfalk, Early Medieval Painting, facing each other, on the uncertain authority of a poor en- pp. 209-210. graving dated by Conant (Speculum, 111, 1928, pp. 4o1ff., 231. Vatican, Barberini lat. 2724, fol. gv; Christ sits on fig. 1) before 1810, when the church was demolished. The the arc in a mandorla. form in Sagot’s lithograph of the tympanum appears also in 232. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, 1923, ill. 4; R. Berger, his version of the painting in the apse of Cluny, where man Die Darstellung des thronenden Christus, fig. 73. and eagle face each other, the bull turns away from Christ

CHAPTER XII

THE PARMA CODEX AND BURGUNDIAN ART HAT is native in the two styles of the manuscript? How are they related to the con-

\ \ } temporary Burgundian art? I shall not try to characterize the art of Burgundy in general. It has several different currents as well as stages, and we must admit that we know too little of the regional art of the tenth and eleventh centuries to be able to say what is native. The effort to place the styles of the Parma Codex more precisely within the varied whole of Burgundian art would pose new problems and take us beyond the limits of this study. But I shall consider here several relationships that illuminate certain features of our manuscript and of Cluniac art as a whole. To neither the Ildefonsus nor the Colophon master can we apply the familiar characterizations of Burgundian art built on such highly individual works as the capitals of Cluny, the great tympana of Vézelay and Autun, or the initials of the Bible of Stephen Harding from Citeaux. Whatever stylistic principles and details of form are shared by these works and the miniatures of the Parma Codex, the latter lack the intensity of feeling and the awakening to nature that animate the most original Burgundian art of this time. We are not surprised that in the manuscripts of Cluny the paintings are accompanied by initials with an older spiral foliate ornament, while artists elsewhere, even in Cluniac abbeys, overwhelm the initials with an exuberant imagery of the bestial, the demonic and grotesque, amazing in its spontaneous violence of movement. The spirited drawing of the early Cistercians, their dramatic rendering of action, their wit and drélerie, are inconceivable in the ceremonious art of the two Cluniac painters. In expression these correspond rather to Cluny’s conservative outlook, although their forms include advanced features of drawing, modeling and composition. The first hand borrows from a phase of German Imperial art, but its stable regular construction makes us think that qualities of more recent French art are latent in the France of 1100, at least in the disciplined conventual world of Cluny. The other hand, assimilating the Byzantine forms diffused from Monte Cassino and Rome, responds to Cluny’s Italian ties, while adopting also details of form that come from the German sphere. Empire and papacy, as the twin supports of Cluniac ideals, engaged Cluny in a policy of reconciliation when these prime powers of Western Christendom conflicted. In their somewhat impersonal acceptance of the foreign German and Italian forms, both artists were faithful to Cluny, the institution. But this account of the matter is hardly complete, for in Berzé-la-Ville and the Paris lectionary the Italianate style has a greater purity and expressive force. And the capitals of the choir of Cluny,

as works of architectural relief, belong to another sphere of artistic development than do the manuscripts and wall paintings and pose altogether new problems of form. Monumental sculpture, the most powerfully creative art of that time, was a field unknown or undeveloped in the preceding German and Italian schools. Figure carving in stone was not only a revived classic tech-

nique which the lay sculptors emulated after study of the abundant remains from the GalloRoman past; it called for a larger scale of artistic conception suited to the rapidly advancing architecture, and in turn endowed this architecture with a new face, in accord with the increased plasticity and expressiveness of the building mass—a speaking face that was addressed to the outer world and that affirmed through a legible imagery the presence of the spiritual church as a guiding integrating force. 233. This is clearly stated by Raynaldus, abbot of Vézelay Pat. lat., CLIX, cols. 903, 904, in speaking of Hugo’s role in and later archbishop of Lyons, in his Vita Hugonis, Migne, the conflict between Henry IV and Pope Gregory VII.

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 55 The programs of stone sculpture on portals, cloisters, and the interior of the church had an immensely stimulating effect on art. Compared to older sculpture in precious metals and ivory, stone carving was virile and secular, of greater impact, and imbued with something of the inventive spirit and daring of the new arts of building; its practitioners, who were most often lay artisans, open to nature and common life, brought into their work more of everyday experience. In Burgundy there existed in the eleventh century—outside Cluny, and in Cluny, too—styles of drawing on which the sculptors and painters of the next generations could found their more intensely gestural art. In the manuscripts from St.-Bénigne of Dijon, of the mid-eleventh century, are figures with elaborately spun folds and angular bodies (Fig. 62) that anticipate the web of lines in the great Romanesque tympana.””* A lectionary of the first half of the century from Cluny preserves a drawing of the martyrdoms of Peter and Paul, with the flying folds and the rich zigzag of pleated hems that were so favored in the twelfth century (Fig. 63).”° We may suppose that similar styles also governed some of the mural paintings of that time. The beautiful capitals from the choir of Cluny seem to he outside this tradition of complex line; they are built upon a sparser, more static type of post-Carolingian art which the sculptor infused with a new naturalness and grace in transposing the forms to high relief. Yet certain characteristic forms of the capitals, like the concentric folds of the thighs and legs, may be found not only on the great tympana of Vézelay and throughout the sculpture of the Burgundian region, but also in those rigid figures of the Ildefonsus master that we have compared with German art. Perhaps if we knew more of the art of Cluny during the eleventh century than what has survived in a few manuscripts of minor quality, the works of the period around 1100 would seem to us less isolated and uncoherent as a group. That there was at Cluny an art of monumental sculpture and painting earlier in the eleventh century can be inferred perhaps from the old accounts of the destroyed cloister and church of Odilo.** A drawing of a crowned Christ on the margin of a page in Paris (Bibl. Nat. ms Nouv. Acq. lat. 1455, fol. 112v) may be a copy of a mural painting of the eleventh century (Fig. 69); its tall figure and air of energy, its strong lines, which have also a suggestion of the Byzantine, set it apart from all that we learn about art in Cluny from the surviving miniatures and sculptures.”"’

I have implied that several characteristics of the first style of the Parma Codex can be found 234. Cf. Paris, B.N. lat. 11624 and 9518; the latter is model in which both objects were in gold. dated 1031-1046, since it was given by the abbot Halinardus. Although such details of the beard as the spiral and circular See my article: “A Relief in Rodez and the Beginnings of lines resemble the forms in B.N.N.A. lat. 2246-cf. the apostles Romanesque Sculpture in Southern France,” Studies in West- of the Pentecost and the Saint Mark (Figs. 37, 39)—the ern Art, Acts of the Twentieth International Congress of the drawing, with its rapid cursive line, depends for its Byzan-

History of Art (September 1961, New York), Princeton, tine aspect on another and earlier model than the Italo-By1963, pp. 40-63. Cf. also Montpellier, Bibl. de la Faculté zantine style that underlies B.N.N.A. lat. 2246; note, for de Médecine, ms 76, fol. 81 (Ambrose), for a drawing of the example, the clavus on the right shoulder and breast and the

Trinity and four angels, with traces of Byzantine forms, meander of the edge of the tunic at the neck.

probably of Burgundian origin. It was probably done in the middle or just after the middle

235. Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 2390, fol. 32. It suggests a con- of the 11th century, at the same time as the text. In several nection with the art of St. Gall; see Merton, Die Buchmalerei features it resembles _the drawing of the Martyrdoms of in St. Gallen, pls. 55-58, and Goldschmidt, German Illu- Peter and Paul in Paris B.N.N.A. lat. 2390 (Fig. 63), which mination, 1, pl. 72. Mlle. M. Th. D’Alverny informs me that is of the first half of the century. The eyes, the drawing of the marginal notes in this manuscript were utilized by the the hand, the square crown, even the conception of Christ scribes of the later lectionary of Cluny, B.N.N.A. lat. 2246. holding a scepter in one hand and what I take to be a cross 236. See Jotsaldus, Vita Odilonis, Migne, Pat. lat. 142, i the other, may be matched in the figures of the earlier

col. go8. Cf. also the reference to works of art in Odilo’s miniature.

church in the Consuetudines Farfenses of Cluny—B. Albers, Delisle, Fonds de Clunt, p. 101, calls the figure “Saint John,” Consuetudines Monasticae, 1, pp. 9, 23-25 (a painted panel perhaps because of the “s” and the abbreviation mark over of the Virgin and Christ), 44, 54 (“eglyphinatum ex picturis 1t, next to the halo (for “Iohannes”) ; but the interpretation variis”), 72, 82, 86, 183, 184; and the titulus of a painting seems to me mistaken. For a related conception compare the

transcribed by a hand of the r1th century on the last page of drawing of God the Father with crown and cross nimbus, B.N.N.A. lat. 332, fol. 131v—“versiculi in capella sanctae holding a long cross-staff, in an Anglo-Saxon manuscript,

resurrectionis” (Delisle, Fonds de Cluni, p. 90). the Pontifical of Sherborne (ca. 992-995), Paris B.N. lat. 237. It is on the margin of John Chrysostom’s homily (11) 9435 fol. sv; F. Wormald, English Drawings of the Tenth on Paul. The continuity of the cross in the halo with the and Eleventh Centuries, London, 1952, fig. ga. outlines of the crown suggests that the artist was copying a

56 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS in Burgundian art of the early twelfth century. The setting of the figures in a milieu—the use of a specific background that suggests a “surrounding” space—appears at the same time in the narrative scenes of the Bible of Stephen Harding,”** and not long after in the capitals of Vézelay, Autun and Saulieu.**” This background is often an architecture of columns and arches, but may also be a “landscape,” a vegetation that fills the entire ground. In the capitals of Cluny, the single figures are placed inside a deep mandorla embedded in a richly modeled and curled foliage. The figures sometimes stand on a pedestal of arches (Vézelay, Autun) as on fol. 4v (Colorplate 1) ;**° sometimes they are suspended above a ground line without touching it.* Although much in their work recalls previous sculpture in ivory and metal, the Romanesque stonecarvers are not simply reproducing old models, but searching and inventing; where they repeat the inherited forms, they build upon them freshly. Also in some peculiarities of the figures the Burgundian artists share several traits with the painters of the Parma Codex. I have mentioned earlier the banding of the limbs with concentric lines so familiar in the sculpture and drawing of this time. The eye, drawn with a horizontal upper lid and curved lower one, is typical in the Cistercian manuscripts.’ But this form, which

is approached in Echternach, is common in France and England in the eleventh century. In Burgundian art, as in our manuscript, the three-quarters position of the head is the required form, although in Citeaux the profile accompanies it and enlivens the contrast of individuals in action. More striking is the intensity of gesture in Burgundian art, of which the scene of Jacob and his Sons in Parma (Fig. 15) has given us the most developed model among the Cluniac works. This lively gesticulation heightens the expressiveness of the tympana of Autun and Vézelay, especially in the enframing scenes of the mission of the Apostles. Characteristic is the paradoxical gesture of crossing the arms and hands which extend outside the body (Figs. 6, 11, 12, 20); we find it

in the Stephen Harding Bible in the scenes of Haman and of Judith;** it is the gesture of the angel of the Annunciation on the early altar of Avenas.**” While frequent in Burgundy, it is not exclusively of this region, but is a widespread Romanesque form, found also in Echternach miniatures of the eleventh century.” Another interesting posture, the hand supporting the arm (Fig. 2), is given to Joseph on a relief in Charlieu.*’ The bent knees, the zigzag of the whole body, which we see several times in the Ildefonsus manuscript, is a common type in Burgundian sculpture, appearing in Vézelay, Autun and Montceaux-l’Etoile.* Still another peculiarity of the Parma Codex, the modeling of the legs by drawing the inner curve of the calf, reappears as a convention in a manuscript of Citeaux.*””

Romanesque, too, is the conception of the figure with opposed directions of the head and body (Fig. 20), a form that resembles a vital type in Greek art of the archaic period, when the painters 238. Cf. Oursel, La miniature du XIle siécle, pls. 10, 12, 2390 (Fig. 63), with its four distinct positions of the head; and also the Psalter of Robert (Dijon Ms 30), #bid., pl. 1. the ruler is in three-quarters, the executioners—the most active 239. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, 11, ills. 30-37, 39, 46 figures—are in strict profile, near profile and strict frontal (Vézelay), 70 (Autun), 53, 54, 56 (Saulieu), 107 (Fleury- postures. la~-Montagne). Cf. also Parma 1650, fol. 4ov, Micah (Fig. 244. Oursel, La miniature du XIIe stécle, pl. 12.

17), with the capital from Moitier-St.-Jean at the Fogg 248. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ill. 14; cf. also ill.

Museum (ibid., ill. 64). 122, La Charité, the angel on the lintel addressing the shep240. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ills. 36, 37 (Vézelay), herds. 79 (Autun), 88 (St. Paul-de-Varax). See note 72 above for 246. Cf, the Gotha-Nuremberg Codex Aureus (Metz, Das

the German examples, goldene Evangelienbuch, pls. 67-69), also the Munich pericope 241. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ill. 37 (Vézelay), 56 book, lat. 15713, from Regensburg (G. Swarzenski, Regens-

(Saulieu), and Oursel, La miniature du XIle siécle, pl. 1 burger Malerei, pl. xxi1). (Dijon Ms 30, Psalter of Robert, Flagellation), 48 (Dijon, 2447. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ill. 16.

MSs 132, Jerome and Gregory). 248. Cf. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ills. 34a, 35, 46 242. Oursel, La miniature du XIle siécle, pl. 22 (Gregory, (Vézelay), 55 (Saulieu), 77, 78 (Autun), 105 (Montceaux-

Moralia in Job). PEtoile), 115 (La Charité, Transfiguration).

243. That the strict convention of the three-quarters head 249. Oursel, La miniature du XIle siécle, pl. 33 (Dijon

in the Parma manuscript replaces a more varied older prac- Ms 641). The same form appears earlier in Cluny in B.N.N.A.

tice in Cluny is evident from the drawing in B.N.N.A. lat. lat. 2390 (Fig. 63).

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 57 and sculptors infused movement into the primitive figures by contrasting positions of the limbs, sharply turned from each other. It is an essential factor in the expressive force of the tympana and capitals of Vézelay and Autun. Passing from the style to object-forms, we note that the monastic costume of the Parma Codex is pervasive in Burgundian sculpture of the twelfth century. Saints Paul and Anthony, Benedict and others, are represented in Cluniac clothes.” Even the fashions peculiar to the Parma Codex, the openings and ties of the sides and tail of the robe, can be matched in Burgundian art.”™ The second artist, too, has connections with Burgundian works outside the current of ItaloByzantine forms, especially in his ornament. Some of these similarities may be due, however, to the wider diffusion of such motifs from Italian art. The quatrefoils of the entablature above Gotiscalc appear on the upper band of a capital in Cluny.” The great rosette on the crown of the dome is like the repeated theme on the archivolts of the side doors of Vézelay’® and on a relief in the Cluny museum.” Even the acanthus capital has parallels in this region, as on the early altar of Avenas;”° and the polygonal towers, with triple openings on each story, and the large dome over a polygonal drum, correspond to the forms of Burgundian Romanesque buildings, including Cluny itself. Another little detail of this miniature, the voluted projection from the bishop’s throne, is found on the throne of Christ on a tympanum from Anzy-le-Duc and on other Burgundian works.*”* It is neither Byzantine nor Italian, and this by itself supports our idea of the painter’s indigenous character. From these parallels between the paintings of the Parma Codex and other Burgundian Romanesque works, it is clear that however different the individual styles of native artists in this fertile generation were, they had many elements in common. Certain of the motifs—Germanic and Italian—of the two Cluniac painters must have existed in Burgundy by 1100 and belonged to a stratum of styles that underlay the varied Burgundian art of the first third of the twelfth century. The newer Byzantine figural types do not seem to have entered sculpture, however, until late in the second quarter of the century, as at Nevers, St.-Menoux, St.-Julien-de-Jonzy, Charlieu, etc.; though in earlier stone carving an older Byzantine factor may be surmised, as in the balanced asymmetrical stance of the angels of the tympanum of Anzy-le-Duc. The sculptors of the first generation of the twelfth century, native pupils of stonemasons and carvers of capitals, were more

occupied with mastery of relief, and perhaps as laymen were less affected by the monastic outlook and the Italian tradition. The painterly aspect of the Italianate style, the patterned highlights of the face and costume, had little interest for sculptors striving to create relief and movement; but the aspects of naturalness and volume in those foreign figures must have supported the new demand for the tangible and weighty in all representation. In the capitals of Cluny we meet a third kind of art, which seems more truly native; it 1s connected with a large school of Burgundian works, including several of the highest power and finesse. Perhaps the fuller humanity realized in this school was also expressed in Cluniac painting, 250. Cf. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ills. 36, 43 255, Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ill. 15. |

(Vézelay), 56 (Saulieu). 256. Now in the Musée Hiéron at Paray-le-Monial (Porter, as1. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ill, 91 (St. Paul-de- Romanesque Sculpture, ills. 98, 99); it appears also on the

Varax, Ain). tympanum still in place at Anzy, ibid., ill. 97. Cf. also the

252. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ill. 9; the same examples at Avenas (ills. 11, 12) and Perrecy-les-Forges (ill. quatrefoil appears in 1650, fols. 8, 35v, 36v, 81, sometimes 84). In his imaginary restoration of the Cluny tympanum, alternating with X’s and other simple geometrical forms (fols. Prof. Conant has given the throne of Christ voluted ends yov-11, 13v ff.)—see our Figs. 25x,y, 26a-e; it is found in (turning up and inward rather than outward as on Joseph’s just such combinations in wall-paintings, as at Ternand (Des- seat on the relief at Charlieu, and unlike the form at Anzy) ; champs and Thibout, La peinture murale, pp. 32, 35, figs. see Joan Evans, Cluniac Art of the Romanesque Period, fig. 3, 4). CE. also the rosettes on the frame of the north door of 20 and note 228 above. It is possible that the Burgundian

the Cluniac priory church of Paray-le-Monial. form is a reduced vestige of the Byzantine lyre-shaped

253. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ills. 50, 51. throne; cf. the evangelist’s portrait in the Roman manuscript, 254. Porter, Romanesque Sculpture, ill. 10. Cf. also the Florence, Laur. Plut. 17.27 (Garrison, Studies, 11, fig. 22, p.

relief in Charlieu, zbid., ill. 16. 38), with S-curved foliate profile.

58 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS but did not emerge in the Parma manuscript—an exceptional work destined for a ruler in emulation of the richness of imperial gifts. The capitals of Cluny, I believe, owe their greater freedom and naturalness to the fact that they were made by lay artists, working together with builders in marble and stone. This vigorous art of sculpture is nearer to folk life, as appears elsewhere in Burgundy in the violence and frankness of its imagery, yet it embodies also the prescribed content of religious thought; in rendering the subjects in stone it is more deeply personal, often ecstatic and exalted. The Burgundian sculptor, drawing on a wider field of imagination and experience and on other sources of feeling than did the disciplined monk in the Cluniac scriptorium, creates a more complete image of the religious and social situation. In Citeaux, which was closer than Cluny to new stirrings in social and economic life, the same advanced forms penetrate the scriptorium, although by the second decade of the twelfth century there appear in the Cistercian manuscripts the Byzantine types that had been adopted earlier in Cluny.

CHAPTER XIII , HAVE assumed in all the preceding discussion that the manuscript was written and illustrated about 1100 or at the very beginning of the twelfth century, but I have offered no evidence for this dating. Given the style of Hand A and the ornament and script of the codex, I believe that few if any students would doubt this judgment. The ornament by itself might even suggest a still earlier time because of the parallels in Ottonian art. The figures, the initials, and certain motifs of the borders occur in Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 1087, which is clearly of the second half of the eleventh century and shows a script with older forms than those of the Parma Codex (Fig. 41). Only the style of Hand B, of a type that in Italy ranges over a longer period, from the last third of the eleventh century and throughout the twelfth, leads us to consider the possibility of a later date. (An Italian work of that kind, the painted wood panel of the Last Judgment in the Vatican Pinacoteca, has been dated by different scholars in the late eleventh century and in the thirteenth.)*** We have seen that the frescoes of Berzé-la-Ville, after having been taken for works of about 1100, were judged by Grabar to be of the second half of the twelfth century. In the Parma manuscript the two styles are associated with the same ornament of the frames and were undoubtedly done at the same time.” The lack of securely dated painting from Cluny makes it difficult to fix narrow limits of time for these miniatures with certainty. But for comparison with the script and the ornament we can turn to what may be considered a dated work from Cluny: the annals written in front of the , cartulary, Paris Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq. lat. 1497. The cartulary assembles in an order corresponding roughly to their order in time the charters of Cluny, grouped in sections identified with the abbots, from Berno to Hugo, under whom the original charters were written. The work of transcription, which filled three volumes with copies of documents dating from 910 to about 1120, proceeded slowly from the middle of the eleventh century and was done by many scribes.*® In the foreword (fol. 7), one of them says that he undertook to compose the cartulary at the urging of the venerable Odilo (“patris Odilonis venerabilis instancia”); and in fact the oldest writing and decoration of the cartulary—ornamented initials that were probably not in the original documents—resemble the art of the first half of the eleventh century and cannot be far in time from 1049, when Odilo died.*” Prefaced to the collection is a history of Cluny in annalistic form, which was written in a style so close to that of the Parma Codex that one might regard them as by the same hand (Fig. 66). 257. L have already remarked (in note 12) that the script ornament for the common date of the two hands (Romanesque

of 1087 is by the rubricator of 1650, who is evidently of a Painting, p. 190), has placed the work of the Ildefonsus generation older than the scribe who wrote the text of the painter in the “second half of the eleventh century” on p. 188 Parma Codex. The presence of the same kind of initial in and the Colophon master “ca. 1100(?)” on page 189 in the Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 1455, which was written not long after captions of the illustrations; and on page 190 he has noted the middle of the 11th century, supports our dating of Parma that the latter has the “same characteristic style of figure paint-

1650. ing as that of Valenciennes MS 501,” which is dated “ca.

258. For the late 11th-century dating, see D. Redig de 1140” on p. 187. On the ornament see note 117 above. Campos, “Sopra una tavola sconosciuta del secolo undecimo 260. On the cartulary, which consists of B.N.N.A. lat. rappresentante il Giudizio Universale,” Atti della Pontificia 1494(A), 1498(B8), and 2262(c), see Bruel, Recueil des Accademia Romana d’Archeologia, Rendiconti, X1, 1935, pp. Chartes de Pabbaye de Cluny, 1, pp. xivff. See also L. Delisle,

139-156, and the same writer’s article: “Eine unbekannte Fonds de Cluni, pp. 230, 231. The order of writing does not Darstellung des jiingsten Gerichts aus dem 11. Jahrhundert,” correspond strictly to the order of the dates of the charters; Zetuschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte, V, 1936, pp. 124-133. For there are many belated insertions, The annals preceding the the dating in the 13th century see W. Paeseler in Kumstge- oldest charters were begun when the cartulary was already schichtliches Jahrbuch der Bibliothek Hertziana, 11, 1938, far advanced. pp. 313-3943 Garrison, Studies, 111, 1, p. 13. For a color re- 261. Cf, N.A. lat. 1497, fols. 7v, 164v, and passim, and

production, see Calvesi, Treasures of the Vatican, Geneva, 1498, fol. 4 (initial A); for examples of the earlier and

1962, p. 20. later styles of initial, see Bruel, Recueil des chartes, 1, fac259. Nordenfalk, while recognizing the significance of the simile 1 (1497, fol. 83v) and 1 (1498, fol. 36).

60 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS5 This scribe wrote the numbers of the years from 910 to 1108 and the entries of events up to and including 1088, all in the same ink (fols. 1-2v). For the earlier part he must have had before him an older text or at least a model that contained entries for certain years; most of the years in his list are accompanied by blanks, while the memorable years up to 1088 are followed by lengthy paragraphs for which space had to be reserved in advance. Where the events were added after the writing of the numerals and required more than a single line, as for 1119 (death of Pope Gelasius II and election of Calixtus II), the numbers 1120 to 1124 (fol. 3) had to be erased and rewritten

lower on the page. Another hand, with later forms, supplied the events of 1095 and 1096; and a third scribe recorded the death of abbot Hugo in 1109 and the succession by Pontius in a long paragraph written in a style of letters which is apparently of that time, and more developed in the sense of twelfth century writing than the script of the entry of 1088.°* We are able to say, then, that the style of the first annalist-scribe dates from 1088—or, at the latest, just before 1095, if we wish to allow for the possibility that the scribe, soon after he had commenced, in 1094 or 1095, the annals for the whole period up to 1108, was for some reason unavailable for the entry of 1095. It seems more probable that, like other writers of annals and calendars during this period, the scribe in 1088, anticipating later entries, added numerals for the twenty years up to 1108.°"" The composition of the annals in 1088, when the scribe noted the beginning of the new church (“Fundatio huius basilicae,” ii KI. Oct.) might have been connected with the great enterprise of building.” The initial A heading these annals (Fig. 66) could be placed, without incongruity, in the Parma manuscript and the Cluny lectionary (Fig. 57). The forms are identical; yellow replaces the gold of the more sumptuous manuscripts and the green and blue background is maintained. Small differences in the common type of script suggest that of the three books, the lectionary is the oldest and the Parma Codex the most recent, although the ornament is in essence the same. The script of the lectionary is the simplest, clearest, most stable and regular in form—the classic writing of this school. In the Parma Codex, which has a similar clarity, the letters are slightly more articulated and fractured; and the first hand of the annals can be interpolated between them. A characteristic of this group and a sign of the general taste for distinctness, balance, and a simple order is the use of the majuscule L in the minuscule writing. It is anticipated in Cluny in some older manuscripts of the eleventh century, Bibl. Nat. lat. 15176 and 1087. We cannot say how long such a script was practiced, nor what range of difference between new and old forms was possible at the same moment in a large scriptorium where monks of different ages were at work, often on the same books, Would a scribe who had learned to write in a book hand in 1090 have changed his forms appreciably by 1110? In the Parma manuscript the rubricator has an older style than the main scribe, and is more obviously of the eleventh century. A study of all the surviving manuscripts of this period from Cluny, taking into account the variants in spelling, abbreviations, stroke structure, and the forms of the undecorated majuscule writing and initials, might disclose an order in the fine variations, a drift in calligraphy, that would help us to fix the order of works more securely.’” 262. These are written over erased matter, either because ministerium adimplet.”

the original entry was incorrect or in order to make space 266. I note, without insisting on the dependability of the for a longer entry at 1095 and a second one at 1096. The criterion, that in Parma 1650 the use of uncial s as a final two entries record the consecration of the high altar of the letter (distinguished from the older use of the suspended s in new church of Cluny by Pope Urban II and the First Crusade final “us,” etc.) instead of the minuscule form, is more fre-

to Jerusalem. quent than in N.A. lat. 2246 and increases toward the end 263. It is close in style to the page with the office for of the manuscript; in N.A. lat. 1497, fols. 1, 2 (the first

Odilo, which was added to B.N. lat. 1087 (fol. r12v) early hand of the annals), this element approaches in frequency the

in the 12th century. See note 12 above. count in Parma 1650; in N.A. lat. 2246 (in the original part) 264. The annals were continued up to 1215. it is lacking on many pages and is exceptional in the rest. 265. That the first hand of the annals wrote before 1109, ‘The same relationship holds for the use of the uncial form of

the date of Hugo’s death, is confirmed by his entry for 1049 ~ d beside the minuscule. | on Hugo’s accession: “Nunc in presenti, ut decet, offitii sui

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 61 If the paintings in the Italo-Byzantine style in the Parma Codex, Bibl. Nat. N.A. 2246, and Berzéla-Ville are to be regarded as works of the same period of a decade or longer during Hugo’s rule, comparison of their common features has yielded no compelling ground for placing them in a

definite order of time. Another painting in this style, the miniature in Montreal (Fig. 50), is associated with a script that seems as early as the writing in the Cluny lectionary. One might judge the Parma Codex to be later than the lectionary, since the painter of the presentation page (Colorplate 11) not only stiffens and coarsens the style of the lectionary miniatures, but employs elements of the native Romanesque which are lacking in the lectionary and in Berzé-la-Ville. But these two works need not be regarded as the first of their kind; they may continue the Italo-Byzantine practice after the time of its absorption by the Colophon painter.

, CHAPTER XIV HE Parma Codex belongs to a distinct class of copies of the Ildefonsus text.**’ All the manuscripts of this family contain the prologue-colophon of the copy that was written in

: Spain by Gémez, a monk of Albailde, for Gotiscalc, bishop of Le Puy, during the latter’s visit to Spain in 951. This copy, now preserved in Paris (Bibl. Nat. ms lat. 2855), is the ancestor of a group of manuscripts with the same text, executed between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries.”** Like the Gomez copy, these manuscripts are incomplete, lacking the last two chapters; they share with it several variant readings of the original text that are not found in the early Spanish copies.” Among the descendants of the Le Puy Codex, one can distinguish a subclass of which the Parma Ildefonsus is a member. This class is defined by the following peculiarities (among others):

a) The prologue of Gémez is at the end of the text, not at the beginning as in the autograph version in Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 2855. b) For “Gomes” is written “Gomesanus.” c) The Spanish “Albaildense” becomes “Abba hyldense,” creating a new place name: “hyldensis.” This sub-class consists of the following manuscripts: Paris, Bibl. Nat., Nouv. Acq. lat. 1455, eleventh century, from Cluny Paris, Bibl. de Arsenal, 371, eleventh century, from Cluny Paris, Bibl. de PArsenal, 372, eleventh century, from St.-Benoft-sur-Loire Paris, Bibl. Nat., lat. 2359, early twelfth century, from St.-Martin-des-Champs Parma, Bibl. Pal. 1650, about 1100, from Cluny

Dijon, Bibl. Publique, 232, end of twelfth century (?), from Citeaux Madrid, Bibl. Nac., 10087, about 1200, from Toledo Within this group a further subdivision can be made: in Parma 1650, Paris. Bibl. Nat. lat. 1455, Arsenal 371 and Madrid 10087, “diebus certis” in the colophon 1s read “diebus ceptis”—a community of error of which the import will become apparent presently. The relationship of these manuscripts to each other is instructive for the history of the Parma

Codex and its Cluniac origin. Three of them can be shown to have come from Cluny; two (Bibl. Nat. lat. 2359, Arsenal 372) are from priories reformed by Cluny; one is from the 267. For the manuscripts of this text, see Vicente Blanco In two of the manuscripts descended from the Gomez copy,

Garcia, San Ildefonso. Madrid 10087 and Paris, B.N. lat. 2833 (see Appendix 11),

268. For the Gémez copy and its descendants, see Blanco the missing chapters have been supplied from a Spanish Garcia, San Ildefonso, pp. 11-13, 40-43, 53ff.; Delisle, Le source—in the second manuscript perhaps through a French Cabinet des Manuscrits de la Bibl. nat., 1, pp. 516ff. Though copy. Parma 1650 was known to Blanco Garcia through its mention Note that the doxology at the end of the text of Idefonsus by Manitius (see note 18 above), he has not collated it; four in Parma 1650—“‘per numquam finienda secula seculorum, other Cluniac copies in French libraries, noted in this section, | amen”—is not found in 2855, but occurs in 10087, B.N.N.A.

seem to have escaped his attention. lat. 1455, and Arsenal 371. Blanco, who, on p. 37, notes its 269. The incompleteness is not due to the loss of pages absence in 2855, mistakenly attributes it to this manuscript in of Ms 2855, but to the copying of an incomplete model in the collation on p. 161, note to line 7. Spain in 951. The same concluding chapters are missing also 270. B.N.N.A. lat. 1455, Arsenal 371 and Parma 1650. in two Spanish copies of the 11th century, Silos 5 (dated 1059) Though Arsenal 371 is bound with a manuscript containing

and Madrid, Academia de la Historia, Aem. 47, from San a calendar of St.-Mesmin near Orléans, the ornamented Millan de la Cogolla, as noted by Blanco Garcia, p. 161. On initials of the Ildefonsus texts are of the same style as those the margin of the last page of the text in B.N. lat. 2855 (fol. of the Cluniac scriptorium. N.A. lat. 1455 came to Paris from 159), are written in a script of the early 12th century: “hic Cluny and can be identified with no. 376 in the catalogue des(unt) octo folia. Quia enim,” followed by an erasure. of the Cluny library of about 1160. See note 272 below. “Quia enim” are the words that follow in the complete text.

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 63 Burgundian abbey of Citeaux;° and we shall see that the Spanish example, Madrid 10087, has

been copied from the Parma Codex. ,

Study of the text in these manuscripts makes it clear that although Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq. lat. 1455 was produced earlier than the Parma Codex and was still at Cluny when the latter was written—since it is listed in the catalogue of the Cluny library drawn up in the middle of the twelfth century*”—its text was not adhered to by the scribe of the Parma Codex. They differ

not only in readings of single words and phrases, but also in the rubrics and chapter divisions. ‘The Parma Codex has a purer spelling and reflects in many details the effort to produce a better text. The inadequacy of Bibl. Nat. Nouv. Acq. lat. 1455 was recognized early, and a corrector of this

manuscript has changed some of the readings to accord with the improved text of the Parma Codex (or its model).’ With respect to this editing of the text, Arsenal 371 seems to lie between the two.” During the eleventh and early twelfth centuries there was evidently much interest at Cluny in the book of Ildefonsus, which was copied there several times and reworked. If the Le Puy Codex was the ancestor of all these versions, we must assume that there were intermediaries or collateral models that have been lost; all the Cluny copies contain significant deviations from the Le Puy manuscript. The Parma Codex itself departs from the other Cluniac copies, while agreeing with them in the distinctive family details. Or we must suppose a considerable alertness and individuality in the scribes who changed the text of the model according to their feeling for the language.

But the Parma Codex is unique in the degree of transformation. Not only is it distinct in the text, but among the French manuscripts of I1defonsus it is the only one that possesses a series of full-page illustrations.”” It is a luxury manuscript designed for an august recipient, with ornamented frames on every page and with lavish use of gold, silver and purple. The revision of the text is one sign among several that the Parma book was an object of special effort, and not a copy like the others, which were designed for devotional reading and often combined with various

texts on the Virgin. ,

271. B.N. lat. 2359 has an ex-libris of the Cluniac priory rector of the same period has written “victurum” over the of St.-Martin-des-Champs. Arsenal 372 is very close in text original “viviturum.” The corrector’s mark for a missing to Arsenal 371 and is followed like the latter by Fulbert’s h (b) appears in both 1650 and 1455. sermon “In ortu almae Virginis Mariae.” A note in the manu- 274. The format of 371 is close to that of 1650: 220 by script states that it belonged to the abbey of St.-Benoit-sur- 153 mm. and 21 long lines; compare with 1650: 230 by

Loire, a monastery that had been reformed by Cluny. 160 mm. and 1g long lines. The historical note found in 272. Under abbot Hugo IIL (1158-1161); see Delisle, 1455 and other manuscripts after the “amen” of the colophon, Fonds de Cluni, pp. 337ff., no. 376. The manuscript is de- “Ipsis diebus igitur obiit Galleciacensis Rex Ranimirus,” is

scribed by Delisle, pp. 96-101. omitted in 371 and 1650, but appears in Madrid 10087. It 273. E.g., the reading “viviturum” in Spanish manuscripts is inserted in 2359, fol. 115.

(Blanco, San Ildefonso, p. 61), changed to “victurum” in 278, For another illustrated French copy, but with small the Parma Codex, fol. 8v, is repeated in 1455, where a cor- miniatures, see Appendix 11 on Paris, B.N, lat. 2833.

CHAPTER XV

THE MADRID ILDEFONSUS, MS. 10087 NE other manuscript in the same class of copies is richly illustrated, the Madrid Codex, Bibl. Nac. 10087 (M). Though written in Spain around 1200, it includes the historic colophon of Gémez and was surely copied directly from a Cluniac manuscript, for it not only contains the exceptional features that distinguish the smaller Cluniac subgroup from the other French members of the same family,” but several of its illustrations clearly depend on the pictures in Parma. Where its text differs from the Cluniac model, we recognize a Spanish addition or correction, as in the rendering of Spanish names that had been Gallicized in the French manuscripts (Galitie for Galliciae, e(x) Spania for ex Hispania). The two chapters (XI, XII) that were missing in the Le Puy copy and in the Cluniac descendants of the latter, have been supplied in the Madrid Codex from an old Toledo manuscript.”” An inscription of the early fourteenth centur on fol. 1 indicates that the Madrid Codex belonged then to the library of the chaplains of the confraternity of the choir of Toledo Cathedral. It is likely that this copy was done in Toledo itself, and that the Parma Codex had come to Toledo before 1200. Although § we do not have to concern ourselves with the miniatures of the Madrid Codex for the problems of Cluniac art in 1100, they pertain to the history of the Parma miniatures as significant copies of the latter. To compare the two series is to see more clearly both the character of the early miniatures and the process of conversion of Romanesque forms between 1100 and 1200. In several miniatures the Spanish artist has held closely to his model, like the scribe who, conscious of the importance of the illustrations, adapted the spacing of his copy to the model in order maintain the original relationship textand andpict pictures. In Madrid the Madrid Codex,which which1s is like totain the original relationship ofoftext In the Codex, like the th Parma Codex in format and number of leaves, the eighteen lines per page approximate the nineteen in the older manuscript, and its majuscules and initials correspond broadly to those of the

Pp Pp y y

y Pp gq

model.*” 276. Beside the distinctive features of the Cluniac sub- Manuscritos con Pinturas, Madrid, 1933, 1, p. 353, no. 898, class listed above (p. 62) and the “diebus ceptis” of 1650, fig. 296 (fol. 9v); Stora Spanska Mastare, National-museum, 1455, and 371, it has the doxology at the end of the Ildefonsus Stockholm, 1959, pp. 29, 30, no. 5 (edited by Carl Nordenfalk,

text which is missing in 2855 and appears in those three who observed the resemblance to Parma 1650). manuscripts. Among other variants shared with 1650, I note I list the miniatures and initials in Madrid 10087 and note “victurum” (instead of “viviturum”) , “cum Deo patre” (for the correspondences with Parma 1650 (P); for the description cum patre ), and the omission of a line from Malachi 3:t, of the latter, see pp. 73ff., Appendix 1. The pagination as In 1650, fol. 36 (and in some old Spanish manuscripts) but follows the notes that I made in 19313 these do not agree not in 2855 (Blanco, San Ildefonso, p. 88). I note, however, with the page numbers in the Spanish publications, but it that the scribe of Madrid 10087 must have had at least two

. . . .ofshould be remarked that there French copies the Ildefonsus manuscript before him, forare in . two a

sets of such numbers . ; . in the manuscript itself. some respects his text is closer to that of 1455. As in the lat- fol Initial and incivit of th lian Vita (P, fol. 2) ter, the reference to the death of Ranimir at the end of the on -” nitial an . eee ort . Julian Vita (P, fol. 2).

colophon (found also in 2855) is written in red capitals. Tv~ "sul temporis clarus. . . . . 277. According to Blanco, San Ildefonso, pp. 16, 17, it 4—Ildefonsus leaves his parents for the monastery, against was either the Florence manuscript of 1067 or the Toledo their wishes. ;

codex of the gth century, both of which were written in 4v-Ildefonsus receives the monastic robe. Toledo. gv—Ildefonsus, kneeling, prays to the enthroned Virgin 278, Madrid 10087 (old numbers: c.15.14 and Hh1r75) has (P, fol. 9v). i-+ 112 leaves, 13 cm. by 18 cm., long lines, pencil rulings. 1o—“Domina mea” (P, fol. 10). There were originally 115 leaves, according to an old in- 12v-Ildefonsus argues with “Juvenianus” (P, fol. 12v). scription, “Cxv fojas,” on the last page. A leaf or two leaves 13-Audi tu (P, fol. 13). are missing between fols. av and 5. The painting on fol. 4 16—Ildefonsus argues with Helvidius (P, fol. 1sv).

is by 16v-Ad 130 mm. me (cf. with 125 by mm.). In theergo, ;«, ae103 : ; ea (P,1650: fol. in 185 10087, “Audi initials, which are of a ..foliate type16); familiar ca. 1200, the egy ; | et tu,

background is strewn with a motif of three little tangent circles Helvidi,” is on fol. 15v, preceding the miniature, and

that might have been suggested by the trefoils in 1650. the initial A, with decoration, is shifted to fol. 16v: “Ad The manuscript has been described and catalogued by J. me adtende .. .”). Dominguez Bordona, Coddices Miniados Espanioles, p. 190, no. 23—Ildefonsus and the Jews (P, fol. 22—a very close copy).

Lil; idem, Spanish Illuminated Manuscripts, Florence, New 23v—“Quid dicis, Iudee . . .” (P, fol. 22v). York, 1930, 1, pl. 484 (reproducing fols. 104v, 111v) 3 idem, 40—“Quid egisti, die” (P, fol. 45, where this text follows a

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 65 Of the fourteen miniatures in Madrid (Figs. 70-84) seven are of subjects from the life of Saint IIdefonsus that are not illustrated in Parma, though based on the common text.’ The Spanish artist was more concerned with the great native saint of Toledo, the French with the theologian and his work. While copying from his model the full-page scenes representing Ildefonsus and the Virgin (Fig. 72, cf. Fig. 3), the bishop disputing with his heretical and Jewish opponents (Figs. 74-76, cf. Figs. 4-6), and performing the mass (Fig. 83, cf. Fig. 2), the painter has omitted the frontispiece page of Julian, the Christ in majesty, and the smaller pictures of the prophets and patriarchs. He has added scenes illustrating the life of the saint recounted by Julian and Cixila: [ldefonsus’ departure from his family to become a monk (Figs. 70, 71), his entry into the monastery, the miracle of the Virgin presenting him with a chasuble (Fig. 82), the episodes concerning Saint Leocadia and king Receswinth, and the burial of Ildefonsus (Figs. 79, 80, 84). On the pages preceding the colophon of Gémez are two paintings which I take to be illustrations of the colophon. One shows an angel addressing I]defonsus (Fig. 77), presumably based on

the idea of the author’s inspiration by angels in writing the book; and the second represents Gémez offering his copy to the bishop Gotiscalc (Fig. 78). For one of the added scenes the painter has used as a model an omitted scene from the Parma Codex." He has also applied single elements from the copied pages to several of the new miniatures.” In copying two of the scenes of argument, he has confused them, exchanging the details of the dispute with Helvidius and those of the dispute with Jovinianus.** He has framed the scenes in double borders of gold and silver, but without the ornament of his model, and he has set the figures on a gold ground in arched constructions as in Parma. In only one scene, the added picture of Ildefonsus leaving his family (Fig. 70), has he introduced

a specifically Spanish form in the architecture: a building with a horseshoe arch and pointed crenelations that recalls the old Puerta de Visagra in Toledo. But in copying the buildings from his model, he has reduced their open skeletal aspect, giving them a massiveness typical of southern regions where there is a strong Islamic influence. Yet the general aspect of the Parma paintings has guided the Spanish artist in certain of the scenes

that he has had to invent; they are framed and designed in the same way, and in Fig. 71 the figures are raised above the ground level, suspended in space as in Cluny. It was possible for the Spanish artist to reproduce so much of the earlier form because his own style, while in a sense more naturalistic, was still bound to Romanesque conventions. Nevertheless, it is easy to see the changes produced in the character of the original miniatures by the Spanish copyist as a consistent transformation that rests on the intervening development painting of Ildefonsus arguing with two Jews). gested perhaps by the passage in which Gémez says that Ilde-

48v—“Omnia quae habet pater... .” fonsus in defeating the heretics and Jews “non solum a stipu-

67v—“Veni, sancte Gabriel.” . latione angelorum et hominum sed etiam demonum prolata 1oov—Angel addresses Ildefonsus. of the angel and Daniel in Parma (Fig. 16).

85—“Quia generatio fli.” confessione iugulavit.” It may be compared with the scene 101-Gémez presents the book to Gotiscalc (P, fol. 102v). 281. Cf. in Madrid, fol. 110 (Fig. 80), the three heads in

of 951). Micah (Fig. 17).

1o1v-Ego quidem Gomesanus (P, fol. 103~-the colophon the upper building with those in Parma, fol. 4ov—the prophet

103v—-Ecce dapes (P, fol. 105v—the life of Ildefonsus by 282. Cf. the architecture of M, the miracle of the Virgin

Elladius, sc. Cixila). (Fig. 82), with that of P (Fig. 3); and of M, burial of

109v—Ildefonsus cuts the veil of St. Leocadia. Ildefonsus (Fig. 84), with P (Figs. 1, 2). Note also in M 110-Ildefonsus at the altar, followed by the king. (Fig. 80) that the diapered ornament of the bishop’s chasuble 110v—IIdefonsus addresses two monks (P, fol. 1v). is like the ornament of the altar in P (Fig. 2).

111—Ildefonsus receives the robe from the Virgin; beside 283. In Fig. 75 the Spanish painter shows Helvidius clutchher stand two virgins, who are mentioned in Cixila’s ing his beard, like Jovinianus in P (Fig. 4); the architecture

account of the miracle. in M, fol. 16 corresponds to that in P, fol. 12v, while M,

111v-Ildefonsus performs the mass (P, fol. 4). Fig. 74, resembles the forms in P, Fig. 5. The copyist gives

112—Burial of Ildefonsus. Jovinianus on fol. 12v the shrub that belongs to Helvidius

279. These are on fols. 4, 4v, 100Vv, 109v, 110, 111, 112. on P, fol. r5v. On M, fol. 15v, the scribe has miscopied the 280. An old inscription on fol. 100v underneath the paint- name “Elvidii” in the opening text, as ELIVDV, although he ing reads: “de angelo vide in prologo sequenti.” It was sug- has written “Elbidium” in the line above.

66 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS during the twelfth century and includes Italo-Byzantine forms.”** While the French Romanesque artist works with strongly accented inner lines of the figures and buildings as a closely bound

system or net, the Spanish painter thinks in terms of casually streaked folds on large masses of color. He aims at a still clearer, spot-like form; the articulations in the Parma miniatures have been simplified; the buildings, like the figures, are distinct, silhouetted areas of color.

These figures are more definitely tied to the frame and the ground line by similarity and contact. Where the older artist places the sloping diagonal feet across the lower border, in the later paintings the feet rest on the border as the imaginary ground of the building. In a similar way, the outlines of the figures in Madrid are parallel to or touch the architectural setting; in Parma, they cross the architecture and often seem independent of it. The mass of the figure as a whole is simpler, with a single dominant axis. In the Parma manu-

script some figures have broken, zigzag, angular forms; or if they are simple as a whole, the large form is less vivid than a particular part or a set of active folds. These differences may be discerned also in the gestures, which are so important a means of expression in the Parma Codex. I have noted the asymmetrical, indented, angular, and crossing forms produced by these gestures in the older manuscript. In the Spanish copy the same gestures have been restrained and are adapted to the compactness of the body as a whole (Fig. 70).

In general, the model is more schematic, more systematized in form; but also more forceful through the network and thrust of lines. The less pronounced and freer, cursive drawing of the Spanish artist is accompanied by a further sobering of expression. The change is not only a matter of the painter’s slighter power of realizing a content of feeling; it has also to do with a general shift of attitude which appears in monumental sculpture as well: an idea of the qualities of the human being as a physical organism with an order and harmony of its own has begun to stabilize the figure and restrains the Romanesque intensity of posture, whether active or rigid. 284. Cf. especially the Virgin in Fig. 72.

CHAPTER XVI a THE PURPOSE OF THE PARMA CODEX m

orn whom was the Parma Codex made? Why was the uncommon text of Ildefonsus given so luxurious a form with so many pictures that were probably first designed for this copy?” Unlike other medieval manuscripts of this sumptuous kind, it contains no reference to the maker or recipient either in a colophon or an image of presentation. This fact is all the more remarkable since the donor thought it fitting to provide two miniatures to illustrate the colophon of his model—pictures that do not occur with the original colophon in Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 2855 nor in other copies made at Cluny.*** The two miniatures show a scribe writing the old copy 150 years before and presenting it to a bishop who apparently was no figure in Cluny’s history. It may be that the Parma manuscript was accidentally damaged or that a colophon page has been removed. The first two leaves (fols, 1, 11), which belong to the first gathering of the book, are blank, as is also the recto of the third leaf (fol. 1 in the present pagination),’*’ on the back of which is the miniature that prefaces Julian’s life of Ildefonsus (fol. rv). Besides, the last written page of the codex, fol. 111, is not part of a quire, but is joined to the blank leaf, fol. 112, to form a union; it is written by another hand than the rest in a somewhat later artificial style that reproduces the forms of the original Cluniac scribe (Fig. 36).”°° There is reason to believe that this page was added elsewhere than in Cluny: it omits the final sentence of the text of Elladius’ (sc. Cixila’s) life of Ildefonsus, a doxology that appears in older copies of this text written at Cluny;*° and it differs from the corresponding passages in those copies in nine places,”*® whereas the preceding page, fol. r1ov, agrees strictly with the other Cluniac manuscripts.” One can make many guesses to explain how the beginning and end of this lavishly prepared book came to be bare and mute as they are, and the last written page so anomalous. But lacking internal evidence, we shall try to learn something positive about the origin of the book from its later history.

) SY PP P Y3

28s. There was until recently another illustrated manu- arated and the form 2 (for r), which was used by the main script of Ildefonsus on the Virginity of Mary, in the Lazaro scribe throughout only in ligature with a preceding 0, occurs Collection in Madrid. It is described in the catalogue: Manu- here as a first letter of a word and also, without ligature, scritos con Pinturas, ed. by J. Dominguez Bordona, 1, p. inside words almost as often as the regular r (the ratio is 7 to §13, no. 1222, as a work of Toledan art of the late 12th or 8). Like the more marked separation of words, this is a sign early 13th century, with nine drawings of the life of Saint of later date. But how much later than the book and whether

Ildefonsus. The one reproduced in fig. 431, p. 514, shows it is a restoration of a mutilated page or a replacement of the bishop-saint cutting the veil of Saint Leocadia; the back- a leaf that had included a colophon are questions I cannot anground is an arcade with a central pointed arch. In another swer. The page has even a modern look because of the isola-

publication, La Coleccién Lazaro, Madrid, 2a parte, Madrid, tion of words. As an argument for a date not long after 1927, are reproduced two more pages of this manuscript. One the rest, it should be noted that where a letter has two forms,

(no. 924) represents Ildefonsus disputing with Helvidius; like the s and d, that occur without a strict rule, the relative the two figures are seated under an arcade and are accom- frequencies of the two forms are about the same on fol, 111 panied by eight other figures. The second page (no. 925) as on the preceding pages which were written in Cluny. shows the Virgin giving the chasuble to Ildefonsus. She stands 289. Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 1455 and Paris, Bibl. de lArat the right and is followed by four virgins. I have not been senal 371. The sentence reads: “Praestante dno nfo ihu xpo able to study the original manuscript or to obtain photographs qui cum deo patre et sc6 spiritu vivit et regit deus per infinita of the miniatures. I learn from Dr. Helmut Schlunk, director semper scla sclorum. Amen.” A very similar doxology apof the German Archaeological Institute in Madrid, that the pears at the end of several sermons of Odilo (Migne, Pat. lat., manuscript had been transferred to the Biblioteca Nacional cxx11, cols. 1005, 1029, etc.).

in 1938, together with other manuscripts of the collection, 290. Arsenal 371 and Paris, B.N.N.A. lat. 1455: “Data but was not among those which were returned after the Civil est” for “danda est”; “fixis” for “fixos”; “tenens” omitted

War and must be considered lost. before “permansisti”; “in Jaudem” for “et laudem”; “et 286. For the illustration of the colophon in Paris, B.N. vestimentis gloriae iam in hac vita orneris” for “ex vestiJat. 2833, see Appendix II. mentis ecclesiae iam in hac vitae ornatus eris”; ‘“remansit 287. The present numbering of the leaves dates from 1866, dei” for “remansit igitur dei”; “promissa® for “donata.” according to a note on fol. 1. . Almost all the variant readings in the Parma Codex, fol. 111, 288. Although the letter forms, ligatures and abbreviations agree with the text published in Migne, Paz. lat., xcvi, col.

are the same and the page is framed by the same kind of 48, which also omits the doxology. unornamented triple border as fol. 110v, the appearance of 291. The only difference is the reading “allocuta est voce” the whole is very different. The words are much more sep- where the other two manuscripts say “voce allocuta est.”

68 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS From the copy in Madrid we have been able to infer that the Parma Codex was in Spain and most likely in Toledo by the end of the twelfth century.””’ Also its later presence in Parma may depend on a connection with Spain. For the great library to which it now belongs was formed in the middle of the eighteenth century when Parma came under Spanish rule. The new duke of Parma, Philip of Bourbon (1749-1765) was the son of Philip of Spain. In 1761, his minister, Du Tillot, called from Rome the scholar, Paolo Paciaudi, to create a library in Parma. From Paciaudi’s account we learn that rare manuscripts were then acquired from all parts of Europe and that members of the Spanish Royal house—among them Philip of Spain, prince Fernando

and madama Infanta—donated books from their personal collections.” But Paciaudi, in his detailed description of the Ildefonsus Codex, says nothing about the donor or the immediate source.””*

If the manuscript was intended for a Spanish dignitary in Toledo, two names, closely linked with Cluny toward 1100, come to mind. The first is Bernard, the archbishop of Toledo and primate of the Spanish Church; the other is king Alfonso VI. Bernard of Sédirac (near Agen) was a Cluniac monk, one of those sent to Spain by Hugo at the request of Alfonso VI for the reform of the Spanish monasteries. A trusted counsellor of the king, he became head of the important Cluniac abbey at Sahagun in 1080 and after the conquest of Toledo in 1085 was appointed archbishop at Alfonso’s new capital, where he ruled from 1086 until his death in 1122. A letter from Hugo to Bernard speaks of his role in changing the liturgy of the Spanish church from its old Mozarabic forms to the Roman Catholic practice.””° The production of a precious manuscript of Ildefonsus, a former bishop of Toledo, as a gift _ of Cluny to Bernard, would have been particularly appropriate. The provenance of the later copy of the Parma Codex from the Cathedral of Toledo also favors the hypothesis that the Cluniac model had belonged to Bernard. In the Ottonian period in Germany several of the most richly decorated manuscripts were made for great bishops hike Gero of Cologne and Egbert of Trier. To these arguments, which are more suggestive than cogent, may be added the fact that the old Cathedral of Toledo was dedicated to Mary and that in the later Gothic building the great east chapel behind the apse was reserved for the relics and cult of Ildefonsus. It would be surprising, however, that so important a manuscript, if it were in clerical hands for centuries, contained no trace of contemporary or later use in notations, colophons or marks of ownership.””* In the copy in Madrid are several such inscriptions.’*”’ The second possibility, that the manuscript was intended for Alfonso VI, seems to me more plausible, though no conclusive evidence compels one to accept this idea. At no time were there closer relations between Cluny and the rulers of Castille than during the abbacy of Hugo (1049-1109), under whom the manuscript was produced if our dating is correct.” The building of the new church of Cluny, begun in 1088, consecrated in 1095, and nearly com-

292. See pp. 64ff. above. d(omi)no q(uonia)m bonus q(uonia)m in sec(u)lum (miseri-

293. For the history of the library, see Odorici, Atti e cordia eius),” the first line of Psalm 106. This psalm was read Memorie della R. deputazione di storia patria per le provincie in the service for the dead, and in the old Mozarabic traModenesi e Parmensi, 1, 1867 (cited in note 18 above), pp. dition it marked one of the divisions of the five-part psalter,

352f., 360ff., and A. Boselli, “Du Tillot, Paciaudi e la a rare type. An inscription “171” on fol. 1 (and 1v) seems

biblioteca: di Parma,” in Mélanges Hauvette, Paris, 1934, to be a library number of the 18th century.

pp. 455i. 297. Beside the ex libris inscription of the period about 294. Parma, Bibl. Palatina Ms 1589, vol. Iv. 1300 are later writings on the margins of the miniatures de295. On Bernard’s career, see Marcelin Defourneaux, Les scribing the scenes.

francais en Espagne aux XIe et XIle siécles, Paris, 1949, pp. 298, On Cluny and Spain during this period, see E. Sackur, 17ff. and 33; Hugo’s letter to Bernard was published by M. Die Cluniacenser, bis zur Mitte des elften Jahrhunderts, Halle, Férotin, “Une lettre inédite de Saint Hugues, Abbé de Cluny, 1894, 11, pp. 109-113 (and especially p. 112, note 3); Dea Bernard d’Agen, archévéque de Toléde (1087), Biblio- fourneaux, Les francais en Espagne, pp. 17-22; L. M. Smith, théque de VEcole des Chartes, UX1, 1900, pp. 339-345. Cluny in the Eleventh and.Twelfth Centuries, London, 1930,

296. On the second blank leaf, fol. iiv, a non-professional pp. 219ff. |

hand of the early 13th century has written: “Confitemini '

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 69 pleted by the time of Hugo’s death in 1109, was made possible by the gifts of Alfonso VI (10721109) of Castille and Leén. He donated to Cluny a large part of the booty won in capturing Toledo from the Moors; and after confirming his father’s annual tribute of 1000 gold pieces (mancales), to assure his own place in heaven he agreed to double this tribute for himself and his descendants, and also sent 10,000 talents for the expenses of the rebuilding of the church.” At the head of several of the most important Spanish sees and abbeys he appointed Cluniac monks; both Bernard of Sédirac and his predecessor as abbot of Sahagun, the French Cluniac, Robert, were very dear to Alfonso. After Hugo met the king at Burgos in rogo and received his testament, doubling the annual tribute, the abbot in return wrote statutes expressing and fixing in the liturgy Cluny’s gratitude to Alfonso. “No king, in past or present,” he wrote, “can be compared to Alfonso, king of Spain, our faithful friend who has done so much for us. In consequence, he shall have a special place in Cluny during his life and after his death. Daily during his life a psalm shall be sung in his honor at the third hour and a collect at high mass. On Easter Thursday thirty poor shall be summoned for him to the mandatum (the washing of feet), and no less than a hundred poor shall be fed out of love for Alfonso. Finally, a place shall be reserved for him daily in the refectory of the monks, as if he were sitting with us, and his share of the meal shall be given to one of the poor in Christ for the salvation of Alfonso’s soul, during his life and after his death. In the new church that is being built at his expense, we have given him an altar exclusively for prayers for his soul. His anniversary shall be celebrated like that of the emperor Henry... .°°°

Even in their lifetimes legend had begun to elaborate the story of the friendship of the abbot and the king. Biographers of Hugo wrote soon after his death that Alfonso had been freed from the chains and the prison of his brother Sancho by Hugo’s intervention and that this timely aid was the cause of the Spaniard’s devotion to the abbot of Cluny. In a vision Saint Peter revealed to a monk of Cluny that he had brought to God Hugo’s prayers for Alfonso. Peter also presented himself to the sleeping Sancho and threatened him if he did not free his brother and restore him to his dignity.*” Behind the monks’ stories lie the historical events that we learn from Spanish sources. When defeated in battle by Sancho during their contest for royal power in 1071, Alfonso was imprisoned and forced to become a monk in the monastery of Sahagun. Alfonso managed to escape to Toledo where he lived as a guest of the Moorish king. Two years later Sancho was treacherously assassinated at Zamora and suspicion fell upon his brother who, in the chronicle of the Cid, is made by the hero to swear three times that he was wholly innocent of the crime. Not long after, Alfonso, now king of Castille and Leén, had to beg absolution from the church dignitaries, who imposed upon him pilgrimages and spiritual exercises for a grave sin: his incestuous relations with his older sister, Urraca, the ruler of Zamora. Other sources speak of her instigation of crimes useful to Alfonso: the murder of Sancho and the imprisonment for his whole life of her younger brother, Garcia, king of Galicia. She became a nun, and was famous for adorning altars with sacred vestments of gold and silver and precious stones.*”” Alfonso’s sins were known in Cluny. In a charter of his donations to the abbey, he speaks of 299. For the documents, see Bruel, Recueil des chartes, 1v, by R. Menéndez Pidal, “Alfonso VI y su hermana la infanta nos. 3441, 3509, and Migne, Pat. lat., CLIX, cols. 938, 973, Urraca,” Al-Andalus, x111, Madrid, 1948, pp. 157-166, with 974. In Bruel, no. 3441 (pp. 551-553), note that it was at introduction by E. Lévi-Provencal. In the charter-testament Hugo’s orders (“tua iussione accepimus”) that Alfonso accepted of 1090, in which Alfonso doubles the tribute to Cluny in the replacement of the native Spanish liturgy by the foreign perpetuity (Bruel, no. 3509), I note that he speaks of saving Roman Catholic rite, which provoked great popular protest. the souls of his parents, his brothers, his wife and his children, 300. Migne, Pat, lat., cL1x, cols. 945, 946 (statuta Sancti but not of his sister Urraca. Is it possible, however, that the

Hugonis pro Alphonso rege Hispaniarum). story of incest was built on the pope’s disapproval of Alfonso’s

301. Hildebert, Vita Hugonis, Migne, Pat, lat., CLIX, col. marriage with Constance of Burgundy in 1079 as incestuous, "866; the epitome of Hezelo’s and Gilo’s biographies of Hugo, a marriage that was finally permitted because of Hugo’s in-

ibid., col. 912. tervention? (See note 306 below.) 302. All this is recounted from Arabic and Latin sources

70 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS being pressed down by the weight of his sins and fearful at the thought of his crimes.** Yet he hoped that the eternal reward would be assured him by his gifts to the apostles Peter and Paul, whose relics he believed to be secretly hid in their basilica at Cluny, and to Hugo and his monks.*™* The abbot Peter the Venerable, traveling in Spain in 1142, heard from a monk in a Cluniac priory an account of Alfonso’s soul miraculously carried off from hell by monks of Cluny.*” If Alfonso’s munificence to a distant Cluny was an expiation of a most unreligious life as well as an expression of gratitude for help in gaining power, he was also bound to Cluny by family ties.

In 1079, after the death of his wife, Agnes of Aquitaine, the Spanish king married Constance, daughter of Robert, duke of Burgundy, and the niece of Hugo of Cluny. Urraca, the daughter of this union, married Raymond, a Burgundian prince; their son became Alfonso VII of Castille. Raymond’s brother, a former Cluniac monk, was elected pope in 1119 as Calixtus II.°°°

The royal aspect of the Parma Codex, so much like the sumptuous illustrated manuscripts in gold, silver, and purple produced at Reichenau, Regensburg, and Echternach for the German emperors, makes us think that it was a gift to a contemporary monarch.*” Not only its later presence in Toledo, but the content of the book points to the self-styled “imperator” Alfonso VI as the recipient. The choice of a text, written by an early saintly bishop of Toledo of the same name as the Spanish patron of Cluny—the king is called “Hildefonsus” in the documents of Cluny*®” and Adefonsus in Spain—would be significant in such a gift. With this destination, it is less surprising that the work of a minor author, little read in France,*” should be transcribed at Cluny about 1100 in so elaborate a form and illustrated with such magnificence. It is a text that has no place in the liturgy, although in Spain the story of the miraculous appearance to Ildefonsus of the Virgin, seated on his bishop’s throne in the cathedral, and her gift of a chasuble, was read in the missals. The other copies of Ildefonsus’ treatise from Cluny are bound with texts in praise of the Virgin by Fulbert, Jerome and Odilo, but contain little or no ornament.” As an offering of gratitude to the royal Spanish patron of Cluny the unique artistic character of the Parma Codex becomes intelligible. There was in the choice of this text an additional fitness for a gift from Cluny to Spain, whether to the Spanish king or to the archbishop of Toledo. By including the colophon of Gomez, addressed to Gotiscalc, bishop of Le Puy, and by illustrating the old presentation, the Cluniac donor not only affirmed the antiquity of the friendly relations between the Spanish and French churches evidenced in the writing of a codex of Ildefonsus for a French bishop; the new copy could also

be seen as the counterpart in more precious and noble form of an ancient gift from Spain to France. Reproduced so often at Cluny, the manuscript in the Cathedral of Le Puy was surely 303. “Ego Adefonsus rex Leonum ... mole peccatorum that Hugo and the Cluniac monk, Robert, had a major part depressus . . . disperatione dejectus, set etiam reatum meorum in arranging the marriage which was condemned at first by criminum expavesco .. .”—Bruel, Recueil des chartes, 1V, no. the pope as contrary to canon law, since Constance was a

3509, pp. 627ff. fourth cousin of Agnes, Alfonso’s deceased first wife.

304. Bruel, Recueil des chartes, no. 3540. 307. The editors of the catalogue of the exhibition at Rome 305. Liber de Miraculis, Migne, Pat. lat., CLxxxIx, cols. in 1954 have already conjectured that the manuscript was

904ff., and M. Marrier and A. DuChesne, Bibliotheca Clunia- made for a royal personage (see note 18 above).

censis, col. 1296a. The promised perpetual tribute was not 308. See Hildebert, Vita Hugonis, Migne, Pat. lat., CLIX, paid in the 1120’s by his grandson, Alfonso VII, and is ad- col. 866 (as in the inscriptions of the Parma miniatures). duced by C. J. Bishko (“Peter the Venerable’s Journey to 309. See M. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur Spain” in Petrus Venerabilis 1156-1956, ed. by G. Constable des Mittelalters, 111, pp. 532) 533, 535 for the story of Herman and J. Kritzeck, pp. 164, 169, 170) as a reason for the abbot of Tournai’s difficulty in finding a copy; he discovered one, Peter’s trip to Spain in 1142. At his meeting with Peter in finally, in Chalons, which he transcribed for the bishop of Salamanca, Alfonso paid the arrears and abolished the tribute Laon. On the other hand, P. Justo de Urbel says of Ildefonfor good. The abbot’s account of the Spanish monk’s vision sus’ treatise on Mary that, apart from liturgical books, the is followed by Peter’s explanation that Alfonso was saved De Virginitate is the one most frequently encountered in doc-

from hell because of his gifts to Cluny. uments of medieval donations and foundations in Spain. (Los 306. For Alfonso’s family relations with Hugo and the monjes espafioles en la Edad Media, Madrid, 1933, 1, p. 338.) Burgundian nobility, see Defourneaux, Les francais en Espagne, 310. On an illustrated copy from the Cluniac abbey of St.-

p. 22. P. David (Etudes historiques sur la Galice et le Portu- Martial in Limoges, see Appendix 11. | gal du VIe au XIle siécle, Lisbon, Paris, 1947, p. 388) thinks

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 71 known to Hugo, whose predecessor and friend, the great Odilo, was of Auvergnat origin and had been a dignitary of that cathedral. One of his nephews, Stephen, was bishop of Le Puy.*™ In considering these possible motives, one must not ignore the importance of the text of Ildefonsus for the religious life of Cluny at that time. It is one of the oldest expressions of the cult of the Virgin, which was then beginning to pervade Christian piety and was especially favored in Cluny. Ascetic in tone, the work of a former monk and abbot who became the chief bishop of Spain, this ancient treatise defending the dogma of Mary’s perpetual virginity contained much that was congenial to Cluniac minds. It was also attractive to readers of the Romanesque period

because it excerpted the testimonies of the Jewish prophets concerning the birth of Christ— passages which were inscribed on the scrolls of the prophets in Romanesque sculpture and paint-

ing and recited in the liturgical drama—the prophet-plays of the Christmas season.*” The numerous miniatures of the prophets in the Parma Codex exceed the usual requirements of illustration and show how strong was the desire to make visible these ancient foretellers of Christ’s coming. The polemic against Jews and heretics in Ildefonsus’ book, drawing largely on the

prophets and patriarchs of the Old Testament and illustrated in the Parma Codex by pictures of arguing figures, must also have appealed to Christians in 1100, a period when the growth of the towns, of travel and trade, exposed the faithful to the challenge of heretics and unbelievers. At this time arises a new literature of religious dispute: the dialogues with Jews in which passages from the prophets of the Old Testament are cited by Christians as arguments for the Messianic mission of Christ.*** A few decades later, another abbot of Cluny, Peter the Venerable (11221156), ina treatise against the stubbornness of the Jews, addressed them with phrases remarkably like those of Ildefonsus, and appealed, like him, to the testimony of the prophets.*™ But Ildefonsus had been read and copied in Cluny, as we have seen, by a generation of monks before 1100, and it is possible that the great interest of the Cluniacs in the fortunes of Christian Spain, where they possessed more than twenty houses and had advised the kings ever since the 311. On Odilo’s relations to Auvergne, see Mabillon, Aundert, Berlin, 11, 1918, pp. 60, 61, fig. 40, no. 194. Elogium Odilonis, Migne, Pat. lat., cxLut, cols, 833, 834. 313. On this literature see Margaret Schlauch, “The Al312. In Cluny the prophets were read regularly through- legory of Church and Synagogue,” Speculum, XIV, 1939, pp. out the year in the services, according to the Consuetudines 448-464, and especially pp. 455ff. Also J. de Ghellinck, of Udalricus (1080's); see Migne, Pat. lat., cxL1x, cols. 643- Lessor de la littérature latine au XIIe stécle, Brussels, Paris, 645, 686. In Citeaux as well there was apparently great in- 1946, I, pp. 161-167, and Bernhard Blumenkranz, Jwifs et terest in the prophets; it is expressed in the elaborate painting chrétiens dans le monde occidental 430-1096, Paris, 1960,

of Christ in glory surrounded by the twelve prophets in the pp. 67ff., 213ff. :

| manuscript of Jerome on the Prophets, Dijon, Bibl. mun. 132; 314. See his “Tractatus adversus Iudaeorum inveteratam

Oursel, La miniature du XIlIe stécle, pl. xuv. The prophets duritiem,” Migne, Pat. lat... CLxxxtx, cols. 507ff.—“Audite with inscribed scrolls were represented in mural paintings of ergo, Judaei, et ex scripturis vestris Christum, vel juxta vos the late 11th century at Sant’Angelo in Formis and Saint- Messiam esse agnoscite Filum Dei. Veni ergo imprimis, eximie Savin; earlier examples, perhaps significant for Cluny, are on _ prophetarum Isaia, .. .” (col. 509); cf. Idefonsus’ repeated the bronze doors of S. Paolo f.l.m. in Rome, which were made use of “Audi” and “veni”: “Audi ergo et tu, Helvidi” (Blanco in Constantinople in 1070, during the rule of the abbot Hilde- Garcia, San Ildefonso pp. 67, 77, 79, 85, 88, 99, etc.). The brand, later Pope Gregory VII and a close friend of Hugo. text of Ildefonsus was perhaps known already in the first half On the Ordo Prophetarum of the Christmas liturgy and on of the 11th century to the abbot Odilo who, in defending the the prophet-plays, see Emile Male, L’Art religieux du Xlle_ Virginity of Mary against heretics, employs a rhetoric like stécle en France, Paris, 1922, pp. 141-147, and Karl Young, _ that of Ildefonsus. Cf. his sermon x11, on the Birth of Mary The Drama of the Medieval Church, Oxford, 1933, 1, pp. (Migne, Pat. lat., cxLit, col. 1029)—“Hanc quam despicis,

r25ff, Manichaee, mater est mea .. . Quid agis, Manichaee? Christi

The taste for the prophets in Romanesque art was perhaps matrem opprimis, non Christum defendis. . . .” In his sermon prepared in Ottonian art; the illustrated Reichenau manu- x11, on the Assumption of Mary, he quotes frequently from scripts give an important place to these Old Testament fig- the prophets to support his belief in the virgin birth and ures. Cf, Munich lat. 4453, the Gospels of Otto III from Christ’s Messianic role (¢bid., cols. 1024ff.). In the sermons Bamberg, S.X eX (Goldschmidt, German Illumination, II, pls. on the Nativity, the Purification of the Virgin and the In25, 26); Bamberg Cod. Bibl. 76, Commentary on Isaiah, carnation (cols. 999-1004), there is repeated use of “Audivis.X ex (ibid., 11, pl. 30); Bibl. 22, Commentary on Daniel, mus” and “videte” .as in Ildefonsus’ treatise. A text of Ildes.X ex (ibid., 11, pl. 31). On the silver and ivory cover of fonsus could have been brought early in the 11th century the mid-11th century missal of St. Denis (Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. not only from Le Puy, but from Spain directly by the Span9436) busts of ten prophets in squares frame the Cruci- ish monks at Cluny whose deviant liturgical practice is defixion (Goldschmidt, Die Elfenbeinskulpturen aus der Zeit scribed by Radulfus Glaber, lib, 111, c.3-Migne, Pat. lat., CXLII,

der Karolingischen und Séchsischen Katser, VIII-XI Jahr- col. 651.

72 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS first half of the eleventh century, made Ildefonsus an especially important figure. The repeated copying of this old Spanish author at Cluny in the last quarter of the century might in itself be interpreted as a homage to the abbey’s greatest patron, king Alfonso of Spain. These manuscripts are the oldest copies of Ildefonsus known to have been written outside of Spain. They are not purely theological texts but also commemorative, for they contain, beside the writings of Ildefonsus, two biographies of the saint which recount his virtues and miracles, though Ildefonsus had no place in the liturgical calendar of Cluny. In the illustration of the Parma Codex, Ildefonsus is more prominent than the Virgin Mary, to whom the central text is devoted.

oO 7 APPENDIX I "Phe Contents of the Parma Codex For the measurements and pagination, see page 7 Roman and rustic capitals (ibid.., col. 58) (Fig. 33).

above. fol. 12—, . . roborata quid sine amissione teneres” fol. i-blank. (ibid. col. 59). In gold rustic capitals on purple

iv—library numbers and engraved bookplate of the ground: “Altercatio hildefunsi episcopi contra _fol.Parma library. perfidti Iovinianum.”

fol. u—in 18th-century hand: “Quest’ opera di S. Ilde- fol. 12v—full-page painting: Ildefonsus arguing with

fonso de Virginitate M. fu scritta da Gomesano Tovinianus; each is accompanied by a follower Abate dell’ Archisterio Ildense nei confini di Pam- (Fig. 4). Inscription on lower margin “1650.” plona, ad istanza di Godescalco Vescovo Anicense fol. 13—large ornamented initial A of “‘Audi tu, percipe

o sia di Le Puy.” | tu, Ioviniane; corde sapito,” written in Roman and

fol. iiv-in hand of early 13th century: “Confitemini rustic capitals (Fig. 35). dno qm bonus qm in seclum” (Psalms 106:1). fol. I 5. . . in nodem coaequalem, copulem talem”’ fol. 1-old library number “171” and note in Italian (zbid., col. 60). At bottom of page, in gold Roman that the pages were numbered in 1866. and rustic capitals: “Tnfidelissimum Helvidium.” | fol. 1v—full-page painting of the bishop Julian address- fol. 15v—full-page painting: Ildefonsus arguing with

ing three figures, inscribed IULIAN’ EPS (Fig. ess inscribed MILD EFUNSUS (Fig. 5).

1); on the upper margin, “171” is inscribed again, 4. TO~large ornamented initia’ #4; “saudi ergo, et tu, fol. 2—“Tulianus loquitur eps dicens,” in gold capitals Helvidi, ad me adtende impudera te... me ausculta

h rol ds in laree ‘eal (zbid., col. 61), in gold Roman and rustic capitals ape rods nae capt om men pe eon (Fi 28). _ ° ted gold initial H (Fig. 32). 1 me " fol. 21v—“‘. . . in hoc momento, in hoc tempore, et in

ormamentee 80 a 18-32). 17 on UP- omnia semper secula seculorum. Amen” (did., col.

per margin. For the text, which continues “sui 64). In gold R d rustic capital orple: temporis clarus... ,” see Migne, Pat. lat. xcvt, pa): iD & woman and Tusne capibars on Purple:

col. 43 Conflictus Hildefunsi Toletanae civitatis episcopi 7 TOT oy ce , , contra infideles Iudaeos.”’

fol. 3v—end of Julian’s eulogy: “atque in ecclesia beate fol full atino: Ild . ch th

a a | Le gy yep Jews (Fig. 6).

Leocadie tumulatur, ad pedes sui decessoris, cum Of 22a page painting ; Ildefonsus arguing with the

quo creditur aeterne frui receptaculo claritatis” (sd1d., fol ; d initial £ “Oui dici

col. 44). i 22 arge ornamente ppt Peo ‘Qui aos

fol. 4—full-page painting: Ildefonsus at the altar, with rl (Fi 30). (ibid., col. 64), in gold on

two monks and a layman, inscribed HILDEFUNS’ fol. 26-half-pace painting: Isaiah addressing two Jews

(Fig. 2). oe Le ; In the text space above, the rubricator has written: four monksoS at“Parvulus, his sides; inscribed HILDEFUNS’ inquit, natus est nobis, filius datus est"

(Colorplate r). : > . whe ,

fol. 4v—full-page painting: Ildefonsus writing, with “Propheta contra Tudeos.” The painting precedes:

fol. 5—rustic capitals in gold on purple ground: “In nobis . . . (Isaiah 9), ibid., col. 66 (Fig. 7). nomine dni incipit opusculum prefationis in qua fol. 26v—half-page painting: enthroned David address-

_exprimitur humilis devotio; atque pia confessio — ns the Jews. It follows the end of the text of oy — Isaiah: “‘. . . filius dei datus est nobis. Item David sequitur,” above gold ornamented initial D of DS Fic. 8

LUMEN VERUM in large capitals. In the D, the (Fig. ). ,

: in fange capires. ae fol. 27—“Minues eum paulominus a deo” (Psalm 8). bust of the Lord, blessing andinholding raised book aa arr ; fol. 27v—bust of Isaiah notcheda frame. Rubric: in his left hand; below him, the monk Ildefonsus cory 1 Isaja” Text: “Vj dj

in prayer (Colorplate 1). aec in Isaia.” Text: irga est ex radice col. 53). | ol. 28-painting on two-thirds of page: Ezechiel an

fol. v_qui iluminas omnem hominem . . .” (did., f ies i s Usage f ve: Ezechj 1 and fol. 9—“‘. . . veritas illa quae deus est, regat salvandum, two J ews (Fig. 9). In ng) i margin, in gold et in secula seculorum possideat victurum. Amen” minuscules: “Haec in Ezechie Cs oo (ibid., col. 58). In gold rustic capitals on purple fol. 28v—bust of prophet. Haec in psalmis. Thalamus - ground: “Hic incipit oratio. Hildefunsi toletanae dei est, quia de utero eus” (Ezechiel 44, Psalm

civitatis episcopi ad sanctam Mariam.” 18, an quoted ; tbid., col. 67). : oe fol. gv—full-page painting: Ildefonsus kneels before en- fol. 31—““Item Hieremias. P ainting of Jeremiah and

throned. Virgin who holds a book in her raised left two Jews. “Prevaricatione est in me domus Juda hand (Fig. 3). (Jeremiah 5).

fol. r1o—Large gold ornamented initial D of “Domina fol. 31v—bust of Isaiah. “Item Isaia. Tota die expandi

mea dominatrix mea... filii tui,” written in gold manus meas...” (Isaiah 65) ibid., col. 68.

74 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS fol. 32v—half-page painting: Hosea and two Jews. At plebis tuae . . .” Rubric: “Item Abbacuch”’ (Fig.

bottom of fol. 32: “Item in Oseae,” in rustic cap- 18). itals. The painting precedes: “Vae, inquit, eis, fol. 42—bust of Zachariah in square frame: “Item quoniam recesserunt a me” (Hosea 7) ibid., col. 69 quomodo venit, abiectus utique...” (Zachariah 9:9).

(Fig. 10). Under rubric: “Item apud Isaiam ex persona dei

fol. 36—painting (one-third of page): Malachi and patris,” a painting (less than half-page) of Isaiah two figures (two-thirds length). Rubric above the and two Jews (Fig. 19). painting, in rustic capitals: “Dicit Malachias.” The fol. 42v—“Ecce intelliget puer meus . . .” (Isaiah

text reads: “Veniet ad templum sanctum suum 52:13). | dominator . . .”” (Malachi 3:1) zdid., col. 71 (Fig. fol. 44v—full-page painting: Ildefonsus kneels before

II). Christ in Majesty with the four symbols of the

fol. 36v—painting (more than half-page): Christ with evangelists. The text of the vision of Christ in cross-staff gives the law, in form of a scroll, to Majesty with the four beasts (Revelations 5:11-13) Moses. In upper margin, in rustic capitals: “Item in is not quoted, however, until fol. gov. In the lower exodo pater ad legis latorem.” The text below: margin the rubricator has written in gold minus“Ecce mitto angelum meum, qui precedat te . . .” cules: “Oratio Hildefunsi ad dam ihm xpm” (Fig.

(Exodus 23:20ff.) (Fig. 12). 21).

fol. 37v-half-p age painting: Iidefonsus, in monk's fol. 45~ornamented initial A of “Adaperi, ihs meus, robes, with crozier, addresses two figures, “Item, adaperi os meum” (Migne, Pat. lat., op.cit., col. 74, unde venit? ... Audi ipsum per Salomonem. Ego chap. vr). Below, the rubric: “Hildefunsus contra

ex ore altissimi processi...” (Eccl. 24) (Fig. 13). Pe ie . . 9

fol. 38—half-page painting: Zachariah addresses two Tudaeos. Quid egit xps et quia deus sit et homo

Jews. “Haec dicit dominus deus exercituum. Post . (Fig. 22). ,

gloriam misit me...” (Zachariah 2:8) (Fig. 14). fol. 45v—painting, two-thirds of page: Ildefonsus argufol. 38v—“Item Isaia.”’ Bust of Isaiah in notched frame, ing with two J ews (F 1g 20) ’ Quid egist, Domine? beside text: “Ego sum primus et novissimus, Manus quantum ad omnipotentiam unitae Trinitatis perti-

quoque mea fundavit terram .. .” (Isaiah 48:12) net....

(Fig. 29). fol. ro2—-end of text of Ildefonsus: “. . . nullum

fol. 39—painting, two-thirds of page: Jacob blessing dirimatur ab altero (zbid., col. 104), per numquam his twelve sons. On outer purple border of the page, finienda secula seculorum, Amen.” Painting, twoin reserved white space, is a gold inscription by the thirds of page: Gémez writing the copy of Ildefonsus rubricator: “Hic benedicit Iacob filios suos.” Below for the bishop Gotiscalc in 951 (Fig. 23). the painting: “Item quando xpc venit, dicat Iacoh fol. 102v—full-page painting: Gomez presents the book

in benedictionibus patriarcharum. Non _ deficiet to bishop Gotiscalc; the book is inscribed LIBRU , princeps de Juda .. .” (Genesis 49) ibid., col. 72 S. MARIE (Colorplate rr).

(Fig. 15). fol. 103—“Incipit prologus ad Gotiscalcum episcopum,”

fol. 39v—painting, more than half the page: angel in rustic capitals in upper margin. Ornamented addresses Daniel. In the top margin: “Item in initial E (Fig. 34) of “Ego quidem Gomesanus” Danihele, ad se loquente angelo” (Fig. 16). (in Roman and rustic capitals). For the text of the fol. 40—Rubric: “Ubi xps venit, dicat Micheas. Et tu, colophon, see page 8 above.

Betlehem, domus Eufrata” (Micah 5). fol. 105—““Transtulit aut hunc libelli scissimus gotiscalfol. 40v—half-page painting: Micah stands before city, cus eps ex hispania ad aquitania, tempore hiemis,

addressing the inhabitants. “Item ubi venit, dicat diebus ceptis ianuarii msis, currente feliciter aera aa Et tu Bethleem domus Eufrata...” (Fig. decee. Ixxx, viiii, regnante domino nro ihu xpo, qui fol. 41v—bust of Isaiah: rubric: “TIsaias.”” Text: “Item cu do P atre et SCO sp u unus ds glatur in scla sclor—

David. Ambulabimus de virtute in virtutem” amen. In rustic capitals: a n nomine diii ni iho (Psalm 38). “Item Hieremias in libro Baruch: Hic xpi, Incipit vita vel gesta sci Hildefonsi, epi Toleest deus noster, et non aestimabitur alter ad eum...” tanensis sedis metropolitan, a beato Elladio, epo

(3). eiusdem urbis, edita decimo kl Febys.”

fol. 41v—bust of Isaiah: rubric: “TIsaias.” Text: “Item fol. 105v—ornamented initial E of “Ecce Dapes” (in

quare venit, ipse per Isaiam dicit: Spiritus domini Roman capitals) “melliflui illius domni Hildesuper me, propter quod unxit me...” (Isaiah 61:1). fonsi.. .” (Vita Ildefonsi by Cixila, here attributed Below, a painting of Habakkuk (two-thirds figure) to Elladius; for text, see Migne, Pat. lat., 96 cols. beside the bust of Christ, in a medallion over a 43-48). plant—the fig tree that “shall not blossom,” in the fol. 111—“‘tegminis quae tibi data est... .... protext of Habakkuk 3:17 on fol. 42. “Existi in salutem missa palma victoriae. EXPLICIT” (Fig. 36).

APPENDIX II

The Limoges IIdetonsus PARIS, BIBL. NAT. LAT. 2833 There is one other illustrated manuscript of Ilde- dapes melliflui illius domini Hilldefonsi .. .” (Fig. fonsus’ treatise on the virginity of Mary from this time 89). that is of French origin: Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 2833.°*° Although these drawings are very different in style It contains six drawings at the initials of certain sec- and conception from the pictures in the Parma Codex,

tions of the text: we cannot help asking how they are related. The first, fol, 1-A seated figure of an ecclesiastic, under an arch, of the seated Gomez, and the second (of Gotiscalc and : holding the initial E in his raised left hand, and a Julian), recall sufficiently the two paintings at the end scroll in his right. ‘The text reads: “Incipit prologus of the Parma Codex to suggest a possible connection. in libro de perpetua virginitate s, mariae. Ego quidem Js the series here a freely remembered version of the

gomesanus ...” (Fig. 85). , Cluny pictures? The fourth drawing, of Christ in the

fol. 1v—T'wo ecclesiastics stand under arches; the left, 1 with the kneelin ¢ bishop praying below, corresponds

in robes, holdstoa the tau figured in his left and ainbook wg er:bishop’s arr ; more closely initial the Parma Codex,

g a figure raises _ ; ; oa

in his right hand; the inscription at his feet reads Le ;

Gotiscaleus. Under the richt arch a ficure raises the which illustrates and introduces the same text. The re-

initial T in his left hand; on his outer robe, with ™™PS two drawings are unlike anything in Our jeweled borders, the central vertical band, corre- ™4@"USCTIPT; but an miraculous offering of the robe to

sponding to an orfrey, is inscribed Julanus. The Iidefonsus appears In Madrid Bibl. Nac. 10087. The initial T’ begins the sentence: “Transtulit enim hunc CO™Position there is so different, however, that we need

ps ex hispania a

bellum scissimus Gotiscalcus eps hiepania ad "ot consider it further; the common text would be

aquitaniam ...” (Fig. 86). enough to account for the image. .

Below, on the same page, is a second drawing, of Since Bibl, Nat. 2833 has the colophon of Gémez the bishop Ildefonsus enthroned on a folding chair ™ front of the text as 1 Bibl. Nat. 2855 and the corwith four lion heads and four beast legs; he has a T°t reading Albaildense”—unlike all the copies in crozier in his left hand, a raised book in his right. Above the Cluniac class—V. Blanco Garcia seems right to the book, in relief against the spring and spandril of suppose that it was copied directly from the manuscript the right side of the arch, is the initial H of “Hilde- of Le Puy.®’’ But the scribe undoubtedly consulted also fonsus memoria sui temporis . . .” (Fig. 86). one or more other versions. He writes Gomesanus and fol. 2v-A large D formed of a curved rinceau with ¢* Hispama as in the copies made at Cluny; and he compact acanthus ornament, enclosing a bust of adds the Life of Ildefonsus by Cixila—another feature Christ with outstretched blessing hand; below, St. of the Cluniac group.**® It is interesting, too, that he Ildefonsus kneels in prayer. The text follows: “In- has supplied from a Spanish (?) source the final chapcipit confessio Hildefonsus (sic) et oracio. Deus ters that are missing in the Le Puy Codex and the

lumen verum.. .” (Fig. 87). French copies derived from it. For the connection with

fol. 4v—A drawing of the Virgin enthroned frontally manuscripts other than Bibl. Nat. 2855 and the with the Christ child in her lap, like a cult image, Cluniac group, I note that where Bibl. Nat. 2855 reads in an arched niche, with a great star in the upper “qualiter more” and the Parma Codex (and Madrid left ;"*° at the left, Ildefonsus in profile prays to the 9087) “quanti tremore,” Bibl, Nat. 28 33 has “quali Virgin. There is no initial (unless the star is seen tremore,” a reading found in several early Spanish as_an Q, preceding the text: DNA MEA O manuscripts.*? It is likely that the scribe of Bibl. Nat.

DNATRIX MEA...) (Fig. 88). 2833 worked from a copy of Bibl. Nat. 2855 which fol. 36v—The enthroned Virgin presents a robe to the already possessed certain features that had entered the kneeling Ildefonsus. The inscription reads: “SCA Cluniac family, and from a complete Spanish text.

MARIA dat vestimentum Ildefonso.” ‘There is no The correspondence of the drawings on fols, 1 and initial here, but an incomplete outlined frame. “Ecce Iv with fols. 102, 102v of the Parma Codex, and the 315. It is described in Bibliothéque Nationale, Catalogue | Moissac, and on the ivory casket from Monte Cassino (ca. 1071-

des Manuscrits latins, 111, Paris, 1952, p. 132. The dimensions 1072) in Farfa (Bloch, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 3, 1946,

are 235 by 150 mm, In Blanco Garcia’s list it is called ge fig. 251).

(San Ildefonso). 317. San Ildefonso, p. 38. I note here that in another copy,

316. If it is a star, whether or not it is also the initial O, ignored by Blanco Garcia (B.N. lat. 3781, from Moissac) the it has probably been taken from an image of the Adoration Gdmez prologue is in front. of the Magi; a large star, treated as a petaled flower, appears 318. The life by Cixila is not in the Le Puy manuscript in the Adoration scene in French miniatures of the 11th cen- (B.N. lat. 2855).

tury from Autun (the troper, Paris, Bibl. de l’Arsenal Ms 319. E.g., Toledo Cathedral, Ms 35, 7, 9th century. On 1169, fol. 13v) and St. Germain-des-Prés, Paris (Paris, B.N. the variants, see the collation in Blanco Garcia, San Ildefonso, lat. 12117; Ph. Lauer, Les enluminures romanes de la Biblio- p. 136, line 4, who ignores this variant in B.N. lat. 2833. théque nationale, pl. xLvit1), on a capital in the cloister of

76 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS initial on fol. 2v with Idefonsus praying to a bust of laced scrolls and animal heads. These two writings of Christ (Parma, fol. 5), is very striking and makes it IIdefonsus and Odo were already listed in sequence in difficult to believe that the two sets of miniatures are a catalogue drawn up by the librarian of Limoges wholly independent. A connection with Cluny becomes early in the thirteenth century.*?4 Their two handmore plausible when we discover that Bibl. Nat. 2833 writings correspond to the two scripts in Bibl. Nat.

was produced in a Cluniac abbey, St.-Martial at 46 5 1,82 co

Limoges. The same hand appears in a drawing of a If we were certain of the date of Bibl. Nat. 2833,

seated bishop in Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 2651, fol. 155— Id be abl he relationship with

the figure of St. Paulinus, beside the text of Gregory’s CL wows Of & 1 Bin chile th ‘ See Pe Dialogues (Fig. 90). This manuscript comes from the any MOTE Cas OE we Ee NASER y library of St.-Martial and contains a list of the abbots dated at the beginning of the twelfth century by script, of that monastery, written in the thirteenth century.2% drawing and style of ornament, we cannot say whether

The Ildefonsus text in Bibl. Nat. 2833 is bound with ¢'8 older or younger than the Parma Codex. If older, a manuscript of the Occupationes of Odo, abbot of it would permit us to suppose that the Parma Codex Cluny (fols. 70-126v), which has initials of Limousin was preceded in Cluny by an earlier illustrated Ildestyle—a B formed of little beasts, an A with inter- fonsus.°”* 320. See the description in the Catalogue des Manuscrits B.N. lat. Ms 743, a Limoges breviary of the late 11th century;

latins, under its number. note in the latter on fol. 112v the miniature of the Creation 321. See Paris, B.N. lat. MS 1139: no. 96. Tres Ildefonsi, of Adam with a beaded capital F in the upper right-hand

97. Odo ad Turpionem. Turpio was the bishop of Limoges corner, like the initials of 2833. |

at whose request the abbot Odo of Cluny composed his work, 323. In the catalogue of the Latin manuscripts of the ae sat, 2833 the text begins: ny etatio domni Odonis Bibliothéque Nationale (111, p. 132), MS 2833 is assigned to _ another early catalor araae hin ges manuscript PN Spain, 13th century. Perhaps the provincial style of drawing

» DIN. i 1 . t

des manuscrits de la Bibliothéque Nationale, 11, p. 494); and _ . £ Idef but th

in the catalogue drawn up by the librarian Bernard Itier in tempt to represent the Spanish world of Ildefonsus; but the B.N. lat. Ms 108s in the early 13th century, both texts are horseshoe arch is so common in French art of the rith cenhota. v8. “Odo ad Turpionem,” oo. “ldeforeas major,” 100, tury—a heritage from Merovingian and Carolingian art—

p y »p p .

“YT1defonsus minor,” 1o1. “Ildefonsus, ubi sunt orationes domni that it should not by itself influence our judgment on this

Anselmi” (Delisle, of.cit., p. 497). point. It may be found in other manuscripts of Limoges, in

322. Other signs of connection with Limoges: the initial B the Cluny Bible, Paris BLN. lat. 15176, fol. 3455 and also on fol. 99, with two dogs, in a weakened graphic version of farther North in manuscripts of Saint-Germain-des-Prés in the brilliant H in B.N. lat. 1987, fol. 109, a manuscript of the middle of the 11th century (B.N. lat. 11751, fol. 59). A assured Limoges origin. Cf. also the pen-drawn ornament of sign of a non-Spanish origin is the misreading of the disrinceaux, half-palmettes, etc., in 2833 with the ornament in tinctively Spanish “era” in the date of the colophon as “erat.”

I. INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS AACHEN, CATHEDRAL TREASURE DARMSTADT, LANDESBIBLIOTHEK ITHACA, NEW YORK, CorNELL |

Gospels of Otto III: 22 n.59 MS 1946: 27 N.83, 32 N.114, 51 n.218 UNIVERSITY LIBRARY AMIENS, BIBLioTHEQUE MUNICIPALE MS 1948: 22 N.61, n.65, 27 n.82, MS B 12: 29 N.104, N.109

MS 18:; ua" 22 n.69 9 near nany.LANDEsBIBLIOTHEK mend . KARLSRUHE,

4 SCALOPIER DIJON, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE Aug. 161: 23 ‘net MS» Fons 27 49 1.20 MS 12-15: 36 1.125, 54, 56 and n.238, . BALTIMORE, WALTERS GALLERY 0: ann 8 neat LEYDEN, UNIVERSITY LIBRARY MS W.g: 27 30+ 50 D238) B24 Perizoni 17: 27 n.82 . 132: 521.83 N.222, 56 N.241, BPL. h BAMBERG, STAATLICHE BIBLIOTHEK 71 0.312 | Hb. 62.83: 29 N.102 Bibl. 22: 71 n.312 168: 56 n.242 LONDON, British MusEuM

76: 71and n.312 232: Add. 3, 42, 50 and 95:22 n.63, 23 62 n.70 641:28106-07: 56 and n.249 n.214

14.0(A.11.42) : 27 n.82, 28 n.gQ, DUSSELDORF, LANDESBIBLIOTHEK Cotton Tiberius c v1: 23 n.70

37 N.126, 52 n.87 0.223 MS D4: 23 1.71 Harley 2788: 30 nai11 B.1.8: 27 Harley 2908: 39 n.141 Ed. IT,Tr. 31 n.Ir3 EINSIEDELN, STIFTSBIBLIOTHEK Harley 2928: 52 1.222 Lit. 2: 21 n.52, 21 and n.47, MS 17: 63 and n.230 Stowe 944: 52 n.222

47n.48, 0.192, a 3n.7 113: 2723 n.82, marr4 ACADEMIA DE LA HISTORIA . Lit. 3: 21 2552 and 138: n7132 MADRID, BERLIN, KUPFERSTICHKABINETT 141: 27 n.82 Aem. 47: 62 n.269

MS 78.4.2: 23 0.71 T5t: 38 n.137 ——-, BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL 78.4.3: 25 1677 156: 27 n.82, 29167: D105,22 39 M141 23 MS0.72, 10087:39 62 N.I141 and n.269, 63 and n.2 2993 93 ——, STAATSBIBLIOTHEK Inésn.67, 22 né 64ff, and n.276, n.278, 68,274) 75;

eo. lat. fol. : . .

WW , SCORIAL, Séé : Escoriay aos ronae a7 es 70 : aan MADRID, FLORENCE, Brsiioreca Vitr. 17, Codex Aureus: 15 n.29, 22 Phillips 1676: 31 EL is : O7 Madrid figs. 70-84

BOULOGNE, BIBLIOTHEQUE LAURENZIANA ; and n.54, 23 n.70, 27 n.85, MUNICIPALE Ashburnham 17: 9 and n.26, 64 n.2477 49 D-TOT, 5% 1.223, 53 0.230 MS 5: 43 M171 Pl, XVI1.27: 42 1.162, 50 1.213, ———, LAZARO COLLECTION

BREMEN, STAATSBIBLIOTHEK 57 1.256 Ildefonsus manuscript, lost in Civil MS b.21: 21 and n.45, 27 n.83, Pl. XX1.33: 29 n.105 War: 67 n.285 39 N.I41, 39 1.143 FREIBURG-IM-BREISGAU, MAIHINGEN, BrsLiorHEK OTTINGEN-

BURGO DE OSMA, CATHEDRAL UNIVERSITATS-BIBLIOTHEK WALLERSTEIN :

LIBRARY MS 360a: 25 1.97, 33. M115 Cod. 1, 2.1v°r1 (formerly): 22 n.61, Beatus on the Apocalypse: 52 N.222 FULDA, LANDESBIBLIOTHEK fig. 61

. MS A.a.44: 37 1.129) MAINZ, CATHEDRAL LIBRARY

mis: 2202 CattensaL L MeMANCHESTER 274: 47 m9 : i » GNIEZNO, CATHEDRAL LIBRARY H

CAMBRIDGE, Corpus CHRISTI Codex Aureus: 24 n.77 LIBRARY » JOHN RYLANDs

COLLEGE GOTTINGEN, | MS fr.5: 17 1.32, 43 N.171

MS 183: 27 n.82 UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK 98: 51 n217 i 3 Theol. fol. 231: 32 nut

CHANTILLY, MUSEE CONDE 13, “4 METZ, BIBLIOTHEQUE MUNICIPALE leaf of Registrum Gregorlii: LANDESBIBLIOTHEK |:? 1.6 8 n28. fir. 683h »3GOTHA, destroyed in 1944

22 MOTs JO MeT30 BE MS 1.1: 27 1.83, 29 N.109 MSS 2, 14, 16, 35, 304: all 27 n.go MS 1447: 27 1.83 1.70: 25 0.77, 27 n.83, 39 N.I41 CHATSWORTH, Contecrion or THE GYULA-FEHERVAR (Rumania), RAN) BIBLIOTECA AMBROSIANA

DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE CATHEDRAL LIBRARY P AQ-50 IDEs ST M275 |

Benedictional of St. Ethelwold: 43n. 169 gospels from Lorsch: 22 n.59 MONTPELLIER, BIBLIOTHEQUE DE

CIVIDALE, BIBLIOTECA COMMUNALE LA FACULTE DE MEDECINE

Egbert Psalter: 32 n.114, 33 n.115, THE HAGUE, MEERMANN LIBRARY H 30: 49 n.206

39 and n.140 MS 10 B 12: 27 N.go_ 76: 55 N.234 .

; UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK |

MS Sal. 218: 2227n.5§9 BADIA | | > —, Cod. rxb: n.82, n.gg MS 73: 40 n.148 | hone hese HILDESHEIM, Domscuatz 99: 37 N.131, 38 n.132, 0.133,

MS 743D: 39 N.140 MS 33: 22 N.s9, 29 n.104 n.138, 39 and n.145, 41 and CRACOW, CATHEDRAL CHAPTER 61: 27 n.83 n.152, fig. 51

LIBRARY , Sr. GoDEHARD 175: 40 n.148, 52 222

MS 208: 21 nae 22 ns, pe 029 Albani Psalter: 23 n.70 MONTREAL, CANADA,

73 may 75, D775 33 DeETSsminiature L. V. RANDALL COLLECTION 37 M429 INNSBRUCK, from a Bible: 36 and n.125,

———, CZARTORYSKI MusEUM UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK 46 and n.184, n.185, 47 and n.1gs,

evangeliary: 24 1.77 Cod. 484: 21 0.53, 22 n.g9, 36 n.125 48 and n.196, 50, 61, fig. so

78 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS MOULINS, BIBLIOTHEQUE 923: 51 N.z15 1203: 30 NIE

MUNICIPALE lat. 1:n.171, 39 and49 n.142 1390: 49 n.208, MS 1: 43 M.171 8: 44 and n.207, 50 1.213 MUNICH, BAYERISCHE n.209, 50 and n.212, 1436: 29 N.103, N.107 STAATSBIBLIOTHEK figs. 52-54 1439: 29 0.107, Clm. 828: 26 n.79, 28 n.100, 29 n.105, 18: 36 n.125 49 N.202 32 N14 7432 29 1.102, N.105, 50 N.211, 1450: 23 0.70,

2939: 21 and n.52 76 n.322 29 N.107

4452: 22 and n.g7, 51 n.2z1g 81g: 21 and n.48 1455: 28 and n.93,

4453: 71 0.127 1.312 943: 823: $5 27 0.237 N.go 29 n.107, 55 and 4454: 37 1.237) 59 0.257, 4456: 22 N.59, 28 n.98, 32 n114, 1085: 76 n.321 62 and n.269, 42 T.160, 52 0.223 1087: 3, § and n.12, 10, 29 n.270, 63 and

6204: 23 0.72, 26 n.79, 27 n.86, n.107, 33 and n.118, 44 N.273, 64 0.276,

31 113, 33n.100 N15 n.177, 5940, and n.257, 60,figs. 67 n.289, 0.290, 6421: 28 figs. 41, 43 65, 69 6832: 23 n.72 1139: 76 N.321 1456: 29 N.107

8272: 22 n.64, 27 n.84 1231: 22 n.62, 32 n.114 1458: 48 n.202

94.76: 37 M127, 51 n.218 1987: 49 N.207, 50, 76 n.322, 1461: 33 n.118 12201a: 23 and n.72a, 27 n.86, fig. 58 1491: 29 n.107, 49 and

33 M115, 37 0.127 2056: 49 n.202 n.202, fig. 60

13601: 21 and n.so, 22 n.62, 24 2213: 49 N.202 1496: 29 N.107, N.110 and n.75, 26 n.80, 27 n.86, 2359: 62, 63 n.271, N.274 1497-98: § and n.10, 27

29 n.106 2388: 29 Nn.102 , and n.92, 28, 29

N15 2788: 29 n.102 and n.260,n.261, 143451 22 1.59 2833: 62 0.269, 63 0.275, 67266, 60 and n.26215713: 56 n.246 n.286, 70.310, 75 and fig. 66 14000: 20, 30 M.ILIy 31, 32) 33 2651: 76 and n.320, fig. go N.103, N.107, 59

15904: 22 N.64 N.315, n.319, 76 and 2196: 39 N.141

18005: 21 n.52, 25 0.77, 26 n.79, N.321-323 2246: 3, 29 N.107, 35

27n.86, 28 N.100, 32 N.114, 2855: 8 and n.21, 0.25, 21 1.39, | and n. 123, 36

37 n.i24, fig. 31 34, 62 and n.268, n.269, and n.124,N.125, 18121: 26 0.79, 27 n.86 64 and n.276, 67, 75 and 42-48 and

22044: 0.723779: n.318 n.177,189, 181, 22311: 2923 N.105 29 N.107 190,186, 193,

23261: 25 and n.78 3781: 75 0.317 195, 196, 198,

MUNICH, REsIDENZ, REICHE 3862: 49 N.202 50) 51 1.216, 545

KAPELLE 4614: 9 n.102 55 "hes 5243: 760 N.321 ) ’ on .°

Prayer Book of Charles the Bald: 5296A: 49 n.207, 50 and n.2r0, 39) 425 $7

53 1.230 n.211, fig. 55 2247: fe N.107-109,

Cod. vitl.c.4: 38 n.132 535 ? ,

NAPLES, BrBLioTEcA NAZIONALE aN" - Nad 2261: 1 nro7-109 5672: 29 N.102 45 n.181 NEW YORK, PieErPonr Morcan Li- 7102: 29 N.104 2334: 17 n.32

BRARY 8850: 30, 52 27 N.222 2390: 23.n.70, 27 N.91, MS 641: 51 n.219 8851: 1.83, 39 N.141, 29 n.108, 45 692: 41 n.158 47 N.195, 51 n.217 n.181, §§ n.235,

737+ 5% 0.222 9392: 27 N.go N.237, 56 1.243, 883: 43 n.170 9436: 51 N.219 2442: 28 n.100 NEW YORK Pustic LIBRARY 9438: 43 n.166, n.167 n.170, PARIS, ART DEALER 780: 5 1.13, 22 .58, 37 n.129 9428: 43 and n.166 n.249, fig. 63

MS I: 52 M.225 44. 1.173 leaf with miniature of Ascension from NUREMBERG, GERMANISCHES 9518: 27 and n.89, §5 n.234 Cluny: 36 n.125

MusEUM 9654A: 23 1.70 PARMA, BrsBLioTECA PALATINA

Codex Aureus, formerly in Gotha: 10438: 21 and n.4g Pal. MS 5: 53 n.227 23 1.70, 27 n.83, 28 n.96, TOSOO: 27 2.90 386: 29 n.104 29 N.1O1, N.106, 33 0.118, 10501: 27 N.83, 32 N.1T4, 1589: 68 n.294

))

39 N.I41, 43 1.165, 56 1.246 5% M277 1650: passim, see Table of Con| TO514, 22 N57, 0.65, 37 N.131 tents, vii, and Colorplates PADUA, CATHEDRAL TREASURE 11624: 27 and n-89> 28 1.99, I and i, figs. 1-30, 32-36

epistolary of 1259: 39 n.143 «5S M234 NE. 62 POMMERSFELDEN, Liprary OF THE

gospels of 1170: 39 1.143 woe 76 0373 Counts SCHONBORN

PARIS, BIBLIOTHEQUE DE L’ARSENAL ma : 23 B79 Cod. 2940: 53 n.230 72°75 n.316 371: 29 n.107, 62 and n.269, 13370: 4§ n.18t PRAGUE, CaTHEDRAL LIBRARY n.270, 63 and n.271, 13875: 28 n.92, 29 n.107, St. Vitus Gospels: 51 n.219

n.274, 64 n.276, 67 n.289, 45 n.181 ——, UNIVERSITY LIBRARY N.290 15176: 6 and n.17, 27 and n.8¥, XIV.A.13, WySerad Gospels: 24 n.77,

372: 62, 63 n.271 60, 76 1.323 29 M.105, 51 N.219 592: 44 M.174 17006: 27 N.go |

1169: 45 0.177, 75 0.316 Nouv. Acq. lat. 332: 55 n.236 ROME, BIBLIOTECA CASANATENSE

PARIS, BIBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALE 638: 28 n.g2, 721: 5O N21

pr.510: 41 n.156 45 n.181 724: 4 M54

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 79 ———, BIBLIOTECA VALLICELLIANA TRIER, CATHEDRAL TREASURE N.150, 41 N. 153 E.16: 38 0.132, 0.133, 40 0.147, 42 Cod. 140: 29 MN.105, 32 M114, 37 Regina lat. 15: 27 n.83

n.162 n.129 Vat. greek 699: 52 n.221 Bible of Charles the Bald: 24 n.75 leaf of Registrum Gregorii: 21 and n.44, and m.159, 51 For Vatican Library, see Vatican City 22 n.61, 38 and n.136, n.138, 47 and n.220 n.19§ lat. 36: 39 n.143 ST. GALL, STIFTsBIBLIOTHEK MS 22: 30 N.III 39: 43 M.170, 44 and ———, S. PAOLO FUORI LE MURA ——-, STADTBIBLIOTHEK gr. 1613: 41 and n.156, 42

338: 22 N54, 43 n.165 24.1 22 1.59, 27 n.82, 28 n.g7, 99, n.173

340: 21 and n.46, 22 n.54, 1.57, 29 n.108, 39 N.140, 43 n.165, 1202: 41, fig. 56

43 n.165 51 n.219 1267-1270: 48 n.197

341: 43 n.165 859: 29 N.103, n.108,39 n.109 4922: 1.7 390-391: 21 and n.53, 32 N.114, 6074: 40 3n.148

n.141, fig. 67 UPSALA, UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 9820: 41 m1§4 ,

ST. PETER 12958: 46 n.188 :

SALZBURG, STIFTSBIBLIOTHEK MS C.93: 23 0.70 IO51L: 29 N.104 a.X.6: 22 n.64, 27 n.84 VALENCIENNES, BIBLIOTHEQUE VENDOME, BrsLiorHiue

SANTO DOMINGO DE SILOS, MUNICIPALE MUNICIPALE

ABBEY 59 589 MS 193: 49 1.208 MS 5: 62LIBRARY n.269 502:MS 39501: N.143

SMYRNA, EVANGELICAL SCHOOL VATICAN CITY, BIBLIOTECA VIENNA, NATIONALS toe

Cod. A.t: 17 1.32 | APOSTOLICA oa °° m9.

STUTTGART, LANDESBIBLIOTHEK Barberini lat. 587: 42 n.162 791: 52 1.223

Bibl. Fol. 57: 23 n.71 ayaa ° and m.23% 1845: 29 N.105, N.106 60: 23 m71 Ottobonianus lat. 74: 21 and n.5g0, 22 Suppl. gr. 164: 42 1.158 TOLEDO, CATHEDRAL LIBRARY and n.62, 24 VIENNA, SCHATZKAMMER

MS 35: 64 1.277, 75 1.319 n.75, 40 and Coronation Gospels of Charlemagne: 23

II. GENERAL INDEX Aachen, Cathedral, altar frontal, 37 Aubin, Saint, manuscript of life of, transmission to West, 41 and n.155,

n.131 49 44 n.208 . 42, 46Cathedral, n.186; two stylesofof, 42 Acts 2:33, Augsburg, prophets the Adam, Creation of, 76 n.322 windows, 23 and n.71 Cain and Abel, offerings of, 3 n.6, fig. Adaptation of text and pictures, 7, 19 Autun, Cathedral, 38 n.134; capitals, 49 .

Adémar of Chabannes, 50 n.210 45 1.177, 56 and n.239, 240; sculp- Calixtus II, Pope (1119-1124), 60, 70

Adoration of the Magi, 5 n.12, 75 ture, 56 and n.248; tympanum and and n.306 |

N.316 capitals, 57; tympanum, 54, 56. Cambridge, Mass., Fogg Museum, cap-

Agnes of Aquitaine, 7o and n.306 Auvergne, 71 and n.311 . ital from Mottier-St.-Jean, 56 n.239 Albailde, monastery of “Abba Hilden- Avallon, portal, 38 n.134 Campanian art, 41, 493; see also Monte sis,’ Hyldensis, Albaildense, 34, 62 Avenas, altar, 56, 57 and n.2563 cap- Cassino

Albertus Teutonicus of Trier, scribe at ital on altar, 22 n.59 capitals, 22, 38 | Cluny, 28 and n.94, n.g5, 48 and Carolingian art, 20, 22, 23, 30-32, 40,

n.200 background, divided into four rec- 43, 51 and n.219 ——

Alexis Comnenos (1081-1118), Byzan- tangles, 34, 35, 37 n.126, Color- Carpignano, Sta. Maria delle Fratte,

tine emperor, 46 n.186 plate 11; gold, 5, 10, 12, 35, 65, fresco, 52 n.222

Alexis, St., frescoes of life of, 37 n.131 Colorplates 1 and 11; of initials, 26 Castelseprio, frescoes, 41

Alfonso VI (1072-1109), king of Cas- Bamberg, Staatliche Bibliothek, Lit. 7-8, Castille, 68

tille and Ledn, called Hildefonsus ivory cover, 41 n.154 chair, folding, with beast heads and and Adefonsus, 44 n.177, 68ff., 723 Baptism of Christ, 43 n.169 legs, 75, fig. 86 and Cluny, 68ff.; place in liturgy of Bavaria, 5, 6, 20, 21, 22 and mss, 23 Chalons, 70 n.309

Cluny, 69 and n.300; and his sister and n.72, 72a, 24 1.77, 26, 27 and Charlemagne, 30 n.111 .

Urraca, 69 and n.302 n.86, 28 and n.100, 29, 31, 37 and Charles the Bald, manuscripts of, 31, Alfonso VII of Castille, 70 and n.305 n.129, 42, 51 and n.219 325 39 and n.143 | Alpirsbach, tympanum, 52 n.223 Benedict, St., 39 and n.145, 40 and Charlieu, tympanum of West door, 52 Ambrose, St., 49 n.202 n.148, 41 and n.1s2, 52 1.222, $7 n.222, 53 and n.2323 relief, 56, 57

ampulla, see Monza Beneventan school, 41 n.154 and n.254, n.256

Andreas, monk of Cluny from Trier, Berlin, Carolingian ivory carving, 52 Chartres, central tympanum of West

father of Albert, 28 and n.g4, n.g5 n.222 front, 53 1.228

angel addressing Daniel, 65 n.280, 74, ——, Staatsbibliothek, diptych of Pro- Christ, 45, 46, 51, 53 n.225, n.228, 55

fig. 16 bianus, 22 and n.60, 52 and n.222 n.237) 57 and n.2565 appearing to

angel addressing Ildefonsus, 65 and Bernard, St., abbot of Clairvaux, 3 the Apostles, 44 and n.174; Baptism

n.278, fig. 77 Bernard of Sédirac, archbishop of To- of, 43 0.169; bust of, 43, 44, 73-76; Anglo-Saxon style, 3 n.5 Berno, abbot of Cluny, 59 55, fig. 69; Crucifixion of, 5 n.12, 9, Angers, manuscripts of, 3, 42, 49 ledo (1086-1122), 68 and n. 295, 69 figs. 18, 87, Colorplate I; crowned,

Annunciation to the Virgin, 36, 38 Bertolt, painter, 5 n.13, 37 m.129 36, 46 0.185, 47 and n.192, 71 n.312, N.135, 0.138, 46 n.185, 56, fig. 42 Berzé-la-Ville, frescoes, 3, 38 m.134, fig. 38; Deposition, 183 enthroned, 43

antependium, gold, with scenes from 44-52, §4, §9, 61, figs. 44-48 and n.168, 443 exorcising demon of a

life of St. Benedict, ca.1068, Monte Bible, produced by Albert of Trier for possessed man, 15 1.29 5 Flagellation

Cassino, 41 n.152 abbot Pontius (1109-1122) of Cluny, of, 13, 56 n.241; gives the law to

Anthony, St., 57 now lost, 28, 48 Moses, 74, fig. 123 in Majesty, 33,

Anzy-le-Duc, tympanum, 57 and n.256 Blaise, St. 38 n.134, 45 52 and n.222, 53 and N.231, 65, 71 apostle, 46, 48 0.196 Blanco Garcia, V., 8 n.21, 62ff. and N.312, 74, fig. 215 in mandorla, 42

apostles, 43 n.168, 44 and n.174, 51, n.268f. N.160, 52 and n.221-224, 53, fig. 213

55 n.2373 at Berzé-la-Ville, 453 mis- Bloch, Herbert, 24 n.75 infancy cycle, 9; Last Judgment, 44 sion of, 44 n.172, 563; in Pentecost, Bohemian school, 51 n.219 n.1713 in Pentecost, 43 and n.166, 43 and n.166, 0.167 . books, liturgical, brought from Cluny M.170, D171, 44, 46 0.185, fig. 375

Aquileia, Cathedral, fresco in crypt, 38 to Paderborn, 27; pattern of lines on prophecies of his coming, 9, 17, 44

n.132 . fore-edge, 36 n.124, n.125 N.172, 71 and n.313, 1.3143 scenes silver on, tral pointed arch, 67 be. in R )b gold hook 38;and Transfiguration of, 41. n.156, 56 arch, 11, 12ff., 173 flexibility of, 12; 55 TD RESEDSDUTS DOORS, 215 Orna- n.248; washing of feet, 37 n.131; arcade, 14, 16, 21, 67 n.2853 with cen- borders. bands of wold and sl of life of, 9 and n.29, 43, figs. 37,

horseshoe, 65, 76 1.323; rectangular ment of, 3off., figs. 24-273; analogy wound of, 12 n.27; see also Ildefon(stilted lintel), 225 variety of, 12ff.; of ornament and enclosed miniatures, sus and Christ

with spandrel towers, 39 n.143 333 see also ornament Christmas liturgy, 71 and n.312

archangel of Annunciation, 36, fig. 42 Braunschweig, ivory book-cover, 52 Cid, Chronicle of, 69

architectural sculpture, 38, 45, 52ff. 1.223 Cistercians, 543; manuscripts of, 3, 56

architecture, 16, 21, 37) 65 1.282, buildings, 11; convergence toward a Citeaux, 49, 54, 56, 58, 62, 633 interest n.283; as frame and milieu, 11, 12, center, 21; relation to figures, 13, in Old Testament prophets, 71 n.312; 56; openwork, 10, 24; pictorial, 12; 18; superposed, 21, 41 n.1533 touch- order of, 3 in Regensburg miniatures, 24; rela- ing frame, 12; see also architecture city, 17, 65, 71 tion to figures, 11, 14, 18, 35, 663 Burgfelden, frescoes, 37 m.127, 52 Civate, S. Pietro, frescoes, 48 n.197

see also arch, astragal, buildings, N.223) 1.224 Cixila, author of Life of Ildefonsus, 8 capitals, column, crenelation, dome, Burgundian sculpture, 46, 563 see also and n.24, 12 n.27, 65 and n.278, 67

gable, lintel, towers Anzy-le-Duc, Autun, Avallon, Aven- and n.289, 74, 75 and n.318

Ascension, 5 0.12, 9, 36 0.125, 44 as, Charlieu, Cluny, Charlieu, Fleury- classic art, 37, 38 n.174, 46 n.188, 52 n.221, n.222, la~-Montagne, Montceaux 1’Etoile, clergy, Roman, 42

N.225 Perrecy-les-Forges, Saulieu, Vézelay cloisonné lighting and drapery folds,

Assisi, S. Francesco, fresco, 47 n.1g0 bust portraits, 51; see prophets 41, §0

astragal, 38 and n.133, 1.135, 1.136, Byzantine art, 6, 18, 30, 35, 36, 43, 46, Cluniac abbeys, manuscript art of, 29;

n.137, 39 51, 52 and n.221, 55 1.237, 57, 583 see also Dijon, St. Bénigne; Limoges,

| THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS $1 St. Martial; Moissac; St. Benoit-sur- David, 6, 24 1.75, 73, 74, fig. 8 ture, 21; of text, 5, 7, 30; in Caro-

Loire Delisle, Léopold, 55 n.237 lingian imperial manuscripts, 303

Cluniac dress and tonsure, 9, Color- Denis, Saint, 45 and n.181 ornament of, 30ff., 63; figures inde-

plates 1 and 11, fig. 1-5, etc. Deschamps, Paul, 45 pendent of, 31; two types of, 19; in Cluniac ideals, 54 . Desiderius, abbot of Monte Cassino Regensburg manuscripts, 24. Cluniac reform, 23 (1057-1087) and Pope Victor III, de Francovich, G., 39 n.146, 49 1.203 Cluny, abbey of, 12, 22 n.g9, 28, 38 39 1.145, 41 n.152, 42, 49 Freckenhorst, baptismal font, 52 n.223 N.134, 0.137) 40-50, 54, 56-59, 62, Dijon, St.-Bénigne, 3, 27, 28 n.99, 42, Freising, 21, 26

63; art of, 24, 42 and passim; rela- 49, 55, fig. 62 Fulbert of Chartres, 17 n.32, 63 n.271

tion to German art, 5, 6, 20-29, 38- dome, 37, 57, Colorplate 1 | full-page miniatures, 7, 8, 13, 16, 20, 40; book art of, 6, 7, 49 0.204, 55, Doméne (Isére), fresco, 47 n.192 21, Colorplate 1, figs. 1-6.

57, 58, 603 initials, 26+29, figs. 30, Dorotheus, Saint, 45 n.181 .

32-355 41, §7, 65, 66; two styles in dots as form element, 14, 30 gables, 11, 15, 18 | Cluny, abbey church, 19, 49, 60 n.262, n.289, n.290 | Garcia, brother of Alfonso VI and king

the art of, 3, 54 doxology, 62 n.269, 64 n.276, 67 and Gallo-Roman, sculpture, 54

, see also folds elasius II, pope, 60

68, 70, fig. 643 apse paintings, 45; drapery, 3 7s 16, 39) 41) 42, 50, 66; C of Galicia, 69 .

capita’s from 54-583 Du Tullot, minister of Philip of Parma, Gerhard, abbot of Luxeuil, 39 n.141 ympanum, 53 the andchoir, n.228,3,5738) n.256

Cluny. library. d nx40,3 68 and n.293 German art, 6, 20ff., 23, 25, 27 and Y, tibrary, 19, 39 and1N.144, 12799 93 16272 Early Christi t dn. rt20, and n.216 ;nassimila: y (frisuan 52 anEchternach, 221 5 210, 54) 55) Cluny, and 19,art, 46 n.186; 21,forms, 22 and575 68 ass f coni ; . )Byzantium, 20, 21, .54, 0.68, tion of Byzantine 373

62 n.2 6 n.84, n.86, n.gt, 28, 29, 37) 40, 42,

| confraternity with Monte Cassino, 49 23 and n.70, 24, 26, 27 and n.83, junction with Byzantinizing style, 5 and n.203; liturgical calendar, 45 n.85, 28 n.g6, n.ro1, 29 n.106, 38 and n.13, 37 and n.129; features of, and n.181, 725 monumental sculpture and n.136, n.137, 51 n.218, 56, 70 also found in Parma IIdefonsus, 21-

and painting in earlier XIth century, Egbert, bishop of Trier, 68 23; relation to Cluniac art, 20

553 museum, relief in, 57 n.254; or- Egbert Codex, see Manuscripts, Trier, German emperors, 6, 26, 69, 70

nament, 27; and Rome, 43, 49, 543 Stadtbibliothek 24 Gero, bishop of Cologne, 68; see also and the German emperors, 6, 20, 27, Egbert Psalter, see Manuscripts, Cividale Manuscripts, Darmstadt, Landesbibli-

543 and Spain, 68 and n.298, 70, 713 Egyptian art, 13, 22 and n.s56 othek 1948

Spanish monks at, 71 n.3143 spirit- Einsiedeln, 22 and n.67, 29 n.1053 see gestures and postures, 11, 15ff., 18, 19,

ual life at, 9 Manuscripts, Einsiedeln 41, 56, 66; clutching of beard, 15

Cologne, manuscripts of, 42 n.160 Elladius, see Cixila and n.29, 65 n.283

colophon of Gémez and its copies, 8 and evangelists, 47 and n.1953; portraits of, God the Father, 43, 55 n.237 | N.23, 1.25, 21, 345 35) 47, 48 N.201, 23, 36 N.125, 37 N.127, 39 N.141, gold codices, see imperial manuscripts

62, 63 n.274, 64, 65. and n.276, 57 n.2563 symbols of, 41 n.154, 53 Gomez, Spanish monk-copyist of Ide-

n.278, 67 and n.286, 70 and n.226-229, 74, fig. 21 fonsus’ treatise in 951, his colophon,

colophon illustrated at end of book, 39 Externsteine, sculpture, 23 n.71 8, 39 N.141, 41, 47, 48 n.196, 49, 50,

and n.143 | Exultet rolls, 41 and n.154 62, 64, 70, 75 and n.3173; presenting

Colophon Painter (Hand B), 5, 33 eye, drawing of, 13, 56 and n.242 the book to Gotiscalc, 8, 9, 34, 65 n.117, chapter X (34-40), 47-49, 54, Ezekiel 44, 12 n.27, 73 and n.278, 74, Colorplate 11, fig. 78; sg and n.259, 61, Colorplate 11 and Ezekiel and two Jews, 73, fig. 9 writing the copy, 8, 9, 34, 35 1.122,

fig. 23 . - 44, fig. 23; represented as ecclesiastic,

color, 6, 20, 26, 30, 32, 34, 35 and face, rendering of, 10, 48 and n.197, 75, fig. 853 see also scribe

n.122, 37 and n.126, 47, 51, 60, 63, 50 Gorgonius, Saint, 45 n.181 65, 70, 73, 743 disposed in sym- Farfa, ivory casket from Monte Cas- Gorze, 23, 45 n.181 metrical X pattern, 32, 34, 35, 37 sin0, 43, 47 0.190, 75, N.316 | Gospels, scenes from, 9 n.126; gradations of local color, 10 field, gabled form, 47 n.190; tympanum Gothic art, 38

columns, 11, 12, 16; fluted, 37, 38 and and frieze contrasted, 18 Gotiscalc, bishop of Le Puy, 8, 9, 34,

n.93, 39; marbled, 39, 50; row of, fig tree, 74, fig. 18 40 n.148, 47, 49, 57, 62, 70, 75,

35 . figures, representation of, 11, 16, 24, Colorplate 11, figs. 78, 86; receiving

composition, systematizing mode of, 24 36, 57, 66; angular, 55; by Colo- book, see Gémez Conques, tympanum, 53 n.225 phon Painter, 34, 47; by Cluny Lec- Grabar, André, 45 n.181, 46 and n.186,

Conrad II, seal of, 23 n.70 tionary Painter, 36; gradation of, 59

Consortia, Saint, 45 and n.181 453; in smaller fields, 16; opposed Greek art of archaic period, 56

Constance, wife of Alfonso VI, niece of directions of head and body, 56; re- Greek Byzantine painters at Monte Cas-

Hugo of Cluny, 69 n.302, 70 and lation to buildings, 11, 13, 14, 18, sino, 42, 49

n.306 24, 66; standing on ground line, 16; Gregory, Saint and Pope, 38 n.136, 42

Constantinople, 41 n.152, 42, 46 n.186, suspended in space, 22, 56, 65, figs. n.160 |

49, 71 n.3123 bronze doors from, 42 254, 5, 61, 71 Gregory VII, Pope, formerly Hilde-

copying, changes in, 65ff. filioque, 43 brand, abbot of S. Paolo fuori le

costume, 18 and n.33; and composition, Fleury, see St.-Benoit-sur-Loire mura, Rome, 42 n.161, 44 0.177, 54

16; monastic, 57 Fleury-la-Montagne, sculpture, 56 n.239 N.233, 71 n.312 crenelations, pointed, 65 Florentia, Saint, 45 and n.181 ground, see background

crowd, rendering of, 18 folds, 3 n.7, 22, 24, 37) 41, 47) 48, 555 ground line and plane, 13, 16

crown, gabled, 6 and n.16, 23 and n.vo 66; of Byzantine origin, 51; concrozier, 14-16, 40 n.148, 46 n.184, 75, centric, 55; flying, 55; rendered as Habakkuk, 19, 24 n.76, 74, fig. 18 Colorplate 11, figs. 1, 4, 863 as ex- regular curved lines in series, 22; Habakkuk 3:17, 24 n.76

pressive form, 15 V folds, 11, 50 Halinardus, abbot of St. Bénigne at

crucifixes, 47 | form elements, 14ff., 66; expressive- Dijon (1031-1046), 27 and n.89, 55

. empirical, 19 halo, 13

curtain, 36 n.124, 37 and n.127, 50 ness of, 16; cowl as form unit, 11; N.234

Daniel, addressed by angel, 65 n.280, frame, 11, 12, 19 and n.36, n.37, 31, Haman, 56

74, fig. 16 37, 46, 51 and n.2163 and architec- Hand A, see Ildefonsus Painter

82 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS Hand B, see Colophon Painter n.27, 65 and n.278, n.282, 67 n.285, Jerusalem, 60 1.262

hands, 10, 15, 35 70, 75, figs. 82, 89; cuts the veil of Jews, 8, 9, 713 disputing with Ildehats, Jewish, 23 and n.71, figs. 6, 7 St. Leocadia, 65 n.278, 67 n.285, fonsus, 16, 640.278, 64-65 n.278, 71% heads, 10, 18, 34; modeling of, 50; fig. 79; at the altar, with King and n.313, 73, 745 figs. 6, 20, 74-763

positions of, 56 and n.243 Receswinth, 65 and n.278, fig. 80; treatises against, 17 n.32, 71 and

Hellenic art, 17 burial of, 65 and n.278, n.282, fig. N.313, 1.314

Helvidius, 9, 12 n.27, 64 n.278; argu- 84; treatise on the Virginity of Mary, Joel 2:28, 44 and n.175 ing with Ildefonsus, 13, 65 n.283, 67 8 and n.21, n.23, 0.25, 34, 63, 67 John Comnenos, 46 n.186

n.285, 73, figs. 5, 75 n.285, 70 N.309, 71 n.314, 723 his John of Damascus, manuscript of his

hem, 41, 55 eulogy by Julian, 8 and n.22, 14, 64 Sacra Parallela, 51 n.215

Henry II, emperor (1002-1024), 6, 21, n.278, 673 his life by Elladius (sc. | John of Monte Cassino, 39 n.145 23,241.75, 27 and n.87, 40; gifts to Cixila), 8 and n.24, 12 n.27, 65 and John the Baptist, Saint, birth of, fresco, Cluny, 20 and n.38; works made for n.278, 67 and n.289, 72, 74, 75 and 38 n.132

him at Regensburg, 20 n.318; John the Evangelist, Saint, entomb-

Henry III, emperor, 6 n.15, 23, 693 De Virginitate Beatae Mariae, ment of, fresco, 46 n.1883; on crucibooks made for him at Echternach manuscripts, 5, 8, 9, 62, 63, 64, 67 fixes, 47 20; friendship with abbot Hugo, 20 and n.285, 70, 73-76 and n.3213 Jonah and the Whale, 9

and n.38 text, 8 and n.21, 62, 63 and n.273, Joseph, patriarch, 17 n.32, 22 n.59

Henry IV, emperor, 3 n.7, 6, 21 n.42, 274, 64 and n.276, n.278, 753 vari- Joseph, Saint, 56, 57 n.256 N.43, 23, 54 1.233, 69; book made ant readings of, 67 and n.290, n.2913 Jotsaldus, biographer of Odilo, 6 n.15, for him at Regensburg, 20; friend- drawings from manuscript of, in La-~ 20 and n.38 ship with his godfather, abbot Hugo, zaro Collection, Madrid, 67 n.285; Jovinianus, 9, 65 n.283; disputing with

20 and n.38 see also Alfonso Ildefonsus, 15, 64 n.278, 73, figs.

heretics, 713 seé Jovinianus, Helvidius Ildefonsus Painter (Hand A), 5, 10, 20, 4) 74

Herman of Tournai, 70 n.309 339 47) 495 51, 54) 55, 59 and n.259, Judah, 17, 18, 74, fig. 15

Herod, 23 n.70 Colorplate 1, figs. 1-22, 24-30, 32- Judith, 56

Hildebert, biographer of Hugo of 353 assistant to, 33 Julian, bishop of Toledo, his eulogy of Cluny, 20 n.38, 69 n.j301, 70 n.308 illusionistic ornament, 32ff. Ildefonsus, 8 and n.22, 64 n.278, 65,

Hirsau, 23 N.307 86

Hildebrand, abbot, see Gregory VII, imperial manuscripts, 6, 20, 21, 30 and 67; addressing his flock, 9, 14, 73,

Pope N.11I, 31, 39 and n.143, 70 and fig. 13 standing under arch, 75, fig.

Holy Roman Empire, 5, 54 initials, ornamented, 5, 10, 26-29, 33, Jura region, art of, 27 Holy Spirit, Descent of, 36, 44 and 4o and n.1g51, 41 N.154, 49, 50, 54,

n.172, 1.174 55, 59, 60, 73-76 and n.316, n.322, king, kneeling at feet of Christ, 53

horizontal and vertical as dominants, 36 Colorplate 1, figs. 22, 28, 30-35, 41, n.230 (Charles the Bald); see also

Hosea and two Jews, 74, fig. 10 52-54, §7-60, 62, 65, 66, 73, 85-903 Receswinth Hugo, abbot of Cluny (1049-1109), foliate, 5, 6, 26ff.; A, 26, 33, 60, Klosterneuburg altar, 17 n.32

3.n.7, 6 and n.15, 20 and n.38, 27, 73, 74, fig. 22, 28, 35, 66; D, 26, Knechtsteden, fresco, 52 n.223, n.224 28, 39 and n.144, 42 n.161, 44 73, 75, Colorplate 1, fig. 87; E, 74, knobbed spires, domes and gables, 12,

n.177, 45 and n.178, 46, 49 and fig. 34; H, 73, fig. 32; Q, 10, 26 22

N.203, 0.204, §4 N.233, 59, 60 and n.79, 73, figs. 30, 313 Q with beasts, n.265, 61, 68, 69, 70 and n.306, 71 41 n.154; at Monte Cassino, 40 and language and representation, 13

and n.312; letter to Bernard of N.15i, 41 n.154;3 Ottonian, 5, 6, 26- Last Supper, 37 n.131

Sédirac, 68 and n.295 29, fig. 313; Ottonian type at Cluny, Lawrence, Saint, 40 n.147, 45, 48 n.196

Hugo III, abbot of Cluny (1158-1161), 5, 6, 26-29, 59, figs. 22, 28, 30, 32- Leo, scribe at Monte Cassino, 39 n.145

63 n.271 35) 41, 57-60, 65, 66; in Cluniac Leocadia, Saint, see I1defonsus

abbeys, 27, 29, 74-76; in Limoges, Le Puy, 71 and n.314; see also Gotis-

Ildefonsus, Saint, bishop of Toledo (ca. 29, 75-76, figs. 85-90; Spanish, ca. calc, bishop of Le Puy

607-667), 5) 9; 10, 17, 65, 68, 70, 1200, 64 n.278, fig. 73 Les Allinges (Haute-Savoie), fresco,

71, 72, Colorplate 1, figs. 2-6, 20-22, interlace ornament, 26, 31, fig. 27 i-p 31 nr12 70-72, 74-77, 79-84, 86-89; depar- interlaced forms in representation, 13 library, ex-libris, 68 and n.297

ture from family to become a monk, interiors, 12 light, as form element, 3, 10, 33, 51 65, fig. 70; entry into monastery, 65, Isaiah, bust of, 73, 74, figs. 18, 29; ad- and n.219; see also background

fig. 71, debating with heretics and dressing two Jews, 73, 74, figs. 7, 19 (gold) Jews, 9, 64 n.278, 65, figs. 4-6, 13, Islamic art, 30, 49 1.209, 65 lights, calligraphic white, 49; cloisonné 20, 74-76; arguing with Jovinianus, Istanbul, Hagia Sophia, mosaic of Zoé, form, 47

15) 645 65, 73, figs. 4, 74; and with 52 220 Limoges, St.~Martial, 3, 29, 42, 48

; 202, 49, 50 and n.2i1, n.212, 75,

Helvidius, 64, 65, 67 n. 285, 73, Italo-Byzantine style, 3 and n.7, 5, 34, n.202, 4 d figs. 5, 753 and with Jews, 16, 65 35) 37, 41-43, 45, 48-51, 49 and 76, figs. 52-55

n.278, 735 74 figs. 6, 20, 763 In n.208, 0.209, 55 N.237, 57, 61, 66 ——, Cathedral, sacramentary, 43 1.166 monk’s robes, with crozier, address- and n.284 1j f 1 t ing two figures, 74, fig. 13; address- Italy and Italian art, 22, 29 and n.105, ES) aS FORM Clements 39 T4s 24) 30 375

. 413 concentric, 56; hatched black

ing two monks, 65 n.278, fig. 81; 31, 32) 34, 39-41, 43, 46, 47-515 , at the altar, 9, 65 n.278, 73, figs. 49 and n.202, 51 and n.216, 54, 57, 49; hatched white, 50 and n.212;

2, 83; addressed by angel, 6; and 59, figs. 51, 56 long parallel, 50; parallel to con-

n.278, fig. 77; writing, 9, 11, 23, tours, 47, 515 web of, 10, 55

34, 73, Colorplate 1; kneels before Jacob, 18; blessing his sons, 17, 19, 56, lintel, 18; curved stilted, 37 and n.131;

Christ in Majesty, 53, 74, fig. 21; “4, fig. 15 stilted, 11, 15, 22, 37

prays to Christ, 8, 9, 26, 53, 73, 755 Jeremiah and two Jews, 73; bust in litany of Cluny, 45 and n.181

76, Colorplate 1, figs. 21, 87; prays square, 74 literature of religious dispute, 71 and

to the Virgin, 9, 11 and n.27, 36, 64 Jerome, Saint, 39 n.140; and Ambrose, N.313 n.276, 73, 75, figs. 3, 72, 88; as 49, fig. 53; and Damasus, 49, fig. _ liturgical drama, see prophet-plays

bishop, enthroned, 75, fig. 86; re- 52; text in praise of Virgin, 70; liturgy, change from Mozarabic to Ro-

ceives chasuble from the Virgin, 12 writing, 50, fig. 54 man, 68 and n.295, 69 n.299

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 83 Luke, Saint, writing, 36, 47 n.194, fig. Ochrid, St. Sophia, 41 n.157 Parma Codex, 31; relation to Cluniac

50 Odilo, abbot of Cluny (994-1049), § style, 20; transmission to Cluny, 28

Luke 24:36, 40, 49 (Pentecost), 44 and n.12, 6 and n.15, 11 n.27, 27 and Oursel, C., 46 n.182

n.176 n.87, 28, §9, 60 n.263, 71 and n.311, outlines, colored, 10; red, of initials, 26

n.314; cloister and church of, 55 and overlapping forms, 13 Mainz, manuscripts of, 29 n.108, 42 n.236; sermon on Assumption of Vir-

Nn.160, 47 N.194 gin, 11.27, 17 0.323 text in praise Paciaudi, Paolo, 68 and n.293 Malachi 3:1, 64 n.276 of Virgin, 70 Paderborn, 27 Malachi and two figures, 74, fig. 11 Odo, abbot of Cluny, Occupationes of, page, design of Regensburg manu-

mandorla with arc, 52 and n.221-223 76 and n.321 scripts, 24

Mark, Saint, 46 n.185, 47 0.193, 0.194, Old Testament, cited by Ildefonsus, 71, pagination of Parma Codex, 7, 67 and

s1 n.216, 55 n.237, fig. 39 73> 74 n.287

Martial, Saint, painting of, 50, fig. 55 Old Testament figures, as dominant type palaeography, see script

Martial, St.-, of Limoges, see Limoges in smaller paintings of the Parma Palestine, Early Christian art of, 43

Mary, see Virgin Codex, 16ff. Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, silver Matilda of Tuscany, 3 n.7 Opizo, scribe or painter at Cluny, 48 and ivory cover of missal of St.

Matthew, Saint, portait, 23; symbol 41 order in Cluniac and German Ottonian Denis (latin 9436), 71 n.312

n.154, fig. 213 writing, 50 n.213 art, contrasted, 24 ———, Musée de Cluny, enamel plaque

Meaux, St. Faron, fresco, 53 n.225 ornament, figs. 24-27 and passim, acan- of Limoges, 52 n.222 medallion, bust of Christ in, fig. 18; thus, 5, 10, 22, 30, 313 insertion in Parma, Baptistery portal, 52 n.222

conversion of medallion to square, 51 meander, 32 n.1143; modeled, 30-32; ~———, library, 68 and n.293, n.294

Meinwerk, bishop, 27 on capitals, 38 and n.138, 57 and Paul, Saint, 45, 47 n.193, 53 n.225, Metz, art of, 273 manuscripts of, 26 n.2253 ornament-like elements of ar- 57, 70, fig. 45 and n.86, 27 n.go chitecture, 11, 333 composed on one Paulinus, Saint, 76, fig. 90

Metz, Peter, 23ff. axis, 30ff.; berries, three dotted, 27 Pentateuch, 49

Micah, prophet, 13, 17, 56 n.239, 65 n.82; in Berzé-la-Ville paintings, 46 Pentecost, 5 n.12, 44 and n.174-176,

n.281, 74, fig. 17 and n.183, n.184; blossoms, 30; with 46 n.185, 47, 48 n.196, 55 n.237,

Milan, S. Ambrogio, altar frontal, 37 five or more lobes, 29 and n.109; fig. 373 iconography of, 43 and n.1313 see Index of Manuscripts pointed, 28 and n.99; sprung and N.163, 164, 170

model, copying of, 20, 21, 26ff., 32, curled petals of Byzantine type, 50 Perrecy-les-Forges, portal sculptures,

45ff., 65ff., 75, 76 n.2113 Burgundian, 38, 57; circles, 38 n.134, 57 n.256

modeling, 10, 30, 34, 41, 513 of head, three tangent, 64 n.278; contrast of, personifications, 51

50; of legs, 56 and n.249 between the two painters of Parma perspective, 12, 13, 18; perspective memodes, as distinct from styles, 3 n.7 Codex, 35; diapered ornament, 65 ander, 32, 33

Moissac, 29, 49 1.202, 75 n.3173 cloister n.282; dots, 26; on background, 52 Peter, Saint, 39 n.141, 41 M.154, 43,

capital, 44 n.177, 75 n.3163 tym- and n.224; dotted circles, 29 and 44 N.174, 175, 45 and n.177, 46

panum, 53 1.225 n.108, 64 n.278; dragon biting tail n.188, 47 1.193, 53 0.227, 70; pa-

monastic milieu, 9, 17 of second beast, 33 n.118; egg-and- tron of Cluny, 44; relics of, at Cluny,

monk as type in paintings, 16; in dart, 37, 38 and n.134, 39 n.146, 70; liberation from prison, 5 n.12, 44

prayer before Christ, 53 and n.231 48 n.1963 n.1773 central figure in Pentecost, 43,

monks, 10, 14, 16, 17, Colorplates 1 —— foliage, 45 and n.179, 76 n.3223 443 seen in vision, 69; martyrdom and 11, figs. 1-5, 23, 70, 713 see also curled, 50; as in Islamic and Byzan- with Paul, 5 n.12, 55, and n.237

Ildefonsus tine art, 30; Limousin, 76 n.322; Peter the librarian (Armarius), at Monreale, mosaics, 43 n.171 modeled, 30ff.; Cluny, 48 and n.201

Mont St. Michel, 51 n.219 ——— frieze, 18; half-frieze, 315 gems Peter Damian, 44 and n.177 Montceaux-l’Etoile, sculpture, 56 and and jewelry as units, 30, 313 geo- Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny

n.248 metrical motifs—dots, circles, bars, (1122-1156), 44 m177, 46 n.186,

Monte Cassino, abbey, 24 n.75, 40 and chevrons, X’s, lozenges, arcs, 30; like 70 and n.305, 71 and n.314

n.148, n.1g0, M151, 41, 42, 49, 50 goldsmith’s filigree and wire, 30; Philip of Bourbon, Duke of Parma n.210, 54, figs. 51, 56; confraternity knotted bands, 30, 31; meander, 15, (1749-1765), 68 with Cluny, 49 and n.203; frescoes, 30-333 Ottonian, 6, 26ff., 30ff.; first Phocis, St. Luke, mosaics and frescoes,

42; see also Index of Manuscripts appearance of Ottonian forms at 4% and n.157

monumental art, freedom of design in Cluny, 6, 26ff.; palmette, 11, 30, 76 | planes in depth, 18 West, 46 and n.185; monumental n.3223 quatrefoil, 30, 37 n.127, 57 poem on the monk composed at Cluny,

sculpture, Romanesque, 54ff., 56, 57 and n.2523 rinceau, spiral, 5, 8, 26, 16 n.3

Monza and Bobbio ampullae, 43 n.168, 27 n.82,n.87, 33; Romanesque elab- Pontius, abbot of Cluny (1109-1122),

52 221, 1.225 oration, 29; rosette, 30, 57 and 28, 60

Moors, 69 n.252-2543 as in sculpture, 32; as on pope as vicar of Christ, 44. and n.177 Moses, 47 1.193, 745 fig. 12 textile fabrics, 30, 313; trefoil, 28, 29, Porcher, J., 49 0.209, 50 n.210

Mount Sinai, monastery, icon at, 43 and 333 dotted, 27 n.823 with inverted T Porter, A. K., 44 1.174 Munich, Staatliche Bibliothek, Clm, 0" ¥ Jeiming centers of lobes, 29 and postures, sce gestures and postures with inverted V, 28, 29; vari- pre-Passion episode, 5 n.12 14000, gold cover ofn.10§; Codex Aureus, , wns . . a

52 n.222 | ation within same border, 3 off. 5 vine, presentation miniature, 38ff. and n.14030; see also borders, capitals, initials, 144, 61, Colorplate 1 Nativity of Christ, 5 n.12 and the illustrations passim Probianus, consular diptych of, 22 and Nepi, Sant’ Elia, paintings, 42 Otto, bishop of Regensburg (1060- N.60, 52 0.222

Neuilly-en-Donjon (Allier), tympa- 1089), 32 n.rr4 Prochno, J., 39 num, 38 1.134 Otto II, emperor, 13, fig. 68 profile, meaning of, 3 1.6

Nevers, sculpture, 57 Ottonian art, 18, 19, 22 and n.57, 23, prophet-plays of Christmas season, 71 Nicholas of Verdun, 17 n.32 24, 26, 27, 28 and n.99, 31-33, 375 and n.312

Nordenfalk, Carl, 5 n.9, 59 n.259, 64 38 and n.136, 1.137, 40, 41, 51, 59, prophets of Old Testament, 16ff., 51;

n.278 71% 1.3123; architectural backgrounds, on birth of Christ, 71; busts of, 7,

Norman style in England, 3 n.5 12; initial ornament, 27ff.; model of 51, 71 0.312, 72, 73, figs. 18, 20,

84 THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 29; read at Cluny, 71 n.312; with bano alla Caffarella, frescoes, 38 Spain, 3 n.5, 8, 34, 62 and n.269, 64,

inscribed scrolls, 71 n.312 N.135, 47 n.1g03 see also Index of 68, 70-72, 76 n.323; and Cluny,

: prophets and patriarchs of the Old Manuscripts 68ff. and n.298

Testament addressing the Jews, 9, Rouen, ivory carving, 52 n.222 spandrels, 14; buildings in, 12 n.27

figs. 7-11, 14, 17, 193 cited by Ilde- star, with enthroned Virgin and Child,

fonsus, 9, 71 and n.313, 314 sacramentary, recovered by Odilo, 20 75 and n.316, fig. 88; stars in Psalm 106, 68 n.296 and n.38 mandorla, 52 and n.225 psychoanalytic interpretation, 11 n.27 Sahagun, abbey, 68, 69 Stavelot, 3, 23, 50

saints, 51 | Stephen, bishop of Le Puy, 71 and

Quentin, Saint, 45 and n.181 St.-Benoit-sur-Loire (called Fleury), 29 N.311 and n,102, 62, 63 n.271 style, analytic character of, 16, 183 as-

Rabanus Maurus, De laudibus Sanctae St.-Chef (near Vienne), mural painting, similation of foreign, 50; duality of,

Crucis, 38 and n.139 31 n.112 about 1100, 3 and n.s5, 5, 28; ele-

Radulfus Glaber, 20 n.38, 71 0.314 St.-Denis, sacramentary, cover of, 71 ments of, 14; as expression of

Ranimir, king of Asturias, 63 n.274, N.312 Cluniac sensibility, 19; reductive,

64 n.276 St.-Gall, 22 and n.66, 26, 27 and n.82, 15; of Regensburg and Cluny com-

Raymond, Burgundian prince, 70 and 55 n.235; see also Index of Manu- pared, 24; as symbolic mode of ex-

n.306 | scripts pression, 3; seé also composition,

Raynaldus, abbot of Vézelay and arch- St.-Julien-de-Jonzy, 57 form, initials, ornament bishop of Lyons, 54 n.233. St.-Martin-des-Champs, 62, 63 n.271 Swabia, 22, 23 Receswinth, king, following Ildefonsus St.-Menoux, 57 Swarzenski, Georg, 5, 34; Hanns, 36

at the altar, 65 and n.278, fig. 80 St.-Mesmin (near Orléans), 62 n.270 n.i26 :

Regensburg, St. Emmeram, abbey, 5, St.-Omer, base of cross, 47 n.194 symmetry, 11, 16, 18 20-24, 26, 31, 32, 37 and n.129, 42, St.-Paul-de-Varax, 56 n.240, 57 n.251

70; manuscripts for Henry II, 21; St.-Pierre-les-Eglises, mural painting, Tegernsee, 21, 26, fig. 31 stone relief, 52 n.223 31 n.112 Ternand, 31 n.112 reform, Cluniac, in Germany, 23, 243 St.-Savin, 3, 42, 49, 71 n.312, fig. 49 Thibout, M., 45

in Spain, 68 Salamanca, 70 n.305 Thomas, Doubting, 12 n.27, 18, 41

Reichenau, St. George in Oberzell, wall Salonica, Hagia Sophia, mosaic, 52 N.154, 44 n.174 painting, 22 n.57, §2 n.223, n.2243 n.221; Hosios David, mosaic, 52 Three Hebrew Children in the Furnace,

manuscripts of, 22 and n.65, 23 and n.221 9 n.71, 26, 27 and n.82, 28 and n.gg, Salzburg, 5, 21, 22 and n.59, 26, 27 throne, 57 and n.256

70, 71 N.312 n.84, 37 and n.127; see also Index Toledo, 5, 8, 62, 65, 68, 693 cathedral,

representation and language, 13 of Manuscripts 64, 68; Puerta de Visagra, 653 see

represented space and objects, 12, 13 S. Vincenzo al Volturno, frescoes, 41 also Index of Manuscripts .

Resurrection of Christ (or Marys at Sancho, Alfonso VI’s brother, 69 Torcello, mosaic, 52 n.221 . the Tomb), 5 n.12, 9 Sant? Angelo in Formis, frescoes, 41, 44 | Toscanella (Tuscania), S. Pietro, fresRhineland, art of, initials, 27; schools n.171, 48 n.197, 71 n.312 coes, 37 1.131, 38 n.132, 46 n.188

of, 42 Santo Domingo de Silos, 12 n.247, 18 Tournai, 70 n.309 |

Robert, duke of Burgundy, 7o and and n.34 Tournus, crypt, fresco, 52 n.222, n.224 N.306 Saulieu, 56 and n.239, n.241, n.248, 57 towers, polygonal, 57, Colorplate 11

Robert, French Cluniac in Spain, 69 n.250 Transfiguration, see Christ

Roman martyrology, 45 scale, of form elements, 16, 173; of Trier, 23, 27 and n.83, 28 n.103, 38

Romanesque architecture in Cluny, 12 luminosities, 10, 26; of qualities, 15; n.136, 1.137, 51 n.2173 see also Al-

Romanesque art, 13, 18, 24, 33, 38, 41, contrasted scales, 17 bertus and Index of Manuscripts 42, 49 and n.208, 50, 51, 60, 663 in scallopped forms, 35, 47 Trinity, 55 n.234 Burgundy, 3, 54ff.; change between scepter, 13, fig. 68 Turpio, bishop of Limoges, 76 n.321

1100 and 1200, 64; conversion of Schwarzrheindorf, fresco, 52 n.223 tympanum, 18; see also Autun, CharOttonian forms, 25 and n.78; flexi- scribe, kneeling in prayer before Christ, lieu, Chartres, Vézelay

bility of design, 19; frame-field-fig- 53 and n.230; presenting book to

ure relations, 19 and n.37 (see also bishop or abbot, 38-40, Colorplate 1, Udalricus, Consuetudines of, 71 n.312

frame); native French, 3 and n.s; fig. 51; self-portrait of, 39 n.143; unit, standardized, 15 .

Germanic variant, 3, 5; sculpture and seé also Gomez Urban II, pope, 43, 60 n.262

painting, 71 and n.3123 sculptures, 3, script, of Cluny cartulary, 5, 59 and Urraca, daughter of Alfonso VI, 70

54, 55; traits common to Hands A n.257, 60; of Cluny manuscripts Urraca, sister of Alfonso VI, and ruler

and B in Parma Codex, 36 compared, 6off. and n.266; of Parma of Zamora, 69 and n.302

Rome, 42, 43, 54, 68; mosaics of ba- Codex, 5, 7, 60, 67; later script on Usener, K. H., 25 and n.78

silicas, 45; medieval art, 45, 46, 493 last page of, 67 and n.288, fig. 363 — manuscript painting, 47, 48 1.196; script and drawing, 15, 18; and Vatican, Pinacoteca, painting of Last Galleria Nazionale, fresco from Mag- frame, 19 , Judgment, 37 n.32, 38 m.133, 42 liano Romano, 38 n.132; Lateran scroll, of evangelists, 47 and n.193, n.162, 59 and n.258; see also Index

Palace, chapel, frescoes, 46 n.188; n.1943 held upwards, 50, figs. 39; of Manuscripts . .

lost frescoes, 43 n.171; S. Clemente, 5° 54 Venice, 42; San Marco, . capitals in

? » 37 3T> 3 dn. 6 ni nd . ; relief n

lower church. frescoes nitt. 28 sculpture, monumental, 18, 54, 55, 66 mosaics, 22 n.59; mosaic of dome,

N.122. 42, «1 1.21 » n.222 ar seat, 23 and n.72, 3 25, 47 a 52 N.221, N.225;3 re » 52 N.221 325 4%) 51 M279, 52 0.222, Uppe n.195, 50, Colorplate 1 Verona, San Zeno, bronze door, 23 church, apse mosaics, 46; Sta. Maria sexual contrast, 12 1.27 n.713 manuscript from, 44 Antiqua, fresco, §2 n.2223 Sta. Maria Sicily, mosaics, 46 vertical and horizontal as dominants, 36

in Trastevere, apse mosaic, 463 S. size, series of elements of increasing, Vezelay, 18, 44 n.172, 1773 capitals, Paolo fuori le mura, bronze doors, 14; gradations of figures in, 45; of 56 and n.239-241, 57 n.2503 central 42 and n.161, 71 n.3123 St. Peter’s, miniatures, 7, 163 similarities of tympanum, 43 and n.171, 44 n.174,

49; Sta. Pudenziana, oratory, fres- shape of the small and large, 14 46, 54-57 and n.250; Christ, 46;

Coes, 37 N.132, 38 1.133, 1.135, 42, space, representation of, 11-14, 16, 18, sculpture, 56 and n.248; side doors, 45 and n.179, 46 and n.188; S. Ur- 19 Ad, 57

THE PARMA ILDEFONSUS 85 Victor III, Pope, see Desiderius 3, 723 with Child, 47 n.190, 75, fig. writing-table, 23 and n.72, 50, ColorVienna, Eilbertus altar, 47 n.193; see 88; likened to a house, 11 n.27; as plate I

Index of Manuscripts porta clausa, 12 n.273 sermons of

Vincent, Saint, 5 n.12, 45 Odilo on, 11 n.27, 71 0.3143 see also Zachariah; addresses two Jews, 74, fig.

Virgin, 9, 11 and n.27, 17 7.32, Ildefonsus 14; bust in square frame, 74, fig. 19 43 n.168, 47, 68, 71, 723 and Christ, virgins, standing beside Mary, 65 n.278, Zacharias, annunciation to, 5 n.12

on painted panel at Cluny, 55 n.236; fig. 82; wise virgins, painting in Zamora, 69 on crucifixes, 47; Dormition of, 47 Gorze, 45 n.181 n.tgo; enthroned, 11 n.27, 36, figs. vision of monk of Cluny, 69

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