The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-1571, Vol. 4 9780871691620

Table of contents :
Frontmatter (page N/A)
1 THE MURDER OF MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS ON LAND AND AT SEA, THE WAR OF SIENA (1551-1555) (page 565)
15 THE REIGN OF PAUL IV TO THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR WITH SPAIN (page 616)
16 PAUL IV, THE WAR WITH SPAIN, AND JEAN DE LA VIGNE AT THE PORTE (page 659)
17 THE ELECTION OF PIUS IV AND THE FALL OF THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS AND THE TURKISH SUCCESS AT JERBA (1559-1560) (page 721)
18 THE THIRD PERIOD AND CLOSURE OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1561-1563) (page 769)
19 FRANCE, VENICE, AND THE PORTE--THE TURKISH SIEGE OF MALTA (page 829)
20 PIUS V, SPAIN, AND VENICE; THE TURKS IN CHIOS AND THE ADRIATIC; THE REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS (page 882)
21 VENICE, CYPRUS, AND THE PORTE IN THE EARLY YEARS OF SELIM II (1566-1570) (page 923)
22 THE FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION OF 1570 AND PIUS V'S ATTEMPTS TO FORM THE ANTI-TURKISH LEAGUE (page 974)
23 THE HOLY LEAGUE, THE CONTINUING WAR WITH THE TURKS, AND THE FALL OF FAMAGUSTA (1571) (page 1004)
24 THE ROAD TO LEPANTO, THE BATTLE, AND A GLANCE AT THE FOLLOWING CENTURY (page 1045)
Index (page 1105)

Citation preview

THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (1204-1571)

MEMOIRS OF THE

AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY Held at Philadelphia For Promoting Useful Knowledge Volume 162

THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT (1204-1571) Volume IV

The Sixteenth Century from Julius III to Pius V KENNETH M. SETTON

THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY Independence Square: Philadelphia 1984

Copyright © 1984 by The American Philosophical Society for its Memoirs series, Volume 162

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 75-25476 International Standard Book Number 0-87169-162-0 US ISSN 0065-9738

To Margaret

Volumes III and IV together cover the Sixteenth Century through the period of Lepanto. Pages and Chapters are numbered continuously throughout both volumes. The Index is given at the end of Volume IV.

CONTENTS Volume III

The Sixteenth Century to the Reign of Julius III 1. Pius III, Julius II, and the Romagna; Venice, the Soldan of Egypt, and

the Turks (1503-1507) 1... 00... . ee eee ee l

2. The League of Cambrai, the Turks, and the Gallican Conciliarists (1507-

3. The Council of Pisa-Milan and the Battle of Ravenna, the Fifth Lateran

Council and Selim the Grim (1511-1513) ..................... 102 4. Leo X, the Lateran Council, and the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt (1513-

5. Leo X and Plans for a Crusade against Selim the Grim (1517-1521) 172 6. Hadrian VI, the Fall of Rhodes, and Renewal of the War in Italy .. 198 7. Pavia and the League of Cognac, Mohacs and the Turks in Hungary,

Bourbon’s March on Rome (1525-1527) ..... 0... 0... cc eee eee 229

8. The Sack of Rome and the Siege of Naples (1527-1528) ......... 269 9. Before and After the Turkish Siege of Vienna (1528-1529) ...... 312 10. Clement VII, Francis I, and Hapsburg Opposition to the Turks

(1530-1534) 2... ee eee eens 346

11. Paul III, the Lutherans, Venice and the Turks (1534-1540) ...... 394 12. Paul III, the Hapsburgs, and Francis I, the Turks and the Council of

Trent (1540-1549) 2.2... Lc eens 450

13. The Election of Julius III, the Council of Trent, the Turks and the

War of Parma (1549-1552) 2... ee tenes 505 Volume IV

The Sixteenth Century from Julius III to Pius V 14. The Murder of Martinuzzi, the Turks on Land and at Sea, the War

of Siena (1551-1555) oe eee 565 Vii

15. The Reign of Paul IV to the Outbreak of the War with Spain ..... 616 16. Paul IV, the War with Spain, and Jean de la Vigne at the Porte ... 659 17. The Election of Pius IV and the Fall of the Carafeschi, Cyprus and the

Turkish Success at Jerba (1559-1560) ..................-005. 721

18. The Third Period and Closure of the Council of Trent (1561-1563) 769

19. France, Venice, and the Porte—the Turkish Siege of Malta ...... 829 20. Pius V, Spain, and Venice; the Turks in Chios and the Adriatic; the

Revolt of the Netherlands ............. cee eee 882

21. Venice, Cyprus, and the Porte in the Early Years of Selim II

(1566-1570) 2... ce cee eee eee 923

22. The Failure of the Expedition of 1570 and Pius V’s Attempts to Form

the Anti-Turkish League .... 0... .. ce ee es 974

23. The Holy League, the Continuing War with the Turks, and the Fall

of Famagusta (1571) oo. ce eee eee ee eee = 1004

24. The Road to Lepanto, the Battle, and a Glance at the Following

Century 20... eee ee eee eee eee ee ee 1045

Index 2... ccc ee eee tee e eee eees 1105

Vill

14. THE MURDER OF MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS ON LAND AND AT SEA, THE WAR OF SIENA (1551-1555) [DHE SOCIAL UPHEAVALS of the Bauern- of the papacy as well as of the empire. The em-

krieg, the Peasants’ War of 1524-1525, had __peror suffered almost as much as the pope. The resulted in the brutal suppression of the rebels in _ rich rebelled against taxation, the poor against inwide areas of the German countryside. Luther’s creasing hardship. There was a widespread revolt stand with the rulers against the ruled had soured against the past, against tradition. Despite wars,

the peasantry against Lutheranism, which to a_ plagues, and poor harvests, the population inlarge extent became the religion of the territorial creased during the sixteenth century. The influx princes, the local nobility, and the bourgeoisie. of Peruvian and Mexican silver helped launch the Along with Luther and Melanchthon, Bucer, so-called price revolution. Prolonged inflation inJonas, and Bugenhagen, the spiritual and political creased the costs of food, land, and labor, with unrest of the times had produced not only such unsettling effects, which played into the hands of aberrant moderates as Grebel, Hubmaier, Huter, princes, land-holding nobles, bourgeois merand von Schwenckfeld, but also such violent rev- chants, and bankers. Wars and religious strife, olutionaries as Thomas Mintzer, who achieved a however, took the heaviest toll. In some areas resad prominence at Muhlhausen, and John of Ley- _ ligious strife led to wars. Conditions were worri-

den, who outdid him at Munster. some in central Europe and on the eastern front. Radical Protestant groups seemed to spring up Bohemia was rife with the religious dissent of everywhere. Lutheranism reeled under the impact Utraquists, the Unitas Fratrum, Lutherans, and of Anabaptism. The new doctrines, often contra- Zwinglians. In Hungary and Transylvania there dictory, caused widespread confusion. Religious were many Germans who had quickly succumbed books and broadsides rolled off the presses by the to the lure of Lutheranism under the guidance of thousands. ‘The near madness of many a starry- the mettlesome Matthias (Matyas) Dévai and his eyed preacher earned him the crown of martyr- successors. Dévai had been Luther’s student at dom. The safest generalization one can make is Wittenberg (in 1529-1530), and his preaching that generalization is risky, but obsession with soon got him into trouble with Thomas Zalahazy, scriptural dogma and popular education does not bishop of Erlau (Agria, Eger), who had him arappear to have raised the moral standards of the rested in early November, 1531. Experience of period. The visitation records of the Protestant more than one prison in Upper Hungary, howstates of Germany in the second half of the six- ever, failed to dampen Dévai’s ardor for the new teenth century show no improvement over those faith; Zalahazy turned him over to Johann Faber of Catholic Normandy in the second half of the (Fabri), bishop of Vienna, who could neither con-

thirteenth.’ vince him nor outtalk him on the religious issue. With England, France, and even Spain as mod- Very likely, as has been suggested, martyrdom

els, the territorial princes in Germany were would have lain before him, had not his corelistrengthening their own local position and cen- gionists in Kaschau (Kosice) rescued him from his tralizing their authority. The religious disunity detention in the summer of 1533. Undaunted by helped them, shattering the claims to universality _ the perils he had encountered in Ferdinand’s realms,

a Devai went on to Buda, where John Zapolya also ‘Cf. Theodore Bonnin, ed., Registrum visitationum Odonis imprisoned him. Set free in the spring of 1535,

Rigaldi, archiepiscopi Rothomagensis [1248-1278], Rouen, 1852, | Devai was able to advance the Lutheran cause under

trans. S. M. Brown and ed. J. F. O’Sullivan, The Register of the protection of several families of Magyar mageuaes af Rouen, New York and London, 1964, and Gerald yates, especially that of Thomas Nadasdy. Past and Present, no. LXVII (May, 1975), 30-63, esp. pp. 41. _ The Hungarian nobles were interested in ff., with good bibliographical guidance. Strauss explores some churchlands, some of the lower clergy in marriage of the German Protestant (and Catholic) visitation records of or communion sub utraque specie. While Germans the later sixteenth century. The register or journal of Arch- in the cities remained loyal to Lutheranism, the bishop Eudes Rigaud’s visitations in the archdiocese of Rouen M duall d to Calvin; hich had [Bibliothéque Nationale, MS. lat. 1245] covers the years from agyars gradua y turne to Calvinism, whic 1248 to 1269. His suffragan sees included Avranches, Bayeux, 4 Strange ‘“catholicity”’ of appeal from one end of

trauss, “Success and Failure in the German Reformation, . . .

Coutances, Evreux, Lisieux, and Sées. Europe to the other. The Germans had long been 565

566 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT unpopular in Hungary and Transylvania. The kingdom of Hungary. Sultan Suleiman was still the doctrinal confusion of the past, which caused the chief arbiter of the political fortunes of both the Tridentine fathers no end of difficulty, was in- kingdom and its eastward dependencies. creased and exacerbated by the host of confessions Year after year Brother George Martinuzzi which now began to appear, and were to be revised ‘‘the Treasurer”’ had worked in his peculiar way—

or repudiated for decades to come. The Protes- by adhering to the Hapsburg cause—for the welltants had an easy time in the areas of Hungary being of the land he had come to love. He preunder Turkish domination. The conversion of ferred the Germans to the Turks as the lesser of Turks was rare indeed, but Bucsay mentions a_ two evils. Martinuzzi was understandably much Turk who joined the Protestants, studied theology concerned about the future of Transylvania, the at Debrecen in eastern Hungary, and became a Hungarians’ first line of defense against the Turks.

pastor in Szepsi (in 1563). All through the year 1550, however, Ferdinand

Although Matthias Dévai was imprisoned under had failed to respond to Martinuzzi’s dire warnFerdinand and Zapolya, who were both opposed ings of imminent Turkish attack. The dowager to Lutheranism, no would-be king of Hungary Queen Isabella and her minister Peter Petrovic could afford to take very drastic steps against the remained thorns in Martinuzzi’s flesh. Suleiman Germans who had settled in the lands of S. Stephen. had ordered the pashas of Belgrade and Buda as When Zapolya’s son John Sigismund re-established well as the voivodes of Wallachia and Moldavia to

himself in Transylvania, with Turkish support in render Isabella whatever assistance she might 1556, both he and his mother’s former right-hand need. He had also ordered that Peter Petrovic man Peter Petrovic became advocates of the should take over the reins of Isabella’s governReformation. The Paulist monk, Brother George ment in place of Martinuzzi, and that she herself Martinuzzi, bishop of Grosswardein (Oradea, should be answerable only to the Porte. Nagyvarad), had been the chief defender of Ca- Isabella armed troops against Martinuzzi, and tholicism. But however troublesome Lutherans, summoned the Turks to help her. Then in a sudCalvinists, and other Protestants might be to Cath- den tremor of understanding she made an agreeolic rule in Hungary and Transylvania, the Turks ment with Martinuzzi, as she had done before, and were certainly a larger obstacle than the religious wrote Kasim Beg, the pasha of Buda, that she no

dissidents.’ longer needed Turkish help. A few days later (by 16 October, 1550) she had changed her mind

Henry II had attributed the Turkish naval ex- again, and was sending couriers to Kasim Beg and pedition of 1551 to Sultan Suleiman’s anger at the voivodes of Wallachia and Moldavia to hasten Charles V’s occupation of Mahdia and Ferdinand’s their entry into Transylvania. When Kasim Beg machinations with Brother George Martinuzzi in appeared, however, he found that Martinuzzi had Transylvania.” To the Transylvanian-Hungarian put so many men into the field there was no meet-

question no one could find a peaceful answer. ing them. The Turk assumed that Isabella had There was a strong separatist movement, rein- deceived him, and he took flight toward Buda with forced by Protestantism, in both Moldavia and the loss of some three hundred horse. The WalTransylvania, where many magnates and towns-_ lachian and Moldavian forces were easily driven men wanted to throw off the Hungarian yoke.* back. It has been suggested that Martinuzzi might Factional strife was as mucha part of the landscape have destroyed the Turkish troops, had he chosen as the lakes and rivers. Ferdinand of Hapsburg to pursue them, but he had apparently no desire made little progress in asserting his claims to the to incur the sultan’s vengeance. In any event before he could risk an outright break with the sul-

ee tan—and he hoped that a complete rupture with 2 Cf in general the brief monograph of Karl Reinerth, Die the Porte would never be necessary—Martinuzzi

Reformation der siebenbiirgisch- séichsischen Kirche, Giitersloh, 1956 had to be sure that the Hapsburgs could and would

Schniften des verenss or Reformationsgeschichte, no. 772); provide men and money enough to prevent the stadt (Rum. Brasov, Hung. Brassd), the humanist reformer of Turks from Overrunning Transylvania.” the Transylvanian-Saxon Church, and see the fact-laden work of Mihaly Bucsay, Der Protestantismus in Ungarn (1521-1978), § —————————

I: Im Zeitalter der Reformation, Gegenreformation und katholischen ° On the career of Brother George Martinuzzi, see in general

Reform, Vienna, Cologne, Graz, 1977, esp. pp. 53 ff., 83 ff., | the well-informed, almost contemporary account of Ascanio

with an extensive bibliography. Centorio degli Hortensii, Commentariu della guerra di Transil5 Cf., above, Volume III, Chapter 13, p. 560b. vania,. . . ne’ quali si contengono tutte le cose che successero nell’ * Cf, above, Volume III, Chapter 12, p. 466. Ungheria dalla rotta del Re Lodovico XII. sino all’ anno MDLIUIL.,

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 567 Brother George Martinuzzi was convinced that ‘I do not see how,” she said, ‘‘and I cannot unless Ferdinand moved decisively into Transyl- believe that this kingdom will be preserved under vania before the Turks did so, the sultan would _ the protection of the. Germans.” soon add Hungary to the Ottoman domain. Ex- ‘Your Majesty,’ she was told, ‘“‘believes in the changes of letters and of envoys brought Ferdi- Turks, my most reverend lord [Martinuzzi] in the nand and Martinuzzi close together through the Germans.”’

early months of 1551, and in the late spring the ‘‘My lord treasurer,’ she replied, ‘‘will be treaty of Grosswardein of 1538 was renewed in sooner deceived in the Germans than I in the principle. According to this treaty, as the reader Turksl’’’ will recall,®° Ferdinand (or his heir) was supposed Ferdinand not only lacked the means to furnish to succeed to the entire kingdom of Hungary upon distant Transylvania with the protection against the death of Zapolya (d. 1540), whether the latter the Turks which Brother George Martinuzzi exhad any children or not. The treaty of Grosswar- pected of him, but he was still bound by the five dein had been the work of Johann von Weeze, years’ truce which Gerard Veltwyck had arranged then archbishop-elect of Lund, and of Brother between the Hapsburgs and the Porte in 1547. As George, who was himself bishop-elect of Gross- long as Sultan Suleiman was willing to keep the wardein at the time. Although he sometimes em-__ peace, it was well to do so also. Martinuzzi in the ployed devious means, as he dealt with devious meantime was making no secret of his attempts to people, Martinuzzi had always stuck by the treaty _ pacify the sultan, who was now expressing a high of 1538, which had caused his estrangement from regard for him.® Suleiman had apparently merely Isabella, who wanted some day to see her son John shrugged his shoulders at Isabella’s recent antics Sigismund on the throne of Hungary. Isabella had and Kasim Beg’s discomfiture (in 1550). By 25 come to fear Martinuzzi and the Hapsburgs more June (1551) Martinuzzi had forced or persuaded

than she did Suleiman and the Turks. Isabella to treat with Ferdinand’s commissioners

One morning in late April, 1551, Isabella concerning the succession to the Hungarian throne granted an audience to a Hungarian patriot inthe in accord with the terms of Grosswardein.? castle garden at Alba Iulia, in Transylvania on the A few weeks later, by the treaty of Alba Iulia Mures River. She complained bitterly of Marti- (of 19 July, 1551), Isabella surrendered Transy]nuzzi’s underhanded intrigues with the Germans, vania and Zapolya’s share of the Hungarian kingsaying that he was all German himself (totus Ger- dom to Ferdinand in return for the duchy of Opmanus). He was trying to turn the kingdom over _ peln (Opole) in Upper Silesia, on the road from to the Germans, and was party to a plan to carry Cracow (Krakow) to Breslau (Wroclaw). Isabella

her son John Sigismund off to Spain. acted in the name and on behalf of her son John

Sigismund, who was assured an annual revenue of Venice, 1566, bks. I-III, pp. 24 ff., 44 ff., et passim, which work 25,000 Hungarian florins. She was to retain the was followed three years later by La Seconda parte de’ commentaru Possessions which Zapolya had bequeathed to her delle guerre, et de’ successi piu notabili, avvenuti cost in Europa come personally, and (among other considerations) to in tutte le parti del mondo dall’ anno MDLIIL fino a tutto il MDLX.,

Venice, 1569. Cf Og. Utiesenovic, Lebensgeschichte des Cardinals —§ Georg Utiesenovie genannt Martinusius, Vienna, 1881, pp. 75-79. ” Arpad Karolyi, ed., Frater Gyorgy Levelezése (Codex epistolaris The brief monograph of Giuseppe Cons. Alacevic, I Dalmatino — Fratris Georgii Utyesenovics [Martinuzzi dicti], episcopi Magno-VaraGiorgio Utjesenovic Martinusio, Ragusa [Dubrovnik], 1882, is based _diensis, S.R.E. cardinalis, etc., 1535-1551), Budapest, 1881, no.

almost entirely upon Utiesenovic’s valuable study. CXLVII, p. 225, Emeric Pesthy (Pesthiensis) to Martinuzzi, from The account of Martinuzzi’s last year (1551) in Jos. von Alba Iulia on 28 April, 1551. Alba Iulia is the German KarlsHammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, III (1828, repr. burg, previously Germ. Weissenburg, the Hungarian Gyula1963), 290-98, trans. J.-J. Hellert, Hist. del’ empire ottoman, VI fehérvar, in central Rumania about 170 miles northwest of (1836), 20-32, is quite inadequate and very prejudiced against Bucharest. the Frater. F. B. von Bucholtz, Geschichte der Regierung Ferdi- According to Ascanio Centorio, Commentari della guerra di nand des Ersten, 9 vols., Vienna, 1831-38, repr. Graz, 1968, Transilvania (1566), bk. U, pp. 57-58, Ferdinand sent MartiVII, 251-92, is also ill-disposed toward Martinuzzi, but his de- — nuzzi a thousand Hungarian horse, with their pay provided for

tailed account retains its importance owing to the author’s four months, as well as some pieces of artillery to assist him in

mastery of the sources. his defense against Isabella.

Odet de Selve, the French ambassador in Venice, tried to 8 Karolyi, Codex epistolaris Fratris Georgu (1881), no. CL,

keep Henry II informed on the fortunes of Martinuzziin Hun- _ p. 229. gary and Transylvania (Charriére, Négociations, II, 126 ff., 136, ? Karolyi, ibid., no. CLIX, pp. 241-42, and cf. UtieSenovié, 138, 151, 152-54, and note Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, Lebensgeschichte d. Cardinals Georg Utiesenovié, pp. 81-82, 84-85,

II [1666], 300-2, letter of the French secretary Phebus to who did not have access to Karolyi’s edition of Martinuzzi’s

Henry, dated at Istanbul on 3 August, 1551). correspondence. His biography of Brother George and Karolyi’s ° Cf, above, Volume III, Chapter 11, p. 434. edition of the letters both appeared in 1881.

568 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT receive back the full value of her dowry. Isabella and Isabella’s son John Sigismund. Martinuzzi unmade the pact with Giovan Battista Castaldo, the dertook to sell the idea to the Turks.'”

Hapsburgs’ captain-general in Transylvania, to The Turks were not going to like the idea. whom we shall come shortly, and with Ferdinand’s They were well aware that Ferdinand’s commis-

commissioners Thomas Nadasdy and Andreas sioners were in Transylvania. Mehmed Sokolli Bathory. Since Oppeln could not be given up im- (Sokolovic) Pasha, the beylerbey of Rumelia, was mediately, owing to its encumbrance by a mort- accusing Martinuzzi of a “‘mendaciosum factum.”’” gage (propter illam pignoris obligationem, in qua nunc Mehmed, the son of a Bosnian priest, had a great est), Ferdinand made Isabella and John Sigismund career ahead of him as one of the most notable an interim grant of the Slovakian city of Kosice grand vizirs of the century. Martinuzzi’s own ca(Cassovia), which they were to hold with full juris- reer had almost run its course. He was leading a diction and all revenues until the duchy of Oppeln dangerous life, in close and constant correspon-

was made available to them.?° dence with both Suleiman and Ferdinand, assur-

In one way or another Sultan Suleiman was kept _ ing each that his relations with the other were but well informed as to what went on in Hungary and _ a well-weighed deception. It is not always clear to

Transylvania. Undoubtedly Martinuzzi was among which one he is telling the truth. Doubtless he those who sent him information. By an imperial wished a plague on both their houses, but he lived rescript of 20 July (1551) Suleiman forbade Mar- between them, and he had to deal with them both. tinuzzi to allow the Germans to remove Queen Certainly by the midsummer of 1551 he appeared Isabella and Zapolya’s son “‘into another land.” finally to have negotiated that concordia between Martinuzzi and the Hungarians would pay with Isabella and Ferdinand which, the latter at least their heads if they dared disobey the sultan’s com- believed, entailed recognition of his claims to mand: ‘“‘You have served our fortunate Porte from Transylvania. On 4 August Ferdinand wrote Pope the beginning, and you are our slave. Take care Julius III that Martinuzzi was the author of this that enemies do not remove the queen and the _ settlement which was not only a boon for the house

king’s son from your side!’’"’ of Hapsburg but also for Christendom, non solum

At the same time (on 21 July) Martinuzzi was de nobis sed de tota Christianitate egregia ilustriaque writing Ferdinand that by divine clemency matters benemerita. We have already noted the Hapsburgs’ had been proceeding perfectly. Ferdinand’s com- conviction that what was good for them was é0 ipso

missioners had just been given the crown of S. good for Christendom. Assuring the pope that Stephen, six and one-half pounds of gold, jewels, _Martinuzzi was a model of the Christian virtues and enamel, ‘“‘the sacred crown with which the and an unyielding defender of apostolic authority, kings of Hungary have commonly been inaugu- Ferdinand requested a cardinal’s hat for him."

. ’ ; . > ,a

rated into the authority [zmperium] of this king-

dom, and upon which in the opinion of our ances- '2 Karolyi, ibid, no. CLXVI, pp. 257-58, letter dated at tors all the strength and all the liberty of the realm —Turda (Hung. Torda, Germ. Thorenburg, fifteen miles south-

were based.’’ A marriage was being talked about cast of Cluj) on 2 ay, oT ane g ti 862) pp. 32 on ver

between one of Ferdinand’s daughters, Joanna, append. no. 6, pp. ae mn Jae he ape we ie n

Stephen, see Patrick J. Kelleher, The Holy Crown of Hungary, a '®Rome: American Academy, 1951. The crown consists of two Ascanio Centorio, Commentarii della guerra di Transiluania parts—the upper hemisphere, possibly of Regensburger man(1566), bk. 11, pp. 70, 73-81 and ff., in large detail; UtieSenovic, _ufacture [made from a gold and jeweled book-cover?], and the Lebensgeschichte d. Cardinals Georg Utiesenovic, pp. 94-95, and _ lower diadem, which (as shown by an inscription on one of the append., nos. VIII-IX, pp. 32-39; and see, below, the references _ two central, upper plaques of the diadem) was presented by the

in note 44. Kosice, Germ. Kaschau, Hung. Kassa, is an artis- | Byzantine Emperor Michael VII Ducas Parapinakes to Géza I, tically rich city, which has been occupied at one time or another _ king of Hungary (1074-1077). The two elements, the upper by Hungarians, Austrians, Turks, and Russians. On the ne- hemisphere and the much more extensive lower diadem, appear gotiations of Isabella with Castaldo, see Johann Karl Schuller, to have been united into a crown between the years 1108 and Die Verhandlungen von Miuhlbach im Jahre 1551 und Martinuzzi’s 1116, in the time of Geza I’s son Colomon I (d. 1116).

Ende, Hermannstadt [Sibiu], 1862, with an appendix or “Ur- Obviously Pope Sylvester II could not have sent the crown kundenbuch” of thirteen documents. Mihlbach or Mihlen- to S. Stephen, but the well-known legend had a long life bach is the present-day Sebes in central Rumania. Cf. in general since scholars had no chance to examine the crown, and read N. Jorga [lorga], Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, III (1910), the Greek inscriptions on the lower diadem, until the end of bk. 1, chaps. 1~3, who moves back and forth in time and space, _ the eighteenth century.

going from the 1550’s to the ’60’s and back again. "3 Karolyi, no. CLXXI, p. 265, letter dated 3 August, 1551.

"' Karolyi, Codex epistolaris Fratris Georgii, no. CLXV, pp. 256- '4 Karolyi, no. CLXXII, pp. 266-67, letter dated at Vienna

57, contemporary Latin translation of the firman. on 4 August, 1551; UtieSenovic, Lebensgeschichte d. Cardinals

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 569 Martinuzzi himself wrote the Sacred College on Although at their first personal encounter in 7 September (1551) that since proper provision — late June (1551) Castaldo had explained to Brother had been made for Zapolya’s widow Isabella and George that he wished to honor him as a father, his son John Sigismund, Ferdinand was now taking and that Ferdinand wanted the Frater to conduct possession of Transylvania and Zapolya’s erstwhile matters as hitherto, they did not hit it off well at portion of Hungary without tumult and bloodshed. all. Castaldo was a blunt man-at-arms, outspoken Ferdinand was not strong enough to contend with and undiplomatic. The Hapsburgs appreciated his the sultan, however, and Martinuzzi looked to the loyalty, but the Hungarians sometimes found him

cardinals to appeal to the pope and the Christian as irritating as his Spanish and German troops. princes for the aid which Ferdinand needed so They had no desire to see the sacrosanct kingdom

desperately to defend the imperiled and, one of Hungary made a part of, or even dependent hoped, reunited kingdom of Hungary.'? The com- upon, the German empire. As early as 5 July Casmander of Ferdinand’s armed forces—some _ taldo was writing Ferdinand in complaint and per7,400 Spanish, German, Hungarian, and Italian plexity of Brother George’s hour-to-hour anii troops—was Giovan Battista Castaldo, marchese mutationes, and requesting instructions as to how

of Cassano, whose business was warfare. to deal with his maneuvers and evasions if one An old campaigner, who had been serving should detect in them siistri aliquid.

Charles V, Castaldo had received detailed instruc- As for the Frater, he was certainly more intertions from Ferdinand at Vienna on 27 April, 1551, ested in his own well-being than in that of Ferwhen he was informed that Ferdinand was taking dinand whom, however, he preferred to the Turk. over Transylvania, ‘“‘an important part ofthe Hun- Brother George was also interested in seeing that garian realm, . . . to protect and save it from in- Zapolya’s son, John Sigismund, received some advasion and occupation by the enemies of the Chris- equate recompense for the loss of the kingdom tian faith.’”” And Ferdinand was doing so at the which he had no means of defending. Brother urgent request and petition of Brother George, George believed that the troops which Ferdinand bishop of Grosswardein. Upon entering Transyl- had sent under Castaldo were inadequate. He vania with his troops Castaldo was to take care, trusted no one, not Castaldo, not Isabella, not the severitatem etiam adhibendo, that no harm should ‘Transylvanians, and not the Hungarian nobility, come to ecclesiastics, women, children, and the of whom he often spoke in derogation. Isabella came poor, nor in fact to those of any station, “‘sed to hate the Frater more than she did anyone. If she eorum omnium, qui partes nostras amplexi sunt, was relieved to surrender S. Stephen’s crown to amica et condigna ratio habeatur.” In making im-_Castaldo and Ferdinand’s commissioners, it was beportant decisions Castaldo should have recourse _ cause thus she put it beyond Brother George’s grasp, to the bishop of Grosswardein, who knew the land for she once suggested to Castaldo that the Frater and its people, and who was the author and the might well have hoped to crown himself king of

initiator of this entire undertaking."® Hungary.’

a When Gianmaria Malvezzi, Ferdinand’s envoy Georg Utiesenovié, p. 101, and append., no. XIII, pp. 43-44; Cen- on the Bosporus, gave the Porte official notificatorio, Commentarii della guerra di Transilvania (1566), bk. 1, p. tion of the treaty of Alba Iulia, Suleiman threw

82, and bk. 11, p. 101. him into prison without more ado. To the Haps-

° Karolyi, no. CLXXX, pp. 279-81, letter dated at Alvincz burgs’ remonstrance that this was contrary to the on 7 September, 1551, and ¢ Ferdinand’s letter of 27 August Jaws and practice of diplomacy, Suleiman returned

to Duke Albrecht of Bavaria in August von Druffel, Briefe und . f

Akten zur Geschichte des XVI. Jahrhunderts mit besonderer Riicksicht 411 answer, which was (according to von Hammer-

auf Bayerns Furstenhaus, 4 vols., Munich, 1873-96, I, no. 727, Purgstall) quite at variance with the Islamic tra-

pp.Utiesenovic, 720-21. . | . _. dition, “‘that ambassadors are responsible for the Lebensgeschichte d. Cardinals Georg Utiesenovic,

pp. 85 ff., and append., no. Vil, pp. 24—32; Ascanio Centorio, § ——~—————

Commentarii della guerra di Transilvania (1566), bk. 11, pp. 58— see G. de Caro, in the Dizonario biografico degli italiani, XX1

66, who says that Castaldo’s army consisted of 5,700 foot and (Rome, 1978), 562-66. The precise date of Castaldo’s death 1,700 horse, ‘“‘e con questo essercito, dico picciolissimo, seguito —_is not known. It apparently came after the year 1565. Ascanio

il Castaldo il suo viaggio per andare a conquistare la provincia Centorio served as his secretary (from 1557) during a period di Transilvania contra un tanto poderoso prencipe come é il — of Castaldo’s retirement in Milan.

Turco, di cui parmi si possa dire . . . che per ambasciatori '” Cf. UtieSenovié, Card. Georg, pp. 89-91, 98-99, and J. K. erano troppi, e per combattere assai pochi. . .” (tbid., p. 66). | Schuller, Die Verhandlungen von Miihlbach im Jahre 1551 (1862), On the long military career of Giovan Battista Castaldo (b. pp. 22. On the crown of Hungary, cf Ascanio Centorio, Com1493), which included the capture of Francis I at Paviain 1525, mentaru della guerra di Transilvania (1566), bk. 11, p. 88.

570 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT given word of their masters, and that as hostages August (1551), the Turks had assembled a large

thereof.’’'® Belgrade.

they must make amends for the violation army at Slankamen, some eighteen miles north of

If Ferdinand had left the task of informing the Mehmed Sokolli, the beylerbey of Rumelia, Porte to Brother George Martinuzzi, he might crossed the Danube at Peterwardein (Petrovarahave broken the news more gently. The whole din) on 7 September, and crossed the Theiss purpose of the treaty of Alba Iulia was to be sure (Tisza) near the village of Titel in northern Serbia, of Hapsburg protection against the Turks. If the making his way north to Becse (Becej), where he Frater dealt deviously as well as dexterously with — seized the fortress on 18-19 September. The garboth the Hapsburgs and the Turks, he does seem _rison of two hundred men was put to the sword. to have had the interests of the Hungarians and On the twenty-first Mehmed Sokolli took the forTransylvanians at heart. His concern for the op- tress of Becskerek, which the garrison had abanpressed peasantry forms the subject of more than doned, and continued on his way to the episcopal one of his letters. The Turks were luring from _ city of Csanad on the Mures (Maros) River. The their Christian allegiance the Hungarians as well Serbian force which held Csanad gave it up (on

as the Serbs. Toward the end of the summer (of the twenty-eighth) to the Turks, who then ad1551) Brother George wrote Ferdinand that the vanced upon the important town of Lipova (Lippa) feudality would have only themselves to blame for on the left bank of the Mures. Andreas Bathory the continuance of such popular defections to the surrendered Lipova without a struggle on 8 OcTurks, “‘since we keep the peasants in such dire tober, and the Turkish army moved southwest subjection.”’ Except for the fact that their wives some thirty or more miles to Timisoara (Temesand children were not taken from them, the poor var), which was put under siege on 16-17 Octowretches were shown no consideration at all. He ber. Thus far the Turks had swept everything beurged Ferdinand to proclaim the peasants’ eman- fore them.*° cipation by public proclamation, that they might After some weeks of inaction Ferdinand’s comknow of his Majesty’s concern for all the estates mander Giovan Battista Castaldo wanted to attack and classes of his realm. God would be pleased by the Turks. Martinuzzi cautioned against a large-

the liberation of the peasantry.'° scale encounter without adequate strength. Brother George seems to have tried to deflect Reinforcements were coming under Sforza Palthe Turks’ anger from himself and to ward off, _ lavicini, another of Ferdinand’s condottieri. Mar-

if possible, a Turkish invasion of Hungary or tinuzzi produced 20,000 florins in gold and Transylvania. He apparently informed the Turks 10,000 in silver to help finance the defense against that Isabella was responsible for the treaty of Alba the Turks. Even Castaldo was impressed, as he Iulia, because she wanted to see her son married wrote Ferdinand, with the Frater’s showing himto a daughter of Ferdinand. The Frater is even self ‘‘every day more ardent for your Majesty’s alleged to have assured the Porte that he would — service than one could possibly believe.”’ drive the Germans out of Transylvania. It is con- Castaldo’s suspicions returned and increased, ceivable. He needed time. Ferdinand had sent a however, as the Frater kept sending messengers woefully insufficient force under Castaldo, andthe to the Turks, and receiving answers. Possibly he Frater was appealing to both the Hapsburg broth- was trying to deceive the Turks as to the true state ers to send larger and stronger forces to help hold of affairs in Transylvania, but was he deceiving Hungary and Transylvania against the inevitable only the Turks? Levies of local troops lagged, and Turkish attacks. In the meantime, by the end of hopes of popular uprisings in defense of the country were disappointing. In fact little could have

———___—— been expected of Transylvania, where the three *8 Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 111 privileged ‘“‘nations’’ of Hungarians, Szeklers, and

(Pest, 1828, repr. Graz, 1963), 291, trans. J.-J. Hellert, Hist. s0-called Saxons were hostile to one another, and Gard. Georg, pp. 108- 1“ aris, 1836), 22, and g. Utiesenovic, the native Rumanians had long had their fill of 19 K4rolyi, no. CCI, p. 315, and of no. CXC, p. 300, and them all. In line with Castaldo’s own suspicions of UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, p. 109. On the ‘everlasting servitude”’ Martinuzzi, the latter’s secretary was soon said to of the Hungarian peasantry after their suppression in 1514, see I. Sinkovics, ‘““Le ‘Servage héréditaire’ en Hongrie aux 16-176 =©§ ———— siécles,”” in Gy. Székely and E. Fiigedi, eds., La Renaissance et 20 F. B. von Bucholtz, Gesch. d. Regierung Ferdinand d. Ersten, la Réformation en Pologne et en Hongrie (1450-1650), Budapest, VII, 261-62; lorga, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, III, 36 ff.; and 1963, pp. 47-89 (Studia historica Academiae Scientiarum Hun- note esp. Ascanio Centorio, Commentaru della guerra di Tran-

garicae, 53). silvania (1566), bk. U1, pp. 98 ff., 102 ff.

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 571 be depicting the Frater as the near ally of the the last winter of their resistance to the enemy.”

Turk. One charge led to another. On that very day (the twelfth) Martinuzzi was cre-

Martinuzzi was accused of throwing the com- ated a cardinal at a secret consistory held at S. mander at Csandad into irons to conceal his own _ Peter’s in Rome.** He was never assigned a titular treachery. His plan was allegedly to deliver Cas- church.?’ On the twentieth a courier brought the

taldo and Ferdinand’s army over to the Turks. good news to the encampment where Martinuzzi The treaty of Alba Iulia was presumably designed and Castaldo were concentrating their forces for to rid the scene of Isabella and John Sigismund, the recovery of Lipova (Lippa). Castaldo ordered because Martinuzzi’s ambition was to have the sul- a salvo of cannon fire in the middle of the night tan invest him with Transylvania, for which he to commemorate the event, but the next day he would pay an annual tribute as a vassal of the _ sent offa dispatch to Vienna, stating that although Porte. There was no end to his perfidy. He had Martinuzzi was highly gratified, and had richly hindered Sforza Pallavicini’s auxiliaries from join- rewarded those who had brought him the news, ing Castaldo’s army in Transylvania by requiring he had made no comment and given no outward Pallavicini to stop at Grosswardein (Nagyvarad, sign of his satisfaction.*°

now Oradea).”! So it was said. On 30 October (1551) Martinuzzi wrote Charles

The author of these charges and calumnies was V, thanking him for the great honor done him in Castaldo himself. His purpose was to convince Fer- _ his elevation to the cardinalate, which he knew he

dinand that the title of voivode, the office of trea- owed to Charles’s intercession. For the rest the surer, and a cardinal’s hat were all trifles as far as contest with the Turk went on, and four castles Martinuzzi was concerned. The Frater wanted to had just been recovered.?’ It was Ferdinand, as rule Transylvania, like John Zapolya before him, Martinuzzi knew, who had begged the pope to under the protecting aegis of the Porte. Castaldo give him the red hat but, no matter, he had bemade these accusations against Martinuzziina let- comea cardinal. Martinuzzi, however, was dealing ter of 16 October (1551) to Ferdinand on the al- with the Turk as well as fighting with him. His leged basis of information given him by an un- relations with Ferdinand were now deteriorating, named “secretary.” If the secretary was not a_ owing especially to Castaldo’s letter of 16 October. product of Castaldo’s imagination, as he probably The Hapsburgs could not, understandably enough, was not, he was almost certainly Marc’ Antonio remain content with the mere claim to a title or Ferrari, who had left Castaldo’s staff ostensibly to a territory. They had to press for recognition and serve as the Frater’s Italian-language secretary. the revenues that went with their claim. Since FerTime would show, however, that he had not left dinand had sent an armed force into Transylvania,

Castaldo’s employ.”* he was more than a little concerned as to whether Whatever lay behind Castaldo’s charges and his the sultan would consider Veltwyck’s five years’

hatred of Martinuzzi, the fact remains that the

latter’s letters are filled with fear of the Turk. Four §=£—————— days before the date of Castaldo’s letter to Fer- 23 Ka4rolyi, Codex epistolaris Fratris Georgii, no. CCV, pp.

dinand, Martinuzzi had written Charles V (on 12 317-18. .

October) that Ferdinand’s claim to Transylvania , Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Reg.October: 33, fol. 108 ; y mod. stamped enumeration, entriesActa forMiscellanea, 12 and 16 had evoked the ire of the Turk, who had appal- «| Sanctitas sua creavit in Sancta Romana Ecclesia presbyently kept Mehmed Sokolli Pasha in the field all — terum cardinalem de fratrum consilio Fratrem Gregorium [1], winter as a threat to the Hungarians. The subju- episcopum Waradiensem.. . . Apud Sanctum Petrum Romae gation of Hungary would open up to the Turk a die Veneris XVI Octobris 1551 fuit consistorium in quo fuit broad avenue of approach into the Christian com- Gecretum ut - nus tube pe everendia Danctifatis suae vameras monwealth. Martinuzzi appealed to Charles to as- creato cum indulto si ei videbitur utendi vestibus rubeis et sist the Hungarians in what might otherwise be _ paonaceis ac aliis indumentis quibus cardinales qui tempore sue

. . Ppueus rubea reverendaissimo . corgio noviter assumptionis ad cardinalatum presbyteri seu clerici saeculares

TT erant utuntur dummodo tamen habitum suum regularem subtus

21 Cf. UtieSenovié, Card. Georg, pp. 104-13. Concerning the _ deferat.”” Cf, Charriére, Négociations, 11, 165-66, and Gottfried charges of ‘“‘unus secretariorum ipsius fratris Georgii,” see, ibid., | Buschbell, ed., Concilium Tridentinum, XI (Freiburg im Breisgau,

append., no. xv, pp. 54-55. Martinuzzi had apparently moved 1937), no. 495, p. 696, a letter of Cardinal Pedro Pacheco to slowly to meet the Turkish invasion (Schuller, Die Verhandlungen Antoine de Granvelle, dated at Rome on 20 November, 1551. von Muhlbach im Jahre 1551, p. 47). On Sforza Pallavicini’s 2° Cf. Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia arrival at Grosswardein (Varadino) with 3,000 German foot and catholica, II] (1923), 32a. 400 horse, note Ascanio Centorio, Commentari della guerra di 26 UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, p. 115; Ascanio Centorio, ComTransilvania (1566), bk. UI, p. 102, and cf, ibid., p. 108. mentarit della guerra di Transilvania (1566), bk. 111, pp. 111-12.

22 Cf. UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, pp. 110-14. 27 Karolyi, no. CCVH, pp. 319-20.

572 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT truce (1547-1552) as having been broken. The and the slaughter of the enemy within and without sultan’s imprisonment of Ferdinand’s envoy Mal- the town. Now the fortress alone remained to be vezzi, however, would seem to make it clear that taken, “and I do not doubt that with the aid of

the Porte did regard the truce as broken. God we shall recover this too.’’*° Ferdinand liked to think that Castaldo’s entry Now the question was whether to try to take into Transylvania was merely evidence of the final the fortress or to move on to Timisoara, where fulfillment of the treaty of Grosswardein (of 1538). the brave commandant Stephen Losonczy had so When Ferdinand blithely informed the Porte, far withstood the hardships of Mehmed Sokolli’s however, that he had now acquired peaceful pos- siege. On or before 16 November, however, persession of Transylvania with the agreement of haps at the sultan’s command, Sokolli had decided Queen Isabella, Martinuzzi, and all the estates and to raise the siege and withdraw across the Danube orders of the realm, with the understanding of to Belgrade, owing to the lateness of the season course that the customary tribute would be sent and the proximity of the allied forces. On 16 Noeach year to Istanbul, Brother George was in trou- vember also, in a consistory at the Vatican, letters ble at the Porte. Sometimes it is hard to tell where | were read which Martinuzzi had written Julius III, self-righteousness ends and stupidity begins. The describing the critical juncture of affairs in HunHapsburgs usually addressed the sultan with the gary and Transylvania, and urging his Holiness to same pomposity they employed in writing to a_ effect the return of the Christian princes to peace, German baron. In this case Ferdinand’s letter to so that their arms might in one way or another be

the sultan was tantamount to an accusation of employed against the Turks. Julius ordered the treachery to the Porte against Martinuzzi, who (as__ celebration of a special mass in S. Peter’s ‘‘for Ferdinand knew well) was always trying to pacify peace and the preservation of Christendom from the sultan by giving him vague assurances of loy- the infidels, with the usual indulgences and realty and sending him various bits of information. missions.’’*’ (Mehmed Sokolli Pasha, the beylerbey of Rumelia, Meanwhile at Lipova, Castaldo and the Haps-

referred to Ferdinand’s ‘‘accusation” of Marti- burg generals wanted to storm the fortress or nuzzi.) Ferdinand wanted the sultan to understand _ starve out the Turks, whose commander, the Perthat peace had finally been made in Transylvania, sian Ulama Beg, was willing to give up the place

without prejudice to the Turkish tribute.*® in return for the assurance of his freedom and that Mehmed Sokolli’s forces had taken Csanad, of his troops. Castaldo wanted an unconditional Lipova (Lippa), and more than a dozen Christian strongholds, but his siege of Timisoara (Temesvar) was not song well. On 2 November (1551) the 30 Karolyi, no. CCXI, pp. 325-26. Martinuzzi’s letter was Christian forces under Brother George Martinuzzi written ‘‘ex castris ad Lyppam positis.”” On 21 November Ferand Castaldo had finally advanced upon Turkish- — dinand congratulated him on the victory at Lipova (ibid., no. held Lipova, where they arrived on the third. The — CCX1). It was later said that more than 3,000 Turks were killed next day th ey were buildin g entren chments, and in the final assault, and about 2,000 took refuge in the fortress . of Lipova (UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, append., no. Xv, p. 56). on 5 November they began cannonading the walls According to Ascanio Centorio, Commentarii della guerra di of Lipova. After the failure of a foolhardy attempt = Transilvania (1566), bk. 111, pp. 129-30, “. . . Si videro piu of the Spanish soldiery to storm the ramparts, the dimillee dugento Turchi morti, e tutti i giannizzeri che erano

general attack upon the town got under way. stati gli ultimi a ritirarsi, e gli altri che rimasero vivi con OliBrother George, .having put aside the Beg] che cominciarono con tanto terrore e€ sI Ce-a ; camente a cardinal’s fuggiremanno nel [Ulama castello fu maravigliosa cosa

robe for a soldier’s cloak and the red biretta for vedere... .”

a plumed helmet, was as conspicuous in the fray 31 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 33, fol. 109", as Castaldo, Nadasdy, Pallavicini, and all the rest by mod. stamped enumeration: “Apud Sanctum Petrum Romae of the allied commanders.22 When the smoke had die lune X VI Novembris 1551 fuit consistorium In quo fuerunt . ae lecte littere reverendissimi D. Georgii cardinalis Transilvani cleared, and some 1,200 Turks had lost their lives, date in castris quibus significabat res versari in maximo discriBrother George wrote Ferdinand (on 8 Novem- mine diemque fatalem publici conflictus adversus Turcas de ber) of the allies’ successful attack upon Lipova proximo imminere, et propterea supplicabat Sanctitati sue ut procurarent [for procuraret] pacem fieri inter presbyteros [for principes!] Christianos, unde Sanctitas sua decrevit ut celebra-

— retur missa in basilica Sancti Petri die dedicationis eiusdem ba28 K4rolyi, no. CCIX, pp. 321-23, letter dated at Vienna on _ silice pro pace et conservatione Christianitatis ab infidelibus 5 November, 1551, and cf. UtieSenovi¢, Card. Georg, append., cum indulgentiis et remissionibus consuetis.’”” On Losonczy’s

no. XV, pp. 48 ff. defense of Timisoara, see Ascanio Centorio, Commentari della 2° UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, pp. 115-17. guerra di Transilvania (1566), bk. III, pp. 102-7, 109-11.

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 573 surrender. Martinuzzi cautioned them all against Castaldo and Pallavicini had become Brother pressing the Turks too far. The sultan’s wrath was George’s mortal enemies. Rumors were afloat in terrible when aroused, for his hordes spared nei- anatmosphere of hostility. The Frater was accused ther women nor children, houses or churches, of encouraging Ulama Beg to hold out and of protrees, crops, or herds. Appeasement was the only viding him with supplies. Castaldo had resumed practicable policy; keep the sultan calm, seek his the shelling of the fortress. On 16 November benevolence. Pay the annual tribute, and be left Ulama requested a twenty days’ cease-fire, after in peace. Ulama and the Turkish force in the for- which he would surrender the fortress provided tress of Lipova must be allowed to withdraw, un- he and his men were let go free. On the twenty-

molested and uninjured, so that they might give second he requested a meeting with Brother the sultan assurance of the Hapsburgs’ and the George, but agreed to send hostages to the allies, Hungarians’ good will. It would be well not to and two emissaries soon came to offer themselves provoke the sultan to the exaction of vengeance as surety for the Turks’ peaceful withdrawal with for the losses he was sustaining in this war. Cas- their arms and personal possessions. Castaldo retaldo and the generals must not think that by kill- jected Ulama’s proposal, and demanded an uning Ulama and his men that they would have done conditional surrender. Mehmed Sokolli had begun

with it all. Hardly! his return to Belgrade by way of Becskerek, but The sultan would not lack for men if they took on 25 November word reached the allied enthese few from him, for he already had in the field campment at Lipova that Kasim Pasha, the govmore than 40,000 men a mere 30 miles away. ernor of Buda, was hastening southward to cover Lipova was (and is) in fact 32 miles northeast of Sokolli’s retreat and to render his fellow Turks Timisoara, where Mehmed Sokolli was then be- whatever asssistance he could. The pasha had alginning to abandon the siege. Castaldo accused ready reached Szeged.

Martinuzzi of duplicity, and took gruff exception There seems to be no evidence that Kasim to his plea for kindness and moderation in dealing _ Pasha had intended to attempt the relief of Lipova, with the Turkish troopers caught in the fortress where Ulama’s garrison was badly off. The Chrisof Lipova. To deal with enemies of the faith as _ tians’ own supplies were running low. UtieSenovic

the lord cardinal advocated would be an outrage, believes that Castaldo took the initiative, on 28 a disgrace no soldier could face. What would the November, in accepting Ulama’s proposal that the verdict of Christendom be if they took fright now Turks should withdraw peacefully from the forwhen they had the Turks in their very grasp? Ac- tress. Castaldo would, presumably, have had to cording to the contemporary historian Ascanio _ give a restraining order to his own troops lest they Centorio, Castaldo also said that Mehmed Sokolli attack the departing Turks. Martinuzzi had wanted

had already taken flight beyond the Danube, to get the Turks out with as little damage to the which was not the case. Martinuzzi answered an- fortress as possible, verum alts tunc alterum visum grily that he intended to let Ulama go free in order est, but the shelling of the walls had been such that to help secure peace for Transylvania and the well- _ the Christians would now have an expensive task being of the people. Castaldo said nothing, ac- of restoration.*®

cording to Centorio, but became all the more de- Although it is clear that Martinuzzi and Cas-

termined to get rid of Brother George.** taldo were hardly on speaking terms, it is incon-

ceivable that the Frater should not have known

sonOn. the , _events Of Castaldo’s sudden willingness to set Ulama free, at Lipova (Lippa), see Ascanio Centorio, £ such ilv th In fact th d

Commentaru della guerra di Transilvania (1566), bk. 11, pp. 111- such was really the case. in fact, on the very day

41. Martinuzzi’s appeal to the generals of the army to allow 1 question (28 November), the Frater sent FerUlama Beg and the Turks to leave Lipova without harm was dinanda sad account of conditions in the Christian given m Latin (ibid., p. 134), but obviously Castaldo understood encampment at Lipova. The fortress had not it, and his contemptuous answer easily won the generals to his fallen; the sie ge had prove d lo ng an d difficult. point of view (pp. 135-37), “‘nel che vedendo Frate Giorgic “5 . . che né in secreto né in aperto poteva fare cosa che volesse, e Mehmed Sokolli’s army, having left Timisoara, che non erano le sue ragioni ammesse, disse con grandissima | WaS NOW a mere eleven miles away. The rains had colera al Castaldo che anco che egli non volesse, per la generale come. The peasant soldiers from Transylvania and salute e tranquillita di Transilvania voleva liberare Olimanno, Hungary, as well as some of the nobles, were leav-

a che [Castaldo] non volse rispondere cosa alcuna, se non che accrescendo in se piu |’ odio et il desiderio di farlo morire pit

tosto che potesse, conobbe manifestamente quanto ei favoriva =§=—————————

le cose del Turco e disfavoriva quelle di Ferdinando. . .”’ (p. °° Cf. UtieSenovit, Card. Georg, pp. 119-20, and Charriére,

137). Cf, Utiesenovic, Card. Georg, pp. 117-18. Négociations, II, 169-70.

574 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ing the scene and going home. The horsemen When Sultan Suleiman had received the tribute were so worn out that they could hardly stand up. (census), he had ordered Mehmed to cease hostil-

Martinuzzi suggested that Ferdinand send fresh ities. The beylerbey had, therefore, halted the troops to strengthen the declining army and make _ siege of Timisoara, given up the city of Csanad, possible the more effective defense of the land and pulled back to Becse, whereupon Martinuzzi against the Turks. In the meantime the envoys had attacked Lipova (Lippa) with a motley force, whom Martinuzzi had sent to Istanbul with the ‘“‘comitatus caterva Phariseorum atque latronum.”’ tribute had returned safe and sound. He made an Mehmed even reminded Martinuzzi of Cicero’s excuse for not sending them on to Ferdinand.** —_ injunction that one should keep his pledge to an It has been surmised that Ulama’s proposal of enemy; obviously a westerner had composed the a twenty days’ cease-fire had originated with Mar- (Latin) letter, to which a tughra was added. Martinuzzi. Three weeks would give the latter time tinuzzi would do well (as Mehmed was doing) to enough to inform the pashas of the service he was give some thought to the sultan’s power and fetrying to render the Porte by saving the lives of _rocity when aroused. Martinuzzi was requested this Ulama’s men, and to receive in answer an assur- time to send an answer to these observations.°’ ance of the sultan’s good will. However that may The beylerbey’s attitude toward Brother George be, when Ulama withdrew from the fortress of _Martinuzzi was apparently not very different from Lipova (on 4—5 December), he is said to have sent that of Ferdinand, who wrote Martinuzzi on the Martinuzzia gift of a gold lamp, two gilded tapers, following day (2 December) in annoyance and pera richly-embroidered Persian shawl, a bejewelled plexity that the allied forces should be leaving dagger, and four war horses. Martinuzzifurnished Lipova by desertion and otherwise just when they him with supplies and a Serbian escort.*? Ulama_ were winning. The Turks did not like to fight in

was glad to leave. His men had been living on the wintertime, while the Hungarians had done horse meat and cats. The Serbian troops went with some of their noblest deeds against the Turks in the Turks as far as Timisoara and beyond, but the winter under the leadership of Matthias Corafter the Serbs had bid them goodbye, Ulamaand__vinus (although Ferdinand had no intention of his men were attacked by a detachment of Cas- emulating Corvinus by taking the field himself). taldo’s forces which had been lying in ambush to Ferdinand exhorted Martinuzzi to persist and to waylay them. The Turks gave a good account of inspire his troops to the final effort needed to seize themselves, although they lost heavily. Ulama was _ the fortress of Lipova. He also stated that he had apparently wounded, but got back to Belgrade just secured large subsidies from the archduchy

with at least three hundred men.*° of Austria and the duchy of Styria, “not for one

year only but for an entire three years,” for the Martinuzzi had been running with the hare and defense and preservation of belabored Transylhunting with the hounds for years. The nature of vania. He complained that, as was being reported the game is revealed by a letter which Mehmed _ to him, Martinuzzi was demanding payment for Sokolli, the beylerbey of Rumelia, wrote him on 1,000 horse and 500 foot. Ferdinand did not deny 1 December (1551), complaining that Martinuzzi the debt, but insisted the understanding had been had failed to answer previous letters. But a time quite clear that the stipends for these troops were of reckoning was coming—‘‘the sultan will not to be drawn from the Transylvanian revenues always believe your tricks and the flatteries by which Martinuzzi had in his own hands. Brother which we have been beguiled and deceived!’ George was, therefore, directed to pay the troops.°®

ee On 3 December (1551) Martinuzzi wrote Fer°* Karolyi, no. CCXII, pp. 328-29, letter dated at Lipova on dinand again. The siege of Lipova was proving

28 November, 1551. long and difficult. There is no word of his or of °° Von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 111(1828, Castaldo’s having promised or given Ulama Beg

repr. 1963), 296, trans. J.-J. Hellert, VI (1836), 29, who says that Ulama and the Turkish garrison left the fortress of Lipova

on Friday, 5 December, but in 1551 the fifth fellona Saturday. ~

On their withdrawal, cf’ Ascanio Centorio, Commentaru della 37 Karolyi, no. CCXIV, pp. 329-30, “datum in castro Peciai

guerra di Transilvania (1566), bk. 111, pp. 137-38. [Becse]. . . ,” on 1 December, 1551; G. C. Alacevic, Il dal3° The sources are at odds with one another, as shown in the —_matino Giorgio Utjesenovié Martinusio (1882), pp. 76-77; Utie-

differing accounts of von Hammer-Purgstall, III, 295-97, Senovic, Card. Georg, pp. 125-26; von Bucholtz, Ferdinand I, trans. Hellert, VI, 27-30, and UtieSenovié, Card. Georg, pp. VII, 276-77. 119-20. On the Christians’ attack upon Ulama Beg and his 38 Karolyi, no. CCXV, pp. 330-33, “datum Viennae secunda men, cf Ascanio Centorio, Commentarii della guerra di Transil- | Decembris, 1551,” and cf. von Bucholtz, Gesch. d. Regierung d.

vania (1566), bk. UI, pp. 138-39. Ferdinand d. Ersten, VII, 274.

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 575 a safe-conduct to extricate his men from the for- as well as for his desire to pay him a visit. In the tress and to bring the besieging Christians’ dis- meantime, however, he reminded Martinuzzi that comfort to an end. The rain and mud and cold the latter was committed to the discharge of cerhad exhausted the strength of the troops. No one _ tain military obligations which he should not give could remember some of these people as ever hav- up at this time. As for the diet and Martinuzzi’s ing been under arms for so longatime. The Frater _ visit, Ferdinand would give both matters his furasked for more troops, and suggested that Fer- ther consideration, and write again in a few days.*"

dinand’s own presence would rekindle the ardor Ferdinand did write a few days later, in reof the besieging army. Ferdinand should convoke _ strained but amiable fashion, concerning the proa diet in Hungary. If he attended it himself, many posed Hungarian diet, Martinuzzi’s expressed de-

would respond to the call.°° sire to visit him, the welfare of the young John

Three days later (on 6 December) Martinuzzi Sigismund, and certain letters which Martinuzzi wrote again, implying Castaldo agreed with him had just received from Turkish sources, and of that the king should lose no time, ‘not even a_ which he had sent copies to Ferdinand. The letter, single day,”’ in convoking the diet. The affairs of | which was written on 14 December, closes with an Hungary were in such gross confusion that neither expression of full confidence in Martinuzzi’s loydefense of the country nor peace was possible. The _ alty,** a confidence which Ferdinand certainly did

people were oppressed. There was much to cor- not have. Martinuzzi never received the letter. In rect at a diet. Martinuzzi announced that he was the background of his relations with Vienna lay going into Transylvania, where he had summoned _ a tangle of misunderstanding, intrigue, distrust, the local lords to a diet at which he would select and hostility. certain of the more prominent among them and Martinuzzi had acquired an evil reputation at bring them back with him. In Hungary he would the Viennese court during the latter part of the also summon a diet for the same purpose, “‘that year 1551. Ferdinand wanted him out of the way your Majesty may have with him the more pow- and, as he soon acknowledged, he had authorized

erful persons from both kingdoms.”’ his ‘‘lieutenant”’ Giovan Battista Castaldo, marquis In the meantime the Turkish commander Ulama__ of Cassano, to have the Frater put to death if it Beg had been allowed to withdraw from the en- proved to be necessary.*” Ferdinand had sent Cascircled fortress at Lipova, “‘and of the reasons why _ taldo eastward, as we have seen, on 1 May (with we were induced to let him go your Majesty will detailed instructions dated 27 April) to ensure fullearn in due time.”’ (Ulama certainly owed his re- _fillment of the agreement which Martinuzzi had lease to Martinuzzi.) Among the Frater’s other wrung from Isabella, and which was given its final concerns was the fact that there were many coun- form on 19 July in the treaty of Alba Iulia. We terfeiters in Hungary, some of whom had been have noted her discontent and her denunciation caught. Persons of substance were among them, of Martinuzzi to Castaldo, the bellicus locumtenens and the Frater wanted to know what to do with — for the conduct of military affairs and the protecthem. He also expressed the wish to come to see tion of his Majesty’s ‘faithful subjects” in TranFerdinand, and protested that the young John _ sylvania.* Sigismund, then in Ferdinand’s charge, should be Ferdinand had asked Martinuzzi to take partickept under proper and wholesome tutelage, as ular pains to co-operate with Castaldo,** but while apparently was not being done.*° The enlightening and sometimes baffling correspondence of king and cardinal goes on a bit | Kérolyi, no. CCXX, pp. 338-39, “datum Viennae 9 Delonger. On 9 December (1551) Ferdinand thanked — cembris, 1551,” and cf. von Bucholtz, Ferdinand IL, VII,

Martinuzzi for his advice concerning the need to 274-76. summon a general diet in the Hungarian kingdom * Karolyi, no. CCXXI, pp. 339-41, “datum Viennae 14 De-

TTT 136, note 1.

cembris, 1551.” * UtieSenovit, Card. Georg, pp. 130-33, and note, ibid., p.

°° Karolyi, no. CCXVI, pp. 333-34. ** Cf, above, pp. 567-68, and Karolyi, no. CXLIX, p. 228, 40 Karolyi, no. CCXVH, pp. 334-35, letter dated at Lipova letter of Ferdinand to Martinuzzi, dated at Vienna on | May,

on 6 December, 1551, and note, ibid., no. CCXIX, an odd letter 1551. On the negotiations with Isabella, cf, ibid., nos. CLVIII— from Mehmed Sokolli to Martinuzzi, dated at Belgrade on 8 CLIX, CLXVI, CLXIX, et alibi. Ferdinand’s instructio pro spectabili December, written in friendly but admonitory tones: if Mar- et magnifico Joanne Baptista Castaldo, marchione Cassani, is given tinuzzi wanted the castle of Becse, let him ask the sultan for it, in UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, append., no. Vil, pp. 24-32. etc. Cf’ Schuller, Die Verhandlungen von Miihlbach im Jahre 1551, * Karolyi, no. CLV, p. 235, letter of Ferdinand to Marti-

p. 50. nuzzi, dated at Vienna on 25 May, 1551.

576 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Martinuzzi believed Castaldo’s bellicosity was not accustomed to wielding a pen than a dagger, Fer-

the way to deal with the Turks, his Majesty’s lieu- rari hesitated at the door. Pallavicini quietly tenant was convinced the Frater bore watching. pushed him in, and drew the door to without shutMaybe he did. The Frater heartily resented Cas- ting it. Martinuzzi was still up, clad in a fur-lined taldo’s surveillance and his reports to Vienna. In _ robe, leaning over a writing-table, on which stood September Ferdinand had sent Sforza Pallavicini a clock, a Roman breviary, a diary, and an inkwith further reinforcements for the protection of stand. He nodded to Ferrari to come forward. The

Transylvania against Mehmed Sokolli’s incur- latter did so, saying that Pallavicini was going to sion.*° Although Castaldo had reluctantly (and Vienna, and before he left, he wished to kiss the treacherously) yielded to Martinuzzi’s insistence cardinal’s hand goodbye. Did his Eminence have that they let Ulama Beg go free from Lipova, this any instructions for him? Ferrari put some papers was apparently the event which finally tipped the before him on the table. balance in Castaldo’s mind. He and Pallavicini now As Martinuzzi reached for his pen, Ferrari drew became convinced that Martinuzzi’s frequent com- his dagger. He stabbed the old man twice, in the munications with the Turks were treacherous, de- chest and in the neck. Martinuzzi cried, ‘“‘O dosigned less to forestall a large-scale invasion than mine, quare hoc mihi?” He rose to his feet and,

to encourage one. despite his seventy years, he seized Ferrari and On 13 December (1551) Castaldo traveled with threw him under the table. Pallavicini burst into Martinuzzi in apparently amiable fashion eastward _ the room, with drawn sword. He struck Martinuzzi

along the valley of the Mures (Maros) River from on the head. Andrea Lopez also appeared with the area of Lipova to the Frater’s castle at the some of the Spanish soldiers, who finished the old village of Vintul de Jos (Alvincz), about seven miles | man off with firearms. His last words were said to southwest of Alba Iulia. Castaldo had instructed _ be, “‘Jesus, Maria!”’

Pallavicini to kill the Frater, ‘“‘praying to God that When Castaldo had been informed that the He might prevent the deed if it were not for the deed was done, he took possession of the castle at good of the sacred faith.”” They were keeping a Alvincz, imprisoned an old retainer of the cardismall detachment of Spanish soldiery on hand in nal, and hurried on to Sebes (Muhlbach), eight case of need, and had designated a half-dozen or miles south of Alba Iulia. From Sebes later in the more persons as assassins, especially the secretary day (on 17 December) he sent Ferdinand the pious Marc’ Antonio Ferrari, who had easiest access to news that “‘it has pleased God to remove Brother

the Frater. On 16 December the unsuspecting George from the world.. . 4” For seventy days Frater sent his two hundred guardsmen and all his cooks on to Alba Iulia, where an early breakfast

was to be prepared for him and for Castaldo. That ~~ i,

night there was a terrible storm,.according to the sa the Journey of reared the : . plans for the_,murder, the stormy nightand of Casta 16-17Alvincz, December,

contemporary account of Ascanio Centorio, with the Spanish soldiery and the assassins, Ferrari’s blundering role, thunder and lightning such as no one could re- and Pallavicini’s delivery of the deathblow to the cardinal, see

member at that time of year. Pallavicini and Ascanio Centorio, Commentaru della guerra di Transilvania Ferrari set about their task with some two dozen (1566), bk. m1, pp. 141-49, who mistakenly dates the murder Spanish soldiers in one disguise or another. The ha 8 wn mber (ibid, p. 145), “e cost hedbe fine i piu super Do

! : uomo del mondo, et il maggior occulto tiranno che mai vivesse

historical record has preserved the names of the ||.” (p. 146).

other would-be assassins—Andrea Lopez, Lo- See also UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, pp. 133-38, and append., renzo Campeggio, Giovanni Monino, Alfonso de ‘no. XIV, p. 45, Castaldo’s letter of 17 December, 1551, to

Mercado, and;a;certain Scaramuccia. Ferdinand,Die and for the latter’s answer,von datedMiihlbach at Vienna on im 27 ecember, see Schuller, Verhandlungen

Late that night Ferrari approached the door of Jahre 1551 (1862), append., no. 12, pp. 72-73. Note also the Martinuzzi’s chamber ostensibly with letters for letters of Odet de Selve, the French ambassador in Venice, to him to sign. The pretext was that the Frater would Henry II and Anne de Montmorency, in Charriére, Négociations, be leaving early in the morning Iulia, and Ri 172-73, 174, 175-78, 184-85. Cf: lorga, du Gesch. d. osman. Ll eiches, III, for 39,Alba and Michel Francois, Correspondance Cardinal that P allavicini, who had to get off to a good start Frangois de Tournon, Paris, 1946, no. 430, p. 271. for Vienna, would take the letters with him. More News usually traveled slowly from Transylvania, and Martinuzzi’s murder was not known in Rome until the evening of 14 January, 1552 (see below, in the text). Julius III spoke of

a 4°the matter at the consistory of 18 January (Arch. Segr. VatiKarolyi, no. Cxc, p. 296, letter of Ferdinand to Marti- cano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 33, fol. 113” by mod. stamped nuzzi, dated at Vienna on 23 September, 1551, and cf, ibid., | enumeration): “‘Apud Sanctum Petrum Rome die lune XVIII

nos. CXCIV, CC. Januarii 1552 fuit consistorium in quo sanctissimus dominus

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 577 (from 17 December, 1551, until 25 February) the devious conduct before the year 1549—FerdiFrater’s body lay frozen and unburied inthe room —nand had forgiven it all—he did wish to make where he had fallen. His friends and followers clear that, when after King John Zapolya’s death dared not touch it for fear of Castaldo, until at (in 1540) Isabella had decided to give up Buda to length with Ferdinand’s permission it was re- Ferdinand, Brother George intervened, and afmoved to Alba Iulia, and buried in the cathedral _terwards surrendered the city to the sultan. But church of S. Michael. On his tomb was inscribed _ he proved faithless also to the sultan, who sent the the epitaph, ““Omnibus moriendum est.’’** pasha of Buda against him with a force of some thousands of picked troops. Although the pasha As soon as the news reached Ferdinand’s court, achieved little or nothing, the sultan continued to his advisors went to work preparing instructions try in various other ways to remove Brother for Diego Lasso, his ambassador in Rome, who George from control and to subject Transylvania with Paul Gregoriancz, bishop of Zagreb, was to to the Porte. This is what had led the Frater to try to justify Martinuzzi’s murder to the pope and turn to Ferdinand, to whom he had offered to the Curia Romana. The text was dated at the “‘restore’’ (restituere) Transylvania and parts of king’s castle in Prague on 2 January, 1552. Ac- Hungary under certain conditions and with cercording to these instructions, as soon as Grego- tain concessions to the young John Sigismund and riancz reached Rome (which he did on 17 January), his mother Isabella. Believing in Brother George's

he was to seek with Lasso a “‘benigna audientia”’ sincerity, and acting in what he knew to be the with the pope to whom, first of all, they would best interests of Christendom, Ferdinand accepted declare Ferdinand’s full obedience and filial de- the Frater’s offer, his repeated offers, ‘‘grato et

votion. They were to explain that Ferdinand clementi animo.”’ wished, through them, to give the pope “‘briefly From time to time Brother George said differand summarily, but truthfully and unequivocally” ent things, and seemed to change his mind, asthe facts which lay behind the death of Brother serting on occasion that because of his old age he George, bishop of Grosswardein, recently made was going to withdraw from governmental affairs a cardinal. The main fact was that Brother George’s and devote his life to God and the pursuit of his treachery with the Turks could no longer be tol- own interests. Ferdinand had hoped that the Fraerated, for it threatened the entire Christian com- ter was sincere in his offer to serve the crown “in monwealth with irreparable loss and damage. illis partibus,’’ and Ferdinand had made him sole Transylvania and part of Hungary were at stake; voivode, lord lieutenant, and treasurer in Tranindeed, the entire kingdom of Hungary was in sylvania ‘‘with a much larger annual stipend than danger, as was Ferdinand’s sovereignty elsewhere. anyone else had ever had in these posts.” Certainly When he was fully informed, his Holiness would after the duchy of Oppeln was settled on Isabella

not hold Ferdinand at fault nor those by whose and John Sigismund, the Frater “had no reason advice and aid Brother George had been done for contriving any evil move against us’’ (dictum away with in order to frustrate the infidels’ designs fratrem Georgium . . . nullam habuisse causam ali-

upon the Christian lands in question. quid sinistri contra nos machinand1). He had done so, Although Ferdinand did not wish to burden his however, sending his agents to the sultan unbeHoliness with any account of Brother George’s knownst to Ferdinand and receiving Turkish

agents from the Porte. Despite the fact that the Turks had broken the

noster fecit verbum de morte violenta Georgii cardinalis Tran- truce [of 1547] by “open warfare” (aperto marie), silvanie, et de ea condolens memoravit infelicitates huius seculi Brother George had not only played host to any et humane nature fragilitates ac sicariorum infelices ausus ad- number of cha’ ushes and emissaries from Istanbul, monuitque eosdem reverendissimos ut cogitarent quidineare but had negotiated with them, dispatching letters agendum et quid respondendum videretur ei qui pro justifi- and messengers to Mehmed Sokolli, the beylerbey, catione huiusmodi excessus ad urbem venerat [i.€., Paul Gre- as well as to the sultan. And so the instructions for

goriancz,on bishop of see Zagreb, whobelow]. had arrived in Rome on 17 Ferdinand’s envovs R rego L dc ; January, which the text Insuper fecit verbum de ys in ome, assoinan classe et apparatu Turcarum versus Italiam et de inveniendis Ylancz, went on and on, rehearsing Brother George’s pecuniis ad resistendum illorum conatibus. . . ,”” whereupon __Jies and treacheries and describing them as ‘‘clearer

Julius appointed a commission of cardinals to find the money than the noonday sun.” Despite the concord with to protect the shores of Italy against the expected attacks of the Isabell d John Sigismund. for which Ferdinand 48 Von Bucholtz, Ferdinand I., VII, 283-84; UtieSenovié, had ceded them Oppeln and promised the boy his

Turks when the spring came. sabella an J OAN oigism » FOr : c . Card. Georg, pp. 140-41. daughter in marriage, all with the apparent support

578 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and approval of Brother George, the latter had been _ the deadlock, if it was to be his life or Martinuzzi’s,

entertaining closer and closer relations with the he should strike first!* Porte, and was becoming ever colder and more re- Ferdinand dilated on Brother George’s alleged

miss in Ferdinand’s service. parley with Ulama Beg at night under the walls

Ferdinand’s envoys at the Curia were to explain of Lipova, where he had surreptitiously helped to the pope that Brother George’s frequent dis- feed the Turks and had contrived shortages in the patch of messengers ‘‘ad Portam principis Tur- Christian army, which had finally forced Castaldo carum’’ was part of his tireless effort to win the and the other captains to yield to his demand that

favor (gratia) of the sultan and the vizirs. He the Turks go free. His treachery was so blatant blushed at nothing, offering to betray Ferdinand’s that he was called a traitor publica voce et fama

troops to the Turks, as was known froma reliable throughout the army and throughout most of source in Istanbul. Indeed, a Christian prince of Hungary. He had wanted to keep Castaldo’s great reputation had stated in writing, as Ferdi- troops from establishing winter quarters in Trannand knew, that Brother George had offered his _ sylvania, trying to push them off into certain parts

obedience to the sultan again and again. This un- of Hungary. Brother George had removed the named prince knew a good deal about Turkish castellan of Deva, who had sworn loyalty to Feraffairs. A merchant had written from Venice on dinand, and replaced him with one of his own 16 October (1551) that he knew, also from a re- men. When Castaldo had insisted upon wintering liable source, ‘‘that a certain monk called Brother in Transylvania, the Frater wanted to keep his George was ready to deliver our subjects and sol- troops out of the cities and to scatter them “‘per diers into the hands of the Turks.’’ Some of multos pagos.’”’ And there were the Frater’s “‘inBrother George’s own letters to Mehmed Sokolli, | cessant’”” negotiations with the Turks. His acts of copies of which the Frater had actually had the _ perfidy, his betrayal of Ferdinand, who was his effrontery to send to Ferdinand, were a further sovereign, were plain as day, “‘luce meridiana proof of his treachery. Perhaps he thought Fer- _ clarius.”’ dinand would not believe their outrageous dec- Having removed Isabella, John Sigismund, and larations of fidelity to the Turk. Two examples of Peter Petrovic from the government of Transy]such letters were sent to Rome with the instruc- vania and lower Hungary—as a consequence of tions for Lasso and Gregoriancz so that they might Ferdinand’s cession of Oppeln—Martinuzzi

show them to the pope. wanted also to deprive Ferdinand of his sover-

Since Ferdinand had understood the Frater’s eignty in these areas. He was bent upon ruling

desire for honors no less than for money, he had ‘Transylvania and Lower Hungary himself as a vassucceeded in adding (as his Holiness could bear _ sal of the Turk, paying the Porte an ‘‘annua penwitness) a cardinal’s hat to the more than 80,000 | sio.”” He wanted to destroy Ferdinand’s army and

Hungarian florins which the Frater derived each Castaldo too “‘or at least turn them over to the year, as voivode and treasurer, ‘“‘from our royal Turks.’ The fulfillment of his ambition would revenues of Transylvania’’ for the support of his have been the utter ruin of Hungary, an trrepaservitors and soldiers. Ferdinand had held out to rable loss to Christendom. Sultan Suleiman was Brother George the hope of still further honors planning a large expedition against Ferdinand for and still greater ecclesiastical revenues, although the coming summer. What disaster might have lain

he was already garnering an annual harvest of before the Christian commonwealth if the false more than 40,000 Hungarian florins from his ec- Brother George had been able then to throw in

clesiastical benefices. his lot with the Turk!

Lasso and Gregoriancz must describe to the pope Clearly Ferdinand, Castaldo, and their aides the Frater’s double-dealing with Castaldo and his and counselors had no alternative to the removal indifference to the defense of Lipova (Lippa) and

various other places, when Mehmed Sokolli had = _-___ crossed the Danube with the ‘Turkish army. One 49 UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, append., no. XV, p. 56: “Si tamen accusation followed another, and Ferdinand sent _ [Castaldus] intelligeret rem aliter transigi non posse quam quod the two envoys copies of several more letters as aut manum sibi inferri pateretur aut ipse fratri Georgio tam evidence against the terrible Frater, whose sec- nepharia molienti manum inferret, tunc potius ipse eum pre. . . veniret et tolleret e medio quam quod primum ictum expectando retary bore witness to his treachery. Finally Fer- ab ipso preveniretur, in nostrum et totius Christianitatis gradinand had been obliged to write Castaldo, his — yissimum preiudicium et detrimentum.” In effect Ferdinand locumtenens bellicus, that when they had reached _ had signed Martinuzzi’s death warrant with his own hand.

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 579 of Brother George. They had freed the Hapsburg Anglona and Tursi (and Ferrarese agent at the domains and Christendom from the malignant, Holy See), sent Duke Ercole II d’ Este.°* It caused self-seeking ambition of an unconscionable traitor. an enormous stir. Diego Lasso, who learned of the Before God, the pope, and all the world they could tragedy only during the late evening of the fifnot for this incur ecclesiastical censures and pen- teenth, avoided the papal court for a day or two, alties. Rather they deserved praise and commen- so as not to face Julius III’s indignation. The pope dation! It would have been impracticable, impos- was quickly moved to anger, but he soon calmed sible, to institute due process of law against him down. Lasso did confer, however, with Cardinals in the papal court. He was the ally of the Turk. Morone and Cervini, to whom he gave letters from

One could never have removed him from Tran- Ferdinand. Cervini was cool, the pro-Hapsburg sylvania. His defense would not have been based Morone more affable. Julius found it most strange upon canon law, but upon the flow of arms from _ that the very persons who had extolled Martinuzzi

Istanbul. to the skies, and wanted to see him made a car-

dinal, had now done him to death. If Martinuzzi Therefore with the highest devotion again and again do was pro-Turkish, they should not have sought a we ask and humbly beseech his Holiness that he be will- cardinal’s hat for him. If he was a man of honor, ing to declare and pronounce that we and they, alland — e should not have been killed. singly, who have served us by their counsel, assistance, On 1 February Lasso wrote Ferdinand a lon

and good will in the killing of the said Brother George, . y . . ; 8

have incurred no censures or penalties... .°° etter, explaining his difficulties. He feared the

affaire Martinuzzi would be thrashed out in the con-

Ferdinand’s instructions to Lasso and Grego- _sistory, where the pro-French cardinals would be riancz were soon followed by a statement of eighty- more than troublesome. Although reluctantly, Juseven charges or assertions relative to the slaying ius granted Lasso and Gregoriancz a private auof Martinuzzi (Articuli super caede fratris Georgi). The dience, at which he listened to the charges against

envoys were to use the document in their effort to | Martinuzzi that Ferdinand had sent in their insecure absolution for the assassins. Martinuzzi was structions of 2 January (Instructio ad pontificem in accused of surrendering Buda to the sultan, of being ©@usa mortis quondam fratris Georgi). He also looked

a tool of the Turks. Some of the charges were fac- at the letters and documents they showed him, tual, some likely, others certainly untrue. A number observing that copies of texts did not constitute were based on hearsay, each item in the indictment ¢vidence. Julius had no doubt, however, that Ferending with the refrain “‘sicque fuit, et est verum, dinand was the most religious prince in Christenac publica vox et fama.’’>! The modern reader does dom, bar none, but he must consult the cardinals riot believe a good many of the eighty-seven articuli, a8 the most appropriate body to deal with the and neither did Julius III who, well trained in the problem facing them. law, knew trumped-up evidence when he saw it.

The news of Martinuzzi’s violent death reached 50 ,

Rome about 8:00 P.M. 14 at January, we the learnthirteenth, Ina postscriptGiulio dated 14de’ January, 1552, to a letter written ‘ on on nen Romeas on Grandi wrote Ercole II:

from a letter which Giulio de’ Grandi, bishop of — «g¢ questa sera a tre hore di notte [about 8:00 P.M. in January]

che sono venute lettere de VIII. di Germania che dicono la

ae morte de Fra Giorgio Cardinale in Trasilvania: dimostrano che °° UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, append., no. XV, pp. 45-61, doc. _ sia stato per ordine del Castaldo amazzato, havendo esso frate

dated at Prague on 2 January, 1552. When on 27 December _maneggio de nuovo accordo col Turco et benche vostra EcFerdinand had answered Castaldo’s letter of the seventeenth, __cellentia lo deve sapere a questa hora nondimeno ho voluto which had brought him the news of Brother George’s removal avvisarglielo”’ (Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Amfrom the scene, he had asked Castaldo to collect and send him __basciatori, agenti e corrispondenti Estensi, Roma, Busta 50, no.

the evidence of the Frater’s treasonous activities to set before 283-VIII/4). the pope, ‘‘ut a Sanctitatesua. . . pro nobis, te, et aliis, quorum Two days later in the postscript to a letter dated the sixteenth consilio et opera hoc negotium [i.e., the assassination of Brother | Grandi added the news, ‘“‘Qua si dice per imperiali chel Fra George] est confectum, absolutionem petere et accipere quea- | Giorgio havea inteligentia con Turchi de farsi re et tagliare mus, attento quod frater Georgius non solum in sacris sed etiam apezzi lesercito de Christiani; percid scoperta la cosa, é stato in episcopali et cardinalicia dignitate constitutus fuerit” (Schuller, | espediente levarlo di luoco. Nondimeno il piu ha opinione che Die Verhandlungen von Miihlbach im Jahre 1551, append., no. 12, sia altrimenti et che li suoi denari ne siano stato causa’’ (ibid.,

p. 72). no. 283-VIII/5). With regard to the last statement, Utiese>! UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, pp. 146-49, and append., no. _ novic, Card. Georg, pp. 143-44, has emphasized the fact that

XVI, pp. 62—73. Ferdinand rewarded Castaldo and the Frater’s _ the extent of Martinuzzi’s wealth had been greatly exaggerated,

assassins (Ascanio Centorio, Commentariu della guerra di Tran- on which see Ascanio Centorio, Commentari della guerra di

silvania [1566], bk. Iv, pp. 155-56). Transilvania (1566), bk. Iv, pp. 154-55.

580 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The imperialists, including Reginald Pole, be- and wormwood they deserved, for the perpetralieved that Ferdinand had incurred no censures _ tors were not quit of their crime for years. A papal

in Martinuzzi’s death. Gian Pietro Carafa, in commission examined 116 persons, listened to Lasso’s opinion a muy rigoroso hipocrita, was reserv- endless distorted (and often dishonest) testimony,

ing judgment. Carafa was anti-Hapsburg, as was and reported their findings back to Rome. The Domenico de Cupis, dean of the Sacred College. investigators connived at the acceptance of the After much ado, by a papal brief of 30 January Hapsburg calumnies. After all, Charles V and Fer(1552), Ferdinand was absolved ad cautelam, but dinand, emperor and king, were something to he must take an oath to Girolamo Martinengo, the reckon with—deos fortioribus adesse—for theirs was

nuncio at his court, to accept and obey the final a grandeur perhaps unequalled in Europe. There decision of his Holiness and the Church.°* The was no undoing the deed, no bringing Brother

matter was far from ended. George back to life. At long last, on 14 February, The murder of Martinuzzi made as great an 1555, shortly before Julius III’s death, a papal impact upon the sultan and the pashas in Istanbul verdict was pronounced to the effect that those as upon the pope and the cardinals in Rome. The who had killed Brother George “‘had incurred no Venetian Senate saw no need to send a detailed censures and no penalties, and deserved none”’ report to their bailie on the Bosporus, for they (nullas censuras nullasque poenas incurrisse neque knew that the Porte was quite as well informed as mereri).°? They had incurred no censures, but the

the Signoria.** Frater’s death did them no good. As Ascanio CenQuite properly the Frater bequeathed to Fer- _torio noted a decade later, after John Sigismund’s dinand and the assassins at least a bit of the gall successful assertion of independence in Transylvania, the murder of Martinuzzi certainly proved to be more of a loss than an advantage to Christendom.°°

53 August von Druffel, Briefe und Akten zur Geschichte des XVI. N h . h d blished b Jahrhunderts . . . , 11 (Munich, 1880), no. 959, pp. 86-92, , ow tere in the correspon ence pu ISN y Lasso’s letter to Ferdinand, dated at Rome on 1 February, Karolyi is there the slightest direct evidence that 1552, and note the letters of Odet de Selve, the French am- the Frater was planning to desert the Hapsburg bassador in Venice, to Henry IJ, dated 15 and 30 January camp for that of the Turks. Although more Casoe). in Guillaume Ribier, Lettres et mémotres . . Sous taldi Pallavicini es regnes de Francois Premier, Henryd’IIestat. et Francois I, 2andvols., Paris,would . « : be coming into Hun1666, II, 369-76. De Selve had tried to keep Henry well in- 84TY and Transylvania if Ferdinand were to make formed on current events (Charriére, Négociations, II, 164-80). good his claims, Martinuzzi was apparently preThe letters of the nuncio Martinengo from Prague, Vienna, pared to accept them as the lesser of two evils. A

and Pressburg in January, February, and March, 1552, are full Paulist monk and a cardinal, he had no use for the

of Martinuzzi’s murder and its consequences (Helmut Goetz, Turks. but he cl ly belj dthat C ido’s bull

ed., Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, pt. I, vol. 16: Nuntatur urKs, but he clear y be leve that Uastaldo s bulldes Girolamo Martinengo [1550-1554], Tiibingen, 1965, nos. 45- headed aggressiveness did not bode well for the

53, pp. 85-109, et passim). future of Hungary and Transylvania. When all is

Ascanio Centorio dilates on the pope’s anger and the car- said and done, the Frater remains an intriguing dinals’ at the news of Martinuzzi’s murder, scomunicandogli and even mysterious figu re. He was presu mably tutti della maggiore scomunica che sia,” although the pope “ays . ; ; finally yielded to the entreaties of Ferdinand’s ambassadors, OTe willing to accept Ferdinand’s claims to SOVand appointed a commission of four cardinals, including Gian ereignty than his actual governance. Champion of Domenico de Cupis, dean of the Sacred College, “‘che tre car- the peasants, opponent of the Austrians as well as dinali con il decano . - intendessero questa causa, e vedessero of the Turks, George Martinuzzi may well have se la morte di Frate Giorgio era giustamente a lui inferita o no .. .? (Commentari della guerra di Transilvania [1566], bk. Iv,

pp. 166-67, and cf, ibid., bk. v, p. 219). On 19 February Martinengo wrote Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte from Vienna: ‘‘. . . Il re giuro in mano mia d’ obedire 5® UtieSenovic, Card. Georg, pp. 149 ff., and append., no. in genere a’ mandati della Chiesa. . . . Mi disse che la difesa Xvul, pp. 73-75, and gf. Alacevic, Il Dalmatino Giorgio Utjesenovié della Transilvania gli costa 300,000 fiorini l’ anno, oltre ’ en- —- Martinusio, pp. 82-85; von Bucholtz, Gesch. d. Regierung Fer-

trate ordinarie della provincia, quali per gli registri del frate dinand d. Ersten, VII, 287 ff. medemo non sono piu che 90,000 ducati, sebene ei diceva, 56 Ascanio Centorio, Commentarii della guerra di Transilvania

quando negociava |’ accordo, che sarebbono 300,000...” (1566), bk. m1, p. 147: “. . . E la Transilvania non rimase (Goetz, Nuntiaturberichte, I-16, no. 50, p. 100). troppo tempo sotto |’ obedienza di sua Maesta [Ferdinand], che °* On 26 January, 1552, the Senate wrote the Venetian bailie _ritorné di fatto sotto quella del giovine Re Giovanni, a tale che

in Istanbul, ‘‘Della morte de Fra Zorzi cardinal amazzato in la morte di Frate Giorgio fu pit di danno che di utile a ChrisTransilvania non vi diremo altro, sapendo che a quella Excelsa__tiani.. . .’’ Centorio also says, ibid., that all those who took a Porta la se havera intesa particularmente”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. direct part in the murder of Martinuzzi eventually suffered

67, fol. 198" [218"}). ‘‘diversi infortunii.”’

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 581 died a martyr to the cause of Hungarian and Tran- _ tivities, his Holiness expressed absolute astonishment

sylvanian independence. that Pallavicini should have dared come into the

Romagna and enter the states of the Church. He

, h hs that followed 25 under the ban of the Church, and did he think

Men 5 death to the me ih st o Tl ha q that Martinuzzi’s murder was like killing a flea?

hartinuzz1s death, we recall that Ju tus T a (essendo nel mancamento che e, et parendoli d’ havere his own problems. Much of the advice he received 1, a,ato una pulce )

om the vorese ane uri call easee aan we Julius was having no recruitment of troops in meri ee Of > Ip. Julius net su aries h 5 a'Y papal territory at this time. He knew, he told odin, Ml ° ond cas ¢ have seen in the pre- Grandi, that there were 40,000 men capable of ce A vler ume) all au at war c S. coming to an bearing arms in the states of the Church, but he Fall halle y 4 Ch | oe Ma OF Daxony i ikel ~ could not allow others to take them. The trouble 0 4 c “he col , Ist ©s- of G seeme I fhe was the able-bodied men would go, and those unfit a qd ter A © po tb st he effe, ° Thahel he for military service would be left behind. He could re 809 W adi ra © © ne upon Maly: in (he not strip the papal territories of manpower. The a uneen h man he C, ma foe Gi Ore Pee ericte Turks were reported to have a great armada ready C. ‘Gn ec, than at the d han he ol fe a had to sail. Julius was certain that they were not planLen S, eed sent Oo” F at the 1559 7 Ty f ning an attack upon Malta. Although Ferdinand’s

ta on | “hoe on DP eoruary, F th ) f OF endeavors against the Turks were an “‘opera sanhe ex y an © Maristians a 58 ba © “hth void tissima,”’ Italy needed defending, for the Turks t eC ‘ralde a Stow 0S ne OC, re we t 1 al would fall like a deluge upon the maritime prov-

of Masta'do and storza Fabavicim, Ferdinand was — inces if they were disarmed and stripped of soltrying hard to assert his authority in Hungary and gy... 59

Transylvania against the Turks. An imperial courier on his way to Rome from

]>

onan i vs court at innsbruck nad qopparent'y 59 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Ambasciatori, S Oppe a errara, where ne had a c to 1S etc., Roma, Busta 50, no. 283-VIII/27; cf, ibid., no. 31, and

mailbag letters from Duke Ercole to Giulio de’ _ Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, II, no. 1,083, p. 214. On 8 January, Grandi. They were dated 31 March (1552), and 1552, Pietro Bertano, bishop of Fano and papal nuncio at the Grandi answered them on 3 April. He had been imperial court in Innsbruck, wrote Cardinal Innocenzo del at the Vatican Palace that dav from at least 12:00 Monte (Georg Kupke, ed., Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, I-

nay 12 [1901, repr. 1968], no. 51, pp. 138-39):

noon (XV. I hore) to about 2:00 P.M. Julius ITT was ‘“Hoggi in questa hora del mezzo giorno é venuto nuova in bed with one of his frequent attacks of gout, della morte del cardinal fra Giorgio, la cui tragedia € verissima, but Grandi could give him all the information ma li particolari non si sanno anchor cosi minutamente. Diro which Ercole had instructed him to pass on to his solo le cagioni della morte sua. Egli si mostro fino nella presa

Holiness “sopra la venuta del si r Sf, Pal del castel di Lippa esser turco, con mala soddisfattione di tutti - sop a enuta Get signor oforza fala- quelli Ongari. In questo tempo fino alli 20 [sic] del passato che

VICINO a Ferrara.”’ Pallavicini was trying to recruit fy jj giorno ultimo della sua vita, esso frate haveva intendimento

3,000 infantry in the states of the Church and in co’! Turco di farsi re di Ongaria et impadronirsi di tutto quel

the area around Florence. He had requested per- paese et di Transilvania.. . .” . .

mission to assemble the troops in Ferrarese territory, . 5¢¢ also the letter of Girolamo di Capodiferro, cardinal of d thereafter take them northward through the S. Giorgio and Julius III’s legate in the Romagna, to Innocenzo

an 7 " ; oug del Monte, in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi,

duchy al suo viaggio a quella impresa contro — vol. XX, fol. 176, by mod. stamped enumeration, dated at

Turco.” Pallavicini had been handicapped in the Ravenna on 15 March, 1552: ‘‘Earrivato qui in Sant’ Arcangelo Romagna “‘per la disgratia in che si trova di sua il signor Sforza Pallavicino, il quale m’ ha fatta domanda di due ‘ead wt 8D cose, I’ una di poter cavar genti della provincia [di Romagna] Beatitudine per la morte de Fra Giorgio. When per servitio del re de’ Romani, et |’ altra di far massa nella detta Grandi had let the pope know of Pallavicini’s ac- terra da condurla poi in Ongheria al medesimo servitio. Et perché questa é materia d’ importanza, non mi é parso venirne a deliberatione alcuna senza farlo prima intendere a vostra si-

— gnoria reverendissima, alla quale mando |’ inclusa copia della

5” Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, II, no. 1141, pp. 265-66, letter _risposta [which seems not to be in the present volume] che ho of Diego Lasso to Ferdinand, dated at Rome on 19 March, _fattaal detto signore, perché ella sia meglio informata di quello 1552; von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, I11,298—- che passa. Vostra signoria reverendissima potra (piacendole)

99; von Bucholtz, Ferdinand I., VII, 302-3. farne parola con nostro Signore [Julius II], et quanto prima °8 Cf. Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, II, no. 1173, p. 295, a letter — tenermi avisato di quanto sara mente di sua Santita et sua, che

of Agostino Cocciano to Girolamo Seripando, dated at Rome _ si esseguisca per me sopra cid. . . ,” and gf, ibid., fols. 175, on 26 March, 1552: ‘‘In Transilvania i Turchi han preso un 177, 179, letters dated 14, 20, and 23 March (1552), and fol. loco, ma non so il nome, con molta occisione de nostri.”’ 187, dated 27 April, also from Capodiferro to del Monte.

582 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Subsequent events would soon show that the Other letters from Rome, with avvisi from Naples pope was not exaggerating the danger to which _ of 15 July, reported that the armada was “‘in sight the Italian coastlands were exposed. The Vene- of Naples.’ Venetian possessions had suffered

tians were also concerned, but they apparently from Turkish depredation along much of the thought that any pressure Ferdinand could apply route of the armada.®** to the Turks on the eastern front might possibly It was all quite true, for on 23 July the Turkish lighten the burden of Christian defense in Italian armada was reported to be off the island of Prowaters. The day before Grandi wrote the letter to cida, near the northwest entrance to the bay of Ercole d’ Este, recounting the pope’s unwilling- Naples. No one could tell where the armada would ness to allow anyone (especially Pallavicini) to hire go next, “‘né si sa che camino habbi da pigliare.’’®*

soldiers in the states of the Church, the Venetian ‘The imperial admiral, Prince Andrea Doria, now Senate (on 2 April) had given a favorable response in his mid-eighties, appeared off Ostia and Netto a secretary of Ferdinand, who was seeking the _ tuno, as was reported on 6 August, but the Turks Republic’s co-operation in the transport of Palla- made no move, allowed ships to pass undisturbed, vicini’s troops from the Romagna to Trieste and and paid for their provisions. Panic reigned in

Fiume, and thence into Hungary.°° Naples. Those who could leave the city or send

Julius III’s apprehensions were justified. On 12 __ their valuables to places of safety were doing so.®” May (1552) Diego Lasso informed King Ferdinand A Venetian dispatch of 13 August says that Doria from Rome that the Neapolitans were expecting had left Genoa with 40 galleys, and had gone to La

the arrival of the Turkish armada and trying to Spezia to take on board about 3,000 German inmake preparations against it.°' About two weeks fantry to convey them to Naples. He had been atlater (on 28 May) Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, tacked on 4 August by the Turkish armada, which the bishop of Arras, who had succeeded his father _ had seized seven of his galleys with 700 Germans Nicholas as Charles V’s chief counselor, wrote aboard. Of the seven galleys, two were Neapolitan, Queen Mary of Hungary from Villach that the two Spanish, and three belonged to Doria, who was Turkish armada was slow in coming. The French _ said to have sailed back toward Genoa. The Turkish were asking for a quicker advance. Perrenot was armada had made a landing at Gaeta, and had ravhoping that the Turks would not get farther west aged to the very gates of the city.” than they had the year before, and that they would The news got worse and worse. On Wednesday

find Naples and Sicily better able to cope with morning, 10 August (1552), Giulio de’ Grandi them. It would help a good deal if one could make went to see the pope, who had just learned from a truce with the sultan by land, i.e., on the eastern Ascanio Colonna that there were 216 vessels (vele) front. Undercover efforts were being made to doin the Turkish armada, which was laying siege to so. The sultan was being harassed by Tahmasp,

the sophi of Persia, which might help.® ——_ Slow or not, the Turks on their way. On . ®*von Sen.Anareas i. Brig cy 68, fols.und a, [68°], 6° 0] gs also vax 1 1 ; were ossen, ¢€d., Driefé asus Seinen rreunden 21 July the, Venetian Senate notified Domenico 25555 taint. 18 and Cari

. ? 4 Négociations, 11, 202-4, note, 209 ff.; Bartolommeo Capasso,

Turkish armada had passed Zante, and had reached ed., ‘‘Le Cronache di D. Gaspare Fuscolillo,” Archivio storico per

Corfiote waters by 26 June. It had passed Cape S. _ le province napoletane, 1-4 (1876), 627-28.

Maria di Leuca on 1 July, °4 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Ambasciatori,

etc., Roma, Busta 50, no. 283-IX/26; Sebastian Merkle, ed.,

and lately we have learned by letters from Rome, based Mee Arch. di Stato di Modena Canc. ducale, Ambasciatori, upon avuisi from Naples, that passing by Reggio [Cala- etc. Busta 50, no. 283-IX/31: “. . . havendo a vista loro una bria], the armada has burned the place, and that having __cosi grossa armata. . . , chi pud andare o mandare robbe in next passed the lighthouse [farro] of Messina, on the altri luoghi forti, lo fanno di continuo... .”

eighth of the present month, it went by the island of °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fol. 55” [75*], and on the progress

Lipari. of the Turkish armada during the summer of 1552, see Heinrich Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, pt. I, vol. 13 (Tubingen, 1959), nos. 17, 28, 29, 36, 42, 44, 46, 50, pp. 27, 42, as 45,69, 79, 85, 90-91, 101, and Ribier, Lettres et memoires d’ estat, 6° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fols. 7’-8" [27’-28"]. On Ferdi- II (1666), 402 ff., reports of 22 and 30 July (1552) of Gabriel nand’s dispatch of troops into Transylvania, note Kupke, Nun- _d’ Aramon, French ambassador to the Porte, who had accomtiaturberichte, I-12, no. 59, p. 158, doc. dated at Innsbruck on __ panied the Turkish armada to the shores of Italy. On the Turks’

27 January, 1552. maritime strength in the mid-sixteenth century, cf C. H. °! Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, 11, no. 1397, p. 471. Imber, ‘“The Navy of Suleyman the Magnificent,’ Archivum

82 Tbid., II, no. 1461, p. 522. Ottomanicum, V1 (1980), 211-82.

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 583 Gaeta. The Turks had disembarked, and were Grandi followed the progress of the Turkish pillaging the countryside in fearful fashion. They armada with close attention.°” By 3 September were battering the walls of Gaeta with artillery (1552) the Turks were on their way back to Isfrom the sea and on two sides by land. They were _ tanbul.’° After another two weeks (on 17 Septem-

likely to take the city, for it was full of unarmed ber) Grandi informed the duke of Ferrara that no people who could not defend themselves (per other news of the sultan’s armada had yet come essere piena di gente disutile et non munita). It was to Rome. A Maltese avviso, however, which had thought that there were so many vessels in the come from Palermo, described an attack by the attack because the French had joined their fleet Hospitallers upon the Barbary coast on 25 August, to that of the Turks. The news was not certain, by which time the Turks had begun their return however, but letters of the ninth, which had just voyage. The expedition was led by the prior [of reached Rome from Naples, reported Prince Do- Capua, Leone Strozzi], who had added his own ria’s unfortunate encounter with the Turks and _ galleys to those of the Order, making a total force the loss of his seven galleys with 700 Germans _ of six galleys and seven galliots. Going ashore they aboard, including their commander, who was said __ took a village, and seized 2,500 “Moors,” but reto be a nephew of Cristoforo Madruzzo, the cardinal _ turning to their vessels, the Hospitallers were purof Trent. One still did not know what had happened _ sued by a large number of local horse and foot, to the rest of the galleys and the men—whether with whom they had been compelled to fight “‘vathey had sought safety in Calabria or had gone __lorosamente.”” They covered their withdrawal to westward. The news had been brought to Naples _ the shoreline as best they could, using their Berber

by a Spaniard and a sailor who had been captured captives as a buffer. In their effort to get at the in the conflict, but had escaped above Gaeta, when Hospitallers the local warriors had allegedly killed the Turks had gone ashore for water. In Rome _ the greater part of the captives. Nevertheless, the Camillo Orsini was taking steps to defend the city, Hospitallers did manage to get away with 250 pris-

where he was trying to keep 1,000 foot and 300 oners, and killed 400 of the enemies’ horse and horse on pay, recruit local auxiliaries, and arrange foot. They lost, however, 80 Knights and 200 for 4,000 others in the outlying districts, “‘who in Christian foot, who were killed, among them being any emergency might be in Rome in an instant. _ the natural son of the lord Pietro Strozzi, who had

red gone on the expedition as a skipper of one of the Ten days later (on 20 August) Giulio de’ Grandi galleys. Everyone agreed that the unfortunate

wrote the duke of Ferrara, young man was as valiant as any soldier could be.

The ransom of the cardinal of Trent’s nephew, who was Oe nese prior had he ven wound can the

captain of the Germans taken by the Turks on [Doria’s] Ign Dy an arquedus shot, but not seriously, not seven galleys these past days, has been set at 12,000 enough to hold him back. Having returned to scudi, and one of Dragut’s nephews, who is in Christian Malta and allowed the fleet a breathing spell, he hands, is to be given back, but no carlini have been WaS Soon hastening after the Turks on their way got in Naples from the merchants, because there are back to the Levant.”! none, neither among the merchants nor among others, The Turks had left Italian waters just after the and here in Rome it has been just the same. The other Germans will be ransomed, at 20 scudieach. The money §=———___—. is being collected in almsgiving throughout Naples for was the “‘filz du cappitaine Nicolé Madruccio, frére du cardinal the love of God. The Turkish armada went to Reggio de Trente” (Charriére, Négociations, II, 225). [Calabria], where one had to arrange the ransom. Noth- 69 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, ibid., Busta 50,

ing else is known save that yesterday evening it was said no. 283-IX/39.

the armada had returned to the gulf of Salerno, and . Ibid., Busta 50, no. 283-X/2. a a

that the Turks had taken Salerno, although we do not Ibid., Busta 50, no. 283-X/11. The prior in question is

have this from a good source.®8 Leone Strozzi, prior of Capua (and brother of Pietro, the well-

known Florentine exile). His attack upon ‘‘la coste de Barbarie is described, with higher estimates of the Hospitallers’ losses,

ee®” in a letter of Odet de Selve to Henry II, dated at Venice on Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Ambasciatori, 23 September, 1552 (Charriére, Négociations, 11, 234-35). On etc., Roma, Busta 50, no. 283-IX/34, letter dated at Rome on __ Leone Strozzi, note Giuseppe Molini, Document: di storia italiana,

10 August, 1552; note also Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, 2 vols., Florence, 1836-37, II, 447-48, a letter of Strozzi to no. 100, pp. 109-10, and Girolamo Seripando, De Tridentino Henry II, dated 16 September, 1551. Strozzi was then leaving Concilio Commentaru, in Sebastian Merkle, ed., Concilium Tri- Henry’s service “‘ritrarmi a Malta a fare servitio a la mia Re-

dentinum, II (1911), 445. ligione [i.e., the Hospitallers], dove io spero satisfare a quel

68 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Ambasciatori, debito che porta |’ habito ch’ io porto, et mi pare il tempo

etc., Roma, Busta 50, no. 283-IX/37. The captured Madruzzo _opportuno, ritrovandosi |’ armata Turchessa in quelle bande.”’

584 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT middle of August (1552), making for the islands In Hungary the Christian forces under Giovan of S. Maura (Leucadia, Levkas), Cephalonia, and _ Battista Castaldo had resumed hostilities early in

Zante, after which they sailed between Cerigo 1552. In late February, as we have noted, they (Cythera) and Crete, and on through the Aegean had taken and sacked Szeged, but when attacked to Istanbul. A Venetian dispatch to the bailie at in their turn Ferdinand’s troops—Germans, Spanthe Porte puts the Turks under full sail, navigando iards, Hungarians, and Italians—had come off verso Levante, on 26 August, while the anti-impe- badly. In April and May the Turks besieged and rialist prince of Salerno, Ferrante di Sanseverino, took Veszprém in west central Hungary, on the made his way with the French fleet through the southern slope of the Bakony Mountains, some ‘channel of Corfu,” the waterway between Corfu sixty miles southwest of Buda (Ofen), known today and the Albanian-Epirote mainland, on the twenty- (owing to its union with Pest in 1873) as Budapest.

eighth, on which day he went ashore to be “‘wel- They were no less successful at Timisoara (Tecomed and embraced” by the Corfiote agents of | mesvar), which they finally occupied after a lengthy the Republic. Sanseverino returned to his galley bombardment and two bloody assaults. Thereafin the evening, and followed the Turkish armada _ ter they reoccupied and destroyed Lipova (Lippa)

southward, meeting up with it at S. Maura for and several important strongholds in the ‘‘Banat some last farewells and the usual assurances of of Temesvar,’”’ which was to remain Turkish for mutual support. On 24 September Grandi sent more than a century and a half.” word to the duke of Ferrara that the prince of There was no stopping the Turks that year. On Salerno had returned ‘‘alone’’ with the French 11 August they defeated the main body of Fergalleys to Capo d’ Otranto, “‘perché le turchesche _dinand’s troops, some 7,000 strong, at Fil’ akova

erano andati a Costantinopoli.’’”” (Hung. Fulek), a village in southern Slovakia, just

northwest of Budapest. The Christians were commanded by the Austrian soldier Erasmus Teufel, 72 On 14 September (1552) Grandi had written the duke of baron of Gundersdorf, who was captured along Ferrara, ‘‘De |’ armata turchesca questi imperiali [a Roma] ten- with 4,000 Hungarians, Spaniards, Italians, and gono avviso da Lecce come la era nel porto de Santa Mauraet Germans. The Turkish victor was the eunuch Ali che spalmavano a gran furia et con seco era il principe de Sa- Pasha, who had succeeded Kasim Pasha as gOvVlerno, ma per anco[ra] non haveano certezza che detta armata ernor of Buda, and who now re-entered his Dan-

© parte ritornasse in queste bande et credevasi che piu tosto be b ‘n flamb . h. Sf Pallavicini

andaria al suo viaggio di Levante, nondimeno non se ne poteva UVE Dase In Tam oyant triump - forza fallavicinl dar fermo raguaglio per alhora, ma che tosto se ne vedria ri: Was also captured. The prisoners were sold for a solutione vera” (Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Am-- song at auction, but not officers of rank. Teufel

anes Sen, Roma, pasta 50, no. 285 ¥/ 10). . D , was sent with 40 Christian banners to the Porte, ” eprember \enetian wrotethat “omemco he tried to conceal identity in order to Trevisan, thethebailie in senate Istanbul, ‘‘. . .where havemo inteso che .his : Co,

alli 26 del passato la [armada] era sopra I’ isola della Cephalonia lower his ransom. Suleiman, indignant at the atlarga in mare, navigando verso Levante. Alli 28 passé per il tempted fraud, is said to have had him sewn into canal de Corfu I’ armada del re Christianissimo con il principe —_q leather sack, and thrown into the sea. Pallavicini di Salerno, il quale il ditto zorno dismonto alla terra nostra di spent some time ina Turkish prison at Buda, but

Corfu et da quelli agenti nostri fo ben veduto et accarezzato, df b 16.000 florins.”4 We shall

ritorno la sera in galea, et con |’ armada di soa Christianissima was ransomed for a out a? : orins. € sna Maesta segui quella di quel serenissimo Signor [Turco], et per $00N encounter P allavicini again. quanto siamo hozi avisati da Napoli per lettere de X dell’ instante |’ ha ritrovata a Santa Maura, di ’] che seben credemo = ——"""""""—————

che quella Excelsa Porta ne havera habuto aviso avanti il ricever In the spring of 1552 Sanseverino had been in Venice, trying

delle presente, non habbiamo voluto manchar de scrivervi to persuade the Signoria to join the French in the attack upon quello che € pervenuto a notitia nostra’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg.68, Charles V’s kingdom of Naples ‘‘pour favoriser et aider la

fol. 66 [86)). liberté dudit royaume’”’ (Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, II, On 24 September Grandi sent word to the duke of Ferrara 378-80, letters of Odet de Selve, the French ambassador in

that ‘‘se intende pur per avviso de Napoli che ’! principe de —_— Venice, to the Constable Anne de Montmorency and Henry II,

Salerno era a Capo d’ Otronto con le galere de Francia sole, dated 2 and 22 April, 1552). perché le turchesche erano andati a Costantinopoli’’ (Arch. di On the Turkish assaults and seizures of Timisoara and Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Ambasciatori, etc., Busta 50, Lipova, see Ascanio Centorio, Commentari della guerra di Tranno. 283-X/14, and cf no. 17). Ferrante di Sanseverino was _ silvania (1566), bk. Iv, pp. 182-97, and cf. Charriére, Négocia‘‘rebellis caesareae Maiestatis’’ (Sebastian Merkle, ed., Concilium __ tions, II, 206-7, 224-25, on the Turkish seizures of Veszprém

Tridentinum, II [1911], 310, line 39, and note, ibid., p. 438, and Timisoara. note 6, and p. 445). On his break with Pedro de Toledo, viceroy 74 Cf. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, III, of Naples, and Charles V, see Scipione Miccio (f7. 1600), Vita 301~5, and von Bucholtz, Ferdinand I., VII, 302-12, both of di Don Pietro di Toledo, in Francesco Palermo, ed., Narrazionie | whom set Pallavicini’s ransom at 18,000 florins, which may be documenti sulla storia del regno di Napoli dall’ anno 1522 al 1567, the correct figure, but see below Giulio de’ Grandi’s letter of

in the Arch. storico italiano, 1X (Florence, 1846), 64-74. 17 September, 1552, to the duke of Ferrara.

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 585 The Turkish campaign of 1552 was not over, night of 4 October gunpowder, stored in an unhowever, for in the late summer the second vizir_ derground vault in the cathedral, caught fire; the Ahmed Pasha, who had replaced Mehmed Sokolli church itself and two nearby mills were destroyed. as commander for the current year, joined forces The defenders are said to have had only twentywith Ali Pasha of Buda, before the important for- four kegs of powder left, but the siege went on tress of Szolnok at the confluence of the Zagyva with no thought of surrender despite the generous and the Tisza (Theiss). As the garrison abandoned _ terms the Turks were offering the besieged. The the fortress, the Turks moved in without a strug- far-seeing Dobo had prepared for the advent of gle at the beginning of September. Thereafter the Turks by stocking large quantities of sulphur they went on to Eger (Agra, Erlau) in northern and saltpeter (potassium nitrate) from which he Hungary. Here they met the bold defiance of the made powder. Using the fallen stones of the two defenders, Stefan Dobo of Russka, Stefan Metskei, mills, Dobo had a third one built, which would and the learned Gregor Bornemisza, who made _ grind grain enough to supply the garrison and the the siege of Eger (in von Hammer-Purgstall’s townsfolk with bread. words) “‘no less famous than that of Vienna and Assaults upon the walls were made again on 10 Guns.” Ali Pasha arrived at Eger with Arslan Beg, and 12 October, the latter being the greatest of the governor of Szekesfehervar (Alba Regia, Stuhl- all, hut to no avail. On the eve of S. Luke (18 weissenburg), who opened fire upon the fortress October, 1552) a cold rain came, mixed with of Eger about the end of the first week of Sep- snow. It would have been folly to continue. The

tember. A few days later Ahmed Pasha and _ Christians had won. The Turks had to abandon Mehmed Sokolli arrived on the scene. the siege. Ali Pasha, who had urged Ahmed Pasha The walls of Eger, the cathedral, and the be- to undertake the reduction of Eger, which he had

sieged were subjected to a ceaseless cannonading, wanted to add to his own domain of Buda, soon but the Turks failed to take the city in three as- had to relinquish his command, falling into dissaults on Michaelmas (29 September). During the grace for a while. As they departed, the Turks are alleged to have promised the garrison and the in-

habitants of Eger that they would return next On 1 September Grandi wrote the duke (Arch. di Stato di year.’® Despite the failure at Eger, the Turks had Modena, Canc. ducale, Ambasciatori, etc., Busta 50, no. 283- no reason to lament the campaign of 1552, for X/1): “Et che de Trasilvania ce sono lettere de Ragusa che , . § Turchi havendo assediato il Castaldo con quelle gente che te- they had taken Veszprem, ‘Timisoara, Szolnok, neva in certo castello [Timisoara?], che é stato necessitato ren- and Lipova as well as some twenty-five Hungarian dersi a patti, quali forno accettati da Turchi ma non osservati, strongholds.’®

perch uct che fu con dete gente eso con ttt atriforne Pirates and Turks had made many a landing ess fece a loro in prese Lippa sotto le medesme condittioni upon the south Italian and Sicilian shores. ‘The che li tratt® nel medesmo modo con che ne viene vendicato il attack upon Gaeta was terrifying. The Turks had

sangue innocente de Fra Giorgio... .” occupied Otranto for a year in 1480-1481,” a

_Grandi next wrote the duke (on 10 September), “Ne haaltro fact which the Otrantini have never forgotten. In di nuovo [il reverendissimo de Augusta, i.e., Otto von Truch- July, 1 537, Khaireddin Barbarossa had landed at sess], salvo che le cose del Castaldo non forno come per I’altre ; - 18 c: fece scrivere, anzi si € doppo inteso che fu altrimenti et che Castro in Apulia, just south of Otranto.” Sinan Turchi relevorno grossamente et conosce sua signoria reve- Pasha had sent a force ashore at Augusta in Sicily rendissima quanto quella discorre bene la via del remedio a in mid-July, 1551, as we saw in Volume III. He left tania rapbia de i bid aise £0. nee 38X76) similmente — the town in ashes, the castello in ruins. There had e With reference to Pallavicini’s ransom, Grandi informed the been many other raids at other umes, an d the fearful duke on 17 September that “qua [i.e., in Rome] é nuova de !nhabitants of the coast towns lived in the expecViena che ’] signor Sforza é vivo et sano, prigione in Budacon _ tation of more to come. Watchtowers were built taglia de XVI m. fiorini, quali el re de Romani [Ferdinand] ha promesso pagarli. In quello conflitto ce restorno tutti i poveri

Italiani fra morti et prigioni, né se ne salvorno che da 250. Cost =. ~~ tiene avviso il reverendissimo camerlengo suo cognato [Guido 7® Von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 111, 305—

Ascanio Sforza, cardinal of S. Fiora], et che tutto questo danno ‘12, trans. J.-J. Hellert, VI, 42~52, and F. B. von Bucholtz, [si] causo ché li Ungheri non combatterno, ma solo attesero a Ferdinand I., VII, 312-18. On the Turkish success at Szolnok

salvarsi” (ibid., Busta 50, no. 283-X/11). and failure at Eger, see de Selve’s letters to Montmorency in On the Turkish seizure of Timisoara and Lipova, see also Charriére, Négociations, II, 234, 235, 238, 239, where it is also Heinrich Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, pt. 1, vol. 13 stated that Rustem Pasha had left [Istanbul] for the war against

(Tubingen, 1959), no. 43, p. 83; on the capture of Pallavicini, Persia on 29 September (1552). ibid., nos. 47-48, pp. 93-94, 96-97; and on the return of the 76 Von Hammer-Purgstall, III, 313, trans. Hellert, VI, 53. Turkish armada to the Levant, nos. 50, 55, pp. 101, 114, et 77 See above, Volume II, esp. pp. 341-45, 370-72, 373-75.

alibi. ’8 See above, Volume III, p. 431b. :

586 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT along the south Italian shores, ‘“Turkish towers,” On the way to Algiers, Sala Beg had recently in Calabria and the Basilicata. We find them from _ landed at Crete and on the island of Cerigo, where

the area near Rossano north to Trebisacce and he had seized much property as though it were Amendolara. The towers are much in evidence as__ the booty of war, taken Venetian subjects captive, one takes the road which runs parallel and close to and thrown them in irons aboard his galleys. He the railroad tracks along the coast of the gulf of _ had also seized certain vessels in Venetian waters, Taranto. The flat, low-lying beaches made landings removed the cargoes, and put the crews in chains. a simple matter. It was an area easy of access to Coming upon a Venetian transport, the good ship Turks or pirates, who could step ashore almost any- Barbara, loaded with merchandise of the highest where without being seen unless there were attentive value, on its way to Alexandria, Sala Beg had watchmen in the Turkish towers. There were towers treacherously made the usual segno di segurta, to also along the shores of the Salentine peninsula, which the Venetian skipper had returned the cuswith a ‘“‘casino dei Turchi’’ a few miles north of tomary contrasegno. Upon the friendly approach of Otranto. Some of these towers have disappeared, the Venetians, Sala Beg had seized their transport,

the stones of which they were constructed having and taken it into a Cretan harbor, where he had been used elsewhere for building materials. There plundered it of money and goods worth more than are enough left, however, to remind one constantly 60,000 ducats, to the total ruin of the Venetian

of the perilous past. nobles, citizens, and other subjects who had invested their resources in the cargo. The Venetians had followed, with understand- This was not the way Venice dealt with Turkish able apprehension, the early stages of the Turkish ships and subjects. The Senate appealed to the naval expedition of 1552. It had soon become _ sultan to set Sala Beg’s captives free, and to restore clear, however, that the Turks were confining all the property he had seized in contravention of their attacks to southern Italy. The Venetians had the peace between Venice and the Porte. They made a memorable and costly peace with the Porte urged the sultan to make such a show of Sala Beg’s

in 1540, after which there had been as usual se- punishment that hereafter neither Sala nor any rious violations of the terms of agreement, espe- other captain would venture to commit such atrocially at sea. Pirates were difficult to deal with; cious acts at sea, ‘‘and the world will always know they caused the Republic much loss, and they were your Majesty’s goodness and justice, and that you

a major factor in the maritime life of the time. hold us for those true and sincere friends we are The Venetian sources attest to constant remon- and always intend to be.”’”® strances against Turkish violations of the articles A month before this (on 19 April, 1552) Doof peace. Sometimes the Venetians were at fault, _menico Trevisan had been appointed the Venetian although the Signoria tried hard to avoid trouble _ bailie in Istanbul to replace Bernardo Navagero,*”

with the Turks. While Venetian commanders and the Senate now wrote them a joint letter.

might on occasion yield to anger or exasperation, Although the Senate was sure that the rectors of the government sought to maintain a vigilant dis- Candia had already informed Navagero of Sala cipline over its agents, and claimed to mete out Beg’s unconscionable acts of violence against the severe punishments for offenses against the Turks. persons and possessions of Venetian citizens and On the whole the Turks seem to have been less subjects, and Navagero had doubtless already scrupulous in observing the peace, and the Senate lodged a protest with Rustem Pasha, nevertheless was obliged from time to time to lodge complaints when Trevisan reached the Bosporus, they were at the Porte, as in the spring of 1552 in the case both again to go to Rustem, “and make the great-

of the Turkish “‘reis’’ (admiral) Sala Beg. est complaint you can. . . , [and] you will tell On 20 May (1552) the Senate wrote Sultan Su- him that this offense has been committed not only

leiman in extreme annoyance and distress. The against us, but also against his Majesty and the letter began with an expression of respect for the Sublime Porte.”’ sultan’s sense of justice, “which shines in your im- When Trevisan was admitted into the imperial perial Majesty, and makes him illustrious through _ presence to kiss the sultan’s hand, he was to give all the world.”’ But, alas, Sala Beg, one of his cap- him the Senate’s letter of remonstrance, ‘‘in order tains, had recently caused Venice foul injury and _ that his Majesty may understand from the said letgrievous loss ‘‘contrary to the desire and noble command of your imperial Majesty,” so that the 79 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fols. 24-25" [44"—45"]. Senate was constrained to lodge a vigorous pro- 8° Ibid., Reg. 68, fols. 12"-15" [32'-35"]. On Navagero, see test, ‘‘as we do with great and infinite displeasure.’’ above, Chapter 13, note 156.

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 587 ter and from your living voice our indignation Porte must be persuaded to deal similarly with over this event, and our desire and expectation ‘Turkish offenders. Trevisan was to

that he should take action on our behalf consistent

with the justice, _ . . which makes him famous.” complain of the many losses we have suffered from The Senate sent its own version in Turkish, pre- armed fuste at Valona and from diverse other fuste, d bv one Michiel Membre, of the letter to be which have regularly found a haven and sources of supparee oY _ ply at Valona, Lepanto, Modon, and Coron, and parpresented to the sultan, being apparently unwill- ticularly [to complain of the offenses] against so many ing to risk either the distortion or the softening poor natives of Chioggia [Chiozoti], seized with their pos-

of a dragoman’s translation.”’ sessions and boats, and taken to Valona, whereupon

There was troubled discussion in the Senate of ninety of them were sent to the slave marts of Anato-

both the letter to the sultan and that to the bailies. lia... .

It was decided, however, to send the letters to ;

which the Senate added a further word. The mate !Tevisan was also instructed to return to the case (scrivanello) of the Barbara was said to have been of Sala Beg and his plundering of the Barbara, frightened into the statement that there had been which suggests that after three or four months no Genoese aboard [i.e., countrymen of the imperial punishment had yet been meted out to Sala Beg. admiral Andrea Doria], but Genoese were forbid- The Venetian senators often put in long hours. den by law to trade or travel in Venetian ships. As If it was not one thing, it was another. ‘They would

far as anyone knew in Venice, aside from some Ot S€e Sala Beg subjected to the punishment Jewish subjects of the Porte there were only Vene- which they believed he deserved. Anyhow they tian subjects aboard the Barbara. If mention had done their best, and they would persist to the should be made of one Marc’ Antonio Fracassato, ©xtent discretion would allow. In the meantime who might be regarded as a Bolognese, the bailies another problem had arisen. In October (1552) were to understand and to explain “that owing to the Republic’s ambassador in Rome was startled his long residence in this city, he is a citizen, and '0 receive a request for 40,000 ducats which a enjoys the same privileges as other citizens.’’ Sala legal instrument of 1511 showed Julius II to have Beg had had no reason beyond his own avarice for loaned, for the brief space of one month, to the

his acts of piracy in Cretan waters.® Venetian ambassador of some forty years be-

Trevisan made the proper representations to fore. He had quickly notified the home govern-

the Porte, and in early July the sultan and Rustem = ™ent- The Senate replied, on 4 November, with Pasha promised the Venetian government full sat- some astonishment that the matter had never been isfaction if investigation substantiated the charges mentioned through so many years either to the made against Sala Beg. The Signoria resented the Signoria or to a long succession of ambassadors to delay involved, waiting expectantly for the pun- the Curia. The Senate was certain, however, that

ishment of the offender.®? this request did not come from the pope, but from

In September (1552), at the request of Trevi- SOM curial busybody who was trying to show off san, the sultan issued special orders to the ener- his diligence. getic Dragut Reis to treat the Venetians as friends If the matter of the forty-year-old debt came and to respect their merchants and merchandise, UP #849, the ambassador was to reply that the subjects and shipping, for which consideration the demand for payment after so long a time was quite

Senate gave formal expression to their thanks on beyond the realm of reason. The entire sum had 29 October. They wrote Trevisan at the same unquestionably been paid when the debt fell due, time, commending his diligence and reiterating although the documentary record was hard to esthe ardent desire of the Venetian government to tablish, owing to the fact “that because of the fire, observe every iota of their treaty with the Porte. which occurred in our offices together with the Venetian officers and officials who violated the Whole square [piazza] of the Rialto, many of the articles of peace were promptly punished. The account books of our Signoria and similar documents were burned up and destroyed... .”” No one of the half-dozen popes from Julius I to Julius

—_——_—— . III had ever asked for the money, although the 5! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fols. 25°-26" [45"-46"], also dated popes gave the most careful attention to their af-

20 May, 1552. 82 Ibid., Reg. 68, fol. 27 [47°], dated 20 May, 1552, and cf

fols. 31° [51°] and 39° [59°]. TO 83 Ibid., Reg. 68, fols. 59°61" [79*-81"], letters to Trevisan 84 Ibid., Reg. 68, fols. 73"-74" [93"-94"], letters of the Senate and Rustem Pasha, dated 3 September, 1552. to the sultan and to Trevisan, dated 29 October, 1552.

588 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT fairs, and had sometimes been quite hard-pressed Trevisan required neither sermons nor exhorfor funds (as indeed Julius III was asa consequence tations. He had his instructions; he was trying to

of the war of Parma). It would be best, the am- follow them. On 10 February, 1553, the Senate bassador was told, to have nothing more to say _ expressed satisfaction in his progress. A gift of 500 about the matter,®° which in view of the apparent ducats to Sinan Pasha had secured the release of state of the Venetian records was not without its seventeen persons. Rustem Pasha himself got thirty

embarrassing aspects. pieces of cloth, and the bailie began to find life at From the Holy See the attention of the Senate the Porte more tranquil. Although Rustem made soon turned back to the Turks. After receiving bland noises about the case of Sala Beg, Trevisan

the news that the sultan’s armada was being had written that he would persist, as the Senate disarmed for the season, and that the French fleet wanted him to do, in seeking restitution for the under Ferrante di Sanseverino, prince of Salerno, _ seizure of the Barbara. Sala Beg was still in Algiers,*° was going to spend the winter at Chios (Scio), the and one probably wondered what havoc he might

Senate voted on 16 November (1552) to disarm wreak in the course of his return to Istanbul. most of their own galleys.°° This would of course The Venetians scanned the seas with the eyes save the state a goodly sum of money. During the of Argus. Relentless vigilance was the price of sesummer, however, complaints had poured into curity for the Republic’s ships and shipping. At the Venice of Turkish infractions of the peace as the same time as the letter we have just mentioned armada had passed through Venetian waters. (10 February) the Senate wrote Trevisan that as When the bailie Trevisan attempted to discuss the a result of the information he had sent to Venice matter with the Turkish captain Sinan Pasha, the _ that thirteen new galleys were under construction brother of Rustem Pasha, he was sharply rebuffed, in the arsenal on the Bosporus, ‘“‘et che il presente

“which shows in truth that he is of a very choleric anno quel serenissimo Signor [Turco] mandera and difficult nature,’”’ as the Senate wrote Trevi- fuori armada,’’ they were ordering the rectors of

san. But one was treading on thin ice when he Candia to arm ten galleys. The Senate also in-

dealt with the Turks: structed Trevisan, however, to keep the rectors We tell you . . . that although we are well aware it arecty advised of rene ahaa fs for tne

is a hard thing to negotiate with people of such a nature, ispatch of the arma a; ecause if in fact it a1 nevertheless we have so much confidence in your own not set out on the Mediterranean, there would be quality and dexterity—as well as in the ways and means 0 need of the state’s undertaking the expense of which you can see must be employed with such people— arming any more than four of the ten Candiote that we are ready to hope and expect that, up to the _ galleys.*° time you sent us your letters [dated 3 and 5 November, By 27 February the Senate had learned from 1552], he has taken no step against us with the other Trevisan that the sultan was not going to send out magnificent pashas, so you will have gained time, tem- g large armada in 1553, but only forty to fifty porizing with the complaints which touch his own person galleys under the command of Dragut.” The so that,with him quiet, you may still return to them with \fediterranean fleets had been increasing in size your usual skill and prudence. As for our complaints, d f decad h A however, about the losses sustained on the Barbara, and 4" cost trom one decade to the next. / century others which do not relate to this captain [Sinan Pasha], earlier a naval armament of forty to hifty galleys we cannot but believe that the most serene lord [Sulei- W45 something to reckon with but, despite Draman] with his sense of justice will give the order to make

uP these losses, in Keeping with his reatness and the but Turkish corsairs were to be treated as corsairs (ibid., fols.

peace whic exists Detween us... . 89°90" [109%-1 10").

In the opinion of the Venetian Senate the Hospitallers of Malta were as bad as the Turks (ibid., fols. 105'—106" [125"-

8° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fols. 76’~77" [96°-97'}. 126°], 112” [132”)).

8° Ibid., Reg. 68, fols. 80’-81" [100°-101'], 82 ff. [102 ff.]. 8° Thid., Reg. 68, fol. 100 [120], letter of the Senate to TreLater on, the Senate agreed (in May, 1553) to allow French _ visan, dated 10 February, 1553. money to be sent eastward aboard Venetian galleys to help 89 Ibid., Reg. 68, fols. 99’—100* [119°-120"], and fols. 102°— support Henry II’s fleet in the Levant (bid., fols. 125 [145], 103” [122’—-123”], docs. dated 15 February, 1553.

129 [149)). ° Ibid., Reg. 68, fol. 106" [126], 108" [128"], 123 [143]. On

87 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fols. 87°-88" [107°~108"], letter of | 19 June (1553) Odet de Selve informed Henry II that twenty the Senate to Trevisan, dated 15 December, 1552.Onthesame Turkish galleys had been scheduled to leave Istanbul on 1 June; day, in the commission issued to Andrea Duodo as prowveditore Henry himself wrote Dragut on 6 June (Charriére, Négociations, of the Venetian fleet, he was directed scrupulously to observe II, 256-57, 259-60, and cf. Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, tutti lt caprtol: della pace che havemo col serenissimo Signor Turco, 1, 440-41).

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 589 gut’s formidable reputation, it was clear that the sons, but not of Mustafa, whom she wanted out Porte was planning no such large-scale enterprise of the way.”

as those of the past two summers.”’ Before setting out on the Persian campaign Su-

leiman confirmed (on 3 August, 1553) the terms When the Turks moved westward by sea to at- of the current peace between Poland and the tack the Hospitallers at Malta, or westward by land) porte. The Polish envoy Stanislaus Tenizyiski to attack the Hapsburgs in Hungary, the Vene- (Teczyfski) had requested renewal in the name of tians were but slightly distressed. They could con- King Sigismund II Augustus. The two powers tain their grief also when the Turks harassed the were mutually to refrain from inflicting loss or Hapsburg domains in southern Italy and Sicily. damage upon each other, and the friends and The advance of the Turks was certainly worrl- enemies of the one were to be regarded also as some, especially when they landed on Italian soil, the friends and enemies of the other. Those made but the piratical ventures of the Hospitallers en- captive in the past would be redeemed on the usual deared them to the Venetians no more than did terms. Polish and Turkish merchants would be

the Hapsburgs’ pressure upon Friuli. The best free to trade, each in the territory of the other, news on the Rialto, however, was that the sultan while in the event of the death of a merchant of and the Ottoman forces had gone eastward to at- one of the two states in the territory of the other, tack the Shiite shah or “‘sophi”’ of Persia. While his property would be reserved for his legitimate this gave the Hapsburgs time to rebuild their re- _ heirs. In both states creditors were to be protected sources (against the next Turkish attacks), it also against bad debts. Various past losses were to be usually meant that the ‘Turks limited their activi- forgotten on both sides. Provision was made for ties on the Mediterranean, and saved Venice the the extradition of malefactors. Polish prisoners large expense of maintaining numerous armed who had been sold in the Turkish slave marts were

galleys at sea. to be searched for and ransomed by agents of the Of late there had been several Persian incur- king for the same amounts as their then owners

sions into Armenia and Kurdistan, to which the — had paid for them. Protection would be given the Porte would very likely be giving serious attention. ambassadors of the two states according to the Sultan Suleiman was now in his later fifties. He —ysyal conventions of diplomatic exchange.®? Only had led eleven campaigns, and was tiring. He de- time would tell whether in a crisis a Polish amcided to give the command of the army to march _ passador would fare any better than Ferdinand’s against Persia to the grand vizir Rustem Pasha. ynfortunate envoy Malvezzi.

Ahmed Pasha was to guard the Hungarian fron- Suleiman naturally desired every possible astier, and Mehmed Sokolli, the beylerbey of Ru- surance of security along his western frontier. He melia, was ordered off to distant Tokat on the crossed the Bosporus, to begin the Persian camYesil Irmak, the ancient Iris in northeastern Asia paign, toward the end of August (1553). It was a Minor, to take the offensive when the spring came. __Jate start. His third son, Bayazid, was to rule in his

Rustem had established winter quartersat Aksaray gtead in Istanbul and at Adrianople. The eldest, in east central Asia Minor, from which he appealed the now suspect Mustafa, was summoned to the to the sultan to come and take command of the imperial presence, and in one of the more dismal army, for he feared that the restless Janissaries and better-known scenes in Ottoman history was might be on the point of proclaiming the popular Mustafa, Suleiman’s eldest son, as sultan in his fa-

ther’s place. Rustem was close to the “‘sultana’’ oO . a Roxelana, whose daughter he had married. Rox- On the sons of Suleiman, see the Venetian dispatch, . ’ quoted above, Volume III, p. 530b, which means four sons.

elana was the mother of Suleiman’s four younger Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Ferdinand’s ambassador to the

Porte (1554-1562), gives the names of the five sons (Augerii

TTT Gislenu Busbequu opera omnia quae extant, Basel, 1740, repr.

°! During the summer and fall of 1553 Giulio de’ Grandi Graz, 1968, pp. 112 ff.). reported to the duke of Ferrara on the movements of the Turk- 9° Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Documenti turchi, according ish armada, now said to contain 110 sail, from Capo d’ Otranto _ to the ‘“‘Regesti Bombaci,’’ where the copy of the treaty is dated

to Sicily and Corsica (Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, 22 Sha‘ban, A. H. 960, and note the Docc. turchi, a copy of Ambasciatori, etc., Busta 50, nos. 283-X1I/41, 45-46, 49, and _ the text with the same date, in Arabic script, accompanied by 283-XII/17, 20-21). Once again a French fleet was active at a contemporary Italian translation. On Poland, the Hapsburgs, the same time. Letters from Rome to the nuncios at the imperial and the Turks, cf. Felipe Ruiz Martin, ‘“‘Carlos V y la confecourt abound in references to the Turkish armadas and the _ deraci6n polaco-lituana,”’ Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia,

French co-operation with them in 1552 and 1553. CXXXIII (1953), 440 ff.

590 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT strangled (on 6 October) in his father’s tent near He addressed them on the importance of this war

Eregli in Caramania.** against the Persians, the Shiite enemies of the

The janissaries not unjustly demanded the pun- Ottoman Sunnis. They responded with the exishment of Rustem Pasha, whom they held ac- pected enthusiasm, and the army went northward countable for Mustafa’s death. Suleiman removed to Erzurum, the ancient Theodosiopolis, and Rustem from the grand vizirate, very likely fearing thence to Kars, the ancient Chorsa, from which a revolt on the road to Persia. Rustem returned Suleiman sent the Shah Tahmasp a declaration of to Istanbul, to be consoled by Roxelana, and the war in accord with the dictates of Islam. The Otoffice of grand vizir was bestowed upon Ahmed toman forces devastated the area from Erivan Pasha, the conqueror of Timisoara (Temesvar), (Yerevan) to Nakhichevan, the ancient Naxuana; who kept it until his death in September, 1555, at Erivan they destroyed the palaces of the shah after his return and that of the sultan to Istanbul. and his sons (in mid-July, 1554). On or about 24 Rustem was immediately restored to the rank of July they are said to have been in the region of ‘first pasha’ and the office of grand vizir.®° Arpacay, but on the following day the troops of Suleiman spent the winter (of 1553-1554) at Caramania were caught in ambush, and suffered Aleppo, where he gave some attention to fiscal heavy losses. The Turks plundered the area of the reform in the Ottoman empire. In the spring the (modern) towns of Stepanakert and Shusha, the army moved on to Diyarbakir (Amida) on the old Karabagh, burning what they could not carry Tigris river in Kurdistan; here he summoned the _ off. Having been informed, however, that Tahvizirs, the defterdars, and all the officers of the | masp had entrenched himself on a nearby mountain janissaries and the army to a memorable “‘divan.”’ range, Suleiman ordered the withdrawal of his army. He was also fearful of running out of provisions in

the regions that he had rendered desolate. |

4 Busheca. . 40-48.omnia, Von > ,pp. Tahmasp sent a belated answer to Suleiman’s usbecq,OOpera 40-48. Von Hammer-Purgstall, ::7

Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, WI, 317-18, seeks to shed doubt on decaration ‘a a: dacer t ° “he Ty i © acvas

Busbecq’s account, because the latter puts the murder of Mus- tation OF Mis tans, and accusing ‘ € *urks Of COW-

tafa near Amasya in northeastern Asia Minor: ‘‘Profectus ardice, for they were not warriors of the sword Amasia cui praeerat, [Mustapha] venit ad patrem, cuius non and lance, but fought from afar with guns and longe castra erant cl ” (Busbecq, oP. lB 45). Von ammers cannon. The shah indicated, however, that he was °5 On 7 November, 1555, the Venetian Senate wrote the prepared to make pe ace. Thereafter the Turkish bailie in Istanbul, ‘‘Alli 28 del ditto mese [of October] rece- V!Z10'S and the P ersians traded insults Im an €xvessemo le vostre [lettere] de 17, 23, et 30 Settembre con change of rhetorical letters, each side accusing the

account 1s, nevertneless, pretty much the same as Bus ecq’s. . l’ aviso della morte di Acmat et ritorno del Signor Rusten al loco other of being the first to suggest peace. The ever-

di primo bassa. . .” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fol. 156’, and fortunate Porte was always open to friends and fol. 157°), and of course the bailie was to express the Senate’s £ like. the Pers; id: if th i] ‘“‘molta allegrezza’’ in this return of Rustem Pasha to power. oes alike, the Fersians were told; i they reaily Ahmed Pasha had been put to death by the sultan’s orders wanted peace, they must send an ambassador of (Busbecq, Opera omnia, pp. 110, 125-26; von Hammer-Purgstall, rank, not some underling , to kiss the sultan’s hand.

Gesch. d. osman, Reiches, II, 339-41). On Roxelana, Rustem Jf they did not do SO, the Ottoman army would

! eee spend winter in the borderlands, and the mentari della guerrathe di Transilvania (1566), bk. VI, pp. 254-65, “rearulers oer Pasha, and the death of Mustafa, cf. Ascanio Centorio, Com- . :

and see the well-informed letter of Odet de Selve to Henry II, would have to take responsibility for the ruination dated 17 November, 1553, in Charriére, Négociations, 11,287- of their subjects. But the sultan would not with90, which gives the date of Mustafa’s death, and note, ibid.. hold his grace and clemency—the Persians must

pp. 290-91. know their plight, and where their welfare and On Ahmed Pasha’s being put to death and Rustem Pasha’s £ ap a . d the citi f th Persi

being restored to the grand vizirate, note the avviso given in re uge ay. a riz an € cl Ics 0 tor em rersia

the Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urb. lat. 1038, fol. 97": “Per were In peril, but Tahmasp is said to have gone lettere da Constantinopoli di 30 di Settembre [1555] sidaaviso into Georgia. When Ahmed Pasha moved against come il Turcho haveva fatto strangolare Aghemat Bascia. him, Tahmasp made himself scarce. The Ottoman . . . Si crede si € che habbi fatto morire per compiacere alla armies and raiding parties ranged widely in Kursultana sua dormitatrice, alla quale non niega qual si voglia . . . gratia, et di cid se n’ é visto I’ effetto, perche il luogo suo del distan, spreading death and destruction. ; primo bascia |’ ha dato a Rustan suo genero insieme con il suo At long last, on 26 September, 1554, a high sugillo. Di tal morte ogni Cristiano se ne debbe rallegrare, Persian official, the commander of the shah’s perche Jui era il maggior lor’ nemico che havesse il signore, bodyguard, waited upon Suleiman at Erzurum. He

come € vistoas perthe |’ ultima guerra d’the Ungaria molti ‘ ; - é ,se. came ambassador Turksoltre hadalli demanded, cattivi offici che giornalmente se ingeniava fare contro il re di . ; te

Romani per esser’ lui Ungaro Cristiano rinegato. . . ,” and and brought with him a conciliatory letter, re-

of., ibid., fol. 103. questing an end to hostilities, which Suleiman

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 591 granted for as long as the Persians themselves just been built at Scutari (Uskiidar), the ancient chose to observe the truce. Four days later Sulei- Chrysopolis. He had, as usual, sent westward bulman left Erzurum for Sivas, whence he went on _letins of his victories and conquests in the long to Amasya (Amasia), where in view of the lateness campaign against the Persians. The Venetians had

of the season he decided to spend the winter. already sent him fulsome congratulations upon At Amasya on 10 May, 1555, Ferdinand’s am- “‘le grande vittorie di sua Maesta et lo acquisto di bassador Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, who was on molte citta et provintie.”’?” Before his return Suhis own (rather unsatisfactory) mission to the sul- leiman had dispatched Mehmed Sokolli, now the tan, watched the arrival of another Persian am- _ third vizir, with 3,000 janissaries and 4,000 horse bassador, who had brought multa et praeclara mu- to Salonika (and perhaps farther south) to suppress nera——carpets of the finest weave, ““Babylonian’’ the revolt of a pretender who claimed to be the tents embroidered in different colors on the in- late prince Mustafa. The extent of the following terior, harnesses and saddles of exquisite work- the pretender acquired was sad evidence of the manship, Damascene blades adorned with gems, popularity of the murdered prince. The insurgent and shields of a wondrous elegance, “‘sed omnia_ was the third “‘Mustafa’’ unsuccessfully to claim superabat Alcoranus.”’ Busbecq could witness from the Ottoman throne, the first having been in his lodgings—across the river—a dinner which Ali 1415-1422 and the second in 1426. The impostor Pasha, the second vizir, gave the Persiansinalarge of 1555 made a poultry-dealer his vizir and two garden, where the pashas reclined with the am-_ students “‘kaziaskers’’ or vice-chancellors. The bassador under an awning which shaded the table. poulterer betrayed the rebel to the sanjakbey of A hundred young men, all dressed exactly alike, Nicopolis, who sent him to the Porte for execuserved the pashas and their guest by passing the _ tion. For his double-dealing the poulterer received dishes from hand to hand—from the barbecue a lucrative fief.%® (culina) to the chief servitor (architriclinus), who Busbecq, who locates the Pseudo-Mustafa’s upput the dishes on the table. “In such fashion,” says rising in northern Thrace rather than in MaceBusbecgq, “‘a hundred or more plates flowed, so to donia, says that Bayazid, the younger of Suleisay, onto the table without much ado.”’ The am- man’s now surviving sons, lay behind the whole bassador’s entourage also dined in state atanearby movement. Bayazid feared for his life, because

table. when his aging father died, he could expect no

The Turco-Persian peace had been confirmed, mercy from his elder brother Selim. A new sultan pace. . . cum Persis confirmata. The best that Bus- always did away with his brothers. Owing to the becq could manage was a six months’ truce, while ‘“‘sultana’’ Roxelana’s intercession, Suleiman spared

he returned to Ferdinand’s court with a letter Bayazid’s life, but the young prince later took the from Suleiman, and then came back with Ferdi- field against Selim, who paternis opibus munitus denand’s answer. Busbecq left Amasya for Vienna feated him at Konya in May, 1559. Bayazid fled on 2 June. Since the sultan had just ratified by a from Konya, says Busbecg, to his “‘prefecture”’ at letter of 29 May to the shah what appears to be Amasya, where he waited for a while in the forlorn the first formal peace—put in writing, so to speak, hope of receiving the paternal pardon once more. rather than the usual suspension of arms—it might Quite rightly despairing of forgiveness, however, be that the Turks would lose interest in making

peace also with the Hapsburgs.”° ——_—_——

Suleiman is said to have left Amasya three 97 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fols. 70°, 73” ff., 84’-85", docs. weeks after his formal declaration of peace with dated in December, 1554, and January, 1555 (Ven. style 1554),

Tahmasp and the Persians. He arrived back on 2 which time “Ibraym Dragomano” came to Venice on an embassy from the Porte. Thereafter, on 28 August, the Senate the Bosporus on 1 August, 1555, and was doubt- voted to send an ambassador to Istanbul to congratulate Suless pleased to inspect the new palace which had _leiman on his victories and to return the honor of Ibrahim’s coming to Venice (ibid., fols. 138’, 139%, 149°, 152"). Alvise Renier was chosen for the mission; his commission is dated 15

OO November, 1555 (fols. 157 ff., and cf fol. 161°). °6 Von Hammer-Purgstall, II], 312-27, trans. Hellert, VI, °8 Von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, III, 336— 52-70; Busbecq, Opera omnia, pp. 90-93. Of Ali Pasha, the 37, trans. Hellert, VI, 82-83. On the first two Mustafas, cf.

second vizir, Busbecq says, ““Est vero Halli Bassa natione Dal- above, Volume II, pages 2, note; 12; 23-24, note; and 26. The mata, vir eleganti ingenio, et (quod in Turca mirandum) in quo failure of the third Pseudo-Mustafa’s uprising (in 1554) was nihil desideres humanitatis”’ (¢bid., p. 91). Busbecq’s six months’ _ well known in Rome in May, 1555, from avvisi dated at Istanbul

truce with the Porte did not, however, end hostilities between on 8 April (1555), for which see Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere the Austrians and the Turks in Hungary (von Bucholtz, Fer- di principi, vol. XV, fol. 224”. The text is given in the following

dinand I., VII, 320-21, 334-35). chapter, note 21.

592 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Bayazid fled to Persia, where Tahmasp persuaded On the night of 26 July, 1552, Don Diego, who him to disband his forces, imprisoned him, and for had deeply offended the pope by assaulting the a price allowed an Ottoman agent to put him to _ papal chief of police (bargello nostro di campagna), death.°? This left Selim II “‘the Sot” to succeed and breaking his nose ‘‘with much effusion of

his father when the time came. blood,” had left Rome in a hurry to go to Perugia,

from which he intended to hasten on to Siena. The war of Parma had hardly ended in the The pope thought good riddance to him; his ar-

spring of 1 552 when the war of Siena began, one rogance had become insufferable. Julius had been more manifestation of the unrelenting hostility gisturbed, however, by the reports which he knew which made peace between Charles V and Henry pon Diego had been receiving “‘che le cose de i impossible. Pope Julius HI had paid a heavy — Siena fussero per tumultuare.’”’ The main road to price for his unfortunate involvement in the war Rome had been cut. Don Diego’s dispatches had

of Parma. He was resolved to remain neutral in een intercepted. There had been a grave unease

the Sienese struggle. Although he veered toward _ in Siena for weeks. Now it had all come to a head.

the emperor, who had set Cosimo I de’ Medici’s The day after Don Diego’s hasty departure mind at ease (in a secret accord of 25 November, from Rome, Enea Piccolomini, captain of the em1551), Julius allowed French as well as Spanish battled Sienese (capitano delle battaglie de Siena), troops to reach Sienese territory by going through marched up to the gates of his native city. A relthe states of the Church. After the expulsion of ative of Francesco Bandini de’ Piccolomini, who the last of the Petrucci (late in the year 1524), the was to sit on the archiepiscopal throne of Siena Sienese had deemed it advisable to place their city for sixty years (1529-1588), Enea was being supunder the protection of the emperor. They feared — ported by French funds as well as by those of his domination by the Florentines and Clement VII, countrymen. As Enea waited outside the walls, the

who had indeed tried unsuccessfully (in July, populace was stirred to action. There were the 1526) to subject Siena by force of arms. usual cries of liberta! liberta! to which were added The Sienese were an unruly lot. Violence had Francia! Francia! They were loud and determined. become a way of life. In 1530 the emperor had The citizens were engaging in hand to hand cominstalled a Spanish garrison within the walls. It pat with the Spaniards, who had spread throughwould be hard to say that it was not necessary, but yt the city to guard the gates and the main streets. it soon became highly offensive, and in Siena as As the hours passed, however, the Spaniards beelsewhere the Spanish became more unpopular gan to concentrate their forces in the piazza. The with the years. Two decades of martial law were citizens opened the gates to the lord Enea, who

more than the city could stand. For some time yow entered Siena with about 3,000 men re-

Sienese exiles and citizens had been collectingmen — Gryited from the city and the countryside. There

and money with French help for an attack upon were also “some few foreigners” led by Mario di Siena, where Charles V’s envoy extraordinary 5, Fiora, a brother of Guido Ascanio Sforza, carDon Diego de Mendoza was governor, and was _ dinal of S. Fiora, and a cousin of the Farnesi. The pressing forward with the construction of a for- Spaniards retreated into the citadel and the church tress to hold in check the citizens’ increasing love of §. Domenico, and soon began to request terms of liberty. The fortress was being built on the hill for their withdrawal from the city. At first it was of S. Prospero just outside the city walls, between believed that their purpose was to gain time for the Porta Camollia and the Porta Fontebranda, pon Diego and the pope’s nephew Ascanio della overlooking the Gothic church of S. Domenico. Corgna to come to their aid. Della Corgna had Don Diego had chosen the site where Cosimo I entered the emperor’s service. He had offered to built the Fortezza Medicea some years later.’°° accompany Don Diego, “et per la via di Perugia condurlo salvo a Siena.’’ Obviously he found the 9 Busbecq, Opera omnia (1740, repr. 1968), pp. 114-25, Spanish grandee less objectionable than did the

909-26, 245-49, 251-60, 325, 329-32. In February, 1561, POP®: |

Jean Dolu, the French ‘“‘agent” in Istanbul saw no hope for All this was quickly reported to Pietro CaBayazid, nor did he believe that Europe would gain any ad- maiani, the papal nuncio to the imperial court, in vantage from the shah’s using him against the sultan, which 4g letter which Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte

Dolu quite rightly did not believe would be the case (Charriere, . .

Négociations TL 648-50). On the eeevution of Bayard and his Wrote (or rather had written for him) on 30 July sons, see von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, III,

372-81, trans. Hellert, VI, 128-40. ——_—__————

'°° On the construction of Mendoza’s fortress and the trou- Memorie storico-critiche della citta di Siena, 4 vols., Siena, 1755ble it caused in Siena, see Giovanni Antonio Pecci (1693-1768), 60, III, 236 ff.

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 593 (1552). Charles V was in fact just then leaving The Sienese had immediately sent an envoy to Brixen (Bressanone) to return to Innsbruck, where Rome to put their case before the pope and get he arrived on the evening of 1 August. The fol- him to intervene with Cosimo I, who clearly had lowing day Camaiani wrote del Monte that the every intention of meddling in their affairs as the news of the plight of the Spanish in Siena had just military agent of Charles V. They did not want, reached Innsbruck. It was certainly a matter of they explained to the pope, “‘to fall from the great moment, “‘. . . di gran consideratione in frying-pan into the fire’’ (che |’ intention loro non é

questa corte.’’?°! di voler’, come si dice, usciy’ della padella per cader’ nella bragia). They disavowed the French connec-

101 :; :; tion. Freedom was their sole objective. Cardinal Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-13, nos. 36-37, pp. 65-71, let- Alessandro Farnese was thought to have had a

ters of 30 July and 2 August, 1552, the first from Rome and hand in th hole bus; S; h d . the second from Innsbruck. On 17 July, Julius III had written and in the whole DUSINESS. SINCE the roads going

Camaiani, absolutely outraged at Don Diego de Mendoza’s at- southward from Siena had been cut, dispatches tack upon the police chief Ventura (ibid., no. 27, pp. 40-41, | which Don Ferrante Gonzaga had sent to Pedro and cf. no. 45, p. 84). The Ventura affair attracted a good deal de Toledo, the viceroy of Naples, as well as to of attention. Cosimo I de Medici wrote about it immediately Diego de Mendoza had passed into French han ds. (on 20 July) to Pierfilippo Pandolfini, his envoy to the imperial court, sending him at the same time avvisi on the progress of Toward the end of his report of 30 July to Cathe Turkish armada (Abel Desjardins and Giuseppe Canestrini, maiani, del Monte noted that three days earlier eds., Négociations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane, III the Turkish armada had returned to a position [Paris, 1865], 317-18). Cosimo also notes that “la citta di Siena shove Terracina. The Turks were heading for the

si trova in mal termine, e facendo i Francesi quella impresa, h d ld b k heir “evil non puo essere che non molestino anco lo stato nostro.” snore, am en soon be at work on t cir evi

Don Diego’s ill-advised attack upon the pope’s policeman was designs. As we have already seen, their evil the end of his career in Rome and the beginning of the end designs had included the bombardment and siege of his employment as a trusted servitor of the Hapsburgs (Angel of Gaeta.

ponza et Palencia and Eugenio Mele, Vida yMadrid, obras de Don1941-43, Diego BeingII, accorded a safe withdrawal, urtado de Mendoza, 3 vols., 261-65). ; ; 103 the SpanOne of the most important sources for the Sienese revolt iards left Siena on 5 August (1552)."” Although and its eventual failure is the detailed, eyewitness account of Julius III’s nephew Ascanio della Corgna (his sister Alessandro Sozzini (1518-1608), edited by Gaetano Milanesi,

Diario deile cose avuenute in Siena dai 20 luglio 1550 ai 28 giugno) 1555 scritto da Alessandro [di Girolamo| Sozzini, in the Arch. storico See also Anton Pieper, Die pdpstlichen Legaten und Nuntien

italiano, II (Florence, 1842), 9-434, with an appendix of doc- .. . , Miinsteri. W., 1897, pp. 43-49, and append., nos. 13a, uments and some relevant poems. The same volume contains 13b, 14-15, pp. 164-65, 169, 175, 180; G. de Leva, Storia an account of La Cacciata della guardia spagnola da Siena d’ incerto documentata di Carlo V, V (1894), 441 ff.; Edm. G. Gardner, autore (1552), ibid., pp. 479-524; Racconti delle principali faziont Stena, London, 1902, pp. 219-45; Ferd. Schevill, Siena, New

della guerra di Siena scrittti da Girolamo Roffia (1554), pp. 525- York, 1909, repr. 1964, pp. 404 ff.; Pastor, Hist. Popes, XIII, 82; and Notizie della vittoria riportata dagl’ imperiali presso Mar- 144-54, and Gesch. d. Papste, V1 (repr. 1957), 108-15; Erika ciano scrite da un anonimo (1554), pp. 583-90, with an appendix = Spivakovsky, Son of the Alhambra: Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza,

of two documents. On the construction of Don Diego’s fortress, § 1504-1575, Austin and London, 1970, pp. 291-311. On Enea see Sozzini, Diario, pp. 38 ff., and on the events of 26-29 July, | Piccolomini and the expulsion of the Spaniards from Siena, 1552, tbid., pp. 73-84; his account differs from that which del _ note especially La Cacciata della guardia spagnola da Siena [cited

Monte sent Camaiani. above], pp. 509-23; on Don Diego de Mendoza and the whole

Another major source for the Sienese revolt (almost as valu- _ affair, Nerina Bartoli, ‘‘Le Congiure di Siena e la cacciata degli able as Sozzini’s Diario) is the third book of the memoirs of the — spagnoli nel 1552,” Bullettino senese di storia patria, new ser., I

Gascon soldier-adventurer Blaise de Monluc, Commentaires (Siena, 1930), 361-421, 447-88, with three documents, and (1521-1576), now available in the excellent edition of Paul Gonzalez Palenciaand E. Mele, Vida y obras de Don Diego Hurtado Courteault (Bibliotheque de la Pléiade, vol. 174, Bruges, 1964). | de Mendoza, II (1942), 149-277. The fullest treatment of the Parts of the third book of Monluc’s Commentaires are translated Sienese revolt is to be found in Roberto Cantagalli, La Guerra in Ian Roy, ed., Blaise de Monluc, The Habsburg-Valois Wars and di Stena (1552-1559), Siena: Accademia Senese degli Intronati, the French Wars of Religion [from the translation of Chas. Cotton, 1962, with a good bibliography, ibid., pp. XLINI-LV. London, 1674], Hamden, Conn., 1972. Note also Courteault’s '02 Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte, I-13, no. 36, p. 69, and cf. Druffel, Blaise de Monluc, historien. . . , Paris, 1907, and Un Cadet de Briefe u. Akten, II, no. 1688, p. 707, and note, ibid., no. 1707, Gascogne au XVI° siecle, Blaise de Monluc, Paris, 1909. Important, pp. 729-30. Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, pp. 6-7, 15, says the too, is the work attributed to Don Antonio de Montalvo (1527— Turks ravaged the island of Elba.

1581), a Spanish courtier of Cosimo I de’ Medici, edited by '°3 Sozzini, Diario, pp. 88-89. The courteous and much-adCesare Riccomanni, Francesco Grottanelli, and Luciano Ban- mired Spanish commandant, Don ‘‘Franzese,” who had rechi, Relazione della guerra di Siena di Don Antonio di Montalvo, _ strained his men, told a group of Sienese youths who had bid tradotta dallo spagnolo da Don Garzia di Montalvo suo fighio, Turin, him a fond farewell, ‘“‘Voi Senesi valorosi avete fatto un bellis-

1863. This work was dedicated to Cosimo II, grand duke of — simo colpo, ma per |’ avvenire state savii, perché avete offeso Tuscany (1609-1621), in an undated preface written by Don troppo grand’ uomo,”’ i.e., Charles V. On the Spanish comGarzia, son of the alleged author. The old account of G. A. | mandant, Don Francisco or Francés de Alaba, and the events Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche della cittd di Siena, 111 (1758), 261 from 26-27 July to 5 August (1552), see Cantagalli, La Guerra

ff., still retains some value. di Siena, pp. 20-33, with the notes on pp. 61-71.

594 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Jacopa’s son) was in the emperor’s employ, his Siena with troops raised in the papal states, CarHoliness had no intention of allowing papal troops __dinal Alessandro Farnese was not to be allowed to to be enrolled in the papal states for service under accept an invitation of the Sienese ‘‘per assistere Ascanio in order to devastate Sienese territory.!°* alli consigli della loro reforma.’’!°”

Julius favored the independence of Siena, for if The French soldier Paul de Termes, who had the city were in the hands of neither the Spanish been Henry II’s envoy at the Curia in 1551, had nor the French, his own neutrality would be easier just been sent to Siena, where he was received to maintain. Thus if Ascanio was not to attack ‘‘con grandissimo honore et jubilo.”’ He had but

recently been defending Parma for Ottavio

Farnese. The Sienese had now elected four am104 Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-13, no. 55, pp. 113-14, and cf, bassadors to send to the French court, where ibid., no. 42, pp. 79-80, et alibi. Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, pp. Henry would Sive them a cordial reception, and 15 ff., 22 ff., represents Julius III as neutral but sympathetic indeed Enea Piccolomini, who had expelled the toward Cosimo de’ Medici’s objectives. Montalvo has a good Spanish from the city, had already hurried off to deal to say of Julius’s nephew Ascanio della Corgna, many of France ‘‘alone and in disguise,” and his three col-

whose are toleagues be found in the Arch. Segr. Let-him.” : - _ 106 tere diletters princin; would soon beVaticano, following On

principi, vol. X XI, fols. 47 ff. On 1 December, 1551, .

13

Ascanio had written Julius from Scarperia, ‘‘I] Signor Don August (15 52) the pope had sent the Sienese CarDiego [de Mendoza] m’ha mostrato in Siena una lettera de dinal Fabio Mignanelli back to his native city to I’Imperator, nella qual gli scrive di voler servirse de me, et gli assist in the ‘‘reform’’ of the government, to maindomanda, per modo di parere, quello che io potesse desiderar, tain peace, and to h elp keep foreigners off the sopra di che gli resposi ch’ io non desideravo sinon d’ esser Hi —_ h | The F h adoperato nella guerra in ogni luogo et in ogni modo che fusse scene. FHS Mission was Opeless. e rrencn were servitio di sua Maesta per poter’ a un tempo medesimo mostrar’ already in the city; the Spanish planned to return. a lei I’ animo mio, et far conoscer’ a Francesi che havevanoun Mignanelli was recalled to Rome on 28 Septem-

soldato che non meritava esser trattato come loro hanno trat- 107 : ; : :

tato me. . .” (bid., fol. 49, and ef. fols. 57, 60 ff). ber,’~’ but the pope persisted in his futile efforts

Although . embark somehow bring the emperor and the king of ough I cannot here upon a surveyto of Ascanio

della Corgna’s career, I would note the first part of his letter France to an accord that would spare Italy the

of 8 August, 1552, to Julius III, the vagaries of whose policies depredation of further warfare. caused his nephew bafflement as well as concern: ‘‘Conobbi la The pope’s desire to remain neutral was clear mia mala fortuna quando la Santita vostra hebbe occasione di Gough. So was his desire to see the Sienese steer congiungersi con |’ Imperatore et intrare in guerra co ’] Re di di £ both the F hand th Francia, ma molto piu poiché nel medesimo di ch’ ella fece @ COUFSE Equi istant trom both the French ana the Vaccordo co ’] Re fi.e., of 29-30 April, 1552, terminating the Spanish. When Don Diego de Mendoza put four war of Parma] mi venne il partito di sua Maesta cesarea et del hundred Spaniards in Orbetello on the TyrrheRe de’ Romani, ilqual vostra Beatitudine sa se io presi con nian coast. about midway between Siena and Rome, licentia sua, et s’ ella me lo persuase, et se io dipoi piu d’ una the Sienese became more firmlv attached than ever volta ho tentato di saper la sua mente per retirarmi, temendo ‘ bog di quel ch’ ora m’ aviene, et se |’ ho fatta tentare dalli reve. to their new French alliance.” Paul de ‘Termes rendissimi signori Vitale et Dandino, et quello che lei ha sempre

risposto a loro et a me, et finalmente quel che vostra Santita = =9=——mi disse la notte ch’ io le venni al letto [Julius being laid up 105 Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-13, no. 50, p. 101, and ¢f. no. with his usual gout] a domandar licentia di cavalcare con Don _ 55, pp. 112-13, and on Ascanio della Corgna, cf. Pecci, Memorie Diego, onde spero che vostra Beatitudine non possa né debba__ storico-critiche della citta di Siena, U1, 273 ff. havere alcuna mala satisfattione di me, si € possibile ch’ io habbi '6 Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte, I-13, nos. 46, 55, pp. 91, 112, letacquistato odio delle genti per aver ben servito il padrone et ters of Cardinal del Monte to the nuncio Pietro Camaiani, dated

haver fatte quelle demostrationi che convengano a un buon at Rome on 22 August and 13 September, 1552. The French servitore, me ne duole assai, et lo tengo per una gran disgratia. were said to be hard-pressed for money (:bid., no. 45, p. 89). On Pur’ eleggo piu presto d’ esser homo da bene odiato che un _—_ de Termes’ arrival in Siena, note Sozzini, Diane, p. 91.

ben voluto tristo. Nella strada dela violenza non posso conti- 107 Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte, 1-13, nos. 42, 45-46, 50, 55, 65, nuare, non |’ havendo mai presa, ch’ io habbi conosciuto, et 69, pp. 79-80, 87, 91-92, 101, 112, 137, 157; cof Pastor, Gesch. di questo chiamo per testimonii tutte le terre et paesi di Siena, —d. Papste, VI (repr. 1957), 108, and Desjardins and Canestrini, dove io sono stato tanti di con quattro mila fanti—senza danari — Négociations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane, III, 319-

posso dir venturieri . . .” (Lett. di prin., vol. XXI, fols. 28, letters of Cosimo I de’ Medici dated in August, 1552. Co-

58-59). simo had just made and treacherously broken a treaty with On the whole I have had a rather favorable impression of | Henry II, who regarded him as a “‘traitre et marchand de foi”

Ascanio from reading his letters. He was much concerned about _—(Eletto Palandri, Les Négociations politiques et religieuses entre la

the fountain (which needed repair) in the central square at Toscane et la France a l’ époque de Cosme I" et de Catherine de Perugia (ibid., fols. 103, 107). This volume contains letters (all Médicis. . . , Paris, 1908, pp. 74-79). originals) of Vincenzo de’ Nobili, Ferrante Gonzaga, Camillo 108 Lutz, Nuntiaturberichie, 1-13, no. 55, pp. 112-13, letter Orsini, Alessandro Vitelli, Giangiacomo de’ Medici, the repub- —_ of del Monte to Camaiani dated at Rome on 13 September, lican government of Siena, Pedro de Toledo, Garcia and Luis 1552. On the Turks and Orbetello, note Pecci, Memorie storico-

de Toledo (sons of the foregoing Don Pedro), and others. critiche della citta di Siena, 1V (1760), 18-20, 63.

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 595 was all for attacking Orbetello.’°” As Cardinal del preparing to move against Siena. He made one Monte wrote Camaiani, the nuncio to the imperial son, Garcia, his lieutenant-commander of (it is court (then at Speyer), the Sienese in the excitement said) the 12,000 Spanish, Italian, and German of their so-called liberty were closing their eyes to troops being readied for the northward march. their servitude to France, which was increasing with Another son, Luis, replaced his father in the goveach passing hour. Cardinal Ippolito d’ Este had ernment of Naples. Garcia de Toledo went through gone to Siena on 31 October (1552) to represent the states of the Church—passo per le terre di Santa the French king.''° He and Paul de Termes would Chiesa pacificamente—very peacefully, indeed, beonly be removed from the city by force. In Decem- cause the worried Julius III gave his permission.

ber the cardinal was informed that Charles V had Turks and French and Spanish all together ordered the massing of horse and foot in the king- were too much for poor Julius, who was also beset dom of Naples “‘per venire ai danni della citta di with another attack of gout. According to the paSiena e del suo dominio.” The fortifications of Siena pal master of ceremonies, Lodovico Bondoni de’ were strengthened, especially in the area of the Branchi, called Firmanus, the pope received Don

Porta Camollia.""' Garcia on 15 January. In the meantime the viceroy

The author of an early life of Don Pedro de himself, despite his illness, had loaded some two

Toledo, viceroy of Naples (1532-1553), says the thousand Spanish troops aboard thirty galleys, and

Sienese had taken advantage of the fact that the sailed for Gaeta, where he spent three days. He Turkish armada was on the very shores of Rome, then went on to Civitavecchia. Here he was held che era sulle piagge romane I’ armata turchescha.''* up by a storm, which increased his “‘catarrh”’ but,

And, as a matter of sober fact, we have already with the return of a calm sea, he continued to seen that on 15 July (1552) the Turkish armada Livorno, at which point the Spanish soldiery diswas “in sight of Naples.’’ On the twenty-third it embarked. The viceroy sent them on to the area was off the island of Procida, and by the end of of Siena, where Garcia, ‘‘without losing any time, the first week of August it had Gaeta under siege. had taken many castles.”” Don Pedro, however, The Sienese had chosen well the hour to strike. could not join the siege of Siena, sforzato dal catarro Also Don Pedro was not a well man. He suffered e dalla febre. He went to Pisa, and thence to Florconstantly from “‘catarro e febbre,’’ especially in ence, where his son-in-law Cosimo I received him the winter. Nevertheless, at the emperor’s orders with sumptuous hospitality, and agreed to help or at least with his permission, Don Pedro was him reduce Siena in one way or another.'!®

In anticipation of the imperialists’ passage through papal territory, the pope’s right-hand man Camillo Orsini had been strengthening the '9 Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, no. 102, a letter dated fortificati f the B Tens; 8 5

at Rome on 4 October, 1552. ortifications of the Borgo. Tension was growing 9 Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte, I-13, no. 69, p. 156, letter of del Monte to Camaiani dated at Rome on 2 November, 1552, according to which Cardinal d’ Este had come to Siena “hier l’altro”’ (31 October); cf Sozzini, Diario, p. 92, who puts his '!8 Miccio, Vita di Don Pietro di Toledo, pp. 82-85; Sozzini,

arrival on 1 November. Diario, pp. 93-95; Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Seb. Merkle,

'!* Sozzini, Diario, pp. 92-93. Concilium Tridentinum, 11 (1911), 499-500, entry for 15 January,

'l2 Scipione Miccio, Vita di Don Pietro di Toledo, ed. Francesco 1553: ‘‘Illustrissimus Don Garzia a Toleto applicuit Urbem ad Palermo, Narrazioni e documenti sulla storia del regno di Napoli osculandum pedes papae, comitatus a 400 nobilibus catafractis dall’ anno 1522 al 1667, in the Arch. storico italiano, 1X (1846), ex regno Neapolitano.’’ According to Sozzini, Henry II had 82. Miccio’s life of Don Pedro was dedicated on 10 June, 1600, sent immediate help to Siena for defense against the coming to Don Hernando de Castro, then Philip III’s viceroy of Naples. siege. Cf Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VI (repr. 1957), 110. Pedro

Palermo’s edition has an appendix of documents. de Toledo died in Florence. Cosimo I de’ Medici had married On the resources of the kingdom of Naples during the first his daughter Eleonora. half of the sixteenth century, see in general Giuseppe Coniglio, On the imperialists’ depredation of the area south of Siena, Il Regno di Napoli al tempo di Carlo V: Amministrazione e vita see Sozzini, Diario, pp. 96 ff. They took the largely abandoned economico-sociale, Naples, 1951, esp. pp. 104 ff., 179 ff.,andnote ‘“‘city’’ of Pienza, Pius II’s hometown, on 26-27 February, 1553 Giuseppe Galasso, ‘“‘Momenti e problemi di storia napoletana (Sienese style 1552), where “‘messero a sacco quelle robe che nell’ eta di Carlo V,”’ Archivio storico per le province napoletane, vi erano restate, che furno assai, ma non vi trovorno vino, new ser., XLI (LX XX, 1961-62), 47-110. From the sixth de- _ perché I’ avevano versato’’ (bid., p. 100)—the wine of Moncade of the century, especially the years 1554-1557, the Nea- _ tepulciano-Pienza was the ‘‘king of wines.’’ According to Co-

politan kingdom had to bear especially heavy taxes and tolls, | simo I, the Sienese were well supplied with grain, wine, and including export duties on saffron, oil, wine, soap, silk, and even salt meat, but they had little oil; for conditions in the city, other things “for the needs of the court and to provide the _ see his letter of 19 February (1553) to Pierfilippo Pandolfini, fortresses of the kingdom with artillery and munitions’ (Ga- | in Desjardins and Canestrini, Négociations diplomatiques de la

lasso, op. cit., pp. 88 ff.). France avec la Toscane, III, 333-36.

596 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in the Curia. The Sienese intercepted a letter ad- state on 14 April to begin the long journey to dressed to Don Pedro de Toledo in March (1553), Flanders, for Charles was then in Brussels.!!® Caand turned it over to the pope, causing for what- _ podiferro took his departure on the sixteenth, met

ever reason an unpleasant break between his Ho- Dandino in Ferrara on the twenty-fourth, and liness and Don Pedro’s brother, Juan Alvarez de went his way to Paris, where he was accorded a Toledo, the cardinal of Burgos.''* Abiding by his ceremonial welcome on 15 May, the same day that

determination to remain neutral in the war of Dandino arrived in Brussels. Siena, Julius III had been trying for months to In league with Maurice of Saxony and certain make some kind of peace between Charles V and other German princes, Henry II had taken Metz, Henry II. As Diego Lasso had written King Fer- ‘Toul, and Verdun (in 1552). Although Charles dinand from Rome (on 24 September, 1552), his had failed in a costly effort to recover Metz, he Holiness was fearful of the consequences of the now held Thérouanne, just south of S. Omer, ununceasing wars and disturbances which had opened __ der siege. He was not ready to subscribe to the up Italy and Hungary to Turkish attack. He was _ papal appeal for peace which Dandino had brought thinking of sending legates to the French and im-_ him. Thérouanne fell after a lengthy siege, and

perial courts to seek peace.'!” was almost wholly destroyed. Its historical impor-

Nevertheless, it was not until 3 April (1553) that tance was ended, and its bishopric was transferred two legates were finally chosen in the consistory— to S. Omer. Charles told Dandino that negotiaGirolamo Dandino, known from his bishopric as _ tions with the king of France were useless, for like the cardinal of Imola, and Girolamo Capodiferro, his father before him Henry was untrustworthy.

known from his titular church as the cardinal of While allegedly at peace Henry had invited S. Giorgio. Dandino was to go to the emperor, Charles’s own subjects to rebellion. He had sumCapodiferro to the king of France.''® In mid-April moned the Turks to his aid, this so-called ‘rex the pope notified various princes of the two forth- Christianissimus.”’ The imperialists took Hesdin coming legations writing, for example, to Ercole (on 18 July, 1553), and destroyed the town.'!? II d’ Este that Dandino would explain how great Charles’s successes at Therouanne and Hesdin inthe papal desire was to see peace in Europe and creased his resolve to continue the war, as Pieper an accord between Charles V and Henry II. If says, without lessening Henry’s bellicosity. The Ercole had any suggestions which might prove _ latter received Capodiferro at S. Germain, but the helpful to Dandino’s mission, Julius asked him to legate was no more successful than his confrére give them to the legate.'!” Dandino left Rome in _ in Brussels.

Dandino urged the pope to withdraw from these futile efforts to make peace between such "4 Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, no. 109, p. 121.

'!? Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, 11, no. 1765, pp. 766-67: ““. .. SOS el consistorio pasado propuso su Santidad como ya se veya las Manae Ecclesiae Cardinale Imolense nuncupato legato ad Caeguerras y turbaciones en que estava la Christianidad, por la sarem de pace nostro nobilitas tua intelliget quantum nostrum qual causa la Christianidad recebia inevitables dafios de los _ Sit pacis et concordiae inter ipsum Serenissimum Caesarem et Turcos, como este afio se avia visto, asi por mar en estas partes Henricum Francorum regem Christianissimum conciliandae como por tierra en cosas de Ungria, y que le parecia mas que = ecnon quietis et tranquillitatis publicae constituendae desinecesario poner en ello remedio, embiando legados para tratar derium et studium. Ei nos cum istac transiturus esset, has ad la paz con el emperador y el rey de Francia o enbiar a pedirlos — obilitatem tuam dare litteras voluimus quibus eam hortaremur

que ellos enbien personas que aqui con su Santidad traten ut si qua illi pro sua prudentia venirent in mentem ad hoc dello—los votos y determinacién desto se queda para otro con- _‘1psum, quod molimur, publicum bonum pertinentia, ea cum sistorio.”’ Cf, ibid., nos. 1783, 1800, letters of Lasso to Ferdi- illo communicet.. . . Datum Rome apud Sanctum Petrum sub

nand dated at Rome on 8 and 23 October, 1552, and Ray- annulo piscatoris die XII Aprilis MDLIII, pontificatus nostri naldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1552, no. 44, who cites the Acta @Mno quarto. Consistorialia for 11 July (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscel- 18 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., lanea, Reg. 33, fol. 120, by mod. stamped enumeration), on _ ‘HI, 500. Andreas Masius traveled to Brussels in Dandino’s suite

the Turkish fleet in the Tyrrhenian Sea. (Lossen, Briefe, no. 110, pp. 122-24, an interesting letter from 116 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., | Brussels, dated 28 May, 1553).

II, 500, entry for 3 April; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1553, ‘19 Cf Charriére, Négociations, U1, 264-65, 268-69, on the nos. 19-21, 22-27; Pieper, Die pdpstlichen Legaten und Nuntien French loss of Thérouanne and Hesdin; Desjardins and Ca(1897), pp. 49-51; Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VI (repr. 1957), nestrini, Négociations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane,

111; and especially Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte, I-13, no. 92, pp. III, 330-31. Orazio Farnese was killed at Hesdin on 16 July 999-39. (1553), on which note Cardinal Reginald Pole’s letters to Ora117 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Cart. di principi zio’s brothers, Cardinals Alessandro and Ranuccio Farnese, in esteri, Busta 1299/14, no. 28, brief dated 12 April, 1553: ‘‘Ex Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers... , Venice, V dilecto filio nostro Hieronymo tituli Sancti Mathei Sanctae Ro- | (London, 1873), nos. 761-62, p. 379.

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 597 determined combatants. The dignity of the Holy the Val d’ Orcia, the emperor’s troops were no See was at stake. Negotiations continued for an- more successful in recovering Siena than the other two months, however, and when Charles was _ pope’s legates were in making peace. Julius III had

pressed to state the terms under which he might been leaving no stone unturned in the effort to accept peace, he demanded the return of every find a way to end the war. Before the departure place the French had occupied since the beginning —_ of the legates for the French and imperial courts of the war, the withdrawal of their protection from he had sent Federigo Fantuccio to Siena, where Parma, and an end to their interference in Siena. _ the revolutionary authorities had referred him (on He also demanded an end to their meddling inthe 4 April, 1553) to Paul de Termes and the cardinal

affairs of the empire and compensation for the of Ferrara, the “‘padri e protettori”’ of the repubdamage thus far done him. When Capodiferro _ lic. Fantuccio is alleged to have said that the pope presented the emperor’s terms to Henry, he was _ had received imperial assurance (commissione) that

abruptly dismissed. By a brief of 8 September the citizens of Siena could recover their old-time (1553) the pope ordered the legates to come back _ liberty, under the authority of the emperor, who to Rome, and in early October, they both began would order the immediate withdrawal of his army

their return journeys to the Curia.'*° from Sienese territory and restore the lands which

had been taken from them. His imperial Majesty In the meantime Edward VI had died in En- would not now or ever infringe upon that liberty, gland. His sister Mary ascended the throne, and _ but would defend it against an aggressor. As reon 6 August (1553) the pope had appointed Car- ported by Sozzini, the imperial “‘commissione”’ 1s dinal Reginald Pole to the English legation, in- rather vague, but obviously the French would also structing him also to resume negotiations for have to leave the city ‘“‘nella sua pristina liberta. peace between Charles and Henry, adding to the Fantuccio urged in the pope’s name acceptance of legation of England ‘‘la legatione della pace.’’ the emperor’s offer. Solemnly deferring their anPole’s return to England was delayed for a year, swer to the following day, de Termes and the carhowever, for various reasons, and his attempts to dinal said they could not do the pope’s bidding. make peace were no more fruitful than those of | The decision lay with the king of France, whose

Dandino and Capodiferro.'*' own honor was bound up with the protection of Despite their ravages in the Val di Chiana and _ Siena.'**

—_———— At the feast of Corpus Christi (1 June) the pope 120 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1553, nos. 29-31. A text created Guidobaldo II della Rovere, duke of Urof Charles’s demands (misdated 1554) is given in Molini, Do-

cumenti di storia italiana, I1, 449-51. OO

'21 Pieper, Die papstlichen Legaten und Nuntien, pp. 52-58; On Edward VI, Mary, and Pole, cf the papal letters in RayPastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VI (repr. 1957), 111-13. Chas. Weiss, naldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1553, nos. 1-16, 33, and note J. D. Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, 1V (Paris, 1843), 70— | Mackie, The Earlier Tudors, 1485-1558, Oxford, 1952, pp. 547 71, gives Julius III’s bull appointing Pole legatus de latere to ff. On the uprisings in England, see Pole’s letter to Cardinal England, with the date 5 August, 1553, nonas Augusti. Note Innocenzo (not to Cristoforo) del Monte, in Cal. State Papers also Pole’s letters as summarized by Rawdon Brown, Calendar... , Venice, V, no. 851, p. 457, and on the difficulties which of State Papers. . . , Venice, V, esp. nos. 764 ff., pp. 383 ff. Pole faced throughout the year before his return to his homeOn 1 March, 1554, the Venetian Senate proposed to write land as legate, Charles V’s interference with Pole’s legation, Domenico Trevisan, the bailie in Istanbul (Sen. Secreta, Reg. | Queen Mary’s marriage to Philip [II], and the restoration of 69, fol. 5"): ““Ch’ era gionto in Brusselles il reverendissimo Car- the English obedience to Rome, see esp. Dom René Ancel, dinal Polo, il qual va in Anglia a quella serenissima Regina O.S.B., “‘La Réconciliation de |’ Angleterre avec le Saint-Siége [Mary], che li é stretto parente, ha habuto audientia da soa sous Marie Tudor,” Revue d’ histoire ecclésiastique, X (1909), Cesarea Maesta, et se diceva che per nome del pontefice liha 521-36, 744-98. Actually Mary’s marriage to Philip worked proposto condition di pace con il re Christianissimo,” and cf, _ to the disadvantage of the Church, for the English quickly came ibid., fol. 6, to the effect that on 7 March the Senate decided to associate Roman Catholicism with Spanish domination. to omit this information in their letter to the bailie by a vote Incidentally, the letter of Reginald Pole al Cardinale de Monte,

de parte 99, de non 3, non sincert 7. in the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, Cl. X, Cod. XXIV (6,527), Edward VI had died on 6 July (1553). On the negotiations _fols. 78’—80", dated at Brussels on 5 February, 1554, was writ-

for the marriage of his half sister Mary with Philip of Spain, _ ten (like all the other letters so addressed in this volume) to note Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fols. 183, 188", 189-190", docs. Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte, Julius III’s so-called secretary dated from 21 December, 1553, to 8 February, 1554, and cf, — of state, not to Cardinal Cristoforo, as stated by Rawdon Brown ibid., Reg. 69, fols. 4°-6", 27°, relating to the uprisings of dis- in the Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V, no. 851, et alzbi.

sidents in Cornwall and Kent, ‘‘desiderando per suo re uno del '22 Sozzini, Diario, pp. 112-13, and append., no. XVI, pp. regno et non forestiero,”’ and note fols. 68 ff., “‘circa la con- 458-59; on Julitus’s further attempts to arrange an armistice, clusione fatta in quel magnifico Parlamento di ritornar all’ see ibid., pp. 133, 134, 135, 136-37; and on Fantuccio’s mission obedientia della Sede Apostolica et riunire quella chiesa colla to Siena, note Julius’s letter of 29 March, 1553, to Cosimo I

Romana et universale con cosi grande consenso.. . .”’ of Florence, in Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1553, no. 17.

598 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT bino, captain-general of the Church, bestowing cia de Toledo’s soldiers burning their barracks? upon him the benedicta vexilla in an appropriate Scouting parties were sent out from Siena to inceremony.'*° Six days later (on 7 June) de Termes vestigate. At Lucignano d’ Arbia, a few miles received a letter or letters ‘‘come |’ armata Tur- southeast of Siena, they met an unnamed emissary, chesca, con il principe di Salerno, era passata il ‘‘who was coming to inform the city that the [1mfaro di Messina, e veniva gagliarda alla volta di _ perialist] army, that morning at dawn, had marched Regno:” the Turkish armada, with a French naval off [westward] toward the Chianas to go over the

force under the anti-imperialist prince Ferrante bridge at Buterone.’’ From the “Chianas” they di Sanseverino, had passed the lighthouse at Mes- would take the main road southward toward sina, and was heading boldly for Naples. Delighted Rome and thence to Naples. Upon receiving this by the news, de Termes gave the courier who had good news, as Sozzini tells us, the French soldiers brought the letter fifty gold ducats, and hurried _ in the scouting parties turned back, ‘“‘and entered

off to confer with Cardinal d’ Este.*4 Siena with the greatest joy.”’

De Termes’ ‘‘buona nuova” was bad news to As soon as Garcia de Toledo’s army had left the Curia. On 8 June (1553) word came to Siena Montalcino, the elated inhabitants of the place that Julius III was on his way to Viterbo, where mounted the walls with frying-pans and kettles, he desired Cardinal Ippolito d’ Este to meet with wash-basins and anything else that would make a him. The pope implored Ippolito to come, and racket. Men as well as women and children insent him a safe-conduct. On the ninth the cardinal dulged to the full the Italian love of noise—and consulted the revolutionary—or rather the re- freedom—for although the imperialists had batpublican—government of Siena at some length. _ tered the walls of Montalcino (especially on Easter

‘At his request,” says Sozzini, Sunday), they had never attempted a general as-

; . ; sault. When the happy news of the withdrawal of

Ls .; . perialist army from the Senese had been

there were assigned to him four gentlemen of judgment, the imperialist £ the S had b

who were to go with him to negotiate the accord with fied.“ . diatel t off posthast his Holiness in the name of his imperial Majesty, in the verined, men were immediately sent Ol posthaste event he should really decide to go. to the cardinal of Ferrara and to the four ambas-

sadors who had gone to Viterbo to conclude the Among the four gentiluomini di giudizio was Enea accord, advising them to do nothing, for the army Piccolomini. Almost daily there were bloody skir- was gone.”

mishes in the rolling hills around Siena and exe- The Sienese wondered whether a miracle had cutions of alleged traitors in the plazze and cortili occurred. Rumors were quickly circulating in the of the city. Sozzini obligingly gives us the names of city. Sozzini confines his attention to two of them: those who were hanged, beheaded, or otherwise firstly, that Charles V “‘had passed from this to the

done away with. other life,’’ news of his illness having come a few Cardinal d’ Este left Siena on 12 June weeks before;

with all his court and carriages, and of the four deputies —_ secondly, and in my opinion this seems more likely, and

he took only the lord Enea, and they went off toward _ was [generally] believed, that the Turkish armada, along

Viterbo, whither his Holiness, Pope Julius II, had with the prince of Salerno, had arrived at Naples, for come—that evening they were lodged at Monte S. Sa-_ which reason it became necessary [for the enemy] to vino in the house of the lord Balduino, the nephew ayail himself of the cavalry around Montalcino, and be-

[brother?] of his Holiness. cause without the cavalry the army would not be able

The other three deputies or ‘‘ambassadors”’ left fe defend lise If, he was compelled to take away the infor Viterbo the following d O ied by b antry 100. g day, accompanied a

‘‘conciliator” and a notary. It was generally be- Although the Turks’ naval venture into western

lieved that an accord might be made. waters in 1553 was on a smaller scale than it had

Suddenly, however, and unexpectedly on the been during the two previous years, they seemed— morning of 15 June from the walls of Siena one so far at least—to be as useful to the French at could see, twenty miles to the southeast, vast Siena as they had been at Parma.'*° clouds of smoke (grandissimi fumi) issuing from the imperialist encampment at Montalcino. Were Gar-_ §=——————— 125 Sozzini, Diario, pp. 139, 141, 142-43, and on the im-

TTT perialists’ shelling Montalcino at Easter, ibid., p. 111. '23 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 26 On the co-operation of the French and Turkish fleets,

II, 500-1. see G. Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 11 (1666), 440-55; '24 Sozzini, Diario, pp. 138-39. Charriére, Négociations, 11, 259-63, 271 ff.; Arch. di Stato di

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 599 Cardinal Ippolito d’ Este and the four ambas- enemy. Cosimo had not, to be sure, moved against sadors, who had gone to Viterbo “‘to conclude the Siena, and neither had the emperor’s army been accord,” returned to Siena on 23 June (1553). able todo the city much damage, but the wiseacres When the news of the imperialist army’s aban- were worried. Since Siena was an imperial city, at donment of the so-called siege of Siena had _ least inthe emperor’s opinion, ifand when Cosimo reached Viterbo, Ippolito and the four represen- attacked the city or put it under siege, it would tatives of the republic hadback.’’'?’ merely ‘‘kissed theinfoot certainly of his Holiness and come The entries would do so.be as an imperial lieutenant that he

Sozzini’s diary now become sparser and less ex- Pietro Strozzi rode out of the city on 18 January citing, but on 8 August he notes that definite news to make the rounds of the countryside and to dehad come to Siena of “‘how the Turkish armada cide what lands were to be fortified and held. Enea had arrived at our ports, and there were 130 sail.”” Piccolomini went with him. Strozzi was attended On 10 August Paul de Termes, eager to see the _ by the various detachments of French cavalry staprince of Salerno, hastened from Siena, and went tioned throughout the strongholds and villages of to Port’ Ercole, near Orbetello on the coast, atthe the Senese. When Strozzi left Siena, the trouble foot of the island-mountain of Argentario. The came.!”9 old road still runs south to Grosseto and thence On Friday, 26 January (1554), which Sozzini to Orbetello. A number of young gentlemen went mistakenly calls a Saturday, the woolworkers in along with de Termes, ‘“‘to keep him company, to Siena waited in vain for the delivery from Florence see the armada, and to go on an outing” (per farglt of the yarn with which to dress their looms. Sozzini compagma, per veder |’ armata, e per andare a spasso). himself had expected more than seventy lire

On the fourteenth, however, the now-famous San- worth. He did not get an ounce. It had been severino, prince of Salerno, rode into Siena, hav- known for some days that Cosimo de’ Medici had

ing missed de Termes along the way. He dis- assembled a large force which had moved up to mounted at Cardinal Ippolito’s palace, and was’ the confines of the Senese, causing obvious aplater presented by the republic with a suitable gift. prehension. As evening came on, it seemed clear

Sanseverino left Siena on the seventeenth, at- that Cosimo was going to make a drive toward tended by a dozen companies of foot.'”® Siena that night with all the horse and foot he had The Sienese now knew three quiet months— massed along the border. Pietro Strozzi was still non occorse cosa degna d’ esser notata—and there are absent. Cardinal Ippolito was consulted, but he no entries in Sozzini’s diary from late September informed the republican government that Cosimo (1553) to early January (1554). Trouble lay ahead. _ had given his word there would be no attack upon Pietro Strozzi, the Florentine exile and archenemy Siena during February, and Ippolito had so notiof Cosimo I de’ Medici, arrived in Siena on 2 Jan- fied the king of France. Not wanting to hear the uary, with letters patent from Henry Il appointing matter argued, says Sozzini, the cardinal returned him “‘viceroy and general in Italy in all the wars to his palace. About 7:00 P.M. (alle 2 ore di notte)

to be waged on behalf of his most Christian Maj- word was spreading abroad that the Florentine esty.’’ Most of the Sienese rejoiced in his coming. army was coming. When Claudio Zuccantini, one He was lodged in Ambrogio Spannocchi’s palace of the most prominent of the revolutionaries, went

beside the customshouse. The older and wiser to appeal to the cardinal, he was thrown into heads, however, nodded in sad agreement that prison. The Sienese leaders became gravely connow Duke Cosimo would not keep the shaky ‘‘con- cerned. The cardinal should be taking action. federation’”’ he had with them, because one article At 8:00 P.M. there came confirmation of the in the convention stated explicitly ‘‘che la citta di fact Cosimo’s troops had crossed the border, and Siena non dovesse ricettare né favorire alcuni delli suol ribelli e nemici.”’ Strozzi was a rebel and an '29 Sozzini, Diario, pp. 157-58; Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche,

— IV, 103 ff., 109 ff. Pietro Strozzi was the son of Filippo and Venezia, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fols. 151-52, 172’-173', 176"; | Clarice de’ Medici, and a cousin of Catherine de’ Medici, queen Reg. 69, fol. 129", docs. dated from 19 August, 1553, and of France (Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, pp. 16-18). Note in genthereafter; also see Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche della citta di eral Serristori’s reports to Cosimo from Siena on 11 and 23 Siena, IV, 86-87, 101, and Cantagalli, La Guerra di Siena (1552-_ December, 1553, in Canestrini, Legazioni di Averardo Serristori

1559), Siena, 1962, pp. 142-45, 166-69. . . . (1853), pp. 324-29, and cf. Cantagalli, La Guerra di Siena,

127 Sozzini, Diario, p. 148. pp. 156-61, 178 ff., who says (note 110) that Sozzini’s date of

'28 Sozzini, Diario, pp. 155-56; Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche, 7 January (1554) for Strozzi’s arrival in Siena is a copyist’s error.

IV, 95-96. He entered the city on 2 January.

600 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT were entering the Senese. Scouts were sent out. Spain.’’ A week later (on 26 February) Alessandro Alarms were sounded throughout the city. The Piccolomini, bishop of Pienza and Montalcino, set citizens stood guard on the walls and at the gates. out for Rome as ‘‘oratore della repubblica a Papa Fearing possible treachery within the city, the car- Giulio III.’”’ His purpose was apparently to enlist dinal forbade a sortie without the walls. At 11:00 the pope’s sympathy for the efforts of the cardinal P.M. the entire citizenry responded to the call to of Ferrara and Pietro Strozzi to defend Siena arms as the great bell sounded in the Torre di against the now unrelenting attacks of Cosimo de’ Piazza. Since there were only six companies of sol- Medici.'®! On 19 March there arrived in Siena diers in Siena, it was not possible to defend both | one Nichetto,

yP

the city and the fortified ‘‘outposts”’ (fort:) beyond the walls. The outposts were left unguarded. a courier of his most Christian Majesty, with four horses At midnight the enemy arrived, and occupied loaded with money, and [he said | that he had not been the so-called forts outside the Porta Camollia (at able to go through Acquapendente, for the gates were the northern end of the city), where they also closed’ owing to the fact that Pope Julius HT lay ill in

seized the hospital of S$. Croce, the oratory of S. P&T ms iis:

Sepolcro, and the Osteria(the del Sole—all outside the ,; P . .near Good Friday twenty-third) brought the walls the Porta Camollia. There were said to g. ; Corgna, .; ; Sienese the joyous news that Ascanio della be 6,000 foot, 500imperialist Spanish, and 200 horse. a Po .; :inItalian the nephew, had been Early thepope’s morning of the twenty-seventh the aecaptured ; on the ; , at Chiusi. Ascanio was brought to Siena Sienese mounted artillery atop the citadel to shoot cai 4s his ié . . eg4:3 twenty-seventh, ‘‘blind in one eye,” along with at the Florentine mercenaries in the “forti.Count . , brother-in-law Ercole della Penna. They

, dismounted at the recovered customshouse, whereSea room Sienese arquebusiers Croce, ; beauhad beenS. prepared for them,S. adorned with polcro, and the Sole. More officers were ap|. ; : ;; ;oa; ;tiful hangings and equipped with curtained pointed. The armed forces were reorganized. At ; ; ; couches. Other prisoners of notefrightening were put inyecellar midnight on 29 January, after three ; ; ; rooms, with iron gratings, close to the street in; the days, the stalwart Pietro Strozzi came back into i . 133 ; ; . having adjoining Palazzo Spannocchi.°”~ It was something the city, asbe.many soldiers asnephew. b;h heid.could. Sozzini’sSozzini’s “ drounded > oF Si up had [© be 4 pope’s “‘second war’’ toofbeSiena had be ;,; an in earnest.12° It was also something a cardinal, especially 5 Day a aeafter of the d’ recorded Este. Despite the widespread imdayCasa Sozzini inthe hishigh diary the : erstill e1:formed : perial domination, nobility horrors of a war fought withoutof forbearance on . ;‘Thus ; ; ; an interlocking directorate Italian affairs. either side. Enea Piccolomini was sent on a secret on 8 March (1554), since Cardinal Ippolito right] There were sorties now, and skirmishes; 300 ;

mission to Henry II (on 14 February, 1554), and ‘ PP Bey

for what other purpose than to ask for more help }—————— against the Florentines and the imperialists? On 181 Sozzini, Diario, pp. 171, 174, 176. Henry I promised the eighteenth a Spanish soldier was drawn and men and money “‘for the security of the Sienese and their state”’ quartered in the Florentine camp, his entrails (#bid., p. 183, and ¢. p. 217). Giangiacomo de’ Medici was the

beings hung on lumn in the mead utside brother of Cardinal Giannangelo (later Pius IV); they came emg nuns a co u cadow O from the Milanese, and were not related to the Florentine the Porta Camollia. His sole offense seems to have Medici. been his saying that if Giangiacomo de’ Medici, 132 Sozzini, Diario, p. 189. the imperialist marquis of Marignano and Co- —__*» Sozzini, Diario, pp. 192-94, 197-98; Pecci, Memorie stosimo’s Commander in the renewed siege of Siena, rico-critiche, IV, 129-32. The Sienese chose to regard the pope’s

“did Boh th the nephew as Henry prisoner (Sozzini, p. 210). 1 not ght adgood warSj withthe Sienese,Ascanio the May Ascanio madeII’s an unsuccessful effort to escape from On his

Spaniards would abandon him, and go back to imprisonment (zbid., pp. 222 ff.), and was sent for safer keeping to Port’ Ercole (p. 228). Cf’ Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, pp. 25 a ff., 36. His imprisonment did not last unduly long, however,

"3° Sozzini, Diario, pp. 158-65; Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche, and at the pope’s death some ten months later Ascanio was IV, 111-22; Cantagalli, La Guerra di Siena, pp. 185 ff. Like made custos urbis by the Sacred College until a new pope could Sozzini, Pecci dates his narrative in the ‘‘Sienese style,” on _ be elected. which see below, note 134. Cosimo declared his purpose was Ascanio had in fact been released by order of Henry II himto protect the independence of Siena against the French! Cf _ self, to whom on 28 October, 1554, Julius II sent an effusive Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, pp. 9 ff., 14-15, 19 ff. The Floren- _ letter of thanks (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, tine ambassador in Rome, Averardo Serristori, had written fols. 8’—9", by mod. stamped enumeration). On the same day Cosimo on 24 January, 1555, that conditions in Siena had be- Julius wrote also to Charles de Guise of Lorraine, cardinal priest come desperate (Desjardins and Canestrini, Négociations diplo- | of S. Caecilia, and to Anne de Montmorency, constable of

matiques, III, 350). France (tbid., fols. 9-10").

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 601 suspected that a long siege lay ahead, he decided As reinforcements were on their way by land to send to Ferrara the greater part of his servitors and sea to Siena to aid Pietro Strozzi in the defense (paggt) to reduce expenses. He also proposed to of the city—Swiss, Gascon, German, and Italian send home part of his “‘cortigiani e cavalli.”” To |mercenaries—Strozzi had even thought of a suravoid their having to take a long, roundabout prise attack upon Florence. He had left Siena seroute, Ippolito secured a safe-conduct from his cretly on 11 June (1554) and gone northward, enemy Cosimo de’ Medici (who did what he could crossing the Arno at Pontedera, to meet up at to thwart [ppolito’s papal ambitions a year later) Lucca with the French troops who were moving so that his numerous retainers might pass unmo- south along the coast road. To enter the Fiorenlested through the very midst of the Florentine — tino with any chance of success, he needed a much forces, which caused no little “‘ammirazione”’ in’ larger army than his opponent, the marquis of Siena.'** Rightly or wrongly Ippolito became sus- Marignano, could assemble on two or three days’ pect to the Sienese, and so Henry II wrote him to notice. The Swiss and Gascons arrived in the leave the city, return to Ferrara, and attend to Lucchese in good time, but Strozzi also needed some “other matters even more important” than _ the troops coming by sea. The possibility of a surthe services he was rendering the French crown prise attack had passed, however, well before the

in Siena.'*° arrival of the French fleet. Toward the end of

Julius III sent Sebastiano Gualterio (Gualtieri), June Strozzi returned to the area around Siena, bishop of Viterbo, as nuncio to the French court and on 8 July came the news ‘‘come era arrivata in May (1554), always looking for ways to ter- ai nostri porti I’ armata del re Cristianissimo.”’ minate the Sienese war. It had cost Julius 150,000 The Sienese were much encouraged. Excitescudi to improve the fortifications of Rome and ment was running high. Sozzini was jotting down various places in the states of the Church. He was _ the news every day. On 9 July (1554) word came paying Guidobaldo II della Rovere 30,000 scudi ‘“‘that the lord Pietro Strozzi had arrived at Mona year as captain-general of the Church. Trade talcino with the army which he had in the Maand travel were being terribly disrupted in central remma [the swampy coastal area watered by the Italy.1°° On 12 May Cosimo wrote Averardo Ser- Ombrone], and with all the cavalry which he had ristori, his ambassador at the Curia, that his pur- left between Buonconvento and Torreniert. pose in the war of Siena was ‘‘to liberate that state .. .”’ The town of Buonconvento is fifteen miles from the oppression of the French,” to restore its southeast of Siena; Torrenieri is farther south; former independence, and thereby to preserve both are on the main road from Siena to Viterbo. that of Florence. It grieved him to see the ruin- Two days later Sozzini recorded the return of ation of the countryside. Cosimo was writing to Enea Piccolomini, ‘“‘who had gone as the ambasSerristori, “‘perché siate alli piedi della Santita di sador of the republic to the court of the most Nostro Signore [the pope]:”’ being on hand at the | Christian king, and had disembarked at our ports Curia, Serristori could explain directly to his Ho- with the armada from Marseille and Algiers.” liness the noble purpose which Cosimo was pur- Strozzi re-entered Siena on 12 July, and the suing. If depredation and death were the conse-_ French soldier Blaise de Monluc, brother of the quence of the war, the fault lay with the Sienese, diplomat Jean, probably accompanied him. Strozzi

who were being deluded by the French.'*’ returned to Buonconvento that evening.

Since Monluc was in Siena a few days later, he "184 gorsini_ Dy . 183-84. Incidentally. in dating th presumably remained in the city. By now there entries in his diary Sozzini cmploys—_as the Sienese usually “CTC 6,000 infantry at Monte Antico (northeast did—the “‘stile dell’ Incarnazione,”’ i.e., he began the new year of Grosseto), 4,000 Gascons and 2,000 German

on 25 March. mercenaries, “quali erano venuti con |’ armata del '§® Sozzini, Diario, pp. 226-27. Ippolito d’ Este left Sienaon re.’ Henry II had kept his promise to send men

5 June, 1554 (ibid., p. 239). and money to Siena. The French infantry filed

_ Druffel, Briefe wu. Akien, IV, no. 438, p. 465; Pastor, Gesch. int Siena in two divisions on 15 July, “ed era la d. Papste, V1 (repr. 1957), 114; and esp. Pieper, Die papstlichen ws . 5

Legaten u. Nuntien, pp. 176-81: **. . . Il danno che receve sua piu bella gente che fusse mai vista.” ‘The men were Beatitudine per questa guerra di Siena et di Corsica é infinito. tall, handsome, well armed, and they had brought

Si spesero al tempo del viceré 150 mila scudi per conservation their women with them. Women camp followers di Roma et del stato ecclesiastico; fu condutto il duca di Urbino formed a sort of brigade of nurses. They cared con spesa ordinaria di 30 mila scudi I’ anno, il quale altramente for the sick and wounded. As for Monluc. Sozzini '87 Sozzini, Diario, append., no. Xvi, pp. 460-61, and cf, ‘first notes his presence in the city on 17 July. He

non saria bisognato di condurre”’ (ibid., p. 179). ; ; ‘

Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, pp. 14-15. calls him an “‘uomo del re, e di grande ingegno,

602 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ed esperto nell’ arme,”’ and says that Strozzi left 25 October he wrote Ercole II d’ Este of Ferrara, him to govern Siena as viceroy in his stead, pro- brother of the pro-French Cardinal Ippolito, viding him with 2,000. foot and a hundred horse We do declare and assure your Excellency that if God

per guardia della citta. does not allow another impediment to befall us as be-

Pietro Strozzi and the marquis of Marignano fore, [and] we shall have some light and clarity as to the had been moving their troops back and forth long __ fact that the emperor does really and truly wish that an enough. The chess game was over; aclash of arms accord should be attempted, we shall more than willwas next. It came on 2 August (1554) at Marciano _ ingly come to Perugia to confer with you, for we see no in the Val di Chiana, east of Siena. Strozzi’s forces ™OFre likely and expeditious way to bring to the desired were crushed. Badly wounded, he escaped to Lu- conclusion ums sacred work lof peace}, upon wren decignano, and then sought refuge in the anti-Medi- Peves the salvation or Gestruction of this Deautitul part

ceant € Montalcino. taki ‘th hi di of Italy, as we have written tothe. . . duke of Florence,

own oF mont wan AKIN WIC Ain (accor M8 also telling him that with the emperor in Flanders, the to Sozzini) 250,000 g° d scudi. His losses in dead king in France, he at Florence, your Excellency at Ferand wounded were decisive. Remnants of his forces, ara, and we here in Rome, while the armies are face German and French, straggled back to Siena. The to face, we see neither how nor with whom, nor by roads were full of frightened, beaten men, asking whom, this accord can be negotiated and the difficulties for something to drink and salt for their wounds. cut down which will presumably arise in the effort to The Sienese gave them salt, bread, and wine, help- settle things.

ing them as much as they could, “and I bear wit- To the end of his days Julius did his best to

: 99139 . * oe . .

ness,” says Sozzini, “that I saw more thana hundred make peace between Charles V and Henry II. men bracing themselves against a wall, moved to Constant illness must have made him realize that tears in pity for the poor soldiers brought to such the end of his days could not be far off. On 10 calamity. Unless Henry Il now sent huge re- January (1555) we find him negotiating with Cosimo inforcements (and he did not), Siena seemed almost [| of Florence, with whom he was at odds, and with certain again to fall under the domination of Charles — Ercole II of Ferrara, trying to replace warfare with

V or under that of Cosimo de’ Medici. reason in the Sienese contest. Cosimo had written Throughout the fall and winter of 1554-1555 Julius, urging upon him acceptance of a proposed Julius III was harassed by the fear of war and de- accord, and suggesting that he should be showing pressed by the constant flow of cheerless news. On more alacrity in concluding the agreement than in disputing its terms. With a heavy sigh over the dif-

Is8 oe one ficulty of negotiation ‘‘in tanta distantia d’ i luoghi Sozzini, Diario, pp. 244-45, 253-55, 258-59, 260-62, t delle per > Tuli reed ‘“‘per eshonerati

265; Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, pp. 48 ff.; Paul Courteault, ed., et Celle p sone, J ulus agreed =p sno on c Blaise de Monluc, Commentaires, Bruges, 1964, bk. 01, pp. 256 della conscientia et per non mancare del debito ff., and cf, ibid., pp. 1027 ff., the editor’s notes; Pecci, Memorie d’ un buon pontefice.”’ In his letter (of 10 January) storico-critiche, IV, 147 ff.; Cantagalli, La Guerra di Siena, pp. to Ercole, however, he enclosed a statement of

244 ff, 283 ff., with notes at the end of each chapter. ‘some points which have seemed to us more sub-

Sozzini, Diario, in the Arch. storico italiano, II (1842), 270- ‘al dth lati € which hink

72; Girolamo Roffia, Racconti, ibid., pp. 573-82; Notizie della stantial, and the resolution of whic » WE C un .? can vittoria riportata dagl’ imperiali presso Marciano scritte da un anonimo open the way to settle the other difficulties.’’ He (1554), ibid., pp. 583-90; Blaise de Monluc [who was not present sent a similar statement to Cosimo, asking him to at Strozzi’s defeat at Marciano, estant malade d’une fiebure continue — share it with Don Juan Manrique and Don Francisco

et d’ une dissenterie], Commentaires, ed. P. Courteault (1964), bk. de Toledo. th resentatives of Charles V

Ill, pp. 263-66, 270-72. See also Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, G© _* O1CCO, The representatives © pp. 94-115, detailed and well informed, and cf., ibid., pp. 171 Julius wanted to assure the freedom and secuff.; Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche, 1V, 160 ff.; Cantagalli, La Guerra rity of Siena. The opposing forces should both

di Siena, pp. 298 ff. There are texts of numerous letters con-

cerning the war of Siena from early December, 1552, to the = ~~ defeat of Pietro Strozzi on 2 August, 1554, in the Arch. Segr. 140 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Cart. di principi Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XIV, esp. fols. 27-53, 306 __ esteri, Busta 1299/14, no. 30. The letter was written by Giulio

ff., by mod. stamped enumeration. Canano, who was named bishop of Adria in the northeast of Various avvisi relating to the war of Siena may be found in _ Italy a month later (on 26 November, 1554, according to Van

the Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urb. lat. 1038, and on Strozzi’s_— Gulick, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, I11

encounter with Marignano in the Val di Chiana see, ibid., fols. [1923], 95), and on his nomination to the see, note the pope’s 25-30", Naratione della gran scaramuzza fatta tra l’ illustre Signore _\etter to Francesco Venier, the doge of Venice, dated 8 DePietro Strozzi et I illustre signor Marchese di Marignano, con il nu- _cember, 1554 (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, fols. mero delli colonelli, signori et capitani, luocotenenti, et alfieri fatti | 18’-19"). Canano was the pope’s secretary. His consecration in pregioni con il numero delle genti morte da piedi et da cavalli de — episcopum Adriensem took place at the Vatican on 30 December,

l’ una etl’ altra parte. . . , text dated at Florence on 4 August, 1554 (Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident.,

1554, and cf. fols. 32 ff., 58-59, 66°, 67, 71 ff., 80 ff. IT, 505).

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 603

Y ; P 28

withdraw from the Senese, giving up the places Marciano (on 2 August, 1554), Giangiacomo de’ which they then held. He offered 10,000 foot, Medici, marquis of Marignano, had executed the then in Umbria, the Patrimony, and the March of Florentine exiles he had captured, and tightened Ancona, for the defense of Sienese liberty. The the siege of Siena. On 4 August the Sienese govpapal troops would join another 10,000 foot which the duke of Urbino could recruit from his own 1555, nos. 1-5; Brown, Calendar of State Papers Venice state and the Romagna. Julius’s proposal meant VI-1 (1877), no. 37, p. 32; Pieper, Die papstlichen Legaten u.

141 : ’ > » 1-9, ’ ~ + 6 5 VENICE,

that while Charles V’s troops would not re-enter —Nuzntien, pp. 67~70. On the golden rose and the sword and hat, Siena, at least Monluc and the French would have _ see Anna Hedwig Benna, “Zur kirchlichen Symbolik: Goldene

to leave. Cosimo, who as an agent of the emperor Rose: Sawer und en Ming Ne rrevcnschen Staats hoped ultimately to receive Siena, found it easy archws, IV (Vienna, ), 54-62. When Mary and Philp in. ; . , quired of Reginald Pole the significance of the papal gifts, they to restrain his enthusiasm for the pope’s idea of got a lecture on the rose, the sword, and the hat (Cal. State

how to end the war in Tuscany. Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 66, p. 56).

Always in search of peace, in early February Morene was named legate to Ferdinand on 7 January, 1555

(1 55S ) Julius sent the learne d jurist Antonio Agos- (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea,

: di f th h me) Reg. 33, fol. 180” by mod. stamped enumeration); he received

tino, auditor of the Rota, on yet anot €r MISSION the legatine cross on 13 February (ibid., fol. 183"; Pieper, op. of peace to Charles. The ostensible reason for cit., pp. 69-70, note; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1555, nos. Agostino’s going was to be the delivery of the 3-4: Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., golden rose to Queen Mary of England and the II, 505). Morone’s safe-conduct, proficiscens in Germaniam, 1s

honorific d and hat to her husband Philip [I] dated 17 February, 1555 (Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, fol. 40”, by £ Spai Chat an le, ner husban ip [II] mod. stamped enumeration, and ¢f., ibid., fols. 41-44, letters

6) pain, C arles S ONY egitimate son. The papal relating to Morone’s mission to Cardinals Madruzzo and von brief to Philip and Mary is dated 27 January, Truchsess; King Ferdinand; Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria; the Agostino’s instructions on the thirty-first. The ju- archbishops of Mainz and Cologne; King Maximilian of Boherist was to remind Charles of the necessity of peace ma ane ane Jouchinn seereeave of Brandenbuts). Cf also between him and Henry, for apart from the futile — pruffel, Briefe u. Akten, IV (1896), nos. 542, 548, 569, and esp. costs and destructiveness of war, peace would assist no. 592, pp. 629-30, on Morone’s mission to Augsburg and

the return of England to the Church. And it was _ his hasty departure. _ the only means of stopping the advance of the Johann Visbroc (Vischbroek), Morone’s secretary, wrote Turks bv land and sea as well as of suppressin Andreas Masius a chatty letter from Augsburg on 31 March

S DY ; ; PP S (1555), informing him of Morone’s itinerary from Rome. The

the spread of heresy in Germany. J ulius was also cardinal and his suite had been splendidly received and entersending Cardinal Giovanni Morone to the Reichstag __ tained all along the way—especially by Cosimo I in Florence, at Augsburg. From the beginning of his pontificate tne ctzens of Bologna, Ercole II d’ Este of Ferrara, Cardinal he had been s triving, he said, to effect the needed rcole Gonzaga in Mantua, and Cardinal Madruzzo in Trent— d des; ; and they had reached Augsburg on 24 March. A few days later and | esired reform in the Church. His efforts had came word that Julius III was perilously ill, and two days therebeen impeded, however, not only because of the after the news of his death. Morone had left early that morning; taint of the times, but because of the conduct and _ Visbroc would follow about midday on 1 February. The prosattitude of worldly rulers. Agostino reached Brussels aon ot awas papalnot erection and a new Ponti yas ors (ML Dncer . . ut, as usual, the future without its dangers (M. Lossen, on 8 March; Charles received him on the fifteenth. ed., Briefe von Andreas Masius u. seinen Freunden [1886], no. 159, He arrived in London with the rose for Mary and pp. 197-98): “. . . Hodie bene mane abiit herus [Morone], the sword and hat for Philip on 23 March (1555), adjunctis 10 aut 11 equitibus, crastino die circa meridiem ipse the day of Julius III’s death. Morone had arrived abibo. . . . Nos, id est mea turba, audacter pericula quaevis in Augsburg on 24 March, but the momentous news adimus, tantus est amor videndi sedem vacantem et novum my pontificem. Hic est status rerum praesentium, praeteritarum, brought about his immediate departure for Rome. ¢& futurarum.. . .” On 31 March he set out on the return journey with On Julius’s last illness and death, see esp. Massarelli, Diarium Otto von Truchsess, cardinal archbishop of Augs- —septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 1, 247-48, and the papal burg, hoping to take part in the conclave which was ™2ster of ceremonies, Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., pp.

pIgg

to elect electJulius’s Tulius’successor. 142 505-6; “. . . Magister vero cerimoniarum fregit camerarii annulum[i.e., pis; ; catoris, illum accipiens e manibus illustrissimi The freedom of Siena survived Julius III by less — Guido Ascanio Sforza]... . . Postea fregit bullas plumbi, quae

than a month. After Pietro Strozzi’s defeat at prius et postea ostendebantur cardinalibus, qui diligenter respiciebant.”’ Cf’ Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg.

—_— 9 (from the Archivum Consistoriale), fol. 363”: ‘‘Die Sabbati “ Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Cart. di principi XXIII mensis Martii 1555 inter horam 19 vel 20 seu circa obiit

ester], Busta 1299/14, no. 31, letter of Julius III to Ercole II Julius Papa III in palatio Sancti Petri et aedibus suae solitae

d’ Este, dated 10 January, 1555. habitationis.’”” The obsequies began on 26 March (2bid., fol. '42 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, fols. 267-35", | 365"). The same entries occur also in the Acta Vicecancellarii, briefs dated 27 January, 1555; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. Reg. 7, fols. 242", 244”.

604 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ernment created an emergency magistrato to clear all the horses, donkeys, mules, cats, and rats in the city. the city of ‘‘all the useless mouths,’’ and an edict Cats were selling for three or four écus, rats for one was cried aloud throughout the streets that all ref- cu. . - - Neither the city nor we ever ate but once a ugees, tanto contadini come forestieri, must depart Y from the end of February to the twenty-second of

with their families under penalty of two lashes. On April [1555]... . that day, therefore, Francesco Bandini de’ Pic- For miles around Siena the countryside was recolomini, the archbishop, left the city ‘‘with his duced toa wasteland. The infirm, the elderly, and carriages, and with him many gentlemen, and he the poor, both men and women—and children went to Crevole and thence to Montalcino,” caus- too—le bocche disutili, were expelled from the city ing vociferous complaints, for many said that, as__ several times. ‘I tell you that the roster of the the spiritual head and asa Sienese, he should never ‘useless mouths’, says Monluc, ‘amounted to

have left.!™ four thousand four hundred or more, which was As Strozzi languished, wounded, in Montalcino, the worst of all the pitiful and grievous things that

attributing his defeat to treachery, the defense of | have seen or, in my opinion, shall ever see in Siena fell to the French soldier Blaise de Monluc, time to come.’’!48 On one occasion two hundred whose Commentaires is one of the literary classics and fifty children from six to ten years of age were

of the century. Both Monluc and Sozzini tell al- taken from the Ospedale Grande, and led out of most incredible tales of the heroisms and the hard- the city by the Porta Fontebranda. Falling into a ships of the siege, which lasted for almost nine detachment of the enemy, some of the children months. According to the chivalric courtoisie of the were killed, others fled back to the gate from times, Marignano sent Monluc choice foods and which they had issued. Many of the women acwine on Christmas eve, and then made a grand companying them were also killed. Lying on the but unsuccessful assault upon the gates and walls."** ground outside the Porta Fontebranda, a dove si Monluc was ill, but carried on week after week. fal’ anno il mercato de’ porci, they raised their voices He later recalled the siege quite rightly as lasting jn terrified shrieks and screams. Their lives unnine or ten months, after which he had had to done, wounded and beaten, they would have made

yield to famine. From such a situation, he says,a a Nero weep, ‘ed io averei pagati venticinque soldier can draw no profit—only the historian scudi a non gli aver visti, ché per tre giorni non

can. possevo mangiare né bere che pro’ mi facesse.”’ As the men kept watch on the walls and fought, Sozzini would have paid twenty-five scudi to avoid well-born women worked with picks and shovels, the woeful sight, and he could hardly eat or drink baskets and bundles of brushwood. Monluc’s trib- for three days after it.'*9 ute to them is famous: “‘I] ne sera jamais, dames There was no hope. The city was doomed. At siennoises, que je n’ immortalize vostre nom tant the beginning of March (1555) the Sienese Otto que le livre de Monluc vivra—car, a la verité, vous della Guerra sent Messer Ambrogio Nuti, with a estes dignes d’ immortelle lowange, si jamais safe-conduct from Giangiacomo of Marignano, on

femmes le furent!”’'®® an embassy to Pietro Strozzi at Montalcino, to When Marignano decided that starvation within Marignano himself, to the French agents in Rome, the walls would be more effective than assaults and to Julius III. It was Nuti’s second mission to upon them, he left the Sienese ‘in peace’’ until Rome. He now explained the plight of the city to there should be no longer a crust of bread in the — Strozzi, the pope, and the French. The cost of city. From mid-February there was not a drop of

wine to be had. “‘We had eaten,”’ says Monluc, 147 Monluc, Commentaires, ed. Courteault, bk. lI, pp. 327,

—_—_ 329. Sozzini, Diario, pp. 379-80, entry for 5 March, 1555, lists

On 3 April the papal nuncio in Venice appeared before the _ the high prices for wine, oil, capons, hens, salted meat, cheese, Collegio to read the official notification he had received from _ pigeons, and eggs, “‘e di tutte queste cose non se ne trovava se the Sacred College of the vacancy in S. Peter’s see, and on the __ non poche, e quelle di sogguattoni.”’ Sozzini gives no prices for following day the Senate wrote the cardinals of the great grief _—_cats and rats. Cf also Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche, 1V, 184. which the pope’s unexpected death had caused them (Sen. Se- 148 Monluc, Commentaires, ed. Courteault, bk. 111, pp. 317-18.

creta, Reg. 69, fols. 107°-108", docs. dated 4 April, 1555). '49 Sozzini, Diario, pp. 306-7, entry for 5 October, 1554,

'43 Sozzini, Diario, pp. 274-75. and see the request for a safe-conduct addressed to Marignano '44 Monluc, Commentaires, ed. Courteault (1964), bk. 11, pp. by Scipione Venturi, rector of the Spedale di S. Maria della

281-90; Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, pp. 129, 143. Scala, on 3 October to take the children “‘in luogo dove possino 145 Monluc, Commentaires, ed. Courteault, bk. 11, p. 302. piu comodamente vivere’’ (Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, append., '46 Monluc, Commentaires, ed. Courteault, bk. 11, pp. 306-7. no. V, pp. 229-30).

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 605 food was sky-high; there was no money to pay the dead.!°* Monluc’s dictum (c‘estoit un terrible pape) troops. The ‘‘Eight’’ asked that M. de Monluc, the _ reflects to some extent the anti-Julian feeling of royal governor of Siena, be empowered by the _ the French which dated from the war of Parma. king’s agents to negotiate directly with Marignano The Turkish armada had played a part in the

the end of the war. Nuti was back in Siena on 9 war of Siena as well as in that of Parma and, as March, and on the following evening, a Sunday, we shall see, it was to return to Italian waters in he addressed the Council of Siena. In short order the summer of 1555. The Turks had in fact been 519 councilors assembled to hear him. From coming every year, and each time the French had Nuti’s account it was clear, as Sozzini informs us, joined them. Julius III had lost the war of Parma. He had remained neutral in that of Siena, but his that the pope was quite against us, having replied toour reputation had suffered, as shown by Monluc’s ambassador that he could in no wise help the city Of attack upon him in the Commentaires and by AmSiena, nor did he know of a good way of being able to brogio Nuti’s report to the Sienese Council. The

get the imperialists to reach an agreement, because he Turks had also b 3 land during his had tried to do so many times. The imperialists took a ur S Na a sO cen ac Ive on fan 8

lofty view of things, and did not want the city of Siena eign. Cardinal Martinuzzi had been murdered. except on terms of unconditional surrender. The said ‘The papal treasury was al a low ebb. The Sacred Messer Ambrogio, having seen that his Holiness was College was divided into Hapsburg and Valois facunwilling to help our city, sought his counsel on how _ tions. Julius had faced trials beyond his capacity the city should manage. His Holiness answered that for to deal with them. In his way he had tried, but his the present he could think of no other way than to see way had proved inadequate. He died unpopular whether one could appease the agents of his imperial and unlamented.!®3 Majesty by throwing off restraint and signing and send- On 11 April (1555) the Sienese Otto della ing them a blank sheet, accepting in advance the accord re hose f; bassadors t to Fl which they would write on the sheet.!”° PZHEEF A CHOSE TOUF alndassaclors 10 BO to Blorence per stipular li capitol fatti dell’ accordo con sua Monluc strikes a harsher note in alluding to Maesta cesarea.”"'°* According to Sozzimi, on 18

Ambrogio Nuti’s audience with Julius III: April Monluc, Cornelio Bentivoglio, and other

captains of the Sienese defense foregathered at S. The Sienese sent an envoy also to the pope, Pope Julius, Lazzaro, a suburb of Siena, with Marignano and who died two or three days later [he died a full two the imperialist colonels and captains. Marignano weeks after Nuti’s return to Siena], from whom they got told them a wretched response, reproaching them for their obstinacy and [telling] them to submit to the duke of Flor- _ that the Sienese envoys would return within two days, ence and give him a blank check. He wasa terrible pope! that the accord had been concluded and drawn up in The duke [Cosimo] showed greater honesty and was Florence, and that it was of such a sort that all the city

more courteous, as a prince must do, who desires to would be quite content with it—and after the observattract and win the affection of a people.'*' ance of the usual ceremonies held among the great, each one returned to his own residence.!*°

It is perhaps surprising that Julius III received Nuti at all. Angelo Massarelli begins his seventh (and last) diary with an account of the pope s last 152 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Cone. Trident., II,

illness, which began on 12 February (1555). From = 947_4

the time of his election to the pontificate Julius’s ‘> On the extent to which Julius was unlamented, especially health had been uncertain, cum podagra et chiragra in the Sacred College, note Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in persaepe laboraret. For some days he had seemed Merkle, Conc. Trident. II, 252, entry for 6 April, 1555.

p. 415; cf. Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche, . ... :.. ’Sozzini, : ysDiarto, Nad aireaay been sent to

to show improvement—during which period he jy 99g & Other Sicnese envovs had already b

had given Nuti an audience—but on 18 March he — Marignano and Cosimo I (Sozzini, pp. 384, 386 ff., 406 ff.),

lapsed into a fever, and five days later he was and the latter, as the representative of Charles V, had made clear the terms ‘‘nel modo che voleva capitolare con la citta a nome di sua Maesta cesarea, dalla quale disse aveva amplo e

OO pieno mandato. . . , il tenor del quale non piacque molto” '°° Sozzini, Diario, pp. 383-84; cf. Monluc, Commentaires, ed. (p. 411), which had required further negotiation. Cf, Monluc, Courteault, pp. 1076—77, note 10; Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche, | Commentaires, ed. Courteault, bk. U1, pp. 328 ff. Sienese ne-

IV, 201 ff. On Ambrogio Nuti’s two missions—to the Curia in _ gotiations with Cosimo had been going on for two months Rome, Strozzi in Montalcino, and Cosimo I in Florence during —_(Sozzini, Diario, pp. 370 ff., and see in general Cantagalli, La

February (1555) and then to Strozzi and Julius III in early Guerra di Siena, pp. 394 ff.). March—see Cantagalli, La Guerra di Siena, pp. 383-88. '° Sozzini, Diario, p. 419. Monluc, Commentaires, ed. Cour'°! Monluc, Commentaires, ed. Courteault, bk. 111, p. 330. teault, bk. 11, p. 330, says that the accord or “capitulation”

606 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Monluc and his troops withdrew from the city on While Julius III had fastened his attention upon 21 April, with full military honors, and as he says, the war of Siena, the Venetian government was

“Voyla la fin du siége.””!° looking toward Istanbul. Domenico Trevisan, the bailie on the Bosporus, had written the Signoria

on 3 April, 1554, that the redoubtable Dragut was brought to Siena on Monday, 15 April, and that on the va was scheduee an ail fort ne Admatic on 15 sixteenth Marignano asked him to send to S. Lazzaro two gen- ay wit ty-live galleys. c enate was contlemen ‘“‘en qui j’ eusse fiance.’’ Monluc sent Bentivoglio and fident, however, that the Turkish armada would Jacques Prévost, sieur de Charry, but indicates that he didnot undertake no hostile move against Venetian shipgo himself. Sozzini’s diary was done on a day-to-day basis (with ping or against the islands of the Republic. Nevsight retouchingi.e., later).for Monluc years afterin the1570-1571. events he ertheless, 11 May they cautioned escribes, thewrote most part Inonany event . : ; the provvesince I think Monluc makes a better story of the sequel by not ditore of the Venetian fleet to Prema Of the alert. attending the colloquy at S. Lazzaro (ibid., pp. 330-32) than In the unlikely event of some aggressive action on might otherwise have been the case, Iam not sure that Sozzini the part of the Turks, he was to employ his exis inaccurate. However, Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, pp. 148-49, perience and prudence to their best effect 15”

who also it, puts colloquydid onnot 18attend April,it.says that Monlucw had F . eh Lurks the Turks vl d requested butthe apparently or generations, enever Pp anne

'5© Monluc, Commentaires, ed. Courteault, bk. 111, pp. 335- to send out a naval expedition, the Venetian am39; Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche, IV, 232-35; Massarelli, Dia- bassador in Rome had solemnly reminded the rium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 258-59. The ‘‘Capi- pope of the “great expense”’ to which his governtolazioni,” drafted in the name of Charles V and providing for ment was continually put to maintain a fleet on the reception of Siena under imperial protection, “‘lasciando ——- cc . la liberta e di nuovo concedendola alla citta e repubblica [di the Adriatic or the Aegean “‘for the protection of Siena],’’ are dated 2 April, 1555, and were supposed to be Our State and for the benefit of all Christendom.”’ accepted by the Sienese within eight days. All the citizens and ‘The ambassador therefore usually requested ‘‘that residents of Siena were pardoned “except the rebels of the [his Holiness] should be willing to grant us two kingdoms and states of his Majesty [Charles V], as also of the |. hes f; h t to b llected £ Majesty of the most serene king of England [Philip II], and of tithes tor the present year, to be co ectec from the most illustrious and most excellent lord duke of Florence all the reverend clergy of our state.”’ And this the . . .” (Montalvo, Guerra di Siena, pp. 147-48). On the surren- ambassador was duly instructed to do on 5 July.1”° der of Siena, note also the briefs of Julius III’s successor Mar- Although the Senate expected no attack by Dra-

cellus II, dated 19 April, in the Segr. ’ d h had inf d th 7 Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, fols.1555, 50-51. gutsArch. armada, asVaticano, they hac mrormed te prove

Sozzini, Montalvo, and Monluc all mention the generous ditore, some serious cause for irritation could be availability of provisions after Monluc’s departure from the expected,'°? because one could never be certain of city—*‘Le strade fuori della citta venivano cariche di some di the Turks.

vettovaglie, si dello stato del papa come fiorentino, la qual cosa Trevisan had, to be sure, received full assurance

rallegrava tutta la citta. . .”’ (Montalvo, op. cit., p. 149). he P d fF R Pasha hj if Cosimo de’ Medici and Marignano had won the “second war at the orte, and even trom ustem as a IMSeH, of Siena,”’ as agents of Charles V, who was determined to hold of good treatment for our ships, subjects, and on to Siena, and granted it as an imperial fief to his son Philip possessions.”’ 160 Nevertheless, caution remained II. For two years Francisco de Mendoza y Bobadilla, now known

as the cardinal of Burgos (d. 1566), ruled the city in complete

violation of the “‘liberta’”’ guaranteed by the Capitulations == == ~~ (Pecci, Memorie storico-critiche, 1V, 272 ff.). Fearing to lose Co- 157 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fol. 21". The bailie’s letter of 3 simo de’ Medici’s support in Italy, however, on 3 July, 1557, April had been received in Venice on 2 May (ibid., fol. 26°). Philip bestowed the city on him as a fief to be held of the Dragut’s name often appears as Drogut in the sources. Cf, CharSpanish monarchy: ‘‘Le obbligazioni e capitoli conchiusi e sti- rire, Négociations, II, 306, 309, 313-14, 316 ff. pulati furono che si stabilisse perpetua lega e inviolabile con- 158 Thid., Reg. 69, fol. 29’. In the spring of 1556 the Senate federazione tra il Re Filippo e il duca di Firenze, e con dichia- | again wrote the Republic’s ambassador in Rome, ‘‘Per gli avisi razione che il medesimo duca s’ obligava rendersi vassallo della _ delle lettere havute ultimamente da Constantinopoli. . . vede-

monarchia di Spagna. . . .’’ Cosimo was also bound to assist, rete la nova non solamente della preparatione che fa quest’ when necessary, in the defense of Naples and Milan (Pecci, anno il Signor Turco di grossa armata, ma della certa uscita sua

ibid., 1V, 305 ff.). After the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis (in da Constantinopoli,” and so the inevitable request was made 1559), by which the French gave up their Italian claims, Cosimo __ for ‘‘doe decime per |’ anno presente da esser scosse da tutto also acquired Montalcino, where undaunted patriots had for _ il reverendo clero del stato nostro”’ (zbid., Reg. 70, fols. 12°— four years maintained their republic of Siena in exile (Pecci, 13", doc. dated 18 April, 1556, and cf. fols. 13° :ff.). On this IV, 318 ff.). Florence, Siena, etc., were on the road to becoming __ occasion, as often, the double tithe was granted.

the Medicean grand duchy of Tuscany. On the end of the 159 Cf, ibid., Reg. 69, fols. 30, 78, 103 ff., 106. “republic” of Siena at Montalcino, cf’ Cantagalli, La Guerra di 160 Tbid., Reg. 69, fol. 31", letter of the Senate dated 9 July, Siena (1552-1559), Siena, 1962, pp. 523-28, 557 ff., and note 1554, to the now two bailies in Istanbul, Trevisan and his sucLeonardo Rombai, I Medici e lo stato senese (1555-1609), storia cessor-to-be, Antonio Erizzo, whose commission is dated 13

e territorio, Rome, 1980. April (ibid., fols. 14” ff.).

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 607 the Venetian order of the day. If things went September the motion was made in the Senate, smoothly, the double tithe would be useful for the but not carried, ‘‘that by the authority of this following year. It was an era of inflation, and the Council. . . the present muda of the Alexandria resources of Venice were not what they had been and Beirut galleys should be entirely given up. a century before. As the Turkish armada got .. .”'°° A week later (on 7 September), however, closer, being sighted in Ragusan waterson 17 July, | the Senate informed the bailie in Istanbul that the an uneasiness pervaded the Rialto and the Piazza Beirut and Alexandria galleys were then on the S. Marco. The Senate’s demand for the double verge of departure, in ponto per partir, for their

tithe became more insistent.'°! long voyages to the Levant.'®*

The Turkish armada made its way through the The skippers of the galleys were to make every Strait of Otranto, sacked and burned the castle effort to avoid coming in sight of Dragut’s armada. town of Vieste on the east coast of the promontory This proved indeed to be a wise precaution since,

of Gargano, and then came back across the as the Senate later learned, Dragut lay in wait for Adriatic to the Turkish station of Valona (Vloré) them in the channel of Corfu. He had obviously in Albania. It did no end of damage to Venetian _ planned to seize them if he could. The following shipping along the way. The Senate instructed the January the Senate wrote Sultan Suleiman in proprovveditore of their fleet to make a formal pro- test against his captain’s treacherous and predatest to Dragut Reis. In the meantime the loading _ tory intentions.'®? Upon his return to the Bospoof the mercantile galleys for Beirut and Alexan- _ rus, Dragut received a warm welcome from Ahmed

dria, already overdue, was being delayed still fur- Pasha, who had become (as we have seen) the ther, for the shippers remembered all too well the grand _ vizir. Obviously the Venetians had small Turkish seizure of the merchantman Barbara, hope of ever securing satisfaction for the losses ‘dalla qual molti sono romasi ruinati.”’°* On 1 Dragut had caused them.'® The Venetians found it hard to live with the

—_—__ Turks, but the continuance of their profitable One may find in the Arch. di Stato di Venezia a miscellany Levantine trade depended upon their managing of letters of the Venetian bailies and ambassadors from Con- to do so. Every dispatch from Istanbul revealed stantinople to the doge and Senate from 1484 to 1558 ina aq new problem. On 4 August, 1554, the bailie busta identified as Secreta: Dispacci [da] Costantinopoli, F.1A. wrote that Ahmed Pasha wished to sell the VeneThe busta contains some thirty letters of the secretary Giovanni . in. b the S Dario from the years 1484-1485, a score or so of Pietro Bembo flans grain, Dut everyone in the senate rememfrom the same years, two of Antonio Ferro from the year 1487, bered the Vallaresso affair of almost twenty years two of the bailie Girolamo Marcello dated 3 and 18 June, 1492, _ before. Doing business with the pashas could too and three of the ambassador and vicebailie Pietro Zen [he called

himself Zeno] dated 7 May, 1523, 1 August, 1526, and 2 October, 1527, as well as four letters from Alvise Gritti to his

father, the Doge Andrea, all from the year 1525. lem of securing ‘‘justice and the observance of the articles of For the rest this important busta contains the dispatches of _ peace which we have [with the Porte]’”’ (Reg. 70, fol. 33”). Venthe bailies Domenico Trevisan and Antonio Erizzo (with whom __ ice was trying to recover the losses of the Barbara from Sala’s we are here concerned), the ambassador Alvise Renier [Rhe- _ estate, to which of course his heirs objected.

nier], and the bailie Antonio Barbarigo, covering in some detail, '® Ibid., Reg. 69, fol. 40: “*. . . che per auttorita di questo with extensive passages in cipher, the years from October, 1552 — conseglio sii preso et deliberato che la presente muda delle (but mostly from March, 1554) to February, 1558 (Ven. style — galie di Alessandria et Baruto sii del tutto suspesa et tagliato

1557). l incanto loro, tal che non habbino a far piu ditti viaggi come '8! Ibid., Reg. 69, fols. 33%, 36°. si non fossero sta incantate et deliurate, et quanto all’ interesse

162 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fols. 36°-38", letters of the Senate che potessero pretender li patroni che hanno tolto ditte galie, to the bailie in Istanbul, dated 11 and 16 August, 1554, and __ sii data liberta al collegio nostro di poter far quello che li parera cf. Seripando, De Tridentino Concilio Commentaru, in Merkle, esser giusto et conveniente.”’

Conc. Trident., 11, 447, entry for July, 1554. On 12 August 164 Tbid., Reg. 69, fol. 43”. Dragut’s fleet, having left Valona, passed by Corfu on the way ‘© Ibid., Reg. 69, fol. 84", doc. dated 29 January, 1555 (Ven. to S. Maura and Prevesa (ibid., fol. 42”), and thence eventually style 1554): “. . . Essendo esso Drogut alla Prevesa havendo back to the Levant (fols. 44°, 47”, 84"). On Venetian efforts to habuto aviso dell’ andar delle nostre galeazze di mercantia a recover the men and goods seized aboard the Barbara by Sala __ Baruto et in Alessandria, hebbe volonta ferma di prenderle et Reis, see, ibid., fols. 80, 159”, 161, and Reg. 70, fol. 33°. The per esseguirla venne con |’ armata in canal di Corphu alla posta goods alone were said to have been worth more than 60,000 verso ponente, dove le espetto per alcuni giorni senza far alcun ducats (Reg. 69, fols. 85”, 101 ff.). We have already noted Sala’s _ altro effetto, il che fo segno manifesto del mal animo suo, ma

plundering of the Barbara. li capitanei delle nostre galeazze avertiti che ’] le espettava con Sala Beg (or ‘‘Reis’’) had been on his way to Algiers as the __ I’ armata tenero il suo camino de fuori |’ insula di Corphu, et

Turkish beylerbey. He died in Algiers shortly after the episode andorono al suo viazo. . . .” of the Barbara, which complicated the Venetian Senate’s prob- 16° Ibid., Reg. 69, fols. 99° ff., 113”, 124”.

608 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT easily give rise to the most burdensome hardships. Although the Uskoks were Christians, there was The Senate replied on 7 September that if the nothing surprising about their attacks upon Venematter came up again, the bailie should explain _ tian shipping. One might have assumed, however, that there were regularized procedures under that Venetian relations with the Hospitallers would which the Republic imported grain from Turkish have been much better. Such was not the case. On territories. If Ahmed’s agents did not broach the 8 August, 1554, for example, the Hospitallers resubject again, however, the bailie must let well moved from a ship belonging to the Venetian noenough alone, and not allude to it himself.'®’ ble Gianbattista Donado and his partners “‘sixteen While the Signoria was at peacé (such as it was) persons—Turks, Moors, and Jews—subjects of

with the Porte, the greatest trial of the Venetians the lord Turk, with their money and goods,” was with the ubiquitous corsairs, with the Uskoks, | which they confiscated for their own use. The reand with the Martelossi. The Turkish conquests sult was that on 12 October the Senate voted the of Bosnia (in 1463) and of the Hercegovina (in _ seizure of all Hospitaller property and revenues 1483) had driven large numbers of South-Slavic _ within the grasp of the Republic both on land and Christians to seek refuge in the high fortress-town at sea. They were to be held until the Grand Masof Clissa (Klis), about five miles northeast of Vene- ter Claude de la Sengle (1553-1557) or the Contian-held Spalato (Split). These refugees or Uskoks vent at Malta set free the Turks, Moors, and Jews, (from the Serbocroatian uskociti, ‘to jump into’’) and restored all their money and goods.'°? On 29 also settled in Segna (Senj, Germ. Zengg) on the October the Senate wrote the bailie in Istanbul,

Adriatic coast thirty miles southeast of Fiume outlining the steps they had taken and directing (Rijeka) as well as in the region of Bencovazzo him to inform the Porte.'”° (Benkovac) in the saltflats and lowlands of Ravni Despite the Senate’s oft-repeated expression of Kotari. They were soon joined by other refugees friendship and admiration for the Knights, relafrom Novi in northwestern Croatia opposite the tions between the Republic and the “Religion” island of Veglia (Krk), from Oto¢ac on the Gacka _ had rarely been friendly. The Knights’ dedication River, and from other Croatian towns and villages. to unrelenting warfare with Islam included, as we

We have already noted the Turkish seizure of have already seen, attacks upon Christian vessels Clissa in 1537, after which Segna became the main carrying Moslem goods and merchants, while for center of the Uskoks. Encouraged by Ferdinand obvious commercial reasons the Venetians always I, the Uskoks made Segna, well protected by the tried to maintain peace with the Porte. Also, for surrounding mountains and forests, an Austrian fear of offending the sultan and the pashas, the ‘“‘march”’ (Mark) against the Turks. Despite super- Venetians sometimes carried aboard their vessels

ficially cordial diplomatic exchanges between Moslem merchants and Turkish subjects, with Vienna and Venice, there was no love lost between whom of course they did business. Hospitaller the Hapsburgs and the Venetians. The Martelossi aggression had been especially irritating since were employed by the Porte to discourage Uskok 1552. The Venetians, therefore, felt fully justified penetration of Turkish territory, which was not’ in sequestrating the income which the Convent very profitable anyhow, and the Uskoks turned to derived from the Veneto, knowing full well (as piracy. They preyed upon both Venetian and soon proved to be the case) that their action would Turkish towns and merchants. Ferdinand and his _ not be well received at the Curia Romana.'”! successors tended to overlook their infractions of

the Venetian Reg. documents loaded 169 y ety pew ane . .peace. . Sen.TheSecreta, 69, are fols. 50°51", 66°-67".

with references to the continual attacks of corsairs, 170 Thid., Reg. 69, fol. 58.

Uskoks, and Martelossi.'°* 1 Thid., Reg. 69, fols. 117, 119, 128, 133°-135", 137°-138", 144: When in 1536 Venice had similarly sequestrated the Hos-

OT pitaller revenues because of piratical aggression, Paul III had '67 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fol. 43”. On the Venetian grain not opposed the steps taken. The same thing had happened in trade with the Turks, note, ibid., Reg. 68, fol. 116", doc. dated 1552 under Julius III. In each case the Hospitallers had been 22 April, 1553. Buying grain from the pashas, who had large _ obliged to come to terms. Every state had to preserve its dignity, estates, easily resulted in difficulties for Venice (¢bid., Reg. 69, protect its subjects, and meet its obligations. Venice was refols. 139", 147, docs. dated 30 August and 18 September, 1555, quired by her “‘capitulation’”’ with the Porte to treat Turkish

and cf. fols. 152", 162). subjects as her own when they traded in Venetian territory or 168 Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 68, fols. 110, 118°, 130” ff.; Reg. | were carried aboard Venetian vessels. The sequestrated funds 69, fols. 3", 58’, 76°—77", 82°-83, 877-88", 95", 116", 170‘— | were handled by the Camerlenghi di Comun. On the ‘‘con171°; and Reg. 70, fols. 59", 92°-93", 96°-97", 98", 100” ff., ef troversia’’ between the Venetians and the Hospitallers, see also

alibi. the brief of the new pope, Paul IV Carafa, to the Doge Fran-

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 609 After almost two years of negotiations and bick- In a letter of 18 September, 1554, the Senate ering, the grand master finally agreed to the re- referred to a report which they had received from lease of the prisoners and three-quarters of the their ambassador to Ferdinand’s court some six goods which had been seized from the Donada. On months before (of 6 March) concerning Sforza 20 June, 1556, the Senate agreed to revoke the Pallavicini “‘et il valor et esperienza ch’ egli ha sequestration of the Hospitallers’ revenues, pro- nella professione militare.’’ Although he had been vided the prisoners and goods were in fact re- in bad odor for the murder of George Martinuzzi, leased, and the investors in the Donada were agree-__ the ban was being lifted, and Pallavicini’s repu-

able to the terms.'’? The prisoners were released tation as a soldier recommended him to the Sithe following January, their goods restored or res- _ gnoria. Venice wanted to hire him. The ambassador

titution made, and finally on 24 July, 1557, the was, therefore, instructed to sound him out with Senate lifted the ban on the Hospitallers’ access the usual care and caution as to his conceivable to their resources in the Veneto and elsewhere in willingness to enter the service of the Republic.

Venetian territory.'” The ambassador did so, and Pallavicini replied that although the idea appealed to him, he re-

The Hospitallers and the Holy See were the — garded the time as inopportune.'”* Fifteen months Turks’ most persistent enemies. The Holy See was _ later the Senate repeated the offer (on 12 Decem-

the spiritual bastion of Christendom; the Hospi- ber, 1555), and finally in October, 1556, Pallatallers justified their existence and their wealth — vicini informed the ambassador that he was now (to the extent they were wealthy) by fighting the _ ready to enter the employ of the Signoria. On 13 so-called infidels. Both the Holy See and the Hos- | November the Senate indicated their agreement,

pitallers felt, and indeed were, imperiled by the subject to mutually satisfactory terms, and inTurks’ annual naval expeditions into the western quired of the ambassador the terms under which Mediterranean and by their destructive attacks Pallavicini had been serving the king of the Roupon the south Italian and Sicilian coastlands. Fer- _ mans.'”°

dinand might find himself at war with the Turks Pallavicini said that he had received 3,000 scudi in Hungary and Transylvania, Charles V in North a year from Ferdinand in time of peace and 4,800 Africa, Sicily, and southern Italy, but the Haps- in time of war. The Venetian rectors of Verona burgs were usually ready to abide by any reason- had been drawn into the negotiations, and were able peace which the Turks would accept. Charles’s instructed to tell Pallavicini’s envoy that, esteem-

health was failing. In 1555-1556 he would give ing his valor and military experience, Venice his son and his brother the broad lands and many would pay him 2,000 ducats a year, which was 500

titles he had held for some forty years. He had more than captains of infantry had received for had to use a large part of his resources against the some time in the service of the Republic.'”° FurFrench and the Lutherans. The past had been _ ther parleys led the Senate to inform the rectors difficult. The future was uncertain. The Venetians that if necessary they might add another 500 felt the need of strengthening their defenses. ducats to Pallavicini’s stipend, which con le taxe per

_ la sua stalla would amount to more than 2,800 cesco Venier, dated 29 June, 1555, in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, ducats a year. Pallavicini wished his contract (con-

Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, fols. 82-83". dotta) with Venice to be kept secret until February, On 11 September, 1555, to placate the insistent Paul IV,the 1557, and the Senate was quite content that his Senate voted to release the revenues of individual Knights, but service should be gin in March. On 19 December to retain those of the Hospital until restitution had been made . . for the losses which the Knights’ piracy had caused. The Vene- (1556) the articles were agreed upon in Verona, tian ambassador Bernardo Navagero was instructed to suggest and on the twenty-second the Senate congratuto Paul IV ‘‘che soa Sanctita dia ordine alli agenti de ditta’ lated the rectors upon the enlistment of PallaviReligione che li schiavi et robbe tolte sopra la nave Donada che

sono nelle mani sue siano liberate . . . accioché si metta fine

a questa materia’ (Reg. 69, fol. 144°), but the affair still ~ dragged on (ibid., fol. 160°, doc. dated 23 November, 1555, '74 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fol. 45’, letter of the Senate to the

and cf. fol. 168"). Venetian ambassador to Ferdinand, king of the Romans, dated Bernardo Navagero (Navagier) served as the Venetian am- _18 September, 1554. bassador in Rome until his replacement by Alvise Mocenigo, 175 Thid., Reg. 69, fol. 163, doc. dated 12 December, 1555; whose commission is dated 26 February, 1558[Ven. style 1557] Reg. 70, fol. 51, dated 13 November, 1556, and note fols.

(Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fols. 144’-146'). 52°53",

'72 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fol. 18”. '78 Ibid., Reg. 70, fols. 57’—58", doc. dated 11 December,

‘78 Tbid., Reg. 70, fol. 109°. 1556.

610 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT cini’s talents on behalf of the Republic.'’” Hence- _ will last for nine days, and on the ninth the cardinals forth, for years to come, Sforza Pallavicini was to — will enter the conclave, unless something untoward haphelp make Venetian history. His name will figure pens. The most reverend dean [Gianpietro Carafa] is

prominently in the events of the fateful years Pressing forward vigorously. He would not want their 1570-1571, which saw the loss of Cyprus to the entry [into the conclave] and the election of the pope

to be their delayed. I understand he is uttering Turks ;and defeat at Lepanto. : ;strong ; ; reproofs against the clandestine meetings and cliques and secret negotiations, making clear reference to Ferrara

From Rome on 27 March (1555) the Roman [Ippolito d’ Este], who is boldly campaigning for himself, protonotary Agostino Cocciano wrote Girolamo _ but I do not know that he is playing about with bribery.

Seripando, archbishop of Salerno, concerning Ju- | think he is going to get stuck... . lius III’s death and the ‘“‘papabili’’ most likely to In the betting at the banks the most reverend cardinal

succeed him: of S. Croce [Marcello Cervini] is running ahead of all.

The betting started at 25 to a 100 that he will emerge I wrote your most reverend lordship by the regular from this conclave as pope. Then it came down, and is post that the pope’s physicians were despairing of his nowat 15. With all this there is no one [else] who attains life. Later I wrote you on Saturday [23 March] that he — these odds, because there is no one who gets beyond had departed this life on that very day at 2:00 P.M. [a@ 12. But what goes on at the banks is a very tricky busihore 19]. As for the news of today, which is Wednesday, ness, and is all for merchants. It goes along with certain I can tell you that the obsequies began yesterday. They very artful dodges at which they play safely. I am not

—___ at all up to it, as it is a matter that I have never had 177 Thid., Reg. 70, fols. 60"-61", and of, fols. 128"-129". In anything to do with. Much less do I believe that your the years that followed, the Venetian Signoria was to retain its most reverend lordship seeks to understand the busi-

well-justified confidence in Sforza Pallavicini. His commission €SS. as ‘‘capitanio nostro general della fantaria’’ was discussed and In my opinion the proper prospects for the papacy approved in the Senate on 4-7 September, 1559, his first duty [2 papabili] are few. The aspirants [1 papeggianti| are being the inspection (and strengthening) of the defenses of the many. I call papabili those persons lustrous and illusfortress and island of Corfu (ibid., Reg. 71, fols. 113°-116" _ trious for the virtues that are in them, such as S. Croce, [131°-134"], and ¢f,, ibid., fol. 111 [129]). During the week of Pole, and Morone—papeggianti those who have aspira9-16 December (1559) Pallavicini was raised in rank to “‘go- tions, and I see that those are few who do not aspire— vernator general delle gente nostre da guerra.’’ He was to serve Nobili. Simoncello. Cornaro. Monte. Urbino. Sermo-

Venice with 100 men-at-arms and 100 light horse, and was to ons . ‘ ‘ ,

be paid 5,000 ducats a year (ibid., fols. 128-130’). neta, Imola, and Cicada. I do not even know whether On 27 June, 1560, the Senate voted, although with some I do well to put Cicada among, the non-aspirants. I bereluctance (105-62-9), ‘‘che sia data liberta al Collegio nostro lieve that all the others are giving either some thought di spender fino a ducati cinquemille per el fabricar de un pa-__ to themselves [as pope] or a good deal. Some of the lazzo nel luogo di Desenzano per |’ habitatione del predetto French who are not here [in Rome] one can put in the

Signor Sforza, nelliquali sia anco compreso el fondo sopra category of non-aspirants, but I do indeed think that elquale si havera a fabricare. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 72, fols. Tournon, Bourbon, Bellay, and some others will give 14°-15 [35 -36"], docs. dated 27 June and 6 July, concerning —¢._ serious thought if there is time... .178 Pallavicini’s status as governator general delle gent: nostre da guerra,

and cf. fols. 58" [79°], 62°-63" [83°—84"], 64-65 [85-86], 110”

[131%]; of also Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fols. 90 [116], 95°-96"[121°— 122"], and Reg. 39, fols. 125” [170"], 126° [171°], et alibi). 178 Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, IV, no. 587, pp. 624-25. Both

The Signoria came to rely heavily on Pallavicini, and usually = Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 248, liked to have him on hand (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 74, fol. 75” [96"]), | and Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., p. 505, give the nine-

doc. dated 29 July, 1566: ‘‘Non essendo a proposito nell’ oc- teenth hour (2:00 P.M. in March) as the time of Julius HI’s casioni presenti che |’ illustrissimo Signor Sforza, governator death. Cocciano’s non aspiranti were Roberto de’ Nobili (d. nostro generale, s’ allontani da questa citta, |’ andera parte che 1559), a nephew of Julius III; Girolamo de’ Simoncelli (d. sia scritto a sua Eccellentia che debba ritornar de qui. De parte 1605); Alvise Corner (d. 1584); Innocenzo del Monte (d. 1577),

187, de non 9, non sinceri 10.” Julius’s favorite and nephew by adoption; Giulio della Rovere

For reasons of health or for some assignment, Pallavicini (d. 1578), cardinal of Urbino; Niccol6 Gaetano di Sermoneta might be allowed or required to leave Venice, as when on 10 = (d. 1585); Girolamo Dandino (d. 1559), cardinal of Imola; and August, 1566, he wanted ‘‘a far la sua purga”’ (ibid., Reg. 74, | Gianbattista Cicada (d. 1570). The French cardinals to whom fol. 77° [98”]): ‘‘Essendosi lassato intender !’ illustrissimo Signor __ Cocciano refers by name were Francois de Tournon (d. 1562),

Sforza, governator nostro general, che quando fuse con bona Francois Louis de Bourbon (d. 1557), and Jean du Bellay (d. gratia nostra, esso anderia al presente a purgarsi secondo 11 1560). bisogno che ne ha, per esser poi libero alli 8 over 10 del mese In a postscript to his letter Cocciano added (ibid., p. 626) che viene per andar ove da noi le sara ordinato,”’ to which the — that Alessandro Farnese was thought to be in Avignon, and Senate agreed de parte 143, de non 0, non sinceri 1. Faithful would probably come by post-horses, in posta, traveling from servitor of Venice, Pallavicini continued year after year in the _ one relay station to the next. Pole was in England, and would employ of the state. On 22 March, 1572, he was granted an- not come. Morone and von Truchsess, Madruzzo and Ercole other licenza to return home for a month (ibid., Reg. 78, fol. Gonzaga would be able to come, chi in posta et chi a mezza posta.

76° [98")). Durante de’ Duranti, bishop of the city of Brescia, would

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 611 On 24 March, despite the objections of certain ject of the bull, the contents of which they knew Roman barons, Ascanio della Corgna, the late full well. They had all affixed their signatures to pope’s nephew, was declared the custos urbis by the it. What could be invalid about the renewal of an assembled cardinals, who also recruited 2,000 foot old law which sought to do away with the abuses, to assure the safety of the city. The novena of frauds, plots, intrigues, dishonesties, avarice, and mourning began on 26 March, but to Massarelli’s simony which had disturbed and degraded papal disgust hardly a penny was spent on Julius’s ob-_ elections for years? Quae omnia in ipsa bulla reforsequies, although 33,000 ducats were found inthe — mationis conclavis continentur.'"°

Castel S. Angelo. The novena should have ended There were fifty-seven members of the Sacred on 3 April, the ninth day, but it wasa Sunday, and _ College at the time of Julius’s death. Thirty of there was no observance ‘‘ob reverentiam festi il- them were in Rome. Seven of them, all Italians, lius.’” The obsequies ended, therefore, on the reached the city before the conclave began—T?fourth, and the cardinals should have entered the berio Crispi, Jacopo Savelli, Marcello Cervini, conclave. Contention arose among them, how- Ranuccio Farnese, Ercole Gonzaga, Cristoforo ever, for the French faction claimed that the im- Madruzzo, and Francesco Pisani. Crispi had hurperialists were trying to act with undue haste, ried in from Bolsena, Cervini from Gubbio, Gonbeing unwilling to await the arrival of at leastsome zaga from Mantua, Madruzzo from Trent, and French or pro-French cardinals. They did enter Pisani from Venice. Maybe one should not call the conclave on 5 April, nevertheless, and there Madruzzo an Italian; he was bilingual, and some-

was further dispute as to whether they should times referred to himself as a German. And he abide by Julius’s bull ‘‘super reformatione con-_ was certainly a loyal imperialist. Ten or a dozen clavis.”” Some of the cardinals declared that the French cardinals had no way of reaching the conbull had not been properly published, since the clave in time to take part in the coming election. text had never been posted in the Campo de’ Fiori Massarelli furnishes us with the names of the

and on the portals of the basilicas in the city. thirty-seven “‘cardinales intrantes pro creatione Others indignantly asserted that the bull had Marcelli IH,’ and the twenty who were “‘absentes indeed been published, for it had been read and ab Urbe.”’ We have a detailed description of the approved by all the cardinals in consistory, and conclave from the pen of the contemporary hishad been subscribed to by the pope as well as by torian Onofrio Panvinio, who informs us that all the cardinals, “‘et sigillo denique signata.’””, The Henry II’s first choice for the papacy was the auditors of the Rota were consulted. They de- wealthy cardinal Ippolito d’ Este, the brother of clared the question beyond their competence. The Duke Ercole I of Ferrara, and that the leaders of next pope would have to settle the issue. “‘Hence _ the imperialist faction were the camerlengo Guido the matter remained unresolved,” says Massarelli, Ascanio Sforza of S. Fiora and Cardinal Ma‘and so it was decided that the bull should not be — druzzo.'®° observed.”’ Massarelli was almost outraged. The bull had not been posted for the people to read,

but what did the reform of the conclave have to 179 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, do with the populace? ‘The cardinals were the sub- 948-50. Gianpietro Carafa had asked Julius (on 22 March), when the latter was on his deathbed ‘‘an vellet quod bulla a Sanctitate sua super reformatione conclavis decreta publica-

as retur et quod publicata observetur,” to which (as to two other

come, in Cocciano’s opinion, in a litter. He was seventy-one. important questions) the pope returned no answer, ‘“‘not even In the last conclave Durante had been three years older than a word”’ (tbid., p. 247, lines 19 ff.). Julius, who had just died at sixty-eight. Cocciano expected Du- On Julius III’s bull providing for the reform of the conclave,

rante to arrive at Easter (14 April). Pietro Tagliavia d’ Aragona, _ see. J. B. Sagmiiller, Die Papstwahlbullen und das staatliche Recht

the cardinal archbishop of Palermo, would come by land or der Exkluswe, Tubingen, 1892, pp. 25-31, 34-35, and for the sea, depending upon which seemed to him the more comfort- _ text, ibid., append., no. 111, pp. 291-98, dated 12 November, able. The conclave would certainly begin before Palm Sunday 1554, from the Cod. lat. Monacensis 152, fols. 272 ff. (7 April). Gianbattista Cicada, cardinal of S. Clemente, had '89 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

thought, possibly, one, two, or three days before. 250-52. Merkle, zbid., pp. 253-56, note 3, also gives Panvinio’s The news of Julius III’s death was known in Brussels before account, taken from the Cod. lat. Monacensis 152, fols. 282°— 31 March, and Charles V immediately began consultations with 287". Note the letter of Juan Antonio de Taxis, the imperial Queen Mary of Hungary, governess of the Netherlands, and _ postmaster in Rome, written to his friend Masius on 6 April, Antoine Perrenot, bishop of Arras, “both with regard to the 1555: ‘*. . . Cardinales nocte praeterita abdiderunt sese unde creation of the new pope and the preservation of the imperial __religio erit egredi nisi prius pontificem creaverint, qui de illis dominion in Italy” (Cal. State Papers... , Venice, VI-1, no. — supplicium aliquando sumat ob scelera! Tuus Cervinus habet

41, pp. 34-35). spem pontificatus, et apud vulgus est maxima opinio illum fu-

612 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT It was to be a short conclave, more orderly than _ ever, had allowed “‘accessions’’ only after the second

that of 1549-1550, for interlopers were not al- scrutiny. Along with Jacopo Savelli, Ranuccio now lowed into the locked halls. According to Panvi- joined his cousin Guido Ascanio Sforza and the imnio, besides Jean du Bellay and Georges d’ Ar- _ perialists, hoping that they (as well as the neutralists magnac, Pisani, Sermoneta, Capodiferro, della and the ‘‘Ferrariensi abhorrentes’’) would all fall in Rovere, and most of the Julian cardinals favored behind Cervini. Guido Ascanio and Ranuccio apthe election of the pro-French Ippolito d’ Este, proached Ercole Gonzaga, ‘“‘who said that he would whose brother Ercole had won him also the vote _ not break faith with the duke of Ferrara, to whom of the so-called imperialist Gonzaga. There were _ he had given the promise to vote for his brother.”’ those who thought that maybe even Madruzzo was Madruzzo “‘appeared nonplussed”’ (ttubare videbawavering in his allegiance to imperialist interests. tur) when asked to support Cervini. Many of the D’ Este’s chief competitor was the austere Mar- Tridentini bore no love for one another; they had cello Cervini. Although at Trent Madruzzo had _ lived too close together for too long in political and certainly got along better with Cervini than with doctrinal disagreement. The first scrutiny was held del Monte, he disliked him, and would have much on 9 April (V Idus Aprilis). As was to be expected, preferred to see a strong imperialist pitted against when the voting statements were read (syngraphis d’ Este. The choice, however, seemed clearly to lectis), Ferrara had not reached a two thirds’ ma-

lie between Cervini and d’ Este. jority:

ane ccsire rer reform Gi he Church nae Ban Immediately the dean [Carafa] said, turning to the faremarkably in lve years. lanpietro Carafa, dean thers, ‘In accord with the old custom, accessions are of the Sacred College, was an ardent reformer. So not to be given on the first scrutiny.” Since no one dared was Cervini. Carafa was also anti-imperialist, but to disagree with him, Ferrara was beaten as far as the

he could not abide the thought of the worldly _ first day was concerned. The assembly [of cardinals] d’ Este as pope. An abrasive personality, Carafa broke up.

was himself a candidate for the tiara,the butanti-Ferrarese he was ; , ; The first scrutiny moved car-

much appealing torenewed the reformers, the neutral _,. ballot drawn ; ; less ... dinals action. The first cardinals, and to the anti-French than was Cervini, ;Brother the urnahead had been Ercole Gonzaga’s. who had consequently. from pulled of him in the . aein of Ferrante, once the archimperialist (but now . ; . disfavor at imperialists, the imperialthecourt),°"" Ercole had As Panvinio says, the neutral;ists, ; found no difficulty in voting for the French canand the- anti-Ferrarese had many candidates, ; ; Ne didate (and for Pietro Bertano). To be sure, especially Carafa, Rodolfo Pio ofhe Carpi, Giovanni ; so, but many membershe im ; had said would do of Morone, Cervini, and Pietro Bertano. They were . . past 6 the conclave had doubted it because of his bound; political to have too many “‘as long as eachAlso, one rew ; ; the differences with Ferrara. despite garded himself as the most worthy [contender] for ?pastorate.”’ ; elections of Leo X and Clement VII had which;vy had. the supreme Ranuccio Farnese Sey ; taken place within recent memory, many cardi-

contest. ; . . 181

put forward Cervini’s name,thebeing fearful that a 5s nals—especially imperialists—doubted adFerrara.; (his absent brother Alessandro’s rival) —. ||... ; the ;of one rere visability of elevating to the papacy a scion might acquire the necessary two thirds’ majority ;:; . ofinthe great seigneurial families of Italy.;Charles (of twenty-six votes). Ferrara had fact drummed ; a a V did want a powerful pope. The fact that up so many votes thatnot ifhad “‘accessits’’ were to be per; Gonzaga actually voted for Ferrara in the first mitted after the first scrutiny, he would almost cer; . ; tainly be elected pope. An electoral tradition, how- SCTUUNY aroused the fears of Guido Ascanio and y POPs: Ranuccio, for after various cardinals had made the expected gestures of courtesy by voting for their turum pontificem. Ego audio aliquot cardinales ab illo abhorrere. friends, they could change their votes by “‘accedSunt inclusi 37 cardinales . . .’’ (Lossen, Briefe von Andreas ing to Ferrara.

Masius, no. 160, p. 199). Incidentally, Juan Antonio de Taxis later became involved =—=————

in a minor episode which helped carry the impetuous Paul IV ‘8! Ferrante Gonzaga had been removed as governor of into his war with the Hapsburgs (Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, | Milan; he had had many detractors, Charles V’s son Philip [II]

VI-1, nos. 540-41, 543-44, 546-47, 549-51, pp. 512-50, among them; but Ferrante had served Charles faithfully for docs. dated 9-18 July, 1556; Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, | some thirty-three years. Ferrante’s emotional leave-taking of nos. 200, 212-13, pp. 277, 290-91; Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, V1 | Charles at Brussels at the beginning of April, 1555, is well

[repr. 1957], 410 ff.). De Taxis suffered a broken arm and known (Brown, Cal. State Papers... , Venice, VI-1, no. 45, endless anguish when subjected to torture on the rack, on which — pp. 39-41, doc. dated 6 April). The Spaniards hated Ferrante

see below, Chapter 15, pp. 652-53. (tbid., no. 49, p. 44, and cf. nos. 55-56).

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 613 Guido Ascanio, Ranuccio, and Jacopo Savelli before proceeding to the election. Ranuccio and now embarked on a vigorous electioneering cam-__ Fulvio, “‘who were trying to detach three cardinals paign, and soon gained for Cervini (says Panvinio) from Ferrara’s coterie,” hurried into the chapel the support of Rodolfo Pio of Carpi, Juan Alvarez when they heard that the gathering was going to de Toledo, Miguel de Silva of Viseu, Bartolome declare Cervini pope without them. The pro-Ferde la Cueva, Giannangelo de’ Medici (later Pius rarese cardinals followed, “‘qui id prohibere iam

IV), Tiberio Crispi, and Fulvio della Corgna, non poterant.”’ brother of Ascanio and nephew of the late pope. When all the cardinals were seated, Cervini ‘“‘by Gianpietro Carafa, who had ambitions of his own, a memorable error, having not yet been elected, was disappointed (id admodum aegre ferente Teatino), and being only a cardinal before the voting bebut he soon joined the anti-Ferrarese cardinals, gan,’’ mounted the dais to take the papal throne. who presently enlisted on Cervini’s behalf the He was admonished that this was improper, and promised votes of another thirteen members of so removed himself, whereupon he was acclaimed the conclave—Federico de’ Cesi, Girolamo Ve- pope by a voice vote (omnium suffragus). The rallo, Gian Michele de’ Saraceni, Giovanni Ricci, bronze bell in the chapel was rung. On bended Giannandrea Mercurio, Jacopo Puteo, Fabio Mi- knees Cervini recited the Ave Maria by himself, gnanelli, Giovanni Poggio, Gianbattista Cicada, after which he said, “‘We accept,” statimque ab omGirolamo Dandino, Francesco Pisani, Alvise Cor- nibus summus pontifex renunciatus est. It was 7:00 ner, and Roberto de’ Nobili, also a nephew of the P.M. On the following day, 10 April, at dawn a late pope. Cervini was thus sure of twenty-four formal scrutiny was held, the voting statements

votes. He needed only twenty-six. were read, and Cervini donned the pontifical pal-

De la Cueva invited Cristoforo Madruzzotojoin lium. He took the name Marcellus II. The carthe growing ranks of the Cerviniani. Mindful of dinals all gave him the kiss of peace and of obeithe hostility born of an old encounter at Trent sance. Thereafter he was borne into S. Peter’s, (veteris cuiusdam in concilio Tridentino simultatis me- where he received the “insignia of coronation.”’ mor), Madruzzo was at first little inclined to do so. Panvinio was himself present in the church, an He had pledged his vote to Ferrara, who (it would interested witness and a reporter of it all.'*” now appear) no longer had a chance. Letting bygones be bygones, therefore, Madruzzo agreed to 8° along with the Farnesiani and the J ulian car '82 Panvinio, in Merkle, Il, 253-55; Massarelli, Diarium sepdinals. He even accompanied Guido Ascanio to timum, ibid., II, 252—53; Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., Cervini’s cell to lead him into the Cappella Pao- 11, 507-8; J. B. Sagmiiller, Die Papstwahlen und die Staaten von lina, where Cervini’s partisans were beginning to 1447 bis 1555 (Nikolaus V. bis Paul IV.), Tiibingen, 1890, repr.

gather, as Panvinio puts it, “to hail him as pontiff Aalen, 1967, pp. 200-10; Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VI (repr.

on that very day.” eee and append., nos. 29-35, 649-52. On arcellus II’s election, note alsopp. the briefs in the Arch. Segr. Ferrara’s supporters awakened too late to what Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, fols. 47-49, 52 ff., by mod. was happening. Almost sure of victory only hours stamped enumeration. before, Ferrara now tried in vain to turn the tide. Juan Antonio de Taxis wasted no words in his letter to MaThirteen contrary votes would effect Cervini’s sius, dated at Rome on 10 April: ‘‘Cardinales Caesariani aperte

«exclusion,” . - videntes Cardinalem Ferrariensem magno studio et variis arand Ferrara could rely on du Bellay, tibus, multis comparatis suffragiis, conniventibus cardinalibus

Armagnac, Gonzaga, Bertano, Sermoneta, Capo- magnae auctoritatis, usi praesenti consilio, existimantes id rebus diferro, della Rovere, and Innocenzo del Monte. Caesaris convenire, creaverunt Cardinalem tituli Sanctae Crucis Verallo seems to have been won over to the Fer- _ [i-¢-» Cervini] heri sub noctem adorando. Natus est in statu ducis rarese side in du Bellay’s cell. Capodiferro is said ro rentize lat Monte ane] humili familia, vi eruditus, bonae to have added Cristoforo del Monte and Girolamo yini was fifty-four years old, having been born on 6 May, 1501]. de’ Simoncelli. While Ranuccio Farnese was trying . . . Hodie est coronatus et vocatur MarcellusII. . .”’ (Lossen, to rewin Verallo’s vote, and Fulvio della Corgna Briefe von Andreas Masius, addend. to no. 160, p. 199). Cf the was trying to convince his uncle Cristoforo del _ !etter of Juan Manrique from Rome to Charles V, dated 11 Monte and his cousin Simoncelli to enter the Cer- April, in Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, IV, no. 609, pp. 652-53. vini Camp, the rest of the cardinals had assembled ity in Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 9 (from the in the Cappella Paolina. They were numerous Archivum Consistoriale), fol. 370°: “Apud Sanctum Petrum enough to elect Cervini, who now entered the Rome die Martis nona Aprilis 1555 hora XXIII [7:00 P.M. in Paolina with Ascanio and Madruzzo. The vide aut circa publica vox quod reverendissimus . . Guido .. arcellus tituli Sancte Crucis infuit Hierusalem esset creatusdominus ponpro-Cervini cardinals were only awaiting the re- tifex, et continuavit usque in diem crastinum qui fuit dies Merturn of Ranuccio Farnese and Fulvio della Corgna curii decima eiusdem, in qua fuit ostensa crux et publicatus

. : pli. Habet sexaginta tres annos [actually Cer-

_— ; The conclave and coronation are described with equal brev-

614 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT On 9 April, while the cardinals were locked in _ of his ability. On Good Friday, 12 April, Marcellus

the conclave, the master of ceremonies Firmanus expressed dissatisfaction with the singers in the was told that the “‘prophetae moderni’”’ were pre- papal choir, whose performance lacked the revdicting the election of Cervini, ‘“‘who will live but erence which the occasion required. He also a short time, and there will be a quick return to wanted their words to be understood as well as the conclave.’’ Cervini had hastened his corona- heard (audiri atque percipi). A reform of the choir tion, eliminating both ceremony and celebration, would follow that of the conclave. Marcellus was because Easter was coming on 14 April, and he _ tireless in his devotions and in the discharge of his wanted not to interfere with the observance of duties. By 20 April he had become ill “‘ob contiHoly Week, in which he participated beyond his nuos. . . et maximos labores,”’ laid low with the failing strength.'®’ Sickly as a child, Cervini had common complaint of the time, “‘fever and cabeen beset with ill health through most of his life. tarrh.”’ He had always worked hard, too hard; he had car- There was, nevertheless, but slight letup in ried much of the presidential load throughout the Pope Marcellus’s activities. Guidobaldo II della first period of the Council of Trent. As Massarelli Rovere, the duke of Urbino, arrived in Rome on says, and as everyone knew, Cervini’s heart’s de- “Tuesday, 23 April, to present himself to the pope sire aS pope was to root out the evils which had as a “‘vassallus ecclesiae,’’ and render the customgrown up in the Church and to restore it to its ary obedience. He entered the city quietly, even former splendor and purity (. . . ué abusus in ec- secretly, to avoid pomp and ceremony because of clesia Dei subortos evelleret ipsamque ecclesiam ab omni the pope’s illness. On Sunday, the twenty-eighth,

contagione morum purgaret atque in pristinum can- however, Ercole II d’ Este, duke of Ferrara, came

dorem et pretatem restitueret). to Rome ‘‘ut summo pontifici uti feudatarius et Massarelli states that on Maundy Thursday, 11 vassallus ecclesiae obedientiam praestet.’’ He was

April, met by the official households of the pope and the cardinals before he entered the city by the Porta

which was the first day after his assumption of the pon- — Flaminia. Ercole lodged with his brother, Cardinal tificate, [Marcellus II] summoned me, Angelo Massarelli Ippolito, in the latter’s palace at Monte Giordano.

- + » who had worked long and hard on that very Qn the same day five cardinals also arrived in the matter of reform under Julius III of sacred memory, city——Morone and von Truchsess from Au g sburg,

and had kept in my possession all the [late] pontiff’s D - f Bri Al dro F d own papers concerning reform. [Marcellus] directed me urantl rom DFIXxenl, essancro Parnese ar to resume work on the papers concerning reform, and Louis de Guise from France. Farnese, a loyal adespecially the bull which Julius III had himself prepared Vocate of the French king, was the legate in the

for publication on the reform of the conclave... . papal city of Avignon. Louis de Guise had been a conclavist of his brother Charles at the time of Massarelli was instructed to give Cardinal Jacopo Julius III’s election, and this was his first visit to Puteo, for study, a copy of the bull which had been Rome since his own elevation to the cardinalate. a bone of contention at the beginning of the con- Marcellus received the two dukes the following clave. Marcellus wished to “‘check, examine, dis- day (29 April) and thereafter Farnese, Guise, and cuss, and weigh” every detail of the text before Guido Ascanio Sforza, who had been largely inconfirming the bull and authorizing its publica- strumental in his election. It was too much, but tion. Puteo promised to help to the fullest extent Marcellus was also preparing to reform the Penitentiary, and had instructed Massarelli to gather together the relevant documents. Massarelli had pontifex idem Marcellus et nominatus Marcellus II, et deinde recent ly discussed them with the pope, but the exiverunt ex conclavi prefati reverendissimi versus Sanctum latter’s laudable plans for reform were now desPetrum, et idem Marcellus cruce et cantoribus hymnos cantan- tined to unfulfillment.

tibus precedentibus fuit delatus in sede pontificali ad Sanctum At 9:00 A.M. (hora 13) on Tuesday, 30 April, Petrum, ubi coram altari ubi iacet sacrosancta eucharistia humi according to the papal secretary and diarist Mas-

positus genibus flexis oravit et successive in eadem sede in ca- . . : pellam Sancti Petri perlatus inibi missam celebravit, qua finita sarelli, Marcellus Il lapsed Into UNCONSCIOUSNESS

statim nullis adhibitis ceremoniis de more observari solitis co- (@” apoplexiam incidit). He had eaten little, but had ronatus fuit. . .”’ (also in the Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 7, fol. not seemed too badly off, when he had fallen into

251’). . a deep sleep. He had been accustomed to an hour’s

Cf. the letter of 13 April (1555) from Jean d’ Avanson, hay post prandium, but this time he seemed to be the French ambassador in Rome, to Henry II, given in Ribier, . . . Lettres et mémoires da’ estat, I1, 606, quoted in the first footnote sleeping unduly long . The chamberlains tried to

in the following chapter. awaken him, at first gently and then by any strange

MARTINUZZI, THE TURKS, WAR IN SIENA 615 device that occurred to them. He lay in a coma’ membered for Palestrina’s Missa Papae Marcelli, all day, although he is said to have regained his _ the ‘‘Mass of Pope Marcellus,” which in its solemn,

speech for a while. He died at about 3:30 A.M. polyphonic beauty brought liturgical music to a (hora circiter 7 cum dimidia) on 1 May in the same _height—and to a dignity—of which even the ausroom in the Vatican Palace, and in the same bed, _ tere pontiff must certainly have approved.'®°

in which Julius III had died six weeks before. He had occupied the papal throne for twenty-one —=————— days, during which time he was well for ten days Reg. 7, fols. 251°, 253’, and the Acta Consistorialia, in the

and eleven. MassarelliSenate sadly recalled Acta Miscellanea, Reg.on 33,19 fol.April 190). . .sick . . for . The Venetian had the written Marcellus

of

brief reigns of Celestine IV (in 1241) and of Pius the “‘magna sane laetitia incredibilisque voluptas” they had III (in 1503). “Infelix pontifex, qui vix pontifi- taken in his election. On 3 May they had learned of his death catum tetigit . . . , Infelices omnes Christiani (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fols. 111'-113"), and on the seventh of .. . , infelix saeculum, cui tanto pastore nedum the month they summarized his brief papacy in a letter to the frui. sed ne ipsum videre quidem licuit!”’ Such was bailie in Istanbul (ibid., fol. 115): ‘““Da poi che vi significassemo

rul, 5 ps q ; I’ ultimi avisi fo eletto pontefice a 9 Aprile il reverendissimo

Massarelli’s lament. Marcellus II’s body was ex- cardinale di Santa Croce con consentimento de tutti li reveposed to public viewing in S. Peter’s basilica for __ rendissimi cardinali. Il giorno seguente fo coronato et fo notwo days, after which he was buried near the tomb _™inato del suo primo nome Papa Marcello Secondo di nation of Paul II.!84 Today he seems chiefly to be re- toscana della terra ditta Montepulciano. Pochi giorni da poi

sopragionto dal male all’ ultimo del passato oppresso da accidente appopletico é mancato di questa vita.’’ Pastor, Hist. Popes, XIV,

rs 12-55, and Gesch. d. Papste, V1 (repr. 1957), 325-56, has sum184 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., | marized Marcellus’s career.

II, 507-8; Massarelli, Diarium septimum, ibid., pp. 254-60; Pan- Despite the conspicuous part played by Marcello Cervini (as vinio, in the Cod. lat. Monacensis 152, fol. 291’, also given in _ second president of the first period of the Council at Trent) in Merkle, II, 260, notes 2~3; Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, 1V,no.621, formulating the anti-Lutheran decree on Justification, to which pp. 668-69, a letter of Agostino Cocciano to Girolamo Seri- | Reginald Pole had been much opposed, the latter as a reformer pando, dated at Rome on 30 April, 1555: ‘“‘Hoggi sua Santita) was apparently highly pleased with the prospect of Marcellus alle 19 hore [3:00 P.M.] a hauto un nuovo svenimento per lo __II’s reign (Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, nos. 59,

quale ha perduto la parola, et questo é stato di spatio di un’ 65-66, 70, pp. 52 ff.). The election of Marcellus’s successor hora; poi é rivenuto et ha ricuperata la parola. Ma i giudiciise —_ was to be one of the hardest misfortunes of Pole’s career.

fanno molto tristi per sua Santita, anzi pur per la Christianita '85 Knud Jeppesen, ‘‘Marcellus-Probleme: Einige e per la religione, se perde questo santissimo et prudentissimo |Bemerkungen tber die Missa Papae Marcelli des Giovanni homo... .” Cf, ibid., no. 622, pp. 669-70, a letter of Seri- —_ Pierluigi da Palestrina,’’ Acta musicologica, XVI-XVII (1944pando to Cocciano, dated at Salerno on 9 May: “*. . . Quanto 45), 11-38, esp. pp. 27 ff., 38, seems to have shown that the al publico non posso cedere a persona che senta questa perdita Mass of Pope Marcellus was composed in 1562-1563 during [i.e., the death of Marcellus II] piu di me, perché io ne vedo _ the third period of the Council of Trent. For a brief account un troppo aperto sdegno dell’ ira di Dio contra di noi... .” of’ Palestrina’s life, led largely under the shelter of the Holy As the French ambassador in Rome, Jean d’ Avanson, wrote See, cf. H. C. Colles and W. S. Pratt, eds., Grove’s Dictionary of Henry II on 4 May (Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 11, 609): Music and Musicians, 3rd ed., 5 vols. in six, New York, 1935, ‘Sire, la Chrestiente a fait une grande perte au feu Pape Marcel, IV, 16-33.

et par conséquent vostre Majesté y a pareillement perdu. It can be shown that the Missa Papae Marcelli was written . . .’ D’ Avanson’s letters are very informative. Note also the after 1554 and before 1563. Karl Weinmann, “‘Zur Geschichte Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 9, fol. 370°: von Palestrinas Missa Papae Marcelli,”’ Jahrbuch der Musikbib‘‘Apud Sanctum Petrum Rome die Martis ultima Aprilis 1555 —iliothek Peters, XXIII (Leipzig, 1916), 23-42, esp. pp. 34 ff., sanctissimus dominus noster, dominus Marcellus Papa II, antea _ thinks Marcellus’s regnal year 1555 as the most likely period infirmus hora XXIII [7:00 P.M.] vel circa graviori infirmitate to which to assign its composition, which is disputed by Lino correptus amisit loquelam, et nocte sequenti hora septima aut _ Bianchi and Karl Gustav Fellerer, Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina,

circa viam universae carnis ingressus est et in suo pontificatu Turin, 1971, esp. pp. 324-26, who (like Jeppesen) date the vixit per duos et viginti dies tantum—dico per viginti duos = Mass of Pope Marcellus to the years 1562-1563, and cf, ibid., dies!’’ Marcellus’s reign is often reckoned as lasting twenty-two _ pp. 58 ff., 88-91, 106-8, 361-62, 375. On the dating of the rather than twenty-one days. His obsequies began on 5 or 6 _—— Mass, note also Fellerer, Palestrina: Leben und Werk, Dusseldorf,

May (ibid., fol. 371", entries also in the Acta Vicecancellarii, 1960, p. 72.

15. THE REIGN OF PAUL IV TO THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR WITH SPAIN A’ ABOUT 10:00 A.M. on Wednesday, 1 May, One may assume, however, that Massarelli

1555, the thirty-nine cardinals in Rome gath- knew where his next meal was coming from. Marered in the Vatican Palace to deal with the state _ cellus II’s obsequies began on 6 May; as usual the of emergency which the death of a pope always novena of mourning would follow. Marcellus had

produced. The cardinals designated Guidobaldo lived simply; he was being buried simply. No II della Rovere, duke of Urbino, as protector of | wooden catafalque or castrum doloris had been conthe city and the conclave. They also authorized _ structed in S. Peter’s. There were some hangings the recruitment of two thousand foot. Girolamo in the church, some candles aglow in the area of de’ Federici, bishop of Sagona in Corsica, was con- his interment. Every day some cardinal or other firmed as governor of Rome ultra pontem, and _ celebrated mass, but the Sacred College was conAnnibale Bozzuto, archbishop of Avignon, as gov-. cerned to the point of controversy about the ernor citra pontem. Almost immediately upon Pope method of electing a pope by “‘adoration,”’ 1.e., per Marcellus’s death, to Angelo Massarelli’s extreme Spiritum Sanctum. When the cardinals in conclave annoyance, the papal household had its food sup- were unable to elect a pope by balloting, per scruply cut off, ‘‘ingrate iniusteve quidem,” because — tinium, which balloting was supposed to take place although Marcellus had reigned for only twenty- only in the morning after mass, it had become the one days, he had saved the Holy See a good deal custom for the majority necessary to elect a pope by avoiding all pomp at his coronation and by giv- __ to gather together at any hour of the day or night ing his relatives nothing. He had spenta minimum and (under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit) to on food for his household as well as on his own declare some cardinal pope, “‘eumque uti pontitable. Julius III’s coronation had cost 15,000 gold _ficem salutant, venerantur, et adorant.’’ The elecscudi. It should not have seemed any great matter tion was confirmed—or rather completed—the to the College of Cardinals, in Massarelli’s opinion, next morning by balloting. Nevertheless, from the to feed the late pope’s familiares in accordance with moment of ‘‘adoration’’ that cardinal became and the old and laudable custom (as had just beendone remained pope on whom emotion (and political at Julius’s death) until the election of the new pope maneuvering) had fastened. This was in effect the or at least until the cardinals entered the conclave. way both Julius III and Marcellus II had been It was a wretched business, ‘“‘nam, ut leges testan- elected. Reginald Pole had refused, in December,

tur, alimenta negare est necare.”” 1549, to allow his supporters to try to put him on

S. Peter’s throne by adoration, preferring (as he _' Massarelli, said)Diarium to enter by the door than by the window. septimum, ed. Sebastian Merkle, Conci- The “‘scrutiny” or balloting followed the ado-

us S edlate and simple coronation, e e ° .

nam Trdentinum, Ty vet 1), a0 As ior the von. saved PY ration since it was the customary form of election. French ambassador Jean d’ Avanson’s letter of 13 April, 1555, This always brought forth protest, however, since from Rome to Henry II (in Guillaume Ribier, Lettres et mémoires "10 mere balloting by cardinals should appear to

d’ estat, 2 vols., Paris, 1666, II, 606): pass judgment on a decision of the Holy Spirit. On ‘Sire, Mardy dernier Mr. le Cardinal de Saincte Croixaesté the other hand there were those who assailed this fait Pape; hier matin il voulut estre couronné avec les cére- form of election monies acoustumees; et au retour de son couronnement porte

dans sa chaire sur les €paules de douze estafiers, il les fitarrester, 45 one which gave occasion to election by discord and

mettre sa chaire bas, appella I’ ambassadeur de |’ empereur tumult, for those who do not have the proper number [Juan Manrique, on whom ¢. Druffel, Briefe u. Aktien, IV, nos. oF votes either for themselves or for their friends, and la compagnie et assistance que nous avions faite 4 son cou- sO distrust the “scrutiny,” usually try [to achieve their

609, 626, pp. 652 ff.] et moy; et aprés nous avoir remercié de - gg . ;

ronnement, il nous pria d’ advertir chacun son prince du succez end] by this means. de son eslection, et comme il avoit voulu estre couronné ce

matin pour deux raisons: la premiere desquelles il estimoit =~ l’ épargne de vingt-cing ou trente mil écus qu’ ona accoustumé _ La seconde raison estoit pour avoir moyen de faire |’ office de dépenser en semblables occasions—la moitié de laquelle _ pontifical ces saints iours et festes de Pasques, nous disant aprés dépense il vouloit qu’ elle revint aux pauvres, |’ autre au profit cela que le plus grand désir qu’ il eust au monde estoit de voir du S. Siége Apostolique qu’ il disoit estre grandement appauvry. _ vostre Majesté et celle de I’ empereur en paix... .”

616

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 617 So-called election by adoration at any time of the as a pope-maker than he had been in the election day or night produced hopeless disorder, almost — of Julius III. A quick mind, a ready tongue, a com-

a stampede; one hardly knew who was voting for manding presence, at thirty-five years of age he whom or who was ‘‘acceding” to whom. There was a force to reckon with. Not surprisingly, perwas a fearful confusion, “‘since no one wants to be _ haps, a rumor of unknown origin had been afloat the last to salute the [new] pontiff and enter his the afternoon of 17 May that Alessandro had been good graces.’ Some detested this method of elec- elected pope. As Massarelli states, such was Alestion, therefore, as “‘without law and reason.’ Oth- sandro’s prudence, experience, and knowledge

ers defended it as a legitimate mode of election ‘‘that it was not difficult to believe the report,” by the Holy Spirit, ‘“‘which provides inspiration which gained such wide currency that Alessanwhen and where it wishes, and is subject neither dro’s palace was invaded and his property plunto time nor to circumstance.”’ The intervention of dered. A placard bearing the Farnese arms and a the Holy Spirit could also hasten an election and papal tiara was affixed to the doors of the palace. prevent a long-drawn-out conclave. ‘‘But since the The populace was receiving the news with joy; fathers could not reach agreement,” says Massa- Alessandro’s familiares were being congratulated; relli, ‘the matter remained to be decided at an- couriers were getting ready to take word to the

other time.’”* outer world. Rumors often die as quickly as they The nine days of funeral rites and mourning are born, however, and after three hours of ju-

for Marcellus II ended on 14 May (1555) and the _ bilation ‘“‘when the truth became known, at 7:00 next day, after the celebration of a solemn mass_ P.M. [hora 22], everything became quiet.’”* of the Holy Spirit by Rodolfo Pio of Carpi and a Panvinio, historian of the conclaves, anticipates sermon by the scholarly Uberto Foglietta, forty- his detailed account with a brief summary of what two cardinals entered the conclave in the Vatican happened: Palace. Ercole Gonzaga came from Mantua on 16 Giovanni Pietro Carafa. . . , bishop of Ostia and VelMay, and Pedro Pacheco from Naples on the SEV- —letri, commonly called the cardinal of Naples, dean of enteenth. When Robert de Lenoncourt arrived at the College, although an old man—very aged, for he about 10:00 P.M. on 22 May, there were forty-five was seventy-nine years of age—was elected pope largely cardinals with cells in the Cappella Sistina, the Sala by the effort of a single cardinal, Farnese, as I shall Regia, the two parts of the Sala Ducale, and the describe below, after rather short but extremely contwo smaller halls of the Concistoro Segreto. Mas- _tentious proceedings. Some cardinals in the College sarelli gives us the names of those who participated _ were bitterly opposed. [Carafa,] upon being elected and, in the conclave and of the “‘cardinales absentes at the time, mindful of the benefits he had received from

tempore conclavis Pauli IV,” for indeed Gianpie- ne Fares cecised to be called Paul IV in rememtro Carafa was presently to be elected and take the 97" "* °° * 44 HII Farnese.

name Paul IV.° There were three easily identifiable groups in This time Alessandro Farnese was present at the conclave. Panvinio calls them factiones. The the conclave, about to prove even more effective imperialist or Spanish party, numbering about

_ twenty cardinals, was led by the camerlengo Guido * Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, Ascanio Sforza and Cristoforo Madruzzo. The

263-64. French party, now allied with the Farnesiani, fol3 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Cone. Trident., IT, lowed the lead of Ferrara and Alessandro Farnese.

264-65, whowas says the conclave began onFirmanus, “Friday, 15 May:” The French and Farnesiani together numbered the day Wednesday. Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., _. pp. 508-9, puts Carpi’s celebration of the mass, Foglietta’s dis- about fifteen. The remaining ten or so cardinals, course, and the cardinals’ entrance into the conclave on 14 plerique seniores, remained neutral, several of them

May, which is apparently wrong. entertaining their own papal aspirations. Although The French ambassador d’ Avanson proved to bea prophet. 4 minority, the neutralists might cast the deciding On 4 May he had written Henry II from Rome (Ribier, Lettres . . . . .

et mémoires d’ estat, U1, 609): “. . . ie crois qu’ en débattant votes by throwing mn their lot with either of the d’ un costé et d’ autre le sort est pour tomber 4 la fin sur le two contending parties. In the Julian conclave of Cardinal Theatin [1.e., Carafa, cardinal of Chieti, although he five years before, Farnese had sided with the imwas usually known as the cardinal of Naples], doyen du College, perialists, but the war of Parma had driven him parce qu’ estant les Imperiaux du tout résolus de contredire a Mr. le Cardinal de Ferrare [Ippolito d’ Este], et nombre suf-

fisant pour empescher sa promotion, il se faudra enfin resoudre — ~~~ a celuy qui semblera plus approchant en mérites du Papat, qui * Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, paroist bien estre celuy-cy pour estre le plus vieil du Collége, 266, and see Giulio Coggiola, “‘I Farnesi ed il conclave di Paolo

et estimé de bonne et sainte vie... .”’ IV,” in the Pisan journal Studi storici, [IX (1900), 457-59.

618 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT into the arms of Henry II. He and Ferrara had of 18 May) Pole received thirteen votes, his total now become rivals for the attention and support being exceeded only by that of Juan Alvarez, who of the French. Ferrara, having failed of election received fourteen votes. For the rest Carafa also to the papacy in April, was leaving no stone un- managed to get thirteen votes, Morone twelve, turned (omnem, ut dicitur, lapidem movebat) to and Carpi eleven. As in the preceding conclave, achieve success in May. It was soon clear, however, no ‘‘accessions’’ were allowed to follow the first that he had no chance, for the twenty Spanish and scrutiny,” after which Pole’s name ceases to figure imperialist cardinals were opposed to him, and prominently among the likely candidates. Farnese and his followers could not be induced to Alessandro Farnese was also amiably disposed

assist him. toward Carafa, ‘“‘familiae suae cliens,’” who had

Reginald Pole had been Farnese’s candidate for helped him a good deal in the difficulties he had the tiara at the Julian conclave, and although faced under Julius III. Alessandro might have esFarnese had lost his imperialist sympathies, he still poused the cause of Rodolfo Pio of Carpi or of adhered to Pole, “quem tanto sacerdotio dignis- Giovanni Morone, but his French allies would simum semper existimaverat.’’ Farnese thought have none of them, and they were at odds with

that Pole, although absent in England, had a_ each other. In the meantime Guido Ascanio

chance. The neutralists and the imperialists, espe- Sforza, Madruzzo, and the imperialists had fascially Madruzzo, might very well vote for Pole, tened upon Jacopo Puteo as their candidate. The upon whom both Charles V and Philip [II] still neutralists seemed ready to join them, and they looked favorably. Before leaving France for the could see no reason for the French to reject Puteo. Marcellan conclave Farnese had prevailed upon Farnese, however, as well as the French knew Henry II and even the Constable Anne de Mont- nothing of the imperialists’ maneuvers. On 22 morency, ‘‘qui Anglis infensissimus erat,’’ to de- May Farnese and his friend Jacopo Savelli had a clare Pole acceptable, but the French preferred long conference with Carafa on the need of secret Ferrara or Francois de Tournon as prior choices. _ balloting since everything that went on in the conHenry also favored Carafa, who was adequately clave immediately became known throughout the anti-Hapsburg to please him. It was a tribute to city. As they stepped out of Carafa’s cell they ran Pole that Valois as well as Hapsburg could con- into Sforza and Madruzzo, who had been waiting sider his elevation to S. Peter’s throne without for Farnese for some time. They drew him toward protest. Madruzzo, however, distrusted Farnese’s the altar in the Sistina, and Madruzzo informed advocacy of Pole; he feared a ruse, and seemed him of the plan to rally around Puteo to frustrate to believe that Farnese was preparing to join the — Ferrara, ‘“‘who believed,” said Madruzzo, “‘that he French in support of Ferrara. Actually Pole proved _ held the papacy in his hands.”’ It is hard to believe

to have hardly more chance of election than Fer- that Ferrara could have been misleading himself rara, once his opponents had lined up. Hisabsence to any such extent, but Madruzzo appealed to was an obstacle to his election. Still remembering Farnese to support Puteo, for “although he had Hadrian VI, some of the Italians were doubtful not been made a cardinal by his grandfather [Paul about a “foreign” pope. Carafa and Juan Alvarez III], he was nevertheless a client of his family.” de Toledo found Pole’s orthodoxy suspect. He All the Spaniards and the “‘seniores neutrales,” never lived down the apparent reluctance and the

obvious delay with which he had accepted the ~ . Tridentine decree on justification.” Nevertheless, ° See the report of Onofrio (Nofri) Camaiani, a Medicean

in the first “scrutiny” (hel d during the morning agent whom the Florentine ambassador Averardo ad succeeded in working into the conclave, whichSerristori report was written at 7:00 P.M. (ad hore XXII) on 18 May, and is given in

OO Coggiola, ‘I Farnesi ed il conclave di Paolo IV,” Studi storici, ° Concerning Pole, d’ Avanson wrote Henry II from Rome IX, 455-56, note 1. Both Morone and Carpi had a good deal on 8 May (1555) that aside from Pole’s absence in England and __ of imperialist support, but they were in each other’s way, and concern with English affairs, ‘‘. . . il semble mesme qu’ il sera _ the French were opposed to them. According to a letter of one pour y avoir plus de difficulté que I’ autre fois, sous ombre de —_Lucrezio Tassoni, written from Rome on 26 May, 1555, to quelque procez d’ hérésie, quia esté formé 4’ encontre de luy, | Sigismondo d’ Este, lord of S. Martino, “Gli imperiali subito

et qui encores de présent se trouve entre les mains des Car- _ entrati nel conclave han fatto sempre ogni sforzo possibile per dinaux de |’ Inquisition, chacun desquels aspirant au Papat far papa o Morone o Carpi, et sino al VII giorno persistettero [especially Carafa, Carpi, and Alvarez de Toledo], ils ne man- con 26 o 27 voti in questa lor oppinione . . . ,” after which queront pas a s’ en ayder contre luy!”’(Ribier, Lettres et mémoires _ they concentrated their support on Jacopo Puteo (Emilio Motta,

d’ estat, 11, 610). Note also the valuable article of G. Coggiola, ‘‘Otto pontificati del Cinquecento [1555-1591] illustrati da

72, 212-14. XXX, 1903], 348).

“I Farnesi ed il conclave di Paolo IV,” Studi storici, 1X (1900), _ corrispondenze trivulziane,’’ Archivio storico lombardo, XIX [ann.

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 619 according to Madruzzo, were ready to vote for Farnese did put forward Bertano’s name, it must Puteo. Farnese expressed a high regard for the have been a feint. Conceivably he knew what Gilatter, but said he could not commit himself with-rolamo Capodiferro was going to say, that Bertano out consulting Cardinal Charles de Bourbon, who ‘“‘was a wise man, and would not accept the ma-

was apparently being expected shortly. neuver.”’ Very well then, Farnese went on, “Let

Doubting the sincerity of Farnese’s reply, Sforza us rather choose the dean, a man revered, digniand Madruzzo rejoined their confréres in the Sala__ fied, the oldest of all, and worthy of so high a del Concistoro Segreto. All told there were twenty- charge as the papacy.” The fifteen cardinals who five of them. Panvinio says the imperialists and the were present gave their immediate consent. CaSpaniards were confident that willy-nilly Farnese rafa was now their candidate. They were slowly and the French would have to come around, for joined by a few others. Farnese sent the Neapoltheir opponents “‘lacked only three or four votes.”’ itan cardinal Gianmichele Saraceni to Carafa to They lacked at least five, but they seemed close get the old man’s approval. He placed himself in enough to victory to throw Ferrara andthe French _ their hands, provided everything was done hon-

party into utter consternation. The latter had orably “sine rumore et strepitu.’’ Ferrara himself gathered in the Cappella Paolina, quite defeated, went with Ranuccio Farnese to Carafa’s cell to and remained as dead as doornails, mortuis sumiles, conduct him into the Paolina. especially when word reached them “‘that Farnese The boldness with which Alessandro Farnese had also acceded to the Spaniards.” It looked as__ met the crisis in the conclave apprised the cardithough Puteo was going to become pope, although nals once more of the uncertainty of fact and the his followers had not yet begun to take him to the caprice of fortune. It was no longer a fact “‘that

Paolina, where the voting should take place. we now have Puteo as pope.” The startled imFarnese was still unaware of the gravity of the sit- _ perialists withdrew to Bertano’s cell, from which uation, not realizing how far Sforza and Madruzzo _ they addressed a letter to Carafa not to dishonor had advanced with their plans. In fact Farnese was__ the righteous renown of his past by appearing to looking for a barber. He wanted a shampoo (caput seek the papacy ‘‘almost by force’’ (vi paene). He lavaturus). He could not find a barber, however, should leave the Paolina. Their remonstrance did and made his way through the Sistina, heading for no good. While they tarried in confused agitation, the Paolina. As he went along, he was told ‘“‘that Carafa remained in the Paolina. ‘“‘In the meanwe now have a pope.”’ His answer was, ‘‘Hoc fieri__time,”’ says Panvinio, ‘‘[Alessandro] Farnese, who non potest.’ After a few more steps he met Gio- had begun all this, was not sleeping, but [had] set vanni Ricci of Montepulciano, who also told him, out tocullacrop of cardinals. . . ,’” ad cardinales

‘Pontificem nos habemus Puteum.”’ carpendos. He eventually gathered twenty-eight

Farnese hurried into the Paolina, where he votes for Carafa, including those of Morone and found Ferrara and the French party. They seemed ‘Truchsess. Panvinio gives the names of the carstunned. Farnese was angry. He felt betrayed. dinals now assembled in the Paolina. There were Sforza was his cousin; some of the imperialists (he says) twenty-nine, including Carafa. Farnese were old friends. They were trying to make a pope needed only two more votes. His imperialist opwithout him. Ferrara lamented that they were ponents had reassembled in the Sala del Concisgoing to have a pope “‘non solum inscii sed inviti.”” toro Segreto. Panvinio says there were seventeen They had been taken quite by surprise. Farnese of them, which would put forty-six in the conclave said that their only chance of defeating Puteo was (but he assigns Girolamo Simoncelli to both sides!). for Ferrara to ‘“‘give up all hope of the papacy.’’ He names all the imperialists. They included PuThey could put up another candidate who would _ teo, Madruzzo, Pacheco, Ricci, Bertano, Gonzaga, have a better chance. Ferrara agreed. According and Guido Ascanio Sforza. “‘And all this happened to Panvinio, Farnese suggested his friend Pietro on the eleventh day before the Kalends of June,”’ Bertano, cardinal bishop of Fano. It is most unlikely; Bertano was one of the imperialists. ’ If ‘YT Farnesi ed il conclave di Paolo IV,”’ Studi storici, LX [1900], 220, note 1). Nofri Camaiani, brother of Pietro Camaiani (whom we have met as papal nuncio at the imperial court), ” According to a letter of 13 May of Averardo Serristori, wrote Cosimo from Rome on 24 May that the imperialists Cosimo I’s ambassador in Rome, “. . . Iersera S. Clemente turned to Puteo, “‘desperati di poter far Fano, al qual non [Gianbattista Cicada] mi disse essersi inteso come il card. ca- _ volevano acconsentir molti di loro et Montepulciano et molti

marlingo [Sforza], Trento [Madruzzo], et Mantova [Gonzaga] altri, oltra la guerra che li facea Farnese . . .’”’ (Antonio volevano far papa il card. di Fano, il che dispiaceva sopra modo _—_Santosuosso, ‘‘An Account of the Election of Paul IV to the a S. Agnolo [Ranuccio Farnese] et Farnese . . .”’ (Coggiola, _ Pontificate,’’ Renaissance Quarterly, XX XI [1978], 488-89, 493).

620 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 1e., on 22 May,° at least according to Panvinio, opened when Farnese shouted that the imperial-

who says a sleepless night lay ahead. ists’ conduct was beyond the canonical pale. The Both sides kept at it hour after hour, the French majority could only proceed with Carafa’s elecparty to name Carafa pope, the imperialists to ex- _ tion. Morone tried to persuade the imperialists to

clude him. Puteo did not emerge from the Sala yield. Farnese spoke highly of Puteo. The latter del Concistoro Segreto nor Carafa from the Pao- was much younger than Carafa; God might see to lina all night. Their followers stayed with them. his election at another time. Fulvio della Corgna Now that Puteo’s chance of election seemed at an and Gianbattista Cicada yelled at him their disend, Ferrara’s hopes rose again. He sent Giulio approval of these proceedings. Farnese answered

della Rovere to the imperialists, urging them to them with contempt, and turning to his cousin hold out against Carafa. Most of them needed little Sforza, he chided him and Madruzzo for their urging. When Madruzzo encountered Jacopo Sa- underhanded effort to make Puteo pope. They velli and Ranuccio Farnese, he beseeched them with may have been less than candid when they talked tears in his eyes not to give their consent to Carafa, with him at the altar of the Sistina.

‘‘an old man of inveterate evil, an enemy of the Failing to convince the imperialists to accept the human race, a hypocrite, who had once dared [to dictum of the majority, Farnese and Morone retry] to persuade Paul IIT to get the Turkish fleet turned to the Paolina to report to their fellows. called out and take the kingdom of Naples away It seemed best to work on individuals. Farnese from the emperor.”’ The imperialists sent Alvise undertook to win over Giovanni Poggio; Ferrara, Corner and Giovanni Ricci to Alessandro Farnese having again abandoned his papal ambition, Pietro to implore him to abandon Carafa and accept their Bertano; and Francesco Pisani, his nephew Alvise votes for himself. He could undoubtedly be elected Corner. Bertano and Corner gave way in order pope, they told him, and just remember that Leo _ to break the deadlock; Farnese had a harder time X was about his age when he became pope. Having with Poggio, but he finally won. The French party got nowhere, they assured Farnese that they could now had the required two-thirds, ‘“‘sed Farnesius garner all the votes necessary to elect Pole. Farnese omnes adesse desiderabat.’’ Farnese wanted every

stood firm. member of the conclave to acquiesce in Carafa’s

Dawn came. It was 23 May, Ascension Day. The _ elevation. He talked to Ricci about it, pointing out twenty-eight supporters of Carafa sent Alessandro that Carafa was as good as elected. Why should Farnese and Morone to the seventeen embattled _ the imperialists hold out now? It was better to have imperialists in the Sala del Concistoro Segreto to the pope as a friend than as an enemy. Farnese request them “‘not to impede by their obstinacy took Ricci into the Paolina, and asked Carafa to

the old man’s election since they were but three pardon Sforza and the rest of his opponents, votes short.’ The imperialists had locked them- “which he promised most readily to do.”’ Farnese selves in the hall. Farnese and Morone banged on _ then returned to the imperialists. He requested an

the door, at first to no avail, but the door was’ end to their resistance; Carafa’s thirty-one supporters were wholly within their rights in declarOT ing him the pope. He urged them all, not some, 8 As usual the sources are at odds in detail. Panvinio wasin nowtocome to the Paolina lest they sow the seeds Rome during the conclave; he assembled his material at leisure =f dissension between themselves and the pope. from the participants. Nofri Camaiani was an eyewitness of Ta Sforza asked for an hour to consider the matter Carafa twenty-seven votes, not twenty-eight; and Puteo, eigh- Farnese declined, “‘asserting there was peril in

idly-moving, confusing events. In any event Camaiani gives . ; ot

teen, not seventeen. Camaiani also states that the imperialists delay.”’

“. . . stettero dal mercoredi a 18 hore sino a giovedi a vespro The imperialists gave way. Shortly after noon

of the following day] in ostinatione di non vi concorrere, nel ; ; ; j

[i.e., from 3:00 P.M. on Wednesday, 22 May, until the afternoon (on 93 May) the forty-five cardinals all came toqual tempo non si fece altro che adoprarsi di guadagnare di gether in the Paolina, and ‘“‘venerated”’ Giovanni

voti l’ una parte dell’ altra: Il giovedi Morone et Augusta Pietro Carafa as pope. They gave him the three[Truchsess] se risolverno di accostarsi alli 27 voti et, essendo fold kiss, on foot and hand and mouth. Carafa had et mandorno tre cardinali. . . al Cardinale di Napoli, che di donned pontifical garb. He was borne on the sedia gia in Capella [Paolina] era tenuto dalli altri per Papa. . .” ~—-gestatoria into the Vatican Basilica. He was en(Santosuosso, “An mecount XXXI| 1978). 496, ao Ce throned before the high altar of S. Peter’s, laughmaiani’s letter to Coon 1. dated 24 May, the day after the Ins and weeping for JOY: In memory of Paul TH, election). In other words, Morone and Truchsess did not give who had made him a cardinal (in 1536), and in

la cosa redutta a un voto, finalmente feciono una congregatione . .

o 8 8 yg éenaissance Cvuarterty, ’ ’ - ‘ ; ‘

their votes to Carafa until 23 May. gratitude to Alessandro Farnese, who had just

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 621 made him pope, Carafa took the name Paul IV.’ spite the perfunctory vote which had followed Paul’s Thereafter the sediart carried him back into the ‘“‘election,”’ the fact was that another pope had been Vatican Palace, where he gave a public audience. chosen by “‘adoration.”’'’ And, incidentally, another On the following Sunday, 26 May, his coronation turbulent reign had now begun. took place (Romani pontificis insignia suscepit).'° De- The Signoria of Venice, like the government

— of every Catholic state in Europe, had awaited the ® Carafa was also related to the Farnese brothers, whose result of the conclave with more than passing 1nmother Girolama was the daughter of Luigi Orsini, count of — terest. As soon as Paul IV’s election was known, Pitigliano, and of Vittoria della Tolfa, née Elisabetta Carafa,the the Venetian ambassador in Rome, Domenico sister of Paul IV (Coggiola, in Studi storici, TX [1900], 215, note Morosini, had written the Doge Francesco Venier

1). Panvinio, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I1, 267b, to Ca- 1554 d theon § t. 93 t. rafa’s relationship to Alessandro (affinitate sibirefers coniunctus). ( . an1556) € senate ayMav LO give 10 Panvinio, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 267-70, from the them the news. Two days later, at midnight on the Cod. lat. Monacensis 152, fols. 294"-300"; of: Massarelli, ibid, twenty-fifth, his letter reached the lagoon. The and Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., pp. 509-11, who gives Senate answered him on 27 May,'* at which time an account of the formal, “unanimous” vote (scrutinium), which they also sent their congratulations to Paul upon Panvinio does not mention. Firmanus’s brief, personal narrative his el . h lth ccs is very interesting. Cf Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, II, 612, Is Cc evation to the papa throne ; Wuro reverenhasty notes of Cardinal Georges d’ Armagnac and d’ Avanson dissimorum patrum consensu totiusque Romani to Henry II, dated at Rome on 23 May, 1555, and note the populi applausu,”’!” which was hardly the case, but briefs dated 24 and 26-27 May (1555) in the Arch. Segr. Va-_ the courtesy of the times as well as obvious political

noenArm. XLIV, tom.see 4, fols. 60 ff. , considerations required some such .statement. The the election, in general Sagmiiller, Die Papstwahlen

(1890, repr. 1967), pp. 210-19; the important article, already Senate then set about the selection of four nobles referred to, of Giulio Coggiola, “I Farnesi ed il conclave di to go to Rome on an embassy of obedience. MoPaolo IV,” Studi storici, IX (Pisa, 1900), 61-91, 203-27, 449- _ rosini was to be replaced at this time by Bernardo 79, with the texts of five documents and extensive use of the Navagero as ambassador at the Curia, and so Archives of Parma and Florence; Emilio Motta, ‘‘Otto ponti- ) h b d dth her f ficati del Cinquecento (1555-1591) illustrati da corrispondenze counting t e two ambassa ors and the ot cr our trivulziane,” Arch. storico lombardo, 3rd ser., XIX (ann. XXX, nobles, Venice would have six representatives at 1903), 348-52, Lucrezio Tassoni’s letter to Sigismondo d’ Este,

lord of S. Martino, dated at Rome on 26 May, 1555; Pastor,

Hist. Popes, XIV, 56-64, 73, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, VI (repr. ~

1957), 357-63, 369-70; and Antonio Santosuosso, ‘“‘An Ac- '' Cf the observations of the Venetian statesman and

count of the Election of PaulIV. . . ,’’ Renatssance Quarterly, diplomat Bernardo Navagero, “‘Relazione di Roma [1558],”’ in

XXXI (1978), 486-97. Eugenio Albéri, ed., Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato,

On 24 May, the day after the election, Paul IV gave Cardinal _ ser. II, vol. III (Florence, 1846), pp. 372-73: ‘‘Per adorazione Pedro Pacheco fulsome assurance of his friendship for Charles _ si elegge il pontefice, quando li cardinali(com’ essi dicono) tratti

V, to whom he wished Pacheco to write, ‘“‘and because I told __dallo Spirito Santo, al quale non si puo resistere, vanno ad him that I would write to your Majesty, I do so, but I do not —_adorare per papa quello che a loro pare. Questa sorta di creabelieve him, and he wanted to deceive me. Those who have _zione potria essere che alcune volte fusse stata buona, quando caused us the greatest loss have been Morone and Augsburg gli uomini erano migliori; ma al presente essendo guidata da [von Truchsess], Santiago [Alvarez de Toledo], and Carpi cardinali giovani e parziali, si crede che abbia del violento assai; .. .? (Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, IV, no. 629, pp. 677-78). Pa- _ perché i piu deboli sono tirati dai pit: potenti, e i piu timidi dai checo listed the prominent imperialists who had gone over to pidanimosi.. . . A questa adorazione fece resistenza il cardinal Carafa. Seripando professed to be delighted with the latter’s Polo, al quale mancava un sol voto per avere 1 due terzi dei election, “. . . un tal papa che non so se si fusse possuto de- _cardinali; e se si lasciava adorare, tutti sariano concorsi. . . .

siderar meglio” (zbid., IV, no. 630, p. 678). Diceva sua signoria reverendissima [Polo] che voleva ingredi per We may forego reference to further sources relating to Paul ostium et non per fenestram. Segui poi quello che si sa, che fu IV’s election, and conclude with the Arch. Segreto Vaticano, — eletto dopo tanti giorni Giulio III. Per questa via d’ adorazione Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 9 (from the Archivum Consistoriale), sono stati fatti 11 due ultimi pontefici, Marcello II e Paolo IV, fols. 371°-372": ‘“Apud Sanctum Petrum Rome die Iovis XXIII Marcello con universale consenso di tutti, il presente pontefice Maii 1555, qua celebratur festus Ascensionis domini nostri Jesu. [Paolo IV] con divisione e quasi scisma tra’ cardinali, perchée

Christi, hora XX aut circa [about 5:00 P.M.] fuit publicatus diciassette si erano ritirati col reverendissimo Puteo, ed esso pontifex reverendissimus dominus Ioannes Petrus cardinalis con il resto nella Cappella [Paolina], ove sogliono ridursi i ponOstiensis et nominatus Paulus IIII, et delatus est in sede pon- __tefici da poi che sono stati eletti.” tificaliad Sanctum Petrum, cruce et cantoribus hymnos de more 12 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fol. 118’, letter of the Senate to cantari solitos cantantibus precedentibus, et apud altare ubi Morosini, dated 27 May, 1555: “‘Sabbato XXV dell’ instante iacet sacrosancta eucharistia humi positus genibus flexis oravit, alle tre hore di notte [which is midnight in May] recevessemo et deinde perlatus ad maius altare Sancti Petri ubiiterum oravit, le vostre de 23 [on the two days’ courier’s route from Rome quo facto reportatus ad palatium et solitas stationes pontificis to Venice, cf. above, Volume III, p. 267a], per le quali havemo nonnullis reverendissimis hucusque associantibus, aliis vero inteso |’ elettione del reverendissimo cardinale decano in summo capta prius in porta Sancti Petri a Sanctitate sua licentia ad suas _ pontifice, la qual. . . n’ é stata di grandissima satisfattione et domus divertentibus, et ista die nihil aliud actum est’ (also in conforme al desiderio nostro. . .”’ (and cf, ibid., fol. 124”).

the Acta Vicecancellarii, Reg. 7, fol. 255"). 13 Thid., Reg. 69, fols. 119” ff.

622 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Curia to make obeisance to the new pope.'* Malta to meet the Turks.'® And now the Senate One usually gave things time to settle, however, undertook to provide Rustem Pasha with the cloth and it was September before the four envoys were ‘‘per le sei veste rechieste da soa signoria’’ (he had chosen, and Navagero received his commission. sent a sample of the cloth he wanted) as well as an

The embassy was well received in Rome.'° ‘‘horologio de cristal” (if indeed one could get a clock of crystal-ware).'”

At the time of Paul IV’s election—in May, In Rome one received frequent news of the 1555—Sultan Suleiman was at Amasya in the far ‘Turks, from Venice. Officials at the Curia were northeast of Asia Minor. Suleiman’s absence, usually well informed. A secretary at the Vatican however, relieved neither the Venetian Senate nor — had just summarized or copied a report from Isthe Curia Romana from the fear of Turkish attack, tanbul dated 23 March (1555), the very day of for almost as regularly as the rotation of the sea- Julius III’s death, concerning the progress being sons the arsenal at Istanbul seemed to prepare a made on the Turkish galleys at the arsenal in Isfleet for action in Italian waters. Letters from the tanbul. Sixty or seventy galleys were being armed. bailie in Istanbul had warned the Signoria that the They would leave the Bosporus when the oarsmen Turks were preparing an armada of sixty or more (galeotti) had arrived from Anatolia. The Turkish

galleys. When the armada set out under the high armada would come westward under the comcommand of a newly-appointed admiral, Dragut mand of the Ottoman admiral or of Dragut ‘‘or Beg was expected to be one of the four sanjakbeys of both.”” The word from Amasya was that Suleiserving the admiral and sharing responsibility for man had gone hunting with two pashas on a nine the forthcoming Turkish expedition.'® There days’ trip toward Ankara, where he would spend

were sighs of relief in the Senate when it was amonth. Mehmed, the third pasha, had been left learned that once more the bailie had secured in charge of the encampment at Amasya, where from the Porte assurance of “‘good treatment’? the ambassador of the Shah Tahmasp, the ‘‘So(bon trattamento) for Venetian ships and subjects,’ phi,’”’ had not yet arrived, which was leading to which proved to be the case when, later on, the speculation as to whether he would really come. Turkish armada passed by Corfu, and made a_ (He did come, as we have seen in the preceding landing in Calabria in late June and early July, at chapter; he was well received, and a Turco-Persian which time five French galleys came by way of peace was made.) Three envoys of Ferdinand, king of the Romans, who had reached Istanbul by 10

OO March, had left with an escort “‘per andare alla * Ibid., Reg. 69, fol. 121". Porta,” i.e., to go to the sultan’s encampment at 1g vid.s Reg. 69, fols. 141-143", 150°-151". Amasya,”” where on 10 May Ogier Ghiselin de

1555, the had considered the proposed Busbecq (as we know) the arrival textOnof21aMay, dispatch toSenate be sent to the provveditore of thehadVenetian q ;witnessed : fleet, informing him that letters from the bailie in Istanbul (up and grand reception of the Persian ambassador. to 23 April) had indicated “che ivi si continuava con diligentia About the time of Paul IV’s election a papal a preparar r armata di quel serenissimo Signor [Suleiman], la secretary was copying other avvisi from Istanbul, qual saria di galie 60 in su, et usciria sotto | governo del ma- dated 8 April (1555), concerning the Turkish argnifico capitaneo del mare ultimamente creato con quattro san- ; . zacchi, fra li quali vi é il magnifico Droguth Bey, et con mille mada, Dragut’s command, the plague in Istanbul, Janizzari oltra un buon numero de spachi et altri scapoli. the Sophi’s mission to Amasya, Sultan Suleiman’s . . .” But perhaps the Turks would prove friendly when they alleged grief at his son Mustafa’s death, the failure were finally at sea (more so than Dragut had been the previous of the (third) Pseudo-Mustafa’s uprising against year), but if not the provveditore must be ready to defend the Suleiman. and the seizure of his chief followers

interests of the Republic (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fols. 117°- ? . , 118°). whose fate awaited the sultan’s orders.”! This dispatch, however, was apparently not sent, for what-

ever reason, and when on 30 May (1555) Cristoforo da Canale ~~ received his commission as the new provveditore, he was in- 18 Thid., Reg. 69, fol. 129”, doc. dated 11 July, 1555. structed to observe every article of the peace between Venice "9 Ibid., Reg. 69, fol. 130°.

and the Porte, which did provide for action against Moslem ° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XV, fol. corsairs. Canale was, to be sure, to maintain the honor of the 162, by mod. stamped enumeration, ‘‘di Costantinopoli de state, which might in an emergency mean standing up to the XXIII Marzo [1555]... .” Turks (ibid., fols. 121° ff.). The newly-appointed admiral (il *! The gossipy text of the avvisi of 8 April, 1555, seems worth magnifico capitaneo del mare) was a favorite of the so-called sul- _ giving (Lettere di principi, vol. XV, fol. 224, ‘‘da Constantitana, Roxelana, and he would need Dragut’s experience “per _nopoli di VIII Aprile’): “‘Che I’ armata si metteva all’ ordine

essere giovane inesperto”’ (see below, note 21). lentamente, et che uscirebbono 70 gallere o poco piu, et al piu

'7 Ibid., Reg. 69, fols. 124-125". presto dopo mezo Maggio. Che sara capitano dell’ armata Dra-

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 623 The Turkish naval expedition of 1555 has left which had gone through the strait of Messina, no small impression upon the contemporary _ passed the Punta del Faro (at the northeastern tip sources. On 2 August the doge and Senate sent of Sicily), sailed up the Tyrrhenian coast to Civithe bailie in Istanbul news of the sultan’s armada, _ tavecchia, and gone on to Porto S. Stefano, at the northern foot of Monte Argentario, ‘‘in la marema

ys .s ; ; di Siena.”’ From there it had continued to Piom-

guth Rays et quello Pialaga, che gia fu dessignato capitano del bj

mare, ma hora sara solo con titolo di compagno con Draguth mo,

per essere giovane inesperto, et portandosi bene haura poi nome and some of the galliots went to a town called Populonia

di generale known per essere favorito et dalla Piombino] in the aforesaid Khurram, as molto ‘Roxelana’] da soltana Amath[Khasseki Bassa, et.sih of dissegna [ just north of F10maremma no . . . ?

Jarl; ;per aTmoglie . deduna by figlia mendiofRusten the area, and theydelseized At Piomdargli Bassa, genero Gran 8it. U@T y,y Turco. Che in Constantinopoli et in Pera vi é la peste assai bino the armada put ashore some Moslems, who skir-

grande. mished with the German infantry [stationed] in the re“Per lettere di Amasia scritte al clarissimo bailo in Constan- gion, and thereafter the Moslems went aboard their tinopoli da Zanesino, interprete di questi illustrissimi signori, galleys. They weighed anchor, and proceeded to the si avisa che il Turco era per andare in Allepo et non per venire island of Elba, to Porto Longone [now called Porto Aza Constantinopoli. Che gli ambasciatori del Sophi erano lontani zurro], to await the galleys of the most Christian king sel giornate d’ Amasia, et venivano per trattar pace o tregua, [Henry II], which according to the reports from Rome

et; rrr portavano honorato presente al Turco, et tra I’ altreof cose re M all - On tree . came from Marseille to the number twenty-three. cinquanta donzelle et altrettanti giovani bellissimi et un padi- th fifth of th h [25 lulvl thev joined glione cla campagna di 50 alloggiamenti di inestimabil maestria. € twenty-Hith of the past mont [25 July] they joine Item un tappeto con opera di tempo di sette anni. with the armada of that most serene lord [the sultan]

“Per mezo d’ uno amico quale ha buona intelligenza in Con- at Elba. It was said that another eleven galleys of his stantinopoli anchora sono avisato in questo modo: Che per let- most Christian Majesty have remained at Marseille with tere di sei d’ Aprile uscira I’ armata di Constantinopoli al nu- — milord [Paul] de Termes to take on a load of ship’s mero di 60 gallere presso le quali saranno le fuste che rimasero __ biscuit [ panatica]. They were supposed to come as soon

fuori questa invernata al numero di 40 in circa. Che del tempo ag possible to meet up with the armada. It was also said che hauranno a uscire non si puo affermare, ma per quello che that two to three thousand infantry had come aboard si puol vedere non saranno cosi presto. Che della venuta del the F h call d other sh; d that th d Turco non si puol affermare quello habbia da essere, perché € Prench galleys and other ships, and’ that the armada

P Fae P ldsapere make an attempt onpersone Portoferagio Portofernissuno lo sa, né lo puol lui anchora. Che alcune wou MaKe «[i.e., Pp & mes

pratiche per via di conietture credono che il Turco sia assai raio}, which is on the island of Elba. allienato della mente per i molti dolori della morte del figlio A good many infantry were also raised, in the name

et altri inconvenienti suoi, et che poco sia disposto alli negotii. of the most Christian king, in the region of Siena to “Di piu nelle sudette lettere di VIII [Aprile] si contiene che assist in the venture. The five French galleys which went

era stato condotto in Constantinopoli uno che nelle parti di out to meet the armada, as we wrote you in our last Bursia fingeva di essere Mustafa gia figlio del Gran Turco, |etter [of 11 July], had to go too far out to sea because dando ad intendere al vulgo che quello che era stato morto of the emperor’s galleys, and so failed to get together

sotto suo nome fu mandato da lui per dubio di suo padre, ma ; r he lui era il vero Mustafa, et haveva compagni di questa fraude with the armada. The French galleys put in at Corfu, cee TUE era vero Pape ~ wh ttori welcomed them and took care of their alli quali soli si lasciava vedere, et molti lo seguivano. Hora é where our re stato giustiziato in Constantinopoli, et delli compagni, che sono needs. Then they had to leave Corfu to go after the

prigioni, si aspetta ordine dal detto Gran Turco.” armada. Reports from Genoa of 17 July indicate that

On Piali Aga, “‘che gia fu dessignato capitano del mare” (as__‘ thirty of the emperor’s galleys were at Genoa, that noted in the avvisi of 8 April, 1555, given above), Dragut Reis, | Prince [Andrea] Doria was at Naples with another thirty-

and further news from Istanbul, see the long letter of 20 May three galleys, and that they have provided infantry to (1555) from M. de Codignac, the French ambassador at the protect Savona and Arbenga [i.e., Albenga] on the GenPorte, to Henry II, in E. Charriére, Négociations de la France oese coast.22

dans le Levant, 4 vols., Paris, 1848-60, repr. New York, 1965,

II, 329-46. Immediately upon receiving Codignac’s letter, with =~ the news that the Turkish armada had left the Bosporus on 18 22 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fol. 136, and cf. Heinrich Lutz, ed., May, Henry II wrote a letter of profuse thanks to Sultan Su- Nuntiaturberichte, I-14 (Tiibingen, 1971), nos. 114, 120, pp. leiman, outlining plans for the joint Franco-Turkish naval op- 280, 294-97, letters of the papal nuncio Girolamo Muzzarelli, erations “‘faire exécuter les entreprises qui s’ offrent. . . au dated at Brussels 21 July and 26 August, 1555; see in general dommaige du commun ennemy et de ses adherens.”’ By inter- | Cesare Riccomanni, Francesco Grottanelli, and Luciano Bancepted letters which had come into French hands from the _ chi, Relazione della Guerra di Siena di Don Antonio di Montalvo, Hapsburg ministries “‘in Italy, Naples, Sicily, the Spains, Flan- _tradotta dallo spagnolo da Don Garzia di Montalvo suo figlio, Turin,

ders, and [the enemy’s] other states, and even from those which 1863, pp. 169, 178-82, and esp. Charriére, Négociations, IU,

he holds in the Indies,’’ the French had learned that the im- 351 ff. perialist forces lacked funds, the Hapsburgs’ subjects were dis- Vasari has depicted the defeat of the Turks at Piombino in contented, and their troops mutinous. It was obviously a fine 1555, in the Sala del Cinquecento in the Palazzo Vecchio in time for a joint Turkish and French expedition to strike at the Florence (T.S.R. Boase, Giorgio Vasari, the Man and the Book, common enemy (ibid., II, 346-51, “‘escript a St.-Germain en Princeton Univ. Press, 1979, p. 303, fig. 198 [Bollingen Series,

Laye, le VIII* jour de juillet MV°LV’’). XXXV)), and dwells on the event in his Ragionamenti (Gaetano

624 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Sultan Suleiman returned to Istanbulon 1 August the Senate reported that the Turkish and French (1555), after two years’ absence on the Persiancam- galleys had found the attempt to take Bastia also paign, and he was doubtless interested to learn how _ too difficult, and gave up their bombardment of his galleys had been faring. On 30 August the doge the town on 23 August,** after which the naval and Senate wrote the bailie of the further move- campaign of 1555 was all over. On 1 October the

ments of the Turks off the Italian shores: provveditore of the Venetian fleet wrote the Sen-

ate of the Turks’ departure eastward, ‘‘l’ oat] armata We have; since learnedesser that passata the armada most P 925 ; Turchesca versoof11that Levante,’’*” sailing

serene lord [Suleiman] has left the isle of Elba. They directly £ Corsica.2° N thel nth k

thought it best not to try to take Portoferagio [Porto- recwly ki OFrsica. yn ChCSS, HL Te Wake

ferraio]. The armada went on to Corsica, and along with of the Tur ish withdrawal “many fuste have rethe galleys of the most Christian king they have landed ™ained in Corfiote waters, where they have done troops and artillery. They have attacked Calvi, a fortress quite enough damage,” and so the bailie was to maintained and garrisoned by the Genoese, upon which lodge the usual protest with the pashas to take they made a vigorous assault. Finding the enterprise appropriate action against those who accorded a difficult and doubtful, they weighed anchor, left Calvi, reception to corsalrs. 7 and went to Bastia, a town on the said island of Corsica.

They disembarked men and artillery to make an attempt In the years that lay just ahead Pope Paul IV upon the town. Of the emperor’s galleys we know noth- — would worry more about heresies than crusades, Ing put the fact that twelve galleys have Deen sent from more about Lutherans than Turks. According to Naples to Port’ Ercole [on the southeast of Monte Ar- panvinio, Paul’s forebears were said to have been

gentario| to see to the needs and defense oforigin. that Upon place. . : Italy, they had of German entering Letters have been written to us from Genoa to the ttled first at P; d later at Naol here th

effect that the galleys which were there have gone to settied Hrst at tsa and tater at Napies, where tiey

Naples... .23 had established themselves among the first families of the nobility. Paul’s father, Gian Antonio Carafa,

Thereafter, as usual, the doge and Senate sent had received the county of Montorio as part of his the bailie the news from Brussels of the Hapsburg- —_wife’s dowry, and Paul’s elder brother, Gian AlValois military moves in Flanders, Picardy, Pied- fonso, had become in his turn count of Montorio. mont, and elsewhere. On 18 September (1555) Gian Alfonso had died some time before Paul’s elevation to the papal throne, leaving three sons, Milanesi. Le Obere dj Gioreio Vasari. 9 vols.. Fl 1875-85 Giovanni, Antonio, and Carlo. Giovanni had sucranest, Le Cpere at Giorgio Vasant, © vols., Krorence, 18/989 ceeded his father as count of Montorio; Antonio VIII, 196, 218, refs. from my friend Rensselaer W. Lee). . We find the Turks at Piombino on 12 July (1555), and ac- became marquis of Montebello; and on 7 June cording to letters from Rome of 13 July, “l’ armata Turchesca (1555) Paul made his nephew Carlo cardinal-dealunedi notte alle 4 hore passo da Ostia senza alchuna lesione con of SS. Vito e Modesto.7® It was a mistake. As di quelle riviere . . .”’ (Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urb. lat.

1038 [1554-1558], fols. 76-77", and note fols. 78, 82%, 85, 9 ~

85°—86', 88"). *4 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fol. 147”.

On 26 July (1555) Cardinal Jean du Bellay wrote Anne de 25 Ibid., Reg. 69, fol. 149", doc. dated 7 October, 1555. On Montmorency from Rome that while the pro-French were more 22 September it had already been reported from Corfu “che than happy at the thought the Turks might winter off the coasts _ |’ armata Turchescha |’ istesso giorno passo fuori di quell’ isola of Italy, Paul IV would protest, but if du Bellay and the French per ritornare in Constantinopoli, la quale haveva abbrucciato ambassador were notified in time, they could take care of the 5 gallere nel mare per mancamento d’ huomini che non pomatter: ‘‘I] est vray que si au partir de la, ’ armée Turquesque _tevano seguitare |’ armata, et havevano cavato fuori I’ artigliaria,

vient hyverner en ces mers, comme tous ceux qui ayment la et quelle poche gente che v’ erano et interzzate sopra grandeur certaine du Roy et la ruine infaillible de |’ Empereur, I’ altre galere, che detta armata era molto ruinata et priva di en prient Dieu a coudes et 4 genoux, sa Sainteté criera, mais gente per essere morti molti Turchi et in particulare da 1,000 si de cette déliberation nous sommes advertis a bonne heure, _ gianiceri, che da 700 ne morirno sotto Piombino et da 300 il se remediera a tout. . .” (Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, | sotto Calvi’’ (Cod. Urb. lat. 1038, fol. 91°).

II [1666], 613). 26 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fol. 152°, doc. dated 19 October.

Since 1949 Porto Longone has been called Porto Azzurro. 27 Tbid., Reg. 69, fol. 156", doc. dated 7 November, 1555, 23 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fol. 139". Calvi, on the northwest and note fols. 158", 164’.

coast of Corsica, was probably the chief Genoese fortress on 28 Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 33, fol. 195". the island; Bastia, on the northeast coast (at the base of Cape _ By a bull of 13 June (1555) Carafa was given absolution for the Corse), was and still remains the most important place on Cor- crimes he had committed during a rather unsavory military

sica. A German report from Rome, dated 10 August (1555), past; there is an excellent brief account of his career by A. had stated, ‘“‘Utraque classis [i.e., Turcorum et Gallorum] in _ Prosperi, ‘Carlo Carafa,” in the Dizionario biografico degli itaCorsica oppugnat oppidum Calva, quod si expugnaverint, nihil —_liani, XIX (1976), 497-509. Among the various charges brought

reliquum est Genuensibus in illa insula’’ (August von Druffel, | against Carafa at his trial, under Pius IV, was that of blaspheBriefe und Akten zur Geschichte des XVI. Jahrhunderts. . . ,1V = mous heresy (Heinrich Lutz, ed., Nuntiaturberichte, 1-14 [Tu-

[Munich, 1896], no. 659, p. 705). bingen, 1971], append., no. 13, pp. 420-21).

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 625 Massarelli says, Carlo Carafa had been a Hospi- and extend Catholic orthodoxy and to diminish taller, a soldier all his life (miles Hierosolymitanus ac the power and prestige of the Hapsburgs. The toto vitae suae tempore in seculart militia). He had Venetian ambassador Bernardo Navagero, who most recently fought on the French side in the war knew him well, speaks of Paul’s overriding conof Siena, having abandoned a possible career un- cern for the affairs of the Inquisition: consistories der Charles V,?? who had shown no interest in the were usually held three days a week—Mondays,

advancement of a Carafa.*° Wednesdays, and Fridays; two days were given Old Gian Pietro, now Paul IV, and Charles V__ over to the Segnatura—Tuesdays and Saturdays. had been enemies for years. When the news of Paul often missed these meetings (ne lascia moltt). Paul’s election had reached Charles at Brussels(on The Inquisition met on Thursdays, and nothing the evening of 31 May), as Federico Badoer, the could prevent his attendance (non lascia per alcuno Venetian ambassador to the imperial court, wrote accidente che possa occorrere).°° the doge and Senate,

It has not proved agreeable, both because well nigh all a

the Pope’s relatives have been considered ill disposed 1882, was a good book in its day, providing the reader with

; more than a hundred excerpts from manuscript sources. towards the Emperor by also reason of the affairshisofMajesty’s the Th luable studieePaul IV. by ine th kingdom of Naples, and on account Fe eens ever: areh dy Ings pies, ; ; ajesty Benedictine scholarofDom Rene Ancel, the most important for having been so opposed to him with regard to his arch- gy; present purpose being: ‘“‘La Question de Sienne et la pobishopric of that city. litique du Cardinal Carlo Carafa (1556-1557),” Revue Bénédic-

Gian Pietro had been named archbishop of Naples fine ( ee) a x KIT (1908), 5 as. sen et leXXH procés des| aCarafa,”’ ibid., 32 , —35;

a half dozen years before (on 22 February, 1549), (1997) 994-53, 479-509; XXV (1908), 194-224; and XXVI but had been excluded from his see by the hostility (1909), 52-80, 189-220, and 301-24, the title of this latter of the imperial viceroy, Don Pedro de Toledo, — work being altered to ‘‘Le Procés et la disgrace des Carafa”’ in until September, 1551. The new pope had long the last three instalments (in the Revue Bénédictine, vol. XX VI). been pro-Fren ch, and not without reason.22 Note also Ancel, Nonctatures de France: Nonciatures de Paul IV Paul IV had . bit; defend (avec la derniére année de Jules III et Marcel II), 1: Nonciatures de au ad two major ambitions, to deren Sebastiano Gualterio et de Cesare Brancatw, pts. 1-2, Paris, 1909-

a 11; “Paul IV et le Concile,”’ Revue d’ histoire ecclésiastique, VIII 29 Panvinio, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 271la, fromthe Cod. (1907), 716-41; ‘‘Le Vatican sous Paul IV: Contribution a

lat. Moniacensis 152, fol. 300, and Massarelli, Diarium septimum, |’ histoire du palais pontifical,” Revue Bénédictine, XXV (1908),

ibid., p. 273. 48-71; and ‘‘Notes a propos d’ études sur la diplomatie pon-

39 In November, 1555, Cardinal Carlo Carafa had occasion _ tificale au XVIF siécle,”’ ibid., XXIV (1907), 411-14. The last to tell the Venetian ambassador Bernardo Navagero that the __ piece is slight, to be sure, but interesting. And mention should Spaniards had just offered him a pension of 4,000 ducats ‘‘that | be made of two other works of Ancel, ‘“‘La Secrétairerie ponI might serve the Emperor and the King of England [Philip] _ tificale sous Paul IV,’’ Revue des questions historiques, LX XIX in their need.’ Carafa declined the offer with some indignation (newser. XXXV, 1906), 408-70, and “L’ Activité réformatrice (he said), ‘‘for after having served the Emperor during sev- de Paul IV: Le Choix des cardinaux,”’ ibid., LX XX VI (new ser.

enteen years, and well, . . . I have been ill recompensed’”’ XLII, 1909), 67-103. (Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, VI- Ancel’s studies rendered George Duruy’s book somewhat

1 [London, 1877], no. 279, p. 249). antiquated. Ludwig Riess’s lengthy monograph Die Politik Pauls 31 Rawdon Brown, ed., Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, IV. und seiner Nepoten: Eine weltgeschichtliche Krisis des 16. Jahr-

VI-1 (1877), no. 117, p. 94. hunderts, Berlin, 1909, has proved useful although, oddly *? The earliest important “secondary” work on the troubled —_ enough, he failed to use any of Ancel’s studies. For Paul IV reign of Paul IV is Pietro Nores, Storia della guerra di Paolo IV, (as for other popes) the reader may turn with confidence to sommo pontefice, contro gli spagnuoli, ed. Luciano Scarabelli, in Pastor, Hist. Popes, XIV, chaps. WI-XV, pp. 56-424, and Gesch. the Archivio storico italiano, XII (Florence, 1847), on which cf, — d. Papste, VI (repr. 1957), bk. 11, chaps. U-vI, pp. 357-626.

below, note 63. After Nores comes Carlo Bromato, Storia di Pastor relies a good deal on Ancel. Paolo IV, Pontefice Massimo, 12 bks. in 2 vols., Ravenna: Anton- The period of Henry II’s reign (1547-1559), which includes maria Landi, 1748-1753, bks. txX—xU, II, 215 ff., covering the that of Paul IV (1555-1559), is admirably covered by Lucien years of Paul’s papacy. Carlo Bromato is a nom de guerre for _Romier, Les Origines politiques des guerres de religion, 2 vols., Paris,

Bartolommeo Carrara, a Theatine; his work is detailed and on 1913-14. Also relevant is Romeo de Maio, Alfonso Carafa, Carthe whole reliable; but he is unduly defensive of Paul IV, one — dinale di Napoli (1540-1565), Citta del Vaticano, 1961, a life of the founders of the Theatine Order. See in general Luigi _ of Paul IV’s grandnephew, the son of Antonio Carafa, marchese Volpicella, ‘Della Guerra Carafesca di Roma sotto Paolo IV di Montebello. Antonio Veny Ballester, Paulo IV, cofundador de e del suo esito infelice,”’ Arch. stor. per le province napoletane, la clerecia religiosa (1476-1559), Palma de Mallorca, 1976, is XXXV (1910), 553-68, and especially Fabio Gori, ‘“‘Papa Paolo _ concerned chiefly with the religiosity of the pope and the TheIV ed i Carafa suoi nepoti giudicati con nuovi documenti,” in _ atines, to which he adds little or nothing new. Of general inthe Archivio storico, artistico, archeologico e letterario della cittd e terest for the history of the papacy from the 1550’s is the wellprovincia di Roma [established and edited by Gori], 5 vols, Rome known work of Jean Delumeau, Vie économique et sociale de Rome

and Spoleto, 1875-83, I, 23-30, 193-256; II, 47-63, 170- — dans la seconde moitié du XVI° siécle, 2 vols., Paris, 1957-59. 206, 257-65, 302-21. The work of George Duruy, Le Cardinal 33 Navagero, “‘Relazione di Roma [1558],”’ in Albéri, RelaCarlo Carafa (1519-1561), Etude sur le pontificat de Paul IV, Paris, zioni degli ambasciatori veneti, ser. UH, vol. HI (1846), p. 382.

626 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Any deviation into heresy, any suggestion of By this time the Pauline Inquisition was going simony, any evidence of immorality during Paul’s full force, and some two months before (on 16 reign might well bring a poor wretch before the July, 1557) the pope had extolled its merits to dread tribunal of the Holy Office. If found guilty Navagero:

of heresy, especially ofofaopinion rela that into heresy, , y speciany and pse into heresy . . . We are no tribunal acts _ with

hek towas likely to be condemned to death at the at th a vj he h f a lifetime in the gallevs. Harsh mea. tore sincerity, nor more with a view to the honor o Stake Or ; Sarieys. God, than this one of the Inquisition. We have proposed

sures were taken against the Jews as punishment to ourselves to assign to it whatever depends on the perhaps for the crucifixion as well as for the pur- articles of faith or can be made to approach them. Propose of preserving the purity of the Catholic faith, fane swearing, which we assigned them heretofore, is and from 1555 they were confined in Rome tothe a species of infidelity, as it attributes to God what is not walled Ghetto which ran along the Tiber from the —_ His, depriving Him of what He has. We assign to them

Theater of Marcellus to the Portico of Octavia the heinous crime against nature, from its enormity [i.e., and the hillock on which the church of the Cenci sodomy b and Yesterday we assigned to them esis, stands. The first ‘‘Indices librorum prohibitorum”’ heresy, alt the other ; nals . . the . tosimoniaca! interfere withforbidding those matters fortributhe

were to be prepared under the auspices of the ¢ V0

Inquisition, and the sweeping range of their con- We shall thus abolish the sale of the sacraments, the demnations worried booksellers who feared the ordination of lads, as any beast could be ordained, for widespread destruction of their current book money, the sale of benefices, and all the other illicit stock. As Navagero wrote the doge and Senate contracts, which have caused all possible mischief and

from Rome (on 7 September, 1557), scandal... .*°

At these last congregations of the Inquisition, certain friars Paul IV gave ample evidence of his sincerity who sit there as counsellors [consultort] proposed to the during the five years or so of his pontificate. The rope a very long list o books which they say “ie heretical, austere Augustinian, Girolamo Seripando, how-

See ne LIES Bave Orders accore- ever, who became a cardinal and legate to the

ingly, but little by little so as not to do so much injury to C 1 of Trent in 1561. entertained a diff, t the booksellers all at once. Those which are to be burned vow of ° I © } 2? CTe he a cmeren now are all the works of Erasmus, Boccaccio, Machiavelli, VIEW © Paul IV’s Inquisition, as he recalled its Corio’s Chronicles, Poggio’s Facetiae, and those of the performance after some years: provano [parish priest] Arlotto. The booksellers are Fee [Paul III] in order, to some extent, to guard against

ommended to present a petition in defence of their in- . : ; oe two cardinals, but they have little hope, the intimation ;. ;the ; abandoned field, established themade tribunal of; ae the Inquito present said books having been already to ... them 24 sition in Rome [by the bull Licet ab initio on 21 July, 1542] at the behest and the instigation of Gian Pietro

the new andfornoxious beliefs which were|; springing up terests,;, with demand the matter be referred to daily. ; ; reraaily, like wild and to woody weeds in an ;unkempt and

as Carafa, the cardinal of Chieti. In charge of it he put Navagero’s description, ibid., pp. 377 ff., of Paul IV’s career, Gian Pietro himself and another Gian, the then cardinal character, personality, and appearance is well known. Paul was of Burgos [i.e., Juan Alvarez de Toledo]. At first the a nephew of Cardinal Oliviero Carafa (on whom see Volume tribunal was restrained and merciful as, to be sure, Paul

; 1: [III]’s own temperament always was. But thereafter the

II of the present work, pp. 316-18, et alibi), with whom he ,

lived for a while in Rome from the year 1496. Paul had served ber of cardinals in ch ; d. and

the Holy See as nuncio in both England and Spain. number O care ina sinc arge was Increased, and every ‘‘La complessione di questo pontefice é collerica e adusta; ha day the jurisdiction of the judges was more and More una gravita incredibile e grandezza in tutte le sue azioni, e strengthened and reasserted, above all because of Gian veramente par nato a signoreggiare. E molto sano e robusto; Pietro’s severity which was relieved by no feeling of cammina che non pare che tocchi terra; é tutto nervo con poca’ humanity, [and this tribunal] loomed so grimly large carne... . .” Paul was learned and a linguist: “E letterato in [in eam crevit magnitudinem] that nowhere in all the world ogni sorta di lettere; parla italiano, latino, greco, e spagnuolo were judgments thought to be more horrible and more ancora, cost propriamente che par nato in mezzo di Grecia, mM — dreadful, judgments which should have been considered

mezzo chi intende quelle non. . . Ny ; ; di . . Spagna; Just andeproper if they werelingue, basedconfessache upon that charitable

si puo desiderar meglio. Ha una memoria cosi tenace che si i hich Chri h God the Fath d ricorda quanto ha letto, che é quasi ogni cosa. Ha tutta la Scrit- ove whic rist J esus, whom God the Fat er ma 36

tura Sacra a mente, e gl’ interpreti ancora, ma principalmente _ the judge of all mankind, both taught and practiced. S. Tommaso. . . . La vita sua, per quello che si sa e si vede, é netta d’ ogni macchia ed é stata sempre tale. . . .”” He did business in a vehement fashion, and prized the papacy as the °° Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 966, pp. 1219most exalted office in the world, ‘‘. . . oltre il grado del pon- — 20. tificato che dice essere per mettere 1 re e gl’ imperatori sotto °° Seripando, De Tridentino Concilio commentarii, in Merkle,

ipiedi!. . .”’ (Albéri, op. cit., pp. 479-80). Conc. Trident., 11, 405. Neither Leopold von Ranke nor Henry 34 Brown, Cal. State Papers . .. , Venice, VI-2 (London, Chas. Lea has delivered a more sweeping indictment of the

1881), no. 1024, p. 1299. Roman Inquisition.

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 627 In his first secret consistory, held on 29 May, (1555) Paul could hardly sign petitions with his 1555, Paul had announced that the prime purpose own hand “‘because of the decrepitude of old age”’ of his pontificate would lie “‘in cleansing and re- (0b aetatem iam decrepitam), which led him to assign forming corrupt practices in the church” (in ex- the subscription of petitions to the Neapolitan carpurgandis et reformandis corruptis Ecclesiae moribus),°’ dinal Gianmichele Saraceni.*?

and there was apparent agreement in the consis- Paul’s character and personality intrigued the tory that peace must be achieved in Europe.” Paul Venetian ambassadors Navagero and Mocenigo. was sure of himself as well as of the cause he pro- According to Navagero, at the beginning of his claimed. He had been elected pope against the reign Paul liked to give sumptuous dinners. wishes of almost everyone in the conclave and con- ‘Twenty-five courses were hardly enough. He usu-

trary to his own expectation. He had never ally ate twice a day, but he drank much more than granted favors; he had never sought to please any- he ate (beve molto piu di quello che mangia). His faone. Shortly before his death he was to tell Alvise vorite beverage was the strong and heady, black Mocenigo, Navagero’s successor as the Venetian wine called ‘“‘mangiaguerra”’ which he got from ambassador to the Holy See, ‘‘I do not know how’ Naples. It was so thick one could almost cut it. they came to elect me pope, and I always assume After a meal he always drank malmsey, which his that it is not the cardinals but God who makes the household called “‘cleaning his teeth.’” Malmsey

pontiffs.”’°? was a Greek wine; Paul seems to have been fond In notifying Charles V and Ferdinand I of his of it; and he apparently liked French wines.** election in briefs of 24 and 26 May (1555) Paul Sometimes three hours elapsed from the time he emphasized, as his prime objectives, the need of sat down to dinner to the time he rose. He talked achieving peace among the Christian princes as_ freely, often giving away secrets of importance. well as the need of bringing about reform in the After a serious illness, however, he usually dined Church.*° As he approached the age of eighty, he alone, although sometimes cardinals who wished would have done well to abide by his declaration to do so might join him. “It was regarded as a of peace. Although Navagero described him as __ great favor,’”’ says Navagero, “‘that his Holiness “all sinews with little flesh,’ and as one who had me dine with him twice, for in my time [in seemed not to touch the ground as he walked (cam- Rome] he did not do so with any other ambasmina che non pare che toccht terra), Massarelliinforms _sador except at formal banquets.”

us that at the meeting of the Segnatura on 15 June Paul paid no attention to the hours of day or night. Dinner had to be served whenever he chose to eat. He might read or write half the night, sleep

OO half the day, and no one dared to enter his cham37 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 1, ber until he had rung a bedside bell. It was difficult ae Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia coram I[ulio III to arrange for audiences, and Paul gave far fewer . . . Marcello II. . . Paulo IV [1550-1559], in Acta Miscel- than his predecessors. Always aware of the dignity lanea, Reg. 33, fol. 191’, by mod. stamped enumeration: “‘Apud of his exalted office, he dressed with pontifical Sanctum Petrum Romae die Mercurii XXIX Maii 1555 fuit care. One required patience, dexterity, prudence, primum consistorium In quo sanctissimus dominus noster Pau- and good judgment in dealing with him. It was lus Papa IV habuit orationem qua egit gratias reverendissimis . dominis de eius electione et deputavit nonnullos reverendissi- well not to approach him with the resolve to get mos qui antea a felicis recordationis Marcello Papa II ad id something done, but if one got him in a good hudeputati fuerant super reformatione facienda, et successive fuit

factum verbum de pace procuranda inter Christianos prin-

cipes,”’ and cf. Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1555,no.22,and =~ = Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, II, bk. 1x, p. 224. 4! Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 39 Alvise (Luigi) Mocenigo, ‘“‘Relazione di Roma [1560],” in 275. Eugenio Albéri, ed., Relaziont degli ambasciatort veneti, ser. II, 42 Cf. the brief of 21 July, 1555, to Bernardino de Mendoza, vol. IV (Florence, 1857), pp. 46-47: “[Paolo IV] era pero ri- in regno Neapolitano regio locumtenens, ‘‘Mittimus dilectum filium putato uomo d’ intelletto, di dottrina e di bonta, di modo che _ Franciscum Sangallettum Florentinum, qui has ad nobilitatem giunto all’ eta grave di quasi 80 anni, pervenuto al decanato _tuam literas pertulit, ut emat in regno isto pro domus et familiae del Collegio de’ Cardinali, fu dappoi eletto anco Pontefice con- _ nostrae usu dolia CCL vini graeci eius generis quod ab eo cog-

tra il parere e credere d’ ognuno, e forse anco di sé stesso, nosces. . . .”’ Paul wanted the wine shipped quickly, freely, siccome Sua Santita propria mi disse poco innanzi che morisse _“‘et sine ullo impedimento.’”’ On 29 November we find him che non aveva mai compiaciuto ad alcuno, e che se un cardinale —_ arranging for the shipment of about one hundred dolia of wine

gli aveva dimandata qualche grazia, gli aveva sempre risposto from France “‘huc in almam Urbem” (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, alla rovescia, né mai compiaciutolo, onde disse: ‘Io nonsocome Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, fol. 158"). Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VI (repr. m’ abbiano eletto Papa; e sempre concludo che non licardinali, 1957), 364, note 4, denies that Paul was ‘‘ein starker Trinker,”’

ma Iddio faccia li pontefici.’ ”’ and he may of course be right. Cf also Carlo Bromato, Storia 4° Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1555, no. 24. di Paolo IV, II (Ravenna, 1753), bk. x, pp. 414-17.

628 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT mor, he found it hard to say no, perche, addolcito, | was unequal to the tasks and trials which lay before

poi difficilmente le [cose] niega.*° him. In the summer of 1555 Paul sent Alvise LipPaul’s reign began with the usual ceremonies pomano, the accomplished bishop of Verona, to of obedience. Already on 30 May (1555) Ercole the fateful diet at Augsburg and thence to PoII d’ Este, the duke of Ferrara, had made his land,*® where his mission of more than a year “publica obedientia’’ to the pope, who had given — ended in utter frustration.*° him a most honorable reception. Guidobaldo II della Rovere was made prefect of Rome in a cer- The crux of the Reformation was Germany. emony held just before the celebration of mass, Energetic and powerful, but politically and culin the Cappella Sistina (on 9 June), and on the turally divided, the Germans were at odds with following day in the Sala Regia an English embassy and within themselves. To many of them it was of obedience [sent to Julius III or to Pope Mar- unclear whether they were on the road to salvation cellus] signalized England’s return to the Church oF disaster. In a letter of 6 June, 1555, to the under Mary Tudor and her husband Philip [II]. Sacred College, expressing sorrow at the death of Ottavio Farnese arrived in Rome on 11 June. Two Marcellus I and satisfaction with the election of days later an envoy of Ferdinand I, who liked to Paul IV, Adolf von Schauenburg, the archbishop avoid “inane pomp,”’ made his Majesty’s obedi- and elector of Cologne, dwelt on the ecclesiastical ence to the new pope in a private audience. Ot- and social upheavals of the time. The electoral see

tavio Farnese also rendered his ‘“‘debita obedien- Of Mainz was a case in point. For years the ravages tia’”’ as a vassal and feudatory of the Church (on of war had been emptying farmlands and villages, 27 June). And so it went.** If Paul’s reign as pope towns and monasteries, fortresses and archiepiswas beginning like that of any of his predecessors, Copal dwellings.

his troubles were worse than those which most of Along with plunder and pillage had gone endthem had faced or at least he made them worse. _ less financial levies “‘both against the Turks and He was, to be sure, a learned man, a very model for other purposes,”’ as well as the heavy costs of of Catholic orthodoxy. No breath of scandal had diets, councils, colloquia, and all kinds of assemever touched his long life. He was, moreover, a blies. Mainz seemed to have suffered almost every patriot, for he loved Italy almost as much as he sort of calamity, and hardly had the resources to did the divinely-ordained Church over which (he assure Its own survival. When the electoral see of believed) God had set him. Both the Church and Mainz was so badly off—even allowing for the Italy had fearful problems, however, and Paul was usual exaggeration—what of the rest of the Ger-

not the man to lessen them. man churches on the roadways of religious and

Catholicism was imperiled throughout north- political warfare? Schauenburg’s letter was written ern Europe, and there were audible voices of dis- a8 a consequence of the death of Sebastian von sent in Italy. Scandinavia was lost to the Church. Heusenstamm (on 18 March, 1555), archbishop Although England appeared to have returned to and elector of Mainz, and the recent election of the apostolic fold, thoughtful observers knew that Schauenburg’s friend Daniel Brendel von Homthe future there was as doubtful as it was in the burg to succeed him.*’ Netherlands. The Huguenots were strong in | ————— France. Hungary, as we have noted, was proving —_—* Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann., nos. 56 ff., with Paul IV’s hospitable to Lutherans and especially to Calvin- _ brief of 13 June, 1555, to Alvise Lippomano, and esp. Arm.

ists. ‘The Church seemed in danger of losing Po- E1594" briefs dated 14 August; fols. 145-147, brief land, where the Casy-Somnsg Sigismund U Augustus dated 8 October: fols. 176-177", Brief dated 23 December, on the alleged lapse into heresy of John Drohojowski (d. 1557),

OO bishop of Wioctawek (Wladislaviensis, Leslau); and fols. 192° 43 Navagero, Relazione [1558], in Albéri, Ambasciatori veneti, 195", briefs dated 19 February, 1556.

ser. II, vol. III, pp. 380-82. 4° Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, XIV, 327-37, and Gesch. d. Papste, 44 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, VI (repr. 1957), 555-63, with the older bibliography. Lippo-

272-76. On the English embassy of obedience, note the letter mano left Poland early in the year 1557, and was back in his of Giovanni Michiel, the Venetian ambassador in England, to see (Verona) by the beginning of March. After some months the doge and Senate, dated 6 May, 1555, in Brown, Cal. State Camillo Mentuato was appointed his successor as nuncio to

Papers... , Venice, VI-1 (1877), no. 72, p. 62; on that of | Poland. Mentuato’s mission was hardly more successful. On Ercole d’ Este, the Acta Consistorialia, in the Acta Miscellanea, Lippomano’s career and his experience in Augsburg, see HelReg. 33, fols. 192°-193"; and concerning the request of Philip mut Goetz, ed., Nuntiaturberichte, I-17 (Tiibingen, 1970), pp. II and Mary that Paul IV should elevate the island of Hibernia XXII—XLI, and nos. 46-85, pp. 95-177. (Ireland) to the rank of a kingdom, ibid., fols. 194°-195", and 47 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XV, fols.

Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, U1, 224-25. 260, 265", by mod. stamped enumeration, text divided by the

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 629 The hardships of Catholics and the problems to the count of Montorio an interesting exchange of the Church in Germany—and in Hungary— _ between the Doge Francesco Venier and himself were well known at the Curia Romana. On 19 _ concerning the tithe, which the Signoria was again June (1555) Paul IV wrote King Ferdinand, thank- requesting. ing him for the gracious response to the brief Paul The last time Archinto had been received in had sent the Austrian court, announcing his elec- the Collegio, Venier had recalled an occasion tion to the papacy. Paul hated Charles V, the (when he was the Republic’s ambassador in Rome), brother of Ferdinand, and he entertained no af- on which the cardinals in consistory had discussed fection for the latter. He expressed, however, the ‘‘le nostre decime.” Paul IV, then Cardinal Gian hope and the alleged conviction that Ferdinand Pietro Carafa, had silenced opposition to the grant would watch over the Christian commonwealth, by saying, ‘“Look out that by denying the tithes and that by his efforts Hungary would be freed to them you don’t give them the opportunity to from injury by the Turks and Germany from the take them by themselves!”’ Archinto had replied

taint of heresy.*° that very likely Paul had spoken as he did, knowing

The Turks were as much feared in Venice as __ full well that the Venetians would never take the the Lutherans in Rome. On 6 July (1555) Filippo _ tithes from the clergy without papal sanction. Oh, Archinto, the bishop of Saluzzo and papal nuncio never, never, agreed the doge, for the Signoria in Venice, wrote the pope’s nephew Giovanni Ca- could not possibly fail in obedience to the Aposrafa, count of Montorio, that the news from Istanbul _ tolic See, especially during Paul’s reign. Certainly suggested that not only was Hapsburg-held Hungary there were undertones of warning in the doge’s in danger, but so was Vienna, the gateway into the overtones of courtesy. Why else should he have heartland of Christendom. According to “‘infor- told the story? In any event Archinto passed the matio vera” which Archinto had just received, word on to Montorio, who would tell the pope.”° Vienna was like a “‘villa aperta,”’ for the old walls Nuncios commonly addressed their letters to had been demolished, and as yet the new ones were the papal secretary of state rather than to the hardly in evidence, for work on them had been pope. By the time autumn had come Archinto was proceeding at a snail’s pace. “Il Signor Iddio sia writing for the most part to Cardinal Carlo Carafa, quello ch’ habbia misericordia di noi! . . .”’*° who had displaced his elder brother Giovanni CaThe Venetians depended to no small extent rafa di Montorio as the pope’s advisor and adminupon the tithe levied on the clergy in Venice itself _istrator in secular affairs. Montorio had also been

and in the Veneto for the support of their fleet, obliged to give up the Borgia apartments, into always their mainstay against the Turks. As we which Carlo now moved. Of the pope’s three have seen, the popes had for years been author- nephews—Giovanni, Antonio, and Carlo—the izing the state’s collection of the clerical tithe. The last was by far the ablest. In a secret consistory of nuncio Archinto now reported (on 13 July, 1555) 30 August (1555) the pope recalled all the papal legates who had been appointed by his predecesbinder: “. . . Hic tamen inter alias multum adflictas ecclesias non possumus non apud dominationes vestras Moguntinae vices

commiserari: Eius enim ecclesiae ditionisque res non solum in 5° Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fols. 32-34", esp. fol. 32", proximis bellorum tumultibus, verum etiam altis annis rece- letter dated at Venice on 13 July, 1555: ‘‘. . . Questi signori dentibus ita rapinis, incendiis, expilationibus, agrorum depo- __ illustrissimi stimano molto questa cosa de le decime per suffra-

pulationibus, monasteriorum, ecclesiarum, oppidorum villa- gio de la loro armata, . . . et |’ ultima volta ch’ io sono stato rumque, atque etiam ipsarum archiepiscopalis residentiae man- _in Collegio il serenissimo [Francesco Venier] disse queste pasionum, arcium ac fortalitiorum devastationibus, frequentibus role: Noi siamo certi di havere miglior conditione da la Santita imperil tam contra Turcas quam in alios fines collectationibus, di Nostro Signore presente che da nissun altro mai, perché ci visendorum conciliorum, comitiorum, ac reliquarum conven- _ ricordiamo (essendo noi ambasciatore a Roma) trattarsi in Contionum, quarum Germania nostro tempore est feracissima,im- _cistoro de le nostre decime, et Nostro Signore presente pose pendiis et denique omni calamitatum genere sunt comminutae _ silenzo a tutti gli contradicenti con dire a la felice memoria di

ut praesidi sustenando parum supersit.. . .” Papa Paolo: Mirate bene che denegandole voi non gli diate

*® Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, fols. 76’-77", by mod. stamped enu- _ occasione di pigliarle per se stessi. Al che risposi io: Potria essere

meration: “. . . [Serenitatem tuam]. . . in ea semper pro- che sua Santita lo dicesse come certissimo che per causa alcuna curatione eaque opera esse permansuram, a qua nunquam dis- __ non lo farebbono mai. Replico all’ hora sua Serenita cosi essere

cessit et quam tuae ipsae literae videntur polliceri, ut afflictae il vero, et che in eterno questo Dominio non declinera da Christianae reipublicae tandem consulatur tuaque inprimis et _ l’ubbidienza de la Sede Apostolica et specialmente di sua Beaa ‘Turcarum iniurtis Pannonia et Germania ab haereticis libe- _ titudine. So ben che hora questo discorso non fa a proposito

retur.. . .” alcuno, ma cosi é mio costume di rifferire a gli padroni ancho *° Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fol. 31‘, letter of Archinto _le parole soprabondante quando provenghino di bocca de prin-

to the count of Montorio, dated at Venice on 6 July, 1555. cipi. . . [and details relating to the tithe follow].”’

630 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT sors, and bestowed the lucrative legation of Bo- tergom), but was returning to the Bosporus. The logna upon Carlo. It had previously been held by _ peace or truce with the Sophi was being observed. the unable and unworthy Innocenzo del Monte. Suleiman had ordered that every vessel loading Carlo was equally unworthy, but no one in Rome grain without a license and guarantee of its or in Europe could long doubt the ability of the shipment to Venice must convey the grain to ex-soldier turned cardinal, whose capacity for in- Istanbul.*° trigue and whose resentment of the Spaniards ——————— were almost disastrously to reinforce the old pon- °* Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fol. 52": “Che il Turco stava

tiff’s anti-Spanish policy. assai bene dell’ indispositione de la sua gamba. Che havea dato The six months’ truce ordine andar analoro cacciaIsgnich de anghiart ceri nellanostra Natolia - adwhich - inFerdinand’s un luogoamdetto inailengua et ctindelengua bassador Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq had negoti Nicea, lontano da Constantinopoli circa X miglia per mare. Che ated with the Turks at Amasya had not brought ajcuni credevano che questa caccia fosse ordinata a effetto di peace to Hungary, where border warfare was a _ dar la morte al suo figlio maggiore, cioé il gobbo filosofo, per way of life. During the year 1555, however, the sospitione ch’ egli habbia tenuta mano alla seditione di colui Turks confined their large-scale operations to the che si fingeva Mustafa, ma che per verita il Turco si era ricon-

h landed con detto figliuolo et chiaritosi detta sospitione essere naval expe dit; ition hich whic (as we ave ciliato seen) anh € stata vana. Che Rusten Bassa era tornato in Gran. men and artillery at Populonia and Piombino on ‘‘Che la pace o tregua, che sia, col Sofi era del tutto stabilita the Tyrrhenian coast and on the islands of Elba __ et perfettamente conclusa. Che di ordine del Turco era stato and Corsica. The. .nuncio Archinto concluded q ™andato tutte havesse le Scalosic over caricadori commandamento _ espresso che ogni navilioperche carco o volesse carcare letter to Cardinal Carata from Venice on 5 Oc di frumenti, non dando sicurta di condurgli a Vinetia fusse tober, 155 5 (which was received in Rome on the | forzato condurgli a Constantinopoli. Che questo anno in quei ninth), with the statement that the news from Is- _ paesi é stato honesto ricolto di biade” (ibid., fol. 52"). On Rustem

tanbul would accompany his letter. It came from _ Pasha’s return to Istanbul, see Chapter 14, note 95. a good source, although the Signoria had decided As the year 1555 drew toa close, the plague descended upon

: - 51 Venice. For safety and “‘per maggior servitio di sua Santita,

not to make it known for the time being. Archinto moved to the island of Murano, which (he wrote CaSurprisingly enough, the news is still extant, rafa on 7 December) was almost as close to the doges’ palace which is not usually the case with the lettere alligate, as the house he had been occupying in Venice. In this letter which tended to become detached and to disap- he says that he is including news from Istanbul (Lett. di principi, pear. Archinto’s avvisi, however, di Constantinopoli iv anceation on the back of his lever, ibid, fl, 100” “Gli de III et I settembre, MDLY, were to the effect that avvisi [da Constantinopoli] sono restati in mano del cardinale.”’

Sultan Suleiman [who had returned from the Per- In a later dispatch of 28 December (ibid., fols. 107, 117, sian campaign a month before] was feeling pretty divided by the binder), Archinto notes again that he is including

well despite his sore leg. He was in fact planning ey irom 16 Novewnber (1505), an dove ase to howe Feel to CTOSS over to Anatolia to hunt wild boars and “raccollt da lettere di particolari et poco importanti’” (fol. 116"). deer “‘in a place called in their language Isgnich Although they were looked upon as of ‘‘small importance” at [Iznik] and in ours Nicaea.” There were those who _ the time, they are of considerable historical interest today (fol.

believed that the chase would provide Suleiman = !08'): nonol; aI led; date del with the opportunity to do away with another son, to: ie ultime sono de 16 [novembre] etn tutta somma non the “hunchbacked philosopher,” whom Busbecq gli € cosa di molto momento. Questo poco si puo notare: Che knew as Giangir, and describes as Suleiman’s - si solecitava di far cento galere, parte nell’ Arsenale di Conyoungest son.-- The reason given for the sultan’s stantinopoli et parte in le comendie [?] per commodita de bosalleged desire to kill a second son was that Jahangir chi. Che si vociferava detta armata con la passata dover wor. d of licitv in the Pseudo-Mus- "2"° 2 temPe nuove in questi mari, ma non si crede da le was suspecte Of complicity im the Pseudo-Nus persone di giudicio. Che lo aga de gianiccieri era stato creato tafa’s revolt. By now it was clear, however, that quarto bassa. Che vi é€ carestia di formento [although, as stated Suleiman was quite reconciled with Jahangir [who above in the avvisi of 3-4 September, there had been an ‘hohad been fond of Mustafa. and was much dis-_ n6sto ricolto di biade’] et sono molto cari, et era fatta prohi-

. , . bitione che in nessun modo se ne lasciasse estrarre: tuttavia che suspicion. Rustem Pasha had been in in Gran © daw Soe di, t eese ne . guadagno mostravano parte(Eszdi non vedere, etde, cosi tressed by his death], and had freed him of all li sangiachi [the sanjakbeys] de le provincie per lor particolar

6 5 aersane ; enumeration. movimento di rilevo, pur molti vogliono che il Turco non la

carricava qualche poco per ponente [a fact of interest in Venice,

which got much grain from Turkey].

°! Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fol. 51°, by mod. stamped “De l impresa di Transilvania overo Ongheria non si vede °2 Busbecgq, Ep. II, in Omnia quae extant opera, Basel, 1740, _possa lasciare di fare, vedendo che alla partita del Re Stefano

repr. Graz, 1968, pp. 112-13: “Giangir natu minimus . . . _ [?] non si da risposta, et che le genti de li sangiacati portano adolescens nec animo nec corpore satis validus, nam gibbo de- poco tempo ad espedirle quando il Turco vuole. Basta che di

formabatur... .” presente la cosa passa in silentio.”’

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 631 During these years, although the Italian coast- We shall return to the Turkish bursary. In the lands of the Hapsburg and Genoese possessions meantime we may note that two young men were were harried by the Turks, the relations of Venice indeed sent to Istanbul to learn to read, write, and with the Porte were peaceful. The Venetian bailie speak ‘Turkish—and also (we are told) to achieve was almost a resident ambassador. To deal effec- a proper command of the Italian vernacular—so tively with the Turks, although excellent drago- that they might later serve the state by making mans were usually available, it was desirable to accurate and elegant translations of the letters and know Turkish. By action of the Senate on 21 Feb- documents assigned to them for the purpose. One ruary, 1551, it had been agreed that the Collegio of these young men was apparently the Raffaello should choose two (young) notaries of the Chan- Corner who in September, 1555, returned to Vencery or two other citizens of at least twenty years ice in a grain transport belonging to Rustem of age who should be sent to Istanbul to learn Pasha. If so, he was duly replaced, for a year later Turkish. They were to live in the house of the _ there were still dot giovani in the bailie’s household. bailie, who was to find a suitable teacher for them. Appointment to the baylazzo now carried with it, The two young men chosen would remain in con- among more arduous duties, supervision of the tinuous residence at the Turkish capital for five young men’s Turkish studies and reports to the

years. Their meals would be provided by the Senate on their progress “in order that we may bailie’s household, even as the Signoria paid for be able to provide, as becomes necessary, for our the meals of the two local dragomans who were _ proper service.”

then in the service of Venice. In earlier times Jews had served the Venetian

By way of salary and further maintenance each Signoria on occasion as unofficial translators as of the two young men was to be paid fifty ducats__ well as diplomats, but after their confinement in a year, receiving the funds from the bailie in suit- the Ghetto in the area of Cannaregio they moved able instalments. The bailie was to send to the _ less easily about the city, and popular prejudice Signoria a written report of their progress. It was weighed them down. With less need of translators important to know whether they were succeeding of Turkish and Arabic the Curia Romana could in their linguistic endeavor, for if not, the Senate always find some among the mendicant friars who

must consider the next step. After five years’ traveled about the Levant. Thus Archinto wrote study, when they had learned how to speak and _ Cardinal Carlo Carafa from Venice (on 14 Dewrite Turkish, they were to be replaced by an- cember, 1555) ofa ‘“‘certain bishop,’ a Dominican, other two holders of the Turkish bursary, so there who knew Arabic well, and had written the pope would always be two young Venetian cittadini ori- from Aleppo. (The bishop may have been there ginan. on the Bosporus, studying Turkish. Even- during Sultan Suleiman’s stay in the city.) Artually they would serve the Republic well, and in the meantime they were not to engage in any form =—————— of trade either on their own account or on behalf la Signoria nostra, secondo che si fanno quelle de i dui dra-

of others.°* gomani nostri che servono de Ii. “Et per suo salario et intertenimento gli siano constituiti ducati cinquanta a I’ anno per ciascuno, iquali siano loro pagati

In the context of these references to Archinto, on whom see _ di tempo in tempo per lo baylo predetto de i danari di cottimi G. Alberigo, in the Dizionario biografico degli italiani, 111 (1961), et baylazzi che si scuodono de Hi, ilqual baylo in capo d’ anni 761-64, we may note that his portrait, apparently painted in —_dui sia tenuto di avvisar per lettere con sagramento la Signoria the mid-1550’s and allegedly by Titian, may be found in the _ nostra del frutto che havranno fatto in tal essercitio et se saMetropolitan Museum in New York—Archinto was stout, bald, ranno atti a riuscire overo non, accioché si possa deliberar

and bearded. quello sara piu espediente. Finiti li anni cinque et vedendosi °4 Arch. di Stato di Venezia, Sen. Mar, Reg. 31, fol.'74"[93"], | che habbiano fatto profitto et imparato si che sappiano parlar

resolution of the Senate dated 21 February, 1551 (Ven. style et scrivere in Turco, ne siano eletti et mandati altri dui con i 1550), passed by a vote de parte 123, de non 25, non sinceri 3, | modi, ordini, et obligationi sopradette per lo tempo degli anni requiring “‘. . . che per ballotationi del Collegio nostro siano _cinque, et cosi si debba osservare di tempo in tempo si che eletti dui nodari de la Cancelleria nostra overo dui altri cittadini sempre se ne ritrovino dui di li che imparino et s’ essercitino nostri, non essendo di essi nodari, che vogliano tale carico, in questa professione, et che da loro si possa ricevere quel iquali siano di etade di anni vinti et da li in su, iquali siano _ fruttuoso servitio che si desidera, iquali non possano essercitare mandati a Costantinopoli in casa del baylo nostro con obliga- _la mercantia per conto loro né per conto d’ altri... .” tione d’ imparare la lingua Turca legger et scriver in quell’ °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fol. 35’, doc. dated 19 September, idioma, per loqual effetto debba esso baylo provedergli di uno —_1556, referring to the senatorial resolution of 22 (sic) February,

maestro sofficiente da esser pagato de i danari de cottimi et 1551 (Ven. style 1550), and note, ibid., Reg. 69, fol. 17°, doc. baylazzi et prestargli in cid ogni favor possibile. Star debbano —_ dated 13 April, 1554, on the two young men studying Turkish in quel luogo anni cinque continui et haver le spese di bocca __ in the bailie’s household, and, ibid., fol. 146’, for the return of

a la tavola del predetto baylo, lequali poner debba a conto de Raffaello Corner to Venice.

632 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT chinto had known the bishop in Rome. The wan- Charles V’s abdications, almost without precedering friar had written the pope again, and now dent, fascinated Europe. There was one more to proposed to go to the island of Ormuz, which had come, to which Paul IV would take strong excepbeen a commercial station from the fourteenth cen- _ tion. He took exception in fact to almost everything

tury, and had now come under Portuguese domi- Charles did. The years had made him pro-French,

nation.”° for he had seen more than enough of the Spanish in Italy. He blamed Charles for allowing, even As always the political scene in Europe was encouraging, the spread of Lutheranism as a

changing. Henry VIII, Francis I, and Paul III, who means of reducing papal authority and maintainhad loomed large in their day, were dead. Charles ing the imperialists’ power in the peninsula.”° V, who had resisted change, finally broke with the Quite understandably Paul always held Charles past himself. After giving up his primacy in the _ basically responsible for the concessions made to Order of the Golden Fleece, Charles resigned the | the Lutherans in the religious peace of Augsburg. principality of the Netherlands to his son Philip, The peace was, however, a confirmation of the king of England and of Naples, in an emotional Lutheran success, and was bound to come sooner ceremony in the assembly hall of the castle at Brus- __ or later.

sels (on 25 October, 1555),°” where forty years Charles had not attended the long diet, which before he had been declared of age to rule the lasted from February to September, 1555, but his inheritance of his Burgundian forebears. Cares of | brother Ferdinand did so, and acted under his state and the needs of the dynasty had taken him authority. The cardinal legate Giovanni Morone ten times to the Netherlands, nine to Germany, _ had arrived in Augsburg on 24 March (1555), as seven to Italy, six to Spain, four to France, and we have seen,°? and had left the city one week twice each to England and to Africa. He had loved _ later, recalled to Rome by the death of Julius III.

peace and found war. He had lived with a cold Thereafter Marcellus I] had been elected pope— compassion for mankind and with an exemplary and died—and now Gian Pietro himself had ascorrectness, generous only to his family but just | cended the papal throne as Paul IV. to all men or almost all. On 16 January, 1556, he Catholic interests had been represented at was to surrender to Philip his far-flung domains Augsburg by the nuncio Zaccaria Delfino and, afof Castile and Leén, Aragon, Catalonia, and Va- ter him, by Alvise Lippomano, neither of whom lencia, the Islands, and Sicily, together with the could prevail upon Ferdinand or Albrecht V of Indies and the grand magistracies of the military Bavaria seriously to oppose the Protestant deOrders of Santiago, Calatrava, and Alcantara.” mands. Very likely Cardinal Morone could have

ee done no better. The three councils—of the elec-

°° Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fol. 98": ‘. . . Altre volte tors, the princes, and the cities—had agreed at mandai lettere di un certo vescovo, quale ho gia conosciuto in Augsburg to keep the peace in Germany. The Roma, frate Dominicano, peritissimo de la lengua arabica, il

quale scriveva di Aleppo al Sommo Pontifice. Hora scrive dit 9 7 Babilonia, et dice voler andar in Ormus, isola nel seno persico. _ tulassemo altratanto della grande heredita da lei conseguita de

Non so quello che scriva a sua Santita, ma non restero didire _tanti regni et stati. . .”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fol. 171°). che a me par bene di dar urecchio a questi elevati ingegni et The Senate then set about electing an ambassador to King agiutarli quanto si puo et per aviso, rescrivendoli in Ormus, Philip, and the person chosen (it proved to be Michele Surian) sara piu opportuna la via di Ponente, col viaggio di Portogallo, could not refuse the assignment without incurring the heavy d’ il che sono informati li reverendi sacerdoti di Giest.. . .”_ penalties provided for by action of the Maggior Consiglio in 57 The act of abdication may be found in Rawdon Brown, 1536 “against those refusing embassies to crowned heads” ed., Calendar of State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1 (1877), no. 253, — (ibid., fol. 172"). Letters of 15 February were also sent to Philip,

pp. 220-21. who was king of England, and to the Venetian ambassador in °8 On 15 February, 1556 (Ven. style 1555) the Venetian England. On the twenty-first the Senate wrote King Henry I Senate wrote to their envoy at the imperial court, ‘‘Dalle lettere as well as their ambassador to the French court, expressing vostre de 16 del mese passato intendessemo che la Maesta cesa- pleasure at being included in the five years’ “truce” (¢regua) rea havea renunciato al serenissimo re suo figliolo li regni et | which had just been concluded between the Valois and the signorie della Corona di Castiglia et d’ Aragon oltra le renuntie | Hapsburgs (fols. 172'—73"), to which we shall come later in its

per inanti fatte delli altri regni et stati suoi. Ultimamente poi chronological context. venuto a noi questo magnifico ambassator cesareo [Francisco 59 Navagero, Relazione [1558], in Albéri, Ambasciatori veneti, de Vargas] ne presento lettere credentiali di soa regia Maesta _ ser. II, vol. III, p. 388, who says Paul IV had told him that the et disse che tenendo essa la signoria nostra tra li principali et | reason for his animus against Charles V was “. . . che [I imveri amici suoi l’ era parso conveniente de farne communicar _ peratore] abbia accresciuto gli errori di Martin Lutero per la renontia fattale dal serenissimo imperator suo padre delli _estinguere |’ autorita del pontefice e per questa via acquistare regni soprascritti. . . . Noi ringratiassemo affetuosamente la quel che avanzava d’ Italia... .”’ Maesta sua di questa amorevole demostratione, et ne congra- °° Cf. above, Chapter 14, note 142.

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 633 Lutherans were to retain the church lands they velopments as so-called national states, Germany had taken and still held before the peace of Passau. would henceforth lie divided religiously as well as

(which had been negotiated between the Haps- politically under the rule of the free cities and burgs and Maurice of Saxony in August, 1552), especially of the territorial princes. but the higher Catholic clergy who had become [t would not take much to push the hot-headed Protestant were supposed to give up their lands Paul IV into armed conflict with his bétes noires,

and offices. Charles V and Philip [II], the first of whom had Acting for the emperor as well as for himself, been, and now the second had become, duke of Ferdinand had yielded to the demand that the lo- Milan and king of Naples. As Navagero reminds

cal authorities, whether prince or town council, us, Paul relied upon the staff of Sienese and should determine the official religion of their sub- Florentine exiles whom Cardinal Carlo Carafa had jects, although recusants were to be allowed to sell gathered around him, all anti-Hapsburg and antitheir property and leave the state if they so wished. Medicean. Until his death in November, 1556, the The religious peace was restricted to the adherents _ Florentine Giovanni della Casa was the most prom-

of Catholicism on the one hand and of the Augs- inent among them. Paul was not fond of della burg Confession on the other.®! Later on, the apt Casa, who had been papal nuncio in Venice. Well expression cuius regio, eius religio was devised to known asa humanist, however, and the author of explain the agreement. While England, France, Il Galateo, della Casa was the secretary and con-

and Spain could now continue their different de- fidant of Carlo Carafa. Also on hand were the

—_—_ Florentine Silvestro Aldobrandini and the Nea°! For the articles of the religious peace, as given in the Ger- politan Annibale Bozzuto, fe uoruscitt app assionatt, man text of the recess of 25 September (1555) of the diet of | who longed for the end of Medici rule in Florence Augsburg, see August von Druffel, Briefe und Akten zur Ge- and the end of Hapsburg rule in Naples.®? schichte des XVI. Jahrhunderts. . os IV (Munich, 1896), no. 671, Silvestro was the father of a son, Ippolito, now

pp. 722-44, and note the restrictive clause in art. 5: ‘““‘Doch about twent ears of e. who alwavs remem-

sollen alle andere, so obgemelten bede[n] Religionen nit an- y years age, iway

hengig, in diesem Frieden nit gemeint sondern genzlich aus- bered the events he was about to witness. In after geschlossen sein,” i.e., Anabaptists, Zwinglians, Calvinists, et al. years Ippolito would be elected Pope Clement

were excluded. 4 the diet of Auosb VIII Aldobrandini. While trying to lessen the

On Paul IV's abiding resentment of the diet of Augsburg Spanish influence on the Holy See, and assisting (and of the participants therein), cf’ Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, | ; . II, bk. 1x, pp. 267-71. Although for doctrinal reasons Paul "Henry IV of France after the latter’s conversion

would never concede the point, Charles and Ferdinand faced (in 1593), Clement VIII was to maintain a careful a desperate situation. Concerning one Hapsburg domain, for neutrality, and eventually he assisted in the Francoexample, the Venetian ambassador wrote his government (on Spanish peace of Vervins (in 1598).®3 In the mean-

1 March, 1556) that the president of the Council of Brussels P P ( )

claimed ‘‘that in Holland, according to the list received byhim, 7 the number of persons condemned to death for similar opinions °* Navagero, Relazione [1558], p. 391, and cf, ibid., p. 405. [i.e., similar to Anabaptism] and for Lutheranism in 18 months, °° On Clement VIII, the Casa Aldobrandina, and papal neuand who had been either burned, hanged, or drowned amounted trality as between France and Spain, note the remarks of Pietro to 1,300 [!],and that for the avoidance of greater cruelty the | Nores, commenting on the reasons for his (Nores’s) delay in execrable intentions of these sectarians must be tolerated as _ writing the Storia della guerra di Paolo IV, sommo pontefice, contro much as possible, they being in too great number’”’ (Cal. State gli spagnuoli, ed. Luciano Scarabelli, in the Archivio storico italiano,

Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 416, p. 363, a letter of Federico XII (Florence, 1847), pref., pp. XXH—-XXIII. Nores began his

Badoer to the doge and Senate). history during the early years of Clement VIII’s pontificate

For Delfino’s nunciature, Morone’s brief legation, and Lip- (1592-1605). He wrote most of it between 1640 and 1644. It pomano’s letters from Augsburg see Helmut Goetz, Nuntiatur- also bears the title Storia della guerra degli spagnuoli contro Papa

berichte, 1-17 (Tibingen, 1971), passim, covering the years Paolo IV. 1554-1556, and note Goetz, ‘“‘Die Vertreter der Kurie am On the administrative personnel (or secretariates of state and Augsburger Reichstag (1555),” in the Festgabe Leonhard von of briefs) of the Holy See during the reign of Paul IV; the Murali, Ziirich, 1970, pp. 197~208, based chiefly on his edition central role of Cardinal Carlo Carafa; the importance of the of the Nuntiaturberichte, vol. 17. The dispatches, especially those Florentine exiles Giovanni della Casa and Silvestro Aldobranof Delfino from Vienna, attest to the fear of the Turks in Hun- __ dini, see the enlightening article of René Ancel, “La Secrégary and ‘Transylvania and to the costs of defense against the _tairerie pontificale sous Paul IV,” Revue des questions historiques,

constant, destructive Turkish incursions (Nuntiaturberichte, 1- LX XIX (new ser. XX XV, 1906), 408-70, who also deals with 17, nos. 55, 66, 92, 110, 115, 117, 127, 129-31, 133, 135- _ the curial duties of Annibale Rucellai, Carafa’s envoy to Henry 37, 140-45, et alibi). Cf also the brief summary of events I] in September, 1555 (on whom see below); Alvise Lippomano,

(from 1547 to 1555) in Stephen A. Fischer-Galati, “The bishop of Verona; Gian Francesco Commendone, bishop of Turkish Question and the Religious Peace of Augsburg,’’ Zante; and Antonio Elio, bishop of Pola (Pula, Pulj); as well as Sudostforschungen, XV (1956), 290-311, and cf Fischer-Galati, _ with the secretarial functions of Angelo Massarelli, Alessandro Ottoman Imperialism and German Protestantism, 1521-1555, Cam- _ Martio, Francesco Spini, Giovanni Barengo, Gian Francesco

bridge, Mass., 1959, pp. 97 ff. Bini, Antonio Fiordibello, and numerous others.

634 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT time, although Paul IV had begun his reign with tificis, the letter which had caused the castellan to the affirmation of pacific intentions, peace did not release the galleys at Civitavecchia. Paul then

lie ahead. warned Guido Ascanio, the cardinal of S. Fiora, to see to the galleys’ dispatch to Civitavecchia. Guido

The trouble had started about the beginning Ascanio replied there was nothing he could do. Acof August, 1555, when two of the six Sforzas of | cording to Massarelli, since the affair of the galleys S. Fiora (of whom the best known was Cardinal had been bandied about for a long while, and the Guido Ascanio) repossessed two of the galleys be- pope had got nowhere, “today, on Saturday, the longing to their brother Carlo, the prior of Lom- _ last day of August, 1555, the cardinal of S. Fiora bardy. Carlo had been serving the French for sev- himself is being arrested and detained by order of eral years with three of his own galleys. Since the the pope in a place of confinement in the Castel S. other brothers had become imperialists, however, Angelo.’’®4

King Henry had grown suspicious of Carlo, and On 30 August Camillo Colonna, a staunch imwas taking steps to detain him in France. Carlo perialist, was also arrested and imprisoned in the

got wind of the fact and fled. Castel S. Angelo. On this day, too, Ascanio della

Henry sequestered Carlo’s galleys in Marseille. _Corgna, nephew of Julius III, and the Roman noSome time thereafter two of these galleys put into ble Giuliano Cesarini, brother of the late Cardinal port at Civitavecchia. Alessandro and Mario Sforza, Alessandro Cesarini (d. 1542), received orders not Carlo’s brothers, saw the chance to recover them. to leave the city without papal permission, for Paul Descending upon Civitavecchia with armed men, feared some violence on their part because of the Alessandro and Mario went aboard the galleys. imprisonment of Camillo Colonna and the cardiNiccolé Alamanni, the French king’s commander, nal of S. Fiora. Della Corgna and Cesarini were received them amicably. When they tried to seize ordered to furnish the “‘most ample surety” of the galleys and get out of the harbor, however, their good behavior. Paul had embarked, as Masthey were stopped by Pietro Capuano, the castel- sarelli assures us, on a perilous course—rem diffilan of Civitavecchia. When Guido Ascanio, the cilem atque arduam magnique momenti aggressus est cardinal camerlengo, learned of the impasse into pontifex—in his peremptory demand for the return

which they had fallen, he managed through his of the Sforza galleys to Civitavecchia and in his resourceful secretary Gian Francesco Lottini to dauntless action against the servitors and retainers get the amiable Giovanni Carafa, count of Mon- of Charles V and his son Philip [II], Angliae et Neatorio, to write a letter to the castellan, ordering polis rex. Realizing that he had now cast the die, the release of the galleys, which sailed on to Gaeta __ Paul began the conscription of 3,000 foot and 300 and thence to Naples. horse. The Sforzas were the sons of Paul III’s daughter Paul also issued an edict that all possessors of

Costanza Farnese. Darlings of the Farnese reign, weapons of warfare (except swords, rapiers, and three of the brothers had been useful to Julius II m tne f ne of Parma. Tne ay nen protestes me °4 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, ack OF security in the papa omain, al c 279-80, Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1555, no. 72; Bromato, manded the return of the galleys as though they Storia di Paolo IV, 11 (1753), bk. Ix, pp. 241 ff., 257-58; and were the king’s property, says Massarelli, ac prop- esp. Pietro Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, in Arch. stor. italiano, XII terea wpsas triremes uti ad regem spectantes repetebant. (1847), 12-20, in detail, with some telling observations on the

Paul IV needed no urging. He was furious, and Persons involved and their purposes. Note also, abid., doc. i, ordered the-_ Sforzeschi to brin g the two g alle ys Pp.twenty-one-year-old 372-75, the Relazione della ritenzione delle galere di Carlo : sforza, condemning the Alessandro Sforza’s back to Civitavecchia. Alessandro, who wasa clerk display of violence at Civitavecchia. of the Camera Apostolica, excused himself, saying Furthermore, see the report of the French envoy in Rome, that he had acted quite legally. The galleys be- Louis de Lansac, dated 28 August, 1555, in Ribier, Lettres et

longed to his family. meéemotres d’ estat, iI (1666), esp. p. 617. Giovanni Carafa s desire

Pope declared he assessment would help decideof theGiovanni’s please made him character, an easy mark for‘‘I] the shrewd Cf. : ;Paul avagero’s duca Lottini: é molto question of ownership when the galleys had been modesto e gentile, et nel maneggio suo procede di modo che returned to Civitavecchia. When his orders were — ognuno rimane sodisfatto,”’ etc. (Relazione [1558], p. 385). His

disregarded, the pope began proceedings against prother Antonio, marchese di Montebeno, was quite cvicrent:

Alessandro, and arrested the cardinal of $. Fiora’s marshes: & cleric in modo che divena isopportabil secretary, Lottini, who had got the letter out of consequences thereof, cf’ G. Duruy, Le Cardinal Carlo Carafa the count of Montorio, contra mentem et iussa pon- (1882), pp. 36-47, his chief source being Pietro Nores.

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 635 poniards), whatever the said possessors’ rank or Paul went on to tell de Lansac that he desired dignity, must within three days surrender such mightily to see his most Christian Majesty “‘quit weapons to Scipione Rebiba, bishop of Mottola of that Turkish armada’ (délivrée de cette armée and governor of Rome. The severest penalties Turgquesque) which, as we have seen, had just atwould be leveled against those who failed to do _ tacked the Italian islands of Elba and Corsica. The so. Rebiba would store and guard the weapons in _ peace-loving pope made clear that he much ap-

the Castel S. Angelo. All the cardinals as well as proved of the plans being discussed to get the the prelates, barons, and ambassadors in the city Venetians to enter a league with France, “‘and that did as they were ordered except for Fernando one might offer them a good part of the conquests Ruiz de Castro, the marquis of Sarria, Charles V’s_ which would be made in the common war, such ambassador, who regarded it as a slight to the em- as the kingdom of Sicily which they greatly desire,

peror, and with these forces [one could] put into effect

as if the pope had no faith in him and his ministers, and some: hepa enterprise for the liberty and although the pope had resolved that he should certainly security of this poor Italy. .. .” To all this de do this also, lest a still greater commotion should be ansac, Henry I's special envoy, made reassuring raised (and because the one already raised was calming olses In answer. Henry would not fail the pope down little by little), the pope was unwilling to use force either in good will or in the use of force.

against him.°° As for the Turks, de Lansac said that his MajIt is small wonder that Pietro Nores, who knew esty had no less displeasure than did his Holiness

, a, in the fact that the French had been constrained

so well the history of Paul IV's reign, could write, 1 seek Turkish assistance. Henry had to defend Almost all the cardinals hated the pope, and not only himself against the emperor’s ambition. He had the imperialists, but also those who had borne him aloft had to avail himself of the Turkish armada, to the pontificate. No sooner did they see him seated ‘‘which was, however, doing no damage to Chrison S. Peter’s throne than they repented of what they tendom.. . .”’ The Turks had not taken anything had done, and began to detest the effects of his alto- ., far, One had to be sure of the freedom of the

gether too rigid and harsh nature. sea. If the Venetians would enter such a league as

A few days before the arrest of the cardinal of the pope had spoken of, there would be no need S. Fiora, Paul IV had received the French envoy of looking to the Turks. De Lansac assured the Louis de Lansac, to whom he dilated on his desire pope that Henry II had no other ambition than to reform the Church, punish ecclesiastical of- to gain the glory and honor of delivering Italy fenders, and show himself as an impartial father as well as Christendom from the tyranny of to all good Christians. He wanted (he said) to rec- Charles V. oncile Charles V and Henry II, ‘‘et donner paix Paul IV was delighted with what he heard, and a la Chrestienté.”” He did not want to go the way thereafter he and de Lansac went on to the outof warfare, which was unbecoming to the papal rages which both pope and papacy had suffered office (ny user de voyes d’ armes, ne luy semblant con- at the hands of the Sforza brothers of S. Fiora, in venable a son estat), but the very devil seemed to be which discussion of course the seizure of the galfrustrating his high intentions. His subjects were leys at Civitavecchia loomed large. The cardinal being aroused against him. There was no lack of of S. Fiora had opposed Paul’s election in the con-

evidence of the emperor’s ill will and that of his clave, and had since then sent envoys to the emministers. Paul said that he had thus been forced peror and the king of England [Philip] to conto arm himself. He was too weak to resist the im- spire against him and the Holy See. De Lansac perialists, but he put his confidence in God, who _ praised Paul’s modesty and patience. He had adhad made him pope, and in Henry II, of whose vised him to arrest both the cardinal of S. Fiora help he felt assured, ‘‘tant pour sa bonté que pour (which was done three days later) and Marc’ Anl’ exemple de ses prédécesseurs.”” The kings of tonio Colonna (who was to get away safely). He France had always been the defenders of the Holy also advised Paul to attack various neighboring

See. strongholds belonging to S. Fiora; they were worth about three or four thousand écus a year. Paul could give them to his relatives. His Holiness °° Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, was much encouraged by his talk with de Lansac,

980. whom he asked to talk over these matters with his 66 Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, p. 18. nephew, Cardinal Carafa. De Lansac did so, find-

636 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ing the cardinal most receptive, for Carafa had August and on 4 September (1555) of the pope’s become entirely anti-Hapsburg and hence entirely bitterness over Alessandro Sforza’s seizure of the pro-French. Together they plotted the arrest of _ two galleys from Civitavecchia. Paul had declared Marc’ Antonio Colonna, who was still in the en- the action, as we know from Massarelli and from

virons of Rome with his family.®’ other sources, to be “‘contra libertatem ecclesiasPaul IV had reappointed Guidobaldo della Ro- ticam et auctoritatem suae Sanctitatis et Apostovere captain-general of the papal forces (on 20 _ licae Sedis.’’ Charles thought two galleys were not June, 1555).°° By mid-August it appeared that worth a war, however, and in answer to Sarria’s Guidobaldo’s services as a soldier would be needed, appeal for a decision Charles ordered the return for Paul and Cardinal Carafa directed him to hold _ of the galleys to Civitavecchia, which was done on in readiness five to six thousand foot and three Sunday, 15 September (1555).” If the imperialists hundred horse. In the meantime they set about _ really believed that this was a step towards peace, recruiting another three thousand troops for the | they were mistaken. Cardinal Carafa and the pro-

protection of Rome. French faction at the Curia kept dinning the mis-

Papal troops occupied various Orsini castles to deeds of the emperor and his ministers into the the northwest of Rome and the Colonna castles old pope’s ears. to the southeast. Always the moralist, in early Sep- On 14 September (1555), the very day before tember Paul ordered Cardinal Ippolito d’ Este, the restoration of the galleys, Cardinal Carlo CaLucrezia Borgia’s son, to absent himself from the — rafa had dispatched Annibale Rucellai, a member papal states. Ippolito, who was no moralist himself, of his household and a nephew of Giovanni della had entertained papal ambitions at the last three Casa, on a mission to King Henry II in France. In conclaves, and was apparently taking steps to build _ this connection Pietro Nores speaks of ‘‘la deterup support for the conclave which would follow minata volonta del Papa di rompere con gl’ ImPaul’s own death. He was said to have sought _ periali.’’ Rucellai’s instructions are worth a careful 16,000 ducats from Henry II to distribute among study. Despite Nores’s statement it is not clear how a half-dozen or so cardinals who might be useful. fully the pope was informed as to the purpose of At the risk of offending the pro-French duke of Rucellai’s trip to France, but in any event the latFerrara, Ercole II, Paul finally expelled the licen- _ ter’s instructions reveal the nature of Carafa’s antitious and intriguing Ippolito,’° who did not enjoy | Hapsburg objectives. Rucellai was to explain to

his removal from Rome. the king that all the Carafeschi had for years suf-

In early September Paul dismissed eight cham- fered injury and insult at the hands of the emberlains of the papal court, all nobles with Nea- peror, his ministers, and the imperialist cardinals. politan connections, an evidence of distrust which The incident of the galleys had shown the S.

caused widespread comment, says Pietro Nores, Fioras’ hostility to Henry; the pope had re‘‘e diedero manifesto presagio delle future tur- | sponded vigorously to their offense to the king’s bolenze.’’ Charles V tried, however, to ward off dignity. In fact the cardinal of S. Fiora was now the turbulence. The Spanish ambassador in Rome, _ being kept in papal custody. Paul IV also had at the marquis of Sarria, had written Charles on 19 heart the interests of Italy, and Henry could be sure that as pope he would never form an alliance

TO or entente with the emperor, né unione né corris67 Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 11 (1666), 615-18, report pondenza alcuna, that he would always be the emof Louis de Lansac, dated at Rome on 28 August, 1555, re- peror’s enemy. Paul’s forces were inadequate to ee Arch. Seer. Vaticano, Arm, XLIV, tom. 4, fols. 77°-78", meet the emperor's military challenge. Without

by mod. stamped enumeration. the example of a great sovereign to encourage

69 Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, Il, bk. 1x, p. 246, andcf, Pastor, them, other princes would be unlikely to aid the

Gesch. d. Pépste, VI (repr. 1957), 387. . pope against the emperor.

Massarelli, Diartum septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, Rucellai must appeal to Henry to take the pope 280-81, and on the papal troops taking over the outlying for- . . . tresses of the Colonna (esp. Paliano) and of the Orsini (esp. and the Holy See under his protection, as his royal Bracciano), note Pietro Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 21-22, | predecessors had done, “to defend the reputation on which see below. Within a month of Ippolito d’ Este’s ex- of that saintly old man, who has always loved his pulsion from Rome, Carlo Carafa was trying to get the pope to allow his return. Nores, ibid., p. 28, says that “il cardinal Caraffa era tutto intento a procurare con ogni studio di rimettere nella grazia del Papa il cardinale Ippolito d’ Este, che 71 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, un mese prima s’ era, per comandamento ed ordine suo, ritirato 281; Druffel, Briefe u. Akten, IV, no. 662, pp. 707-8, esp. p.

a Ferrara.” 708, note 2; Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 23, 26-27.

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 637 Majesty with such great devotion.”” Henry should came, there would be no lack of funds and no lack also take care of Cardinal Carlo Carafa if for no of ways to get more. other reason than to be sure of his services. If Henry Henry must excuse Cardinal Carafa for not havabandoned Carlo, the latter would have to seek ing taken up these matters with Cardinal Jean du refuge outside Italy. One could well pin his hopes, _Bellay, but the latter had become so intimate with as Rucellai would say, on the goodness of a king Cardinal Rodolfo Pio of Carpi, “‘tutto imperiale,”’ whose altruism had moved him to rescue Ottavio that one could not confide in him. Indeed, Rucellai Farnese, duke of Parma, from the imperial clutches. might hint that, under the pretext of allowing du That had been all well and good. Now, however, Bellay again to enjoy residence in his native land, the appeal of the Carafeschi to France carried with his Majesty might recall him from Rome. The amit the ‘‘most obvious and certain hope of regaining _bassador Jean d’ Avanson (Alanzon), however, was the kingdom of Naples and giving Siena that free- to be praised for his fortitude and for the satisdom it could expect in no other way than at [the faction he afforded the Curia Romana. The Caraking’s] hands.”’ (Actually Carafa was eager to get feschi would now leave the next move up to Henry. Siena into his family’s possession.) Rucellai was to If he sent Cardinal Francois de Tournon, as one urge Henry to confirm the many promises which _ said he planned to do, Henry could be assured that the French ambassador Jean d’ Avanson and Car-_ the Carafeschi could deal with him in full confidinal Georges d’ Armagnac had made the pope. dence.””

There must be no delay. Henry should send to It would later be revealed, when Carlo Carafa d’ Avanson or to whomever else he wished a ‘“‘facolta was brought to trial in the late summer of 1560 autenitica per poter capitolare e stabilir lega offensiva during the reign of Pius IV, that one of the chief e defensiva col Papa.’’ The terms of this alliance purposes of Rucellai’s mission to France was to see between France and the Holy See should bind both whether a combination of the French and Turkish

the king and the pope to the fulfillment of their fleets might not attack the Spanish in the Nea-

every obligation as defined in the concordat. politan kingdom and in Sicily if and when a Rucellai was, furthermore, to tell the king that break came between the Hapsburgs and the Cardinal Carafa had such a following and an es-_ Holy See.”® pionage system in the Abruzzi that his Majesty could soon be made master of that province. The Three days after Rucellai’s departure for France Carafeschi had many relatives and an infinitenum- the six Venetian envoys chosen to render the Siber of friends in Naples and elsewhere in the king- _gnoria’s obedience to the recently-elected pontiff dom who would take up arms when the time came. made their solemn entrance into Rome (on TuesHenry should send a prince of the blood to Rome___ day, 17 September, 1555). On the following day as soon as possible with full authority to act and an envoy of the Hospitallers tendered the Order’s with money enough to do so. Both king and pope _ obedience, excusing his late arrival, for the Knights should try to bring Ercole II, duke of Ferrara, into had been engaged in a maritime expedition against their alliance, and above all the Republic of Ven- the Turks. In fact they had captured a Turkish ice. ‘hey must promise the Venetians a good deal _ ship on the very day they had first learned of his and try for once to move them to avenge them- _Holiness’s election, which they took as a good aus-

selves on the Hapsburgs (who trespassed upon pice for the future. The envoy of the Knights

Venetian claims in Friuli). dwelt on the Order’s toilsome and costly struggle The Carafeschi had already done more than a

little, and were still at work. The duke of Urbino __.. had been ordered to stand by with stx thousand ” Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 23-26; Bromato, Storia di foot and three hundred horse. Another 10,000 — pgoio rv, 1, bk. 1x, pp. 255 ff.; Duruy, Le Cardinal Carlo Carafa,

foot and 300 horse could be recruited and got pp. 57 ff.; and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VI (repr. 1957), p. ready in the papal states, with all the artillery and 391, with further indication of the sources. Four days before munitions they require. Rucellai would left for Carafa dispatchedat Giovanni An. .would , . rea da Gubbio to Rucera Ferrara to France, express hishaddistress Cardinal thank the king for the 5 0,000 scudi which his Ippolito’s exile and to seek Duke Ercole’s adherence to an alministers in Rome had already given the Holy See, _ liance of France with the Holy See. Carafa succeeded in winning and urge him in no way to be discouraged. It was __ Ercole over to the papal side (Nores, op. cit., pp. 29-31). true the Carafeschi had not yet raised enough . 78 Processo de’ Caraffi, seu delicta super quibus processatus fuit money, because the pope had not wanted to over- Mastrissiniys el reverend ssimus 2 GC Cardinails Garous Garay ed.

’ , append., no.

burden the people too soon. Also he had not xiv, pp. 493, 495, 502, 503, 506, and cf,, below, Chapter 16, wanted to reveal his intentions, but when the time __ note 84, and Chapter 17, note 100.

638 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT on behalf of Christendom, taking care also to nity. Also they were handsomely and expensively praise the learning and piety of the new pope, who dressed. made the expected courteous rejoinder to the en- Massarelli notes that Paul tried to show his es-

voy’s rhetorical effort. teem and affection for the Republic in many ways, The Romans were much more interested in the — especially in his benevolence towards the envoys,

release on Thursday, 19 September, of the car- to whom he gave a splendid, “‘truly pontifical” dinal of S. Fiora, Guido Ascanio Sforza. Before dinner (on 26 September) in the great hall of the leaving the Castel S. Angelo, however, Guido As- Palazzo S. Marco. To this dinner Paul had also canio had been obliged to put up a large sum— _ invited Cardinals Francesco Pisani, Ranuccio Massarelli says 150,000 scudi, while Nores says Farnese, Gianmichele Saraceni, Alessandro 300,000—as surety that he would not leave Rome Farnese, Niccol6 Gaetano di Sermoneta, Jacopo without the pope’s written permission todo so. He Savelli, and Carlo Carafa. When the dinner was was to be absolutely obedient. Otherwise he stood _ over they talked, all in secret, and the pope heard

to lose not only his financial pledge, but all his what they had to say.” offices, benefices, and dignities, including even Paul IV was in a belligerent mood when he

that of cardinal. called together a consistory for 2 October. AcGuido Ascanio was given to understand that he _ cording to a letter of Bernardo Navagero to the owed his freedom entirely to the pope’s benign Doge Francesco Venier and the Senate, the pope generosity, not to the request of any prince, i.e., had intended to tell the cardinals that now he was

not to Charles V’s intercession. Actually those who _ going to strike first, in anticipation of an imperi-

had tried to help him had merely put him in alist move against the Holy See. Cardinal Giangreater danger. At least so Guido Ascanio was nangelo de’ Medici remonstrated with him, howtold. At the consistory held on 20 September the _ ever, pointing out that as the universal father Paul

pope assailed him again ‘‘con parole aspre e se- was the only person who could make peace bevere,”’ warning him to walk a straight and narrow tween Charles V and Henry II. If he struck at one path, abandon his political partisanship, and lead of them as the partisan of the other, they would the life of a good ecclesiastic. The least infraction all find themselves in desperate straits. of his orders, the pope told Guido Ascanio, would The pope yielded to Medici’s plea ‘‘for the benlead him to take such action against the cardinal efit of this See Apostolic and of Italy,’’ and apas to leave him quite without hope of pardon. On pointed a commission of seven cardinals. Nava22 September Camillo Colonna was also released _ gero notes that six of the seven were imperialists—

from the Castel S. Angelo.” Juan Alvarez de Toledo, Ridolfo Pio of Carpi,

The Venetian embassy of obedience was re- Otto von Truchsess, Giovanni Morone, Bartolome ceived at a public consistory held on Tuesday, 24 de la Cueva, and Giannangelo de’ Medici himself. September (1555), in the royal-reception hall of |The seventh was Carlo Carafa, who could keep an

the Palazzo S. Marco, now the Palazzo Venezia. eye on the others. The commission took its reBernardo Navagero, who was to remain in Rome __ sponsibility seriously, meeting on occasion with as the Signoria’s ambassador, delivered a “‘lucu- Don Fernando Ruiz de Castro, the marquis of Sarlentissima oratio”’ full of the Venetians’ joy to ria, Charles V’s ambassador to the Curia Romana. learn of Paul’s elevation to the papal throne and Sarria was especially annoyed because papal agents no less full of admiration for his piety, learning, had been intercepting imperialist dispatches beand character, to all of which Paul hada hard time tween Rome and Naples.’ replying. He was so hoarse he could hardly speak, Angelo Massarelli, who was a papal secretary, but he managed to pay honor to the Venetians’ gives the membership of the papal-imperial comloyalty to the Holy See and their meritorious ded- mission somewhat differently. He also emphasizes ication to the faith. Twice he received the six en- the pope’s sincere desire to avoid conflict:

voys in most and benevolent ‘‘ad The : *pleasant 99 : pope neg ectedfashion no means tolected ringbring a outabpeace osculum pedis et Ors. An except onally large between himself and the imperialists. For this reason, crowd had gathered in the hall to witness the oc-

casion, according to Massarelli, for the envoys ~~ _

were all men of appropriate age, nobility, and dig- 78 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 282-83.

76 Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-1, no. 235, pp.

TO 202-5, letter dated 4 October, and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 74 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, | VI (repr. 1957), 392-93, where by a slip the consistory is dated

282; Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, p. 27. 20 (instead of 2) October, 1555.

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 639 besides many other gestures, he also chose six cardi- Carlo Carafa sent word to Navagero, asking him nals—and these almost all of the imperial party in order to come to the Vatican Palace about 4:00 P.M., for to make clear that he did not at all distrust them [!|— the pope wished to see him. At the appointed hour assigning them the task of finding a way to make sure Nayagero found Cardinals Carpi, Mignanelli, Saof peace and concord between his Holiness and Caesar. raceni, and Giannangelo de’ Medici in the papal

These cardinals were Carpi, Santiago, Morone, de la resence. The English bassad Sir Edward

Cueva, Saraceni, and Carafa. Meeting daily among Pp " € angish ambassador, oir war

themselves [and] even adding the imperial ambassador Carne, soon appeared also, and thereafter, one by [Sarria], they discussed the problem in great detail, and One, Came Cardinals de la Cueva, Francisco de Men-

finally reduced matters to certain conditions.”’ doza y Bobadilla, Juan Alvarez de Toledo, von The aed vontiff. who seems to have fallen al Truchsess, Puteo, and Carafa. Surrounded by imvost co mmpletely ‘inder the cardinal-nephew’s in- perialists, that plots against him his ife and thePaul livesIVofdeclared his relatives were forcing fluence, was being tossed to and fro. On 4 October to take up arms,

Guidobaldo della Rovere, the duke of Urbino,

spent a long time with the pope, as he informed °F shall words persuade us to disarm, for we very well Navagero the next day, warning his Holiness of remember what befell Pope Clement, who having re“all the misadventures which might result from ceived fair words from the ministers of the present Em-

» peror, had impressed scarcelyand dismissedforhis soldiers ere there took the war.” Paul ~, .Rome ; . . seemed place that horriblegrateful capture of and that fatal and della Rovere’s frankness. Navagero immediately frightful sack, than which there was perhaps never one

wrote the doge and the Council of Ten that more cruel nor more iniquitous. . . . This unhappy and miserable city was sacked for ten consecutive months, the Duke says he does not know how much he canprom- during which Rome endured every sort of tyrannical viise himself from the Pope in this matter, as although he — olence.. . . We well know that our forces are feeble, but saw his Holiness inclined toward peace, he on the other our cause is that of God, who founded this see, and will hand perceived Cardinal Caraffa quite bent on war, and defend it... . . Our mind being entirely bent on peace, performing every possible office to draw the Pope into we will not make war, unless provoked and induced by

it, because his right reverend lordship has assured the necessity... . King of France of his hope that the Pope will league

and ally himself with his most Christian Majesty. The pope told the ambassadors—of England The duke of Urbino also told Navagero that he and of Venice—that is had chosen to be outspowould let it be clearly understood he would risk ken in their presence “that you might c onan his life and his state for the pope in a defensive cate to your princes what is aforesaid. The carwar. If the Carafeschi were going to embark on cinals ture? to Sir Edware varne: the am passa

an offensive war, however, invading imperialist SO! ° me _most serene King ke 18 “th ys territory, the duke would not take the field with Philip [II]. Carne said he would write the king. ‘raw and disorderly Italian troops, at the risk of Navagero, when the cardinals looked to him, losing repute.’’ Under such circumstances he thanked his Holiness for this con dential con would serve the pope, but his Holiness would have Cardi nM. The ambassadors were cs ised.

to give the command to someone else. With area r ‘h ne a ; ee to nardinal car fs

proper forces—which he apparently did not see east part of the papa diatribe." Cardinal Carata forthcoming—della Rovere would do his duty.”2 “Y#* getting his way. Paul IV was moving on In other words, if he could help it, Guidobaldo della ‘Ward war.

Rovere was not going to war with the emperor. ~— On the morning of 8 October (1555) Cardinal 79 Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 242, pp.

209-10, letter dated 8 October, 1555. Although Navagero does not mention him, the Portuguese ambassador was also

TO resent (cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VI [repr. 1957], 393-94). 9383 wassarelt Darn sepiumun m werk Cone. ident M Concerning the aneged prots agains he ve of Pal 1V and

. The cardinal of Santiago (S. [acobi) was Juan Alvarez de is relatives, see Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 31-32. e Toledo, archbishop of Santee de Compostela from June, imperialists were said to have hired a certain bine named Nani 1550, until his death on 15 September, 1557. Massarelli lists | to poison Cardinal Carafa and a Calabrian assassin named Ceneither von Truchsess nor Medici, names Saraceni (who is not sare Spina to murder him. One could wish the facts were clearer, mentioned by Navagero), and obviously puts only six cardinals _ but Nores, loc. cit., does state that “‘molti hanno creduto e scritto

o8 Brown, Cal Venice, VI-1, no. 236 ser|’ ianimo ner smpre no commosso del Papa comeneinsospettito, oe ineo sett : . LgSlate , -l,Papers no. , Dp. er tener sempre delPani Papa 205, letter dated 5 October, 1555. Although I have employed e verso gli Spagnuol mal disposto.” If the plots were an invention

the spelling Carafa, I have usually retained Caraffain quotations of Carafa to keep the pope worked up, it was indeed a sad

in which the two f’s are used. affair for, according to Nores, Nani was beheaded.

640 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The arrests of Guido Ascanio Sforza and Ca- but does sometimes deviate into error, says forty millo Colonna had aroused intense resentment at thousand, which is clearly a lapsus calami vel mentis.

the imperial court at Brussels. The seizure of All told, the forces to be raised immediately by Marc’ Antonio’s lands, especially Paliano, had added Parma and by d’ Avanson, according to the latter, fuel to the flame. Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, | were supposed to number eighteen thousand foot the bishop of Arras, Charles V’s chief counselor, and twelve hundred horse. Finally d’ Avanson and was also believed to be advocating war against the Giovanni della Casa were to get together every day pope and the seizure of the papal states (e far ogni and to prepare as rapidly as possible the draft of a sforzo per levargli lo stato), according to Pietro Nores, _ treaty of alliance, i capitoli della lega, between France

for Granvelle asserted that as long as the pope ex- and the Holy See.

ercised temporal power, neither the emperor nor By this time plans were going forward with his son would ever be without trouble. Inany event more rapidity than reason. The articles of alliance such were the reports reaching Rome. On the eve-_ were ready in a few days, and on 13 October ning of 30 September the pope summoned Car- (1555) Paul IV and Jean d’ Avanson signed them dinal Alessandro Farnese and the French ambas- at a meeting in the Palazzo S. Marco. A league sador d’ Avanson. He told them he was going ‘‘to and confederation were thus being formed bebreak with the imperialists” to protect his own life tween the Apostolic See and the most Christian and the lives of his nephews Carlo, Giovanni, and king, for d’ Avanson promised that his Majesty

Antonio Carafa. The imperialists were laying one would subscribe to the articles of agreement

poisonous snare for them after another. within the prescribed period of forty days. The French ambassador d’ Avanson was full of On Monday, 14 October, a trusted member of reassurance. His noble sovereign Henry II was_ d’ Avanson’s staff set out posthaste for the French ready to stand by the threatened pope, “‘e ad es- court with texts of the treaty for Henry II’s sigporre lo stato, le forze, e la propria vita per lui.” nature.®!

In thanking d’ Avanson, Paul IV stated that the It is unlikely that Massarelli knew what was time for action had come. The French should de- going on. There is no mention of the agreement lay no longer the aid they had promised him. Paul of 13 October in his diary, but he does say that added that he hoped soon to see one of Henry’s ‘“‘it was the pope’s intention to try to injure no one sons the king of Naples and another the duke of and to live at peace with all men so that even if Milan. Nores’s account is confirmed by the letter he has been provoked in many ways, he has nevwhich d’ Avanson wrote Henry II on 1 October — ertheless always made an all-out effort for peace.” (1555), the day after his memorable audience with Such is Massarelli’s entry for Saturday, 15 Octo-

the pope.®° ber, on which day he states that “‘peace is being After this session with the pope Cardinals Ca- made between his Holiness and the imperialists by rafa and Farnese and the ambassador d’ Avanson the removal of all those obstacles which seemed were joined by Ottavio Farnese, duke of Parma, in in any way to impede it.’’®* The commission of the apartment of the papal maestro di camera. They cardinals had apparently succeeded in sweeping talked, as d’ Avanson informed Henry II, untilabout under the rug the differences dividing the impe10:00 P.M. (jusques a quatre heures de nuit). The rialists from the Carafeschi. ambassador also stated that the pope trusted the Paul IV had delayed the usual grandiose cereduke of Parma ‘“‘as much as or more than anyone mony of “‘taking possession” of the Lateran until else,’’ owing to Parma’s devotion to France. The Monday, 28 October, when decision was ma de to send the duke of Urbino, who he set out from the Palazzo S. Marco, in which he spent was expected in Rome the next day ad October), the summer, to the Lateran Church in the usual solemn

to the frontier of the Regno (according to Nores procession, accompanied by the cardinals and all the with nine thousand foot and the requisite horse). curial officials as well as by the soldiery of the Populus Parma was to go to Pitigliano to recruit troops both Romanus of the thirteen regions of the City. When a

in his own name and in that of the Church. prayer had been said in the church itself, [the pope] D’ Avanson says Parma was to raise four or five thou-

sand troops. Nores, who is singularly wellinformed ~~

®! Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 35-36; d’ Avanson’s letter of 1 October, in Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, I1, 619-20; Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, U1, bk. 1x, pp. 263-66; cf’ Duruy, 5° Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 32-35, and see d’ Avanson’s _—_ Le Cardinal Carlo Carafa, pp. 78 ff. letter of 1 October, 1555, in Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 82 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

II (1666), 618-20. 284.

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 641 went up to the chapel which is called the Sancta Sanc- Medici were good friends. Garcilasso told Serritorum [now at the head of the Scala Santa], and blessed stori (on 8 November) that his first audience with all the people together from the archway which Boniface the pope could not possibly have gone more VIII had built facing the piazza. Then, in the same order smoothly, con tanta dolcezza e con parole cost amore-

[of procession], he returned home to S. Marco. voli. When Garcilasso expressed wonderment that A dispatch of the Florentine envoy Averardo the pope had been adding to his military forces, Serristori informs us that after Paul got back to the latter told him he was merely trying to prethe Palazzo S. Marco, he gave a grand banquet to serve what little remained of the papal States, the cardinals and the ambassadors. After the din- “seeing that his vassals and feudatories were folner he called to the imperial ambassador, the mar- lowing a course of trying all too hard to make quis of Sarria, and told him that on that day or themselves masters [of those states], which was an the next his nephew Don Antonio Carafa would affront to his Holiness and hardly of advantage to leave to withdraw the papal troops from the Nea- the people.’’*°

politan frontier. Yes, Sarria could depend on it. On 12 November the Venetian ambassador

Furthermore, his Holiness was about to send a Navagero paid Don Garcilasso a visit. The Spanish brief to Ottavio Farnese not to recruit any more government in Naples had shown no little restraint soldiers from the papal states or from Castro and_ in dealing with the irascible pontiff. Garcilasso not to round up any more provisions. The news delivered himself of a lengthy discourse to Namade Sarria think he had lived ‘‘the most beautiful vagero on the friendly purposes of his mission to day in the world,” la piu bella giornata del mondo, Rome. In the course of it he said, ‘““This good old and he was filled with an “‘infinite pleasure.’’** man does not perceive that whilst he was having A new chapter in papal-imperial relations might the drums beat and mustering troops, the Emhave begun with the arrival in Rome of Don Gar-_peror’s forces in the kingdom of Naples and in cilasso de la Vega on 31 October (1555). Garci- Tuscany might have employed something more lasso came as a special envoy of Charles V and than words.’’®” On the following day Garcilasso Philip [II]; he was met by the marquis of Sarria had a somewhat unpleasant meeting with Cardinal and Giovanni Carafa di Montorio. Navagero be- Carafa, who turned down the Spanish offer of a

lieved that the envoy had come to demand the pension of 4,000 ducats, and made it clear that reinstatement of Marc’ Antonio Colonna as well Marc’ Antonio Colonna was not going to be reas the release of the cardinal of S. Fiora and Ca- stored to his status quo ante, nor would there be millo Colonna from the heavy financial sureties they any reduction or removal of the heavy sureties had had to furnish the pope for their deliverance which had given S. Fiora and some other impefrom the Castel S. Angelo. Two days later, how- rialists the freedom at least to move about the city ever, Paul IV told Navagero that although he had of Rome.*® Although Garcilasso’s soft-spoken not yet received Don Garcilasso, he understood charm made a favorable impression on the pope, the envoy’s instructions were ‘“‘very bland”’ (molto the Spaniards got nowhere either with the pope dolci).8° Garcilasso was formally to announce or with Carafa. Charles’s surrender of the Netherlands to his son By this time Paul IV and the cardinal-nephew Philip, and since they had both heard of the pope’s had waited more than a month for Henry II’s reenlisting troops, Garcilasso was to assure his Ho- sponse to the proffered alliance with the Holy See. liness of the Hapsburgs’ pacific intentions and Finally on 21 and 22 November (1555) Cardinals

their devotion to the Holy See. Charles de Guise and Francois de Tournon came

In Rome, as in other places and at other times, to Rome as Henry’s envoys. Charles was called the the ambassadors went to see one another. There cardinal of Lorraine, his younger brother Louis was a special bond between Don Garcilasso de la__ being known as the cardinal of Guise. They were Vega and the Florentine envoy Averardo Serri- the sons of Claude of Lorraine (d. 1550), the first stori, for the obvious reason the Hapsburgs and the

TO 86 Canestrini, Legazioni di Averardo Serristori, pp. 379-80, let83 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, ter dated 9 November, 1555. 284; Max Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius und seinen Freunden, 8” Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 278, p. 248, letter

Leipzig, 1886, no. 177, p. 232. of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated at Rome on 12 °* Giuseppe Canestrini, ed., Legazioni di Averardo Serristori November, 1555. ... , Florence, 1853, pp. 377-78. 88 Ibid., V1-1, no. 279, pp. 249-50, letter of Navagero to the

and cf. no. 271. nos. 280-81, 290.

85 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, nos. 265-66, p. 237, | doge and Senate, dated at Rome on 13 November, and cf, ibid.,

642 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT duke of Guise, and brothers of Marie, the mother ance to which the pope and d’ Avanson had agreed of Mary, queen of Scots. They were also brothers on 13 October. With some few alterations in the of Francois, second duke of Guise, who had de- text (alterate alcune poche cose), which Nores carefended Metz against Charles V (in 1552). Francois fully notes, the pope and the two French cardinals had married Anna d’ Este, daughter of Duke Er- formally signed (on 15 December, 1555) the “‘capicole II of Ferrara and Renée de France, the Cal- tulazioni’’ which were to have sad consequences.

vinist daughter of Louis XII. According to the terms of the treaty Henry II

Before the arrival of Charles de Guise and should become the defender of Paul IV and the Tournon in Rome, there had been some discus- Church against all opponents of whatever rank or sion of where to find an apartment for Guise, to condition, although in December (as opposed to whom presumably some special honor should be the text of October) Henry need no longer take paid. The imperialist Cardinal Carpi, who was at action on the pope’s behalf if his own kingdom the time one of three or four cardinal-inquisitors, was invaded. The French crown, however, should sarcastically suggested that the Inquisition would maintain a “‘perpetua protezione”’ over the three always provide lodging for him, thus trying to cast papal nephews and their descendants, giving them doubt on the orthodoxy of the most reverend car- lands and possessions in France or in Italy for those dinal of Lorraine. The remark enraged Guise and they would lose in the kingdom of Naples. ‘The the French ambassador Jean d’ Avanson. It em-_ third “‘capitulation’’ provided for the offensive as barrassed and annoyed Paul IV, who was appar-_ well as defensive league, ‘‘and this for warfare in ently more willing to find heresy in imperialist car-_ Italy only, Piedmont not being included here-

dinals like Pole and Morone.®” with.”

The pope and the Carafeschi gave Guise and The fourth article or capitulation required the Tournon an almost royal welcome in Rome. Some _ establishment of a wartime fund. An initial deposit days were spent in receptions and dinners as well of 50,000 scudi was (jointly?) to be made in Rome

as in reviewing and discussing the articles of alli- or Venice, after which Henry II was to put up 350,000 scudi and Paul IV 150,000 within three months. Other articles raised the French force

— which Henry was to send into Italy from 8,000 to 8° Rawdon Brown, ed., Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-3 12,000 foot, together with the 1,200 light horse (1884), append., nos. 134-35, pp. 1646-47; Duruy, Le Cardinal which had already been agreed on in October.

Carlo Carafa, 85-92; Dom Rene Ludwig Ancel, Riess, Nonciatures de Th heput field France, | (Paris, Pp: 1909), introd., p. LXxiv; Die € pope was.to into10.000 the he ?f,oot

Politik Pauls IV. und seiner Nepoten, Berlin, 1909, pp. 72-75. and 100 horse. He would also supply food, artilRawdon Brown, Riess, Pastor, and others have mistakenly as- lery, and munitions from the papal states to the sumed that the “cardinal of Lorraine”’ in question was Charles’s fyllest extent he could, all at the expense of the younger brother Louis de Guise (f their indices when the league. proper name Louis does not appear in the text). On Charles . . . . de Guise’s mission to Rome (and to Ferrara, Urbino, and Ven- The war might begin against the kingdom of ice), cf, Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, Il, bk. 1x, pp. 279-80, and Naples or against the duchy of Florence, according see esp. Lucien Romier, Les Origines politiques des guerres dere- to the pope’s decision. If Siena were taken, the ligion, 2 vols., Paris, 1913-14, I, 29-43. On the titles of the city would become part of the states of the Church two cardinal brothers, Charles de Lorraine and Louis de Guise, ; . cf. Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, although, contentandosene al popolo, Paul might be265, lines 14 and 38-39: Ludovicus Lothoringus de Guisa. .. Stow it on Giovanni Carafa di Montorio or on dictus de Guisa and Carolus de Lothoringia de Guisa . . . dictus whomever else he chose. One of Henry’s sons was Lothoringus. In an entry in his diary for 27 December, 1555, to receive the kingdom of Naples as a papal in-

however, Massarelli, op. cit., II, Guisius.” 286, lines 11-12, “‘Inand. hanother Id t the duchy festo vero divi Ioannis celebravit card. Does he notwrites, Y°> liture, wou BS y of

mean Lothoringus? Milan, but neither of these Italian states would go The arrival of the cardinals of Lorraine and Tournon had to the dauphin. Taxes were to be reduced in both

been delayed by the latter’s illness in Lyon (Nores, Guerra di Naples and Milan.

Paolo IV, p. 40). On their mission to Rome, see in general Michel The princes to whom the two states were asFrancois, ed., Correspondance du Cardinal Francois de Tournon . . . (1521-1562), Paris, 1946, nos. 476-93, pp. 298-306, letters Signed must take up residence in them as soon as of Tournon and Guise dated from 27 November, 1555, to 6 they could, perché v’ abitassero di continuo, “‘and January, 1556, and Francois, “‘Le Réle du Cardinal Francois during their minority the governors of the said

ume ue Pais anaes eta dfamiss sates should be eleced by the pope.” place wat

333, with an appendix of four ‘documents. Tournon was an left in the league for the Signoria of Venice and advocate of peace between France and Spain, but he could only for the duke of Ferrara. The Republic was to re-

do as Henry II directed him. ceive the kingdom of Sicily, at least according to

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 643 the October convention. Suitable provision would pense would have a deleterious effect upon the be made for Ferrara. The French king was not to kingdom. Montmorency disliked and distrusted interfere in ecclesiastical matters nor to receive the Guises, who were promoting the papal alliance the enemies or rebels of the Church. He was not asa prelude to the war in which Francois de Guise to try to raise troops in the papal states without would assume command of the French forces. The the pope’s permission, although he must provide growing power and influence of the Guises were the pope with 400 lancers and two armed galleys an obvious threat to the future of Montmorency’s every time his Holiness requested them. In the own family. modifications of the treaty in December the papal Charles de Guise’s cardinal companion to Rome, states were much enlarged. The pope was to re- Francois de Tournon, also disapproved of the ceive Benevento, the city and fortress of Gaeta, costly pact with the papacy. Tournon, moreover, and a good deal more. There were twenty-five had been loath to return to the Tiber, for his younarticles in the treaty,” and once more the (later) ger colleague Jean du Bellay had become cardinalcurial adage came true, Historia concordatorum est bishop of Ostia and Velletri and dean of the Sa-

historia dolorum. cred College some six or so months before (on 29

May, 1555). ‘Tournon had been a cardinal since It was easy for the enemies of the Hapsburgs 1530, du Bellay since 1535, and the older man to make treaties. Paper and parchment, time and _ believed he had been discriminated against. talk were cheap, but putting into effect the current Montmorency and Tournon were far from the plans of the high contracting parties was going to Only ones fearful of loss or disaster as a result of be a costly business. Anne de Montmorency, con- the new league. Guidobaldo della Rovere, duke stable of France, much preferred to pursue the of Urbino, gave up his charge as captain-general Hapsburg-Valois peace negotiations, which he had of the Church, and Paul IV appointed his affable been promoting (along with Queen Mary Tudor and incompetent nephew Giovanni Carafa di Monand Cardinal Pole) since the early spring.?' Mont- torio as Urbino’s successor (on 29 December, morency tried to dissuade Henry II from the papal 1555)."~ Papal nephews had often been captainsalliance on the grounds that peace with the em- general of the Church; experienced soldiers were peror was essential to the well-being of France. | expected to plan any campaign in the offing and

Little could be expected of union with an to take command in the field.

eighty-year-old pontiff, who had no money, was Of larger popular interest (although of little the enemy of the duke of Florence, had no bond political importance) was Paul IV’s creation of with the Venetians, and had alienated the duke of seven cardinals on 20 December (1555). In a truFerrara by the expulsion of his brother from Culent, indeed violent, mood two days before, Paul Rome. If the pope died, Henry would have to had told the Sacred College, as Navagero wrote carry the full weight of the conflict, and if Henry the doge and Senate (on 18 December), “that he withdrew from it, he would suffer a loss of repu- Was compelled by necessity to make cardinals, as tation. If he did not withdraw, the intolerable ex- 10 the College he did not see persons of whom he could make use, all having their faction and de°° Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 35-43, who gives also the 9? On the disfavor with which both Montmorency and Tourprovisions made for Ercole II of Ferrara. The latter wasto have _ non viewed the pact with the papacy, see Nores, Guerra di Paolo

the “name and dignity” of general of the army of the league, IV, pp. 39, 40. When Jean du Bellay died (on 16 February, receive 2,000 scudi a month from France as well as the pro- 1560), Tournon succeeded him as cardinal-bishop of Ostia and tection of Henry II, who was to maintain in the duchy of Ferrara _Velletri and dean of the Sacred College (on 13 March, 1560). at his own expense 100 men-at-arms, secondo I’ uso di Francia, Cf. in general L. Romier, Les Origines politiques des guerres de and 200 light horse. When the kingdom of Naples was taken, religion, II (1914), 17 ff., 28-29, 33 ff., et alibi. As Carafa had

Ercole would receive therefrom an income of 20,000 scudi. wished, Jean du Bellay had indeed been summoned back to When Tuscany was in the hands of the league, Ercole would —_ France. Charles de Guise had brought him the letter of recall

get [5,000 scudi, “but with the acquisition of Milan also, which, as du Bellay wrote Henry II on 24 December, 1555, he 50,000, and Cremona would be entrusted to him as surety.”’ declined to accept (ibid., II, 47). Cf. Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 343, pp. 309-10; 93 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, fols. 180°— Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, Il, bk. Ix, pp. 263-67, 279-80. 183", by mod. stamped enumeration, a brief of appointment Paul IV was finding the financing difficult (M. Francois, Cor- addressed to Giovanni Carafa, comes Montorii: ‘“. . . Te nostrum respondance du Cardinal Francois de Tournon [1946], no. 478, p. _ et eiusdem S.R.E. capitaneum generalem vigore harum litera-

299). rum facimus, constituimus, et declaramus cum omnibus ho*' Cf. Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, nos. 55, 58, 60— _ noribus, dignitatibus, privilegiis, titulis, insignibus quae antehac

62, 71-72, 76-77 ff., esp. nos. 112 ff., pp. 48 ff., 90 ff., and generales nostri et eiusdem Ecclesiae capitanei uti, frui, et de

cf. nos. 322-23, p. 288, et alibi. iure vel consuetudine soliti sunt. . .”’ (from fols. 181’-182").

644 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT pendency.’’** He had angrily rejected the requests who had long been bishop of Ariano (near Eboli), of Juan Alvarez de Toledo, von Truchsess, Mo- a nephew of the pope; and Giannangelo Capizucrone, and the imperial ambassador Don Fernando _ chi, who was a native of Rome and an auditor of Ruiz de Castro, marquis of Sarria, that he give a__ the Rota.®° Although disappointed in this new cre-

red hat to one or more of the imperialist nominees. ation of cardinals, Guise and Tournon were at He disregarded Carlo Carafa’s efforts to have his least sure of the pope’s pro-French stance. friend and advisor Giovanni della Casa made a At least Charles de Guise, cardinal of Lorraine, cardinal. According to Guise and Tournon, how- _ was satisfied with the papal alliance he had signed ever, Paul had promised to make cardinals of cer- along with the reluctant Tournon on behalf of

tain pro-French nominees, Henry II. Now Guise’s elder brother Duke Fran-

but the importunity of the imperialists has compelled cois was, as the cardinal knew well, to be appointed him to change his mind, so that instead of ten [cardinals| the French commander against the mp erialists m he has made only seven: those whom he has elected are Italy. There was reason for Henry II’s anti-Haps-

of his own choice, men without any other recommen- burg policy. The betrothal of Charles V’s son dation than their virtue, doctrine, and goodness of life.°° | Philip, king of Naples, duke of Milan, heir to

Spain, the Netherlands, and half the New World,

Paul’s additions to the Sacred College, which oP Queen Mary Tudor of England in a ceremony clearly failed to win the unrestrained enthusiasm at Winchester on 25 July, 1554, had meant the of Guise and Tournon, did include a Spaniard, complete encirclement of France. The union of chosen (as they wrote Henry II) to offset criticism =~ England and the Netherlands with Spain, Milan, by the imperialists and to show that Paul wished and the German empire could gradually (one ostensibly demeurer en neutralite avec | Em- might assume) effect the political and economic pereur.” The Spaniard in question was Juan Sili- strangulation of France, already cut off from the ceo, archbishop of Toledo, who was said to be New World by the Spanish and Portuguese moeighty-three or four years of age, and unlikely nopolies which the papacy had itself confirmed in

ever to come to Rome. If by some chance he 1493,

should wish to do so, he would never travel by sea, Paul IV also felt the tight constriction of Hapsand presumably the French would refuse to give burg power and policy. In fact he had felt and

him a safe-condu ct. , feared it for years. Like Clement VII before him,

Sciptone Rebiba, who had been bishop of Mot- paul aimed (but, alas, blindly and violently) at the tola (ust northwest of Taranto) since 1551, was _ jiberation of Italy, and as Julius II turned over in also made a cardinal. A Sicilian, he had long been pig grave, Paul was planning the renewal of French

a faithful servitor of the Pope. A Frenchman intervention in Italy. The French would regain known at the Curia as Giovanni Suario Reumano — Naples and Milan, under the conditions we have (Guise and Tournon call him Reomanus) was ap- just noted, while the Venetians (if they joined the pointed as a counterweight to Siliceo. Reumano, league) would receive Sicily, which would keep who had been a causarum palatu apostolic auditor, them in the anti-Hapsburg camp and do somebecame bishop of Mirepoix on the same day. Jo- thing to compensate for their losses in the Levant. hannes Gropper, a well-known German theologian We are not concerned with England, but poor ane “ean oF tne cathedral cnureh Of Cologne: ded Mary Tudor, who had married Philip partly to the Church and Catholicism for years with learn- help re-establish papal authority in the kingdom, ing and dignity. Finally, three Italians completed

a distinguished appointee. Gropper had defende ; we 97 the roster of who wae als @ made archbishop of °° Ribier, Lettres et memoires d’ estat, 11, 620-23; Cal. State Trani, an old friend of the pope; Diomede Carafa, _Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated at Rome on 20 De-

’ : . Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 325, pp. 290-91, a letter of cember, 1555; Massarelli, Diartum septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 285; Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, p. 44; Van Guhik,

a Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, III (1923), °4 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 319, pp. 286-87, 34-35; Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, II, bk. 1X, pp. 281-84;

describing a meeting of the consistory held ‘“‘last Wednesday,’ M. Francois, Correspondance du Cardinal Frangois de Tournon i.e., 11 December, but Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, (1946), no. 485, p. 302, summary of the letter published by Conc. Trident., 11, 285, clearly places the consistory in question _Ribier, Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, V1 (repr. 1957), 448-50.

on 18 December (1555). %” At a general congregation of cardinals and ambassadors ° Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 11, 620, a letter from __ held in the presence of Paul IV, as war between the Holy See

“C. cardinal de Lorraine, F. cardinal de Tournon,” dated at and Spain darkened the horizon in Italy, the imperialist Car-

Rome on 21 December, 1555. dinal Giovanni Morone defended Philip II, ““whose marriage

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 645 now found that the pope, as the ally of France, lost, along with the ‘“‘antica armonia.’’”? Paul’s was declaring war on her husband. Eventually Philip youth had been spent during that period of relamanaged to bring England into the war, asa result _ tive stability which had followed the peace of Lodi of which France (after more than two centuries) (in 1454), and had come to an end with the French

finally recovered Calais. expedition of 1494.'°°

In Italy, in the meantime, the imperialists were While Paul professed to want peace between making a larger effort to preserve the peace than the Valois and the Hapsburgs, Cardinal Pole was

was Paul IV. On Tuesday, 24 December, after doing his best to bring it about, having sent his services in S. Peter’s and in the Sistine Chapel the secretary Vincenzo Parpaglia, the abbot of S. Saimperial ambassador Sarria presented Paul with — luto, to Brussels. Parpaglia had come with a long a white horse and 7,000 scudi, the feudal assess- list of French proposals which Montmorency had ment for the kingdom of Naples (pro censu regni furnished. Philip seemed much more inclined toSiciliae citra Pharum). On the other hand, on 1 Jan- ward peace with the French than did the goutuary (1556), before the celebration of mass in the | ridden emperor, who was concerned with his comSistina the pope formally invested Giovanni Carafa ing relinquishment of Spain, Sicily, and Burgundy with the office of capitaneus generalis Ecclesiae, after to Philip (on 16 January, 1556). Antoine Perrenot which the papal nephew rode in a solemn proces-_ de Granvelle, bishop of Arras, representing the sion from the Vatican Palace to the Campidoglio, emperor, would hear no discussion—not even a where he was honored by a delegation of the Ro- mention—of Milan. Parpaglia, however, had told man municipality. According to the Venetian am- Granvelle that no peace could conceivably be arbassador Navagero, who was a witness to all this, rived at without the Hapsburgs’ giving up Milan Giovanni Carafa now received (as a quarterly pay- ‘‘‘not indeed to the king of France, but to an Italian

ment) the sum of 9,060 ducats, i.e., 3,000 as his prince.” salary; 4,270 for 200 light horse; 600 for sixty The abbot of S. Saluto had been finding it hard halberdiers; and 1,190 “‘per li colonnelli e capi- going, for obviously the emperor’s views were tani.’’ Nores says that Giovanni might have been — those being expressed by Granvelle,

appointed Capra gener at an cartier date om whom the abbot threatened with more sinister events viously Mistead or dena overe) tne pope fa than had hitherto occurred, as owing to the peace made not entertained the suspicion that Giovanni was with the Sophy, the Turk was better able to perform for his brother, who (Carlo assured the pope) the fleet in Italy, and perhaps in Africa, owing to the would always remain a good Frenchman and a_ disturbances in those parts... .'°)

faithful servitor of his Holiness.% , - , Paul IV’s chief love, after the Church, was Italy. After the peace with Tahmasp, the s ophi of

Persia, Suleiman was quietheavy for some time. He was eager to free the papacy from the ; ; He ; ; 4: . could watch at leisure, and he did, the completion weight of Spanish influence, and Naples and Milan . . ; .. . ; . of his mosque, the Suleymaniye to which from heavier weight of Spanish rule.inSeveral ; Camij, . OO, of ;times, ; , in,the the faithful were admitted mid-August 1556. talking with Navagero, Paul had com- Despite Busbeca’s s; ths’ truce and bse

pared Italy to a musical instrument with four “SP spec § shee mon mee anna says strings—the Church, Venice, the kingdom of Na-

ples, and the duchy of Milan. He chose to forget 09 .

the Medici and Florence, and held Alfonso II and Navagero, Relazione [1558], p. 389, and ¢. Ancel, “La Lodovico il Moro up to opprobrium for introduc. 2uéstion de Sienne, * pp. 40-45. up. PP ; uc ‘© Although Paul proposed the establishment of French ing the alien armies into Italy, thus breaking this princes in both Naples and Milan, he wanted to keep all the ‘‘st nobile istrumento d’ Italia.’’ Liberty had been = ‘“‘barbarians’” out of Italy, French as well as Spanish, “‘admitting them solely as stable grooms and cooks or at the utmost as

merchants; nor can this be expected from the Spaniards, as they insist on universal monarchy, though it might indeed be hoped with the Queen of England [he said] was made solely for the _ for from the French, who have moreover hereditary claims [in

purpose of bringing back that kingdom to its devotion and __Italy]’’ (Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 813, p. 950, obedience to the See Apostolic” (Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, letter of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated 12 February,

VI-1, no. 543, p. 518, doc. dated 11 July, 1556). 1557).

98 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, '°l Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 335, pp. 301-2, 286; Navagero, Relazione [1558], p. 385; Lossen, Briefe von An- a letter of Federico Badoer, Venetian ambassador in Brussels, dreas Masius, p. 233; Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, p.44:‘‘. . .che to the doge and Senate, dated 1 January, 1556, and note, zbid., il fratello si sarebbe conservato sempre buon francese e fedel no. 545, pp. 519-20, a letter of Giacomo Soranzo, the Venetian

ministro ed esecutore della mente del Papa... .” ambassador in France, dated 12 July, 1556.

646 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT quent suspension of arms, there had been a cease- 5S. Lorenzo has been hanged for allowing the Lady less round of plunder and pillage along the eastern Donna Giovanna to pass through it.”

front in Hungary.'°* Transylvania was the chief On Tuesday evening, 7 January, the imperial bone of contention.'°* Paul IV was no fonder of ambassador Sarria and the emperor’s special enFerdinand than of the latter’s brother Charles V. voy Don Garcilasso de la Vega had waited on the He held them both responsible for the concessions —_ pope, seeking replies to the questions and requests

made to the Lutherans in the recent peace of which Garcilasso had been addressing to his Ho-

Augsburg. liness. Anxious to avoid making definite statePaul had known Charles, as he told Navagero. ments to the imperialists, as Navagero soon

(on 11 April, 1556), since the year 1513, and had _ learned, Paul “turned the conversation to the af-

always found in him fairs of Germany and Hungary, saying he was trou-

; Lo, ; ; bled because the Lutherans increased in Germany,

atempt thirst for domination, an insufferable pride, a con- d that h her hand i ‘d the Turk for religion, for we will ask you, What other em- and that on the other han I was said the Lurks peror but Charles would have held councils and so many would invade ‘Transylvania.

diets with the intervention of heretics and Lutherans? When Sarria advanced an appeal for the res. . . Who but he sacked this city, and perpetrated that toration of Marc’ Antonio Colonna’s lands, Paul horrible impiety? for, although absent, he ordained and flew into a rage, assailing Charles V and Philip for was gratified by those misfortunes of this Holy See and infringing upon the rights of the pope and the

of all Italy... . independence of the Holy See. The Colonnesi If the Hapsburgs had trouble with the Turks, pre- Were not only rebellious vassals; they were enemies

sumably they deserved it. On the whole the of the papacy. wey had always been so. Just resources suggest that Paul was far more distressed Bo nif eT soanra onna s Gastar ‘ KB bec by the activities of Charles, Ferdinand, and Philip Boniface VIII. (They were not UIIKE, ONMACE

than by those of Suleiman, who was the near ally 2d Paul.) Sarria then insisted, “in a haughtier

of his own ally, Henry II tone than hitherto,” upon some straightforward As the storm clouds were gathering over Rome, @//SWETS: “as until now each of their sovereigns the wife of Ascanio Colonna, Donna Giovanna [Charles and Philip] and they themselves had red’ Aragona, had escaped from the Palazzo Co- ceived fair words, but very much at variance with lonna (next to the church of the SS. Apostoli) with the deeds witnessed by them daily.” It looked as her daughters and daughter-in-law, Donna Felice, though the die were being cast. The next morning the wife of Marc’ Antonio Colonna. This was on the pope directed his nephew Giovanni Carafa di

1 January (1556). Paul IV had forbidden Gio- Montorio to see to the recruitment of another vanna and Felice to leave the city “sotto grossissima an 0 infamy fi itta di Castello, Perugia, Visicurta”’ in early September (1555), after the arrest terbo and f1voH.

of the Cardinal of S. Fiora and Camillo Colonna.'*” . .

Felice was S. Fiora’s niece. The ladies had gone Charles V had been dismayed by Paul’s election, through the Porta S. Lorenzo at the east end of but Charles was now taking his leave of this world the city. On 11 January (1556) Navagero wrote the © prepare himself for the next, in which connecdoge and Senate that “the corporal of the gate of ton Paul had no intention of assisting him. When Charles had removed himself from his several kingdoms and from the empire, what would come '02 Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 1 next? The question was being asked in every chan-

(1828, repr. 1963), 341-45, 354 ff., trans. with altered text by Cery in Europe. Would the French attack the J.-J. Hellert, Hist.de l’ empire ottoman, V1 (1836), 88-93, 105 young, inexperienced Philip II? The Venetian

ff. . an Senate knew that Sultan Suleiman, who had recited Ch Gharriere, Neégociations, 11, 366-370, esp. the texts cently returned from the Persian expedition, 14 Cal. State Papers ... , Venice, VI-1, no. 453, p. 406, would wish to know what was going on in Europe. letter of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated at Rome on And, indeed, there had just been an unexpected 11 April, 1556. 105 Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, p. 22; Bromato, Storia di Paolo

IV, Il, bk. 1X, pp. 246, 252, and esp. p. 286. On Giovanna d’ Aragona’s escape from Rome with her daughter-in-law Fe- 106 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 347, pp. 312-13, lice, cf. Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urb. lat. 1038, fol. 119", letter of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated at Rome on and ‘‘il capitanio della Porta di San Lorenzo, di dove usci la__11 January, 1556, and cf. Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, no.

sudetta signora, € stato appicato et tutti i soldati mandati in 178, p. 233, with the date of Giovanna d’ Aragona’s escape

galea!l”’ (zbid., fol. 121°). from Rome.

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 647 development, certainly unexpected in Rome. On Savoy and in continued occupation of the French 21 February, 1556, the Venetian Senate approved conquests along the disputed border, notably a letter which the Doge Francesco Venier was to Metz, Toul, and Verdun. 08 send to the bailie and to an envoy in Istanbul to As soon as he had learned of the truce of Vau-

the effect celles, the papal nuncio at the French court, Se-

that the emperor has renounced to the king of En- bastiano Gualterio, bishop of Viterbo, immedi-

gland, his son [Philip, the husband of Mary Tudor], the tely wrote the surprising news to Cardinal Carlo kingdoms of Spain and of Sicily besides the renunciation Carafa (on 6 February, 1556). A courier reached previously made to him of the states of Italy [the duchy | Rome with his letter on Friday night, 14 February. of Milan and the kingdom of Naples] and of Flanders Carafa was appalled, his papal uncle stunned. Only

. . . , 8o that his imperial Majesty has been left with a few days before, they had received word of only the state of Burgundy and the dignity of the em- Henry II’s confirmation (on 18 January) of the pire, and now the son dubs himself also king of Spain. offensive and defensive league, in which France He has gone from Brussels to Antwerp to pay a visitto. and the H oly See would be partners in the liquithe people. . . . During these days there have come gation of the Spanish regime in Italy. According

together in Cambrai, a town on the borders of Flanders, h h F h pri the commissioners of the emperor and of the most Chris- to the agreement, as we have seen, French princes tian king [Henry II] to deal with the exchange of pris- (but not the dauphin) would acquire Naples and

oners being held by the one side and the other. Milan, and (the cardinal-nephew had hoped) the With this opportunity they have concluded a general Carafeschi would eventually receive Siena. Altruce between the emperor, the king his son, and the though Henry II was putting a good face on his

most Christian king for five years beginning on the fifth five years’ truce with the Hapsburgs—after all, he of the present month [5 February, 1556]. So we have was still the pope’s loyal ally—Carafa’s well-built been advised by letters from our envoy in France, which plans now seemed to lie in ruins.!° were received the day before yesterday, and [which are]

in agreement [with those] from our envoy to the em-

peror at Brussels, the latter’s letters having been re- 108

ceived yesterday evening... . . As to the conclusion of © As Henry II wrote his ambassador to the Holy See, Jean this [truce] we have wished to send you immediate word, 4. Avanson (Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, II [1666], 625),

. . . Monsieur .we . . instruct , voicyyou quethat lesyou nouvelles metouch sont; venues and mustfaite give . , entre _ , with 107 the . . . Senate touchant la conclusion de la tréve et passée this information as usual [to the Porte]... . I’ empereur, le roy d’ Angleterre son fils, et moy pour cing ans, The Signoria was not mislea ding the Turkish commengant le 5. iour de ce présent mois, avec toutes les adantageuses conditions pour moi que i’ eusse sceu desirer, et government. Anne de Montmorency, the consta- _ mesmes pour la comprehension de tous mes amis, alliez, et ble of France, had been working long and hard __ confédérez, sans qu’ au moyen de ladite tréve ie sois tenu faire to achieve peace with the Hapsburgs. It seemed, restitution des places, ny aucunes choses dépendantes de mes conquestes,

however, to be almost by chance that the impe- 25! que vous pouvez voir plus amplement par le traité que ie as ‘ ar vous envoye.. . .’’ The treaty was enclosed with Henry’s letter rialist and French commissioners, who had met at (ibid., 11, 626-31), “*. . . au lieu de Vaucelles, le cinquieme the abbey of Vaucelles near Cambrai to effect a _ jour de Fevrier, 1555” (O.S., i.e., 1556). proposed exchange of prisoners, had indeed ar- On the negotiations as seen from the Spanish standpoint, ranged a truce for five years. As Charles V was note Chas. Weiss, ed., Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, giving up his various crowns, he wished to see his ie (1843), 513-43, 547 ff. From Cambrai on 5 February the subjects and his son at peace. ‘T’he terms of the ‘Quant a I’ article du Turcgq, ilz n’ ont aulcunement voulu agreement were most favorable to France, for they _ consentir qu’ en termes spéciaulx en soit faicte mention par left to each of the high contracting parties his cur- _escript [!], promectans néantmoins que ledict Seigneur roy rent. territorial possessions without challenging [Henry II] fera son mieulx pour assister la Chrestiente et le or acquired claims. Acceptance Seigneur roy des Romains, et luy donnera toutes lettres favoel‘ther y hereditary q ceptan rables; que ce point touche trop a la reputation du roy leur of the status quo nunc thus left Henry II mm undis- maistre, qu’ il n’ est confédéré ni allié avec le Turcq, qui ne le turbed possession of a large part of the duchy of _ favorizera aultrement s’ il entreprend contre la Chrestienté,

. . gents of Philip II wrote the latter (zbid., p. 539):

__ soit par mer ou terre... .”

The sultan and the pashas would like to have known this. '°” Sen. Secreta, Reg. 69, fols. 173°-174", letter dated 21 Did the Venetians have any inkling of it? It does not appear

February, 1556 (Ven. style 1555). Alvise Renier (Rhenier) had that they passed any such information on to the Porte. Since recently been sent as a special envoy to the Porte. Antonio Henry II had recently been seeking aid of the Turks, the sultan Erizzo was still the bailie in Istanbul, Alvise Mocenigo having and Rustem Pasha were indignant enough as it was when they succeeded in getting his own election to the post annulled by __ were informed of the truce of Vaucelles. Cf in general Chara vote of the Senate on 13 January, 1556 (ibid., fol. 168"), after _riére, Négociations, II, 363 ff., esp. the texts cited in the notes.

which Mocenigo was sent to replace Bernardo Navagero as the '°? On Paul IV and the history of the Holy See during the

Republic’s ambassador in Rome. years 1556-1557, see Dom René Ancel, ‘“‘La Question de

648 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Paul IV was also putting a good face on the Even before the final ratification of the truce the predicament in which the Carafeschi now found Venetian ambassador to the French court, Giathemselves. Having weighed the pros and cons of | como Soranzo, wrote the doge and Senate (on 28 the situation for two or three days, on the evening February, 1556) that Henry II was giving “‘every

of 17 February he summoned to the Vatican Pal- assurance to his Holiness that his Majesty will ace the emperor’s ambassador Don Fernando Ruiz never fail in the protection promised by him to de Castro, the marquis of Sarria. Choosing to for- _ the Pope and all his family and relations... .”!"" get their unpleasant exchange of the month be- The league of France with the Holy See still fore, Paul embraced Sarria two or three times in — existed. It was merely that the truce of Vaucelles the presence of the other ambassadors, and gave appeared to render it of no importance. Nevertheardent expression to his pleasure in learning of _ less, on 26 February (1556) the pope appointed the five years’ truce between Henry II and Charles Ercole d’ Este, duke of Ferrara, papal captain-genV and Philip II. He gave Sarria much of the credit _ eral of the league.''? On 14 March he confirmed for this assurance of a Valois-Hapsburg peace, and _ the stipend, emoluments, and other grants which

was unstinting in his praise. Undoubtedly sur- Ercole was to receive in the service of the Holy prised, the ambassador observed that henceforth See and France.''!”

there was an open road to other negotiations Carafa retired with his wily friend Giovanni which could lead to a universal and honorable della Casa to consider the change in policy which

peace and the opportunity to serve God. the truce of Vaucelles had made necessary. Their Paul now launched into a eulogy of the French objective was the acquisition of Siena by the Caambassador Jean d’ Avanson, who (it was reported) _rafeschi. The imperialists were set in their ways, looked embarrassed. Sir Edward Carne, the am- however, and would always consider Paul IV and

bassador of Philip as king of England, must have Carafa their enemies. Neither Charles V nor been taken aback by the abundant compliments Philip would ever willingly make a grant of Siena which the pope paid Philip. Of all those present, to the Carafa family. They had, of course, achowever, Guido Ascanio Sforza, cardinal of S. cepted the truce of Vaucelles with alacrity, the Fiora, must have been the most astonished by the terms of which Henry II and Montmorency had gestures of friendship and cordiality which both found too advantageous to reject. Therefore, as the pope and Cardinal Carafa made in his direc- della Casa set forth in a memorandum (discorso) tion. Bongianni Gianfigliazzi, the Florentine am- which he prepared for Carafa on how “‘to request bassador, wrote Duke Cosimo [ that it all certainly of his Majesty, the Emperor Charles V, the state

looked like peace.''° and dominion of Siena,’ a personage of great au-

In France there was fear for a time that the thority must be sent to the French court. Also this imperialists might lure the aggrieved pope intothe important person should be accompanied by enHapsburg camp by offering him appropriate terms. voys of Ercole II, duke of Ferrara, as well as by exiles from Florence, Siena, and Naples. All to5 + la politique du Cardinal Carlo Carafa.” Revue Béné gether they should protest the recent armistice,

ne et la politique au ma ario ; éene- * at. ’ °

dictine, XXII (1905), 15-49, 206-31, 398-428. Incidentally, P0!ting out that Henry’s abandonment of his alAncel, ibid., p. 16, forgetting that 1556 was a leap year, has lies would redound to his disadvantage no less than erroneously identified 14 February as a Saturday. In mid-Feb- to his discredit. If he gave up the truce, he could ruary also Massarelli learned of the ‘‘induciae quinquennales,”’ still destroy his enemies.

of which he entered a note in his Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 288. Cf M. Francois, Correspondance du Car-

dinal Francois de Tournon (1946), no. 500, pp. 309-10; Cal. State ~ Papers. . . , Venice, V1-1, nos. 391-93, 405, 415, 419, pp. 345 "ll Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 414, p. 360. ff.; Navagero, Relazione [1558], pp. 391-92; Lossen, Briefe von "12 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Cart. di principi Andreas Masius, nos. 179-80, pp. 234-36; Nores, Guerra di esteri, Busta 1300/15, nos. 34—35, and note the later copy in Paolo IV, pp. 50-54, who ts singularly well informed; Bromato, no. 33. Storia di Paolo IV, II, bk. 1X, pp. 289-94; Duruy, Le Cardinal "3 Ibid., no. 38, with later copy in no. 33. On 27 June, 1556, Carlo Carafa, pp. 109 ff.; Romier, Les Origines politiques des the pope provided Camillo Orsini with the licentia et facultas of

guerres de religion, II (1914), 44-46, 49 ff. taking service under Ercole. As time goes on, the papal letters 11° Ancel, ‘‘La Question de Sienne,” Revue Bénédictine, XXII, _ more than once state that Paul’s efforts were directed ‘‘to the

16-17, who cites a letter of Gianfigliazzo to Cosimo I, dated _ preparation of peace by war’’ (ut bello pacem pararemus), as in

at Rome on 18 February, 1556: “‘Con queste et altre dimo- the brief of 15 September (1556), which set Ercole’s annual strazioni la cosa si puo tenere per ferma, aggiuntovi le carezze _ stipend at 12,000 ducats (beginning with 1 September), asstraordinarie fatte hieri da sua Beatitudine et dal Cardinal Ca- signed him a body-guard of 50 foot, and provided for 350 foot raffa al Cardinal Camerlengo, col quale dissero molto bene dell’ and 150 horse “‘ad tuas civitates tuosque fines ab hostium in-

Imperatore[!}.”’ cursionibus tutandos”’ (ibid., no. 42).

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 649 If Henry chose to abide by the terms of Vau- 1556) that there was open dissatisfaction in the celles, the negotiations should be dexterously pro- papal household on the score of the truce of Vaulonged, so as to excite the suspicions of Charles celles, “‘which cannot be dissembled on the part

V and Philip. It would be necessary to keep in of Cardinal Caraffa, and it is heard that the Imclose touch with the Guises, Catherine de’ Medici, perialists are in greater force than ever on the the king’s mistress Diane de Poitiers, and all the borders of the kingdom of Naples.’’ Paul IV was opponents of Montmorency, who had been the again inveighing against the Spanish, “‘saying that prime mover in the truce of Vaucelles. When the God of his goodness does not choose them any emperor and the imperialists had become sufficiently longer to remain in Italy... .”1"* alarmed, someone might go to them—perhaps Car- The Carafeschi had been following with condinal Giovanni Ricci of Montepulciano—and sug- cern the imperialist activities of Marc’ Antonio gest that the best way to separate the Carafeschi Colonna. On Monday, 4 May, Paul IV declared from Henry, and the Holy See from France, would Ascanio Colonna and the latter’s son Marc’ An-

be to give the Carafeschi some state, especially tonio to have forfeited the fiefs they held of the

Siena.*'* | Holy See in the Campagna, ‘‘namely Paliano, MaThe personage of great authority who would _rino, Nettuno, and other places,” putting both Coundertake the mission to France was to be none _ lonnas under the ban of excommunication and deother than Cardinal Carlo Carafa himself. At 4:00 claring them to be rebels. A week or so later (on P.M. (hora 20) on Friday, 10 April (1556), at a Sunday, 10 May), at a “congregation” of cardinals general congregation of the cardinals two legates in the Vatican Palace, Paul launched into an attack were chosen. Scipione Rebiba was to go to Charles upon the Colonnesi, and thanked the Almighty that

V and Carafa to Henry II “pro pace inter eos he had such a nephew as Giovanni Carafa, count procuranda,”’ as Massarelli puts it,’’ but that was of Montorio, on whom he might bestow the excertainly not the cardinal-nephew’s purpose in _ propriated lands of Ascanio and Marc’ Antonio. He undertaking the long journey to the French court. said he had not assembled the cardinals to consult Twelve days later (on the twenty-second) a letter them. If they wished to speak in agreement with was prepared in the pope’s name, addressed to him, they might do so, to which words “nothing Carafa, de latere legatus, to the effect that his Ho- whatever was said, but all the cardinals openly liness was bestowing the honorific sword and hat _ evinced dissatisfaction.’’ Thereafter, as the congreon Henry II and the golden rose on Queen Cath- gation moved into the Sistine Chapel, Giovanni aperine de’ Medici. Carafa was to make the formal peared in a ducal mantle of cloth of gold, and in presentations “‘cum solitis cerimoniis.””’’® During an elaborate ceremony (described by Navagero) this period the arrogant comportment of the im- Paul made his nephew the duke of Paliano, after perial ambassador Sarria and his suite had thrown which mass was celebrated, and the new duke rode the pope into a fury,'!” playing very nicely into _ in state to the Campidoglio."'”

Carafa’s hands. Paul IV also despoiled Gian Francesco Guidi da Weeks before the nomination of the two legates Bagno of his lands (on 27 June, 1556), which were

Navagero had written Venice (on 28 February, given to Giovanni Carafa’s brother Antonio, who thus became the marquis of Montebello.'*° From

. . . _ the papal point of view the lords Colonna and da

Ancel, “La Question de Sienne,” pp. 17-19; ¢, ibid., pp. Bagno had something to answer for, but (as Bro-

2 one note Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 54-55. mato emphasizes) the Carafeschi had lost their assarelli, Diarium septimum, innos. Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, lands in the of kined f les.forf which hi 290; Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, 452-53, pp. 405 lands in the kingdom Naples, Henry 6; Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, nos. 187, 190, pp. 250, II was supposed to compensate them. The extent 256-57; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1556, nos. 2-3; Bro- to which the Carafeschi could rely on Henry was mato, Storia di Paolo IV, U1, bk. 1x, pp. 297-300; Romier, Les Origines politiques des guerres de religion, II (1914), 62 ff.

"6 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 4, fol.213’;note, ~

ibid., fols. 214 ff., letters also dated 22 April addressed to Henry ''8 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 415, pp. 360-61.

and Catherine; and cf. Arm. XLIV, tom. 2, fol. 37, by mod. ''9 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 484, pp. 449-51,

stamped enumeration. a letter of Navagero to Venice, dated 16 May, 1556, and see

117 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, nos. 437, 447, 475, | Navagero, Relazione [1558], pp. 385-86; Lossen, Briefe von Anpp. 388, 396-97, 438, letters of Navagero to the Venetian doge dreas Masius, no. 191, pp. 258-59; Massarelli, Diartum septimum, and Senate, dated 28 March, 4 April, and 5 May, 1556; Nores, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I1, 290-91; Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV,

Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 55-57; Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, 11, pp. 21-22; Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, Il, bk. 1x, pp. 300-2. bk. 1X, pp. 295-97; Duruy, Le Cardinal Carlo Carafa, pp. 121 120 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

ff.; Ancel, “‘La Question de Sienne,” p. 38. 292.

650 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT starkly illustrated by his confirmation of the anti- man of Paul IV, who regarded himself as the diHapsburg league with the Holy See on 18 January _ vinely-ordained arbiter of peace in Europe. (1556) and his virtual annulment of the league by Henry II was at Fontainebleau. Carafa arrived his acceptance of the truce with the Hapsburgs at there on 16 June. Ten days before this a report Vaucelles (on 5 February), less than three weeks was current in Rome, based on letters from Istan-

later. bul of 2 May, that on or about 4 May a Turkish

The castle and town of Paliano, where the armada of thirty galleys would leave the Bosporus tombs of the Colonnas are still to be seen in the for the Barbary coast. Sultan Suleiman had dechurch of S. Andrea, crowns a hilltop some miles cided not to send out a larger number of galleys to the southeast of Rome, between Genazzanoand_ since he had been informed of the truce of Anagni. The family had been Ghibellines since the Vaucelles.'** This information had gone to the days of old Cardinal Giovanni Colonna in the ear- Porte, as we have noted, in a Venetian dispatch of

lier thirteenth century. Marc’ Antonio’s father 21 February, which the doge and Senate had sent Ascanio—with whom the son did not get along— _ to the bailie and envoy in Istanbul.

had been declared a rebel in Paul III’s time. Such As disturbing to the Turks as Henry’s truce was the seesaw politics of the papacy, however, with the Hapsburgs, must have been the earththat the kindly Julius III had restored Ascanio to quake which struck Istanbul shortly before dayhis lands and titles (on 17 February, 1550).'*" Now break on 10 May. As Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq the Colonnesi were again at odds witha pope. The wrote his friend Andreas Masius from the Turkish years would show, and the Carafeschi (like the capital (on 28 May), many public and private buildTurks) would learn, that Marc’ Antonio wasacon- ings were badly damaged. Some collapsed com-

siderable opponent with whom to contend. pletely. Many persons were killed. ‘The earthquake was said to be worse [in other parts of the Ottoman

Ina secret consistory of 1] May (1556) the pope empire], however, for some towns were reported gave the legatine cross to Carafa and to Scipione tg have been completely destroyed and thousands Rebiba, now called the cardinal of Pisa since his

translation on 13 April from the paltry see of Mottola (Motula) to that of Pisa. On the eighteenth ==————— or nineteenth Carafa left Rome headed for the duke of Paliano) to strive for peace and a registro di lettere e court of Henry II ‘Cod procurandam pacem inter scritture segrete (also prepared in Paliano’s name) to try for reCarol VI 9122 4 h newal of the Valois-Hapsburg war if it suited the interests of cum et Carolum mperatorem. Mong the the Carafeschi. Cf. the extraordinary report of Carafa’s alleged 250 persons who comprised Carafa’s suite were intentions when he reached the French court, as given by Carvarious Florentine and Neapolitan exiles, includ- dinal Alvise Corner to Navagero, who relayed it to the doge ing Pietro Strozzi. Ugo Boncompagni, later Gregory and Council of Ten on 30 May, 1556, in Cal. State Papers XII.? al tal dvi D ‘te M ... 5 Venice, VI-1, no. 500, p. 468. Note also the warning a sO wer a ong as an advisor. Mespl € as- which Simon Renard, the Hapsburg ambassador to the French sarelli’s discretion, it was no secret at the Curia that court, sent Philip IJ on 25 May, 1556, to the effect “que ledict Carafa’s purpose was probably to undo the truce cardinal Caraffe venoit par decd pour dresser entreprinse de of Vaucelles and to reassert the papal-French league. grande consé€quence contre vostre Majesté et ses estatz, soubz

It has been alleged that Carafa set out from Rome couleur de parler de paix (Weiss, Papiers d’ état du Cardinal th fj . k fF; de Granvelle, 1V, 567-68, and see, ibid., pp. 569 ff.). with two sets of instructions, one to work tor peace '24 The avviso from Rome of 6 June, 1556, is preserved in (if the pope and the Carafeschi could find security the Vatican Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fol. 111‘, to the and advantage therein), the other to work for the _ effect that ‘‘di Constantinopoli con lettere di 2 del passato [2 resumption of war between France and Spain (if May] s’ é inteso che fra dui giorni sarebbe uscita |’ armata his family’s s ecurity and advantage were not to be Turchesca al numero di in galere che andranno in Barteria, f h kCarafa nonwas avendo sua Altezza voluto eschi maggior numero di guaranteed). In123 any event the SPOKES— questo dopo haverech’ havuto I’ avviso della triega.”’ Masius had picked up the Turkish rumor a month earlier, as he wrote his friend Gerwick Blarer, the Benedictine abbot 121 Massarelli, Diarium sextum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, of Weingarten, “Classis Turcica nunciatur certo ventura cum

155. 130 [!]triremibus”’ (Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, no. 189,

122 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, p. 255). Simon Renard had also got the news that the sultan 291, and cf Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 494, p. was sending out no ‘“‘armée formelle”’ for the year 1556, neither 459; it is hardly a matter of importance, but Pastor, Gesch. d. on land nor by sea. The truce of Vaucelles had changed his

Pépste, VI (repr. 1957), 406, note 4, insists that Carafa left plans. Thirty Turkish galleys would set sail for the Barbary

Rome on 19, not 18, May. coast. And Renard had learned ‘‘que ledit Turcq entend retenir

123 Cf, Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 58-59, who also says _la Transsylvanie pour luy, non pour le filz du vaivode,”’ i.e., that secretaries kept two registers, a registro di lettere publiche John Sigismund, son of John Zapolya (Weiss, Papiers d’ état, IV,

containing Carafa’s instructions (written in the name of the 589, doc. dated 31 May, 1556).

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 651 of their inhabitants to have perished.'*” When he | of Parma, asking him to send the pope immediate read Busbecq’s letter, Masius undoubtedly assumed __ aid, for at that time Henry could make available

that there would be no large-scale Turkish expe- only moderate assistance, “. . . aultant que. . . dition into the western Mediterranean during the _je ne veulx faillyr de maintenir et observer a nostre

summer of 1556, and he was right. dit Saint Pére la protection que je lui ay promise In the meantime Carafa’s first letters from Fon- pour luy et les siens.’’!*° tainebleau to Rome were concerned with his ne- When Navagero went to the Vatican Palace for gotiations for peace—his apparent desire to see an audience on 20 June, the pope took him into the truce maintained but modified—although the _ the privacy of Julius III’s library, and unburdened news soon reached him that the Colonnesi were himself of some of his hatred of ‘‘that schismatic making extensive preparations for the recovery of and heretical Emperor,” who (he told Navagero) Paliano. Since the imperialists were aiding and ‘“‘has proposed three things in his council: first, to abetting these rebels against papal authority, it was | wage war on us openly; secondly, to withdraw the clear that the imperialists were not seeking peace, obedience from us; thirdly, clandestinely to reinwhatever they said. So at least Carafa could and state these Colonnas.’’'”’ In a brief dispatch of the did explain to Henry II, who promptly declared same day Navagero informed the Capi of the Counhimself not only an advocate of peace but also the _ cil of Ten that a gentleman in the service of Fer-

defender of his Holiness. nando Alvarez de Toledo, duke of Alva (Alba), had On 21 June (1556) Silvestro Aldobrandini just come from Naples ‘“‘to tell the Cardinal San wrote Carafa from Rome that Marc’ Antonio Co- Giacomo [i.e., Alva’s uncle Juan Alvarez] and the lonna was raising troops, which was forcing Paul Emperor’s ambassador [Sarria] that they would do IV to do likewise. Aldobrandini urged Carafa to well to leave Rome.’’’”®

enlist the armed support of the French, which A week later (on 27 June) Navagero sent word (many persons at the Curia thought) had always _ to the doge and Senate that been the purpose of his mission. News of the Co- as an attack from the Imperialists is expected here [in lonnesi’s militancy followed sO closely upon Ca- Rome], they are reinforcing the infantry and cavalry on

rafa’s arrival in Fontainebleau that it is hard to be- the borders, and bringing fresh troops into Rome lieve he and his brother Giovanni had not had fore- | | _ | and (which is considered an important circumwarning of Marc’ Antonio’s mustering of troops to stance) the Duke of Alva has had the posts stationed regain Paliano. Had Carafa gone tothe Frenchcourt from the Abruzzi to the borders of Paliano. The Duke as a champion of peace, knowing he could soon tell of Alva’s agent told one of his confidants that he beHenry and the world that Colonna aggression had _ lieved the Spaniards would assist Marc’ Antonio Co-

made the Carafeschi change their minds? lonna to recover his territory. . . . Whether war or peace lay ahead, the acquisition

. , , >» PP , , gl

of Siena was certainly one of the cardinal-nephew’s | —____

main objectives in going to France. Was this plan '26 For an account of Carafa’s mission to France and for the a secret shared by Carafa and della Casa? Did Paul sources relating to it, see Ancel, “La Question de Sienne,”’ pp. IV know of their designs upon Siena? It remains 28-37, and ef. Anton Pieper, Die pdpstlichen Legaten und Nuntien

Bs Up .. . , Minster i. W., 1897, pp. 82 ff., and Romier, Les Origines

uncertain. As early as 23 June (1556) Carafa wrote politiques des guerres de religion, II (1914), 64 ff. Philip II’s am-

the pope that his brother Giovanni, the duke of _ bassador to the French court was keeping an eye on Carafa, Paliano, had informed him of all the trouble the | with whom he met and talked shortly after Carafa’s arrival at

‘rebels’? were trying to cause. Henry II was quite en ") Papiers d’ etat, WV, 600 ff., 614-15, 618-20, disposed toward peace, but when he had been ap- 127 For Paul IV’s remarkable diatribe against Charles V— prised of the news from Rome (news that Carafa _ one of many—see Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 518, had always known was coming?), he had promised __p. 489, a letter of Navagero to the Council of Ten, and ¢f, to protect the pope and preserve his dignity. Two ibid., esp. no. 534. As for Navagero’s reference to Julius III’s days later, in an optimistic mood, Carafa wrote U>rary, we may note that his dispatches and those of the

y , P _ : Florentine ambassador Gianfigliazzi add something to our

that he would soon be returning to Rome with knowledge of the Vatican Palace in the sixth decade of the thirty galleys and three thousand foot. On 29 June century although, to be sure, they are not major sources for Henry himself wrote Ottavio Farnese, the duke _ the construction and reconstruction (especially the latter) that took place during this period, on which see René Ancel, “Le Vatican sous Paul IV: Contribution a |’ histoire du palais pontifical,’’ Revue Bénédictine, XXV (1908), 48-71.

'25 Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, no. 192, p. 262. At the '28 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 520, p. 491, dated

time of his letter to Masius, Busbecq was doing his second te- 20 June.

dious stint as Ferdinand’s ambassador to the Porte. 129 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 529, p. 499.

652 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT It was of no political significance, but the doge and whatever the actual amounts, Paul was obto whom Navagero was now writing was no longer _ viously adding to the sinews of war. ‘‘It is certainly

Francesco Venier, who had died on 2 June (1556), extraordinary that the pontiff can lay aside so but Lorenzo Priuli, to whom Paul IV had just much money,” Massarelli noted in his diary, write 30” congratulating him upon his recent elec- because he is burdened with so many expenses, espetion.” In Venice the succession from doge to cially the wages for 10,000 foot and 500 horse, whom doge had been peaceful. In Rome the atmosphere he has been supporting for many months now, ever since was otherwise. Navagero sent his secretary tocon- he had them recruited to defend himself against the sult Cardinal Francois de Tournon, who declared imperialists, who are threatening an invasion of the city that if the imperialists attacked the pope, “‘hismost [of Rome] from the kingdom of Naples.!®? Christian Majesty should not consider himself a

Christian were he to fail assisting him.’ If the The fat fell in the fire the night of 7-8 July, Spanish feared “‘lest Paliano with the assistance of when Juan Antonio de Taxis, the imperial postthe King of France become another Parma,” their master in Rome, was arrested along with all his support of Marc’ Antonio Colonna, which would — servants and employees. A dispatch case with outlead to warfare, would be a certain way to make _ going letters was seized. The marquis of Sarria, it so: if the pope requested a French garrison for the Spanish ambassador, and Don Garcilasso de

Paliano, Henry IT would provide it. la Vega, the Hapsburgs’ special envoy, hurried to

Navagero’s secretary also called on Cardinal the Vatican Palace on Thursday, 9 July. So did Giannangelo de’ Medici, who had adopted a neu- Navagero. The Spaniards had come to protest the tral stance between the imperialist and French fac- arrest of de Taxis. Don Garcilasso was highly intions. Medici said that he had warned Giovanni dignant. Paul IV refused to see him, and the envoy Carafa that one must find the means of checking _ was arrested as he was leaving the palace with Sarthe growing tensions. The pope should soften the ria. Garcilasso was imprisoned in the Castel S. extreme harshness of his language to the imperi- Angelo. Giovanni Carafa, the duke of Paliano, alist ministers. The too swift flow of events might explained to Navagero that

“produce infinite+7:mischief, as for instance to ren-servant, , , was one Franzozin, the Imperial postmaster’s

der the King of England [Philip IT] master of what found near Terracina on foot without either sword or little remains of Italy, it being but too manifest travelling dress [to identify him as a courier], which causthat he may be said to surround all the States of ing suspicion he was arrested, and on his person three the Church with the forces of the kingdom of _ letters were found, one from the postmaster [de Taxis] Naples, of Tuscany, of the Milanese, and of Li- without any signature requesting the Duke of Alva’s guria.. . .”’ Italy was full of mercenaries in Span- _ secretary to obtain for him the agency [la commissaria] ish employ. One should always consider the pos- between Terracina and Velletri, and two from Garcisibility of a repetition of the sad events of 1527, asso, one in cipher and the other without, which was Medici told Navagero’s secretary that Giovanni ‘°° clear as not to need the ciphered one, telling the Carafa seemed to understand the dangers which Duke that [the] Marquis [of] Sarria, the ambassador, was hreatened them all. Medici also said that he in- 2 simpleton, and that nothing good must be expected

threa . cc from him, as two good words from the Pope blinded

tended to repeat his warnings to the pope, “should him to the honour and advantage of his Princes, and he choose to listen to me without anger.’’!™’ that the way to do deeds was to push forward with the Cardinal de’ Medici was not mistaken. The sit- cavalry and come double quick time with 4,000 Spanuation was getting quite out of hand. On 5 July _ iards and 8,000 Italians to Rome, taking what could be (1556) Paul IV was said to have deposited 70,000 got on the march, and sending the galleys to Nettuno ducats of gold in the Castel S. Angelo, and some and Civitavecchia.

three weeks later (on the twenty-seventh) another Under torture the postmaster de Taxis revealed 30,000. According to Navagero, “On Sunday [19 other recommendations being made by the imJuly], as said by the cashiers of the banks who car- perialists to the duke of Alva to advance upon ried the money, the Pope deposited in the castle Rome. On the other hand Giovanni Carafa in300,000 crowns.”” Whatever the dates of deposit fined Navagero that letters had come from

—________— Henry II and Montmorency, ‘“‘promising to assist ‘5° Arm. XLIV, tom. 2, fol. 162, by mod. stamped enumeration, doc. dated 27 June, 1556. OO '5! Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 535, pp. 504-5, 132 Massarelli, Diartum septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

letter of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated at Rome on 292; Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 558, p. 542, letter

4 July, 1556. of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated 25 July, 1556.

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 653 the Pope on every occasion.’’ Giovanni also stated Charles VIII’s withdrawal from Naples and the that Henry “‘had already remitted 60,000 crowns, war of the League of Cambrai (1495-1509), ‘“‘and which are here in a bank, and that he would give the kingdom of Sicily besides.’”’ Navagero wrote orders for the Pope to be assisted with 6,000 his dispatch relating to Henry II’s so-called comFrench infantry, of whom 1,500 may now be at mission to Tournon and the pope’s offer to Venice Civitavecchia. . . . So here the war is supposed on Monday evening (13 July). As he wrote the to have commenced.’’!** The postmaster’s disclo- doge, Navagero gave the Venetian courier Zuan sures added appreciably to Paul IV’s belligerency Ponchino eighteen gold crowns, and asked that he and anti-Hapsburg sentiments. We shall return be given another ten if he arrived in Venice by shortly to de Taxis and to what he had to say under Thursday morning.'*°

torture. On the following day (14 July) Navagero, along

Don Garcilasso de la Vega would remaina papal with other ambassadors, attended a meeting of prisoner throughout the dismal year of warfare cardinals at the house of Jean du Bellay, dean of that now lay ahead, not securing his release in fact the Sacred College. The cardinals, a half dozen until fourteen months had passed (on 20 Septem- of them, were members of a commission which ber, 1557).'°* In the meantime Paul IV was gath- the pope had appointed ‘‘to discuss the peace”’ (in ering the winds into a tempest. On 13 July (1556) which his Holiness seems to have had little inter-

he told Navagero: est). Du Bellay began his discourse by referring to d We pave i almost within our reach to vee the King: the fatal consequences of the war evidently in prepaom 0 a es; the Meeabirian§ must not Shane “on > ration between the Pope on one side and the Emperor

The xi to a more ¢ rd lien we ever fave deg and his son on the other, and which if once commenced The King rf F ee 18 SO “he he la to us, an 4 would involve not only the princes of Italy, but all the Cardine i‘ ous P snd he t © ‘6 vncre ld? Avax Christian powers besides, and perhaps Sultan Soliman, ardinal Tournon and his ambassador here val’ who would not allow this opportunity to escape him. son| to assist us, not with a limited supply of money and

troops, but with as much as We please, and as shall be When those present had all expressed them-

needed, and in truth without his aid we should also have Ives in £ f th = of Sarr;

fared badly before now. Should the opportunity present ves I favor OF peace, Vers. OF Dalila Sug” itself we also believe that the most illustrious Signory gested that if Garcilasso de la Vega were removed will not fail [non manchera|. . . , on perceiving matters from the Castel S. Angelo and allowed to reside so well arranged that they can take part in them gladly; with him (the Spanish would provide surety of and as it might be asked what benefit Venice isto derive course), a move would be made in the right difrom this undertaking we, to speak freely with you, pur-_ rection. Also the poor postmaster Juan Antonio pose making you masters of Sicily which, if obtained, de Taxis should either be set free or at least held would be of more eit and ‘aan the whole of the in less strict confinement (presumably Sarria did territory between your city and Vonstantinople. - - - not yet know that de Taxis had been subjected to Paul threatened to deprive Charles V and Philip torture). This would be a second step toward

peace, said Sarria, ‘“‘whereas, to say felony the truth, II,6.‘‘as vassals who have ;the erour er rejection of these twoperpetrated demands would beotinter-

and- rebellion,” kingdoms, proposing . pretedofinallatheir very sinister form,; amboth

at .the court to give part of Princes the lands and in question toDuke those who 53136 ; : of his by the of Alva. occupied especially II and thepeace Vene- any more Gs ; Thethem, French wereHenry not seeking tian Signoria. Venice would get back the ports and dilicently than the pope. A papal brief of 17 coastlands of Apulia which she had held between Bemey an Was te pope. *\ papal rict © July (1556) informs us that Cardinal de Tournon was getting ready to go on a mission to Venice

nonnullis et privatis publicis negociis "5? Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice,‘proVI-1, no. 540, suis pp.et 512-14, P.,

a letter of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated 9 July, 1556; etiam ad Sanctam Romanam Ecclesiam et nos per see also, ibid., nos. 541-46, et passim (on Montmorency’s attitude, note no. 545, pp. 519-20). Cf’ Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, no. 200, p. 277; Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, '®° Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-1, no. 546, pp. 520-22. Conc. Trident., 11, 292-93; M. Francois, Correspondance du Car- 136 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 547, pp. 522-25,

dinal Francois de Tournon (1946), no. 522, pp. 321-22; Nores, a letter of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated 14 July, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 70-73; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1556. The commission of six cardinals had been chosen by the 1556, no. 5, whose sparse account would have been much en- pope on 11 July ‘‘ne . . . pacis tractatus omitteretur’’ (Mas-

riched by access to the Venetian sources. sarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I1, 292-93). 'S4 Cf. Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2 (1881), no. 1039, On the torture of de Taxis, cf. the preceding chapter, note 180,

p. 1320. and the footnote in Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, p.72.

654 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tinentibus,’’’*” to sound out the Signoria and to Europe. Paul wanted the Venetians to bar the enenlist the Republic’s support of the league of the — try of the Germans into Italy, but short of peace Holy See with France. The Venetians had, how- there was no way to do so.

ever, no intention of entering the coming conflict. The Venetians, therefore, wanted peace beNavagero’s almost daily dispatches—one of our tween the Hapsburgs and the Valois for otherwise, best sources for this period of Paul IV’s reign— as long experience had shown, it was not only difhad told the doge, the Senate, and the Ten more _ ficult, it was utterly impossible to keep the Gerthan perhaps they wished to know of the pope’s mans out of the peninsula. In olden times as in

near madness. their own day, whenever the Germans made the

Tournon was glad to escape the heat of Rome descent (and, incidentally, pillaged in the Veneto), in mid-July and the insults which the pope leveled _ it had been necessary to fight with them in Italy

at him in every audience. On 28 July Tournon itself, not at the mountain passes, which simply wrote Montmorency that he would go wherever could not be guarded. Whole armies would not the king wished, but he would not return to Rome. _ suffice to fulfill the pope’s request, for there were

Some two weeks later (on 10 August) Tournon too many ways to enter Italy. Thus a week later wrote Henry II himself that he could be of no (on 30 July), when the Senate finally agreed on an more use to him in Venice than he had been in answer to Montebello, they emphasized the VeneRome.'** Like Montmorency, Tournon saw only _ tian intention to preserve a strict neutrality, aldisaster in the papal alliance and a war with Spain. though on the following day they voted to make Directly and indirectly Paul IV had told his a large amount of saltpeter (for gunpowder), migood friend Navagero dozens of times that he gliara 30 de salnitrio, available to the Holy See at looked to Venice to support him when the time _ the pope’s request (and they were to do so again for action came, for (in his opinion) the interests on 6 February, 1557).'*° of the Republic coincided with those of the Holy Each day was bringing Paul IV closer to a state

See. On 10 July Paul had stated, of war with Charles V and Philip II. In his con-

That tyrant [Charles V] has no one in greater detesta- demnation of the Colonnas, Paul had roridden

tion than you [Venetians] and us; your freedom and this anyone to PECelve, ENCOUTARE, oF assist “Ascanio

See Apostolic agitate him, and are the furies by whom OF Marc’ Antonio “under the gravest penalties, he is driven wild. Should matters advance, we have de- namely excommunication and the loss of their feutermined to form an understanding with the most il- dal holdings.’”’ Marc’ Antonio had been welcomed lustrious Signory, and almost to protest against losing in Naples, however, where the ministers of Charles this opportunity for freeing Italy, and as there is no one whom we love better than our nephew the Marquis [of Montebello], he will be the person to make known this '49 The fifty-one members of the Venetian Senate voted that

our intention.222 Montebello be told, “oo, . alle guerre facilmente Sl puo dare principio, ma e€ poi molto difficile imponer fine, si come e il piu

Two weeks later (on 24 July, 1556) Antonio delle volte desiderato per li travagli, danni, et pericoli di stato Carafa marquis of Montebello. wasindeedin Ven- &t "uine che ne segueno di poveri populi innocenti.. . .”’ Of , h; her th had hj h Th course his Holiness ‘“‘. . . havera |’ ochio alla pace et concordia ice, whither the pope na sent nm posthaste. € — di tutta la Christianitade . . . et il beneficio universale, col Senate had been deliberating his message and the qual modo sara levata la occasione et serato il passo ad Alemani pope’s appeal. ‘There was some indecision in the _ di descendere in Italia che altramente saria non solamente difSenate as to the form their answer should take. cile ma impossibile il farlo, non manco di quello che sia stato

Fifty-one senat repared. however. to re- nei tempi antiqui quando la Italia é stata invasa da oltramontani

Iity-one senators were prepared, ° € nei tempi nostri quando discendendo gente alemana a danni

mind Montebello that wars Were Ccasy to start but del stato nostro si ha guerreggiato con loro in Italia et non alli hard to stop. Poor, innocent people paid a heavy passi, li quali non si possono guardare, imperoché sono molte price for the unwise decisions of their rulers. Of _ le vie da venire si che molti esserciti et grossissimi non sariano

course these senators were well aware that his >astantiadevedarli. . .” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fol. 21). This F ld look d d dj motion did not pass, however, and the Senate’s or rather the Ho Iness would 100 toward peace an concor in doge’s reply to Montebello was postponed. Christendom, toward the general well-being of — On 30 July, 1556, the Senate voted that Montebello be told Venice would adhere to a policy of strict neutrality, but the next day they did vote to make the saltpeter available to the pope’s forces (ibid., Reg. 70, fol. 22), as indicated above in the 137 Arm. XLIV, tom. 2, fol. 71, brief of Paul IV to the papal _ text, and on 6 February, 1557, they repeated the helpful ges-

commissioner Antonio de Salutio, dated 17 July, 1556. ture of making the saltpeter more easily obtainable (2bid., fols. 138 M. Francois, Correspondance du Cardinal Francois de Tour- 66°67"). This was as far as Venice would go. Cf. Nores, Guerra

non (1946), nos. 523-24, pp. 322-23. di Paolo IV, pp. 69-70, note, where the first date 25 July, 1656, '39 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 541, p. 515. is an obvious error for 1556.

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 655 and Philip were giving him “‘omne auxilium” to intended to do so. Cardinal Scipione Rebiba, who recover Paliano. These ministers were in fact said had left Rome for the imperial court at Brussels to have recruited troops to help him. On 27 July on 30 May (1556),'*° was recalled from his slow (1556), therefore, the pope’s fiscal advocate or journey by a letter of Giovanni Carafa, the new

attorney general Alessandro Pallantieri appeared duke of Paliano. The letter is dated 12 July. with Silvestro Aldobrandini at a secret consistory Twelve days later, on the twenty-fourth, it was held in the Sala di Costantino in the Vatican received at Maastricht, seventy miles or so east of

Palace. Brussels. It was held for or forwarded to Rebiba,

Pallantieri read a legal opinion to the emphatic who had not yet reached Maastricht, but accordeffect that both the Emperor Charles and King _ ing to the news reaching Brussels on the morning

Philip had incurred the censures and penalties of 26 July the cardinal legate ‘thad just arrived aforesaid. The advocate (procurator) then re- within three leagues of that city [Maastricht], travquested authorization to take appropriate action, elling incognito from fear of the Lutherans.’’'*4 placing the widespread domains of emperor and Although cardinals usually traveled in some king under the interdict, absolving their subjects state, apparently Rebiba was not doing so. Nevfrom the oath of fealty, and summoning the higher _ ertheless, it had taken him almost eight weeks to

clergy of their realms to Rome. Massarelli was reach Maastricht. A courier, who may not have present at the consistory, a witness to the advo- left Rome until a day or two after the date of cate’s reading the text of the protestatio against Giovanni Carafa’s letter (12 July), had obviously Charles and Philip. The pope asserted that he made the trip in not more and perhaps less than would not fail in his duty, and would do what the _ twelve days. It is quite likely that Rebiba had been

law required.'*! instructed at the time of his departure to move

When Navagero reported to the Venetian Si- slowly, very slowly. That he had received some gnoria on the memorable consistory of 27 July, he such orders was, indeed, being asserted at the stated that in the opinion of both the fiscale Pal- Hapsburg court in Brussels.!*°

lantieri and Aldobrandini It might take Carlo Carafa some time to convert

the Emperor and the King of England [Philip] had in- 18 mission (to the French court) for peace into an curred the penalties contained in the sentence, that they alliance with Henry II for war against the Hapshad forfeited all the rights of their fiefs, and that as an burgs. Carafa, however, did not want war. He example to others they ought to be punished and chas- merely wanted to intimidate the Hapsburgs into tised. ‘The Pope replied that the fiscal advocate and his detaching the Carafeschi from France by granting colleague, having performed their office so freely, he them Siena. In any event Carafa had broken the was pleased with them; that this was a thing of impor- truce of Vaucelles, and Rebiba was recalled to tance, that he would think about it, and not form any Rome (to Philip II’s annoyance) before he had

decision the counsel of his reverend brothB| ers [the without cardinals} even got to right the Hapsburg courtheatHapsb Brussels. In his letter of 12 July Giovanni Carafa gave

Paul IV, however, as everyone knew, was not likely Rebiba the recent news from Rome, especially the

to be guided by the cardinals’ advice. He had revelations which had come of the postmaster Juan pretty much made up his mind. As Navageronotes Antonio de Taxis’s interrogation. According to at the beginning of this same dispatch, the pope Giovanni's letter which, incidentally, had required had flown into one of his daily, sometimes hourly, deciphering, de Taxis “upon being questioned”’ rages when the Portuguese ambassador had ex- had stated that Marc’ Antonio Colonna, who had pressed the hope of his Holiness’s being reconciled been in Venice, had now returned to Naples with with the Hapsburgs. ‘‘Lord ambassador,”’ he cried,

“let there be no more talk of peace, but of war!”'*#, |. ——————— '*8 Lossen, Briefe von Andreas Masius, p. 263.

The papal legations, supposedly to make peace 144 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 560, p. 545, letter between the Hapsburgs and the Valois, had not of Federico Badoer to the doge and Senate, dated at Brussels been succeeding very well. Perhaps they were not © 8 dal State Papers . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 522, p. 492, letter of Badoer, dated 21 June, 1556, and on Rebiba’s odd legation, of., ibid., nos. 533, 556-57, 559, 563 [on the report of Rebiba’s ‘4! Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Conc. Trident., 11, 293; arrival in Maastricht], 564 [Rebiba at Méziéres on 2 August], Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 109 ff.; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl.,ad and 570. Cf. Pieper, Die papstlichen Legaten und Nuntien (1897), ann. 1556, no. 5; Riess, Die Politik Pauls IV. und seiner Nepoten pp. 88-89; Ancel, Nonciatures de France, 1 (1909), introd., p.

(1909), pp. 132-33. xC; “La Question de Sienne,” pp. 34-35; Pastor, Gesch. d. '%? Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 561, pp. 546-47. Papste, VI (repr. 1956), 407-8.

656 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT every intention of trying to recover Paliano. The Quite apart from the “‘mal animo”’ of the imduke of Alva had set aside 600,000 scudi, ob- _ perialists, Carafa’s activities at Fontainebleau were viously for the recruitment of troops and the costs rendering Rebiba’s mission irrelevant. Carafa left of war. Alva had received half this sum from Bona _ the French court on 17 August. If he could flatter Sforza, dowager queen of Poland and last duchess himself that he had won the confidence of Henry of Bari (d. 1557). The other half he had taken II (as Ancel says), he had not succeeded in over-

from the merchants of Naples. coming the enmity of the court faction headed by

The imperialists in Rome had promised tomake Montmorency. Henry had ordered that Carafa de Taxis, in recompense for his services as a_ should be given some 1,200 or 2,000 infantry, but spy, the commissario of Terracina, Velletri, and when he reached Toulon, he found neither the Piperno (now called Priverno) when they should men nor the galleys to convey them to the Italian succeed in occupying these places. Garcilasso de coast. la Vega had already written Alva to this effect. De If Carafa’s mission was merely to alarm the Taxis had been told that Alva would soon be mov- Spanish, it was successful, for he had upset the ing ten thousand foot into the Roman Campagna, _ truce of Vaucelles. As the ailing Charles was turnand he would send three or four thousand foot ing over the governance of his disparate realms into the Abruzzi. Thirty-five to forty imperialist to the young Philip, the Spanish did not want galleys were supposed to reach Nettuno by 10 July. armed conflict in Italy. Carafa may have thought Some of Alva’s troops would head for Marino (on _ that he had given effect to the plans which he and Lago Albano) and the surrounding towns. They della Casa had discussed, and which the latter had

would try to take Paliano—all this according to outlined in his Discorso . . . per impetrare dalla de Taxis’s disclosures under torture—and come Maestd dell’ Imperator Carlo V lo stato et dominio di up to the gates of Rome. They would enter the Siena. Paul IV was, alas, moving on toward war in city if they could. Alva also had at his disposal a_ a reckless rage, but Carafa’s policy was apparently thousand light horse and three hundred and fifty to break the Hapsburg-Valois truce without pro-

men-at-arms. voking another Hapsburg-Valois war.'*’

A break with the Holy See was clearly coming, If war lay ahead, the pope and his nephews were for Alva had written Sarria, Garcilasso, Cardinal going to need all-out assistance from the French. Juan Alvarez, and others ‘‘che si partissero di Commanders would be required as well as troops. Roma in quel modo che potevano, perché non si The military posturings of such soldiers as the

poteva mancare di rompere con il Papa!” They dukes of Urbino and Ferrara would not go far should get out of Rome as soon as possible. Alva against the cruel prowess of Fernando Alvarez de had also advised Cosimo de’ Medici, duke of Flor- Toledo, the duke of Alva, whose grim half-dozen

ence, to remain on the alert. He had written to years of command in the Netherlands (1567Francisco de Mendoza y Bobadilla, cardinal of 1573) and rapacious conquest of Portugal (in Burgos, the Hapsburg governor of Siena. The 1581) would soon attach a sinister memory to his Carafeschi had learned all this from poor, battered name. Since Paul IV had appointed his nephew de Taxis. Giovanni informed Rebiba that Garci- Giovanni Carafa captain-general of the Church lasso and Ippolito Capilupi, an agent of the Gon-

zagas of Mantua, had been imprisoned in the Cas- __ tel S. Angelo, “ma non sono ancora essaminati.” fifteen years of age Bona Sforza, daughter of Duke Gian GaleSo much then for the news, but “conoscendo _ azzo0 Sforza and Isabella of Aragon, had married the fifty-yearnostro Signore [the pope] il mal animo de gl’ Im- _ old Sigismund I of Poland, and reigned with him for thirty periali, et vedendo che vostra Signoria illustrissima years. She was the mother of Sigismund I Augustus of Poland. non potra far frutto a cotesta corte [in kingdom Brus- Becoming in Poland during lateryouth. years, sheBona withwsalcuno . rew from the tounpopular Bari, the scene ofherher sels], sua Santita vuole che se ne torni a Roma Sforza died in late November, 1557, having designated Philip subito.’’ The testimony which the postmaster had __ 11 her sole heir. Today she lies buried in the apse of the historic given on the rack had revealed the evil intentions church of S. Nicola di Bari. The town of Piperno, northwest of Alva and the imperialists—and in fact by 1 Sep- of Terracina, has been called Priverno since 1928. On Ippolito

tember his testimony was to prove accu8 lett, gf State Papers...» Venice, VII, no. . . , p.entirely , letter of papers Navagero tocathe doge and Senate, dated rate—and so Paul IV now directed Rebiba to re- 4 Rome on 11 July, 1556. turn to the Curia at once, for no peace was to be 147 Ancel, ‘La Question de Sienne,” pp. 35-37. Carlo’s ne-

found at Brussels.!4° gotiations apparently got somewhat out of hand, and on | Au-

gust, 1556, he wrote from Paris to his brother, the duke of a '46Paliano, ‘‘. . . Si fa similmente che io son qui per trattar guerra Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fol. et non pace. . .” (Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Vat. lat. 12,086,

150, letter of Giovanni Carafa to Rebiba, dated 12 July. At fol. 246).

PAUL IV AND WAR WITH SPAIN 657 (on 1 January, 1556), obviously one must look and the Holy See.*”' If it came to war, how could elsewhere for leadership against the Spanish. one conceive of Paul as emerging victorious, with On the French side one soldier loomed above his slender resources? If French aid came, how his military countrymen. This was Francois de extensive would it be? The Spanish were already Guise, who had successfully defended Metz against rulers of Milan and Naples; having defeated the Alva and Charles V in 1552. Brother of the two pope in open warfare, they would become wholly cardinals of Lorraine, Charles and Louis, Francois the masters of Italy. Where then would Venice had married Anna d’ Este (in 1548), the daughter stand? What would happen to the Holy See? of Ercole II of Ferrara. Ferrara, like Urbino, was It is small wonder that Paul’s unbalanced belremaining faithful to the Holy See. In fact Ercole _ licosity troubled the Venetians. In a dispatch of hoped to profit from the papal-French alliance, 22 August (1556) to the doge and Senate, Navafor the Estensi had driven a hard bargain with gero gave a detailed account of an extraordinary Charles de Guise when the latter was on his way exchange between the pope and Cardinal Gian-

to Rome in mid-November (1555).'*° nangelo de’ Medici which had occurred at a recent Despite the appeal which the pope had made __ consistory:

“ yenice (in July, 1920) to 5 * “P the penmans out . . . When the Pope said that he had a number of of italy, a month later (on ugust) the senate soldiers and good troops, the Cardinal replied that his granted the request which Don Francisco de Var- Holiness must neither rely on them nor allow them to gas, the imperial ambassador to the Signoria, had take the field, as they would be routed by the mere sight

made in Philip II’s name to allow free passage of the enemy, for . . . since the coming of Charles

through Venetian territory to 4,000 German in- _ [VIII] into Italy, never had an army, composed exclufantry. (Philip was obviously going to employ these _ sively of Italians, been seen to gain one single battle, troops for service in the peninsula.) The Senate because they know not how to use the pike; and as the

notified the Venetian rectors of Verona to this imperialists have much foreign ey oo an

effect, so that commissioners might be chosen to 22@ ?Panish, and’ OU! men-at-arms, and 2, ignt

horse, whilst hisso Holiness has athe bare 500 very sorry jades, deal with the. .German command, . he therefore lacked the and means forthat resistingoe the enemy

necessary food supplies might be made available «ine geld to the troops. Three days later the Senate voted To this the Pope said, ‘‘What would you have me do

to inform Navagero, their ambassador in Rome, _ jf these heretical tyrants compel me to act thus?” The of the action thus taken. He would let the pope Cardinal rejoined, ‘‘Holy Father, I would that an agree-

know. '*9 ment were negotiated. . . . I should indeed regret to Navagero performed the unenviable task with have it recorded by historians that in the reign of your his usual dexterity, although Paul IV “displayed Holiness, a Pope of such exemplary life, a war and

evident dissatisfaction at this passage-permit.””!°° schism broke out, such as had not happened in the time He never vented his rage, however, on Navagero. of popes who, to say the truth, led foul and evil lives.”

“> : On hearing this with his Holiness could no longer The Signoria’s relations the Hapsburgs no_ ,.contain ae ; | h: ‘th th learly illustrate the st himself, and said, ‘“‘You have this day caused me dissatess than wl © Pope Cieanly Mustrate Wie stFOns — isfaction, but these words do not proceed from you; the

desire of the Venetians, who were caught in the tyrants are those who make you utter them; but we will middle, to see peace maintained between Spain deprive them of their realms and empires as schismatics.’’ Cardinal Medici made answer that he would neither affirm nor deny that the Emperor was schismatic, though he indeed would say that this privation might "48 Cf: Romier, Les Origines politiques des guerres de religion, 11 bring it to pass that instead of one schismatic kingdom,

(1914), 35-36. all the Emperor’s realms might become so, they forming _~ Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fols. 27°-28", 30, 65". The Senate two thirds of Christendom, and that it does not suffice

wished to a econ ta [as they had told Antonio warata| a nostra —_ to deprive, as in the next place force is required to effect neutralitade con tutti.”’ Vargas represented both Charles Vand ip, privation. The Pope in a great rage then said, “You

Philip II in Venice. Recalled by the latter for consultation, 1 hismati 1

Vargas returned to Venice after an absence of several months also are sciismatic. . on S. George’s day (23 April, 1557), when he and the French

ambassador engaged in the usual contest for precedence, which ~— | proved embarrassing to the Venetians as they approached the '5! Cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fols. 36"-38. As the Senate ceremonies attending the feast of S. Mark on 25 April (ibid., | informed Navagero in Rome in September (1556) when Philip fols. 81-82"). Vargas claimed the status of imperial ambassador, recalled Vargas, they were making every effort “prima con “‘ché sua Maesta [Charles V] non havea renonciato all’ imperio __ lettere et poi con la viva voce pregar affettuosamente la Maesta

né revocato lui da questa legatione . . .”’ (fol. 81”). sua [Philip II] ad esser contenta d’ attender allo accordo con "5° Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, nos. 596, 600, pp. sua Sanctita per non accender maggior foco et maggior disturbo 592, 598-99, letters of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated _ nella Christianitade’’ (ibid., fol. 38"), for war would bring di-

4 and 5 September, 1556. saster and ruination on all sides.

658 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Medici then replied that he would say no more. sounded like a last appeal to reason and for If Paul were willing to listen, he would tell him peace.’ the truth in the privacy of the papal chamber. And Giannangelo de’ Medici’s warning to the irasas Navagero reported to Venice, ‘‘He then went cible pontiff was certainly well taken. Although his and sat down, and says he fully expected to be sent Holiness lacked the power to give effect to his to the Castle [S. Angelo], as the pope never took threatened deprivation of the Hapsburgs, any ef-

his eyes off him.”’!°* fort to do so might well drive into schism ‘“‘two

On 21 August the duke of Alva had written the _ thirds of Christendom.’’ As Charles V passed on pope a letter which a special envoy, Don Pirrodell’ the vast Hapsburg inheritance to Philip II, the latOffredo, delivered on Thursday, the twenty-sev- ter became the central figure in Europe, bestriding enth. Such a scene of angry shouting accompanied the narrow world like a Colossus. Philip had got the pope’s reception of the envoy that the maestro almost everything except the imperial title and di camera discreetly closed the wooden doors. In Austria with its dependencies. At this time, in late his letter Alva declared that Charles V and King August and early September of 1556, Charles fiPhilip, obedientissimi e vert difensori della Santa Sede nally surrendered the imperial authority by a

Apostolica, had up to then disregarded many of- documentary cession to his brother Ferdinand, fensive and injurious acts on the part of his Ho- king of the Romans.’** Ferdinand was eventually liness, who from the very beginning of his reign crowned as emperor at Frankfurt on 14 March, had oppressed and persecuted the servitors, vas- 1558, by Joachim II of Brandenburg in the pressals, and friends of their Majesties. He had been ence of three Lutheran electors, to the usual hortrying to form a league against Charles and Philip, ror of Paul IV. seizing their couriers and ministers and intercept- Having done at last with the Lutheran problem, ing their dispatches. His Holiness had also been Charles V retired to a small villa hard by the monrecruiting troops with hostile intent. He had im- astery of S. Jeronimo de Yuste in the mountainous prisoned and tortured Juan Antonio de Taxis, country to the west of Toledo. He died on 21 maestro delle poste; he had even arrested and mal- September, 1558, amid the luxuries of beautiful treated Garcilasso de la Vega, the Hapsburgs’ statuary and jewelled crucifixes, Flemish tapestries

envoy. and embroideries, books, and fine furniture, meIn order to effect the aggrandizement of his chanical clocks, astronomical instruments, and

own family, Alva went on, Paul IV was trying to maps of his erstwhile dominions. The last weeks disrupt the peace of Christendom, imperiling the of his life, gloomy and gout-ridden, were enHoly See, “‘especially in these times, so full of her- _livened by the bright face and gladsome manner esies and condemned beliefs.’ Alva also charged, of a small boy, his son by Barbara Blomberg, con-

referring to the consistory of 27 July, ceived at Regensburg in the spring of 1546, when . . . your Holiness has allowed that in his presence the he was seeking distraction from theological disattorney and fiscal advocate of the Holy See should have sension in the excitements of the hunt and the made in consistory such an iniquitous, unjust, and reck- festivities of the court. This boy would be known less judgment and demand as that the Regno should be as Don John of Austria. taken from the king, my lord, with your Holiness agree-

ing and consenting thereto. TO

153 Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, append., ed. Luciano Scara-

After rehearsing some of the pope’s other mis- _ belli, doc. no. x1x, pp. 400-3, and note Aldobrandini’s vitriolic deeds, Alva observed that after such mistreatment __ reaction to this letter, as reported by Navagero on 4 September, even the most obedient son must defend himself 1556, in Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 596, p. 593.

. . On the scene which followed when Don Pirro dell’ Offredo,

against his Own father, and take from the father Alva’s Neapolitan envoy, delivered the letter to the pope, see, the weapons with which the latter wants to attack jgid., no. 589, p. 585. him. Alva closed his letter with assurance of the Alva wrote more briefly but in the same vein to the Sacred ‘respect and reverence” which the Hapsburgs had College, protesting against Paul IV's manifestations of ill-will

always had for the H oly See, and with what against the Hapsburgs del principio de su pontificado hasta

al dia presente” (Spanish text in Nores, op. cit., append., no. a XX, pp. 403-4). Cf Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, I, bk. 1x, pp. 152 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-1, no. 582, pp. 572-73, 317-19, and note Riess, Die Politik Pauls IV., pp. 138-39, note and note Riess, Die Politik Pauls IV. (1909), pp. 137-38. On _73, for refs. to the Spanish, French, Italian, and English versions the pope’s awareness of the Turkish danger, see Navagero’s _ of Alva’s letter to the pope, including Weiss, Papiers d’ état, IV, second dispatch of 22 August, op. cit., VI-1, no. 583, p. 575, 666-75; Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 11, 653-56; and ef. and cf. 600, p. 598. Cardinal de’ Medici continued to warn the = Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 294.

pope that his war with Spain was threatening the Holy See with "54 Lanz, Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., III (1846, repr.

disaster (Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2 [1881], no. 781, 1966), nos. 1008-9, pp. 707-12, letters of Charles V to his

p. 897, doc. dated 2 January, 1557). brother Ferdinand, dated 8 August and 12 September, 1556.

16. PAUL IV, THE WAR WITH SPAIN, AND JEAN DE LA VIGNE AT THE PORTE WHILE CHARLES V was contemplating the and concord were under discussion on this side last letters and documents relating to his and that, and while a five years’ truce obtained imperial resignation, Fernando Alvarez de To- among Henry, the French king; Philip, king of ledo, the duke of Alva, set out from Naples on 1 Naples and of England; the Emperor Charles V; September, 1556. He headed for S. Germano and also the pope himself.” (now Cassino) with 12,000 foot and 1,500 horse. At a general congregation of all the cardinals, Of these forces 4,000 foot were Spanish veterans which was held on the following day, a Sunday under the command of Don Garcia de Toledo. (6 September), Paul IV accused the duke of Alva The other 8,000 were Italians, recruited for the and the imperialists of treachery. Paul said that most part in the Regno, under Vespasiano Gon- Pirro dell’ Offredo had come from Alva pro conzaga. Marc’ Antonio Colonna led 300 men-at- cordia tractanda, and while the conditions of this arms, and Julius III’s adventurous nephew As- peace were being considered by the cardinals, Alva canio della Corgna was also with Alva’s army. In had broken faith, seized Pontecorvo and Frosilate July Ascanio had escaped the clutches of Pope none, killed soldiers of the Church, and seized Paul, who had promptly arrested his brother, Car- property as though it were the prize of war. Don

dinal Fulvio della Corgna.' Pirro was himself brought into the congregation. ‘‘Pushing ahead with this army,”’ says Nores, Massarelli was a witness to the scene. Paul dethe duke took Pontecorvo, now a little place on the manded to know the reason for Pirro's coming to

Garigliano [actually-on the Liri], called ‘‘Fregellae”’ in the Curia. The latter replied that the duke of Alva antiquity, famous for having stopped the advance of had sent him to Rome “to negotiate a peace with Hannibal’s army. . . . The duke encountered no re- his Holiness and to ask him (as he did ask him) to sistance there, and could lay waste the countryside with- find the means whereby both that peace and the out opposition, carrying off a huge number of herds of kingdom of Naples might be kept securely and sheep, which subjects of the Holy See were keeping in _ safely.”’

the pastures in those areas. Paul thereupon informed Pirro that, while this

On 5 September, as Massarelli tells us, the news _, Pretense of peace” was being pursued, Alva had reached Rome that Alva had seized not only Pon- 1"vaded the papal states contra fidem et tus gentium. tecorvo, but also Frosinone—both papal cities— Pitre had probably not known of Alva’s intention the latter being only fifty miles southeast of Rome. °° invade the Stato Ecclesiastico, but (according According to Massarelli, Alva’s troops had rounded Nores) Pirro’s failure to obey Alva s instructions up more than 40,000 sheep. “And all these things °° deliver his letter and leave, “either with a reply were done,” says Massarelli piously, “while peace or without,’’ cost him dear, for Pirro was arrested that same Sunday, and imprisoned in the Castel

———-__ S. Angelo, where he was to remain until the end ' Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, of the war.* A week after the general congregation

993. The news of Alva’s invasion of the papal states was quite of cardinals Giovanni Carafa wrote Ottavio disconcerting to the French, who had been urging Paul IV to Farnese, the duke of Parma, complaining that an remporize the spring of 1557. As Simon Renard, about the ambassador of the duke. of apsburguntil ambassador to Henry II, wrote mid-Septem. Alva, referring to ber, 1556, ‘‘Le duc d’ Albe et le duc de Florence sont en cam- Pirro, had come to Rome seeking an accord at the paigne avec seize ou dix-huitz mil hommes de pied et troys mil chevaulx pour le secours des Colonnoys [the Colonnesi] et re-

médier I’ insolence du pape, dont les Francoys sont estonné[s], ~

pour ce qu’ ilz ont tousjours escript au pape qui deust tem- 2 Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 122~—24, who obviously had porizer jusques au printemps de I’ année que vient. . .”’(Chas. —_ access to MSS. of Massarelli, Diartum septimum, in Merkle, Conc.

Weiss, ed., Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, 1V [Paris, Trident., 11, 295-96, for he not only knows Massarelli’s text but 1843], 701). The French would have liked by some means or translates it; Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, nos. 603, 607-

other to postpone the renewal of war with the Hapsburgs, 8, pp. 601-2, 605-9, letters of Navagero to the doge and Sen“‘craingnans que les forces du pape ne soient souffisantes pour ate dated 6 and 11 September, 1556. Cf also Carlo Bromato résister, combien qu’ il y a ja de six 4 septz enseignes de gens _[Bartolommeo Carrara], Storia di Paolo IV, 2 vols., Ravenna, de pied francoys 4 Rome, et environ six mil italiens.”’ Cf, ibid., 1748-53, II, bk. 1x, pp. 319-21. Incidentally, the ancient Fre-

IV, 704 ff., 712 ff., 724 ff. gellae seems to have been nearby Ceprano, and not Pontecorvo. 659

660 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT same time that Alva was taking by force the towns 1510-1511) was demolished, and the destruction of Frosinone and Veroli, and had even laid siege even of the church of S. Maria del Popolo was to Anagni. The pope’s patience, said Giovanni, was___ considered advisable. At first Carlo Carafa, having

being strained.° just got back to Rome, had halted plans to tear In the midst of this excitement Cardinal Carlo down both the convent and the church, but thereCarafa landed in a French galley at Civitavecchia after he approved the removal of the convent. At on Monday, 7 September (1556). Departing im- any rate the church, a treasury of Renaissance art, mediately for Rome, he reached the city about was spared. The duke of Alva wrote the pope that 7:00 P.M. (hora 24), and hastened into the papal if he came to Rome with his army, he would never presence with his boots on. ‘‘His Holiness evinced _ assail the walls of the city at the Porta and the very great satisfaction,’ Navagero wrote his gov- church of S. Maria del Popolo. ernment, “‘and embraced and kissed him a thou- A hundred houses in the area were torn down. sand times.’’ Pietro Strozzi had arrived at the same Massarelli says that those who knew about building time. So had Louis de Lansac and Blaise de Mon- costs in Rome set the value of the convent and the luc of Sienese fame. Carafa had been accompanied church at 200,000 scudi. Nores, who may have by twenty galleys from France, and indeed from read Massarelli too rapidly, says the houses were time to time Henry II had sent troops, especially worth thisamount. Whatever their value, it seemed

unruly Gascons.* almost meaningless in comparison with Alva’s con-

In fact Carafa now brought with him another quests, for to Pontecorvo and Frosinone he had 1,500 Gascons, who were at first lodged near the quickly added, aside from some villages of the Borgo, and then divided among various quarters Colonnesi (who yielded them willingly), Anagni, in the city. Other troops in papal employ were sent Veroli, Valmontone, Piperno [Priverno], Terraout to add to the garrisons of the more important cina, Acuto, Fumone, Ferentino, and Alatri, all and more vulnerable towns. According to Mas- places in the Stato Ecclesiastico. Alva occupied sarelli, Paul [V had raised 15,000 foot by the first them in the name of the Sacred College, asserting week in August. With the wisdom of hindsight his intention of restoring them to the cardinals or Nores did not think highly of the papal forces. to a future pope.” The best horses were taken from the inhabi- On 12 September (1556) the indefatigable Natants of Rome to form a company of 200 lancers vagero wrote the doge and Senate that

which were to serve under Matteo Stendardo. The . Se

horses were supposed eventually to be returned such a panic prevails in this city that everybody is ento their owners or paid for, “il che peré non fu deavouring to escape, but great vigilance is used at the osservato.” A certain Bartolommeo da Benevento 84t€s to prevent the departure of anyone. Besides the hit on the device (invenzione) of taking all the grain soldiers, artisans likewise are sent to work at the basthen available for sale in the city, for which the poor friars are also in fear of the church. dealers were given cameral receipts, whereupon the grain was sold, and the proceeds applied to the

. . . . tions; the monastery del Popolo is tottering, and the

current military expenditures. Nores does not mention whether the Camera ever redeemed 5 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, I], 297, who says

these receipts. concerning the buildings at the Porta del Popolo (or Flaminia),

Since the Porta del Popolo was regarded as an “‘Hodie 9 dicti mensis Septembris 1556 c{o]eptum est demoliri area especially vulnerable to attack, the Augustin- ™onasterium et ecclesia [sic] b. Mariae de Populo prope portam

ian convent (where Martin Luther had stayed in Flamineam parte sinistra in ingressu Urbis... . Prope dictum monasterium demoliuntur ultra 100 domus. Id aedificium monasterii et ecclesiae iudicio peritorum ad 200 millia aureorum pensum est.” On Alva’s capture of the papal towns and territory, cf: Nores,

3 Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fol. | Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 124-28, with note on p. 125, and on

163, letter dated at Rome on 13 September, 1556. the destruction of the 100 houses: “‘. . . si demolirono appresso * Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, | intorno a cento case contigue: danno stimato piu di dugentomila

296. Cardinal Rebiba also returned to Civitavecchia in the — scudi’’ (also on p. 125). As always the Venetian ambassador French galleys, and reached Rome on 9 September. Note Cal. | Navagero’s reports to his government are invaluable for the State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 577, p. 565, on the arrival first years of Paul IV’s reign; in the present context see Cal. of French troops—Gascons—who had done ‘‘very great mis- State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, nos. 609, 616, 620-22, 626, chief.”” On Carafa’s return to Rome, cf. also, ibid., no. 607, p. pp. 609 ff., et alibi, and cf; Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, II, bk. 606. For Monluc’s arrival in Rome and his view of conditions 1X, pp. 321 ff. Concerning the weakness of the walls at the in the city, see his own account in the Commentaires, ed. Paul Porta del Popolo, note Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, no. 621,

Courteault, Bruges, 1964, bk. Iv, pp. 369 ff. p. 630.

PAUL IV, SPAIN, AND JEAN DE LA VIGNE 661 In addition to requisitioning horses and taxing As Paul IV and Carafa were trying to win over meat, the hard-pressed officials in the Curia and the Venetians, so was Philip II. Since the latter the municipal government of Rome were selling had now no claim to the empire and Austria, the knighthoods and collecting enforced loans. “‘Here Tyrol and Styria, Carinthia and Carniola, Venice

they are paying many more soldiers . . . than’ did not fear his moving into Friuli. A prominent those really in existence.’’ Cardinal Carafa, his figure at Philip’s court, Don Ruy Gomez, duke of brother Giovanni, Marshal Pietro Strozzi, Jean Pastrana and prince of Melito, told the Venetian d’ Avanson, and Louis de Lansac conferred fre- ambassador Federico Badoer that the Signoria quently in the cardinal’s apartments, in Strozzi’s_ obviously saw four of the leading powers—Philip rooms, for the marshal’s “‘double tertianague con- himself, Henry II, Paul IV, and Sultan Suleiman—

tinues.”’ at perilous odds with one another, and wished to

6’

Navagero understood, however, stand in well with each one of them. He under-

that the French ministers here exhort the Pope and stood re vcd hy SIC a th prucent po'cy. Don Cardinal Caraffa [to make peace], pointing out the Uy observed, owever, t at Philip tt was ineviforces of the enemy, their own scanty provisions, and tably cast m the role of “the perpetual enemy of the delay of the assistance of the men-at-arms to be ex- the Turk,” from whom the Venetians had more pected from France, concerning which matter I willalso to fear than from any other power. They might mention that today Cardinal [Pedro] Pacheco was with thus have Philip as their ally in case of need. No Cardinal Caraffa about this matter of peace, and told reliance could be placed in the popes, for the Holy a person very much in his confidence, who repeated it See was subject to too many political vagaries. Also to me, that contrary to Caraffa’s wont and to his own the king of France was unreliable for many reaexpectation, he found him much disposed towards sons

peace... .

principally for this, that in like manner as the kings of

Carafa was certainly more interested in finding Spain are under the necessity of defending themselves some way to acquire Siena for his family than in against the Moors and of obtaining provinces (if possicontinuing the war with Spain. But the Carafeschi ble) both in Africa and [in] the Indies, so must the kings now received another setback, for Ottavio Farnese _ of France to gratify their wish for aggrandizement penhad in effect just broken his alliance with France _ etrate farther into the states of Italy or of Spain.? (although he spoke as softly as he could), and had Don Ruy made some sense, and within a dozen

acquired1:an7allegiance to Spain byand accepting Pia- . .;would, . years or more Spain the: :Signoria as cenza from Philip II." Throughout the century the

, allies, proceed against the Turks.

Farnesi showed a capacity.for andpresent, success, F however, and for some years 8gsurvival or the to come the Venetians were playing it safe. One after another, adroit diplomats were sent as bailies

advancement and self-glorification. ; or

to Istanbul. Antonio Erizzo was succeeded as bailie 6 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 609, pp. 609-11. PY Antonio Barbarigo, whose commission was "Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 611, pp. 613-14, drafted on 19 September (1556). Upon his arrival 616, a letter of Federico Badoer, Venetian ambassador at the at the Porte, Barbarigo was to meet with Er1zzo, Hapsburg court (then at Ghent), dated 14 September, 1556, who would provide him with certain necessary inand ¢., ibid., nos. 618-19, 621, esp. 625; Weiss, Papiers d’ eat formation (especially relating to events of recent du Cardinal Granvelle, 622, of Simon f hich Renard to Philip de II, dated at Paris on1V, 7 July and 684-85, at Moret onletters occurrence), alter whic ar argoBarbari was to Cafirst 6 September, 1556. Finally, on 19 October, Ottavio Farnese UPON Rustem Pasha, the grand vV1ZIr (primo viSir), entered Piacenza, which Cardinal Cristoforo Madruzzo, produx to whom he would show his letters of credence,

of Milan, restore (0 nm in Paps ra (uassareliy Dar uum present him with the expected gifts, and give voice

eee ene A Miaenhs Thy £003 Nores, Gterré 2— to the usualde expressions of esteem and:friendship. Paolo IV, pp. 143-44; Ancel, ‘‘La Question Sienne,”’ p. 44). . ® On the so-called political ideology and historical importance Then Barbarigo was to pay official VISItS to the of the Farnese family, as depicted in the heroized scenes inthe other pashas and to arrange for his reception by Sala di Fasti Farnese in the villa at Caprarola, see L. W. Par- Sultan Suleiman, in whose good health and con-

tridge, “‘Divinity and Dynasty at Caprarola... ,” The Art : . “9

Bulletin, LX-3 (1978), 494-530. The decoration on the walls tinued hence e ne as , savant the Signoria s and ceiling was done by Taddeo Zuccaro in 1562-1563 ac- great pleasure, extolling the a vantages of the curcording to an outline largely devised by the papal historian Tent peace. He would assure Suleiman that Venice Onofrio Panvinio and approved by Cardinal Alessandro. On such “‘halls of princely virtue,’ note Jonathan Brown and J. H. Elliott, A Palace for a King, New Haven and London, 1980, pp.

147 fff. * Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 611, pp. 614-15.

662 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT would always observe the terms of the peace in- store peace, the Florentine ambassador Bongianni violably, as she was sure the sultan’s Porte would —Gianfigliazzi having been authorized to inform the

do so also. pope ‘‘that the Emperor and his son do not wish If during his tenure as bailie Barbarigo should for any territory belonging to the Church, but learn of negotiations for a peace or truce between merely to hold their own.’’!* Fear and confusion the Porte and the Hapsburgs [Ferdinand’s envoy accompanied each day’s news. On 22 September Busbecq had gone to Istanbul in 1554], he was to Navagero closed a letter to the doge and Senate try with all diligence to learn the terms and to see__ with the statement that

to it that the Turks included Venice in th - ; ; ment. Barbarigo was also to brin a such eters the gossips here believe that should any agreement be oo. © Sala Beo’s sei 8 UP Ff th made, Cardinal Caraffa and all his family will declare

as A the sun. or ala £ €g 8 sein the Ade Barb vad themselves imperialists, which they say might easily and the suppression of piracy in the “Adriatic and = come to pass, as they have been deceived in the high elsewhere. Drafts for the purchase of grain at the hopes entertained by them of assistance and favour from Porte were to be drawn up only in the name of the most Christian King.”* the Signoria, not in that of any individual [a prac-

tice carefully observed since the defalcations of Carlo Carafa would doubtless have made peace

Pietro Vallaresso in 1536] for a principality, preferably Siena, but he had to Barbarigo was to pay the Turks, from the sums ™0V¥€ cautiously, for his papal uncle was often un-

consigned to him for the purpose, the 8,000 ducats preaicta ane aways hare 4° pane ie Iv

annual tribute (pensione) for Cyprus and 500 for bl UKE 9 £ va a HT Hol au h ld ce Zante. Also, like his predecessor, he must watch ceptabie « Phi OF peace. is h onress Sours BE over and report on the progress of the two young celve hing Pl Hip as a son {as the t, hoe, panance

men whom the Signoria maintained in the bailie’s went), bhinache did ; he h a kan eran | cat

household for the purpose of learning Turkish.!° ‘5 with him as he did with other kings. Pau must When Antonio Barbarigo reached the Bospo- not wage war against Philip or the latter's dominrus, the first questions Rustem Pasha would ask tons at “TD ume, nor jomn "I an ally anyone at war him would almost surely concern the affairs of with Philip. The pope shou d free all captives, reItaly, where Paul IV appeared already to have lost lease certain imperialists from the heavy sureties the ill-advised war with Spain. The imperialists they had had to pay, and restore all the 800 ds that had overrun the open country. If the peasants and had been confiscated. He should also receive back freeholders could not sow grain and plant their Into favor porn Marc Antonio @olonna ane s

crops in due time, there would be a serious scarcity ee. “ Fret an all hie’ alvano an he cr

in Rome when the next year came. In mid-Sep- places to ile hie an I, 1s property & ot fe SEC

tember (1556) Navagero learned that Gian Fran- ond me yh b ny oe af he H S oru "a the cesco Commendone, the bishop of Zante, to whom place alons ra © hi cs if tne d oh ee arn i © we shall return shortly, was being sent to Urbino negno. ands owe (can tb seu fideines io) to make

and Ferrara, Parma and Venice to justify the ™ rng ae “Tes Cry GUO b *° d4 As N

ope’s cause and to throw blame for the war on sure that ali these terms were ODserved. S Nae Et Spanish. vagero noted in his letter of 22 September (to Reon day to day well-meaning cardinals, am- which we have just referred), “I understand that, bassadors, and others did what they could to ree ©" hearing the terms, the Pope got into a rage,

saying they could not ask more were he their prisoner in the Castle at Naples.”’

© Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fols. 32-35", Barbarigo’s commis- wan Varal ower Hog a one nt of the

sion, dated 19 September, 1556, by which time the envoy Alvise , y ° Renier [Rhenier] had already returned from his special mission

to Istanbul (bid., fol. 32”). Every year, as the summer approached, there came “‘il tempo de mandar a Constantinopoli '2 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 620, p. 628, letter li 8,500 cechi per le pension de Cypro et Zanthe” (ibid., Reg. of Navagero dated 19 September, 1556. Gianfigliazzi suc71, fol. 88" [108"], doc. dated 22 April, 1559). Elsewhere we — ceeded Averardo Serristori as Cosimo de’ Medici’s ambassador

have taken note of the ‘‘doi giovani mandati ivi[a Constantino- in Rome. He served from 1556 to 1560, when Serristori repoli] da noi per imparar la lingua Turca”’ (ibid., Reg. 71, fol. | turned to the Holy See. 40° [60°], doc. dated 4 June, 1558). As we have seen, holders 13 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 626, p. 638. On

of the Venetian bursary lived in the bailie’s house. the plans which fell through for negotiation of a truce, in late 1! Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 616, p. 622, dis- | September, 1556, see, ibid., nos. 630-31, pp. 644 ff. patch dated 16 September, 1556; on Commendone’s mission, '4 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II,

cf. Ancel, ‘‘La Question de Sienne,”’ pp. 45-47. 297-98.

PAUL IV, SPAIN, AND JEAN DE LA VIGNE 663 aging the frightened people, trying to maintain were to give a full account of Capella’s mission to law and even order. He had met with the munic- Alva and to implore his Holiness to accept the ipal government in their council hall on the Cam- honorable and appropriate terms of peace which pidoglio on Thursday, 19 September, trying to Capella would be bringing to Rome. assure them of their own safety and that of the Philip IT had recently expressed great good will populace. The town fathers claimed an abundance _ toward Venice, and the Senate informed Federico

of courage, but suggested that the people would Badoer, their ambassador at Philip’s court in take heart if Carafa gave up his residence in the Ghent, that Gian Francesco Commendone, the Vatican Palace [with its easy access to the Castel bishop of Zante, had just come to Venice as the S. Angelo] and moved into the Palazzo S. Marco papal nuncio. Commendone had assured the Si[on the present Piazza Venezia], dwelling thus in gnoria that the pope would find an honesto accordo the very midst of the people. Within the week quite acceptable, ‘‘considering in his wisdom that

Carafa had done so.'” nothing can be more useful to Christendom than

Priests and friars were set to work on the walls tranquillity and peace.” The king of France had and bastions of the city. Camillo Orsini was in undertaken the protection of the pope “‘and of all charge of the defenses; he was an exacting task- his house.” It was therefore likely that he would master. Failure to do one’s share of work on the — regard this war between the pope and the king of bastions could lead to the galleys. Some thought Spain as a breach of the five years’ truce [of Vauwas given to pulling down the churches of S. Paolo celles]. The consequence of all this might be a fuori le Mura and S. Croce in Gerusalemme.'® All conflict from which no one could extricate himthe news was bad. Although 300 German foot in _ self, however much he might wish to do so.'* French employ entered Rome (on 25 September, While the Venetians were hoping by Febo Ca1556), having been sent from Montalcino “‘to help _ pella’s mediation to see peace restored in the Ro-

the pope,” they were mostly Lutherans, concern- man Campagna, Carlo Carafa wrote Commening whom the Romans would long tell dreadful done (on 3 October, 1556) an anxious letter contales that went back to 1527. On 26 September cerning the Carafeschi’s need of help from Venice, the imperialists seized Tivoli, and five days later ‘“‘cotesta citta, ne la quale reputo che consista la they took Vicovaro. Only Paliano and Velletri now _ gloria di tutta Italia.”” Alva’s troops were scouring remained sub fide Ecclesiae in the entire Campagna, the countryside. Rome would soon lack basic neas Massarelli wrote in his diary, and the imperialist __cessities, “‘so that if we remain alone, we shall be

horse were ravaging the countryside to the very beaten.’”” Commendone must convince the Venewalls of Rome. At this point the duke of Alva’s tians not to abandon the Holy See. The future of forces occupied Palombara Sabina, a Savellitown, Venice was also at stake, for (as the old adage went) and Nettuno (just east of Anzio), a coastal strong- whena neighbor's house is on fire, one’s own is hold which Paul IV had taken from the Colon- in danger.’

nesi.!” A few days later (on 7 October) Carafa sent off

another letter to Commendone, damning the hyAt the beginning of October (1556) the Venetian Senate, viewing with justified alarm the war —=———— between Paul IV and Philip II, sent their secretary '8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fols. 39°~-45", docs. dated from 2 Febo Capella on a mission to Fernando Alvarez, to 9 October, 1556. Commendone was a Venetian. In July, dukece of Alva of Naples, propose 1555, heahad been named, along with Angelo Massarelli, as . re and oneviceroy of Paul IV’stosix secretarii litteris italicts (Massarelli, Diarium

conditioni che siano honeste et convenienti to guarantee _septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 276, lines 34 ff.). Com-

peace in Europe and especially in Italy. Thereafter mendone had a notable career ahead of him. He was to be one Capella was to proceed to Rome, where he should of the twenty-three cardinals created by Pius IV on 12 March,

inform the Venetian ambassador Navagero of his aoe an oa, ee ane Schatz Kallenbers, Hierarchia

discussions with Alva. Then Navagero and Capella “a ’ al papal leoatelegate | Gert 49) ‘.and Was to achieve distinction in no. Germany Poland. His correspondence were both to wait upon Paul IV, to whom they _ occupies several volumes in the Vatican Lettere di principi. On

the career of Commendone, note Aemilius Springhetti, S. J., ‘‘Toannes Franciscus Commendone (1524-84), legatus pontificius 15 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 620, p. 628; No- _ et cardinalis, poéta latinus,” in the Archivum historiae pontificiae,

res, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 130, 135. VIII (1970), 215-37, who depends to a large extent on An16 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-1, no. 631, p. 646. tonmaria Graziani’s De vita Joannis Francisci Commendoni Car17 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, dinalis libri IV, Paris, 1669.

298-299; Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 139-43; Bromato, Sto- '? Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fols. 174, 178", divided by

ria di Paolo IV, Il, bk. 1X, pp. 332-35. the binder, letter dated 3 October, 1556.

664 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT pocrisy of the imperialists, who always had peace Navagero and the secretary Capella performed in their mouths and war in their hearts. Look at their duties with all expedition, and on 16 October the falsehood and treachery they had shown inthe the Senate expressed full satisfaction with their

past in dealing with the Florentines and the efforts, and gave them further instructions.”* In Sienese, the lord of Piombino, the duke of Parma __ letters, however, which they addressed to the doge

and Piacenza, and the duchy of Milan. The im- and Senate between 20 and 24 October (which we perialists had even tried to poison the pope as well shall look at in a moment), they stated that, in as Carafa himself. The Holy See needed Venetian commenting on the terms which Capella had intervention to help bring about a decent accord brought back from Alva, the pope had expressed with the duke of Alva, and when the Venetians suspicion of Venetian efforts to secure peace. In stepped forward, every effort would be made to fact Paul IV had accused the Republic of acting persuade the pope to authorize the Signoria to in collusion with Philip II, to which the Senate

levy tithes upon the Venetian clergy.”° replied (on the twenty-eighth) ‘“‘with astonishment

Commendone did not have to wait long for the and the greatest chagrin:” His Holiness had been next letter (dated 18 October), in which Carafa grossly misinformed. told him that Henry ITI had resolved to help the The Signoria had no undisclosed entente with pope and the Carafeschi. Henry was preparing for Philip, and had always desired the well-being of offensive warfare, not merely for the defense of the Holy See no less than that of Venice herself. the Holy See. Commendone might remind the Nevertheless, the Venetian envoys in Rome were Venetians of the advantages of growing grain in instructed to thank Paul for the frankness with territories of their own—it would be a bulwark which he spoke. Capella, who had gone back and against famine and pestilence—and of course the forth between Alva and the pope, was to ask the pope had offered them Apulia [and Sicily] a num- latter whether he should return again to Alva

ber of times. Venice need not fear the king of oo hi ; F f h he allies had d th to advise his Excellency in our name to agree to propose

rance, for when C le alnes hac conquere the another outline of terms which should be more hon-

kingdom of Naples, it would not come under the orably in accord with the dignity of the Holy See, [and] French crown. Naples would be given to one of to inform him that otherwise it will not be possible to the king’s sons, who would become an Italian in induce his Holiness to accept the agreement.”° a little while. Carafa suggested that Commendone and the resident nuncio Antonio Trivulzio in Venice }=———soft-pedal everything, however, merely dropping into the fray. He was sending men-at-arms and light horse, Swiss

hints andthe quiet assurances into senatorial earswas and French, “in gran numero.” : whenever opportunity arose.2! The duke Guise the commanders PP y the French forces, andofso was hiscoming, brother,among the duke of Aumale,o and also the duke of Nemours. Carafa returned to the treachery the imperialists had used against the Florentines, the Sienese,

20 Ibid., vol. XXII, fols. 176-177", letter dated 7 October, and all who had trusted them. Henry II was a different sort. 1556. We have had occasion, in the previous volume, to note Look at the expense he had gone to in order to defend Mithe relations of the ‘‘imperialists,” ie., of Charles V, with the —_ randola, Parma, and Siena against the imperialists “senza nessun

Florentines, Sienese, and Ottavio Farnese, duke of Parma. Ca- suo _utile.’”” Venice should join the Holy See and France to rafa’s reference to the injustice done to the lord of Piombino oppose the evil designs of the imperialists. Remember, too, the

is not entirely amiss. French connection with the sultan, ‘‘atteso che la intelligenza Fearing that the French occupation of Piombino would con- del re co ’| Turco potra esser sempre a vantaggio di quella stitute a threat to Naples and Sicily, Charles V had deprived Signoria s’ ella vorra.” Jacopo VI d’ Appiano, ‘“‘lord of Piombino,”’ of his heritage, 22 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fols. 45’-46", doc. dated 16 Ocpledging the town to the duke of Florence (on 10 August, 1546) tober, 1556. in return for a loan of 150,000 écus. As he was surrendering 23 Tbid., Reg. 70, fols. 47°-48", doc. dated 28 October, 1556. his domains, however, before his retirement into Spain, Charles As shown by another letter of the same date, the Senate susinstructed his son Philip II (on 14 January, 1556) either to pected that secret diplomacy was being carried on by Zaccaria restore Piombino to Jacopo VI and repay the said loan to Co- _ Delfino, bishop of the island see of Lesina (Hvar, on the Dalsimo I or to give Jacopo a [territorial] indemnity equal in value _matian coast), the papal nuncio to the court of Ferdinand, king

to Piombino, “‘comme telle a toujours été nostre intention” of the Romans. The bishop had hurriedly returned to Rome, (Chas. Weiss, ed., Papiers d’ état du Cardinal de Granvelle, 1V and the Senate understood (zbid.), “il detto esser venuto per

[1843], 502-9). trattare una secreta intelligentia tra la Sanctita del Pontifice,

71 Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fol. 186, letter dated 18 il serenissimo Re de’ Romani, et il Re Christianissimo, et October, 1556. Another screed went off to Commendone on... . per praticare questo negocio con quella maggior secre7 November (ibid., fols. 197-199"), dilating yet again on the tezza.. . .”” When peace was made, Venice wanted credit for

untrustworthiness of the imperialists and of Philip II: The king it. Delfino (Dolfin) had arrived in Rome on 26 October, conof France had become so indignant, according to Carafa, that ferred at length with Cardinal Carafa, spent an hour with the he was getting ready to throw all the strength of his kingdom _ pope, and saw Navagero briefly. He was anxious for the res-

PAUL IV, SPAIN, AND JEAN DE LA VIGNE 665 The several letters which Navagero and Capella __clesiastical arrogance had brought “matters to sent the doge and Senate from 20 to 24 October _ their present pass.”’

are worth more than a glance. They reported the As for better terms, more in keeping with the pope as unyielding, forever inveighing against pope’s dignity, Alva claimed that he had had little Charles V, who was “diabolical, soulless, thirsting regard for Philip II’s dignity and for his own. His for the blood of Christians, schismatic, born to proposed articles of peace were minimal, the sine destroy the world.” Paul IV’s capacity for invec- quibus non of security and tranquillity in the pentive was not his least noteworthy gift. He blamed insula. Let the Venetian Signoria modify his terms, Charles for what he described to the Venetian ‘‘as I shall always be disposed,” he said, ‘“‘to do envoys as the sad state of Flanders, Spain, the what they shall choose.” Alva was, however, most Milanese, and the kingdom of Naples, ‘‘which,”’ suspicious of those “who rule the Pope,” and were he said, ‘‘was in such distress that it would give _ ready to turn over certain fortresses to the French, itself to the Turks, but that God assists us, so that including Corneto [now Tarquinia| near Civita-

they do not think of it, although they have the vecchia. According to Capella, Alva’s army conconvenience of a short passage [across the Adri- sisted of 20,000 infantry, including 3,000 Spanatic], such as that of Valona to Puglia.”” When iards, 21 squadrons of light horse, almost 500 these terrible Hapsburgs had devoured the Holy men-at-arms, and some 2,000 sappers (guastador1). See, Venice would comprise the next course in They were awaiting the arrival of more German their feast of conquest, “nor will it be,’ he told mercenaries and 800 Spaniards, after which they the envoys, ‘‘of any use for you to call Sultan So- would occupy Ostia, take control of the Tiber, and

liman to your assistance!’’?* perhaps attack Civitavecchia.”°

Capella went to Grottaferrata (on 21 October), When Navagero and Capella next saw Paul IV as he wrote the doge and Senate on the following (on 23 October), his Holiness was more than usuday, “‘ten miles hence, where I found the Duke of ally eloquent in his condemnation of Charles V Alva with the whole army.”’ Alva declared to Ca- and Philip:

pella that Philip I] was most desirous of peace, and . . .

as for Alva himself, he told the Venetian secretary We will deprive them of their kingdoms and empires; that peace would be dearer to him “than were he WE will proclaim them excommunicated and accursed to take Rome, and the Pope, and the whole of the =< ° ; we will make a crusade against them, because Papal States.” But Alva was thoroughly exasper- both father and son are heretics; and we will extirpate

P , . By P that accursed race.. . . This scum of the earth has, alas,

ated by the entire affair, commanded us [Italians], owing to our cowardice, ever

since those wretched souls Lodovico [il] Moro and Aland he proceeded to say that these priests are of such — fons0 [II] placed the neck of Italy under the yoke of the a sort that towards those who humble themselves before barbarians, our capital enemies... . . You will soon see them they evince such haughtiness that there is no living 47) Italy in arms, and a war the greatest and most

with them, . . . whilst on the other hand to those who important that ever was—even the Turks. will

show them their teeth they are no less servile... . come... .

Despite Alva’s “every demonstration of humility Paul also returned to his old themes of making and submission” (at least according to Alva) ec- one French prince the king of Naples, another the duke of Milan, and of assigning Sicily to Venice. Charles V’s desire to give Philip the empire as well

. as all his kingdoms had alienated (he said) Ferditoration of peace in Italy (Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, nand, king of the Romans, and the Jatter’s son

no. 684, pp. 751-52). . . Maximilian.2° Perhaps the best evidence of the Venetians’ straightfor-

wardness in these proceedings may be found in a letter of 30 October to their ambassador at Philip’s court, also requesting that “‘siano proposte conditioni pit honeste di quelle che sono —~———————C—

state fin hora proposte, et che siano de dignita della Santa Sede *° Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 672, pp. 726-29, Apostolica et della persona di sua Beatitudine, percid che non __ letter of Febo Capella to Venice, dated at Rome on 22 October, dandosi capitoli pit honesti, non vedemo come possi succedere 1556. Conditions in Rome were beginning to deteriorate (cf. questo accordo, et procedendo la guerra innanci, non si puo _—Navagero’s letter of the same date, ibid., no. 673). aspettare senon danni et ruine grandissime non solamente all’ © Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 674, pp. 732-35, Italia ma alla Christianita tutta. . .”” (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, | Navagero and Capella to the doge and Senate, letter dated 23

fols. 48°—49"). October, 1556; cf., ibid., no. 675, Navagero’s second letter of

24 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2 (1881), no. 669, p. _ the day, and no. 714, pp. 800-1; note also Ancel, ““La Question 721, letter of Navagero and Capella, dated 20 October, 1556. de Sienne,” pp. 48-49.

666 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT When Navagero returned home from the Vati- which Montmorency and Henry had stated to Socan Palace, he found Camillo Orsini waiting for ranzo, but no matter. Navagero knew “‘that M. de him, anxious to share his apprehensions in confi- Guise, the Duke of Ferrara’s son-in-law, would be

dence. Orsini said that ever since the pope had commander-in-chief, and M. [Paul] de Termes summoned him to look to the defenses of Rome, _lieutenant-general.’” He also added, rightly or he had urged peace upon his Holiness, “seeing wrongly, “that at the latest the main body of this that by war one of two evils was unavoidable, ei- army would muster at Casale | just north of Ivrea] ther to lose this State [i.e., the papal states] or with by Martinmas [11 November].’’*° the assistance of others to put the whole world to Despite the increasing likelihood of sizable aid fire and sword, and that he spoke so freely as to from France, Cardinal Carafa was obviously wor-

enrage the Pope... .” ried by the rapid flow of events which were prov-

As Navagero and Orsini talked further, the lat- ing so costly to both his family and the Holy See. ter wondered what the king of France would do Navagero, always on the alert, wrote the doge and now: he thought that Henry II would attack the Senate (on 28 October) that Carafa had held two Hapsburg domains on a broad front, in defense private meetings with Guido Ascanio Sforza, the

of the pope. Furthermore, Orsini cardinal of S. Fiora, searching for a way out of the suspected that the Pope, under compulsion, would give military quandary into which Alva’s rapid advance the French such part of St. Peter’s patrimony [del Stato had driven the Carateschi. Navagero S great Sedella Chiesa]|—together with the fortresses—as the Im- cret was that Carafa had hinted to S. Fiora that perialists may be unable to get possession of, which par- Marc’ Antonio Colonna’s possessions and titles

tition being effected, the state of Italy would be too might be restored, for Carafa’s brother Giovanni, horrible to think of, because in addition to the Germans, now known as the duke of Paliano, “‘showed so the Spaniards, the Switzers, and the French, there would little ambition and such anxiety for quiet.”’ be the Turk witha fleet in the Adriatic, and the Algerine One of Navagero’s two informants had also sugfleet in the Mediterranean, so that our ruin would be gested that while Henry II’s offers of assistance to

inevitable. . . . the Holy See were in fact as had been reported, Camillo Orsini’s fear of a spreading conflagra- the French might have as their chief objective the tion, which might bring about the destruction of acquisition of various papal towns as well as the Italy, was not unjustified. Giacomo Soranzo, the creation of a “‘great number” of pro-French carVenetian ambassador in Paris, wrote his govern- dinals. Since this seemed to be just too much to ment (on 23 October) that he had just been in- Carafa and his advisors, they were apparently preformed by Montmorency and by Henry II himself pared in their stealthy fashion to negotiate an that the French were about to take action. Henry agreement with Alva. On the other hand, of declared that very shortly he was sending Francois, Course, if the negotiations were prolonged, they duke of Guise, into Italy with a number of French would gain the time necessary for French aid to lords of lofty station. Guise would have 9,000 come, and then they might re-assess the situaSwiss mercenaries, 500 men-at-arms (Montmo- tion.*° At the same time Navagero learned that rency had said 1000), 600 light horse, and the Philip II had written Cardinal Pedro Pacheco to French infantry (which Montmorency had set at try to make some sort of reasonable peace with

10,000).?° the pope and not to hold the latter accountable

The next day Navagero sent the same news to for his every rash act and statement. Philip was Venice. His informant had given him smaller fig- also said to have written Cardinal Carafa a letter ures as to the size of the French forces than those ‘so bland and loving that he hopes to win and make him his own.’’?!

2” Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 676, pp. 737-38,

Navagero’s third letter of 23 October. Orsini explained to Navagero that if Venice would make a great show of recruiting 29 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 679, pp. 744-45, troops, both the pope and Alva would become alarmed, each letter dated 24 October, 1556. fearful that the Signoria might support his opponent—which 3° On the vagaries of Carafa’s policy, see Dom René Ancel, might well lead (according to Orsini) the Holy See and Spain ‘‘La Question de Sienne et la politique du Cardinal Carlo Cato make peace. A good Italian, Orsini feared that, the war rafa,’”’ Revue Bénédictine, XXII (1905), 206 ff. continuing, the Holy See and Italy would both lose—whichever 31 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 684, pp. 751-52. side won—‘‘as we may be sure of Spanish arrogance and of Navagero, ibid., p. 753, notes that Jean d’ Avanson was now

French insolence”’ (ibid., no. 742, pp. 830-31). leaving Rome, and Odet de Selve was succeeding him as Henry *8 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 677, pp. 739-41. _ II’s resident ambassador at the Curia.

PAUL IV, SPAIN, AND JEAN DE LA VIGNE 667 The duke of Alva had invaded the Stato Eccle- Bohemia, although he resented Philip, would not siastico without a formal declaration of war. He like to see the destruction of Spanish power in had been concerned by the pope’s fulminations Italy, for it would leave him caught between against Charles V and Philip II and by his obvious France and the Turk, but being well-advised, he military preparations. Alva always claimed, how- would be able to protect himself against both the ever, to have been reluctant to make the first one and the other. Carafa was glad to learn that move, but was ordered to do so by Philip, who the Venetians intended to arm, “‘and to stand by’”’ wished to see Paul IV reduce his forces and to re- (et starsi), but he believed that the first effect of establish Marc’ Antonio Colonna in Paliano.** their arming would lead them to perceive that this Nevertheless, Alva had doubtless intended not to was not the time merely to stand by (non é da stars1).

await the advent of a French army. It would be In any event the idea of the French asking the

better to strike first, to negotiate later. Turks to ‘‘persuade’’ the Venetians to join the From the end of November (1556) Cardinal anti-Spanish league was unacceptable to the pope. Carafa was busy encouraging the Spanish over- When the Venetians sought some favor of the sultures for peace, trying to hasten the arrival of the tan, however, the French would be in a position French troops, and seeking to draw Venice into to do anything that might be wanted. the contest as an ally of the Holy See. It was not Commendone should remind the Signoria that duplicity, as Carafa saw it all; it was merely diplo- when the Turkish armada came westward, it did macy. While trying to soften Paul IV’s intense not usually pass the Faro [di S. Eufemiar], i.e., the

hostility to the Hapsburgs, Carafa did what he Turks did not enter the more northerly reaches could to arouse the Venetians and frighten them of the Adriatic, unless the Venetians gave them into taking a stand against Spain, for when Philip — cause to do so. But the armada would soon come II added dominance over the Holy See to his pos- westward again. What would its objective be?°? session of Milan and the kingdom of Naples, where was Venice? What else was left of Italy? The duchy —_——_—— of Florence? Cosimo I was the ally, even the tool, 53 Carafa’s letter to Commendone of 21 November (1556)

of Philip IT. is especially intriguing in that Ostia had just fallen to Alva (on In this vein Carafa wrote again to Gian Fran- 18 November, on which see below), and a ten days’ truce had cesco Commendone, his spe cial nuncio in Venice, been arranged with Alva. Now in control of the Tiber as well as of the Roman Campagna, the Spanish commander could on 21 November (15 96). If the lords of the lagoon easily cut off the food supply to Rome. Carafa’s policy was thought they could withdraw from the political certainly characterized by duplexity if not by duplicity. His scene because Rome was really in no danger, they rather illiterate letter may be found in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano,

were wrong. The bastions of Rome could not pro- Lettere di principi, vol. XXII, fol. 208:

tect other places in the papal states, places quel signori! oppenione che Roma non neu p orn ; pericolo, etfrom checolo perSequesta causahanno si sieno ritirati alla lor which the Holy See derived food as well as the tralita, hanno gran torto,. . . restando tutto il resto dello stato revenues with which to pay the troops then being in pericolo, perché li bastioni di Roma non guardan gl’ altri employed against Alva. Without Venetian support luoghi sudditi, da quali é necessario cavare non solo i viveri, Rome would inevitably fall to the Spanish. Com- _™2 |! sussidio per pagare le genti, pero bisogna che cotesti st. . gnori si risolvino che non pensando di difendere lo ecclesiastico mendone must make the Signoria understand that [stato] Roma per se alla fine sarebbe forzzata a cadere, del che this would be the ruin of all Italy. Apparently the ne nascerebbe la rovina di tutta Italia, et per questo é offitio interception of certain letters had not been enough _ di vostra signoria reverenda farli conoscere quanto inganno sia

to convince the Venetian ambassador Navagero Stto questa oppenione. .

of Philip Il’s h ostility toward Venice. The H oly Non accade far vedere lettere intercette all oratore veneto . per farlo capace del mal animo che ha il Re Filippo contro a See and the Republic were the only obstacles to cotesto stato, perché |’ aviso che [sic] medesimo che lor signorie Philip’s complete control of the peninsula. He was hanno fa lor chiaro che non gli pare havere altri ostaculi in going to take them on one at a time. Now it was Italia che lo stato della Chiesa o di Venetia, 1 quali pare potere the pope whom Philip was attacking. The Signo- urtare Insieme, ma pensa prima levarsi dinanzi lo stato eccle-

ria’s turn would come. siastico, confidando che questi signori sieno per stare a vedere,

; . et fatto questo volgersi contra di loro, il che gli riuscirebbe

There were various problems and complica- _ facilmente.

tions. Philip II’s cousin Maximilian [II], king of ‘“‘Crediamo che il Re di Boemia non vorria vedere rovinare il Re Filippo per non rimanere nel mezo di Francia et del Turco, ma quanto sia ben consigliato, s’ assicurera del uno et del altro al certo.

32 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 742, pp. 832-33, ‘*Piacemi che la mente di questi signori sia d’ armarsi et starsi, letter of Navagero and Capella to the doge and Senate, dated __ma fatto che sara il primo effetto del armare cognosceranno

1 December, 1556, and note, ibid., no. 758. che questo tempo non é da starsi. La persuasione che potessin

668 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Presumably the pope’s ally, Henry II, could per- ment of the place on 14 November. Navagero resuade the Turks not to move into the Adriatic ported Strozzi’s troops at not more than twenty(and so not to attack the Venetian stations along three hundred foot and two hundred horse. He the Dalmatian coast), which Henry would certainly also wrote the doge and Senate, who were exwant to do if Venice joined the pope and him _ ploring every avenue of approach to peace, that

against Spain. Carafa’s negotiations with S. Fiora were cooling, Despite the problems and complications and because the pope would not hear of peace. Carafa, Commendone’s insistent presence in Venice, the on the other hand, says Navagero, “‘has evinced Senate regarded the negotiations for peace now and continues evincing to the Imperialists how under way as on the whole satisfactory.°* There dissatisfied he is with the French... .” was more satisfaction in Venice, however, than in Marshal Strozzi’s troops proved no match for Rome when a ten days’ truce was arranged, for those of Alva, and Carafa declined to send him (as one could see from Carafa’s letter to Com- reinforcements ‘‘so as not to endanger Rome.” mendone) things had not been going well for the The result was to be expected. On 18 November

pope’s forces.” Alva took the town and castello of Ostia. That

The duke of Alva had decided to take Ostia evening the pope gave Carafa permission to accept and the Castello Ostiense, which Baccio Pontelli Alva’s offer, and on the following day at about had built (in 1483-1486) for Cardinal Giuliano noontime Carafa signed the truce, asserting (says della Rovere (later Julius II). On 1 November Alva Navagero) “‘that nothing was more desired by him had left Grottaferrata, and in two days’ march _ than peace,” for the achievement of which he had established his army in the woods close to Pratica gone to France the preceding May.”°

di Mare, near the coast some miles southeast of Ostia. Another three days’ march carried his army Pope Paul continued to revile the Spanish, to Ostia, where the papal troops were unprepared whom he liked to call ‘‘Marani,”’ and to hold up for action. Provisions and munitions were lacking; to opprobrium the memory of Lodovico il Moro pieces of artillery borrowed for use elsewhere had and Alfonso II of Naples. Paul’s historical recolnot been returned. Marshal Pietro Strozzi, to lections (of events which had occurred in his lifewhom the Carafeschi now turned, sought to allay _ time) were as spellbinding as they were inaccurate.

the fear which pervaded Rome. With perhaps When the ten days’ truce went into effect, Navathree thousand foot and three hundred light gero and Febo Capella hastened to the Vatican horse, Strozzi moved along the north (right) bank Palace, where Paul received them in an audience of the Tiber to Fiumicino, where he ensconced of almost three hours (on 20 November), and rehimself and waited for a chance to strike at Alva. hearsed again and again the failings of il Moro and Massarelli says that the papal forces, which he Alfonso II, while extolling the virtues (mirabile estimates as five thousand foot and five hundred dictu) of the French king Charles VIII.

horse [under Strozzi], went out from Rome on When Navagero could interrupt the flow of Sunday, 8 November, taking along six cannon papal eloquence, he said, “Holy Father, this truce, (tormenta bellica). The imperialists, however, seized having for object an interview between Cardinal the Isola Sacra between the mouths of the Tiber, Caraffa and the Duke of Alva, gives everybody and laid siege to Ostia, beginning their bombard- §——__—___ © Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 144-54, who gives an ac-

——____ count of the unrest in Rome and of the fighting at Ostia. The fare i Franzesi per mezo del Turco a questi signori, perché si _ text of the truce is provided by Nores’s editor Luciano Scara-

conlegassino non conviene a Nostro Signore, ma quando lor belli, ibid., pp. 410-12. On 19 November (1556) Pietro si volessino far grado che [sic] questa cosa con quel principe _—_Strozzi, ibid., p. 409, wrote Henry II that he had gone out from

crederemo che i Franzesi fussin per fare oggni cosa. Rome with four thousand foot ‘“‘mal completi’’ to hinder Alva ‘“‘Potrete assicurar li predetti signori che quando |’ armata _and to protect papal territory “‘quanto fusse possibile.’’ See also Turchesca uscira che ella non passera il faro oggni volta, pero = Massarelli, Diartum septtmum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 299-

che non sia dato causa da quel serenissimo dominio di farla 300; Navagero’s dispatches in Cal. State Papers... , Venice, venire in cotesti mari, ma siamo ben certi che uscira.. . .” VI-2, nos. 695, 699, 701, 711, 713, pp. 774 ff., dated 7, 11, 34 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fols. 51.52”. In November, Michiel 14, 18, and 19 November; Ribier, Lettres et mémotres d’ estat, II, Surian was sent to Philip II’s court as the Venetian ambassador 663-69, reports of the French envoys Odet de Selve and Louis

to replace Federico Badoer (ibid., fols. 53°—-54", 55°). de Lansac, dated at Rome on 14 and 19 November; Bromato, 35 Carafa had not informed the French envoys Odet de Selve = Storia di Paolo IV, I (1753), bk. 1x, pp. 338-40; Ancel, ‘“‘La

and Louis de Lansac of the ten days’ truce until the morning Question de Sienne,” pp. 210 ff. Cf Blaise de Monluc, Comof the day it was to take effect (19 November), on which see _mentatires, ed. Paul Courteault, Bruges, 1964, bk. Iv, pp. 384their letter to Henry II in Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, II, 86. Monluc’s son Marc-Antoine was killed at Alva’s siege of

668-69. Ostia.

PAUL IV, SPAIN, AND JEAN DE LA VIGNE 669 hope of soon witnessing the peace and enjoying desired to remain on friendly terms with the it.. . .”’ Whena few days’ peace caused such wide-_ French, who had supported him and given him

spread relief and happiness, how wonderful it money. He did not, however, want them to be would be, said Navagero, when the pope’s piety informed of any part of the current negotiations. and prudence confirmed and extended this peace Alva was agreeable to both Carafa’s wishes. The to Italy and to all Europe. But the pope said noth- cardinal then declared that he had sent a trusted ing would come of the truce because of the ter- person to Paul IV, who had become agitated at ritorial ambitions of that ‘‘little beast” Philip, son the suggestion of some ‘“‘equivalent”’ grant in reof the diabolical father, and the Venetians had turn for Paliano. Paul would not hear of it (he had best beware, for when the little beast had crushed no intention of restoring the Colonnesi). He was the Holy See, he would also destroy Venice.*’ willing, however, that Carafa himself should go to

a 586),, headed hea ratafor nethe Rome 22 November Philip. made theaspoint his Ans felt papalonhunting lodge at King La aples wasna threatened long that as Marc’ Antonio Magliana, and thence to Fiumicino and the Isola was robbed of his possessions. But how could one

Sacre enere we was ‘0 meet Pernan¢o oe Bet the pope fo agree to the restitution of Paltano: the duke of Alva. Carafa had wanted to take Guido By means of compensation, sai va, and proAscanio Sforza, the cardinal of S. Fiora, with him, duced Philip’s proposals for peace. but Paul IV would not release the imperialist car- When Alva began to read Philip II’s wishes condinal from the surety of 100,000 scudi (the figure, cerning Paliano, Carafa is said to have turned pale, as we have seen, was variously given), which he and remonstrated that the king was giving away had been obliged to post as a guarantee that he _ the lands of the Holy See. If he returned to Rome would not leave Rome. As Navagero wrote (on 25 with any such conditions to lay before the pope

November), (i.e., the restoration of Marc’ Antonio to Paliano),

The hope of any good result from the interview [of varala Sarg that a he coun expect woe es Carafa with Alva] was thus the more diminished, as it arsh TeDUKe. va note » however, t at Up transpired that Cardinal Caraffa had not received any would pay Carafa himself a large pension, give positive authority from the Pope to conclude, his com- Giovanni Carafa a fief equivalent to Paliano, with-

mission being limited to listening. . . . draw his army from Rome, and restore the con-

. quered papal cities and towns. But Paliano must

S Carata ane ja ‘ro under a tent on the aoa be returned to Marc’ Antonio. Carafa went back Trecd in 1Cs , F “dav. t “04.95 and 27 No. to Rome early on Thursday, 26 November, to

me ay ; Rey " a ”. liano a, 1 h ° consult with the pope, with his brother Giovanni,

nati Se Mare’ A, ee Cs ' a | an 4 , restO- and with the French. In the early evening Carafa oh “li on Nae hich Al nee ye ted Dhslip also gave Navagero and the Venetian secretary 1 “e "Bruecele, C re f deel 0 Fat erat in heh, Febo Capella an account of his first two days’ meet-

Gj at ‘ne ‘Alo a ile he that eM rother ings with Alva, an account somewhat at variance

iovanni, whom Alva calls the count of Montorio, ith Ajya’s r eport to King Philip.°8 would makeAlva a better vassal formet King thantime ae , When Carafa forPhilip the third the- Colonnas (butand Paliano was a papal fief). Alva on Friday (27 November), the cardinal told of .his; then asked whether Paul IV hadhegranted Montorio . . ; papal uncle’s rage when had spoken of giving

the full proprietary right to Paliano. Carafa said, ; person (he had not dared up Palianowould to some; third Yes. In that event,; declared Alva, Carafa : ; ; pope had sprung . ; to mention Marc’ Antonio). The have to take up the question of Paliano directly uv from his chair. called Carafa a liar and an inwith Philip II. He added, however, that the king P , was ready to give Giovanni Carafa a duchy in the

kingdom of Naples, which would have a much -———— more certain future than Paliano, for some later 38 Ludwig Riess, Die Politik Pauls IV. und seiner Nepoten pope might well reverse Paul IV’s decision. (1909), pp. 176-78, and esp. pp. 446-50, a German translation

P § i}

: of excerpts from a summary of Alva’s report to Philip II; Cal.

C - ther Secone athe, for 25 Novem per) State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, nos. 726, 728, pp. 811 ff., disardinal Garata began with the statement that he atches of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated 25 and 26

November, 1556. Navagero says, ibid., no. 726, p. 812, that Alva and Carafa had met on the twenty-fourth from 12:00

7Cal. o’clock to 4:00 P.M., which Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 714, pp. 800-2. Merkle, Conc. Trident., I1, 300, confirms: ‘“‘a 19 usque ad 23 Paul IV was wearisome in the repetition of his attacks upon _horam.”’ And this shows, incidentally, that Navagero’s editor, Charles V and Philip II (2bid., no. 746, pp. 838-39, et alibi). old Rawdon Brown, knew how to tell Italian time.

670 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT triguer, and forbidden him to speak to him or to — gain the pope’s assent to some form of compencall himself his nephew, for he was unworthy of _ sation for the surrender of Paliano, “‘and again he the cardinal’s hat, which would soon be takenaway spoke of Siena.’’ That, said Alva, must await King from him. All Carafa could do, he said, was hum- _Philip’s decision. It was therefore agreed that two bly to kiss the pope’s feet, and plead that toa man ___ persons, one chosen by Alva, the other by Carafa,

like the duke of Alva one must give an answer. should go to the king’s court at Brussels to seek The pope replied that all Alva had to do was what _ his answer to this important question. On the fol-

was right. Carafa said that he was forbidden to lowing day, 28 November, an armistice of forty sleep that night in the Vatican Palace (but he must days—to last until 8 January (1557)—was duly have spent the night of 26 November in his Vat- subscribed by the contending parties, after which ican apartment, for Navagero’s secretary found him Alva returned to Ostia and Carafa to Rome.*° there on the morning of the twenty-seventh “before Bernardo Navagero’s close friendship with Paul sunrise,” as he was getting ready, ‘“‘booted and IV, who seems to have told him everything, made spurred,” to return to Isola Sacra).°” In any event him the best-informed ambassador in Rome. The Carafa added that the pope later senta chamberlain fullness of his information and the frequency of to him with a note to the effect that his Holiness his reports to Venice make the reader of his corwould consider any reasonable terms, but obviously respondence almost a member of the ruling circle restoration of Paliano to the Colonnesi did not, in at the Curia Romana. The desire of the pope and the pope’s view, lie within the realm of reason. of the cardinal-nephew to enlist the support of the Carafa wanted Alva to make a few ad hocconces- Signoria meant that Navagero was given especial sions to provide some basis for further negotia- consideration. On 28 November (1556) Navagero tions. He could not induce the hot-tempered pope _ wrote the doge and Senate, to accept an agreement over night. It would be This morning at daybreak Cardinal Caraffa’s secretary necessary to win him over gradually. if no accord [Antonio] Sachetti brought me the enclosed letter conbetween the Holy See and Spain was in the offing, taining the stipulation of the truce for 40 days... , Carafa declared, then for his own safety he must the only two difficulties here being the security for the seek an alliance with the French, which (he — kingdom of Naples and Paliano.. . .

claimed) he had not yet done, for how would he

have been able otherwise to deal in this fashion Giovanni Carafa had offered more than once

with Alva? to surrender Paliano without more ado and withAlva indicated that he was willing to make a few out compensation. Maybe the war between Spain pro forma concessions. He warned Carafa, how- and the Holy See was over. Maybe not. In his disever, that if King Philip was not as violent as the patch of 28 November, Navagero further stated pope, he could nevertheless become angry. ‘There that followed a detailed and somewhat unsatisfactory a person of authority conversant with these matters indiscussion concerning which of the pope’s impe- forms me that he believes the peace is concluded in rialist prisoners must be released. In this connec- _pectore, and that the delay is for the sake of giving a sop tion Alva noted that certain papalists like the count [Paso] to the French, and not leaving them utterly dis-

of Montorio, Matteo Stendardo, Antonio Carafa, Satisfied. and others were rebels against the crown of Naples. Philip was willing to pardon these rebels

against his royal authority, but the pope had re- ~~... . fused to do the same for “his rebels.’ If we want Riess, Die Politik Pauls IV. und seiner Nepoten, pp. 450-53;

. Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 300;

peace, said Carafa, we must not anger the pope. Cai. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 732, pp. 819-21, disCarafa now came back to the vexed question _ patch of Navagero to the doge and Senate, dated at Rome on of Paliano, stating that the pope regarded secret 27 November, 1556; Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, II (1753), bk. treaties as dishonorable. Also his Holiness could 1% PP: 342-43. Now there was widespread hope of peace, says . Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, p. 154: “‘E la speranza non era vana, not accept the accord which Alva had proposed. perché il Cardinale ando con animo di stabilirla [i.e., la pace], Alva said that Philip must be asked whether he — edavevaseco un breve del Papa, col quale gli dava ampia facolta would agree to the grant of Paliano to a third, a__ di poterlo fare; ma la condizione proposta era troppo difficile neutral person. Carafa promised to do his best to 2 mettersi in esecuzione: ed era di ceder Paliano, e ricevere in ricompensa Siena; il che non si poteva fare senza espresso torto del duca di Firenze, che n’ era quasi in possesso, ed aveva pre-

OO stati tanti aiuti al Re per sottometterla alle sue forze.”’ 39 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 732, p. 819, dis- 4! Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 735, p. 823. The patch of 27 November, 1556. Venetian secretary Febo Capella had managed to get to Isola

PAUL IV, SPAIN, AND JEAN DE LA VIGNE 671 To the French, the duke of Ferrara, and the — to learn whether the Carafeschi, Giovanni in fact, Venetian Signoria, Cardinal Carafa explained that might acquire Siena, which (as we have seen) Co-

the sole purpose of arranging the forty days’ ar- simo I of Florence had won for Charles V, and mistice with Alva was to gain time enough for which Cosimo was now most anxious to receive Henry II’s troops to reach the theater of war. from Philip.** As agreed at Isola Sacra, Alva sent Although becoming somewhat suspicious, the his secretary Francisco Pacheco to Brussels to be French envoys, de Selve and de Lansac, and Fer- sure that his own views were presented to Philip. rara’s agent in Rome, Giulio de’ Grandi, bishop Alva did not want Philip to alienate Cosimo by of S. Maria d’ Anglona and Tursi, apparently be- ceding Siena to the Carafeschi.*° lieved Carafa. So did the pope, although he was Alva was well aware that in the vagaries of Italsurrounded by advocates of peace.** As for the ian politics almost anything was possible. It was Venetians, their sole concern was to end the war. alleged that, in order to acquire Siena, Cosimo was When Navagero’s dispatch of 28 November _ prepared to abandon his understanding with Spain reached Venice, there was noticeable relief in the and to accept a matrimonial alliance with France: Senate. A forty days’ suspension of arms seemed Cosimo would seize Siena, and Henry II would

to be an excellent first step toward the badly- bestow it on him. So the Venetian ambassador in needed peace.*” The future, however, was cer- France, Giacomo Soranzo, informed his governtainly in doubt. On 12 December Navagero in- ment ina dispatch of 9 February, 1557.*° Rumors formed the doge and Senate that Carafa was sending _ to this effect were spreading throughout Europe. Giulio Orsini to Henry II, ‘‘not merely to ascertain If the French and papal forces in Italy had been the King’s intention, but to let him know through _muchstronger, it is conceivable that Cosimo might an eye-witness what preparation and provision have have come out against Philip. But Cosimo and

been made, and thereby determine on war or Henry II were not friends—Alva and Cosimo

peace.”’ Orsini had left for France on Thursday were—and it was becoming clear that the French morning, 10 December. Carafa, in accord withthe and papal armies were not likely to oust Alva from terms of the armistice, sent Federigo Fantuccio Naples. Cosimo would remain on the side of (Fantuzzi) to Philip II in Brussels. Fantuccio left Spain.*’ Rome during the evening of 11 December. Nothing was quite as it seemed. Some four years Orsini would reassure Henry II concerning the — or more later, when Fantuccio was called upon to

Carafeschi’s warlike intentions—if the French give testimony at Cardinal Carafa’s trial (in the were prepared to send sufficient forces into Italy— _ time of Pius IV), he confessed that the instructions

and he would try to find out what Henry thought he took to Brussels were fictitious: of the Carafeschi S acquiring Siena i COMPENSA- The true, the sole purpose of my mission was to learn tion for Paliano. Fantuccio was ostensibly to learn Whether Kin g Philip was prepared to give the state of whether Philip was now ready to submit to the — Siena to the cardinal’s brother in exchange for Paliano. Holy See, ask for pardon, and restore the papal [If the answer was favorable, the cardinal, with all his towns and fortresses which Alva had seized. All family, had decided to enter the king’s service. Otherthis of course was ceremonial window-dressing (in _ wise he would be neither friend nor servitor.

case it should be advisable to show Fantuccio’s in- ;

structions to the French). Actually Fantuccio was When asked about this, Carafa acknowledged: Sacra on Friday, 27 November, before Carafa’s arrival to plead 44 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 758, pp. 858-59, with Alva for peace and for leniency with the pope. He left the | Navagero’s letter of 12 December, 1556, and cf, ibid., nos. 742, duke as Carafa came into sight: ‘‘. . . And having taken leave 749, pp. 834, 844; Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, append., no. xXxVI,

I went towards Ostia, as it was too late to return to Rome,” pp. 412-13, Carafa’s instructions to Fantuccio; Ancel, ‘“‘La Capella wrote the doge and Senate on 29 November, “‘the dis- | Question de Sienne,”’ pp. 215-21. Giulio Orsini reached the tance being 18 miles, my horses tired, and the road a bad one, _ French court at Poissy on 2 January, 1557; on his mission and with the intention of returning to him, if from what I might _ the drift of France toward war with Spain, allegedly on the hear about the day’s conference it should seem necessary to _pope’s behalf, note Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. me”’ (ibid., no. 739, p. 825). Alva told Capella that he could, 786, p. 901, letter of Giacomo Soranzo, Venetian ambassador if he wished, take Rome, but he chose not to do so (pp. 826— __in France, to the doge and Senate, dated at Poissy on 5 January. 27). On Carafa’s hopes and the extent of his treachery toward * Cf. Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 166-67. his French allies, cf, wbid., no. 875, pp. 1029-32, doc. dated 6 46 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 812, p. 946; cf,

May, 1557. ibid., no. 823, p. 963, a letter of Navagero dated 27 February, *2 Cf Ancel, ‘“‘La Question de Sienne,”’ pp. 212-14. 1557, and no. 824.

43 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fols. 54”-55", doc. dated 5 Decem- 47 Cf. Ancel, “‘La Question de Sienne,’”’ Revue Bénédictine,

ber, 1556, and note, ibid., fols. 55’, 57", 61" ff. XXII (1905), 404-8.

672 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Monsignor Fantuccio had orders not to conduct his ne- When Fantuccio left Brussels in mid-April, theregotiations according to these instructions, but to take fore, he had in effect accomplished little or nothinto consideration only what I had told him by word of ing.°! As Badoer had noted (in his letter of 17

chi , ; ;

mout a Pr pared these instructions for the sole pur- January), Carafa had in the meantime gone to

Pose oF showing tem fo the Frenc Venice, where he had been no more successful

Fantuccio had traveled slowly to Philip II’s than Fantuccio was proving to be in Brussels. court, not reaching Brussels until 12 January

(1557), three days or so after the expiration of the Carlo Carafa had left Rome for Venice on Tuesforty days’ armistice. His mission, to put it briefly, day morning, 15 December. Navagero wrote the was not a success; the fine Italian hand had slipped; doge and Senate two days later, me hic "LE. showed trough some cays are Yr. . . Some say that he will go from Venice to the King Is arrival Zantuccio to ederico badoer, the of Spain to make the agreement; others that he will urge Venetian ambassador, ‘‘that he was to let the King your Serenity to declare war; but all are agreed in be[Philip] know that the Pope S just and intense an- _ jieving that you will do him all possible honour... .°?

ger must be appeased by all possible means, noth- ;

ing being said about the restitution of Paliano. The papal secretary Angelo Massarelli was under .. .” Philip could, if he chose, make Cardinal 1° illusion as to the purpose of Carafa’s mission.

Carafa his friend and servitor. The entry in his diary (under 15 December) states Some special regard should be shown to Gio- simply that vant, duke of Paliano, who was a fervent Impe- the most reverend lord Carlo Cardinal Carafa has gone rialist. (Giovanni did in fact veer toward the imM- —_ from the city on his way to Venice, Ferrara, and Bologna

perialists rather than the French.) Fantuccio in order to negotiate with the rulers of Venice and the apparently did not mention Siena to Badoer. He duke of Ferrara concerning their furnishing aid to the

did acknowledge, to be sure, Holy See in the war against [Philip] the king of Naples.**

that by the King and Don Ruy Gomez he was answered The duke of Alva had returned to Naples, apin language no less bland and gracious than that of all parently hopeful that the forty days’ armistice the rest of the Court was lofty and sour, owing to a might be the prelude to peace. Carafa had gone variety of ae Opinions entertamed Py them, they fon to Venice in a mood of opportunism. If he could particular Choosing to beleve tat the sole cause tor get the public assurance of Venetian support, per-

which the to your Serenity h “4° Siena “14: —said aps Cardinal Philip II[Carafa] would went become willing to cede [Lorenzo Priuli, elected doge of Venice on 14 June, G; - Carat h ld th p 1556] was to induce you to act injuriously against his to Giovanni Uarata, wno would then give up Fa-

Majesty.*° liano (but presumably not to the Colonnesi, whom Philip II was willing to make generous conces-

sions to the Carafeschi to preserve peace with the =~ Holy See and the truce of Vaucelles with France. kingdom of Naples he would wish some person in his confidence

The- French “1: to :be placed in be Paliano with a suitable garrison, evincing a marked hostility | neither beshould rejforthis . ; were proposal rejected, that the place be heldand the

along the frontiers. Cardinal Carafa, however, did Duke nor by Marc’ Antonio Colonna; and from what has been not want peace so much as he wanted Siena, which _ hinted to me they discussed together I know not what project about the

Philip quite rightly felt he could not give him.°° _ state of Siena. The third thing is about gratifying Cardinal Caraffa; that his Majesty is of opinion he should come to this court, promising by an autograph letter which he is now writing

TT to him that he will do such things for his right reverend lordship *8 Ancel, ‘“‘La Question de Sienne,” pp. 220-21. that he will remain quite content, and that otherwise the King *9 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 793, pp. 912-13, — will be always suspicious of him .. .”’ (Cal. State Papers letter of Badoer to the doge and Senate, dated at Brussels on . . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 797, pp. 920-21, and note Ancel, ‘‘La

17 January, 1557. Question de Sienne,”’ pp. 229-31).

°° Cf. Badoer’s letter to the doge and Senate from Brussels °! Riess, Die Politik Pauls IV. und seiner Nepoten, append., no. on 20 January (1557): ““Monsignor Fantuzzo is despatching his __Iv A, pp. 454-63, with the text of a lengthy letter from Fansecretary postwise today to go and give account to Cardinal __ tuccio to Carafa, “‘di Brusselles li 13 di febraro 1557,” and cf. Caraffa of the matters treated with his Majesty and Don Ruy Pieper, Die papstlichen Legaten und Nuntien (1897), pp. 89-93. Gémez, conveying an offer of three things: the one, that with °? Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 766, pp. 869-70, regard to appeasing the Pope’s anger, the King will charge the and cf, tbid., nos. 763, 767. Duke of Alva to go in person to his feet, and ask pardon in his 53 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, Majesty’s name for what has been done, restoring to him in their 301, who also notes that on 30 November, the feast of S. Anoriginal state the places taken from the Church in papal territory; the | drew, Paul IV had “‘published a jubilee and a plenary indulother, that his Majesty is content to leave the Duke of Paliano = gence for those who prayed for peace among the Christian in possession of what he holds, but that for the security of the —_ princes.”’

PAUL IV, SPAIN, AND JEAN DE LA VIGNE 673 the pope hated). The politicians of all ages have Cardinal [Niccol6 Gaetano di] Sermoneta has told my tended to say one thing and do another. Aliter secretary that the Pope in fact wished for war, and that dicunt homines ac faciunt. Although Giovanni Ca- he desired Mons. de Morette, who left for France some rafa was deathly afraid of his papal uncle, who days ago, to let the most Christian King know that he breathed hell-fire and damnation every time he 4s "0t to take any heed for the truce; that he, the Pope, spoke of Charles V and Philip II, it doesseem clear ‘*° determined not to make any sort of agreement, and that the amiable Giovanni always meant it when that he was to urge the Duke de Guise to advance in

; double quick time. . . . The Cardinal added that the

he said he wanted peace. design is to invade the kingdom of Naples by way of the

Three days after Carlo Carafa’s departure for aApruzzi.. . . Venice, Giovanni told the Republic’s secretary Febo Capella, Another informant, Pietro Strozzi’s_ brother-in-

. law Flaminio di Stabio, told Navagero that Carafa

For the love of God let this agreement [for peace] be ad gone off happily to Venice, because when the made speedily, for I see the world going upside down. pope became convinced “‘that France cannot, and

The Duke de Guise writes from Lyons on the 6th [of hat Veni not. h lo; to. th

December] that he had arrived there on that day, and tha pee WI Row Ne WI RIVE car to tie

that the men-at-arms were already in Piedmont, the in- P€4Ce- Obviously there was a wide spectrum of fantry also arriving by degrees, and that he himself Opinion, at least of expressed opinion, concerning should be there in a few days, and in marching order Carafa’s aims in Venice. by the 20th, the necessary consequence of which would The day before Carafa reached the lagoon he be that King Philip will send Germans across the Alps, had been confirmed in consistory as papal legate

Italy being thus filled with barbarians. . . . throughout Italy.°’ In Venice his reverend lordAfter talking with Giovanni, who had a good ship Was given a princely reception by the Si-

deal to say, Capella called on the third brother, 8”0T!4 which imposed the greatest secrecy (stretAntonio Carafa, the marquis of Montebello, who tissima credenza) upon what was to be said and done

. (or rather upon what was to be said, for nothing

evinced great sorrow for this war, saying that the sudden —_ was to be done). The Capi of the Council of Ten

departure of his brother the Cardinal for Venice had heard him out on 23 and 26 December and on 2 caused him great suspicion, but that he was subsequently January (1557). After recounting Paul IV’s diffi-

comforted, his lordship having told him he was going Ities with Philip II from the beginnine of his to promote the negotiation for the agreement.”* came P Binning © pontificate, Carafa proposed an offensive and deIf Paul IV’s hostility to the Hapsburgs was ex-_ fensive alliance with the Republic ‘in case the treme, his indignation was understandable. The peace should not be made.”’ With their customary fact was that, as the lord of Paliano, Marc’ Antonio courtesy and verbosity, however, the Senate deColonna was a papal vassal, and so was Philip II__ clined to accept Carafa’s proposal, affirmed Veneas the king of Naples. Both were in revolt against _ tian neutrality, extolled the importance of peace, their suzerain. Philip was well aware of the fact. and expressed the hope that Italy might ‘‘avoid He was willing to make an apology for Alva’s in- the detriment, perils, and desolation to which vasion of papal territory, but he had no intention countries are subjected by war.”” On 12 January of risking in any way the security of Naples. He Carafa left Venice as empty-handed as he had was apprehensive of the pope’s league with France, come. A month later he had still not returned to and suspicious of the pope’s well-known desire to Rome, being obliged (as the pope told Navagero

form an offensive alliance with Venice.” on 12 February) “‘to confer with M. de Guise and

Cardinal Carafa arrived in Venice on 21 De- the Duke of Ferrara.’”’*® cember (1556). The pope had informed the con- During his sojourn in Venice, Cardinal Carafa sistory that he was seeking peace through the in- _ had been in close touch with Dominique Dugabre, termediation of the Signoria. Not everyone shared bishop of Lodéve (1547-1559), the French amthe rising hopes of the populace in Rome, for _ bassador in Venice. On 5 January (1557) Dugabre

Navagero had written his government (on the wrote Henry II that Carafa had offered the Sinineteenth) that

—_———— °° Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 768, pp. 874-76. 54 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 767, p. 873, letter 57 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 769, pp. 876-77.

of Navagero and Capella to the doge and Senate, dated 18 °® Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, nos. 778, 784, 785, December, 1556, and on Guise cf, ibid., nos. 768, 774, 775. 791-92, 813, pp. 891ff.; Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 156°° See esp. Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 755, pp. 57; Ancel, “La Question de Sienne,” pp. 221-25; Riess, Die

851-55. Polittkh Pauls IV. und seiner Nepoten, pp. 189-95, 198 ff.

674 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT gnoria both Ravenna and Cervia (once bones of deal, as Paul was to find out two years later, and contention between the Republic and the Holy when he did find out (as we shall note again), he See) as guarantees for a loan of 300,000 écus. completely ruined both Carlo and the latter’s two When the league of the Holy See, France, and brothers. Paul, however, had been well aware Venice (if the Signoria would join them) had con- since September (1556) of Carlo’s desire to use quered Apulia, the latter province would belong the Turkish armada against Philip II’s regime in to Venice. If the allies failed to take Apulia, Venice southern Italy and in Sicily.”

would keep Ravenna until the Curia Romana had In writing to the doge and Senate on 16 Janrepaid the loan in full. The duke of Ferrara was uary, 1557, Navagero reported a recent converoffering the required sum for Ravenna; in the sation of Paul IV with Cardinal Giovanni Morone. event of Venetian failure to accept this offer, the When the aged pontiff said that he would receive duke would get the city. If the Signoria would not assistance against the dreadful Hapsburgs “‘even enter the proposed anti-Spanish alliance with Paul from Germany”’ in the just war he was carrying IV, the Carafeschi would be forced to bring so on with Philip, Morone cautioned him that the many Frenchmen into Italy that it would not be Germans hated no one more than they did the

easy ever to effect their withdrawal. pope. To this Paul replied, ‘“The Turks will not

Also if Venice did not enter the league, his fail us!’” Undoubtedly shocked, although he had Holiness would lack a naval force equal to that of presumably heard such remarks before, Morone Spain, and he would have no alternative but to remonstrated, ‘“‘Holy Father! I believe your Holiavail himself of the Turkish armada which, Carafa ness to be of such great goodness as not to choose said, would be a mixed blessing and fraught with to have recourse to these infamous aids, and that danger (sa Sainteté estoit forcée de se servir des Turcs, you will provide in such a way as not to require qui estoit un mélange fort dangereux, et luy déplaisoit). them!. . .”° Having recourse to the Turks would certainly distress the pope, but he could hardly do less, seeing The contemporary Venetian references to Carlo the way Philip II and Alva were trying to lord it Carafa are embedded in honeycombs, “‘by reason over him (mais qu’ il ne pouvoit faire de moins, voyant of his most illustrious lordship’s singular virtues la facon dont on luy vouloit commander et tyranniser). and rare qualities,’’® but one wonders what the The Venetian fleet could spare the Holy See and Capi of the Council of Ten had to say among Christendom the evil consequences of a papal ap- themselves. The Signoria certainly had no intenpeal to the Turks (. . . que ces Seigneurs avec leurs tion of moving against Philip II either by land or armées de mer pouvotent remédier a cet inconvénient). by sea. The Venetians were not much reassured And the good bishop of Lodéve assured the Si- when word now reached them that Philip had exenoria that Carafa’s every proposal had been made __ pressed a desire for peace, and had afhrmed his with Henry II’s “‘bonne participation et consente- devotion to the Holy See.®

ment.’’?? Having heard Carafa, they could find little to

It is hard to believe Cardinal Carafa would ever _ be reassured about. Indeed, on 19 January (1557) have dared to tell the Signoria, without Paul IV’s _ the Senate felt obliged to grant Philip’s request to permission, that if Venice failed to join the Ca- allow 8,000 German foot and 1,200 horse to pass rafeschi against the Spanish, they would turn tothe through the Veneto for service in the duchy of Turks. The fact is that Carlo Carafa dared a great Milan, and another request from Cosimo I of Florence for the passage of 3,000 foot and 400 men-

_—_ at-arms “‘ch’ el leva di Allemagna et conduce nel

°° Ribier, Lettres et mémoires a’ estat, 11, 673-75. According SuO stato,”’ providing adequate food and lodging to Antonio Babbi, secretary of Bongiovanni Gianfigliazzi, the | for them all.®* It is small wonder, therefore, that Florentine ambassador in Rome (1556-1560), although Carafa_ the Senate now set about increasing the number left Venice without concluding anything, he received gifts and money worth some 10,000 ducats (Summariu delle cose notabili =—————_

successe dal principio d’ aprile 1556 a tutto giugno 1557, in L. 6° Cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VI (repr. 1957), 420, note 2. Scarabelli, ed., Nores’s Guerra di Paolo IV, append., no. I, p. °! Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, no. 792, p. 910. 371). On Carafa’s offer of Ravenna and Cervia to Venice, note 82 Cf Cal. State Papers... , Venice, V1I-2, no. 791, pp. also Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 841, p. 984. Du- =: 907-8. gabre’s official correspondence has been published by Alex- 63 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fols. 63-64", letter of the Senate andre Vitalis, Correspondance politique de Dominique du Gabre to Navagero in Rome, dated 16 January, 1557 (Ven. style (€véque de Lodéve), trésorier des armées a Ferrare (1552-1554), am- 1556). On Philip II’s desire for peace with the Holy See, ¢ bassadeur de France a Venise (1554-1557), Paris, 1903: his dis- Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 798, pp. 921, 923.

patches from Venice on Carafa’s mission to the lagoon may be 64 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fol. 66, to the rectors of Verona,

found, ibid., nos. 158 ff., pp. 203 ff. and see, ibid., fols. 67 ff.

PAUL IV, SPAIN, AND JEAN DE LA VIGNE 675 of men-at-arms in Venetian employ and improving _ sistibly interesting. He went on to tell the doge

their fortifications on terra ferma.” (and Senate) that he had been told by a person,

At the same time the Venetians felt under con- ‘‘who says he heard it from Marshal Strozzi,”’ that straint to supply Paul IV with thirty migliara of all the loans being negotiated for Henry II were gunpowder, although they claimed to be in short carrying an interest charge of 23 percent—‘“‘16 supply themselves.°° Now the news came that for the usual rate of interest, 4 for the exchange Henry II’s troops were on their way into Italy,and at Venice, and 3 for the depreciation of the coinwould have to go south by the road through the age.’ The Italian merchants involved in these Val Camonica, the valley of the upper Oglio, then loans were seeking “certain German names of imas now one of the major routes from Germany portance for their greater security.”’ In the Curia into the Lombard plain. Obviously Henry’s troops Romana there were apparently those who advowere German or Swiss mercenaries. If they were cated drawing upon the money collected and set to go peaceably, as the Senate wrote the rectors aside for the building of S. Peter’s, “‘which a perof Brescia and Verona, they too would have to be _ son in charge of that fund assures me amounts to given supplies.°’ Presently the papal nuncio in upwards of 9,000 crowns.” Work on S. Peter’s Venice was requesting saltpeter for gunpowder, had, in fact, been suspended.” which the Senate regretted exceedingly they could Marshal Pietro Strozzi, after having conveyed not provide because of their own pressing needs food and munitions to the papal garrisons at Vel-

both on land and at sea.® letri and Paliano, laid siege to Ostia on 8 January

Giulio Orsini had reached the French court, (1557), for (as Massarelli and Navagero state) on then at Poissy, on 2 January (1557), and was that day Carafa’s armistice with Alva had expired. quickly received by Henry II and the Constable The Spanish commander had gone back to Naples, de Montmorency. Choosing to forget his own sub- leaving only a hundred of his countrymen to hold scription to the truce of Vaucelles, Henry was Ostia, which Strozzi took on Sunday, 10 January. chagrined by Carafa’s forty-day armistice with Strozzi had been accompanied by Giovanni Carafa. Alva. He had become somewhat suspicious of the According to Nores, Strozzi had 6,000 foot, 800 Carafeschi. Nevertheless, “‘so many [French] lords horse, and six pieces of artillery; the recovery of and gentlemen are going into Italy,” the Venetian _ the river fortress was a boon to Rome, which was ambassador Giacomo Soranzo wrote his govern- beginning to suffer from a ‘‘grandissima carestia.”’ ment (on 5 January), ‘‘that it is a marvel, the King Nores thought the Spanish surrender of Ostia, paying the greater part of them, at least their trav- although it fell easily to ‘‘our men,’ quite scanelling expenses.’ Duke Francois de Guise had ar-_ dalous, for the defenders of the fortress had the rived at Turin, and was going on to inspect the “greatest quantity of wine and other munitions.”’ fortifications at Casale.® A few days later (on the A month later (on 14 February) Vicovaro fell to ninth) Navagero notified the Doge Lorenzo Priuli _ the papal troops, and Palestrina, the town of Castel

he had picked up word in Rome S. Angelo (near Vicovaro), Frascati, Grottaferrata, that the French have let the Pope know that should they hen ane Castel Gandolfo all retu rned to obecome into these parts, it is necessary for them to have tence to t © Holy See, as did Tivoli, S. Polo, and

strongholds belonging to the Church, into which to re- the Marittima.

treat in case an overwhelming mass of the enemy’s The Venetian Signoria’s unwillingness to grant troops come upon them unexpectedly, or else they must the papal nuncio’s request for saltpeter did not be assured that your Serenity has joined the League.”° please Paul IV, who was now refusing to receive Navagero had a good deal more to say. His dis- wayagero oespite mors. than one ned the for an

patches are extraordinarily well informed, irre 7 ee eee eee any ascot ee On was the Venetian acquiescence in Philip II’s request for the passage of German mercenaries 5 Ibid., Reg. 70, fols. 64, 65", 66", 72" ff. through the Veneto. But as Navagero was told to 6 Ibid., Reg. 70, fols. 66-67", doc. dated 6 February, 1557, _ remind his Holiness once more, when the opporand cf., ibid., fol. 22, on which note Cal. State Papers... , Venice, VI-2, no. 813, p. 947, a letter of Navagero to the doge

and Senate, dated 12 February, 1557. TTT

67 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 70, fol. 68. "1 Cal. State Papers, ibid., p. 904. °8 Ibid., Reg. 70, fol. 70, letter of the Senate to Navagero in 72 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., Il,

Rome, dated 27 February, 1557 (Ven. style 1556). 302, 303; Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2, nos. 788, 792, 69 Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 786, p. 901, and 799, 800, 807, 809, 811, 816, 820, 828, 841, pp. 903 ff.; Nores, note Ancel, ‘‘La Question de Sienne,”’ pp. 217-19, 226. Guerra di Paolo IV, pp. 169-70; Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, Il,

7° Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, V1-2, no. 788, p. 904. bk. x, pp. 345-46.

676 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tunity should present itself, ““Our state borders rafa had finally been forced to affirm his alliance upon others in so many areas, and is so open, that with Henry II.” to try to prohibit these passages would require sev- Despite Carafa’s now apparently firm adhereral armies,’’ which would obviously be beyond ence to the league with France and Ferrara against the resources of the Republic to maintain. A siz- Spain, the allies were hardly in accord at Reggio. able number of French horse had also passed Francois de Guise and his French advisors wanted through the Veneto recently, and all these troops, _ to assail the imperialists in Lombardy and to attack

French as well as German, had to be supplied Milan. Cardinal Cristoforo Madruzzo, always in with provisions. Otherwise they would plunder the service of the Hapsburgs, later stated that he the countryside, not finding “‘da viver per li had feared no plan of action upon which the allies

sui danari.’’”® might embark so much as their campaigning in

Encouraged by the recovery of Ostia and by the Lombardy and against Milan. His prayers had expectation of further successes, on Friday, 12 been answered, he said, when to his astonishment February (1557), Paul IV appointed a commission _ the allied forces began to move south, “‘e lasciar

a libera la Lombardia e lo stato di Milano.” Ercole

to institute a process of excommunication and depriva- d’ Este agreed with Guise. They considered movtion against Charles V, the emperor, and his son Philip, ing against Parma and Piacenza since Ottavio

king England and Naples, because of the have felonyundertaken they Farnese. had virtually joined the i ‘ali but b haveofcommitted and the rebellion they . y Jome . eum perialists,

oe se — Ottavio still professed his friendship II against the pontiff and the Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, conclave and the cells of all the cardinals. Fir338-39. As Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., 11, 531, states, manus expelled from the conclave those who were

‘Dies conclavis, cum ingressu et exitu, computati fuerunt 113. yot enrolled as conclavists. Another check was nt panvinio, De creatione Pu IV, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, made of the conclavists at 4:00 P.M. the following 586, lines 16-19, identifies the seven who never came to Rome afternoon, “‘et qui non erant in rotulo magistri for the conclave: the French cardinals Claude de Givry, Antoine cerimoniarum, fuerunt expulsi.”’ de Meudon, Charles of Lorraine, Charles de Bourbon, and Since there were only eleven pro-French CarOdet de Chatillon [who was to be declared a heretic, and be dinals among those who had just entered the con-

deprived of all his benefices, the episcopate, and the cardinalate . on 31 March, 1563], the Spanish cardinal Francisco de Men- clave, at about 9:00 P.M. on the evens of 6 doza y Bobadilla, and Prince Henry, the cardinal of Portugal. September the Spanish faction sought to thrust Cf. Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, II, 339, lines 36- Cardinal Carpi into the papacy by a sudden con42, and see in general Theodor Miiller, Das Konklave Pus’ IV. certed act of homage or adoratio, as Firmanus (1889), pp. 67 ff., who notes that of the forty-eight cardinals notes, ‘sed magnum habuit obstaculum.” Guido who participated in the conclave (at one time or another) two . were German, two Spanish, seven French, and thirty-seven Ascanio Sforza, although he was one of the leaders Italian, of which last group fourteen were from Rome and the of the Spanish party, helped to frustrate the mapapal states, six from Naples and Sicily, four from Tuscany, peuver, which Firmanus attributes to Carlo Ca-

three from Milan, two each from Venice, Genoa, and Ferrara, and one each from Mantua, Piedmont, Urbino, and Piacenza. Scions of princely families and sons of poor fathers, the cardinals who made up the conclave of 1559 were an odder lot _ter portam sacristiae). Carlo Carafa’s cell (no. 53) was immediately than usual, largely owing to Paul IV’s creations. Jean Bertrand, to the left of the altar in the Sistina, and Giannangelo de’ Medici cardinal archbishop of Sens, was eighty years old; Paul IV’s occupied the adjoining cell (no. 52). grandnephew Alfonso Carafa, cardinal of Naples, was nineteen. 5 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, Of the cardinals in the conclave thirteen were nominees of the 340; Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., 11, 526-27. late pope. As usual, cells were reserved for some of the absent ® Cod. lat. Monacensis 152, fols. 320°—385", cited by Merkle, cardinals. The area to the right, as one faced the altar, in the Cone. Trident., II, p. CXX XIII, and see Pastor, Hist. Popes, XV, Sistina was left empty because of the doorway (locus vacuus prop- 381-89, and Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 621-27.

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 723 rafa, who had entirely abandoned his erstwhile the following day, and Lenoncourt another eighFrench allegiance. ‘wo days later (on 8 Septem- teen on the thirteenth. Votes of courtesy were freber) the French cardinal Francois de Tournon was quent, especially in the earlier stages of a conclave, admitted into the conclave, and two hours later and on 14 September the absent cardinal of Por(at 5:00 P.M.) the cardinals were assembled in a __ tugal, Prince Henry, polled fifteen votes. Diomede congregation at which the election capitulation Carafa was given fourteen votes in the scrutiny

was read aloud. All the cardinals swore that, if held on 19 September. The next day Carpi reelected pope, they would promote peace among _ ceived fourteen votes, no large number, but once the Christian princes, resume the work of the oecu- more his opponents feared an apparent effort to menical council, and try (says Raynaldus) “‘by heave him onto the throne by adoratio:

her proper ns to ri isten- ; ; ; ae ore

x © Phere mea 1 t o ane ream oF Catiste Ij After dinner many cardinals of the imperialist [i.e.,

om OF neresy ane Corruption (a MS TANONIOUS M- the Spanish] faction went to the Cappella Paolina, to citis haereses et alias corruptelas ex imperio Christianos which many of the opposing party repaired immediately,

excisuros). They would restore discipline in the fearing lest the former might create the most illustrious Church and in the Curia, and promote to the car- Carpi pope, and because of this fear they stayed in the

reputation, and education. ey agreed that ; ,

dinalate only those o appropriate age, character, chapel until night, and [Carpi] faded away as pope.”

P y 28 Justnotas the not bring about brothers should wear theSpanish red hat at theparty same .,could . ;time, as Carpi’s election, so the French could not to effect and that secret. 7assurances of nominations . and that of Tournon, to whose candidacy Guise the Sacred College should not be given. ; ; Among : : d’Este, as they wrote Francis II, could see no conthe competitors for S. Peter’s throne ; we gg 7 +s é : ceivable objection ‘‘except that he was French. at least a score of ambitious cardinals entertained , ; They had collected promises of twenty-eight votes,

some hope of election, and at leastanda so dozen or so ; only three more to apparently required seemed to have a reasonable chance—Pacheco, de - ; - lard’Este, reachGhislieri, the two-thirds majority of thirty-one. When la Cueva, Carpi, Cesi, Gonzaga, : oo Ds : the scrutiny came on 22 September, however, Medici,aPisani, Puteo, only Reumano, Saraceni, andthey ; ; could command fifteen votes and five accessits, Tournon. Panvinio saw four separate groups in . ; .

: leading Guisewith to write his twelve brothers ,Charles and the conclave. The French party about Ss awcar; ; ; Francois of the disillusionment he felt in his members was under Louis Guise and expérience Ippolito _. ‘de - la seu; , : :ofdinal confréres (. .faction, . de nous fismes d’Este Ferrara. The Spanish numbering ,;, : ; reté l’ on peut avoir en la parole de quelques uns). about eight, was ledque by Guido Ascanio Sforza intra .in; a re ; Carafa and Farnese, who were working hand comitium and by Philip II’s ambassador Francisco ; ; : glove, had managed to achieve Tournon’s dede Vargas extra, for the latter constantly inter- Feat 10 fered. When Carlo and Alfonso Carafa and their ;mem. : Pedro Pacheco had been an outstanding party were joined by theCollege two Farnese cardinals ; III had : :; ber ofadherents, the Sacred evertwenty-one since Paul with their they commanded ; : , ;of the . _ . to made himwhile a cardinal during the first period votes, according Panvinio, the few re; . ; 8 Council of Trentwere (on 16 December, 1545), but the maining cardinals neutral. . Italians and especially the French were.opposed The contemporary vary on the number ;: . ss to him for sources the simple reason he was a Spaniard

of votes cast in the long; and succession scrutinies. ;, too dedicated to of the Hapsburgs. Pacheco’s According to Firmanus, whose figures often differ supporters were to trv hard to make him pope

from those of Panvinio, de la Cueva received eigh- PP y POPS, teen votes on 11 September, Pacheco eighteen on ° Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 7 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 519-20: ‘*. . . et evanuit pontifex,”’ and cf. Antonio Guido, De 519; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1559, no. 37; and cof’ R. de _electione Pii IV, ibid., 11, 612—13, who describes how de la Cueva Hinojosa, Felipe II y el conclave de 1559 (1889), pp. 40 ff., who —_ was almost elected pope by mistake.

states inaccurately that when the conclave opened on 5 Sep- '° Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 1, 832-34, letters of tember, there were forty-four cardinals on hand for the elec- __d’ Este and Guise to Francis II, and of Guise to Cardinal Charles

tion. of Lorraine and Duke Francois, dated 27 September, 1559; ® Panvinio, De creatione Pit IV, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, | Guido, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 613, who explains that 579-80. The sources vary when seeking to identify the Italian Carafa’s rumored willingness to vote for Tournon (which he adherents to either the French or Spanish factions. The num- had no intention of doing) had frightened those who had asbers of votes given to this candidate or that in one scrutiny sured Tournon of their votes into withdrawing them, for deafter another are often at variance, even when reported by _ spite their so-called promises they did not want the French

persons present in the conclave. cardinal for pope.

724 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT although he was not in good health and, indeed, _ponents.’’ The defeat made Gonzaga’s candidacy he died on 5 March, 1560, shortly after the con- “difficile per sempre.”’ Alfonso assured his father clave. His election would, presumably, have been that the Carafa cardinals were not only putting futile. Ippolito d’ Este was the chief French can- God’s service above every other consideration, but didate, but his ambition was as well known as his _ that they were also seeking a candidate who would persistence was obtrusive. The Spanish party had look after the Carafa family.’* Of that there can no use for him. The Carafeschi and their adher- be no doubt. ents opposed Puteo. Of the candidates favored by The failure to make Ercole Gonzaga pope by Philip 1I—Carpi, Morone, Puteo, Medici, andthe ‘“‘adoration’”’ had taken place on 25 September. It recently-created Cardinal Clemente Dolera (de had caused no small commotion in the conclave. Olera), general of the Minorites—the only one Alessandro Farnese, whose family was at political with a strong chance was Medici. As we have seen odds with the Gonzagas, had corralled his cardifrom the Roman dispatches of Bernardo Nava- nals in the Cappella Sistina. His brother Ranuccio gero, Giannangelo de’ Medici had been one of the _ had risen from a sickbed, put on a fur wrap, and few members of the College who had dared to _ seated himself at the door of the Sistina so none stand up to Paul IV. He had earned the respect _ of their flock could escape into the Sala Regia and of the Curia as well as the determined support of | continue down the hall into the Cappella Paolina, Cosimo I de’ Medici, to whom he was not related. where popes were elected (or acclaimed by adoOf Paul IV’s eighteen or nineteen nominees to _ ration). Carafa had joined his friend Farnese with

the Sacred College thirteen were still alive, and his followers. Madruzzo had quarreled openly were in the conclave. The aged Jean Bertrandand with Farnese. The French cardinals had tried to Lorenzo Strozzi were the only members of this induce Gonzaga to go with them into the Paolina group to adhere to the French party. The eleven but, being a prudent man, as Firmanus says, he others operated pretty much under the leadership declined to do so. The move toward adoratio had of Carlo Carafa, although some of them certainly begun about 2:30 P.M. It lasted all the rest of the disapproved of him. On 11 October, Alfonso Ca- day, “‘et suspitio fuit per totam noctem sequenrafa, the youngest member of the electoral panel, _ tem.’’'® wrote his father Antonio of Montebello from the Alfonso Carafa had not sought to mislead his conclave that Carlo Carafa and he had at first se- father. It would indeed seem, as stated in his letter lected Cardinal Carpi as their candidate, and that

(failing to elect him) they had been well disposed = ~~~ toward Ercole Gonzaga, the cardinal of Mantua. '! Alfonso Carafa actually wrote that ‘“‘eglino [Gonzaga’s supSince their party was not numerous enough, how- porters] non poterno unire insieme a questa elettion pid di XX ever, to be assured of success, hadput joined with "4no ctl nostri .” (ref. below), which was an : ; they ; y to it since vote furno was XXVI. taken .in an adoratio, although Alessandro Farnese and his adherents, ‘‘neli quali a scrutiny did follow the acceptance of a pope by acclamation trovammo piu amor et conformita che con altri.”’ _ in order to keep the record straight and to prevent subsequent Since Farnese was known to oppose Gonzaga, _ trouble, especially a conceivable schism. the two Carafa cardinals, Carlo and Alfonso, had . The Spanish ambassador Francisco de Vargas also puts fortybeen seeking to reassure their friend and ally. Sud- SIX cardinals conclave on 25 September, he gives ; twenty-two ‘‘votes”’ininthefavor of Gonzaga’s adoratio but (Dollinger, denly and unexpectedly, however, their ‘‘adver- Beitrdge zur politischen, kirchlichen und Culturgeschichte, 1, no. 70,

saries” thought to make Gonzaga pope without _ p. 265, on which work see below, note 18). the participation of the Carafa-Farnese faction. 12 Alfonso Carafa’s letter of il October (1559) to the MarAlthough Alfonso Carafa does not state the fact chese Antonio di Montebello is to be found in the Arch. di in the letter of 11 October to his father—it was meo de Maio, Alfonso Carafa, Cardinale di Napoli (1961), apnot necessary to do so, for Antonio of Montebello _ pend., no. 12, pp. 213-14. Alfonso’s father Antonio of Monwas kept informed of every move in the con- _ tebello was very anxious to see the election of Gonzaga, whom clave—Gonzaga had become a Franco-Spanish he believed most likely to protect the interests of the Carafa compromise. He was being Siven the support of ‘3 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident.,

; ; : Stato di Mantova, Busta 1931, and has been published by Ro-

. . . family.

d’Este and Guise, leaders of the French party, as _ II, 520; Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, 11, 834-35, letter of

well as of Guido Ascanio Sforza and Cristoforo Louis de Guise to his brothers Charles and Francois, written Madruzzo, helmsmen of the “imperialist” or Span- from the conclave on 27 September (1559); Guido, De electione

. . . errante was responsible for the murder of Pierluigi Farnese,

ish party. This attempt to make Gonzaga pope by i IV, in Merkle, II, 614-15. Since Ercole Gonzaga’s brother adoration failed, according to Alfonso Carafa, the father of Alessandro and Ranuccio, the latter were not since his twenty supporters faced twenty-six op- likely to support a Gonzaga candidacy for the papacy.

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 725 of 11 October, that Carlo and he were prepared The most Christian king was no longer the dull to vote for Gonzaga when it was clear that Carpi’s but hardy Henry II, who had been removed from chances of election were nil. Antonio Guido, who _ the scene by an odd mischance some months bewas apparently a conclavist of Gonzaga, declares fore. While jousting on 30 June (1559) with Gain his history of the conclave (de electione Pu IV) briel de Lorges, count of Montgomery, Henry had that there were those who claimed to know that been struck in the face through a half-open visor Carlo Carafa had conferred (on the very morning by a blow of Montgomery’s lance. Ten days later of 25 September) with Vitellozzo Vitelli and Al- he died (on 10 July),'® being succeeded by his son fonso Carafa ‘‘about deciding on Ercole Gonzaga”’’ Francis II, who had married Mary Stuart, niece (de decernendo Hercule Gonzaga). But they had_ of the brothers Guise, who were now taking over agreed to put the matter off until the following — the rule of France. One of these brothers, Louis,

night. was of course a member of the present conclave. When Carlo Carafa saw, however, that he had Francis was as weak in mind as in body. He would been anticipated by d’ Este and Sforza, the leaders not last long, but the Guises would. The flames of the rival factions which had got together, he of Protestant reaction against the Catholic crown— held his followers back, for he was much annoyed and against the Guises—were mounting rapidly, that the favor he had planned to curry with Gon- being kindled by Louis I de Bourbon, prince of zaga had now been pre-empted by others. If the Condé. The Protestant “‘conspiracy of Amboise”’ move toward adoratio had been postponed for an- and its bloody repression by the Guises lay in the

other twenty-four hours, Gonzaga would (in immediate offing. No pope could have provided Guido’s opinion) have attained the tiara “‘with no _ solutions to the religious and political problems of trouble’ (nullo negotio), but no amount of human France. Approaching his middle fifties, Gonzaga planning can go beyond the will of God.'* Cardinal had shown wisdom and restraint thus far in his Louis de Guise regarded Carafa as more respon-_ career. He might have managed as well on the sible than Farnese for the Franco-Spanish failure papal throne as any other member of the conclave. to effect Gonzaga’s elevation to the throne. In fact Ercole Gonzaga was the son of Gian Francesco Guise had never known a Burgundian, a Spaniard, Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua, and his wife Isabella or any other enemy of the French crown to nur- d’ Este. He had a far better reputation than his ture such ill-will against the most Christian king.!” cousin Ippolito d’ Este, the son of Alfonso I d’ Este of Ferrara (Isabella’s brother) and Lucrezia Borgia. No less than Ippolito, however, Ercole was

ans Guido, | impeded by his princely descent. Papal electors in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 615. were now shying away from princely popes, and Ribier, II, 834. The news of Paul IV’s death (on 18 Au- “1: .

gust, 1559) had reached Paris by 27 August (Rawdon Brown sO was Philip II, who did not want to see any furand G. C. Bentinck, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VII [London, ther disruption of the Spanish hegemony In Italy. 1890], no. 95, p. 122). Cardinals Lorenzo Strozzi, Louis de Papal authority was quite enough without adding

Guise, and Jean Bertrand were on their way to Rome by 6 thereto the prestige, wealth, and power of an September. Giovanni Michiel, the Venetian ambassador M ~ {ralian territorial principality.?” Paris, wrote the doge and Senate he had learned that Louis de Guise’s instructions were to the effect “that . . . he is com-

missioned in the new election of the Pope todo his utmost for [Ippolito d’ Este,] the Cardinal of Ferrara, and to use all his power to defeat [Rodolfo Pio,] the Cardinal of Carpi; that as '© Cf; Léon Marlet, Le Comte de Montgomery [1530-1574], second candidate he is to support [Francois de] ‘TTournon; and Paris, 1890, pp. 9-18. On the vastly increased importance of as third [Ercole Gonzaga], the Cardinal of Mantua... . For the house of Guise after Henry II’s death, note A. Desjardins the fourth, Cardinal [Louis, not Charles] de Guise was to propose (and Giuseppe Canestrini), Négociations diplomatiques de la France

Cardinal [Francesco] Pisani; for the fifth, [Tiberio] Crispo, and avec la Toscane, III (Paris, 1865), 404 ff.: ‘“Le cardinal [Charles]

for the sixth, [Girolamo Capodiferro, Cardinal of |San Giorgio; de Lorraine est pape et roi en France,”’ etc. . no mention being made of the other cardinals.” '7 On Ercole Gonzaga and Ippolito d’ Este, note Josef Susta, Michiel notes also that, in the opinion of Cardinal Charles Die rémische Curie und das Concil von Trient unter Pius IV., 4 vols.,

of Lorraine, the world was sick and tired of “seeing popes Vienna, 1904-14, I, introd., pp. XLUL ff., LXXVHI-LXXXI. without authority and of low extraction.”’ For the well-being These four volumes of documents, with Susta’s notes, have for of the Holy See, Lorraine said that ‘‘it is necessary to make a years provided the indispensable background for the diplomatic prince by birth pope, that he may have authority not only with — and doctrinal history of the third and final period of the Council

the cardinals, but also with other potentates” (ibid., VII, no. of Trent (1561-1563). On d’ Este and the conclave of 1559, 96, p. 123). As I have noted in the preceding chapter, Rawdon _ cf. Heinrich Lutz, ‘Kardinal Ippolito II. d’ Este (1509-1572),” Brown has regularly confused the brothers Charles and Louis in Reformata Reformanda: Festgabe ftir Hubert Jedin, I (1965),

de Guise. Charles, not Louis, was the cardinal of Lorraine. 521-22.

§ §4 y §

726 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT

Philip II’s ambassador Francisco de Vargas had_ ci, or Morone, if possible. The King would conarrived in Rome on 25 September,'® when Sforza _ sider it bad news, were the Conclave to elect either and d’ Este were unable to carry the day by adoratio Mantua or Pacheco.” Philip stated publicly that on Gonzaga’s behalf. Vargas courteously assured _ he was averse to interfering in the conclave, while

Gonzaga and the latter’s friends that he was sup- he gave both Ercole and Pacheco private assurporting the Mantuan candidacy under instructions ances of support. He was apprehensive, however, from Philip II, who was well disposed toward Gon- _ of Ercole’s reputation and connections in Italy and zaga. The Spanish party was divided. Sforza had of Pacheco’s prestige and relatives in Spain, “* and proceeded with plans for the sudden adoratio with- it has been seen by experience that Spanish Popes

out consulting his colleagues, and (among others) have little friendship for their natural soverPacheco, Carpi, Medici, and Montepulciano had eigns.’’?° refused to go along with him. Despite the confusion and the apparent attractiveness of Gonzaga’s At about 2:30 P.M. on 26 September, Franz von candidacy, Carafa had managed to retain the sup- urm, Ferdinand’s ambassador in Rome, ap-

port of his own followers. peared at the window of the portal to the conclave As for Vargas, despite what he said, he now (#” sportello), and urged the cardinals to proceed worked against Gonzaga, who had never ex- with all expedition to the election of a pope ‘“‘bepressed any resentment against the Hapsburgs’ Cause of the perils threatening the Christian comdismissal of his brother Ferrante. But who could ™onwealth.” Jean du Bellay, dean of the Sacred say what his attitude might be if he were elected College, answered him “per verba generalia. pope? Gonzaga’s supporters and opponents both Then the Spanish ambassador Vargas, who had sent letters and envoys off to Spain. Sforza and arrived in the city the day before, delivered a letter Madruzzo addressed no fewer than five letters to from Philip IT and presented his letters of crePhilip in a week (from 25 September to 2 Octo- dence to the cardinals, to whom he also made a ber), seeking the king’s assistance to advance Gon- Speech, following a somewhat different tack. Varzaga’s cause. It was all in vain. Cosimo de’ Medici 848 Said he believed that, with God’s grace, peace

also wrote several letters to Philip, always pro- had been made [at Cateau-Cambresis] at a most

moting Medici’s candidacy.!® appropriate time, for now the cardinals could

However discreet the king of Spain might be, quickly, without distraction, and with due delibit was not easy for him to conceal his preferences ¢Tation set about the election of a pope. He gave for election to the papacy. Philip II was then at fulsome assurance that King Philip looked upon Toledo, where an envoy from Mantua waited this election as his overriding concern, more 1mupon him, as did Ferdinando Francesco d’ Avalos Portant than any success or than life itself. (d. 1571), marquis of Pescara, who had married Du Bellay again made a fitting response, with Cardinal Ercole’s niece Isabella Gonzaga. The some general words, to Vargas’s exhortation, acVenetian ambassador to Philip’s court, Paolo Tie- knowledging and praising Philip’s piety. He depolo, was understandably interested in the mach- clared that the cardinals had assembled for no inations for and against Ercole. On 14 November other purpose than to choose, spiritu sancto demon(1559) he wrote his government he had been told strante, the best possible pontiff, which obviously

‘that his Majesty’s desire and intention would be could not be done in haste propter rei magni that the Conclave should elect either Carpi, Medi- tudinem et gravitatem. They must elect a pope of their own free will, and in doing so depend

ee upon no man’s judgment or authority. In the name 18 Guido, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., IJ, 614, lines 10-11. ° the Sacred vonege he thanked King Philip for Vargas’s dispatches to Philip II, relating to the conclave, may IS great concern tor the ristian common-

be found in J. J. I. von Ddllinger, Beitrdge zur politischen, kirch- wealth. lichen und Culturgeschichte der sechs letzten Jahrhunderte, 1 (Re-

gensburg, 1862), nos. 70-83, pp. 265-328, dated from 27 Sep-

tember to 28 December, 1559. In his first dispatch, dated 27 20 Brown and Bentinck, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, Vil, September, ibid., no. 70, p. 265, Vargas says that he hadarrived no. 111, p. 133, and ¢f., zbid., no. 115. Philip II apparently did in Rome ‘“‘three days ago”’ (llegue aqui tres dias ha), but he is not want to see Cardinal Pedro Pacheco elected pope (cf. Giocounting inclusively. On Vargas, whose acquaintance we have — vanni Soranzo, “‘Relazione di Spagna [1565],” in Eugenio Almade at the Council of Trent, cf: Hinojosa, Felipe II y el conclave _ béri, ed., Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato, ser. I, vol. de 1559, pp. 59 ff. V [Florence, 1861], 96). '? Muller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., esp. pp. 126-36, and cf. 21 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident.,

Déllinger, Beitrdge, 1, no. 73, p. 275, et alibi, on Vargas’s un- II, 521; Guido, De electione Pui IV, ibid., 1, 615-16; and ef.

helpful courtesy toward Gonzaga. Vargas, in Ddllinger, Beitrage, 1, no. 70, p. 267.

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 727 Vargas’s determination to see a pro-Spanish disapproval. Guido Ascanio Sforza, Alessandro pope elected quite exceeded whatever sense of Farnese, and Carlo Carafa began to go their difdiplomatic propriety he may have possessed. His ferent ways. There were some things one could conduct proved more than offensive. It became _ be sure of, such as the fact that Ferrante Gonzaga outrageous. As Alvise Mocenigo, the Venetian had done the Farnesi enough harm in the past. ambassador to the Curia Romana, later explained Alessandro was not likely to vote for Ferrante’s to the Senate (which hardly needed the explana- brother Ercole. The Italians would not rally betion), the only rivalry in the conclave was that be- hind either a French or a Spanish cardinal, and tween the pro-French and pro-Spanish cardinals, strong affiliations with the one side or the other, for only the kings of France and Spain had any as in the case of d’ Este or Carpi, could be an authority over the members of the Sacred College. obstacle. Carlo Carafa was looking out merely for Mocenigo says frankly that the cardinals were himself and his family. In early October (1559) his motivated ‘‘principalmente’’ by self-interest, for brother Giovanni had written him from his exile

they were not only to a large extent subjects of in Gallese that it was not important to strive for these two kings, but they stood to lose the abbeys, a candidate one might prefer. It was important to benefices, and fat pensions which they owed either be on the winning side. The Carafeschi, he said, to the crown of France or to that of the Spains. were hated by both the kings of France and Spain. Couriers were sent from the conclave more than _ If they could not be sure of the friendship of the once to the two kings, and everything would be _ next pope, they would spend the rest of their lives held up for a month and a half until the answer _ in exile. Carlo must try to be the arbiter of the

came. conclave.*°

The ambassadors, as usual, importuned the Owing to the usual violations of the rules of the cardinals on behalf of one candidate or another. conclave, as letters and even conclavists were This was to be expected, but there was no stopping going in and out by the windows, a commission

Vargas, was soon set up “‘pro reformatione conclavis.”” On ; 5 October the reform commission decreed that who has turned the whole world upside down to make h dinals should h ly thr nclavists—

Carpi or Pacheco pope, engaging in many a hateful or the cardinals should have only tree conclavists unfair maneuver quite without his king’s instructions, sick cardinals four at the most—and the agents of as is thought, against various cardinals—nay, against Princes and the merchants who had invaded the everyone whom he saw about to achieve success as pope. electoral enclosure should be expelled. All the

windows and doors to the conclave should be

Fis passion, his madness, was such that Mocenigo closed, sealed, and examined every week. The carfound it a “cosa odiosa e quasi insopportabile.”” ginals were not to share food with one another. Hardly a night passed that Vargas was not to be Letters might be received only by Firmanus, the found at the doorway to the conclave. Sometimes master of ceremonies, with the consent of cardihe stayed there until dawn. Those within, presum- yg]. deputati, who would read them first, and ably conclavists, emerged from the electoral com- vouch for their admissibility. Among other regupound to confer with him, and then returned to — jations cardinals and conclavists were not to wantheir supposed confinement, as did Don Ferrante ger about the halls of the conclave after the bell di Sanguine, the abbot Gian Francesco Gambara rang at about 10:00 P.M. (hora 4 noctis). The carof Brescia (whom Alessandro Farnese sent to Var-— dinals should not show their votes to others, nor gas), and Monsignor Alessandro Casale, who con- — should they go near the doorway of the conclave

sulted with Vargas on Carpi’s behalf.” except to greet some cardinal who was just arriv-

The Franco-Spanish amalgamation was soon ing. If conclavists were caught going ‘‘ad portam wrecked on the shoals of Vargas’s underhanded = conclavis,” they were to be expelled. These measures were all well taken, says Firmanus, ‘“‘but no22 Alvise (Luigi) Mocenigo, ‘“‘Relazione di Roma (1560),”’ in body observed them! Eugenio Albéri, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti, ser. II, vol.

IV (1857), pp. 44-45. In a dispatch of 5 November (1559) to Philip II, Vargas attested to his determined, perhaps excessive, 3 Ancel, ‘‘La Disgrace et le procés des Carafa,” Revue Bénéefforts to elect a pro-Spanish pope, assuring Philip ‘‘que desde _dictine, XXIV (1907), 504. que nasci en cosa ninguna, ni en todas juntas jamas he trabajado, 24 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., ni usado de tanta diligencia y buena manera posible, comoen __II, 521-22: ‘‘. . . sed a nemine observata.”’ The reform of the esta, y ansi haré hasta la fin y creo que silo, que Diosno mande, _ conclave had been largely induced by the protest of the consucediese contrario de lo que se desea y pretende, se me aca- _ servatores Urbis to the cardinals (on 4 October) because of the baria la vida con ello!” (Déllinger, Beitrage, I, no. 75, p. 289). weeks-long duration of the conclave and the increasing disor-

728 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT During the night of 27 September, Vargas had Sforza would have allied himself, almost, with conferred with Sforza, who tried to dissuade him _ the devil rather than with Carlo Carafa, who told from supporting Carpi and Pacheco. Instead Sforza Vargas that Sforza was his enemy, was determined was in favor of Puteo or Medici, if it was necessary to destroy his family, and was seeking to elect a (as now seemed to be the case) to give up Gonzaga. pope who would effect the ruin of the Carafeschi. When the three leaders of factions in the conclave This was why Sforza had joined d’ Este and the got together again, however, Sforza found Farnese _ French, according to Carafa, and the camerlengo’s and Carafa unalterably opposed to Puteo which, desire for vengeance was working to the disadas far as Carafa was concerned, could not have vantage of Philip II.?” Carafa was thus under no surprised him. Farnese and Carafa continued to _ illusions as to the peril of his position and the im-

stand by Carpi and Pacheco. portance of the papal election. He had returned

As the leader of the so-called imperialist or to Rome within hours of Paul IV’s death. He had Spanish party, Sforza was forced into a position witnessed the popular manifestations of hatred, of halfheartedly working for Carpi and Pacheco, and had seen the broken arms of the Carafa family both of whom he disliked, and of trying to con- scattered through the streets of Rome. Convince Gonzaga’s friends and the French party that demned by his own uncle, who had made him a he was still co-operating with them.”° Sforza thus cardinal, Carafa was a scoundrel, and he knew it, gained the ill will of Vargas, losing the trust of the but probably wondered with some justification French faction as well as that of Spain. Sforza felt | whether he was so much worse than other papal unable, however, to break completely with the sons and nephews of whom he had heard tell at French, as Vargas wanted, and ally himself with — the Curia. Carafa and Farnese, for if he did so, he feared his Holding in the palm of his hand ten or so votes, two rivals would lead their followers into the more than a fifth of the total conclave, Carafa’s French camp and elect a pope without his collab- future and that of his family depended upon how

oration.”° skillfully he managed to play that hand. Marc’ Antonio Colonna was back in Rome, the friend of the camerlengo Sforza. Carafa knew that he was

. . acquiring the hostility of Ercole Gonzaga by op-

ders in the city. Although rebuffed by the dean of the College, posing his election, and Cristoforo Madruzzo was

du Bellay, the conservators had expressed indignation quod C ’s friend. Bv his d . f the F h eos [i.e., cardinales] ad reges nuntios et litteras misisse intel- onzaga $ nen - DY Ms esertion of the rene , ligebant, ex quibus quem ii potissimum nominarent cognoscere Carafa had incurred Ippolito d’ Este’s enmity. possent.”” The cardinals, said the conservators, were being un- | Federico de’ Cesi was already his enemy, sO was mindful of their own authority and dignity, and subjecting Jacopo Puteo, and there were others. Alessandro themselves to the judgment and power of others (Guido, De “Parnese and Sforza were enemies, to be sure, but

electione Pit IV, ibid., 11, 617). There was a similar public protest . ? ~

on 27 November (Firmanus, ibid., I, 526). the Farnesi were lords of Parma and Piacenza; Poor old du Bellay had a hard time operating as dean. When they were reconciled with P hilip II, and could take on 13 October Vargas addressed the cardinals at the conclave care of themselves.7°

doorway (in sportello), du Bellay answered him “in lingua se- Although as a gambler and an opportunist Carlo

migallica italicahad absque capitebelieved et cauda!”’ zbid., ,.; II, 523). et Carafa always in (Firmanus, keeping his options

25 Cf the dispatches of Vargas to Philip IJ, in Dollinger, Open, the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis (among other Beitrdge, 1, nos. 71-75, pp. 269-88, and Miiller, Das Konklave considerations) had made him take a stand. The Pius’ IV., pp. 137-43 and ff., followed by Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste,

VII (repr. 1957), 29-31, who is absurdly mistranslated in Hist.

Popes, XV, 27-28, for he never wrote that “‘Vargas had dissuaded Sforza from assisting Carpi and Pacheco. . .[!]’’—his Farnese and Carafa, and especially against the latter, ‘‘como las German text says exactly the opposite. Again, Pastor, VII, 34, pasiones entre el Camarlengo, Farnes y Carrafa han ido cresays that on 11 October Carafa gave Sforza four days to break _ sciendo cada hora con una terrible desconfianza y enemistad”’ off his connection with the French; otherwise the Carafeschiand __(ibid., I, no. 75, p. 282, doc. dated 5 November, 1559). In the their supporters would themselves join the French, and make same dispatch Vargas wrote, ‘‘Finalmente el Camarlengo no se Tournon the pope. The English translation has, by an odd slip, | osa despegar de Ferrara y Franceses por lo ya dicho y porque become nonsense, whereby Carafa gave Sforza, the leader of _ en haciendolo le paresce que Farnés y Carrafa se juntaran con the Spanish party, four days to “‘break off his alliance with the otros y haran Papa sin él’’ (ibid., p. 288).

Spaniards’ or Carafa would join the French to make Tournon 2” Déllinger, Beitrdge, 1, no. 75, pp. 282-83, Vargas’s letter pope! (Hist. Popes, XV, 33). Cf Miiller, op. cit, pp. 149, — to Philip II of 5 November (1559).

159-60. 28 On Carafa’s control of “‘nine or ten certain votes,” cf. 6 Miiller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. 145-47, and see Dél- —_—- Vargas’s dispatch of 27 September in Dollinger, Beitrdge, I, no.

linger, Beitrdge, I, nos. 72—75, pp. 272, 275, 280, 285, et alibi. 70, p. 266, and on the hostility between Farnese and Guido Even the tough-minded Vargas was becoming disturbed by the Ascanio Sforza, ibid., I, no. 71, p. 269, doc. dated 28 Sep-

extent of the hatred which Sforza was manifesting against tember.

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 729 future of the Carafa family lay in Italy. Philip I Despite Carafa’s joining the Spanish party and was the dominant power in Italy. The French had _ pledging his votes to Carpi and Pacheco, Philip II become outsiders. If Carafa’s brother Giovanni were intended to re-establish Marc’ Antonio in Paliano. to be obliged to give up Paliano, the compensation The king had not bothered to review the matter would have to come from Philip. Carafa thus had with the Carafeschi; he had not even bothered to to support the Spanish party of which, unfortunately inform them in advance. Furthermore, there had

for him, the leader was his archenemy Sforza. apparently been no suggestion of the compensaThe election of Rodolfo Pio of Carpi, Carafa’s tion which Giovanni Carafa was to receive (as procandidate and that of Spain, had been halted by _ vided for by the secret capitulation of Cave) in the d’Este and the French faction. Carafa and Farnese event he was required to give up Paliano. What

had frustrated French efforts to elect d’ Este, was more, Paliano was supposed not to be reTournon, and Gonzaga. Giovanni Ricci of Mon- turned to the Colonnesi, who had been declared tepulciano had little following. His candidacy was — enemies of the Holy See. And so what was to hapimpossible anyway, for his colleagues knew of his — pen now? With his ten votes Carafa was in a stron-

Portuguese mistress and his children.*” When it ger position in the conclave than he could possibly looked as though the conclave had reached an im- _ be after the election. Where would the Carafeschi

passe, more attention was paid to Giannangelo _ stand if an unfriendly pope ascended the throne? de’ Medici, whom Duke Cosimo I of Florence was__ For the time being, however, it looked as though

supporting in every way he found practicable. Philip had played into the hands of Carafa, for Medici was also quite acceptable to Philip II, now the latter could put his votes up for sale to for he had been no friend of Paul IV, whose anti- _ the highest bidder. Spanish policy he had opposed. Alienated from Although Gonzaga had declared that his French

the French, Carafa was probably unwise in de- supporters should not prolong the conclave any claring allegiance to the Spanish, the friends and longer by advocating his candidacy, Vargas besupporters of the Colonnesi, the most powerful lieved it was a ruse to get more votes.*! In any Italian enemies of his house. Carafa’s attachment event Francis II sent a friendly word to Carafa, to Carpi throughout the conclave is understand- and the queen mother Catherine de’ Medici wrote able. Carpi and Paul IV had been dedicated in- to him. The French renewed their efforts, turning quisitors, and Carafa believed he could trust his now to Carafa to whom they offered every in-

family’s friend. ducement for his support, as d’ Este and Guise

As 27 October was drawing toa close, the Span- wrote Francis on 20 November (1559), “‘mettant ish ambassador Vargas received from Philip II a _ plus de peine que nous n’ avions fait a caresser et

dispatch dated 8 and 9 October, which was en-_ entretenir le Cardinal Carafe.’’ D’ Este’s own trusted to one Pompeo Tutavilla for delivery to hopes were revived but, on 6 December, Francis Rome. Falling ill along the way, however, Tuta- sent a signed statement to Guise that if the French villa had sent on the dispatch by a courier, who cardinals had no chance, and if Carafa’s support told a number of persons that King Philip was could not be enlisted for d’ Este, the French party ordering the return of Paliano to Marc’ Antonio — should work for the election of Cesi, Dolera, or Colonna. Tutavilla himself had said so. This re- | Medici.** port, apparently confirmed from other sources,

was soon known in the conclave. It could not have = . . come at a worse time for the Spanish party, as dated 29 (not 30) November. Pedro de Rivera, duke ° flea’,

Vargas wrote Philip (on 5 November), and nothing padCommentaru, ok ve Nap -in. Me, kh JConc. Cos Trident., ae ; wu UH, 458 ,‘ine ; eripando, Merkle, line could have made d’ Este and the French happier. _ 13. Miiller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. 157 ff. Vargas and Don Pedro Alfano (Per Afan) de Rivera, 31 Dollinger, Beitrdge, 1, no. 77, p. 294, letter dated 29 (not

the new viceroy of Naples, were stunned by the $0) Newent o> trang Nona Coma news, and sought to give Carlo Carafa every assur had had the support of his ducal nephews, Guidobaldo II della ance, from promises to money. Vargas hoped that Rovere of Urbino and Guglielmo Gonzaga of Mantua. Urbino his efforts and fear of Sforza would keep Carafa in had been highly indignant at Vargas’s lukewarm support of (or

line.°° rather clandestine opposition to) Gonzaga (cf. Cal. State Papers

... , Venice, VII, no. 117, p. 137). Philip II did not want

Gonzaga to become pope, but was less than honest in acknowl*° Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, Il, 837-38; Ruble, Le — edgment of the fact (cf. Miiller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. 135-

Traité de Cateau-Cambrésis, p. 115; Miller, Das Konklave Pius’ 36, 175-76, et alibi).

IV., p. 155. 32 Ribier, Lettres et mémoires d’ estat, I1, 838-39, letter of °° Déllinger, Beitrdge, 1, no. 75, pp. 285-89, Vargas’s letter _d’ Este and Guise to Francis II, ‘du conclave 4 Rome, 20 Noto Philip I] of 5 November, and cf, zbid., no. 77, p. 298, doc. | vembre [1559],”’ and of Francis II to Guise, dated at Blois on

730 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Carafa’s cunning appears not to have been rein- pope. Gonzaga had withdrawn from the contest forced by wisdom. His very insecurity now made (on 8 November), and shortly thereafter Sforza him more arrogant and harder to deal with. As and Vargas had revealed Philip II’s opposition to Farnese told Vargas in confidence, Carafa in- the Mantuan candidacy, so there was no likelihood tended to choose the pope by himself, and was of its being revived. For weeks Pacheco had renegotiating with d’ Este and the French, throwing ceived twenty votes, more or less, but it had bea fright into everyone, especially into Sforza. Ca- come clear that as a Spaniard he had no chance. rafa was still giving thought to Carpi, but was also On 19 November Carpi finally withdrew from the considering d’ Este, Dolera, or one or another of race.°° the cardinals whom his uncle Paul IV had created, With all the aplomb of a huckster in a bazaar, such as Reumano. Medici’s position was ambigu- Carafa weighed the competing offers of the Spanous.*? Another survey was made of the conclave _ ish and the French for his support. From the Spanon 29 November, and a number of pseudo-con- ish he wanted a principality (and the title of prince) clavists were expelled from the electoral halls. for his elder brother Giovanni. The French of-

By this time the loathsome conditions in the fered him the marquisate of Saluzzo, 30,000 conclave had become a menace to everyone’s ducats, and the sure retention of his Italian benhealth. Firmanus informs us that on 30 November _ efices. Vargas made him promises quite beyond twelve fachini were brought into the conclave to what Philip II had authorized.*’ The deadlock in clean the halls. Some sweepers had been evicted the conclave was causing lawlessness in the city, the day before, along with the pseudo-conclavists. and furthermore (as the conservatores Urbis had ex-

The stench had become insupportable. Many plained on 27 November) the cardinals must take wanted to leave the noxious halls, “‘timentes ali- thought of the city’s food supply which was dwinquam contagiosam infirmitatem.”’ Carafa had ap- dling day by day (praeterea annonae rationem haparently taken charge of the conclave, for Fir- bendam, quae in dies gravior fieret).°®

manus says in his diary, ““The most illustrious On 8 December (1559) Vargas came into the [Cardinal] Carafa consigned the cleaning men _ Vatican Palace with a letter from Philip II, and [fachin| to me to distribute them as I saw fit requested an audience of the cardinals, who by through the rooms of the. . . cardinals. lassigned common consent agreed to hear him at the winfour rooms to each one of them.’’** The cleaning dow in the door of the conclave. He told them came none too soon for, as we have already noted, that their delay in electing a pontiff had caused Capodiferro died on 2 December, and Dandino Philip II “incredible grief.’’ He reminded them of

two days later. Gregory X’s decree of papal elections (Ubi peri-

culum of 1274): If they had not elected a pope Carafa’s importance would cease the very hour within three days—let alone three months!—their a pope was chosen.®° Thereafter his future and food should have been reduced (i.e., to a single that of his family would depend upon the new plate to be served them each morning and evening),°? and they should have been subjected to

Te many other “incommoda.”’ Theirs was the gravest 6 December. On the rapid revival and dissipation of d’ Este’s task, the most solemn responsibility on earth, conpapal hopes, see Guido, De electione Pii IV, in Merkle, Conc. sidering the importance of the pontificate. Europe Trident., 11, 622-23, and Dollinger, Beitrage, I,no. 77, pp.305- was ablaze with heresy while they dallied. Chris-

7, and note Muiller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. 245-47. tendom needed a pope, and clearly the delay in Cf. Déllinger, Beitrage, I, no. 77, pp. 301-2, letter of Var- hoosj hould ti | gas to Philip II, dated 29 (not 30) November, 1559: “. . . Lo cnoosing one should continue no longer. que a proposito de esto en mucho secreto me ha dicho Farnés As usual the old dean du Bellay answered for es que Carrafa, como se vee tan poderoso en Conclave, esta the Sacred College. The cardinals were quite sobervio y tan riguroso, que no le osan hablar y que en todas qware, he said, of Philip’s steadfast support of the maneras quiere hacer Papa de su mano, y que para este efecto Apost olic See—he had often made it manifest in entretiene las platicas con Ferrara y Franceses, y pone a todos en miedo, specialmente al Camarlengo. . . ,’” and ¢f, ibid., 1, 305. 34 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 36 Guido, De electione Pu IV, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 620-

II, 526, and on the dangerously unsanitary conditions in the 21; Bromato, Storia di Paolo IV, Il, bk. XH, p. 584. halls of the conclave, cf, Guido, De electione Pu IV, ibid., I, 621, 37 Déllinger, Beitrdge, I, no. 77, pp. 296 ff.; Miller, Das Kon-

entry for 19 November. klave Pius’ IV., pp. 147, 167-74; Pastor, Hist. Popes, XV, 36 ff.,

°° Cosimo I de’ Medici had no illusions about Carafa’s im- and Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII (repr. 1957), 36 ff. portance, but he feared d’ Este’s ambition and Farnese’s crafti- 38 Guido, De electione Pui IV, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I1, 621.

ness (Miiller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. 162-64). 3° Cf, Volume I, pp. 117-18.

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 731 the past—but from the very beginning of the con- his intention, as Vargas wrote Philip (on 12 Declave they had assembled with but one purpose, cember, 1559), “‘de durar firmamente en servir “ut quam primum summus pontifex crearetur.”’ a vuestra Magestad.’’ Carafa had assured the worThe restrictions on food would very shortly be ried ambassador that now he could sleep securely. fully observed. It had been easier to elect popes As the days passed, however, and no confirmation in earlier eras, for there had been fewer cardinals of Vargas’s promises came from Spain, Carafa’s to reach an agreement, but even so they had often doubts and Vargas’s fears returned. Diplomatic failed to do so, and it had taken five or six months _toreador that he was, Vargas took the bull by the or more than a year to elect a pope. The length _ horns, and (as he informed Philip in a second letter of the present conclave was, however, no more the of 12 December, this time in cipher) on his own fault of the cardinals than of outsiders (like Var- responsibility he produced a paragraph, promising gas), who were forever meddling in the papal elec- Carafa all due reward if he preserved his Spanish tion, ‘“‘which was none of their business’’ (quod ad __ allegiance and supported Philip’s candidates in the eos nulla ex parte pertineret). There was no dissent conclave. He showed Carafa the text, and told him

within the walls of the conclave which was not that it was an extract from Philip’s last letter.” broadcast outside. If such interference were re- They were a pair, Vargas and Carafa, Arcades moved, the cardinals could soon proceed to a_ ambo; it takes a thief to catch a thief, and Carafa

proper election. was caught. Du Bellay had spoken “not without vexation’”’ For appearances’ sake Carafa thought he could

(non sine stomaco), and had seemed to aim his re- not immediately cross the aisle to rejoin the Spanmarks at Philip II, which caused some commotion, ish, but the full measure of his duplicity was to and led Vargas to embark upon a long defense of come to light on 14-15 December. The day behis sovereign, who had (he said) always looked to fore, word had spread through the city “‘that noth-

the dignity and advantage of the Church. Philip ing was more likely,” says Guido, “‘than that did not seek “‘like some lord” (tanquam dominus) Ercole Gonzaga should be made pope, a develto tell the fathers to vote for this person rather opment which all thought probable, because it was

than that, but merely as an obedient son of the believed that Cardinal Carafa had changed his Apostolic See he had expressed an opinion con- mind and agreed to go along with Sforza in procerning certain persons. As one who understood claiming him pope.’ According to Vargas, Mathe need to obey rather than to command, of druzzo and certain other cardinals were so sure of course he gave free rein to their judgment and Gonzaga’s election that they had sent their silver their will to choose the next pope. Those who _ plate out of the cells in the electoral halls ‘‘porque thought otherwise of Philip were mistaken. He was _ no se la saqueasen,” for (as everyone knew) when in no wise the cause of this long delay in choosing a pope was elected, crowds broke into the halls, a pope. Having made his speech, Vargas delivered and made off with whatever they could lay their Philip’s letter to the cardinals. Du Bellay made a hands on.

courteous acknowledgment of Philip’s concern, Carafa’s brother Antonio, marchese di MonFarnese took the dean to task for his remarks, and _tebello, had been most courteously received by (after Vargas’s departure) the cardinals went on Gonzaga’s nephew Guidobaldo, the duke of Urto quash Reumano’s slender chances of becoming _ bino. Antonio was urging Gonzaga’s election, and pope. When word reached the city that Reumano, __ was said to have convinced his son Alfonso, cara Frenchman, might be elected, the Romans came ___ dinal of Naples, that the Carafa faction should all

close to riot.*° vote for the lord cardinal of Mantua. Farnese

Opinions varied among those who paced upand___ worked hard to defeat his enemy, and to relieve down. the electoral halls in the Vatican Palace as Farnese’s anxiety Carafa dined with him that afto the extent to which, as Vargas believed, Carlo ternoon or evening. Contrary to the expectation

Carafa was really the “‘patron del conclave.’ of the French, the Carafa faction did not join Sforza insisted that he was not, but Vargas was them. Also this time Sforza could not help Gontaking no chances. The latter made such promises on Philip II’s behalf that Carafa finally declared

*! Déllinger, Beitrdge, I, nos. 78-79, pp. 308-9: “*. . . acordé

sin dar parte a persona formar un capitulo, como que Vuestra Magestad me lo escribia . . . ,’’ quoted also by Miiller, Das 4° Guido, De electione Pii IV, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I1,623-— Konklave Pius’ IV., p. 183, and Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII (repr.

26; cf. Miller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. 182-85, and Pastor, 1957), 44. Cf also Déllinger, I, no. 81, p. 316, letter dated 21

Gesch. d. Padpste, VII (repr. 1957), 42-44. December, 1559.

732 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT zaga, for he now knew of Philip II’s ‘“‘exclusion”’ As Carafa was rounding up his own followers, of the Mantuan.** Gonzaga’s last chance of be- obviously to join the Spaniards in the Paolina, he

coming pope had passed forever. ran into Vitelli, and asked him to come too. Vitelli

On Thursday, 14 December, Gonzaga hadbeen coldly replied that Carafa must pardon him. Some thus disposed of, along with Tournon and Cesi, other day, perhaps, but not now. Carafa had used with a mere ten votes. Pacheco received eighteen. Vitelli as his go-between with the French “‘to deIt was the sixty-seventh scrutiny of the conclave. cide upon Ercole [Gonzaga].”’ Then he had abanJean Reumano, one of Paul IV’s earliest nominees, doned the French, rejoined the Spanish, and left had remained a loyal member of the Carafa group. _Vitelli in an embarrassing lurch. Once more they Carlo had apparently told Louis de Guise that he had reached an impasse in the malodorous halls wished, once more, as a gesture of courtesy to of the conclave, with great contention on both bring up Reumano’s name before the conclave, to _ sides.**

which no one, especially a Frenchman, could have Despite the debacle of Carafa’s efforts on any objection. It was a waste of time; Reumano Carpi’s behalf, the Spaniards decided again to had no chance of election; anyhow they had al- press the candidacy of Pacheco, who had shown ready wasted more than three months. The French consistent strength in one scrutiny after another. were, however, with good reason suspicious of Also it would appear that Philip II had written Carafa, owing to his failure to abide by an appar- Vargas (on 27 October) that Pacheco headed his ent promise to assist Gonzaga. Carafa assured list of preferred candidates.*? The time seemed Guise that as long as they were all concerned with _ well chosen for the Spanish faction to rally around

Reumano, no effort would be made on Carpi’s Pacheco. The pro-French cardinals Capodiferro

behalf. and Dandino were dead. Du Bellay had withdrawn

Guise had been shocked to learn that Carafa from the conclave on 13 December, owing to illhad reconsidered the possibility of Carpi’s elec- ness, and Carafa was now irrevocably committed tion. By 9:00 P.M. that night it was clear that Ca- to Spain. rafa had lied to Guise, for contra suam promissionem After mass, on the morning of 18 December, he tried once more to effect Carpi’s elevation by | the master of ceremonies Firmanus made the usual ‘‘adoration”’ before the French thought he had preparations pro scrutinio in the Cappella Paolina, finished with his gesture toward Reumano. The whereas always the voting would take place. When result was a violent quarrel, verba altercatoria et the conclavists had been excluded, and the door iniuriosa, between Guise and Carafa, which was’ of the chapel locked, Carafa proposed that the certainly the end of the latter’s French connec- cardinals should cast their votes openly (so Guido

tion.*° informs us) rather than drop them into a covered

According to Guido, the enraged Guise now _ chalice. Carafa said this would hasten the process, banged on the door of d’ Este’s cell, and stomping but Tournon, who was acting as dean in du Bel-

in, he found there Madruzzo, Sermoneta, and _lay’s absence, declared that such a procedure della Corgna. He accused d’ Este of sitting there, would be contra leges et decreta pontificum. Farnese

as though he hadn’t a care in the world. Carafa replied that the election of a pontiff was effected has broken with us, he yelled, and they’re trying _ by the overall consensus of the cardinals, and that

to make Carpi pope. The conclave was soon in’ it made no difference how the consensus was pandemonium—the old cardinals declared they _ reached. had never seen such great disorder in any conclave. D’ Este hurried off with his friends to the

Cappella Sistina, where Guise stationed himself at ~~ the door leading into the Sala Regia, still yelling 44 Guido, De electione Pu IV, in Merkle, Cone. Trident., II, 626(says Firmanus) “Voglion far papa Carpi” Ma- 27, entry dated 15 December; Firmanus, Diaria caeritmonialia, druzzo had gone with d’ Este not so much with ibid., I, 528, entry for 14 December; Pastor, Hist. Popes, XV, the desire to prevent Carpi’s elevation as in the note, letter of 15 December from Curzio Gonzaga to the casforlorn hope that maybe Gonzaga had a chance. tellan of Mantua, describing events in the conclave. Although

. . ; : 48-49, note, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII (repr. 1957), 45-46,

TO erably in recounting details.

in essential agreement, the contemporary sources vary consid-

*? Guido, De electione Pii IV, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 626; 4° Déllinger, Beitrdge, I, no. 77, pp. 294, 295, letter of Vargas Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., 11, 528; Miller, Das Kon- to Philip II, dated 29 (not 30) November, 1559, with reference

klave Pius’ IV., pp. 186-87. to Pacheco’s candidacy: ‘‘La misma noche traté con el Camar#8 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., lengo [Sforza] lo del Cardenal Pacheco, diciendole la voluntad

IT, 528. de vuestra Magestad, y de como le anteponia a todos... .”

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 733 Fearing that the scrutiny was going to be _ persuasion, who protested this unseemly intrusion bogged down in another futile discussion, Cardi- of Vargas. His trespassing was on this occasion all nal Carpi rose, extolled the merits of Pacheco,and_ _the more unpardonable, for he had brought with upset the table against which he had been leaning. him Ascanio della Corgna, who had come to bring

Obviously this was no accident, for according to pressure on his brother, Cardinal Fulvio. The Guido, this was the table on which the ballots were Spanish ambassador’s whole performance was so to be deposited (ad puncta excipienda). As the table absolutely outrageous that both he and Guise dropped to the floor with a crash, Carpi moved could not fail to succumb to some measure of hutoward Pacheco, fell at his feet, “‘illumque ponti- mor, dealing ‘“‘cum summa benevolentia . . . et

ficem maximum salutavit.”’ inter se amicissime. . . .’” When Vargas and As-

Carafa, Farnese, Sforza, and others followed canio departed, having achieved nothing, Guise

him in this act of adoratio. Those who wanted to — had the window filled with bricks and mortar.*®

make Pacheco pope (says Firmanus) were re- Another week had passed. Another candidate had quested to assemble on the gospel or right side of | been put away. Would the conclave never end?

the altar, i.e., as one stood behind the altar and By 12 December (1559) Vargas had come to looked toward the door which led into the Sala _ the conclusion that there was little chance of Philip Regia. A number of cardinals did so, but others _II’s seeing a so-called imperialist cardinal on S.

went to the epistle side in opposition to Pacheco, Peter’s throne. Carpi and Pacheco faced great among these being Jacopo Savelli, Fulvio della difficulties, ‘cand Morone is just not getting into Corgna, Taddeo de’ Gaddi, and Gian Andrea _ this dance’’ (y Moron no entra en esta danza). Carafa Mercurio. Gonzaga and Sermoneta hurried from __ wanted none of Puteo or Medici. Vargas dismissed the chapel to Federico de’ Cesi’s cell to enlist his Dolera as a Franciscan friar and a creature of Paul vote against Pacheco, while Alfonso Carafa went IV. Nevertheless, Carafa did not (in Vargas’s opinoff to summon Gian Michele Saraceni and Michele _ ion) have good cause for excluding Medici merely Ghislieri to the chapel in support of Pacheco. Cesi, because the duke of Florence was supporting the Saraceni, and Ghislieri were absent because of ill- hereditary claims of Gian Francesco Guidi da Bagno

ness. to Montebello against those which Carafa’s brother All told, Carpi, Carafa, and Farnese had gar- Antonio had acquired by the papal grant (of

nered only twenty-seven votes for Pacheco, ac- 1556). To be sure, the duke of Florence did want cording to Firmanus, at least three short of the to see Medici pope, but the latter was not responrequired two-thirds majority. Pacheco’s cell had _ sible for the duke’s actions, nor was Philip IT. been plundered, and the valuables removed, by There was something to be said for Montepulmembers of his household under the belief that ciano, but Carafa did not want him either. Venhis election was certain. After a mid-day meal the _ turing farther afield into the ranks of the older cardinals of both parties repaired to the chapel, cardinals, one had to consider Federico de’ Cesi and thereafter at about 2:00 P.M. (hora 21) some and Francesco Pisani. (Cesi had been a cardinal twenty cardinals gathered together with Pacheco, for fifteen years, and Pisani for more than forty.) who returned to his ruined cell three hours later. Of these two, Cesi was preferable, for Pisani was His adherents could see no way to collect thirty of the French faction, besides which he was a votes, for certain Italian cardinals, although mem- Venetian and an idiot to boot, ‘‘que seria infame bers of the pro-Hapsburg faction, had no desire — eleccion.’’ Thus on the whole, despite the con-

for a Spanish pope. certed effort on 18 December to elect Pacheco, When Francisco de Vargas learned that the Vargas regarded Medici as the most promising

tiara had eluded Pacheco once more, he hastened candidate from the Spanish point of view, and he to the Vatican Palace, furious with della Corgna was trying “‘with all his strength’? to win Carafa and Mercurio for deserting the Spanish party. Fir- over to the support of Medici.*’ manus tells us that there was an open or unfas-

tened window facing the pharmacy of the con- 16 wm — ee . clave; one could reach it by the roof, thus gain,for non ecember, oo a. sana 1 8 De . weeae: Mndent. . ; ,and entries ; onialia, Guido, DeCone. electione access to the electoral halls. ‘This was the way Var- _pij 1V, ibid., 11, 628-29; Dillinger, Beitrdge, I, no. 81, pp. 317gas used to come ‘‘ad confabulandum cum car- 22; Miiller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. 213-16; Pastor, dinalibus secreto,” and this was the way he came ae " pes a 50-53, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII (repr. now; SUMBOMINS Mercurio to com e and Se e him. 47 Déllinger, Beitrage, I, no. 79, pp. 312-13, letter of Vargas

Mercurio came, and so did Louis de Guise, Lo- to philip II, dated 12 December, 1559, and of. Miiller, Das renzo Strozzi, and other cardinals of the French Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. 187-89.

734 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Just as the peace of Cateau-Cambrésis had versia erat.’’ Panvinio spent the night before ended the war between France and Spain, so was_ Christmas in Farnese’s cell, where he had found some similar agreement going to be necessary to him having dinner with Savelli and del Monte. end their rivalry in the conclave. The cardinals Otto von Truchsess told Panvinio that the leaders continued to go through the expected motions of of the two factions had just about decided on Gianmasses, scrutinies, and inspections of the electoral nangelo de’ Medici. What did Panvinio think of halls. On 19 December, Pacheco received twenty- him? ‘I replied that he seemed to me to be a fine four votes, and Saraceni left the conclave sick. _man—peaceful enough and generous, a student More windows were sealed up, and the governor of the liberal arts—and that he would make an of the Borgo was ordered to close securely all en- excellent pope.”’ tranceways into the conclave. There was more solito Panvinio received friendly greetings from Meanother scrutiny on the twentieth—Pacheco was dici, 1am pontifex destinatus, and from Madruzzo, given twenty-three votes—and on this day it was who also wanted to know the Augustinian’s opindiscovered that little holes had been made in the _ ion of Medici. “I replied, ‘He is a fine father, and floor of certain cardinals’ cells in the Sistina, I think we shall have a prosperous pontificate.’ ”’ ‘whence letters were being sent and received.”’ Then with a laugh Madruzzo asked, ‘‘What name The French had been pushing Pisani’s candi- shall we give him? He’ll certainly be called Aedacy. The conclave had become too heavy a cross _ sculapius!”’ The joke was obvious, alludens ad Mefor some of the cardinals to bear, and to bring it — dicts nomen. Madruzzo said that Alfonso Carafa was

to an end Vargas thought they might well elect ultimately responsible for the choice of Medici, some blockhead. Firmanus notes, however, that and although he explained why he had also been on 22 December both before and after dinner in favor of Medici’s elevation, Panvinio could see Farnese, Sforza, Guise, and Carafa consulted at that there were limits to his enthusiasm, for Gonlength “‘pro electione futuri pontificis.”” Later on zaga had been far and away Madruzzo’s candidate they gathered again in Guise’s cell, where they for the tiara.°? The results of this conclave would were joined by Tournon and d’ Este. They de- be important for Europe as well as for Italy. Pancided there were four possible candidates—Cesi, vinio, who knew well so many of the participants Puteo, Montepulciano, and Medici**—although _ in the electoral drama, was fascinated by the proit was presently decided that the election of Cesi cedures, and set about learning all he could about

or Medici would be the easiest to manage. what had thus far happened. On Sunday, 24 December, in vigilia natiwitatis, As Madruzzo implied to Panvinio, the young Firmanus witnessed the admission of some “‘poeni- Alfonso Carafa, cardinal of Naples, had played a tentiarii”’ to hear confessions of the conclavists (and _ part (a reluctant part) in the final choice of Medici.

cardinals) so that they might receive the sac- Inthe days just before Christmas the conclave had rament on Christmas day.*? Among those admitted seemed almost as divided as ever, despite the fact for this purpose, as we have already noted, was the _ that the papabiles had been narrowed to Cesi and Augustinian friar and historian Onofrio Panvinio, Medici. The French favored Cesi; the Spanish who was thus enabled to provide us with another wanted Medici. Carlo Carafa’s followers were firsthand description of the last stages of the con- caught in a serious disagreement. The voluble

clave. Vitelli was all for Medici, but Alfonso Carafa

Once he had got into the electoral halls, Pan- would have none of him, for his granduncle Paul vinio started looking for his old friends and pa-_ IV had disliked him. trons. He began with Carpi, who was glad to see Also Medici had caused a bit of a scandal in the him, and told him sadly that if they failed to elect conclave when, toward the end of September, he a pope that day or the next, “‘we shan’t have one had told von Truchsess that the pope and the for six months.”’ The choice had been narrowed council might have to meet the Lutheran chalto Cesi and Medici, ‘“‘de quibus tantum contro- lenge by allowing the Germans a married clergy and communion sub utraque specie.”’ Carlo Carafa,

48 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., ~ II, 529-30; Vargas, in Ddllinger, Beitrdge, I, no. 81, p. 317, 5° Panvinio, De creatione Pii IV, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, letter dated 21 December, 1559: “. . . se corria grande peli- 578. While Firmanus calls Medici de Medicis, Panvinio and gro, y mas por estar todos de manera que paresce que concur- Guido use the Latin form Medices, genitive Medicis.

ririan ya en un lefio, que se les propusiese.. . .” °! Déllinger, Beitrdge, 1, no. 74, p. 278, letter of Vargas to 49 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., Philip II, dated 18 October, 1559, concerning Medici’s being

II, 530. taken to task, ‘‘. . . oponiendo a Medicis ciertas palabras que

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 735 who still bore Medici’s sponsor Duke Cosimo and a generous move, for although Medici was not a the latter’s former ambassador Gianfigliazzi no dedicated partisan of Spain, he was regarded by small resentment, disliked the idea of Medici, but’ many as an imperialist. As Guise made clear, howCarlo had joined the Spanish party, which wanted ever, the fazione Carafesca would have to agree Medici. Carlo was, therefore, uncertain of hisnext among themselves; otherwise the struggle would

step. Louis de Guise, who was well aware of the continue, for those who did not want Medici differing views of Vitelli and Alfonso Carafa, sud- would naturally try to reinforce Alfonso Carafa denly offered their faction a means of terminating in his opposition. Vitelli believed that he held

the conclave. Medici’s pontificate “‘in manibus,”’ but Guise made Carlo Carafa and Vitelli had encountered Guise him and Carafa swear that they would tell no one in the Sala Regia near the entrance to the Cappella but Alfonso Carafa of his offer. He declared that Paolina, where after some tactful give-and-take he was not even going to tell d’ Este, his co-leader Guise had said that he was of course not going to — of the French party. Shortly thereafter, to be sure, remain in Rome after the conclave. It made little he did want to be released from his promise, for difference to him who the next pope would be, _ he saw that it would probably be necessary to reprovided he was an honorable man who would _ veal the plan to d’ Este.

work for the good of the Christian common- Carlo Carafa was not consumed with enthuwealth. Guise said that the Carafa faction (and the — siasm for his uncle’s old opponent Giannangelo Spanish) had rejected Tournon, Pisani, Gonzaga, de’ Medici. He was also highly suspicious of Gian-

d’Este, and others, while the French had turned nangelo’s friend Duke Cosimo who had, so to down Carpi, Puteo, and other Spanish candidates. speak, beat the Carafeschi to the gates of Siena. Before Guise could expatiate on the merits of Cesi, | Carafa’s closest friends and most loyal supporters,

Vitelli intervened with his own plea for the car- such as Giovanni della Casa and Silvestro Aldodinals to turn to the best man, who belonged to _ brandini, had been exiles from Florence and bitter everyone’s party and to no one’s. To this Guise enemies of Cosimo. Nevertheless, Vitelli prevailed

replied in the vernacular Latin of the day, upon Carafa to throw in his lot with the MediI get the point, Vitelli, I quite understand. You would ceans, especially when Francisco de Vargas and like Medici. And so that you may at last understand that Alessandro Farnese also pled Medict’s cause. When

I am not the obstacle to the election of a pope, go and Vitelli went off to look for Alfonso, cardinal of consult among yourselves. In the name of all of us I Naples, he found him in the little singers’ gallery propose Cesi and Medici to you. You choose which one __ (tn moeniano cantorum) in the north wall of the Capof the two you want, and then we’ll declare him to be _ pella Sistina, where he was having his hair washed.

the pope. There is this proviso, however, that the one Alfonso said that he certainly preferred Cesi, Carafa assents to, the cardinal of Naples must also ac- whom his father had recommended highly, but cept. Otherwise it would be of no use, for I understand after listening at length to Vitelli’s praise of Me-

sension between you two. . ; 8

[and now he looked at Carafa| that there 1s some dis- dici. Alfonso said he would “‘give the matter some thought, and in this way the twenty-second day of

Panvinio says that Guise had just awakened,and December came to an end.” Despite renewed efwas bleary-eyed with sleep, when Carafa and Vi- _ forts, Vitelli got nowhere with Alfonso the followtelli ran into him by the Paolina. If so, his recovery ing day, and all the next day, Sunday, the twenty-

was rapid. He offered a bold and forthright so- fourth, was spent in the same apparently futile lution to the long electoral controversy. It wasalso effort to gain the young man’s adherence to Medici. On the one hand Alfonso considered his father

——_—_—_——_ Antonio Carafa’s letters in favor of Cesi and, on pocos dias antes habia pasado con Augusta [Otto von Truchsess, the other, Cardinal Carlo’s endorsement of and cardinal-bishop of Augsburg] sobre el dispensar por el Papa y _—‘Vitelli’s “‘perpetua pugna’”’ for Medici.

concilio, si paresciese convenir, en el conjugio de los clerigos Although these discussions were all most pride Alemania y comunion sub utraque specie, de que en Con- vate, some word of them went th rough the con-

clave hubo mucho rumor,” on which cf. Hinojosa, Felipe IT y el . sy . .

conclave de 1559, pp. 69-70; Miiller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. clave. Medici’s adversaries, whom Panvinio does

151-53; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 34. not identify, tried to induce Alfonso to hold out,

Alfonso Carafa was opposed to Medici, “tum quod Paulus and to drive a wedge between him and his uncle III nunquam hominem laudasset, sed leviusculum, vanum et Carlo, which caused the latter no end of indig-

ut dicitur cerebrellinum appellare solebat’’ (Panvinio, De cre- “ae

atione Pu IV, in Merkle, IT, 582, lines 2—5). Paul also disapproved nation. Accompanied by Vitelli, Carlo sought out

of the underhanded way (ex non bonis artibus) that Medici had Alfonso, and finding him difficult to persuade,

acquired the archbishopric of Milan. ‘assailed him violently, and now with prayers, now

736 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT with threats and arrogance, whereby he prevailed, presently, Medici himself declared openly that as finally terrified him to the extent that, quite sub- pope he would support the Carafeschi in the matdued, he said that he would be at his command.” _ ter of Paliano, and would intervene on their behalf When Carafa reported his success to Farnese, the with Philip II. At any rate he would try to see that latter said he was delighted at the prospect of Paliano was held in sequestration until the Cara-

Medici’s election. feschi received the promised compensation from

Early Monday morning, 25 December (1559), Philip,°* in accord with the secret capitulation of Vitelli was after Alfonso Carafa again to declare Cave. his support of Medici so that the Milanese might There were good reasons for some of the carbe elected pope that very day. According to Pan-_dinals to support Medici, as Hinojosa has pointed vinio, Vitelli now showed Alfonso a letter which out, for the Milanese was about sixty-two years Duke Cosimo had written to the young cardinal _ old, and clearly in poor health. He had spent most in his own hand, urging Medici’s election ‘“‘with of the long months of the conclave in bed. His many prayers and promises.” Vitelli had, he said, pontificate was, therefore, not likely to last very intercepted the letter, but had not ventured to long. Although Carpi, Gaddi, and Sermoneta did show it to Alfonso, since the latter was then so what little they could to get their colleagues to incensed by the duke’s support of the count of take a stand against the coming “adoration” of Bagno’s claims to Montebello against those of Al- Medici, no leader of one of the factions joined

fonso’s father. them, and their labors were finally spent in conVitelli was as shady a character as his friend fusion.”? There were doubtless those who saw in Carafa. He also got Cosimo’s envoy to Rome, Medici’s apparent ill health another conclave in

Matteo de’ Concini, the bishop of Cortona in Tus- _ the early offing and, perhaps, their own chance at cany, to write in the duke’s name a four-page letter the tiara. Since Medici had always seemed, as he with a full harvest of promises to the Carafeschi was, affable and easy going, his papacy should not if they came out strong for Medici. “‘As a result, be a hard one, and various cardinals saw a large therefore, of so many and such extensive mach- increase in their influence at the Curia.*© inations,”’ says Panvinio, “‘the poor youth’s mind The Venetian ambassador Mocenigo in his re-

was bent, and finally on Christmas day itself he port to the Senate some months later stated that threw in his hand, and declared for Medici.”” After Medici seemed to suffer severely from the unidinner Vitelli informed Louis de Guise that the versal ailments of the time, “gout and catarrh,”’ Cardinal of Naples’ objections to Medici had been _ that he had entered the conclave a sick man, and overcome. The heads of the various factions— __ that he spent most of his time in bed. After he was Guise, d’ Este, Sforza, Carafa, and Farnese—then made pope, however, he suddenly regained his met and decided to proclaim Medici pope on the _ health.*’

morrow.”* By the time Vitelli and Alfonso Carafa called Vargas was not the only member of the diplo- on Medici, in the early evening of 25 December, matic corps in Rome carrying the Medicean load in his cell in the southwest corner of the Sistina, at the conclave. The Florentine envoys Matteoand every member of the conclave had learned what Bartolommeo de’ Concini as well as Bongianni was afoot. Furthermore, the complete failure of Gianfigliazzi were doing their part, although Bon- Carpi, Gaddi, and Sermoneta ‘‘ad excludendum gianni had to lie low. They had promised that as Medicem’’ now assured Medici’s elevation. When pope Medici would assign Montebello and Paliano Alfonso Carafa left Medici’s cell, Vitelli stayed and

to the Camera Apostolica until the question of conversed with the pope-to-be until about 8:00 rightful possession had been decided, and that

both the pope and Duke Cosimo would support ~~~

the cause of the Carafeschi at the Spanish court.”? - Miiller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. 223-24. | Promises grow readily in the fertile soil of decep- a yanvinio, De creatione Pu IV, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., tion and, being misled by Vargas, as we shall note 56 Hinojosa, Felipe II y el cénclave de 1559, p. 98. 57 Alvise (Luigi) Mocenigo, ‘“‘Relazione di Roma [1560}],” in

OO Albéri, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti, ser. II, vol. TV (1857),

52 Panvinio, De creatione Pu IV, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 61: ‘Prima dunque io dico che il Pontefice é di 62 anni in circa, 581-82; Miiller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. 188-90, 218-23; di grandezza comune, non grasso né magro, e di assai grazioso Hinojosa, Felipe II y el cénclave de 1559, pp. 97-99; Pastor, Hist. | aspetto; mostravasi assai mal disposto di gotta e catarro essendo

Popes, XV, 55-60, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII (repr. 1957), cardinale, ed entré in conclave mezzo ammalato, e sempre quasi

50-53. vi stette in letto, ma di poi fatto pontefice par si sia assai ben °° Cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 52-53. riavuto, onde si puo credere che sia per viver qualche anno.”’

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 737 P.M. (usque ad horam noctis tertiam). Medici told There was not to be much sleep that night, howVitelli that he did not want to go to sleep before ever, and an appeal was sent to Guise, Sforza, and he had had a chance to talk with either Guise or d’ Este to come at once. Within a few minutes

d’ Este, the two leaders of the French faction. Guise and Vitelli appeared on the scene. Guise Vitelli hurried off to inform them, and then went into Medici’s cell and spent a while with him. wasted (says Panvinio) “‘some hours’’ going back Sforza arrived, and so did a number of others. and forth between Medici and the two cardinals, Panvinio ran off to alert Farnese, who was asleep, as the latter deferred to each other, Guise insisting but hastily donned his cardinal’s robe, and made the honor go to d’Este, and d’Este trying to yield for Medici’s cell, where he found d’ Este and most it to Guise. About 9:00 P.M. Cardinal Gianbattista of his colleagues except for those who were too Cicada had a long talk with Medici, and now mem-__ old or too sick to move rapidly. Madruzzo, who bers of the Sacred College were gathering about was suffering from the gout, was borne in a chair Medici’s cell to offer their congratulations. Since _ to the Paolina.

Vitelli had got nowhere in Guise and d’ Este’s Shortly thereafter Medici was conducted into deadlock of courtesy, Medici said, ‘‘If they won’t the Paolina. He walked between d’ Este and A\l-

come to me, I shall go to them.” fonso Carafa, and was accompanied by most of the

In the meantime a dozen or more cardinals had cardinals. A papal throne was placed in the middle crowded before Medici’s cell, where (according to _ of the chapel, before the altar. The cardinals took Firmanus) Carlo Carafa had placed himself, urg- their accustomed places according to rank. Meaning his fellows not to try to approach Medici. Let while most of the conclavists had crowded into the

him rest, he said, there will be time enough to- chapel, gathering near the altar. Space must have morrow morning.°® Turning to Morone, Carlo _ been at a premium. Carlo Carafa wanted to expel remarked that they had chosen the best man, and them, but Panvinio appealed to him to allow them one whom the Apostolic See especially needed at all to witness the proceedings ‘“‘than which no this time. He also added jocosely that Morone more august sight can be seen in all the world.” must bear it patiently “if this time the lot has not Others appealed to him also, and he relented. fallen on you.’’ Morone answered solemnly that When the cardinals were all seated, Ttournon he had never aspired to the pontificate, but he rose, declaring viva voce that he cast his vote for could rejoice in the election of one who was en- Medici. One by one the rest of the cardinals did tirely worthy of so high an office. Then Carafa likewise. There were no written ballots. Medici turned to Panvinio, who was standing behind him, _ then left his seat between Ranuccio Farnese and ‘And what do you think of this election, father? Tiberio Crispi, and occupied the throne, where Could we have chosen a better man?” As expected, he received the homage or adoratio of all the carPanvinio replied, ‘Certainly not, illustrissime dinals in the conclave. Panvinio’s description of domine!’’ While time was being wasted “‘in these _ the ceremony is ecstatic. Even the sickest cardinals

and similar absurdities,’’ says Panvinio, the _ had left their cells, being carried in chairs to the hour of midnight (hora. . . noctis septima) was ap-_ _Paolina, to take part in the declaration of the

proaching. Milanese as pope. Although Carafa had explained that the elec- To Panvinio it was clear that Medici’s elevation tion would take place when the morning came, _ had taken place ‘‘divini spiritus vi atque impetu,”’

because the French wished it so, Panvinio re- for a dove had somehow found its way into the marked to Morone that there was many a slip be- _ Sistina many days before the cardinals had made tween the cup and the lip, multa possunt inter os et their decision. It had flown all over the chapel, offam cadere. Morone agreed, and presently asked seeking an exit, and finding none it had finally those present, ina loud voice, whether they should — settled upon Medici’s cell. Other portents had also

not take Medici immediately into the Paolina, foretold this happy event. When an opportunity place him on S. Peter’s throne, and thus do quickly _ presented itself, Carlo Carafa approached the

what they had so long desired to do. Everyone throne. He asked the new pope to forgive the seemed to agree except Carafa, who reminded Roman people’s demonstrations against the memthem that the French had planned on a vote in ory of Paul IV and the house of Carafa. When

the morning, and had gone to bed. Medici expressed an unwillingness to do so, Farnese

and Sforza added their requests to Carafa’s. Me-

——_—_—__——_—— dici then agreed, whereupon d’ Este and others

II, 530. reply was, “Pius.”

°® Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., inquired “by what name he chose to be called.” His

738 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The doors of the conclave were opened. The The reign of Pope Pius IV had begun. A day bricks and mortar were removed from the doors _ or two after the election the indefatigable Vargas and windows which had been sealed. Since Me- was reminding Pius of how much his Holiness dici’s cell had already been demolished, he made owed King Philip IH. Pius replied that his every his way, accompanied by the cardinals, to Alfonso effort would be directed toward the service of Carafa’s cell, which was located at about the mid- God, the honor of the Holy See, the peace of dle of the north wall of the Sistina. There Panvinio Christendom, and the satisfaction of his Majesty. went to kiss his feet. He found Medici seated on He reminded Vargas, who needed no reminding a bed in the cell, between Alfonso and Vitelli. As of the fact, that as a Milanese he had been born Panvinio was withdrawing, pedibus osculatis, Vitelli and had served as the ‘“‘vassal and creature’’ of said, ‘‘Holy father, don’t you know Fra Onofrio?”’ _Philip’s father, the late Emperor Charles V (que Medici answered, “‘I know him very well, for he habia nascido vasallo y sido hechura del Emperador). makes himself known everywhere by his books.” Pius was also, as we have noted in an earlier chapter, Apparently Medici shared Alfonso Carafa’s cell the brother of Cosimo de’ Medici’s commander that night, a night which in the years to come they Giangiacomo de’ Medici, who had won Siena for

must often have recalled. Charles V, and (as finally came to pass) for Cosimo

When morning came on Tuesday, 26 Decem- himself.°° Cosimo had had several reasons for ber (1559), the cardinals returned to the Paolina, working so hard for Pius’s election. seating themselves according to rank. Medici took Like all popes, Pius IV had to face some serious his place between Ranuccio Farnese and Tiberio problems at his accession. No sooner had he acCrispi. He asserted, as was usually done after ele- knowledged his sense of obligation to the house vation by adoratio, that the coming scrutiny with of Hapsburg than Vargas brought up the touchy its sealed ballots (obsignatis syngraphis) was merely | subject of Paliano. Although Vargas had led Carlo

a confirmation of the electoral decision already Carafa to believe otherwise, Philip II had firmly made. On his own ballot Medici inscribed the decided upon the restoration of Paliano to Marc’ names, honoris causa, of ‘TTournon, Pacheco, Carpi, Antonio Colonna. (Paliano was, however, a fief of Gonzaga, and d’ Este. Retiring for a moment, he

removed his cardinal’s dress, donned pontifical .

garb, and took the throne before the altar. Again a0 » II, bk. x11, pp. 586-87; Miller, Das Konklave Pius’ IV., pp. the cardinals made their obeisance before him 23-27; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 54-56; Ro-

; . ; ; > —meo de Maio, Alfonso Carafa, Cardinale di Napoli (1961), pp.

after which he was carried into S. Peter’s in the — g5_87. sedia gestatoria in a procession of cardinals, am- 6° Giangiacomo de’ Medici, who had terrorized the areas bassadors, barons, and other dignitaries. Amid the north of Milan from 1523 to 1532 as the castellan of Musso, acclamations of the populac e the cardinals did Just below Gravedona on the western shore of Lago di Como, obeisance once more. When the ceremony WaS up his landed possessions and accept the empty title marquis

. ad been forced by Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, to give

over, Medici was conveyed back into the Vatican _ of Marignano. On his early career, cf. the bibliographical monoPalace, the joyous applause of the people being so graph of Solone Ambrosoli, Giangiacomo de’ Medici, castellano di great that one could hardly hear the salvos of can- “sso (1523-1532): Saggio bibliografico, Milan, 1895, who lists

59 some 400 works, many of which have little to say about Giannon fire from the Castel S. Angelo. giacomo, and some of which are worthless. On the other hand, R. Beretta has written a valuable article on “Gian Giacomo de’ Medici in Brianza (1527-1531),”’ Archivio storico lombardo,

5th ser., XLII-1 (1916), 53-120. We have dealt above with °9 Panvinio, De creatione Pit IV, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., Il, | Giangiacomo’s command in the war against the Sienese.

583-86; Guido, De electione Pu IV, ibid., 11, 630-32, whose ac- Giangiacomo had died (on 8 November, 1555), four years count contains several passages word for word the same as in _ before his brother Giannangelo’s election. A bold, self-seeking, Panvinio; Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., 11, 530-31, en- and generally successful soldier, “‘dagh umi chiamato tiranno

tries for 25 and 26 December, 1559: ‘‘Et cum iam omnibus __ pirata,’’ as Beretta says, art. cit., p. 53, “dagli altri esaltato electio facta publicata esset, omnes cardinales qui dormitum come un eroe,” he had helped launch his brother on the eciverant surrexerunt e cubiculo, et cum licet conclusio certa es- _clesiastical career that finally led to the papal throne. On the set, attamen ad maiorem cautelam, ne exclusio tentaretur, vo- __ relations of the two de’ Medici, see Pastor, Hist. Popes, XV, 66—

luerunt eum confirmare per viam adorationis, et in mane se- 82, with addenda and alterations in the Gesch. d. Papste, VII quenti per viam scrutinii illum denuo eligere et confirmare’ (repr. 1957), 58-70, and on Giangiacomo’s death, note Bibl. (Firmanus, II, 530). Cf Ribier, Lettres et memoires d’ estat, I, Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urb. lat. 1038, fol. 103”: “‘Al Marchese 840-42; Dollinger, Beitrdge, I, no. 83, p. 324, letter of Vargas di Marignano mancho di questa vita alli 9 del presente [i.e., 9 to Philip II, dated 29 December, 1559; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., | November, 1555] del mal di non poter urinare, dove gli creppo ad ann. 1559, nos. 36-38; Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consis- _la vescica—ha lassato, per quanto s’ intende, 500,000 ducati torialia coram Pio Quarto, in the Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, di contanti, parte qui [a Roma], parte a Genova, et parte apfol. 68, by mod. stamped enumeration; Bromato, Storia di Paolo __ presso di lui,” and cf, ibid., fol. 108".

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 739 the Holy See, and Colonna would not secure pos- 1545, which must have increased his interest in session and papal recognition of his feudal rights the Turkish problem, and (what was more imporuntil 17 July, 1562.)°' As Vargas wrote Philip on tant at the Curia Romana) archbishop of Milan on 29 December (1559), Pius knew only too well that 20 July, 1558, Giannangelo was certainly a figure Carafa had played the principal role in his election. to be reckoned with, and reckoned with he was The pope insisted that he must assure Carafa the in the last days of the conclave. Sociable, lively, return of Paliano or the fief must remain in escrow intellectually adept, and generous to the poor, until Philip had paid Giovanni Carafa appropriate Pius was given to physical exercise, riding and compensation in accord with the secret capitula- even walking about Rome, constructing new build-

tion of Cave. ings, and advancing members of his family and his

Vargas informed Philip that he had done his _ friends. best with Pius, telling him privately that before he Pius’s coronation took place on Saturday, 6 Janhad known otherwise, Philip had ordered the re- _ uary (1560), the feast of the Epiphany, which com-

turn of Paliano to Colonna (which would soon memorated the coming of the Three Magi (zn cause some altercation between the Holy See and _festo trium regum). Appropriately enough, on Spain). Vargas admitted that a certain amount of Wednesday, 31 January, he created three new carunderhanded persuasion had been necessary to dinals. Two of them were his own relatives, Gian win Carafa’s support. Pius became quite agitated, | Antonio Serbelloni and Carlo Borromeo; the third and asked Vargas more than five or six times for was Giovanni de’ Medici, the seventeen-year-old details. Clearly Vargas gave him some account of son of Duke Cosimo I of Florence.® Before the the paragraph he had made up and shown Carafa month of January had ended, some twenty nephas though it were an extract from one of Philip’s — ews as well as other relatives had descended upon

letters, assuring Carafa of all due reward for his Rome, seeking their fortune, but Carlo and his services in the conclave. Pius told Vargas two or elder brother Federico Borromeo, sons of the three times that if Carafa had known what was _ pope’s sister Margherita, were by far the favorites. going on, he would not have served the Spanish Federico was soon married to Virginia della Rocause. No, agreed Vargas, if God had not granted _ vere, the daughter of Guidobaldo, duke of Urbino. them this singular favor (of deception), Pius would Although Federico gave but slight evidence of

not have been elected pope.®* ability, his papal uncle made him captain-general of the Church on 2 April, 1561. Pius planned a

Pope Pius was the offspring of a Milanese family of physicians and notaries, the Medeghini, which 9————— name became altered to Medici. After serving Paul ** Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Acta Consistorialia coram Pio III Farnese;faithfully through the1560 fifteen fuit years of Sarto. in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, 70°: “DieCamera Mercurii . ; . Januarn consistorium secretum infol. eadem the latter’s papacy, Giannangelo de’ Medici had Paramentorum [i.e., in Camera Paramentorum Inferiori where, received the red hat in Paul’s twelfth and last cre- on 12 January, Pius IV had held his first consistory], et in eo ation of cardinals (on 8 April, 1549). The family _ interfuerunt reverendissimi cardinales qui in preterito interhad increased somewhat in importance when _ fuerant, exceptis reverendissimis Sanctae Florae [Guido Ascanio Giannangelo’s ldierly brother Giangiacomo Sforza] et Ghisio [Louis de Guise], qui elapsis diebus discesserunt married the daughter of Luigi Orsini, count ‘In ipso consistorio serenissimus dominus noster creavit et of Pitigliano, for she was the sister-in-law of the _ publicavit tres cardinales, videlicet: Dominum Johannem Anpope’s son Pier Luigi Farnese. Following in the tonium Serbellonum, episcopum Fulginatensem [Serbelloni footsteps of his patron Paul III, Giannangelo had eae been bishophaving of Folignoceded on 7 May, 1557, his uncle . . . ardinal Giannangelo de’made Medici the bishopric at least three illegitimate children. He had at- to him], consanguineum suum, presbyterum, praesentem.

8 solaremy © 8 ab Urbe.

tracted favorable notice in Hapsburg circles by his = Dominum Carolum Boromeum, nepotem suum ex sorore, Me-

sometimes outspoken opposition to Paul IV’s fre- diolanensem, praesentem. Dominum Johannem de Medicis,

netic anti-Spanish policy. Florentinum, filium Ducis Florentiae in septimo decimo aetatis

. a . . was also made a cardinal deacon], libenter assentientibus et

Despi te the frien dship and support which Co- anno constitutum, absentem, diaconos [i.e., Carlo Borromeo simo I de’ Medici gave him, Giannangelo had not — consentientibus omnibus reverendissimis dominis cardina-

stood out at the papal court to the extent that _ libus.” Carpi, Pacheco, and Gonzaga had done. But be- Cf. Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia coming archbishop of Ragusa on 14 December, catholica, III (1923), 37; Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle,

Conc. Trident., I, 341; Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., II,

as°! 531-32; Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1560, no. 92. The SerPastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 139-40. belloni were relatives of Pius IV on his mother’s side. Carlo ° Déllinger, Beitrdge, I, no. 83, pp. 325-26. Borromeo was his nephew.

740 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT princely future for this nephew whose unexpected _ to carry all the chief burdens of the Curia Romana, death, however, on 19 November, 1562, shattered ‘‘con la sopraintendenza di tutte le cose.” All the

all such hopes.®* cardinals addressed themselves to him, and so did Carlo Borromeo was still twenty-one years of _ the ambassadors and those who had need of anyage. He was getting an early start on what was to _ thing at all. He headed all the congregations, was

become an eminent career, his services to the endlessly patient in audiences, and wholly comChurch and to Christendom being eventually sig- petent in the conduct of affairs. He answered evnalized by his canonization on 1 November, 1610. eryone with such modesty that one could not wish

His first important appointment came on 7 Feb- for more, employing less authority than he had ruary (1560) when he was assigned the adminis- been given and consulting the pope when he was tration of the church of Milan, then vacant owing not certain of the latter’s intention. Although exto Ippolito d’ Este’s ‘‘cession’’ thereof (with the travagant in the maintenance of his household usual ‘‘regressus”’ or right of recovery inthe event during his first three or four years in Rome, he of Carlo’s own relinquishment of the church “‘per was conspicuous for his charities and the payment cessum vel decessum’’). On 26 April (1560) he was of his debts. Girolamo Soranzo reckoned his inmade papal legate in Bologna and the Romagna.®’ come at a minimum of 48,000 scudi.°° Pius IV and his successor Pius V loaded him with After the death of Federico Borromeo, brother honors and responsibilities over the next half- ofthe young Cardinal Carlo, it was widely assumed dozen years, making him cardinal protector of the — that the latter would return to the secular life, to seven Catholic cantons of Switzerland (on 12 continue the family line and to found the princely March, 1560) and the Knights of Malta (before 29. dynasty which, as was well known, Pius IV was July, 1560), and thereafter of Portugal, the Neth- eager to see established. Whatever Pius’s wishes, erlands, the religious Orders of the Franciscans, and at the notable consistory of 4 June, 1563, he Carmelites, Humiliati, the Canons regular of the was to deny that he had ever wished his pious Holy Cross at Coimbra, and the Knights of S. La- nephew to leave the Church, Carlo was deterzarus. Afflicted with an impediment of speech, of _ mined to remain a churchman. At the consistory a reserved and distant nature, unprepossessing in in question Pius raised his nephew from cardinalappearance, not brilliant but certainly thorough, deacon to cardinal-priest—erit tanquam utriusque orCarlo Borromeo was pious, honest, and self- dinis medius—and thereafter the latter received

effacing. ordination at the hands of Cardinal Federico The reports of the Venetian ambassadors Gi- de’ Cesi (on 17 July, 1563).°’

rolamo Soranzo (in 1563) and Giacomo Soranzo From the year 1564 Carlo Borromeo became (in 1565) bear witness to the fact that he seemed increasingly ascetic, weakening his health and

64 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 66 Girolamo Soranzo, ‘‘Relazione di Roma [1563],” in EuII, 543, lines 30-31, places Federico Borromeo’s death on _ genio Alberi, ed., Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato, ser. Wednesday, 19 August (and in 1562, 19 August did fall ona __ II, vol. IV (1857), pp. 90-92; Giacomo Soranzo, ‘‘Relazione Wednesday). According to Firmanus, his body was takenon 22. di Roma [1565],”’ ibid., pp. 133-36.

August to the church of S. Pietro in Montorio. The next entry 67 Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, fols. in Firmanus’s diary is dated, however, 23 November (1562) 164", 167: ‘‘Pridie nonas Iunias [4 June], XIV[!|Junn habitum when the news of the young Cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici’s __ est consistorium ad Divi Petri, quo de more claudi iusso. . . death was announced in Rome. Although in 1562, 19 Novem-_ [summus pontifex] rursus exorsus obiisse dixit Comitem Fedeber fell ona Thursday, Pastor, Gesch. d. Paépste, VII (repr. 1957), ricum, in quo spes omnes successionis suae posuisset, relictum 93-94, has shown that something appears to have gone awry — solum cardinalem eius fratrem, quem alii fortasse multi ponin Firmanus’s diary, and that Federico in fact seems to have __ tifices ad saecularia vota transire fecissent, ut plerique alii iam

died on 19 November. On his marriage to Virginia della Ro- fecerunt, nec sibi status temporales sive Sedis Apostolicae vere, see Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Conc. Trident., 11, | damno defuturos fuisse. Nos tamen, inquit, intendimus, ut et

537-39. ipse intendit, in ea vocatione in qua ipse est eum permanere, 65 Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, fols. 72", ideo velle in presbyterum cardinalem illum assumere, si patri83": ‘‘Reverendissimus dominus Cardinalis Borromeus, prae- _ bus placeret. Presbyteris gratias agentibus, diaconis vero id se sens, fuit creatus legatus Bononie et Romandiole.” Cf Ray- _ aegre ferre asserentibus, pontifex inter vos inquit sedebit—erit naldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1560, no. 92, and Pastor, Gesch. d. tanquam utriusque ordinis medius.”’

Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 81, with the wrong date 25 (for 26) A somewhat abridged text of this act of the consistory may April for the consistory at which Carlo received the Bolognese __be found in J. Susta, Die rémische Kurie und das Konzl von Trient

legation. Note also Massarelli, Diaritum septimum, in Merkle, unter Pius IV., IV (1914), 68, note 3 (cf, above, note 17), and Cone. Trident., II, 344, lines 26-30. On 26 April legations were see Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 95. From the first also assigned to Cristoforo Madruzzo, Ercole Gonzaga, Ippolito — volume of Susta’s work (1904) to the second (1909) the spelling

d’ Este, and Giulio della Rovere. of Curie and Conzil were altered to Kurie and Konzil.

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 741 shortening his life “‘per gli studi, i digiuni, le vigilie © Morone “‘cum ingenti omnium fratrum nostrorum ed altre astinenze,’”’ as Giacomo Soranzo empha-_ approbatione atque laetitia.’’*”

sized as early as 1565. After the death of his papal For the first two years or so of Pius’s reign uncle (on 9 December, 1565), Borromeo was al- Morone ranked high in his counsels and, as Alvise lowed by Pius V Ghislieri to go to his archdiocese Mocenigo suggests, enjoyed the esteem of a large of Milan, where he arrived on 5 April, 1566. Al- part of the Sacred College. In the summer of 1560

though his return to Rome was assumed at the there were, all told, about fifty-four cardinals, of time, he resided henceforth in Milan, where he whom thirty-seven were Italian, two German, promoted reform by pastoral visitations, diocesan eleven French, and four Spanish. As time went on, synods, and provincial councils. He had been al- Pius tended to consult Stanislaus Hosius, whom he most the mainstay of the final period of the Coun- made a cardinal (on 26 February, 1561), more cil of Trent (in 1562-1563), and supported by the frequently than Morone, especially on German Barnabites and the Jesuits, Borromeo struggled affairs, concerning which they were both regarded uncompromisingly to effect the complete reno- as experts.’ Morone retained Pius’s complete convation of the morals and education of the clergy. fidence, however, and reached the summit of his If in his reforms he sometimes dealt harshly with career in early December, 1563, when he presided others, Borromeo dealt no less harshly with him- over the last congregation and the last session of self. He died on 3 November, 1584, at the age of the Council of Trent.”!

forty-six.°° Pius IV lost no time in correcting other danAs a cardinal Pius IV had found the reign of gerous vagaries of Pauline policy. While Paul had his predecessor almost intolerable. He had been thought he was enhancing the papal dignity by glad to withdraw from Rome, still on reasonably trampling upon emperors and kings (a grado dei

amicable terms with Paul IV, in mid-June, 1558, pontefici esser per mettersi sotto 1 pied gl’ imperaton e

and he had not returned to Rome until the long re), as Girolamo Soranzo puts it, Pius used to say conclave the following year. The Venetian am- that in fact the authority of the popes depended bassador Bernardo Navagero, whom Pius made upon that of the princes.’* While demanding cera cardinal in his second creation of 26 February, tain minor concessions from Ferdinand, he rec1561, had reported to his government on several ognized his succession to the empire, which Paul occasions Giannangelo de’ Medici’s disapproval of _ had refused to do, and on 17 February, 1560, the Paul’s ill-considered war with Spain. Giannangelo imperial envoy Scipione d’ Arco rendered obe-

had been more discreet concerning Paul’s impris- §—-+— onment of Cardinal Giovanni Morone whom, now _®° Arch. di Stato di Modena, Busta 1300/15, no. 60. On 20 that he was pope, he promptly cleared of the un-_ February, 1560, Giovanni Morone, episcopus Albanensis, was warranted charge of heresy which Paul had lev- made protector of the church of S. Stefano in Vaticano and of

eled him. thehis Abyssinians in Rome, a markArm. of esteem accom. .atpanying absolution(Abyssini) (Arch. Segr. Vaticano, XLIV, tom.

Thus on 19 March, 1560, Pius wrote to Alfonso 10, fol. 65, by mod. stamped enumeration, and see, zbid., fols. d’ Este, duke of Ferrara, and to others, that his 95°-97", briefs of 18 March, 1560, de absolutione Cardinalis predecessor Paul had taken Morone into custody Moroni, to King Ferdinand, Maximilian, Albrecht of Bavaria, on the suspicion that his views de aliquibus fidei 204 the kings of Portugal, Poland, and France). Cj. Stephan Catholicae dogma tibus were less than 7, orthodox. Im- Ehses, Concilium Tridentinum, VIII (Freiburg Breisgau, 1919), : no. pp. 11-13. The records of Morone’s trialimfor heresy are

mediately upon his accession, however, Pius had pow being published by Massimo Firpo and Dario Marcatto appointed a commission of cardinals, theologiae peri- (Rome, 1981 ff.). tissimi, to investigate the charge of doctrinal ab- __ "* Mocenigo, ‘‘Relazione di Roma [1560],” in Albéri, Relaerration. As he now wrote Alfonso, the commis- 7°” degli ambasciatori veneti, ser. II, vol. IV, p. 40: Questo diro sion had found the charge entirely without gran riputazione e credito appresso il presente pontefice e gran

. . . solamente, che essendo ora assoluto il cardinal Morone, e in

foundation. He had, therefore, exonerated parte de’ cardinali, molti credono che debba aver gran parte nel pontificato futuro, dicendo il pontefice averlo per un angelo

di paradiso, e adoperandolo per consiglio in tutte le sue cose

__ importanti.. . .’’ Hosius was bishop of Warmia (Pol. Warmyja, Germ. Ermland), formerly in east Prussia, but since 1945 in 68 The literature on S. Carlo Borromeo is enormous, but northeast Poland.

note Pastor, Hist. Popes, XV, 104—22, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, VU 71 Morone and Navagero had been appointed legates to the (repr. 1957), 86-99, and for the essential facts of his career, council at a general congregation held at S. Peter’s on 7 March, see esp. Roger Mols, ‘‘S. Charles Borromée,”’ in the Dictionnaire 1563 (Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, fol. d’ histowre et de géographie ecclésiastiques, XII (1953), cols. 486— 157°; Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII [repr. 1957], 242), to which

534, with a bibliography, ibid., cols. 530-34, and cf’ M. de we shall return in the next chapter.

260-69. ser. II, vol. IV, p. 75.

Certeau, in the Dizionario biografico degli italiani, XX (1977), 72 Soranzo, Relazione [1563], in Albéri, Ambasciatori veneti,

742 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT dience and reverence to the pope ‘‘cum debitis et Rome had recovered from the sack of 1527,

consultis cerimoniis.””’*> Pius restored the nuncia- and Pius IV was a builder. Venetians like Bertures to Venice and to Florence, to which Paul nardo Navagero who had lived on the Bosporus had not made reappointments, thus easing com- as well as the Tiber must have found the contrast munication with both states, but Pius was careful between Istanbul and Rome striking. In his third not to reappoint or in fact to assign to any dip- Turkish letter, dated at Istanbul on 1 June, 1560, lomatic post those who had served his predecessor the imperial envoy to the Porte, Ogier Ghiselin

as nuncios. de Busbecq, wrote his friend Nicole Michault that The Roman carnival was resumed, and the In- he preferred to stay at home rather than move quisition was restrained. Life took on an easier through the streets of the Turkish capital. Aside and pleasanter tone. Pius also did what he could from the discourtesy of the Turks, according to to solve some of the problems raised by the mul- _ Busbecgq, he preferred the countryside to the city, tiplicity of so-called ‘‘apostate’’? monks whom Paul _ “‘especially this city, which threatens almost to col-

had cast adrift upon the city and the countryside. _ lapse into debris, in which there is nothing left of He renewed the residential requirement for bish- its former splendor except its site. And though ops, and since the general council could not be once it stood out as the rival of Rome, it is now called back into session immediately, he estab- bogged down in a shameful servitude.” lished a “‘deputation’”’ of cardinals for reform. This

deputation ‘“‘qui. chapter . . moribus ipsisIV’s ; ee pa, P ; Fs SIPor If commission, the most important inthePius emendandis operam navant,’’ was to meet in :; , or pacy is centered the last sessions papal presence every Thursday. The upon diarist An¢*.of;the ; Council of Trent, certainly the most dramatic proceed-

made secretary. ; :histhe;brother and destruction Cardinal Carlo and Pius was; ; their sovereign of ofthe city of Rome,

gelo Massarelli, now the bishop of Telese, ings ofwas. his reign revolve around the denouement

; 5 Giovanni Carafa. The Carafeschi had acquired the Campagna, “‘Patrimony’”’ of S. Peter, ;. ; hatredtheofi,so-called Cardinal Guido Ascanio Sforza, the

; .;.;as ; camerlengo, whom Paul IV had treated city of Benevento, and the city ofAntonio Avignon with ; harshly, .its well as that of Marc’ Colonna, from territory. Girolamo Soranzo be.. .lieved ésurrounding whom Paul IV had seized Paliano. Ercole GonGod had ordained always to have .; ; that 5 zaga’s chances ofRome being elected ingreatness the; ,conclave there“‘imperio grande nel mondo.” The ; vs of : . ; ; 1559 had been frustrated by Carlo’s opposition, of republican andsoimperial Rome was impressed im é ; ; the : and Ercole had joined upon one«“‘by sight of those few remains which ; the enemies of the CaUmbria, the March of Ancona, the Romagna, the

, nye _ rafeschi.

are still6left ancient buildings.’’ was also ;toward , Atoffirst Pius seemed Soranzo well disposed moved “‘the beauty of so many . es . by ; Carafa family for,modern afterpalaces all, everyone

the

that he built with great magnificence.’’; He impressed . ; , knew owedwas his election to Cardinals Carlo and Alfonso. by the handsome streets, for Rome was . - II er : ToPius begin with,of he took thebeautiful standquickly that. ;Philip becoming under “‘one the most , er. .?74should live upCarafa to thetowas secret capitulation of Cave. cities inIfItaly.’’ According Soranzo, the popu- ;he ; should Giovanni to lose Paliano, lation had reached 80,000 by mid-June of 1563. . a receive adequate compensation. Within a few days

—_—_—— of his election Pius had sent Fabrizio di Sanguine, 73 Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., pro-Spanish adherent of the Carafeschi, to P hilip II, 533, and note Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. ‘‘a dar cuenta de su eleccion y a este negocio de 34, fol. 74", by mod. stamped enumeration, which text is given |g recompensa.”” The Spanish ambassador Fran-

in St. Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 4, p. 8. Scipione d’ Arco made an address of obedience to the pope, ‘‘additis multis ad creationem suae Sanctitatis, ad providendum haeresibus et conservandam pacem, et ad impugnandos Turcas pertinentibus.”’ 74 Soranzo, Relazione [1563], in Albéri, Ambasciatori veneti, © Busbecq, Omnia quae extant opera, Basel, 1740, repr. Graz,

ser. II, vol. IV, pp. 82-83; see Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, 1968, p. 195. The seventeenth-century travelers to Istanbul in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I1, 532-33, and Massarelli, Diarium were also impressed by the site and depressed by the streets; septimum, ibid., 11, 343, on Pius IV’s residential requirement for although some of the mosques were impressive, the houses were bishops and the reform commission of 1560; also Pastor, Gesch. on the whole miserable, and apparently always catching on fire d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 100-5, with refs. On the Roma (cf Robert Mantran, Istanbul dans la seconde moitie du XVII siecle, resurgens under Pius IV, cf. Anton Haidacher, Geschichte der _ Paris, 1962, pp. 24-35, et passim [Bibliothéque archéologique Papste in Bildern: Eine Dokumentation zur Papstgeschichte von Lud- et historique de |’ Institut francais d’ archéologie d’ Istan-

wig Fretherr von Pastor, Heidelberg, 1965, pp. 418-23. bul, XIT}).

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 743 cisco de Vargas was also working strenuously on conceived the idea of purchasing the Carafa castles

the Carafeschi’s behalf.’° of Gallese and Soriano for the Altemps. Later on,

Cosimo I de’ Medici added his appeals to those _ this was done, and the properties were to remain of the pope who, as the weeks passed, seemed not in the hands of the Altemps into the present cento be relaxing his efforts to secure the promised tury. Madruzzo was the friend and ally of Goncompensation for Giovanni Carafa, although Carlo zaga. Like Sforza and Colonna, they wanted to had been required to give up his apartment at the remove the Carafeschi from the Roman scene. Vatican. Since Philip II had ordered the restora- Curial politics were a painstaking business. Caution of Paliano to Marc’ Antonio Colonna, a break tion was required, for French or Spanish interests between Philip and Pius IV seemed possible, for were likely to be involved in every major move. Paliano was a papal fief. Pius wanted to keep the The Gonzagas had transferred their allegiance peace, however, despite the fact that the Spanish from the Hapsburgs to the Valois. The Farnesi made clear their complete disavowal of the secret had shifted theirs from France to Spain. Although capitulation of Cave which, to be sure, Paul IV the Farnese cardinals, Alessandro and Ranuccio,

seems not to have accepted publicly. had supported the Spanish and Medicean candi-

No less a nepotist than his predecessor, Piushad dature of Giannangelo de’ Medici, as pope the latto provide for his family. His brother Giangiacomo _ ter now proposed to take the duchy of Camerino

had left no children, but his sister Margherita had from the Farnesi in order to bestow it upon his married Gilberto Borromeo, count of Arona, and nephew Federico and the latter’s wife Virginia, another sister Chiara had married one Wolf Die- whose mother belonged to the family of the Vatrich, lord of Hohenems in Vorarlberg in western _ rani, formerly lords of Camerino. Austria. We have noted Ptus’s attentiveness to Carlo Carafa believed that he could stay afloat Federico and Carlo Borromeo. Chiara’s son Mark _ in this welter of hostilities and conflicting interests.

Sittich von Hohenems was to be among the nine- He was wrong. Although Pius IV had given no teen recipients of red hats in Pius IV’s second cre- sign of a change of attitude toward the Carafeschi,

ation (of 26 February, 1561).’’ The name Ho- and he still insisted upon the Spanish fulfillment henems was converted or corrupted into Italian of the no longer secret capitulation of Cave, on as Altemps. In his report to the Venetian Senate 27 March, 1560, Girolamo de’ Federici, bishop of in 1560 Alvise Mocenigo had a good deal to say Sagona (on the island of Corsica), was reinstated of the pope’s relatives and their marriages,’* which as governor of Rome and papal vice-chamberlain, were to have some bearing upon the fortunes of | from which positions he had been removed at the

the Carafeschi. beginning of Paul IV’s pontificate. Alessandro Shortly after the wedding of Federico Borro- _ Pallantieri was reappointed fiscal procurator (also

meo to Virginia della Rovere, his sister Camilla on 27 March), from which charge he had been was married to Cesare Gonzaga di Guastalla, the removed on 7 October, 1557, and thrown into eldest son of Ferrante and the nephew of Cardinal prison. Although Pallantieri had delighted Paul Ercole, whose influence at the Curia, already very IV by his denunciation of the Hapsburgs censuris great, was increased by this new relationship with et poenis in the secret consistory of 27 July, 1556, the pope. Cardinal Cristoforo Madruzzo of Trent, as we have seen, he had offended Carlo Carafa by who was bilingual in German and Italian, became his apparent participation in the behind-the-scenes attached to the pope’s warlike German relatives, maneuvering which had brought about the downthe Hohenems or Altemps, and the pope’s niece fall and disgrace of Carlo’s friend Silvestro AlMargherita Altemps was married to one of the dobrandini.’”®

nephews of Madruzzo who, it would seem, now From the end of March (1560), therefore, in addition to Sforza and Colonna, Gonzaga and

ee Madruzzo, two more enemies of the Carafeschi 6 Déllinger, Beitrége, 1 (1862), no. 83, pp. 326-27, Vargas’s found themselves in positions of authority, both letter to Philip II, dated 29 December, 1559, and see Reneé of whom exercised judicial functions by virtue of Ancel, ‘“‘La Disgrace et le procés des Carafa,”’ Revue Bénédictine,

XXV (1908), 194 ff.

77 On Mark Sittich von Hohenems (Hohenemb), note G. 79 Cf. R. Brown, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice, VI-2 (1881), Constant, in the Dictionnaire d’ histoire et de géographie ecclésias- _ nos. 827, 831, 1058, pp. 966, 970~71, 1340, docs. dated 6 and

tiques, II (1914), 786-91. 12 March and 9 October, 1557, in the last of which texts Brown 78 Mocenigo, Relazione [1560], in Albéri, Ambasciatori veneti, | confuses Aldobrandini with the fiscal procurator, who on 7

ser. II, vol. IV, pp. 51 ff. October had been “‘put in the Castle.”

744 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT their office. Pallantieri, who had suffered severely Vatican. Unlike the ambassador Vargas, Tendilla during the last nearly two years of PaulIV’s reign, showed little regard for Cardinal Carafa, and quite

was thirsting for revenge upon Carlo Carafa, openly recognized Marc’ Antonio Colonna as whom he rightly held responsible for his hard- duke of Paliano. Pius IV had seen to it that Tenships. Apparently Girolamo de’ Federici and Pal- __dilla was received with no end of pomp and with lantieri went to work immediately, for on 3 April great friendliness, but Pius remained quiet on the Pius IV issued a bull renewing the penalties leveled matter of Paliano. Tendilla had brought the Caagainst purloiners of goods belonging to the Holy _ rafeschi no sort of assurance, no word of “‘la reSee—jewels, ornaments, gold, silver, coins, gems, compensa,” and no offer of Rossano, which was

pearls, etc., vestments, manuscripts, books, and said now to be the object of litigation, owing to horses, mules, statuary, furniture, ‘“‘et alia quae-_ the rights of Bona Sforza’s son, Sigismund Aucumque. . . , et bona mobilia et immobilia.”’ gustus of Poland. Pius noted that thefts had occurred in times Finally, on 25 May, Philip wrote Vargas from past, when popes were in their last illness, and Aranjuez, a royal haven on the left bank of the when the Holy See was vacant. All those who had ‘Tagus, giving his decision concerning the Caraimproperly acquired such goods—whether eccle- feschi. Because of the pope’s request, Philip was siastics or laymen, whatever their rank or station prepared to pay Cardinal Carlo the pension of (etiam cardinalatus honore)—must return them 12,000 ducats (which he had been promised more within six days or face the extreme penalty of ex- than two years before), to be levied on the revecommunication and malediction, regardless of any _ nues of the archbishopric of Toledo. He also recprivileges and exemptions they might have re- ognized Carlo as a sort of honorary citizen of the ceived from previous popes.*° This bull was aimed Spanish domains, which would have allowed him at Alfonso Carafa, the cardinal of Naples, who _ to hold benefices to the extent of a further 8,000 acknowledged having received a casket of jewels ducats a year. Since Carlo’s mission to Brussels from Paul IV, as the latter lay dying. The gift had (in 1557~1558) he had served Philip well, espebeen confirmed by a brief dated on 18 August, cially in the recent conclave, but Count Giovanni 1559, the day of Paul’s death, but the authenticity Carafa had done nothing, and deserved nothing, of the brief was being challenged. Paul IV’s friend having failed to contribute to the maintenance of Scipione Rebiba found himself in somewhat sim-_ the garrison at Paliano, having retained his mem-

ilar trouble.®’ bership in the French Order of S. Michel, and

On 12 May (1560) Don Inigo Lopez de Men- having consorted with the king’s erstwhile enedoza, count of ‘Tendilla (near Guadalajara in cen-_ mies. Philip hoped his response would satisfy the tral Spain), arrived in Rome to convey to the new pope. Some recompense to Count Giovanni might pope the formal expression of Philip II’s “‘obedi- be possible at a later date.®°

ence,’’ which was done four days later (on 16 Although Philip II clearly had no intention of May),** after which Tendilla was lodged at the _ living up to the secret capitulation of Cave as far as “‘la recompensa’”’ was concerned, he had made ® Magnum bullarium romanum, IV-2 (Rome, 1745, repr a slight financial concession (always revocable) to Graz, 1965), ad ann. 1560, no. v, pp. 12-14, “datum Romae Ca rdinal Carlo, and had left the door ever so apud S. Petrum, anno incarnationis dominicae 1560, tertio slightly ajar for his brother Giovanni. Before Varnonas Aprilis” [3 April]; Ancel, in Revue Bénédictine, XXV gas had received the king’s letter, however, al-

(1908), 204-5. . though one had already got wind of his intentions, Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 111-12; Pietro the blow had fallen on the Carafeschi who, Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, in the Archivio storico italiano, XII .

(1847), 276, who sketches the sad scene as Paul IV lay on his strangely enough, seem to have suspected nothing. deathbed: “‘E prima il cardinal di Napoli fu imputato d’ aver Pius IV had his own reasons for insisting upon the

levato tutte le gioie e gran quantita de’ denari, che il Papa Spanish observance of the secret capitulation—

conservava nella stessa sua Camera: imputazione per la quale stette lungo tempo in Castello, e n’ usci condannato in cento mila scudi. Si presuppose ancora che di consenso e saputa del medesimo cardinale di Napoli si formasse un breve, spedito il Don Inigo was the fourth count of Tendilla, and alcaide of the giorno medesimo della morte del Papa, a favore del cardinal Alhambra. He was a son of Luis de Mendoza, brother of Don

di Pisa [Scipione Rebiba] nel quale il Papa donava lo spoglio Diego, Charles V’s ambassador to Venice, Trent (in 1545di Nofri Bartolino [d. 27 December, 1555], suo predecessore 1546), and Rome, on which note Erika Spivakovsky, Son of the nell’ arcivescovado di Pisa, il qual breve fu per cid, dopo lunga = Alhambra (1970), pp. 349, 352, 371, 374-75 ff. A decade after

discussione, reputato surretizio.. . .” his mission to Rome, Don Inigo became involved in the revolt 82 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, | of the Moriscoes at Granada.

345; Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, fol. 85’. 83 Ancel, in the Rev. Bénédictine, XXV, 209-10.

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 445 reasons which had nothing to do with the Cara- On Tuesday, 4 June, Donna Giovanna d’ Arafeschi, whom he had been planning to destroy gona di Colonna, the widow of Ascanio and the since shortly after they had helped elect him pope. mother of Marc’ Antonio, returned to Rome, He could not move too quickly, however, for he ‘‘maxima comitata caterva,’’ being met by memhad to lull them into a sense of security which, bers of Pius IV’s household as well as by the duke week after week, he took pains to do. As he later of Ferrara, the Spanish ambassador, and many explained, he did not want them to become fright- nobles. She had fled from Rome with Marc’ Anened and flee. Also the longer he delayed the blow, _ tonio’s wife Felice on 1 January, 1556, to escape the less severe the inevitable charge of ingratitude _ the clutches of the Carafa pope.®® As the enemies would be. Pius’s interest in keeping the secret ca- of his house gathered in Rome, Carlo Carafa still pitulation alive lay in the fact that, when he had_ did not take fright, and his brother Giovanni, re-

disposed of the Carafeschi, he might make his turning from Gallese, made an ostentatious entry nephew Federico (or some other member or mem-_ into the city during the evening of 6 June. He bers of his family) their beneficiary. Paliano was went to Carlo’s palace in the Piazza Navona, where a papal fief. If Philip insisted upon returning it to he found Alfonso Carafa. A banquet was prethe Colonnesi, from whom a pope had taken it, pared, to which the Carafeschi invited Philippe Philip must pay the price agreed upon at Cave. Lannoy, prince of Sulmona, who had been in On Monday, 27 May (1560), Cardinal Inno- Rome three days on business. cenzo del Monte was arrested and sent to the Cas- According to a report from Rome (of 8 June), tel S. Angelo, charged with a variety of crimes as__ the Carafeschi and their guests went on into the well as with two recent homicides which he was night with music and dancing, and thereafter said to have committed suis manibus at Nocera in made their way through Rome in carriages, ‘‘singUmbria, while he was traveling from Venice to ing and sounding off most joyously with courteRome to attend the recent conclave.** Apparently _ sans.’’ The reason for their celebration was the Carlo Carafa saw no resemblance between del good news which had been relayed from Spain Monte’s career and his own. In a letter of 1 June that his Catholic Majesty had acknowledged his to his brother Giovanni he seemed to regard the promise to pay Carlo a pension of 12,000 scudi, news from Spain as encouraging. Philip had not make up for the arrears, and allow him also “‘otyet reached a definite decision regarding the com-_ tomila scudi di naturalezza.’’ Furthermore, his pensation for Paliano—Vargas did not receive Catholic Majesty was alleged to be giving Giovanni Philip’s letter of 25 May until 15 June—but the ‘“‘everything that had been agreed upon and prompope, on whom the matter really depended, was _ ised him in the time of the aforesaid Paul [IV].” most favorably disposed toward them, ‘‘as he has Their joy, however, was soon cut brutally short. always been.”’ Giovanni had inquired whether he Pius [IV had summoned all the cardinals then might safely return to Rome for, after all, he had in Rome (except del Monte) to a secret consistory been party to the murder of his wife the preceding for Friday morning, 7 June (1560). They had asAugust. Carlo now replied that it was up to Gio- _sembled at the Vatican Palace in the Sala del Convanni. As far as he was concerned, Carlo clearly _ cistoro Segreto, which lay between the present-day

saw no reason for alarm.®° Sala Ducale and the Sala dei Pontefici (the first chamber of the Appartamento Borgia).®’ As they 84 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, — 345; Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, fol. 86". sta in arbitrio di vostra Eccellenza—determini hora lei quel che ®° For the sources, see below, note 88. On 21 May (1560) li par da far’ quanto al venir’ e stabilisca il tempo ch’ io la staro Carlo had written his brother Giovanni (Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, aspettando, et in tanto gli baso le mani, benedicendo il marchese

Cod. Vat. lat. 12,086, fol. 22): ‘Ancor ch’ io non stia in tutto e Donna Antonia mia. Di Roma li XXI di Maggio LX... bene dela mia indispositione et hoggi particularmente mi sen- _ [signed] Servitore il Car. Carafa.’”’ The letter is the original tisse assai travagliato, non di meno ho voluto andar da nostro —_ addressed al illustrissimo et eccellentissimo signore mio et fratello Signore [Pius IV] per dolermi con sua Santita del’ infortunio _ osservatissimo il signor Duca di Paliano a Gallese.

occorso a |’ armata [i.e., the news of the Christian disaster at 86 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., U, Jerba had just reached Rome, on which see below, note 129], 346: ‘“‘. . . eo tempore [i.e., 1 January, 1556, on which see e veder s’ io potevo intender’ alcuna cosa del Conte di Tendiglia, | above, Chapter 15, p. 646] ab Urbe clam [Donna Ioanna] auet principalmente per recordare a sua Beatitudine il desiderio _ fugit, nunc autem ovans revertitur, volentibus sic magnis diis che vostra Eccellenza ha di venir a basargli il piede, perché do- __[!].’” The duke of Ferrara was now Alfonso II d’ Este (d. 1597), vendosi trattar del interesse suo, se bene per suo servitio io faré _his father Ercole II having died on 3 October, 1559 (cf. Firsempre quel che possa far lei stessa in questo caso, nondimeno manus, Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., 11, 522, lines 28-29). mi par che sia necessario ch’ ella ci intervenga et veda et intenda 87 Cf. the plans in Franz Ehrle and Hermann Egger, Die Conlei stessa il tutto; et a questo sua Santitd mi ha detto che il venire _clavepliine: Beitrdge zu ihrer Entwicklungsgeschichte, Bibl. Apost.

746 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT awaited the pope, Aurelio Spina, a chamberlain people, who have suffered so much injury at their of Cardinal Borromeo, informed Carlo Carafa hands.’’®®

that the pope wished to speak to him in an audi- The prosecution of the case against the Caraence hall on the upper floor. Taking a small, wind-_ feschi devolved upon the governor of Rome and ing staircase, he hurried off “‘gladly,”’ as the Flor- the fiscal prosecutor, both well known for their entine ambassador Gianbattista Ricasoli wrote enmity toward the defendants. According to a letCosimo I later that day, but the pope was not in _ ter of 28 June (1560) of Ferrante di Sanguine, a

the audience hall. respected Neapolitan relative of the Carafeschi (and Carlo was told to wait; presently his nephew the father of Fabrizio di Sanguine, who had been

Alfonso entered the hall. Instead of their receiving

the good news which Carlo had obviously ex- — pected, the pope’s young relative Gabrio Serbel- 88 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, loni, captain of the Swiss guard, came up to them, 346; Seripando, Commentarii, ibid., 11, 460; Firmanus, Diaria and told them ‘‘che gl’ erano prigioni di sua San- caerimonialia, ibid., 11, 534-35; Panvinio, De creatione Pu IV, ibid., tita, et che haveva commissione di condurliall’ ora II, 591-93; Nores, Guerra dt Paolo IV, in Arch. storico italiano, ‘n Castello.” They were prisoners. Gabrio had the XII (1847), 279-99. Panvinio and Nores cover the whole sad

In ° y Pp . story of the Carafeschi, Nores in some detail. Pastor, Hist. Popes,

pope’s orders to take them to the Castel S. Angelo. xv; append., nos. 4-7, pp. 392-96, and Gesch. d. Papste, VI Alfonso was dismayed, and remained silent. Carlo (repr. 1957), append., nos. 6-9, pp. 630-33, gives the texts of was neither dismayed nor silent. Ricasoli, who Carlo Carafa’s letter of 1 June, 1560, to his brother Giovanni; witnessed scene, reports Carlo to said, tne recordI;ofand the consistory of 7 June; Gianbattista ec . . . . the yor: etter of that 7 June Cosimo the avviso di Roma of 8Ricasoli’s June. Questi sono i frutti delle mie buone opere! This Note also the Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34,

was his reward for making Pius pope. fol. 87%: “Die Veneris VII Junii 1560. . . fuit consistorium in

Meanwhile the governor de’ Federici and the _ loco solito. . . . Antequam Pontifex descenderet ad consistofiscal procurator Pallantieri had been ordered to "™U™: vocati fuere eius iussu reverendissimus dominus Cardi-

t Gj me £ , £ Montorijo.”” nalis Carafa, nepos, et reverendissimus dominus Alphonsus,

arres lovannl sa ata, count 0 ontorio, cardinalis Neapolitanus, pronepos Pontificis Pauli IV, et missi

whom they found in the Palazzo Carafa in Piazza sunt ad Arcem Sancti Angeli. Descendit postea Sanctitas sua ad Navona. They put him ina carriage, and took him __consistorium, et de actione rationem reddidit ceteris reverento the Castello. According to the avviso or report dissimis dominis cardinalibus, et terminavit consistorium.”’

: : ae F The avvisi di was Roma at for the years 1559-1562to may be found; of 8 .June, first inclined show. . : . . in Giovanni the Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urbinas lat. 1039, which

some resistance, but seeing all the police (il bari- pastor has used extensively. Cod. Urb. lat. 1038 covers the gello con tutti lt sbirrt), he got hold of himself, and years 1554-1558; cod. 1040, the years 1565-1568; cod. 1041, climbed into the carriage. An inventory was taken 1569-1570; cod. 1042, the year 1571. These five volumes of of the contents of the palace; the most valuable avvuist (codd. 1038-42), coming down to Lepanto, were for the . k ff to the Vati th t bei most part prepared in Venice for the rich banker Ulrich Fugger items were taken 0 O the vatican, the rest Dems of Augsburg, on which see Dom René Ancel, “Etude critique assigned in sequestration to the papal fisc. Al- sur quelques recueils d’ avvisi: Contribution a 1’ histoire du though some members of the Carafa households journalisme en Italie,” Mélanges d’ archéologie et d’ histoire, escaped, the police rounded up about twenty per- XXVIII (1908), 115-39, and note the catalogue of Codices Ursons, including relatives;and friends, whom finales latin, III (Rome, ff., pp. 47 cover ff. The y Ade rst among thirty-six volumes of the avvisi,1921), with nos. the 1038 periods they were Ferrante Garlonio, count d’ Alife, Leonardo to the beginning of the seventeenth century, are listed in Jean de Cardena, ‘Torquato Conte, Cesare Brancaccio, Delumeau, Vie économique et sociale de Rome, II (1959), 947-48.

Ferrante di Sanguine, and others. Antonio, the Original avvisi of the spring of 1559 may be found in Cod. marchese of Montebello, Alfonso’s father, was not Urb. lat. 1039, addressed Jllustri viro Domino Huldricho Fuggero,

rrested. for h in Napl Th Augustae (fol. 33”), and of the years 1560-1562 al magnifico et

arrested, for he was in) ‘ap cs. Cc pope Was inolto generoso signor mio, il Signor Ulrico Fuccari, Augusta (fols. quoted, however, as saying “‘that he will get him.” 917" "991", 939%, 941°, 249°, 244", 246", 249°, 253", 257”, The author of the avviso of 8 June notes that 260’, 266", 271", 275”, etc., 331", 332”, 334”, 336", 339”, etc., ‘there are few who are not gladdened by the im- etc.). This volume, as noted above, contains detailed reports prisonment of the Carafi espe ciallyCarafeschi, the Roman of the the major of 1559-1562, of ° the deathevents of Paul IV, the including electiontheofdisgrace Pius IV, the siege of Jerba, the trial of the Carafeschi, and almost everything else which occurred in the early years of Pius IV. The Vaticana, 1933, pls. I-v, illustrating the location of the cardi- following volume in this series contains only copies of avvisi, nals’ cells during the conclaves from 1549-1550 to 1559, at and sono inscribed addresses, but (as Ancel has stated) they are which time the two sections of the Sala Ducale were known as ___ certainly all from the Fugger archives, as apparently are most

the Lectorium Magistri [or Sacri] Palatii and the Sala Consistorii of the avvist in the next three volumes. Cf. also Cesare Publici—from the latter hall one entered the antechamber of | D’Onofrio, “Gli ‘Avvisi’? di Roma dal 1554 al 1605 conservati

the Secret Consistory, and thence into the Aula [or Locus] in biblioteche ed archivi romani,” Palatino: Rwista romana di

Consistorii Secreti. cultura, V1 (1962), 177-83, VII (1963), 18-23, etc.

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 747 a conclavist of Carlo in the last conclave), the papal As for the cardinal Carlo, he had been guilty prosecutors had seized seven or eight chests of of numerous hideous homicides, murders for letters and documents.®? Indeed, de’ Federici and money, which he had committed with his own Pallantieri tracked down every piece of evidence hands or engaged others to do for him. He had that could be used against the prisoners. They also deceived Pope Paul IV—falsis coloribus ac menquestioned everyone whom they believed to have —daciis vartisque dolis et machinationibus—to go to war

cause for action or complaint, and so might be [with Spain], which had resulted in numberless

useful at the coming trial. deaths, sacrileges, crimes, rapine, and incendiary

Gianbattista Ricasoli had reported on 15 June destruction. Also Carlo and his brother Antonio that in Alfonso Carafa’s palace there had been [di Montebello] had defrauded the Camera Apofound not only several chests of papers, but 13,000 _ stolica of large sums of money which had been colducats, jewels, and satchels and money-boxes bear- _ lected to pay the papal troops in the ill-omened war. ing the papal arms, which did nothing to diminish — Carlo, like his brother Giovanni, was guilty of “‘plura

Pius IV’s indignation. The search for hostile de- adulteria et stupra mulierum,” intimidating husponents and incriminating data was extended to _ bands, brothers, and parents with threats, imprisGallese and Naples; the former yielded little, but oning them, and employing force in other ways. the papal nuncio Paolo Cidescalchi made a rich Under the guise of justice they had condemned find at Naples. By the middle of July it was known many innocent persons to death or to the galleys. in Rome that he had discovered, hidden away in The scandalous brothers and Cardinal Alfonso had a monastery, furniture and objets d’ art allegedly levied extortionate exactions upon every province worth sixty to seventy thousand ducats or more, _ in the papal states, embezzling funds from the inwhich had been taken from the Vatican.°?? The _ habitants as well as from the Camera. Neapolitan monastery also yielded two more small At Paul IV’s death Alfonso had removed from

chests of letters and documents.”’ the papal chamber “a large, extraordinary sum of By a motu proprio of 1 July (1560) Pius IV de- money, jewels, silverware, vessels consecrated for fined the charges against the Carafeschi, and ini- ecclesiastical usage and the divine service as well tiated the trial which was to begin a week later. as other precious objects of huge value.” ThereGiovanni Carafa, called the duke of Paliano and after Alfonso had spurned Pius IV’s admonitory

a knight of the Order of 5. Michel, was charged py, ordering “‘sub certis censuris et penis’ the with the murder of his nephew Marcello Capece, return of expropriated and _ illegally-possessed the alleged lover of Giovanni’s wife Violante Gar- church property, and had gone to the extent of lonia d’ Alife. Capece had been put to death with- having a brief forged in the name of Paul IV, out a trial, absque etiam notirio et sine aliqua penitus falsely making him a gift of all the valuables he

scriptura. He had been cruelly tortured, and de- pag in effect stolen. nied sacramental confession. After his death his The crimes of the Carafeschi were common

body had been thrown into a latrine. Giovanni’s . Pd bl f knowledge, a scandal throughout Christendom

wite, a noblewoman of unblemished reputation, and to the Church. Since Pius feared the likeliin the sixth or seventh month of pregnancy, had hood of their flee; t the first sj Fa legal st

been murdered by her brother [Ferrante Gar- tb ° k oe CNS h “ he ho, ik “oe aks lonio, count d’ Alife] and another relative [Leo- to de taken against them, fe pac’ ordered their

nardo de Cardenal, confinement in the Castel S. Angelo, and had in-

structed Girolamo de’ Federici, the bishop of Saand furthermore Carlo and Alfonso Carafa, Neapoli- gona, almae Urbis nostrae gubernator et vicecametans, commonly called cardinal deacons of the Holy — ;gyius, to undertake a thorough investigation of all aman Church, quite unmincful of their own safetyand the aforesaid charges and of others likely to be

ignity, agreed to the murder of the said Violante, wife brought h dinals and the duke of

of their brother and uncle respectively, and directed, us against the two cardinals an © aue O

advised, and urged that she should be put to death. Paliano. De’ Federici and Alessandro Pallantieri,

La. fiscal procurator of the Camera, were to be fortified in the exercise of their duties by the full

range of the ecclesiastical armament—major excommunication, deprivation of churches, digni-

; . _ nd see Rom e Maio, Alfonso Carafa, . :

. ae ne Kee Benedictine, anon oAlf c ties, benefices, pensions, offices, and fiefs—when-

Cardinale di Napoli (1961), pp. 37-92, who is critical of Pan ever they might encounter recalcitrant and

IV, and inclined to defend Alfonso Carafa. unco-operative witnesses and deponents, whoever °! Ancel, in the Revue Bénédictine, XXII (1905), 530. and of whatever station they might be. The in-

748 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT terrogation of members of the Sacred College the indictment had not taken account of the elecwould take place in the presence of other cardi- tion capitulation. nals. De’ Federici would report in detail to the The younger cardinal, Alfonso, maintained a pope, who reserved for himself the right of passing quiet composure throughout the interrogations. sentence. No previous apostolic legislation, noim- He was charged with theft and forgery only. Carlo munities, privileges, indults, nothing (etiam per ca- _ was accused of an appalling array of crimes, but pitula in proximo preterito conclavi) was to impede he appealed to the election capitulation as his de-

the investigation nor to exempt the guilty from fense against arraignment for all his evil deeds

punishment.” since 7 June, 1555 (five years to the day before A second motu proprio, on 5 July (1560), des- his arrest), the date on which Paul IV had made ignated eight cardinals—Federico de’ Cesi, Bar- him a cardinal. He pled exoneration from the tolome de la Cueva, Gianmichele Saraceni, Jacopo crimes he had committed before that date (when Puteo, Gianbattista Cicada, Jean Bertrand, Giulio he was a soldier) on the basis of the brief of abdella Rovere, and Alvise Corner (Cornaro)—to — solution which had accompanied Paul’s gift of the

observe the proceedings as guarantors of justice. red hat, and had obliterated the chargeable ofThey were to take no part, however, in the trial, _fenses of his past up to the date in question. Carlo’s the conduct of which was left entirely to de’ Fede- memory was likely to fail him when the questions rici and Pallantieri, who put questions to the de- became incriminatory.

fendants and the witnesses. The defendants’ in- On 22 July Pallantieri informed Carafa in the terests were also supposed to be watched over by _ presence of the cardinals that the pope had dethe Societas charitatis Urbis, the Roman legal-aid_ clared null and void both Paul IV’s brief of absociety, whose representative was the Spaniard solution and the relevance of the election capituLuis de Torres. The trial or interrogation of the _ lation, to which Carafa responded with violent and two cardinals began on 8 July. It took place inthe not unjustified indignation. From the end of the Castel S. Angelo, and was to last a full three month the prisoners were each confined to a single months. Questions were put to the accused in cell, and visitors no longer had easy access to them.

Latin. They answered in Italian. The eight car- The grueling interrogations continued through dinals were silent observers of the judicial proce- August and most of September, and early in Ocdure, the like of which had not been seen at the tober de’ Federici presented to the pope the voCuria Romana since the trial, condemnation, and luminous procés-verbaux of the trial.% execution of Cardinal Alfonso Petrucci in 1517.%° Carlo Carafa had been indicted on some twentyAside from the fact that the judges de’ Federici two counts of criminality, heresy, and malfeaand Pallantieri were known to be enemies of the | sance, of which fourteen were considered borne Carafeschi, it would seem that neither Alfonso nor out by the evidence, including five murders. It

Carlo should have been indicted on the charges must be acknowledged that in some cases the set forth in Pius IV’s motu proprio of 1 July (1560). proofs were nebulous. Giovanni Carafa, duke of According to the election capitulation of 1559, Paliano, was accused of having ‘“‘executed”’ Marwhich all the cardinals had sworn to observe (and cello Capece, alleged lover of his wife Violante, which Pius had confirmed by a bull), members of in the castle at Soriano on the night of 26-27 [or

the Sacred College could be prosecuted only for 29-30] July, 1559, stabbing him twenty-seven heresy, schism, or treason (laesa maiestas). By an- times with a dagger.” He was also held responsible other motu proprio, however, of 10 July, the pope maintained the validity of the charges, even though 9 ——--———— 94 Ancel, in the Revue Bénédictine, XXV, 219-24.

TO °° On the ‘‘execution” of Capece, cf: Ancel, in the Revue 2 Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Vat. lat. 12,086, fols. 492 ff., Bénédictine, XXIV (1907), 497-501, and Fabio Gori, ‘Papa

formerly in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. X, tom. 197 [see Paolo IV ed i Carafa,’”’ Archivio storico, artistico, archeologico e below, note 100], the Liber Jurium, with the text givenin Pastor, _letterario, 1 (1875), 245-56, and II (1877), 47-48, from the Hist. Popes, XV, append., no. 8, pp. 396-401, and Gesch. d. _ records of the trial. Gori also gives, ibid., 11, 262-63, the twentyPapste, VII (repr. 1957), append., no. 10, pp. 633-36. On the _ two charges levelled against Carlo Carafa, of which cap. XV was charges made against the Carafeschi, see the preceding chapter, __sollicitatio classis Turcarum. Of the five murders of which he was

note 79, and on the Liber Jurium, cf., ibid., note 208. On the accused two of them were the so-called executions of Capece brief, false or otherwise, whereby Alfonso Carafa had removed and Violante. On the murders of Capece and Violante, cf. Arch. the papal jewels and money to his own quarters, see Fabio Gori, Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. XI, tom. 114, fols. 82 ff., ‘‘Papa Paolo IV ed i Carafa,”’ Archivio storico, artistico, archeologico by mod. stamped enumeration; for Capece’s “‘confession,”’

e letterario, 11 (1877), 49 ff. dated at Rocca di Soriano on Saturday evening, 29 July, 1559, %° See, above, Volume III, pp. 167-68. see, ibid., fols. 308", 309", and cf. fols. 339 ff.

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 749 for the murder of his wife Violante at Gallese on Carlo was also accused of political relations with 29 August (1559), although the deed was actually the Lutherans, especially with Albrecht, the mardone by her brother Ferrante, count of Alife,and grave of Brandenburg, one of the great troubleher uncle Leonardo de Cardena.*° Cardinals Al- makers of the mid-century. Early in 1556 Albrecht fonso and Carlo were said to have approved of had become the anti-Hapsburg ally of Henry I, Violante’s removal to protect the honor of the who had just formed his alliance with Paul IV (on house of Carafa. Indeed, it was stated that Carlo 15 December, 1555). Under the circumstances

had insisted upon it.9” negotiations between Carlo and Albrecht were in-

The election capitulation of the last conclave evitable; they had known each other for a decade had conceded that cardinals could be brought to (since 1546). Carlo and the margrave’s agent, trial for heresy, schism, and treason, and Carlo Friedrich Spedt, who had come to Rome (in 1556), Carafa was in fact soon charged with both heresy had been friends or at least acquaintances for and treason. Schism lay without the scope of his years. One must always remember Carlo’s past as interests and activities. Indifference to religion a soldier; he had once been in imperial employ in and an alleged tendency to blasphemy opened him Germany. Later he had fought for the French at up to the accusation of heresy. On one occasion, Siena. Albrecht had sought money from the Holy while in Venice, he was said to have encountered See, and had promised to put troops into the field a procession in which the host was being borne. against Charles V. With an obscene gesture toward the sacrament, When questioned about his dealings with the he was quoted as saying that he did not believe in Lutherans, Carlo’s memory failed him (20 non mi the real presence in the eucharist, and that anyone __ricordo di avere avuto lettere da Luterant), but when

who did was crazy.” it was clear that the prosecution was well supplied with documentary evidence, he did recall that

ee Spedt had spent a month in Rome. In fact Spedt, Marc’ Antonio Borghese, the father of Camillo (later Pope whom Carlo had wanted (he said) to send away Paul V), represented the Carafeschi along with six other ad- from the time he first arrived, had finally discussed vocates. He took up their defense in October, 1560 (on Marc’ his mission with the pope. They had spoken Latin, Antonio’s career, see G. de Caro, in the Dizionario biografico however, and so Silvestro Aldobrandini had served deglt italiani, XII [1970], 598-600), and tried to maintain the as go-between. Yes, there had been some discusvalidity of Carlo’s plenaria restitutio when he was made a car- _. . dinal. For his answers to the charges against Carlo, see Arm. sion of a league with the Lutherans. Carlo could XI, tom. 114, fols. 194-207, and for his plea ‘“‘pro illustrissimo not remember the details, but Spedt had made a Don Joanne Caraffa, duce Palliani,”’ ibid., fols. 266-72. . hopelessly confusing statement as to the purpose

Cech am as ctf Plane of Domenico of his mission, As for Carlo, as always, he had tologia di scienze, lettere ed arti, XIX (1872), 341-57, 538-55, ™etely carried out Paul IV's instructions. He 799-829; Fabio Gori, ‘Papa Paolo IV ed i Carafa,”’ Archivio could not remember this, and he could not re-

n rT eau- r .

storico, artistico, archeologico e letterario, II (1877), 200-6; George member that. He could recognize Spedt’s hand-

puruy, ana care rae, Pans ps pp. ares Al- writing, but not that of his own secretaries. He

phonse de Ruble Le Twa de Cateow Cambria, Fars 1889, Pp- had not trusted Spedt,

Pastor, Hist. Popes, XV, 136-38, and Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII (repr. Otto von ‘Truchsess, the cardinal of Augsburg,

1957), 110-11. had made it clear to Carlo (he said) that Spedt was °” The charges against the Carafeschi are outlined in Ancel, a scoundrel. When asked whether Spedt had writ-

in ras Revue Benédictine, XXVI (1909), 52-80. ten to him before coming to Rome, Carlo did not

Ancel, in the Revue Bénédictine, X XVI, 65-66, and see . . :

Heinrich Lutz, ed., Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, I-14 (Tu- remember having received a letter from him. bingen, 1971), introd., pp. XXIV-XXvV, and no. 139, p. 354, a When shown letters which had been found among letter of the papal nuncio Girolamo Muzzarelli to Giovanni his own papers, with annotations in his secretary's Carafa (then serving at the Vatican as interim secretary of state) hand, Carlo still did not remember. Secretaries dated at Brussels on 3 June, 1556, and esp., tbid., append., nO. were careless. They had interfiled letters of Spedt, 13, pp. 420-21, from a statement which Muzzarelli sent to ; ; , . Cardinal Carlo Borromeo in June, 1560: “L’ heresia imputata about which he knew nothing, with his own coral sudetto cardinal [Carlo Carafa] era circa il santissimo sacra- respondence. He claimed to have turned over to mento del altare, perché dicevano ch’ essend’ esso in Venetia

quand’ era in minoribus, et vedendo portare il detto sacratissimo — sacramento processionalmente, faceva la fica con le mani verso

esso sacramento dicendo, ‘io non ti credo, pazzo é chi ti crede!’ ”’ Muzzarelli had served as nuncio to Charles V at Brussels Cf. the Processo de’ Caraffi, in the appendix to L. Scara- from 1554 to 1556. He was archbishop of Conza di Campania, belli’s publication of Pietro Nores’s Guerra di Paolo IV, in the | some miles northwest of Potenza in southern Italy, from 1553

Arch. storico italiano, X11 (1847), 480-81. to 1561.

750 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the pope all the letters he had received but, of sibility, since he claimed to be the mere instrument course, the pope may have sent them back, a sec- of papal policy.

retary filed them, and he had not seen them. The prosecution blamed Carafa for exciting the De’ Federici and Pallantieri were unremitting and pope to take extreme measures in the notorious unrelenting in their questions. They had docu- affair of the Sforza galleys. They claimed, and it ments that proved him wrong, and so they could’ _was true, that he had given Henry II false assuronly assume him to be a liar “‘ex his. . . involutis ances that when French troops entered Italy (after

pr TONS» aM ry com 5 y

responsionibus et tot cavillationibus.”’ the truce of Vaucelles was broken), the pope No union was possible between the Lutheran would appoint several French partisans as cardiAlbrecht of Brandenburg and Paul IV, not even nals. They also claimed, and it was apparently not if, conceivably, German troops might have assisted true, that Carlo had concealed from the pope the the Carafeschi to acquire Siena, which was in any _ secret capitulation of Cave. We have already dealt, event unlikely. Carlo asserted, however, that the in its chronological setting, with one of the most only reason he had kept Spedt in Rome, and heard — serious charges which Carlo had to face at his him out, was that Paul IV had ordered him to do _ trial—that in the papal war with Spain he had so (al certo non I’ avrei inteso, ma l’ avrei cacciato via sought to enlist the aid of the Turk, enemy of the come un infame). However that may have been, name of Christ, against Philip II, the Catholic Spedt was not dismissed until Cardinal von Truch- _ king. sess intervened. According to the statement which Girolamo Muzzarelli, archbishop of Conza di —————

, 5 . “ your . However that may ame ¢ : P

Campania, sent Cardinal Borromeo in June (1560), 100 See, above, Chapter 16, pp. 678-79; Processo de Caraffi, Carlo Carafa’s comportment in Venice had been _ inthe Arch. stor. italiano, X11 (1847), 483-507; Ancel, in Revue a scandal to the faith. He had hobnobbed with Bénédictine, XXVI, 70-80. The chief sources for the charges Lutherans resident on the lagoon. attending their >™ousht against the Carafeschi may be found in the so-called

; . B00; i] 8 fr Liber jurium coram reverendissimo gubernatore . . . contra illu-

dinners and caling meat on F ridays AS WEL AS SCON- crrissimos et reverendissimos dominos, cardinales Carolum Carafam,

ing at the mass. Alphonsum Neapolitanum, etc., in the Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Among the more serious charges brought Vat. lat. 12,086 [formerly in the Archives as Miscellanea, Arm. against Carlo Carafa was that he had diverted Paul *» tom. 197], and in the proceedings outlined in the Arch.

IV from lesiastical affaj d ch h f Segr. Vaticano, Miscellanea, Arm. XI, tom. 114, Diverse scritture ecclestasucal affairs an@ church Terorm — concernenti la causa del Cardinale Carlo Caraffa et altri fatta dal

to the war with the Hapsburgs. Less than two governatore di Roma, vescovo di Savona {Sagona|, tanto in favore che months after Cardinals Charles de Guise and Fran- contro di essi: Capita quatuordecim articulorum pro parte fisci contra

cois de Tournon had negotiated the papal-French illustrissimum et reverendissimum Don Carolum Cardinalem Caalliance (of 15 December, 1555), Henry II had in raffam coram reverendissimo domino Hyeronimo episcopo Sagonensi,

d . di ‘ h ‘ y il Urbis gubernatore et commissario super introscriptis delictis produc-

wondrous WISe entere ; into the truce of Vaucelles torum: Almae Urbis Caritatis Societas . . ., which texts (says a with Charles V and Philip II (on 5 February, 1556) note) were “trovati nella Guardarobba.” The early folios of which, as we have seen, was likely to undo the _ this volume are crumbling, owing to the corrosive effect of the pope’s plans to expel the Spanish from Italy and _ ink. To the elucidation of these texts Dom René Ancel devoted

to frustrate Carlo’s ambition t ‘re Siena much of his scholarly career. Cf’ Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII

, : Os . Oo acquire si ; (repr. 1957), 118-19, note, on the major sources for the trial

Carlo’s devious diplomacy, however, had soon of Carlo, Alfonso, and Giovanni Carafa, Ferrante Garlonio and

done away with the truce of Vaucelles, plunging Leonardo de Cardena. the Holy See into the disastrous war with Spain, Carlo Carafa maintained of course that he had requested aid and the prosecution now accused Carafa of being of the Turks because of the verbal orders which Paul IV had

; - . given him. Also, concerned for the well-being of Italy, he de-

the auctor b ella, treguae fi ractae sollicitator, AS indeed clared at his trial, ‘‘Nel fine mi ristrinsi a dire che le difese non he was. Having seized all Carafa’s papers, de’ Fede- __ si possono far sanza offesa, et che questa richiedeva cosi armate

rici and Pallantieri were well equipped to prove come eserciti, onde io vedeva di lontano che il re di Francia the charge, although in the interests of the Holy faccendo per terra quello che ei pud, et che gia si sente vorrebbe See they were careful to free from blame Paul IV forse servirsi dell’ armata Turchescha a fine di non restare on whom by and large Carafa fixed the YespON- _ necessaria in questa impresa, et che a questa sua volonta io non

y > inferiore in mare, ch’ é cosa di tanto momento et totalmente vedeva come poi sua Santita potesse obviare con tutto il di-

—_—______ spiacer’ che ne havesse a presa sentire, massimamente havendo il re questa guerra a difesa della Chiesa di Dio et della Sede °° Cf. Ancel, in the Revue Bénédictine, XX VI, 66-70, and refs. Apostolica, et servendosi il re d’ Inghilterra di molto maggiori

to Lutz, Nuntiaturberichte, in the preceding note; Processo nimici di essa, quali sono gl’ heretici . . .”’ (Cod. Vat. lat. de’ Caraffi, in the Arch. storico italiano, XII, 461-82; Fabio Gori, 12,086, fol. 215, by original numeration). On Monsignore della in the Archivio storico, artistico, archeologico e letterario della citta Vigna and the Turks, note, ibid., fol. 212.

e provincia di Roma, 1 (1875), 228-33. On 2 January (1557) Carafa wrote from France, ‘‘Scrissi alli

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 751 After the prosecution (ad offesam) the Carafeschi tion was not unlike that of Leo X who, after the

could, with their attorneys, prepare for their de- Petrucci conspiracy, had created no fewer than fense (ad difesam) which, considering the time _ thirty-one cardinals (on 1 July, 1517). The recipspans allotted for the purpose, must have extended _ ients of Pius’s new hats included several opponents

to about 20 November (1560). The trial was over and no fautors of the Carafeschi.

by the following 15 January.'°' Among their at- For months Philip II had remained silent, retorneys was Marc’ Antonio Borghese, whose son _ luctant to commit himself with regard to the trial Camillo was to become Pope Paul V (1605-1621). going on at the Curia, although he finally made Marc’ Antonio was a “‘consistorial doctor’? and a lukewarm recommendation to the pope for clemadvocatus pauperum. The attorneys could dispute ency. His letter was brought to Rome on Saturday, the charges against their clients, on certain occa- 1 March, by which time (as Philip had probably sions at least, in the presence of the pope and the assumed) the die had already been cast.'°* At a cardinals assigned to the case. The defendants memorable consistory held on the following Monwere not admitted to these sessions. On the whole day, 3 March, at the instance of the fiscal procuthe defense took the form of written statements, rator Pallantieri, the pope directed de’ Federici, of which ten were presented to the pope and car-_ the governor of Rome, to read the statement of dinals on Carlo Carafa’s behalf, and six or eight the case against Cardinal Carafa. According to the for his brother Giovanni, who had merely de-_ consistorial record, it took from noon to 7:00 P.M.,

fended his honor in the murders of Capece and after which the pope pronounced sentence, and Violante. The attorneys emphasized the flimsiness brought the consistory to a close.'°* Cardinal Borof the evidence adduced against Carlo. It was, they romeo, to whom we shall return in a moment, was

said, largely hearsay; the witnesses against him present at the consistory. In the postscript to a were mostly low-born laymen; furthermore, he letter dated 4—6 March (1561), he wrote Gian had acted in important matters always and only Francesco Commendone, bishop of Zante and pa-

on the orders of Paul IV. pal nuncio in Germany, that de’ Federici’s pre-

While the Spanish ambassador Francisco de _ sentation of the “‘relatione”’ of the case against the Vargas worked hard for his friend Carlo Carafa, Carafeschi had lasted from about 11:00 A.M. to the count of Tendilla, who left Rome at the end 8:00 p.m.!!° of December, had sided with Guido Ascanio Pius IV pronounced sentence “‘according to the Sforza and the Colonnesi, who were determined docket,” prout in cedula. Although the sentences to destroy the Carafeschi. Although, as time went against the defendants were given in sealed texts, on, the Roman populace tended to get tired of the everyone at the consistory realized that the pope’s long-drawn-out trial, tensions increased at the decision had been the penalty of death. Pius had Curia. Suddenly on 26 February, 1561, Pius IV spent hours and days studying transcripts of the created eighteen (or nineteen) cardinals, largely testimony of both the defendants and the witto bolster his position in the consistory.'°* His ac- nesses. Five cardinals rose immediately—Rodolfo

ventisette che sua Maesta Christianissima haveva mandato a_ (1923), 38-39; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 129sollecitare |’ armata del Turco, et per Piemonte voleva di piu 30. The nineteenth cardinal, Daniele Barbaro, was held in pecsei mila Suizzeri et quattro mila Franzesi per havervi venti- tore, and seems never to have been publicly recognized. cinque mila fanti’’ (ibid., fol. 321"). On the charge that Carafa '°° Philip II’s letter, which arrived in Rome on 1 March, was ‘‘armatam Turcharum sollicitaverit contra Imperiales,’’ see also dated at Toledo on 11 February, 1561 (Dollinger, Beitrage, I Arm. XI, tom. 114, fols. 128 ff., by mod. stamped enumeration. [1862], 353). He wrote Pius IV that “. . . en las causas que A letter, written by Pietro Strozzi to the duke of Palianoon ahi se tratan de los Cardenales Carrafa y Napoles. . . sé cierto 23 July, 1557, was produced at the trial, relating to Jean de la = que vuestra Santidad no dejara de usar con ellos lo que suele Vigne, ‘‘che fu mandato all’ armata Turchesca:” ‘‘Monsignor _ por su acostumbrada bondad y benignidad{[!].’’ Philip also wrote

della Vigna fo espedito et se parti, et torno a replicare a vostra’ Vargas on the same date, sending him a copy of the letter to Signoria illustrissima che questo maneggio col Turco € stimato __ the pope.

da sua Maesta Christianissima sopra ogn’ altracosa. . .” (Fabio '°4 The text of the consistorial record has been published by Gori, in the Archivio storico, artistico, archeologico e letterario, 1 Pastor, Hist. Popes, XV, append., no. 13, p. 403, and Gesch. d.

[1875], 233-35). Papste, VII (repr. 1957), append., no. 19, p. 639. The consistory

'°l Of. the Acta Consistorialia, in the Acta Miscellanea, Reg. of 3 March (1561) was a long one, and a lot of work got done,

34, fol. 103", by mod. stamped enumeration. as revealed by the entries given under that date in the Acta

102 Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, fols. | Consistorialia, in the Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, fols. 107°106"—107°; Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Tri- 109”, where (oddly enough) there is no reference to de’ Fededent., II, 351-52; Firmanus, Diaria caeritmonialia, ibid., 11, 540; __ rici’s detailing of the charges against Carlo Carafa.

Van Gulik, Eubel, Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, I '? For the text, see below, note 109.

752 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Pio of Carpi, Alessandro Farnese, Ippolito d’ Este, papal prison, the Tor di Nona, which was to be Tiberio Crispi, and Jacopo Savelli—and came be- torn down about the year 1600, the last remains fore the pope. They implored him to suspend the being swept away in the demolitions along the sentence against Carlo. Nothing which had been Lungotevere in 1887. The Tor di Nona stood revealed at the trial justified an extreme penalty. near the south end of the Ponte S. Angelo. GioThe evidence had all been conjectures and as- vanni’s brother-in-law Ferrante Garlonio, count sumptions. The pope replied that he would obey _ of Alife, and Don Leonardo de Cardena had been the divine law, and withdrew from the consistory. removed from the Castello with him. All three On Wednesday, 5 March, at the fifth hour of | were beheaded, Giovanni first, between 4:00 and the night (about 12:00 P.M.) the bargello or papal 6:00 A.M. (on 6 March), in the small courtyard of chief of police, Gasparino de Melis, went to Car- _ the three-storey Torre. The cells in the old prison dinal Carafa’s cell in the Castel S. Angelo. Carafa bore such names as Inferno, Paradiso, Purgatorio, was awakened. Although he had been informed la Monachina, and La Zoppetta. Earlier on, the of his condemnation to death the day before, he duke of Paliano had been confined in the Tor di had apparently not believed it. When the bargello | Nona for some forty days. His cell was long known

said that he had come to see to the execution of as “‘la Paliana.’’ The duke had faced death, says the sentence, Carafa asked ten times, ‘““Iamtodie? Pietro Nores, “‘con grandissima constanza, e degna So the pope wants me to die?’”’ When it was finally veramente della qualita e della nobilta della sua made clear to him that his last hour had come, he _casa.’’!®” Indeed, nothing in his life became him still asked, “I, who have not confessed to anything, like the leaving it.

am to die?’ He called upon all those present to bear witness that he pardoned the pope, the king

of Spain, the governor of Rome, the fiscal proc- ‘on . oe urator, and his other enemies. Then he turned Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, in the Arch. storico italiano, XII

to th ‘est j d A di (1847), 297-98, whose account, however, is otherwise inacO tie pries n atten ance. “According tO ON€ curate. Giovanni Carafa had addressed a letter to Pius IV from account his confession was an hour long. After the Tor di Nona on 17 January, 1561 (bid., pp. 456-58). A reciting the seven penitential psalms, he was stran- _ few hours (not one hour) before his death he had written a gled at an hour or more after midnight. The con- _ touching letter to his young son Diomede, marquis of Cave (pp.

temporary reports are at odds with one another, 428-60), which he dated “I’ ultimo aT al di questa fallace

Th€ful forman f stranculation i id vita, che sono li cinque di marzo 1561, alle cinque hore di woelul periormance of strangulation Is sal notte”’ (i.e., about midnight). On the failure of the Carafeschi’s

to have required a full half-hour, for the execu- defense, the death sentences, and the executions, see esp. Ancel, tioner’s cord broke twice, and he ended up by _ in the Revue Bénédictine, XXVI, 189-220, and Pastor, Hist. using a bed sheet.!°° With the death of Carlo Ca- Popes, XV, 147-73, with append., nos. 9-18, pp. 401-9, and fa th . . f dinal h Gesch. d. Padpste, VII (repr. 1957), 118-37, with append., nos. Fata tie seeming Immunity Of Car WMalNEPNews 13-15, 18-24, pp. 637-43. Cf. also Fabio Gori, in the Archivio from being called to account for their conduct of storico, artistico, archeologico e letterario, 11 (1877), 302-8. affairs in the Vatican secretariate of state had come Although Pastor quite rightly attaches much importance to

to an end. the letter of 8 March (1561) from Francesco Tonina, the Man-

Carlo’s brother Giovanni, still called the duke '¥2 ambassador in Rome, to Duke Guglielmo Gonzaga, It conof Paliano, had already been removed from the dealing with the four executions. For example, Giovanni Carafa Castello, and taken across the Tiber to the old _ himself fixed the time he wrote the letter to his son “‘at the

. tains obvious inaccuracies like all the contemporary reports fifth hour” (midnight) on 5 March (see above), and yet Tonina, who claimed to have got his information directly from the bargello Gasparino de Melis (come eglt stesso ha narrato di bocca), says

106 Cf the letter of 7 March (1561) from Marc’ Antonio da that Gasparino went “alle cinque hore di notte [midnight] Mula, Venetian ambassador in Rome (and later cardinal), to. . . primieramente al Cardinale Caraffa, il quale dormeva. the Signoria in Pastor, Gesch. d. Padpste, VII (repr. 1957), ap- . . .”’ Considering Carlo’s protests, his long confession, his recpend., no. 22, p. 640, but note the other use of the sheet (Jen-_itation of the psalms, and the half-hour bungling of the stranzuolo) mentioned in the avviso of 8 March, ibid., VII, append., _—_ gulation, it must have taken at least two hours to effect his

no. 24, p. 642. The sentences of death pronounced against execution. After this, says Tonina, the bargello and the police Giovanni Carafa, Ferrante Garlonio, and Leonardo de Car- —“‘andorno poi al duca di Palliano, qual condussero in Torre di dena, all dated 4 March, 1561, may be found in Fabio Gori, Nona... ,” but (Tonina continues) since Giovanni wanted ‘Paolo IV ed i Carafa,” Archivio storico, artistico, archeologico e to write letters to his son (and his sister), they took him back letterario, 11 (1877), 259-61. Gori did not succeed in finding into his cell at the Castel S. Angelo, where he composed the (in the Arch. di Stato di Roma) the text of the death sentence _ two time-consuming letters, and “‘poi fu condutto a Torre di passed against Carlo Carafa (and I do not know that it hasever Nona” (Pastor, VII, append., no. 23, p. 641). been found). The formulation of Carlo’s sentence remains un- According to Tonina’s timetable, these letters could not have known. His brief appeal to the pope ‘‘da Castello di Santo An- _ been written before 2:00 A.M., but we know they were written gelo li IIIf de Marzo del ’61”’ is the last text given in Cod. Vat. at midnight. Also Giovanni Carafa, the count d’ Alife, and de

lat. 12,086, fol. 583. Cardena were taken to the Torre before, not after, the exe-

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 753 Less adroit as the cardinal-nephew than Ales- Everyone associated with the Carafeschi had sandro Farnese, more immoral than his friend seemed to be in danger. Cardinal Scipione Rebiba Vitellozzo Vitelli, Carlo Carafa had lived a violent had been arrested on 7 February, and was only life, and now he had died a violent death. The freed from imprisonment a full year later (on 31 enemy of Spain, he had tried to become the friend January, 1562).''° Even Nicola Barone was of the Hapsburgs; the friend of France, he had dropped from the Sistine Chapel, because he had become the enemy of the Valois. Untrustworthy been a familiar of Carlo Carafa. Another Carafa, himself, he seems too easily to have placed his trust the scholarly young Antonio, lost his canonry in in others: ‘‘nel principio si fidd troppo degli S. Peter’s, and fled for his life, but was to be reamici,’ as Nores observes, “‘nel fine si fido6 troppo warded for his suffering with a cardinal’s hat by de’ nemici.’’'°® He had used great power dishon- Pius V Ghislieri (on 24 March, 1568). Antonio was

estly; his trial had been conducted unjustly. Pius to become one of the better-known librarians of IV’s austere nephew, Carlo Borromeo, who was the Vatican. His imprisoned cousin, Cardinal Alfamiliar with all the testimony given in Carlo’slong fonso, escaped condemnation by giving up the trial, apparently agreed with the papal sentence ‘“‘regency”’ of the Apostolic Camera, and impovof death. As he wrote Commendone, in the letter erished himself by trying to pay a fine of 100,000 alluded to above, if Pius could have employed his gold scudi. Alfonso was released from the Castel usual kindness of heart in the case of the Cara- S. Angelo on 2 April (1561). After living for alfeschi, he would have done so gladly. But the enor- most a year and a half under hardship and appremity of their crimes was such that he had no al- hension, however, another misfortune gave him ternative to a severity that belied his nature.'°” the courage to flee from Pius IV’s control. During the eventful night of 11-12 August,

. . 1562, while Rome was under heavy guard because ; er Bericht.’’ life of Pius IV,theaVenetian French authentische On the other hand, am- ; notary of the Camera

cution of Cardinal Carlo. So much for the accuracy of the ac- of rumors that an attempt would be made on the count which Pastor, VII, 135, note, regards as ‘‘deram meisten ;. .

bassador Marc’ Antonio da Mula, who seems well informed Apostolica was arrested, one Jean de Save, whose concerning the details of Carlo’s execution (as confirmed from papers were seized. Among these papers a stateother sources) mistakenly places his execution after that of ment was found which had been signed by Carlo Giovanni, Ferrante Garlonio, and de Cardena (ibid., VII, ap- Carafa and (it was said) also by Alfonso, whereby pend., no.executions 22, pp. 639-41, letter at as Rome onJean 7 March, du Gean Bell O d ftnethe S onesge, d Coll na had 1561). The of the last threedated are fixed to time Gu Dellay, acre (Arch. d. S. Giovanni Decollato, Giustiziati, III, fol. 169”, cited promised the two Carafeschi twelve cardinals, by Pastor, VII, 136-37, note 1): ‘‘dalle hore nove sino a hore 12,000 scudi, and confirmation of the duchy of XI incircha giovedi addi 6 di marzo... . .”’ Cf. Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I1, 352-53; Firmanus,

Diaria caerimonialia, ibid., 11, 540, who had paid a sad visit to Cardinal Carlo, who was glad to see him, on 18 January (1561), tere di principi, vol. XXII, fols. 244-245", by mod. stamped ‘‘et detinuit me in prandio secum”’ (II, 539); Dollinger, Beitrdge, | enumeration): ‘‘Lunedi, che fu a li 3 del presente, Nostro Si-

I, no. 97, pp. 354-55. gnore fece riferir in concistorio secreto dal governatore di Roma

Concerning the Tor di Nona I might add that it was the _ la causa di questi signori Carafi, et la relatione duro da le 16 possession of the Orsini, perhaps in the later thirteenth and _ hore [about 11:00 A.M.] fin a un’ hora di notte [8:00 P.M.], la certainly in the fourteenth century, when it was probably the qual finita sua Santita pronuntio prout in cedula. Hieri poi sua Torre dell’ Annona, for in 1347 Giordano Orsini was the prae- _ Santita sottoscrisse la sententia, la qual diceva che traderentur fectus Annonae. On the left bank of the Tiber, the Torre was curiae seculari, et cosi questa notte passata [of 5-6 March] la well situated to receive grain and other products, which could __ giustitia li ha fatti morire, cio é il Cardinale Carafa, il Duca di be stored in the adjoining warehouses. From the first decade __Paliano, il Conte d’ Alife, et Don Leonardo di Cardine. Se of the fifteenth century it had, on occasion at least, been used _Nostro Signore havesse potuto in questo caso usar la solita sua as a papal prison, and was popularly known as ‘‘la presone de __ benignita et misericordia, |’ haverebbe fatto volentieri, ma la lo papa.”’ The Torre having been demolished about 1600, the — grandezza de |i delitti loro ha sforzato sua Santita a uscir da la lower part of the structure and its annexes were remade later natura sua. Die VI Marti.” on, into an inn with adjoining shops and a large hayloft, which In the journal of his student days in Italy the young Philipp was itself converted into a theater by Carlo Fontana in 1669— Eduard Fugger, scion of the Augsburg banking family, noted 1670, the first opera house in Rome. The theater burned in — under the date 5 March (1561) the executions of the Carafeschi, 1781, but was replaced by the “‘Apollo,’”’ which lasted for many _ the count d’ Alife, and Don Leonardo de Cardena (Paolo Picyears, and was finally cleared away in 1887 (see Emma Amadei, _colomini, “‘Ricordi di Filippo Edoardo Fugger,”’ in the Arch. Le Torri di Roma, Rome, 1969, pp. 58-62). One of the most __ stortco italiano, 5th ser., XLII [1908], 366). striking and long-remembered dramas ever enacted on the spot 110 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., I, was that which took place during the early morning hours of 351; Firmanus, Diarta caerimonialia, ibid., 11, 539; Panvinio, De

Thursday, 6 March, 1561. creatione Pui IV, ibid., 11, 593; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr.

108 Nores, Guerra di Paolo IV, p. 299. 1957), 138-39. Rebiba was present at the consistory held on '9 In the postscript to the letter dated at Rome on 4-6 Wednesday, 18 March, 1562 (Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, fol.

March, L561, Carlo Borromeo had written Commendone (Let- —-135").

754 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Paliano, if they could manage to get the tiara for in the grim courtyard of the Tor di Nona. Carlo him. If genuine, which one may doubt, the doc- had also been charged with heresy and treasonable ument must have related to the conclave of 1559. correspondence with the Turks. Even the grand Du Bellay had been dead since February, 1560, inquisitor Michele Ghislieri (later Pius V) did not and Carlo since March, 1561, but poor Alfonso take the charge of heresy against Carlo seriously, remained for questioning and for punishment. He however, and being in fact a friend and fautor of was then at Bauco (now called Boville Ernica, six Paul IV, Ghislieri was to restore the reputation of miles east of Frosinone), a little signory which Pius _ the Carafeschi and the fortunes of their family to

had given him as a place to stay. the extent he could.'’* The evidence which Gi-

Summoned to Rome, Alfonso fled to S. Ger- rolamo de’ Federici and Alessandro Pallantieri mano (now Cassino), over the border in the king- had employed against Carlo was on the whole dom of Naples. From there he went to the little rather tenuous hearsay. town of S. Angelo a Scala, a Carafa fief southeast The charge that Carlo Carafa had appealed to of Montesarchio, and appealed to Philip Il, who the Porte directly and through France for assistook him under royal protection. In late October tance against the Spanish had been well founded, (1562), with the support of Don Pedro de Rivera, however, and had doubtless meant a good deal to duke of Alcala, Alfonso took possession of the Cardinal Giannangelo, who had abhorred Paul’s cathedral of Naples, to which Paul IV had ap-

pointed him (in April, 1557). In Naples Alfonso He Pact a - . devoted himself to study and to a serious if short- _ Gf. Fabio Gori, “Paolo IV e 1 Carafa,” Archivio storico, . . . . artistico, archeologico e letterario, II (1877), 317-21. Pius V was

lived effort to effect reform in his archdiocese, but slow to take action against Pallantieri, and it looked for a while

he died at the age of twenty-five (on 29 August, as though he were not going to do so. The former fiscal 1565) without even the satisfaction of outliving his _procurator, who had risen to more elevated posts (serving as

persecutor Pius [1V3!! governor of Rome [1563-1566] and governor of the March Gi lo de’ Medici Pius IV. had b of Ancona [1567-—1569]), was finally arrested, however, and

lannangelo de Medici, NOW TUS LV, Nac DEeN held for trial in 1569. Pallantieri was charged with the falsifiamong the last of the seventy-odd cardinals cre- cation of evidence and the concealment of documents favorable ated by Paul III. He had received the coveted hat to Carlo Carafa. He was put to death in 1571 (cf. Merkle, Conc.

in Paul’s twelfth promotion (of 8 April, 1549, Tricent. 1. note). , . see Bibl. Apost. _ nas Pallantieri’s trial335, and execution, Bibl. Apost. Vat Vati-

we have noted above), and had thus been a mem- God, Urb. lat. 1042, fols. 38, 39, 59°, 66, and 67°, the ber of the Sacred College for a full decade before last reference being to an avviso dated at Rome on 6 June, 1571: his election. He had lived through the costly papal ‘Questa sera s’ é detto per cosa certa che ’] Palantiero é stato participation in the war of Parma, and had appre- condotto in Torre di Nona, et che ivi li sera troncato il capo, ciated Julius IIl’s decision to remain neutralinthe & P® la matina mostrato in publico,”’ and note, ibid., fol. 7, ar of Siena. As a cardinal Giannangelo had been 2” avviso dated at Rome on 9 June: “‘Mercordi fu degradato il

war o c a. Sa ca , 5 Oo . Palantiero, gia governator di Roma, et la sera gli fu denuntiata

appalled by his predecessor s venture into war with jg morte, et la notte a 6 hore gli fu tagliata la testa nel luoco

Spain. On various occasions he had protested ove fu tagliata al duca di Paliano. . . ,” with an assessment against it, risking imprisonment in the Castel S. of Pallantieri’s character on fol. 71”. Furthermore, according Angelo. In retrospect it became clear that he had ‘?? dispatch from Rome of 20 June, fol. 74", “Tutti li beni del . Palantiero sono stati confiscati, che importano 20 m. scudi, et grown to hate Paul IV and the self-seeking Ca- sono fuori editti che ognuno debba revelare i crediti et beni rafeschi. With the exterior amiability, for which he — del detto Palantiero. . . .”” The proceeds realized by the sale

was well-known, Giannangelo had cheerfully of Pallantieri’s property were given to the Inquisition (fols.

watched Carlo Carafa help to engineer his election 85'-86").

‘n the | f the | i f th The process of exoneration of Cardinal Carlo Carafa of cer-

in the last stages of the longest conclave of the tain of the charges made against him was begun by Pius V

century. Ghislieri in November, 1566 (cf Luciano Serrano, ed., Corre-

Four of the five defendants in the Carafa trial, spondencia diplomatica entre Espana y la Santa Sede durante el being charged with murder, had paid with their pontificado de S. Pio V, 4 vols., Madrid, 1914, I, no. 152, p. 388, lives. Carlo in the Castel S. Angelo. the otherthree 2 letter of the Spanish ambassador Luis de Requesens to Philip

? ° & ? II, dated at Rome on 14 November, 1566); note also, idid., no.

162, p. 412, and II (also 1914), nos. 27, 56, 69, 87, 90, and 103, pp. 74-75, 151, 181, 218-19, 224-25, 264. On 13 Oc‘1! Romeo de Maio, Alfonso Carafa, Cardinale di Napoli tober, 1567, Requesens wrote Philip that Pius V had just pro(1961), pp. 90-117, 127 ff., 197-203, and on Alfonso’s fine nounced his ‘‘sentence”’ in favor of the Carafeschi (abid., II, no. of 100,000 scudi of gold, cf: Fabio Gori, in the Archivio storico, 90, pp. 224-25). The exoneration, however, did not include

artistico, archeologico e letterario, II (1877), 311-12, and Fir- those directly responsible for the murder of the duchess of manus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 11, 541, Paliano, on which see Filippo Gauttieri, ““La Revisione del proentry for 2 April, 1561. On 23 September (1561) Innocenzo __ cesso Carafa sotto il pontificato di S. Pio V,” Arch. della Societa del Monte was also released, ‘“‘et spoliatus a multis abbatiis et romana di storia patria, LILII-LV (1930-32), 3775-84, who adds

beneficiis”’ (2bid., II, 542). an important document to the copious file on the Carafeschi.

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 755 anti-Spanish policy. Much of Germany had been Pius had already responded favorably to the lost to the Church. Scandinavia could not be re-__request of the Signoria for the nomination of a claimed; England had drifted away; Bohemia, Venetian noble, Filippo Mocenigo, to the archiHungary, and Transylvania were teeming with episcopal see of Nicosia, and had himself in a religious dissidents. The Huguenots were strong rather unusual gesture presented the name of in France. Why should the Holy See—through the Mocenigo to the consistory on 13 March, 1560,

cardinal-nephew Carlo Carafa—turn to the Turks on which date the latter had been duly apfor armed assistance against Spain, the most Cath- pointed.'’* At the same consistory Cardinal

olic power in Europe? Georges d’ Armagnac also presented, at the re-

Pius IV had been a mild “imperialist,” and Phil- quest of Duke Giovanni IV Crispo of Naxos ip II had supported his candidacy from the ear- (1517-1564), the name of the Benedictine Stefano liest days of the conclave. In line with his disap- Gattilusio for appointment as bishop of the island proval of Paul IV’s policy Pius had, as we have _ of Melos, a suffragan see of Naxos, to succeed the seen, recognized Ferdinand’s accession to the em- __ late Giorgio Castagnola, a Dominican, the date of pire shortly after his election. Paul’s refusal to ac- whose death is unknown.!"” cept Ferdinand’s right to succeed Charles V could In the bull conceding the right of nomination well have created dissension within the empire, to the archbishopric of Nicosia to the Venetian

and exposed Austria to Turkish attack. state, the pope was to refer to the “‘lovely islands”’ (amoenae insulae) of the Aegean, and he was look-

The Turks were to be the great problem of Pius ing eastward when on 19 June, 1560, the consisIV’s last year, when they attacked the island of tory met in its accustomed place for the usual conMalta. Like his predecessors, however, Pius won- firmation of ecclesiastical appointments. On this dered and worried about them even when their occasion Cardinal Federico de’ Cesi presented the armies were not invading Hungary and their ar- mame of Marco Grimani, a priest of Tenos, for madas were not attacking the Italian coasts. With appointment as bishop of the combined island sees words of praise for Venice early in his reign Pius of Tenos and Mykonos to replace the late Aleslamented inter anxias apostolatus nostri sollicitudines sandro Scutarini.'!® the religious obstinacy and factional differences in Greece and elsewhere in the Levant which had 9 —————— exposed the lovely islands, populous cities, and xy Kalendas lanuarii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. The same even whole kingdoms to Turkish devastation. The date appears in the Lucca edition of Raynaldus, XV (1756), Venetians had, however, maintained ‘“‘invincible —198a, and in R. Predelli, Regesti dea Commemoriali, VI (1903),

forces” (invicta militiae . . . vexilla) on both land °- 72, P- 298, and so it is presumably accurate. Contrary

. . . . . therefore to Raynaldus, loc. cit., and to Sir George Hill, A History

and sea in the Levant, especially in the island king- of Cyprus, III (1948), 1099, Filippo Mocenigo could not have dom of Cyprus, which lay in the farthest waters _ been appointed archbishop of Nicosia ‘‘in accordance with this of the eastern Mediterranean, a target for Turkish privilege,” for Mocenigo’s nomination had already been con-

. . ; , Reg. 34, fols.

arms. firmed in the consistory on 13 March, 1560, on which see the Cyprus was the haunt of merchants, a source "Ape and the folowing noes

of wealth, a land of fertile fields, and a stopping- = 75, 77%: “Die Mercurii XIII Martii 1560 fuit consistorium place for pilgrims on their way to the Holy Land. © secretum in loco solito [i.e., in the Aula Consistorii Secreti, on The sturdy sons of the Republic not only guarded __ which ¢-, above, note 87]. . . . Referente sanctissimo domino the ports and fortresses, but also the churches, and = "°Stre [usually cardinals introduced motions for ecclesiastical . . . . : appointments], Sanctitas sua providit ecclesie metropolitane especially the metrop olitan see of Nicosia, which Nicosiensi in regno Cipri vacanti per obitum bone memorie was in the hands of Venetian prelates. Acknowl- — Cesaris [Podocathari] extra Romanam Curiam defuncti de peredging, therefore, their rights as well as their re- sona domini Philippi Mocenici, nobilis Veneti. . . .” Cf Van

sponsibilities, Pius granted the Venetians ‘‘hence- ee and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, forth the right of appointment (@ us p atronatus 115 Mierarchia catholica, W1, 243, where the date 1550 is an . . . pro tempore existenti) to the archiepiscopacy of error for 1560, on which cf. Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, fol. 76’. Nicosia. The Signoria was to submit to Pius and On the long rule of Giovanni IV Crispo as duke of Naxos or to his SUCCESSOTrS the name of an appropriate per: nana te see Wm. Miller, Latins in the Levant, London, son within six months of each vacancy mm the see. 18 Atta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. 34, fol. 88°: ‘. . . Referente reverendissimo Cesio, sanctissimus dominus noster providit ecclesiis Timarum [sic] et Minocarum [sic], in"8 The bull is dated 19 December, 1560 (Raynaldus, Annales — sularum maris Aegei, invicem unitis vacantibus per obitum ecclesiastict, XXI-2 [Rome, 1677], ad ann. 1560, no. 91), datum bone memorie Alexandri Scutarini de persona domini Marci Romae apud Sanctum Petrum anno Incarnationis Dominicae MDLX, | Grimani, presbyteri Tinarum. . . .”” Action would seem al-

756 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Although lesser ecclesiastics sought episcopal The Latin Church in Cyprus had been in a parstatus, and were happy to accept nomination to _ lous state ever since its first establishment in the the island bishoprics of the Aegean, they were _ years following the conquest of the island by Richoften loath to reside in their sees. They preferred ard the Lionhearted (in 1191) and his grant of to live in Rome, Venice, or some other urban cen-_ the Cypriote throne to Guy de Lusignan in the ter, appointing vicars to their churches, and col- following year. Anxious for the introduction of lecting such slender revenues as they could. Livio Catholicism into Cyprus, Guy’s brother and sucPodocataro, for example, whose handsome tomb cessor Amaury (1194-1205), romanam ecclesiam by Jacopo Sansovino may still be seeninthe church caput et magistram ecclesiarum omnium recognoscens,

of S. Sebastiano in Venice, became archbishop of had sought the assistance of Celestine III, who by Nicosia (on 5 October, 1524), but he had no in- a bull of 13 December, 1196, had confirmed the tention of living in the land of his forebears. In rights and properties of the newly-named arch-

1552 he surrendered the see of Nicosia to his bishop of Nicosia, which rights and properties brother Cesare, a Knight of S. John of Jerusalem. were to remain ‘‘permanent and undiminished” The popes and the Tridentine fathers had been (firma. . . et illibata) for his successors. There trying with indifferent success to require bishops were to be a few suffragan sees under Nicosia, in Europe to reside in their dioceses. Residence namely Paphos, Limassol, and Famagusta,''? which was much less attractive in the Latin East, and_ was still the arrangement when the Turks took when Nicosia, the primatial see of Cyprus, could over. The Latin Church has never taken easy root not hold its archbishop, '"” the little island sees in Greek soil, however, neither in Cyprus nor in could hardly be expected to do so. It was, however, continental Greece, the Morea, and the Aegean the merit of Filippo Mocenigo that he did take up _ islands. his residence in Nicosia, and made every effort to The absenteeism of the Latin bishops kept the reform the church. By the time the Venetian prov- Church in a state of sad enfeeblement. Devouring veditore Bernardo Sagredo had established him- most of the revenues available for religious purself in Cyprus, two or three years after Mocenigo’s poses, the Latins also kept the Greek Church imappointment, the new archbishop had achieved a__poverished without much enhancing their own surprising success. There were frequent masses position. The mingling of Greeks and Latins under Mocenigo’s regime, whereas previously caused the commingling of their creeds. The rewhen the Venetian rettori had gone to mass, it had _ sult was a strange “‘fusion, a confusion”’ worse con-

often been necessary to scout around to find a_ founded, which went on for generations although priest.''® Mocenigo was, however, the last Latin the Greeks, especially in Cyprus, had recourse to archbishop of Nicosia, for the Catholic archiepis- revolt from time to time, and never lost their recopacy ceased to exist in Cyprus when the Turks sentment of the invaders. Despite the Greeks’ re-

occupied the island in 1570. jection of the decree of union of the Council of Ferrara-Florence (of 6 July, 1439), there remained

—————__—— some befuddlement in the minds of simple folk, ready to have been taken on Grimani’s appointment to Tenos which still manifests itself here and there in some and Mykonos on 15 February, 1559 (Van Gulik, Eubel, and Odd church buildings in the islands, especially in

Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, III, 313). Cyprus and in Chios. 7 Cf. Van Gulik, Eubel, Schmitz-Kallenberg, III, 258; G. In the village of Kalopanayiotis in western Cy-

, ; L. de Mas Latrie, Hist. de I’ ile de Chypre, 4 vols., Paris, .. ;

Fedato, fa Chiesa latina in Oriente, 3 vols., Verona, 1973-78, prus, in the upper valley of the Marathassa on the 1852-1873, repr. Famagusta, 1970, III, 542-45, from the re- road from Lefka to Troddos, one may still find port to the Venetian Signoria of Bernardo Sagredo, provveditore the old monastic church of S. John Lampadistes

generale RYprus (1902-1564), and I> 788 0; Jom ae which, ‘‘as seems often to have been the case in Sophia of Nicosia,” Byzantion, V-2 ( 9 99-30), nos. 137-40, pp. mediaeval times in the Levant, is divided into two 490-91; and esp. Hill, Hist. Cyprus, HI, 1096 ff. On the archbishops of Nicosia, see J. Hackett, A History of the Orthodox Church

of Cyprus, London, 1901, repr. New York, 1972, pp. 537-64. "9 Mas Latrie, Hist. de l’ ile de Chypre, U1, 599-605, bulls of '18 Cf. Sagredo’s report to the Venetian government in Mas 21 February and 13 December, 1196, the first being misdated Latrie, Hist. de l’ ile de Chypre, III, 542-43: “‘La prima [chiesa_ _ by Mas Latrie, who forgot that 1196 was a leap year. The few di Cypro| é 1!’ arcivescovato di Nicosia, chiesa tanto ben redotta _ suffragan sees were designated in the bull of 13 December (ibid.,

da questo arcivescovo [Mocenigo] quanto si puo desiderare, __p. 602): “‘Episcopatus quoque inferius annotatos, videlicet Paoltra che vi son molte messe, che per avanti li clarissimi rettori, | phensem, Limichoniensem [Limosiensem] et Famaugustanum, molte volte, quando andavano a messa, bisognava che man- __ tibi tuisque successoribus statuimus esse de cetero metropolitico

dassero cercando qualche prete!’’ jure subjectos.”’

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 757 separate chapels appropriated to the two forms of — where they had dinner, ‘“‘et cum gratiarum actione

Christianity. . . , the Latin chapel on the north, manducavimus.” The day was oppressively hot, and the Orthodox church on the south. . . .”!*° On _ leaving the house of the Greek who had fed them, the whole, however, this seeming juncture of the _ they took refuge in the nearby Greek church. two rites was largely a matter °r the Latins jot nae While we were sitting in the church, a certain cleric

-,

the Greeks who, comprising the large majority OF came in, and spoke to us in the Latin language. ‘‘What the population of Cyprus, had no intention of giv- are you doing,” he asked, ‘‘in the Greek church? Nearby ing way to the foreign intruders. Greek peasants is another church, a Latin church of your own rite, in and shopkeepers might have little or no knowl- which you should say your prayers and take your rest.” edge of purgatory and indulgences, but they knew So we got up, and went with him to the Latin church.

that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father He then took from the archive of the church the arm alone, a true baptism required triple immersion, of S. Anne, mother of the blessed Virgin Mary, which and one used leavened bread in the mass. had been reverently covered with silver. He also brought If the rites were kept separate, however, some- out a nail, which likewise had a silver coating, and which

. , ,; ; ;clerical 14: he said was one(like of the nails wherewith Christ been times functions church ¢ relics, . ;had affixed to buildings) the cross. We kissed 9 these and brought

were oddly combined, for one could find the Same our Jewelry into contact with them. I learned, moreover,

priest serving both churches. ‘This was certainly that this cleric was a monk, a fact which I could not not the order of the day, but one may wonder to deduce from his garb, for he was enveloped in a camel’swhat extent such reciprocity was rare. One of the _ hair cloak. He proved to be the parish priest [ plebanus] classic accounts of this strange phenomenon, and __ of both churches, Greek and Latin, and was making

perhaps the one most frequently cited, is to be every accommodation to both rites. Thus on Sundays found in the Evagatorium of the Dominican friar he celebrated mass first in the Latin church, and did it Felix Fabri, who twice went on a pilgrimage to the according to the western usage with unleavened bread. Holy Land (in 1480 and 1483). On his second jour- When that service was finished, he went over to the ney eastward he reached Larnaca (ad Salinensem te with leavened bread portum) on 2 5 June, and was held up for a few days I found this highly objectionable, and adjudged this when the skipper of the galley departed to see his priest to be the worst sort of heretic, misleading the wife at Nicosia, where she was serving Queen Ca- people on both sides of the fence, for the two rites are terina Corner (Cornaro) as a lady-in-waiting. incompatible. The same person cannot officiate in both. With a half-dozen companions and a guide ‘The two rites can hardly be suffered in the same city named Andreas, Felix Fabri went off on 26 June because of the difference in many, most important ar(1483) to see the church at the monastery of S. ticles of faith. Once the Roman Church did put up with Crux (Stavrovouni), about eleven miles west of the Greek rite, to be sure, and yet even then it was not

. ; Greek church, and performed according to the oriental

Larnaca. Here he kissed the large silver-clad cross PS™™ issible to be both a Greek and a Latin parish priest of Dysma, the thief crucified to the right of Christ at the same time, and much less so now since the Church

, ; . ; * condemns them [the Greeks] as schismatics and heretics.

who had promised him paradise. S. Helena, the The Greeks themselves fight shy of us in their ritual mother of Constantine, had placed the Cross IN the observances, and on all Sundays they denounce the

monastery, ‘‘they say,” together with “‘particula una — Latin Church as excommunicate to their people, and de vera Christi cruce,” which had rendered Dysma’s _ hold us Latins as hateful to the very death. How, then,

cross the more worthy of veneration. Thereafter can an upright man and a good Catholic be both a Latin the pious pilgrims descended the precipitous, rocky | anda Greek parish priest? No one acts in this way except

mountainside to the little town of Stavrovouni, 4 man who is trying to cater to his greed and his own satisfaction, for such persons take the things which

—______—_—. please them in each of the two priesthoods, and in truth '20 George Jeffery, A Description of the Historic Monuments of reject the onerous and difficul t in both the one and the Cyprus: Studies in the Archaeology and Architecture of the Island, other. Indeed, many Latin priests go over to the Greek

Nicosia, Cyprus, 1918, pp. 287-88. The hillside town of Kalo- Tite So that they may find the courage to take a wife, panayiotis is some thirty-five miles southwest of Nicosia. About but withal they want to enjoy the civil rights [/ebertates|

2,400 feet above sea level, it is well known for its sulphur of Latin priests, which certainly do not belong to springs. Concerning the monastic church of S. John Lampa- them.!?! distes, with ‘‘the Latin chapel. . . on the north and Orthodox church on the south, both under the same roof, and with no division between them,” see also Rupert Gunnis, Historic Cyprus,

London, 1936, pp. 245-47. On the Genoese island of Chios "2! Felix Fabri, Evagatorium in Terrae Sanctae, Arabiae et Egypti the chapels of a few of the wealthier families, in which there _peregrinationem, ed. C. D. Hassler, 3 vols., Stuttgart, 1843-49, had been mixed marriages of Greeks and Latins, also had two __I, 171-77, with the passage quoted on pp. 176-77. The reader

separate sections, one for each rite. may prefer the translation of Aubrey Stewart, The Book of the

758 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Felix Fabri does not make it clear whether the of the wars between France and Spain. They had parish priest who had thus aroused his indignation been, almost, the allies of the Valois. The Genoese carried his adherence to both rites to the extent had joined the Hapsburgs. The Venetians had reof being married only on alternate days. In any mained independent, but their naval power was no event, when in 1560 Filippo Mocenigo went to longer a match for that of the Turks, nor was Philip Cyprus as archbishop of Nicosia, he still encoun- able by himself to challenge the sultan’s armament tered precisely the same problems as those upon at sea. Installed in Algiers and Tripoli, the Turks which Friar Felix had fastened his attention. Ray- were a menace to the eastern coast of Spain as well naldus says that Mocenigo found the Lord’s vine- as to Naples and Sicily.

yard grown wild with thorns and brambles. In the Suleiman had named Dragut Reis as the beysame family, within the same walls, a man, his wife, lerbey of Tripoli, which the Knights of S. John of

and various children might all be professing dif- Jerusalem had lost to the Turks in mid-August of ferent rites, some pursuing one practice, some an- 1551, as we have seen in an earlier chapter. The other, but very few of them adhering faithfully to Knights had been encouraging Philip II to underany single rite. They observed such aspects of re-take the reconquest of Tripoli, to which he had

ligion as pleased them. agreed, appointing Don Juan de la Cerda, duke

Since the Greeks were not permitted to eat meat of Medina Celi, the viceroy of Sicily, as comon Wednesday (feria quarta), that was obviously mander-in-chief of the enterprise. The young a good day to live in the Latin fashion; on the Giannandrea Doria, the famed Andrea’s grandSabbath, however, they could have meat, and so nephew, was to serve under him as admiral of the that was the day for a Latin to become Greek (die naval forces, and Don Alvaro de Sande as comSabbath, quo Graecis carnibus vesci fas est, graecare- manding officer of the army. Preparations for the tur). Latin priests sometimes took wives according expedition were unduly prolonged. If the Spanish to the Greek rite. Absenteeism caused chaos. Nic- fleet had been able to strike at Tripoli toward the

osia, the primatial see of Cyprus, was said not to end of the summer of 1559, it would have had a have seen an archbishop for seventy years. Mo-_ chance of success, for it might have been too late cenigo had done his best, but he was called away in the season for the Turks to muster a sufficient to the Council at Trent (in 1562-1563). Anyhow _ task force and send it to Tripoli. Cyprus had grown accustomed to a religious and The so-called Spanish fleet, however, did not ritualistic anarchy, which was too much for him. - sail from Messina, where it had first assembled, The sins of the Cypriotes would bring the Turks until about 28 October (1559). It spent the entire

upon them.!”? month of November at Syracuse. Here it received

reinforcements, and left for Malta on about 1 For long generations the Turks had been an un- December. Upon its arrival at Malta the Grand holy dread. The Mediterranean had become a sea Master Jean de la Valette (1557-1568) received of troubles. With the accession of Pius IV, however, the fleet with all honor and no less exuberance. there came the hope of a Christian counteroffensive. Owing to fearfully bad weather, the expedition It was not merely that Pius had been an advocate was held up for ten weeks at Malta, where fifteen of peace and the union of Christendom during the hundred men were said to have died as a result troubled reign of Paul IV, but rather that the cer- of disease and of the cold. At length on 9-10 Febtainty of peace in Italy, the treaty of Cateau-Cam- ruary (1560) the fleet set sail toward the Barbary brésis, and the death of Henry II had freed the Coast. All told, there appear to have been at least hands of Philip II, who had inherited his father’s forty-seven galleys—eleven Genoese galleys berole as the chief defender of the Christian com- longing to Giannandrea Doria, five Neapolitan monwealth. The Turks had been the beneficiaries galleys under Sancho de Leyva, four from Sicily under Berenguer de Requesens, three papal galleys under Flaminio Orsini dell’ Anguillara, four Wanderings of Brother Felix Fabri, 2 vols. in 4 pts., London belonging to the Order of S. John under Charles 1887-97, repr. New York, 1971 (in the Palestine Pilgrims’ de ‘Tessieres, commander of the Langue de ProText Society, vols. VII-X), I, 199-200. Cf J. Hackett, A History Vence, and four furnished by the duke of Florence. of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus (1901), p. 153, and G. Jeffery, To these thirty-one galleys another sixteen were

eo ugh of the Historic Monuments of Cyprus (1918), pp. added, the property of individuals who leased 122 Raynaldus, Ann. eccl., ad ann. 1560, no. 91, and cf. Hack- them to the king of Sp ain for the expedition—five

ett, Hist. Orthodox Church of Cyprus (1901), pp. 153-54, under Scipione Doria, son of the owner Antonio

563-64. Doria, two under Sancho de Leyva, two under

PIUS IV, THE CARAFESCHI, CYPRUS, AND JERBA 759 Jacques Laurenti, lieutenant of the Grimaldiduke were perhaps a thousand Germans, some French of Monaco, and another seven such galleys, whose volunteers, four hundred Hospitallers of S. John, crews had doubtless seen a good deal of priva- and about five hundred Maltese arquebusiers. As teering as well as trading in the Mediterranean. one might expect, however, the Venetians were But this was not the entire armament, for there — staying clear of the whole business.

were also four galliots and three galleons plus Although the duke of Medina Celi was comsome thirty-six ships (naves) for transport.'*? The mander-in-chief of the expedition, he seems to costs of a galley were high, but according to the _ have had little or no authority over the galleys. usual contract the owner was entitled to no in- Giannandrea Doria, twenty-one years of age, sick demnity if his property were sunk or captured in through most of the campaign, had disapproved

the course of a naval campaign. of setting out from Malta during the harsh and The land force which finally sailed from Malta uncertain weather of winter. The Christian high aboard the galleys (and some aboard the ships) command was at constant odds with itself. No probably numbered from eleven to twelve thou- sooner had the expedition made landings in the

sand men. Recruitment had been fairly easy. The area of Tripoli than Dragut Reis moved from Jerba peace of Cateau-Cambrésis had caused widespread into Tripoli, reinforcing its garrison with the fifteen

unemployment among mercenaries. It had been hundred Turks he had had with him.

time-consuming, however, to collect men from Very likely one of the major reasons for athere and there. Although the Christian fleet was tacking Jerba and abandoning the plan to take under Spanish command—and, as we shall note ‘Tripoli was the fact that Dragut’s presence in the presently, Massarelli calls it the ‘“‘classis Philippi latter place made it too strong, just as his withdrawal regis Hispaniarum’’—the galleys and other vessels from Jerba made the island fortress too weak to

were almost all Italian. The Italians also consti- resist. On 2 March (1560) most of the fleet antuted almost one-half the land forces, in which, to chored along the sandbank before the fortress, be sure, the Spanish soldiery stood out, but there and cold and weary men now huddled in the wet shelter of the galleys and transports through four

———_——_ days of stormy weather. At length, when the sea '28 According to a letter of Sultan Suleiman to the Turkish had become calmer, they began coming ashore on 1559, the Spanish had already gathered sixty-two galleys and about six or seven miles from the fortress. Having

ten galliots at Messina, and were awaiting forty ships from fF a fut ; France. Medina Celi, viceroy of Sicily, had been appointed com- warded off a futile attack by the J erbians, the ex-

mander-in-chief of the projected Christian expedition. The peditionary force took possession of the fortress sheikhs of Jerba and Tripoli had been the instigators of these on 13 March in apparent accord with the local preparations, which were aimed at Dragut “Beg.” Thus far cheikh.!24

Suleiman was repeating, after the epistolary practice of the time, information which Piali had sent him, requesting troops to meet the coming Christian attack. The sultan therefore informed Piali that he had ordered the '24 On the Spanish seizure and loss of Jerba, see especially

ex-kapudan of Rhodes and the latter’s successor to join Piali’s | Charles Monchicourt, “‘L’Expédition espagnole de 1560 contre

forces immediately. The kapudan of Egypt would protect |’ ile de Djerba,” in the Revue Tunisienne, XX (Tunis, 1913), Rhodes. Preparations were proceeding in the naval arsenal at 499-516, 627-53, and XXI (1914), 14-37, 136-55, 227-46, Istanbul. The Turks were all to remain on the alert and inclose 332-53, and 419-50, esp. pp. 147 ff., who in addition to a communication with the Porte (Alessio Bombaci, “‘Le Fonti detailed account of the expedition provides an extraordinarily turche della battaglia delle Gerbe [1560], Revista degli studi full bibliography as well as descriptions of the then fortress of orientali, XIX [1941], no. 1, p. 202; cf, ibid., nos. 2-18, and —_Jerba (ibid., X XI, 332-37) and of the topography, inhabitants,

note p. 213). The sanjakbey of Rhodes was soon ordered not and customs of the island. The Turkish sources add a good to join Piali, whose armada was apparently large enough. deal, on which note Alessio Bombaci, ‘“‘Le Fonti turche della Piali Pasha had expected the Christians to attack Dragut _ battaglia delle Gerbe (1560),” Rivista degli studi orientali, XIX

during the second half of August (1559), thinking that the (Rome, 1941), 193-248, and [for those who read Turkish, | Ottoman fleet would begin to curtail its activity as the sailing zbid., XX (1942-43), 279-304, and XXI (1945-46), 189-218. season drew to a close. Having few soldiers, Piali requested that Note also Alberto Guglielmotti, Storia della marina pontificia, the sanjakbey of the Morea be ordered to send him some. He _ IV: La Guerra dei pirati. . . , Il (Rome, 1887), 333-401, who also asked whether the fleet should return or await the Chris- gives a list, ibid., pp. 343-44, of fifty-three Christian galleys and tians’ next move. Suleiman ordered the sanjakbey of the Morea _ four galliots, on which cf. Monchicourt, in the Revue Tunisienne, to send Piali a sufficient force of sipahis, and instructed Piali XXI, 149, note 2. As usual it is difficult to determine the precise to hold the fleet in ports where supplies would be readily avail- | number of vessels in either the Christian or the Turkish naval able, always keeping a weather eye on the Christians (a letter forces. Although Monchicourt’s study is by far the best account from Suleiman to Piali, dated 29 August, 1559, summarized of Jerba in 1560, note also Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch.

in Bombaci, ibid., no. 9, p. 203). On Bombaci’s article, see _d. osman. Reiches, III (1828, repr. 1963), 419-24, trans. J.-J.

below, note 124. Hellert, Hist. de l’ empire ottoman, VI (1836), 189-97; Camillo

760 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Jerba lies at the southern entrance to the Gulf seemed opportune for the Christians to move into of Gabés. The Spanish had already contested Mos- Turkish-held Hungary. To propose such a diverlem hegemony over the island (which Dragut Reis sion may have been the reason—or part of the had recently acquired) on two previous occasions, reason—for the mission of one Aloysius de Cortili in 1510 and 1520, and Dragut had himself out- who was on his way, as the envoy of the grand witted Andrea Doria at Jerba in 1551. Inevitably master of the Knights of S. John, to the Hapsburg the area had become a major scene of Turco-Span- courts in central Europe. Not only had the Maltese

ish warfare. The Spanish were the dominant been heavily engaged in the expedition to Jerba, power in the West, the Turks in the Levant. Cath- but if the armada under Piali Pasha succeeded in olics and Moslems, irreconcilably hostile, they retaking the island fortress, the Knights’ own pocould not reach each other by land. The Medi- _ sition on Malta might be endangered. On 22 April terranean was their battleground. Tunisia (with (1560) Pius IV wrote Maximilian, king of Bohethe island of Jerba) was a midway point to which mia, and the latter’s father Ferdinand, king of the they both could easily get, and here they were Romans, in support of Aloysius’s mission and in

bound to meet. The duke of Medina Celi and praise of the ‘Knights of Rhodes” (pro Ordine Giannandrea Doria had hardly occupied the island Militum Rhodiensium).'?°

stronghold of Jerba than the news reached them Medina Celi hoped to gain the support of the of the departure of the Ottoman armada under _Jerbians by establishing a regime on the island as Piali Pasha, who was coming to the relief of Dragut honest as that of Dragut Reis had been rapacious.

Reis. Instead of seizing wood and water, always very Pius IV renewed the crusading indulgences _ scarce on the island, the Spanish paid a high price

which Paul IV had already granted (and which for them. Holding on to Jerba would be a first had come to nothing). The Spanish fleet at Jerba, step toward the reconquest of Tripoli. It would with its Genoese, Sicilian, Neapolitan, Florentine, also be a first line of defense for Malta and Sicily. Maltese, and other contingents was assumed to be The Spanish possession of the island would forbid

unequal to the Turkish armada. No one denied the area to corsairs who often spent the winter that the commanders of the Christian naval and there. There had been grave differences of opinland forces found few areas of agreement. The ion in the councils of the high command as to skippers of rented galleys, as usual, were con- whether to leave the island before the Turks arcerned for their employers’ property, and anxious _ rived, and what fortifications to build, if any, for to leave the scene as soon as feasible. Having taken ships could not draw near the fortress on the Jerba, however, Medina Celi wanted to hold it,and northern shore because of the shallows. Galleys spent some two months trying to make the fortress had to anchor in the open sea. The fortress did secure enough for the garrison he intended toleave exist, however, and it had seemed more practi-

behind. cable to add to it than to start from scratch. So When the Turks put many men and much Medina Celi and Alvaro de Sande insisted. Sancho money into a large-scale naval enterprise, the ttme de Leyva and Giannandrea Doria disagreed with them. Manfroni, Storia della marina italiana dalla caduta di Costanti = =——st— - :

the third public session on the “‘feria quinta post festum Ascensionis Domini” (2bid., no. 236, pp. 353-54), i.e., Thursday,

14 May (1562). We need not be concerned with the second (or eighteenth session), at which Antonio Coco, titular arch- *° See above, Volume III, Chapter 13, p. 547. bishop of Patras and archbishop-elect of Corfu, gave the sermon 47 Magnum bullarium romanum 1V-2 (Rome, 1745, repr. Graz,

(ibid., nos. 238—40, pp. 355-68). Cf the long account of the 1965), no. Lu, pp. 97-100. proceedings at Trent after the second session of the council 48 Tbid., 1V-2, no. LXI, pp. 116-18. (on 26 February), which Seripando regards as the first real 49 Tbid., IV-2, no. LXIv, pp. 120-22. session under Pius IV, in his letter to Borromeo of 17 May, °° Ibid., 1V-2, no. LXv, pp. 122-25. 1562, published by von Sickel, in the Wiener Sitzungsberichte, °! Ibid., 1V-2, no. LXVI, pp. 125-27.

CXX XV (1896), x. Abh., pp. 108-17. °? Ibid., IV-2, no. LXVII, pp. 129-36; cf, ibid., no. LXIXx,

*° Ehses, Conc. Trident., VII, nos. 231E, 235, pp. 338, 351, | LXXI, and Lxx1i; and Pastor, Hist. Popes, XVI, 65 ff., and

docs. dated 20 and 24 February, 1562. Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII (repr. 1957), 333 ff.

780 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT as a gain, ‘“‘vedendo che cede in beneficio publico Toward the end of February or at the begin-

et edificatione de la Chiesa di Dio.”’®* ning of March (1560) Pius IV had established a

Amid some confusion and contention ninety- commission (deputatio) of fourteen cardinals to three articles (capita) of reform were submitted by meet with him every Thursday to effect reform the conciliar fathers to the legates. Seripando re-_in the Curia and the Church. Massarelli had been duced them to eighteen,** which were thereafter appointed secretary of the commission.”’ At one narrowed to twelve, and presented to a general of these Thursday meetings, on 25 April (1560), congregation of the council on 11 March (1562). with the “‘cardinales deputati super reformatione”’ The first of these twelve articles of reform was to Pius had decreed that all patriarchs, primates, the effect that ‘‘the fathers should consider what archbishops, and bishops should return to their means may be devised whereby patriarchs, arch- churches as soon as possible, and attend to their bishops, bishops, and all others who have the cure _ flocks by their pastoral presence—

of souls should reside and not ae ; and also,in so their that theychurches, might be able to reside in their be absent from them except for just, proper, and ; ; behalf of the Catholi churches more comfortably and with greater peace of

Check 55 "The ot on penal © € UatNonc pind, his Holiness decided and decreed that the resident Church.”””” The other articles concerned holy or- _ patriarchs, primates, archbishops, and bishops shall be

ders, large parishes, benefices, and clandestine exempt and immune from all payment of tithes as long

Marriages. as they reside personally in their churches, and not The necessity of episcopal residence had often [function] by the act of another... .

been;asserted, andprelates in fact decreed, . , to ; Resident were alsobut tonever have taken the right very seriously. There were usually eighty to a ; : ; appoint to more smallerorbenefices as wellinasRome. the power hundred bishops less resident 7.; ; to proceed, “‘even as delegates of the Apostolic We have already observed the episcopal love of 3 ; . ; See,” against exempted clerics and wandering

; . ; monks. to idence-in-their-sees to Rome the bishops, ; The : ; . cause a storm in as wellheashad in an Trent.

large urban centers. In mid-February, 1560, when 8

Pius was himself declaring the necessity res- . ; ; ; was . ; ; :IV; The residential requirement forofbishops

episcopal audience of no fewer than sixty or sev- ; : ;

; four legates were hardly in unison.. When enty, awhom he told to gochief back to their churches , the fifth legate, Altemps, joined them, and remain in them, as to they were required tohis dopresence ; ; Gon: ; : added nothing the council. The princely by God’s law and man’s, until they were sum- . ; ;

; zaga and the industrious moned to the;council which he intendedSeripando to con- ; :got along well,

voke.2® especially since the latter did most of the work for both of them. They were both sincere reformers, and so was Hosius who tended, however, to go his

53 - - own way, probably because he did not speak The text of Pius IV's instructions to Marini was published —Jeg]lign.®9 Simonetta was especially concerned with

by von Sickel, in the Wiener Sitzungsberichte, CXXXV (1896), he def. f the S d Coll nd the Roman

x. Abh., pp. 118-22, with the reference to the financial losses tne “Eten se O © Sacred VOMcse a . caused by the Roman reform on pp. 118-19. Marini had been Curia. Various cardinals and curial officials were appointed to the see of Lanciano, southeast of Chieti, on 26 alarmed at the thought of necessary residence in January, 1560; two years later (on 9 January, 1562) his see had dioceses to which they had been appointed, and been raised to an archbishopric (Magnum bullarium romanum,

IV-2, no. LIv, pp. 101-3). -_—__—O °4 Seripando, Commentarii, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, esse ut post receptos cineres omnes irent ad eorum ecclesias,

482-83. sicut de iure divino et humano facere tenebantur, et inibi ma55 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 244, pp. 378-79; Docu- _nerent et res disponerent donec vocarentur ad Concilium quod mentos inéditos, 1X (1846, repr. 1964), 107-8; Gabriele Paleotti | sua Sanctitas celebrare intendebat. . . ,” from the Acta Con-

[auditor of the council, made a cardinal by Pius IV on 12 sistorialia. I note, however, that the same text in the Acta MisMarch, 1565], Acta Concilii Tridentini, in S. Merkle, Conc. Tri- _ cellanea, Reg. 34, fol. 72”, by mod. stamped enumeration,

dent., III-1 (1931), 286-87; see Seripando’s letter to Borromeo reads, ‘‘. . . ex quibus interfuere circa 60... .” of 17 May (1562), in von Sickel, Wiener Sitzungsberichte, CXXXV °7 Massarelli, Diarium septimum, in Merkle, Conc. Trident.,

(1896), x. Abh., pp. 109-12; and cf Susta, Die rémische Kurie, II, 343. II (1909), 47. On the alteration in the title of Susta’s work, °° Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 10, pp. 15-16.

see above, Chapter 17, note 67. °° Cf, von Sickel, in the Wiener Sitzungsberichte, CXLIV 56 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 3, pp. 6-7: ““Romae die —_ (1902), vit. Abh., p. 66: “‘[I] Varmiense, i.e., Hosius] non parla Mercurii 14 Februarii factum fuit verbum a sanctissimo domino __né intende italiano, onde bisogna che fra di loro in privato nostro ad praelatos ut reverterentur ad ecclesias suas... . In _ parlino latino; et importa perché non si puo cost facilmente ne eo consistorio [also on Wednesday, 14 February, 1560] Papa con quella prontezza et efficacia che bisogneria discorrere a vocatis omnibus episcopis, qui erant in Urbe, ex quibus inter- _ largo sopra le materie che si trattano,” from a contemporary fuere circa 70, amantibus verbis dixit eis mentis suae Sanctitatis | appraisal of the four legates (and others) at Trent.

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1561-1563) 781 to which they had never gone. As far as they were The four weeks between 11 March and 7 April concerned, bishoprics were a source of revenue, (1562) were occupied by various ceremonial and not a place of residence. If the Holy See was the _ liturgical functions. ‘Thus the conciliar fathers rehub of the great wheel of Christendom, certainly ceived Ferdinando Francesco d’ Avalos, marquis

the bishoprics were the spokes. of Pescara, at a general congregation on 16

Serious reform of the Church had to start with March. D’ Avalos came as Philip II’s envoy. On the bishops, who could then deal with the canons the eighteenth they welcomed the Florentine of cathedral and collegiate churches and with the Giovanni Strozzi as Cosimo de’ Medici’s ambaspriests in the many parishes. Episcopal authority sador to the council, and on the twentieth they would have to be restored, which meant that the _ received the two oratores of the seven Catholic can-

pope would have to stop granting so many ex- tons of Switzerland.®* Easter came on 29 March, emptions and reservations. Required residence ending a busy week. On 6 April the fathers adwas sure to be a hotly-contested issue. Simonetta mitted to the council the procurators of the prelobjected to it. Gonzaga and Seripando then de- ates and clergy of Hungary “‘in confiniis Turcicis,”’ clared their willingness to omit it from the con- and again they heard how the madness of the

ciliar agenda. Turks and the heresies of Lutherans, Calvinists,

Simonetta withdrew his objection, however, and others had turned the affairs of the kingdom because he was fearful of facing the indignation topsy-turvy.°* Like many German bishops, those of the imperialist and Spanish reformers. Gonzaga of Hungary could not attend the council, for they had resided in Mantua, where he had been regent feared the disorders which their absence would as well as bishop, and Seripando had remained in entail. his archiepiscopal see of Salerno. In the consistory On Tuesday, 7 April (1562), the conciliar faof 14 February, 1560, Pius IV had told the bishops _ thers gathered in the Palazzo Thun (now the Muthat they should remain in their sees, sicut de wre nicipio) in the first of fourteen general congredwino et humano facere tenebantur, for the laws of gations convoked to discuss the twelve articles of God and man held them to the obligation of res- reform. The first ten, highly contentious, congre-

idence.®° gations considered the divine law of episcopal res-

Seripando stated frankly that he agreed with idence from 7 through 20 April.®* Pedro Guerthose who asserted residentiam esse iuris dwini, but rero, the archbishop of Granada, had begun the he remained open-minded and tolerant of those contest by insisting upon the importance of makwhose knowledge and conscience might suggest ing clear the nature of the law of residence. If otherwise. Pedro Guerrero, the archbishop of there was a divine obligation for a bishop to reside Granada, like many a Spaniard in years gone by, _ in his see, the theologians should be called upon had no doubt that there was a divine law of resi- _ to clarify it.’ Guerrero was known to believe in dence, which he sought to prove by Scripture as well as by reason. In any event, wisely or unwisely, §——H— the legates had presented the twelve articles of 62 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, nos. 245-47, pp. 379-95. reform, including the first article (on residence), 68 Ibid., VIII, no. 248, pp. 395-401; Gabriele Paleotti, Acta to the council at the general congregation of 11 Conetlis Tridentini, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., III-1, 287-89. March. 1562. and the discussions began in the Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, nos. 249, 251, 253, 255, 257, , 161 8 59, 261, 263, 265, pp. 402-65 [the ten congregations devoted general congregation of 7 April.’ Dark clouds to the question of episcopal residence, and whether there was

were gathering over Trent. a divine law thereon], and nos. 266, 268, 270, 272, pp. 465-

81 [congregations devoted to other articles of reform]; Paleotti,

——_—___ Acta Concilit Tridentini, ibid., II-1, 291-319, who has omitted °° Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 3, p. 7, quoted above in _ the general congregation of 8 April (Ehses, ibid., VIII, no. 251,

note 56, and cf, ibid., no. 35, p. 66. pp. 414-16). Jedin, Cardinal Seripando (1947), p. 606, and Gi°! See Seripando’s letter to Borromeo of 17 May (1562), in —_ rolamo Seripando (1937), I1, 147, apparently is not counting the

von Sickel, Wiener Sitzungsberichte, CXXXV (1896), x. Abh., critical congregation of 20 April, when he states that ‘‘nine pp. 110-16. On 18 March (1562) Borromeo wrote the legates general congregations were required in order to give each of that Pius IV approved of the conciliar discussion of the twelve | the 137 voting members of the Council an opportunity to be articles of reform, but the legates must take care not to get _heard”’ (and cf. Jedin, ‘“‘Der Kampf um die bischéfliche Resiinvolved in the question an residentia sit de iure divino, ‘“‘perché denzpflicht 1562/63,” in Il Concilio di Trento e la riforma tri-

saria cosa che potrebbe generare qualche inconveniente” dentina, 2 vols., Rome, 1965, I, 15). On 20 April the voting (Susta, II, 65), which was to prove an understatement. Since members were heard more vociferously than ever although, to it seemed most inadvisable to try to avoid the issue, however, _ be sure, there was little time to debate the substance of the Borromeo wrote the legates on 29 March that Pius left the | controversial issue. matter of debating the divine law of residence entirely up to °° Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 249, p. 403: “. . . Quoad

the legates (ibid., II, 73). primum declaretur quo iure residere teneamur, et esset scan-

782 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the ius divinum residentiae, and he had widespread _ point.®* (The church is at the end of the Vicolo

support in the council. Colico, a short distance from the Palazzo Thun.)

The opposite position was taken later inthe day The change of site did little to lower the heat of (7 April) by Gianbattista Castagna, the archbishop contention. Gonzaga stayed away on the thirof Rossano (and later Pope Urban VII), who said _ teenth;°? he had apparently had enough for a that, as he saw the problem, it was not by what law _ while. Some of the fathers complained of the poor

but by what means bishops should be forced to acoustics in S. Maria Maggiore. If the speaker’s live in their dioceses.® Castagna was a defender voice was too low, he could not be heard; if he of the Curia. The curialists were quite opposed to spoke too loud, there were reverberations in the any thought of a divine law of residence, for many _ vault.’° Considering the repetitiveness of the ar-

of them were bishops, and had no intention of guments, however, and the verbosity of some of living elsewhere than at Rome. Guerrero’s view _ the speakers, a number of fathers probably saw no prevailed, however, and the ius divinum now filled reason to complain of the acoustics. Anyhow by

some two weeks of sometimes harsh dispute. the thirteenth most of them knew where they

Almost all the bishops agreed that ‘‘residentia stood on the question of residence. est necessaria.’’ At least so they said. The guard- The vote came at a general congregation on 20 ians of the Curia had no objection to the principle, April (1562), almost unexpectedly and sooner but they did not want to be bound by a divine — than some of the fathers wished. Cardinal Gonzaga ordinance. A papal dispensation could always re- began the proceedings at 3:00 P.M. in S. Maria lieve the conscience of a bishop absent from his Maggiore. He said that a committee should be choflock. Also the assertion of a divine law of resi- sen to compose the decree or decrees relating to dence would be something of an innovation. At reform, and that they must consider the remaining the Curia one held to traditions and past prac- articles on the agenda. Massarelli then read a statetices. The argument went on from day to day. ment to the effect that many fathers had mainOn 9 April, for example, Martino de’ Martini tained there must be a formal declaration residende’ Medici, the bishop of Marsico Nuovo in the — tam esse de ture divino; others had said nothing at south of Italy, rose to say (as Castagna had done) all about the issue; and still others had asserted that he saw no reason to ask “‘quo iure sit resi- that no such declaration should be made. Since dentia, sed qua ratione episcopi residere debeant.”” those who were delegated ad conficienda decreta Let the ancient canons be restored; let the bishops must know where they stood, Massarelli now reall observe a ius commune as far as exemptions and quested that each of the fathers should vote on privileges were concerned. But Lodovico Vanino _ the issue of the divine obligation of residence ‘“‘by de’ Teodoli got up after de’ Medicito say that not the word placet or non placet.’”’ A majority vote only was “‘residentia”’ an obligation, but one must would determine the nature of the decree. Speak

certainly find out “‘quo iure ea sit.’®’ clearly and distinctly, said Massarelli, so that the

After almost a week of wrangling, on 13 April votes may be counted. the general congregations began assembling in the Taken by surprise, some of the fathers were church of S. Maria Maggiore “because of the suspicious that they were being maneuvered into heat” instead of the Palazzo Thun, Gonzaga’s res- affirming the ius divinum, of which Gonzaga and

idence, where they had been held up to this especially Seripando were known to approve. The result, according to the conciliar auditor Paleotti,

—_ a was ‘‘varia confusio.”’ Antonio Agustin, bishop of dalum id non explicare ut, si est de iure divino, id declaretur, Lérida, declared that they should not try to resolve et canones antiqui renoventur. . . . Et audiantur theologi quo the issue so quickly. Sebasti L ell rch-

lure episcopi tenentur [sic] residere.”’ ; q y: suano Leccavella, a rc

66 Ibid., VIII, no. 249, p. 410: “Non loquor ego hodie super bishop of Naxos, was ready for the vote. Gianquaestione illa, quae ab aliquibus, qui ante me dixerunt, mota__ battista Castagna made some ambiguous comvidetur an residentia sit de lure divino, an vero de iure positivo, ment, but was ready to vote (as he did) non placet. et an expediat id declarare, tribus motus rationibus. Prima est, Giulio Parisano, the bisho po f Rimini, wante d the quia video, illustrissimos dominos praesidentes petere a nobis sententias, non quo iure residentia fieri debeat, sed praesupposito eam esse necessariam, quocumque id iure sit, quaerunt

quo facto fiet ut qui residere tenentur, vere resideant.” TTT

Gianbattista Castagna was elected pope on 15 September, 68 Ibid., no. 257, p. 440.

1590. He took the name Urban VII, and died twelve days later ®° Seripando, Commentarii, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 484, (on 27 September), never having been crowned (Van Gulik, — entry for 13 April, 1562; Paleotti, Acta Concilii Tridentini, ibid., Eubel, and Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia catholica, U1, 53). IlI-1, 303, and note 14.

67 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 253, p. 429. 7Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, 440, note 2.

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1561-1563) 783 council first to consult the pope, and so dida num- the motion on residence was to tie the pope’s ber of others. Nevertheless, the vote was taken. hands, ‘‘. . . la residentia de iure divino, il che Although the results of the balloting are clear, non mirava ad altro che a legar le mani al papa!” the precise count is not. To begin with, Antonio The motion would weaken the authority of the Elio, bishop of Pola (Pula) in Istria and the titular Church, and go far to show that a council was patriarch of Jerusalem, assigned his vote to the superior to the pope.” pope (non placet nist consulto sanctissimo domino no- On 23 April Gonzaga and Seripando wrote Bor-

stro). The patriarchs of Aquileia and Venice and romeo of their displeasure that, when the fathers about thirty-three other prelates followed Elio, ought to have voted placet or non placet on the motion and when their thirty-six or so qualified negatives of residence, some of them should have “‘remitted”’ were added to the non placets, Massarelliemerged _ their votes to the pope. Catholics as well as heretics

with the count pro parte affirmativa 66, pro parte would be confirmed in their opinion “‘that the negativa 71. Paleotti recorded 67 affirmative and council was not free,” and that one was doing only 72 negative votes. Seripando’s secretary Filippo what the pope ordered, ‘‘a thing which above all Musotti counted 67 straightforward placets, 33 non one must avoid.” The two legates advised Borromeo placets, and 38 non placets unless the pope should _ to have the pope send a brief to Trent, lamenting choose to make these votes placets, i.e., 67 votes for the failure of these prelates to do their duty, and the divine law of residence and 71 against it.”! telling them that they should vote on conciliar issues On the evening of that memorable 20 April according to their own conscience. Many of those Simonetta sent a frightening report to Rome, who had remitted their votes had already regretted marked by an extreme hostility to Gonzaga, who _ it. Most of those who had assigned their votes to had supported the divine obligation of residence. the pope had been Italians, ‘“‘una natione contra Simonetta wrote that this was playing into the tutte le altre nationi.”””” hands of the Protestants, who would hold up to opprobrium all popes who had dispensed bishops The Venetian ambassadors to the council, Nicfrom residence in their dioceses as having acted _col6 da Ponte, doctor et eques, and Matteo Dandolo, contrary to divine law. The ultramontanes, 1.e., egues, had arrived in Trent on the evening of 19

the Spanish, French, and imperialists, had fol- April,’* just before the stormy vote of the twenlowed Gonzaga’s evil lead. The whole purpose of _ tieth. They had come in good time, for they had only received their commission on the ninth and

, 1 riaeniin :

| | their letter of credence (or mandatum) on the elevA es Cone, Trident. vie no. Om PP ae from enth. In sending da Ponte and Dandolo to Trent,

ibid. 11-1, 315-19, who comments on the distress of the fathers the doge and Senate had expressed the pious hope (p. 319): The bishop of Paris said he regretted coming to the that the worthy prelates at the council were going council (he had voted placet). Many of the fathers were dis- to restore Christianity to its ancient integrity and tressed, “quia Conciltum non videretur liberum, cum praelati dignity.”° The worthy prelates were finding it. difmulti se ad papae voluntatem reiecissent.”’

See also Musotti, Actoru:n Concilit Tridentini epitome, ibid., III-

1, 106-8, whose count of the affirmative votes correspondswith ~~ that of Paleotti, and of the negative votes with that of Massarelli. ” Susta, II, 89: ‘“‘Questa dichiaratione [della residentia de

Musotti’s figures are repeated in the summary given in the iure divino]. . . , la quale enervava |’ autorita della Chiesa et Documentos inéditos, 1X, 131. The Spanish ambassador in Rome, _ ancho tendeva a mostrar che il concilio era sopra il papa,” and

Francisco de Vargas, wrote Philip II on 4 May that the vote ¢f, tbid., II, no. 32, p. 92, doc. dated 27 April, 1562. was 68 or 69 de iure divino and 71 or 72 against the motion ”® Susta, II, no. 31, pp. 90-91. (thid., 1X, 154-55). Seripando himself gives 67 placets, 33 non 74 Susta, Il, 87, letter of the legates to Borromeo, dated 20 placets, with 38 non placets ‘‘nisi consulatur prius sanctissimus April, 1562: ‘‘Hieri entrarono gli ambasciatori Venetiani che dominus noster’? (Commentarii, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., | furono Messer Matteo Dandolo et Messer Nicolo da Ponte, due

II, 484), delli principali senatori di quella Republica... .”’ Cf Firmanus,

In a letter of 14 May (1562) the marquis of Pescara wrote Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., II, 559. Philip from Trent that the motion on residence had received ”® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 73, fol. 8 [25], commission of da Ponte 68 affirmative votes and 48 negative votes, ‘“‘y el otro tercero and Dandolo as nostri ambassatori et representanti, dated 9 April,

tomo por medio que primero se consultase con su Santidad, de 1562: “*. . . Vi commettemo col Senato che proseguendo il la cual opinion fueron veinte y cinco, de manera que juntados vostro viaggio dobbiate condurvi nella sopradetta citta di los cuarenta y ocho con estos postreros, la parte afirmativa vino ‘Trento, . . . esponendo con quella grave et prudente forma 4 ser inferior—lo cual puso el negocio en gran confusién!’’ di parole che ben saperete usare la somma riverentia che noi (Documentos inéditos, 1X, 171-72). Pescara’s total was thus 68 ad imitatione delli nostri progenitori et dovemo et volemo porfor and 73 against the motion residentiam esse de iure divino. On _ tar ad esso santo concilio et il molto desiderio, anzi ferma spe-

the confusion to which Pescara refers, note the legates’ letter ranza, che per la somma virtu et sapientia di tanti dignissimi

to Borromeo of 20 April, in Susta, II, 88. prelati congregati nel spirito santo noi havemo di veder a questo

784 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ficult to maintain their own dignity in the ever- Decrees relating to the pope should be sent to lasting daily disputes. Da Ponte and Dandolo were Rome for issuance under the familiar formula Nos admitted as the Republic’s representatives to the Pius. . . sacro approbante concilio. This procedure council with all due ceremony at a general con- would have the advantage of immediate publicagregation on 25 April.”° If in Istanbul the pashas tion. Decrees passed by the council had to await expressed suspicion of, and dissatisfaction with, papal confirmation. (In either case, of course, the their Venetian friends for sending envoys to the decrees would be subjected to papal scrutiny.) As council, the bailie could explain that theological for the appointment or “‘collation’”’ to benefices, controversy was more likely to pull Christians Pius agreed to a bishop’s nominating six, eight, or

apart than bring them together. In any event the ten suitable appointees, from whom he would bailie would keep the Porte informed of the pro- make the selection. It would not be well, he said,

ceedings at Trent. for the bishops to make such appointments diIn the meantime the legates were keeping the _ rectly, lest the abuses which had to be done away Curia Romana informed of the proceedings at with in Rome should merely be transferred to the Trent. As late as 3 May (1562) Pius IV wrote the dioceses. legates that he was satisfied with the way things Pius promised to put an end to abuses involving were going, and was resolved to reform the the “‘fabricadiS. Pietro” and the related “‘crociata Church in Rome and everywhere else. Hisreforms di Spagna,” but he wished to do so in such fashion

were going to cost him 50,000 scudi a year. He as not to alienate Philip II. Finally, after dealing would have done more, but he had been ill. The with other matters pertaining to reform, Pius delegates should not, however, try to satisfy every clared he had no objection to the council’s deterdemand of the Spanish, French, German, and mining whether residence was a matter of “divine other prelates, “‘especially when their demands are or positive law.” He resided in his see, and he directed toward the destruction of the Curia Ro- intended to require other bishops to reside in

mana.” theirs. One must, nevertheless, avoid seeking to draw certain conclusions as to the relation of con-

—__—___——_ ciliar to papal authority, as some prelates in Trent tempo restituita la religion Christiana nella sua pristina integrita appeared ready to do.”’

avisati.. . . . ;

t dignita.. . . Entrarete nelle congregationi et session! che si There is scant reason to doubt the sincerity

aranno quando sarete chiamati, et quando v’ entreranno ghi FP; s des; f b dinal d

altri ambassatori de principi secondo il costume in tali occasioni © P lus [V's desire for reform, ut as car ina san solito servarsi, et di tutto quello che sera proposto et risoluto curialists added their voices to Simonetta’s, Pius nel santo concilio et d’ ogn’ altra cosa ch’ intenderete occorrer became alarmed. If there was in fact a divine law degna di nostra notitia ne tenirete per giornata diligentemente of episcopal residence, which the popes had failed Da Ponte and Dandolo were each to receive 400 ducats (in to enforce for generations, presumabl y bishops gold) a month, with the usual four months’ advance (of 1,600 ducats each in their case), for which they were not to be held

to any accounting. They were each required to maintain fifteen = ~~

horses, counting those of their secretaries and other servitors, 77 Susta, II, no. 37, pp. 107 ff., esp. pp. 109-13. Federico as well as four grooms. Their letter of credence is dated 11 Pendaso, a Mantuan theologian and dependent of Gonzaga, April (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 73, fols. 8Y-9" [25°-26"]), and on their _ was acting as an intermediary between the legates and the pope.

mission to the council during 1562-1563, note, ibid., fols. 10- On the reform of the Curia, note Vargas’s letter of 4 May to 117 [27-—28"], 12-13" [29-30"], 15°16" [32°-33"], 25 [42], 32’- Philip II, in the Documentos inéditos, IX, 158.

33° [49°-50"], 34°-35" [51°-52"], 39°~40° [56°-57"], 50” [67], Part of the money collected in Spain under the assessment 55 [72], 68°-69" [85°-86"], 69°—70" [86°-87"], 71 [88], 73" known as the Cruzada was going into the construction of S. [90"], 80 [97], 82 [99], 83°-85* [100°-102"], 86°-89" [103°— _ Peter’s in Rome. Only four or five months before this, Pius IV

106°], and cf, ibid., Reg. 75, fol. 33° [55°]. had been requesting funds under the Cruzada. Cf, Arm. XLIV, The doge and Senate regarded the question of the Triden- tom. 11, fol. 136, by mod. stamped enumeration, a brief of tine reform as a matter of the highest consequence, “come cosa __ Pius to Philip II of Spain, dated 20 November, 1561: importantissima non solo per causa di religione ma per interesse ‘“‘Cum eius pecuniae, quae Cruciatae nomine in Hispaniarum del stato nostro et delli altri principi d’ Italia” (Sen. Secreta, _ regnis ex nostra concessione exigi coepta est, pars quaedam— Reg. 73, fol. 25 [42], doc. dated 24 September, 1562). Letters —_ sicut Maiestas tua novit—aedificationi basilicae Principis Aposof da Ponte and Dandolo to the Capi of the Council of Ten —_ tolorum in Vaticano fuerit attributa: aequum est et decet quod

in Venice, and of the latter to the ambassadors, are given in in tam laudabile et Deo gratum opus impenditur sine ullo disBart. Cecchetti, La Republica di Venezia e la corte di Roma nei _ pendio erogari. Proinde hortandam in Domino duximus et ro-

rapporti della religione, 2 vols., Venice, 1874, Il, 25-67, who gandam Maiestatem tuam ut, quo eiusmodi pecunia huc sine also provides, ibid., II, 287-89, an incomplete list of papal nun- _ulla diminutione perveniat, curet atque efficiat, sicut Catholico cios to Venice. Note also Hubert Jedin, ‘Venezia e il Concilio rege dignum est, pro Beati Petri reverentia sine ullius solutione

di Trento,” Studi Veneziani, XIV (1972), 137-57, esp. pp. _ portorii et absque ullo onere atque impedimento commissariis

144 ff. eiusdem fabricae eam pecuniam ex tuis Hispaniarum regnis huc 76 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 273, pp. 482-85. mittere liceat.. . .”

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1561-1563) 785 must have some sort of apostolic responsibility for Pius IV decided to send more Italian bishops the cure of souls (cf; Acts, 20:28). Obviously the and some pro-papal theologians to Trent. Borpopes should not dispense bishops from residence romeo informed Simonetta (in a letter of 11 May, in their dioceses, at least not after the fashion they 1562) that Pius had also been thinking of sending had been doing for so long. If the bishop of Rome _ two more legates to the council, the canonist Gio-

shared the apostolic mission with his episcopal vanbattista Cicada and the ex-diplomat Bernardo brethren, was papal primacy (primatus) no longer Navagero. Cicada could assist Simonetta as ‘“‘proto mean supremacy (plena potestas)? Would an as- tector’ of the Curia and the Holy See. The Venesembly of bishops in a council be superior to the — tian Navagero could keep the prelates of the Re-

pope? public in line, ‘“‘la republica amorevole a questa Episcopalianism seemed no less a threat to papal Santa Sede.’’®° Later on, however, it was considprimacy than conciliarism had been a century or — ered inadvisable to add to the five legates already

more before. Were they not the two sides of a appointed to the council. Although Simonetta’s coin? The problem beset the Curia from time to _ reports and the fears of the cardinals and curialists time until the fourth session of the First Vatican had set Pius’s nerves on edge, and he had become Council sought (on 18 July, 1870) to make clear furious with Gonzaga and Seripando for allowing

for all time the perpetuity of the Petrine pri- the question of residence to become such a conmacy.’* In the meantime, if residence was a re- tentious issue, on 11 May he wrote his “dilecti quirement for those to whom the cure of souls had ___filii,”” the legates, with some restraint.

been entrusted, would curialists and the cardinals Pius did state, to be sure, that he had never in resident in Rome have to give up their bishoprics all the world felt such displeasure as when he had

and other distant benefices? learned of the “‘confusione et disparere’’ caused Although the question of the bishops’ diocesan _ by the article on residence. As legates they should

residence had serious implications, one must be- have worked in unison, and agreed upon everyware of overmuch retrospective speculation. The thing in advance. They should not have put the current issue seemed clear. As Gonzaga and Seri- question of residence to a vote on 20 April. Pius pando had written Borromeo (on 23 April), the perceived that the legates had need of learned cancontest on residence had been “‘one nation against onists, and he planned to send to Trent some carall the other nations.” Although the vote of 20 dinals, ‘“‘who we hope will satisfy you.’’ The Sacred April shows that their statement is something of College was determined to proceed en masse to an exaggeration, it is apparent that the issue of Trent, if need be, to defend their rights, inasmuch residence was being used as a means of protest, as the French were proposing to do away with even revolt, against the Italian domination of the annates and other sources of revenue on which

Sacred College and the Curia. their dignity and effectiveness depended. But his

Four months later Borromeo had occasion to Holiness trusted in the legates’ goodwill, and aswrite the legates (on 22 August, 1562) that al- sumed that still more cardinals would not be necthough Charles de Guise, cardinal of Lorraine, essary at the council. Pius looked upon the carhad said he was not planning to attend the Council dinal of Lorraine’s coming to the council with

at Trent, annoyance, “non mandato da noi, ma mosso da nevertheless, we understand from our nuncio in France * stesso. , .

[Prospero Santa Croce] that he is very much involved, The legates should get on with the articles of and that he is being urged on by the queen and other reform and the definitions of dogmas. The French great personages, by whom he has been promised not ambassador Louis de Lansac was trying to hold up only the support of the French but also of the Germans, proceedings until he and his colleagues could reach and what is more important, he has told a friend of his Trent. It was unwise and undesirable to prolong quite confidently that he believes he will also have that the council unduly, for as Pius said, of the Spaniards, which is of all the more significance, as

he denies and conceals his intention.’”® TT

nova [of peace] mi disse che pensava a Settembre avviarsi al

— Concilio, et che 72 prelati di questo regno gli havevano pro8 Cf. Heinrich Denzinger, Enchiridion symbolorum, ed. C. Rah- _messo di seguitarlo . . .” (ibid., append., no. Xxx, pp. 491-— ner, 28th ed., Freiburg im Breisgau and Barcelona, 1952, pp. 92). The Catholic negotiations for peace with the Huguenots

501 ff. came to nothing ( Jas. Westfall Thompson, The Wars of Religion ”9 Susta, II, no. 88, p. 325. The nuncio Santa Croce wrote in France [1559-1576], Chicago and London, 1909, pp. 149

Borromeo from Paris on 26 June, 1562, that since peace had __ff., and ¢f,, ibid., append., no. 11, pp. 537-38, letter of the duke

allegedly been made between the Catholics and Huguenots, of Guise to his brother, Cardinal Charles of Lorraine, dated 25 ““Monsignore, illustrissimo [cardinale] di Loreno, con I’ occa- June, 1562). sione del ragionamento di questa matina et di questa buona 8° Susta, II, no. 40a, p. 138.

786 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The French are asking us for no end of aid against the tine, Hungarian, and Venetian envoys to the counHuguenots, the emperor against the Turks, the Swiss cil. Until Gonzaga and Seripando received, on 15 Catholics against the Lutherans and against the duke of May, Pius’s admonitory letter of the eleventh, they eavoy too. we must also be prepared for our own de- had tried to preserve the article on residence. Ten ense agaist the hereucs, and on this account we are days later, however, the council was officially no-

facing, excessive costs in Avignon. The sultan [Suleiman] _,. ;would . : , tified that the article on residence be recannot live much longer. He is suffering from dropsy, ‘dered | . . ‘th th and is quite worn out in mind and body.. . . Milords, COMSIOeTe ater in connection with the sacrament we are seeking to end this council quickly and fruitfully, of holy orders, because it seemed to have more to

to unite the whole of Christendom, and to turn our arms do with dogma than reform. |

against the infidels, heretics, and schismatics.. . .° On the day the fathers were informed that the council would eventually return to the question Of the twelve articles on reform which hadbeen of residence in connection with holy orders (25 submitted to the general congregation of I] May, 1562) Francisco de Vargas wrote Philip II March, two were dropped from the conciliar dis- from Rome that orders had been sent to the legcussions, namely nos. 10 and 11 concerning clan- ates to stop the arguments on the bitterly-disdestine nneide ati On 2) Apri the congregation puted question, and to go to work on the other

began _ eration of the ten articles which re- pine articles. Vargas assumed that the fathers mained ', © ciscussions went on for days. The would never resume the debate on residence. The

De ates wn ¢ a been c he to draft the general ope, he said, placed most of the blame for the say ob rerorm a ter the dramatic vote on 20 Conciliar strife which was dividing Catholic ChrisApril) hi mitted a long-winded and unsatisfactory tendom (in a period of Protestant strength and text, which was rejected on 7 May. Revised and Turkish power) squarely on the shoulders of Serishortened, me decree was in order by 12 May, but pando. Pius was saying quite openly that he re-

seeder of; ad to be postponed until the fourth gretted having elevated Seripando, and that he Session O the council sub Pio IV,” the twentieth \ould gladly pay 50,000 ducats to get back the session at Trent. It was simply not ready for sub- cardinal’s hat he had given him.*4

mission to the third public session, which was held In Rome wagging tongues were spreading on Thursday, 14 May (1562) in the cathedral of senseless rumors. The young Cardinal Francesco

S. Vigiho. , Gonzaga, nephew of the legate Ercole, informed

rae tire session made up in ceremony what his uncle that any number of curialists had reached it 1 . he t Me stance. The secretary Massare” the conclusion that Ercole and his colleague Serihe (as € tens us) In da ) of h ouc, © a ore; pando had joined forces with the intention of ruthe commissions (mandaia) of the Spanish, Floren- ining the Curia.*° As soon as Pius IV’s censorious

and reproachful letter of 11 May reached Trent

—_—__— (on the fifteenth), Seripando addressed the long,

5! Susta, II, no. 40, pp. 132-33, and cf, ibid., pp. 134-37. defensive answer to Borromeo on the seventeenth, (Susta’s notes are usually abundant and always illuminating). «tj which we have already alluded more than once. On Lansac’s efforts to have the session scheduled for 14 May Rehearsing the history of the con troversy, he jusFrance, cf: Servanzio, Diario del Concilio di Trento, in Merkle, tified himself and Ercole Gonzaga all a ong t € Conc. Trident., 111-1, 32, entry for 28 April, and Ehses, ibid, line, and showed his contempt for the Tridentine

(1562) postponed until the arrival of further envoys from . | h VUI, no. 274, pp. 485-86. troublemakers, whose malicious letters to Rome

zaga on ay, telling him . . _ Alto Borrmco addresed ong: handwriten lee Gon. had distorted the facts." to the aggravating question of residence at this time, for it was Ercole Gonzaga had powerful relatives in Ger certainly not contributing to ecclesiastical reform (. . . che si Many anda princely standing in Italy. There was

sopisca questa prattica, che alla reformatione porta pochissimo frutto

o niuno). He informed Gonzaga of the stir the conciliar conten-

tion had caused in Rome, which was being flooded with letters =~

from Trent, and of the likelihood of the canonist Cicada’s ap- 83 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 280, p. 502, doc. dated 25 pointment as a legate to the council, which would have been May, 1562: “. . . quia iste articulus [de residentia] visus est an affront to Gonzaga. It was a courteous letter, for which magis congruere materiae dogmatis quam reformationis.” Gonzaga thanked him on 16 May, acknowledging the discord 84 Documentos ineditos, IX, 208-9. among the fathers, but denying that there had been such dis- 8° Susta, II, 143: ‘““Concludono che vostra Signoria illustriscord among the legates (i.e., with Simonetta) as had been re- _sima et Monsignore reverendissimo Seripando sono uniti et ported (Susta, II, nos. 40b-41, pp. 139-49, with Susta’s notes). __d’ uno stesso volere alla ruina della Corte Romana!” 82 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, nos. 266-72, 275-79, pp. 465— 86 Von Sickel, in the Wiener Sitzungsberichte, CXXXV (1896), 81, 486-501; Paleotti, Acta Concilii Tridentini, ibid., II]-1,327- x. Abh., pp. 108-17, on which note Jedin, Cardinal Seripando 30; Servanzio, Diario del Concilio di Trento, ibid., III-1, 32-36. (1947), pp. 612-14, and Girolamo Seripando (1937), WY 153-55.

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1561-1563) 787 widespread apprehension in Trent that, if Cicada dal in which only the enemies of the Holy See

were sent as “head of the council,’ Gonzaga could rejoice. would leave, as in an impressive letter of 16 May Nevertheless, his Holiness still entertained that (1562) he informed Borromeo he would do.®’ _ high opinion of Seripando that he had always had, Now there was fear in Rome also, for Gonzaga’s and he was confident that every day Seripando departure could well cause an international up- would now give him cause to hold him in still heaval. Strange as it may seem, the question of greater esteem.*” Seripando seemed to be pleased episcopal residence had become an issue of great with this letter, and asked Borromeo for permisimportance throughout Catholic Europe, a rally- sion to show it to his friends, but as Vargas had ing cry of churchmen and princes against the written Philip II on 2 June, the pope was openly

Italian domination of the Church. hostile to Seripando—to the point of saying that

Among the conflicting reports which came from _ if he had only listened to Vargas in the first place, Rome to Trent, as Antonio Agustin, the bishop he would never have made Seripando a cardinal.°° of Lérida, wrote Francisco de Vargas, was one to At the same time that Borromeo wrote Serithe effect that Pius IV had said episcopal residence pando he also sent word to Simonetta (in cipher) was indeed of divine ordination, but that the pub- that since Ercole Gonzaga had tried to explain in lic declaration thereof would destroy the Curia defensive tones the whys and wherefores of the Romana [which was in fact Simonetta’s view]. Dis- discord at Trent, his Holiness could only hope that cord had reached the point that there was danger hereafter Gonzaga would pursue a better course of schism. Gonzaga was said to have asked for the of action. Simonetta was cautioned to deal most licentia abeundi. Agustin was not sure that he would — gently with Gonzaga “‘et con tutta la mansuetudine

even wait for it. He would be sorely missed; his et cortesia del mondo et mostrargli confidenza.” courtesy was unfailing, “‘y un tan gran Sefior, While thus appearing to have confidence in Goncomo vuestra Sefioria sabe.”” According to some zaga, Simonetta was to keep a weather eye open, of the gossips, Gonzaga and Seripando had de- __ follow his previous instructions, and agree to nothclared that Pius IV had deceived them in not mak- ing contrary to the pope’s wishes. He would find ing clear what kind of a council he wanted, for _ the curialist prelates like Boncompagni, Castagna, they were not about to defend the malpractices of | the auditor Paleotti, and others helpful amid the

the Curia.*® trials at Trent.”?

On 6 June Borromeo wrote Seripando in an- At the fourth session of the council “‘sub Pio swer to his long apologia of 17 May which, the IV,” held in the majestic cathedral of S. Vigilio cardinal-nephew said, the pope had read. His Ho-_ on 4 June (1562), the fathers approved a decree, liness was allegedly pleased with the general prog- _ with thirty-six dissenting votes, postponing until ress of the council. As for the article on residence, the next session (on 16 July) the decisions to be however, although he realized that everyone was _ taken with regard to reform as well as to dogma.” moved by a wholesome zeal, he was ‘“‘not able not Owing to illness, Gonzaga was not present at the to blame”’ the legates for allowing the article to fourth session, which was attended by five ambascome to a vote. As soon as they had seen “‘tanta__ sadors, two patriarchs, seventeen archbishops, 128 discordia de’ padri in detto articolo,” they should _ bishops, two abbots, four generals of Orders, and have tried quietly to bury it. There had been no 73 theologians in addition to the four legates and possibility of finding a satisfactory solution to the Cardinal Lodovico Madruzzo.”’ The theologians problem by balloting. The result had been a scan- included Diego Laynez, Alfonso Salmeron, and Pedro de Soto, who were among the intellectual luminaries of the day. 87 Susta, II, no. 41, pp. 143-46: ‘“‘Mi duol bene nell’ anima che tanite cose sieno state credute di me tutte false, et da quelle =~ _|_______ si sia Causata una risolutione cosi presta et di tanto pregiudicio *° Susta, II, 194. all’ honor mio di mandar San Clemente [i.e., Cicada] qua capo 9° Susta, II, 194; Documentos inéditos, IX, 245.

di questo Concilio senza avisarmi tanto a tempo che havessi 9! Susta, II, no. 54, p. 193, and see in general G. Drei, “‘La potuto mostrare la falsita di dette cose con vive giustificationi | Corrispondenza del Card. Ercole Gonzaga,” Arch. storico per le [p. 144]. . . . Et similmente mi perdoni se mi risolvo di non _ provincie Parmensi, XVIII (1918), nos. XXX—XL, pp. 29-62.

star qui venendoci San Clemente superiore [p. 145]... .”’ Cf, 2 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 283, pp. 521-23; Paleotti,

ibid., pp. 208-9. Acta Concili Tridentini, ibid., W1-1, 339; Servanzio, Diario del 88 Documentos inéditos, IX, 188-89, letter of Agustin to Var- — Concilio di Trento, ibid., III-1, 36-38.

gas, dated at Trent on 18 May, 1562, and cf, ibid., IX, 216- 93 Servanzio, op. cit., in Conc. Trident., I11-1, 38, and cf. Ehses,

18, and Susta, II, no. 45, pp. 161-64. ibid., VIII, no. 285, pp. 527-28.

788 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT It was a stately gathering, but it had not accom-__ciliar recognition of the tus divinum residentiae as plished much. As far as the vociferous Spaniards — the foundation of ecclesiastical reform. It was hard were concerned, episcopal residence remained the to advance upon both fronts at the same time; the

major item of reform. While the legates were royal concern with continuation became an imstruggling, at the pope’s insistence, to set this issue pediment to the bishops’ insistence upon the diaside, they had encountered a new problem when vine law of residence. on 18 May (1562) Louis de Lansac arrived at Trent The imperialists and the French were heartily as the French envoy to the council. Within the next in favor of a declaration of the divine law of resfew days he had been joined by two colleagues, idence, but they were equally opposed to the view “mandati dal re di Francia. . .al sacro Concilio.”’** that the council they were attending was in any Lansac and his fellow envoys had soon pre- way a continuation of that which had been sussented to the legates the demands of the French pended at the end of April, 1552. The imperialgovernment that the current proceedings be rec-__ ists, French, and Spanish, however, stood together ognized as a new council, a fresh attempt to solve against the Italians, which does not mean of course

the religious problem, which (as we have seen) that there were not a goodly number of Italian would have invalidated the dogmatic decrees of reformers, including Gonzaga and Seripando. the first two periods of the council (at which the That the two senior legates should put the wellFrench had not been represented). Fortunately, being of the Church before that of the Holy See however, as the legates wrote Borromeo (on 1 and the Curia angered Simonetta. The latter saw June), the French had agreed, for the immediate a “‘beautiful opportunity”’ to separate the French future at least, to be satisfied with the imperialist from the Spanish in their disagreement over the position—that there should be no official state- question of “continuation.” But what did Gonzaga ment as to whether the current sessions were the and Seripando do? To Simonetta’s extreme anproceedings of a wholly new council or the con- noyance they brought the opposing forces to-

tinuation of the old one.” gether by ‘‘continuing”’ the council without ever

As far as Philip II was concerned, this ambiguity putting the fact into words.*’ had been going on long enough. Like the Spanish One way of ‘“‘continuing”’ the council, while not clergy—anxious to preserve the dogmatic decrees saying so, was to resume the dogmatic discussions

of the earlier sessions—Philip looked upon the at precisely the point at which they had been Tridentine assembly of 1562 as a continuation of halted in 1552. This was done at a general conthat of a decade before. Pius IV had assured him — gregation in the church of S. Maria Maggiore on that this was in fact the case, but Philip now wanted 6 June (1562), when the legates announced that some official affirmation of the fact.°° The Spanish the next important ‘“‘materia’”’ to be dealt with bishops at Trent had, however, been concentrat- would be the sacrament of the eucharist, the quesing (as we are only too well aware) upon the con- tion of utraque species, and the communion of children. That was all very well as far as the Spanish bishops were concerned, but the articulus residen4 Servanzio, op. cit., in Conc. Trident., I1I-1, 35-36, entries fae must not be put aside. Ped ro Guerrero, the for 18, 19, 22, and 26 May, 1562; Susta, I, no. 44, pp. 156- archbishop of Granada, made It abundantly clear

58; Ehses, Conc. Trident., VII, no. 274, pp. 485-86. that the Spanish were never going to forget that Susta, II, no. 48, p. 172, letter dated 1 June, 1562: issue, “‘sed memoria retinet et semper retinebit.”’

*. . . Questi ambasciatori Francesi Cl hanno fatto grandissima Gianbattista Castagna, archbishop of Rossano, instanza per la nuova indittione del concilio.. . .” The legates, Pecame enraged at the fact that the Spaniards however, had managed to bring the French envoys around to b h ‘d ‘nel . the point “‘che si sono contentati di quel tanto che si contentano rougnt up resi ence at every single congregation, anco gli ambasciatori dell’ imperatore, cid é che non si faccia and made it impossible to get on with other matdichiaratione alcuna né d’ indittione né di continuatione. ters (unde celerarum rerum progressus interrumpere-

aeLansac _ had tur). As the embattled bishops were lining up on wanted to hold up the agenda of the council

until the ‘‘hoped-for arrival of the English, Scots, Danes, Sax-

ons, Wiirttembergers, unius denique ecclesiae tottus,’ which made

no sense at all (Seripando, Commentaru, in Merkle, Conc. Tri- °7 Susta, II, 173, from Simonetta’s dispatch to Rome: “Era dent., I1, 487). Cf. the legates’ letter of 21 May to Borromeo, _ bella occasione di disunir Francesi di Spagnoli col articolo della in Susta, II, no. 44, p. 157, and the letter of the Spanish agent continuatione o indictione, ma sono stati riuniti da Mantua col Hércules Pagnano (Pafian) to the marquis of Pescara, dated 22 _consiglio di Seripando, essendosi contentati Francesi che in ef-

May, 1562, in the Documentos inéditos, 1X, 195-96. fetto si continuasse ma non si esprimesse queste parole, al che °° Cf. the various texts in the Documentos inéditos, 1X, 185, | Spagnoli pareva che si acquetassero et si era scritto al marchese

187, 193-95, 197-98, 200 ff., 211, 215-16. [di Pescara] sopra questo.”

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1561-1563) 789 one side and the other, Ercole Gonzaga, fearing — son of the well-known Ferrante.'°° Union with the lest the learned fathers might be descending into family of a reigning pope was always much sought a tavern brawl, rixae iam excitatae periculum pro- after, and Ercole had been pleased with young spiciens, solemnly promised that in due time, when Cesare’s marriage, for it had increased his own they came to the sacrament of holy orders, the influence at the Curia. Ercole had, to be sure, lost question of residence would be dealt with.°* He the tiara to Giannangelo de’ Medici in the long was careful, however, to give no indication as to conclave of 1559 when, owing to the interference when that might be. Although the pope and Bor- of Spain, he had been locked out of the election. romeo had wanted the legates to bury the article The princely Ercole doubtless looked upon Pius on residence del tutto or at least put it off into the IV, the brother of the rowdy castellan of Musso, indefinite future without any sort of commitment, as an upstart, but it was an age of upstart popes.

they had in fact permitted the legates (in their Anyhow Ercole had had enough of Spain, espeletter of 23 May) to defer the debate on residence _ cially of Spanish bishops.

‘“finché si trattera de sacramento ordinis.’’”” Despite the religious unrest in France, there was Severely pressed in the stormy congregation of no reason to suspend the council. The Catholic 6 June, Gonzaga had acted within the range of reformation was incomplete. Aside from the ardecision allowed him by the pope. It was hardly _ ticle on residence there were dogmatic decrees to his fault that he had been forced to resort to the be produced and approved. Cicada was not sent pope’s least desirable choice, but his promise to to Trent. On 29 June (1562), as Leonardo Marini, the bishops did not endear him to the curialists. archbishop of Lanciano, was preparing to return A few months later the divine law of residence was from Rome to Trent, he was instructed to assure to come to the fore with even greater force and the legates that the rumors of a ‘“‘dissolution”’ of

almost wreck the council. the council were absolutely groundless. Pius IV in-

Ercole Gonzaga had lost the pope’s confidence. formed Marini that he could not stop all the talk, He was also fed up with cantankerous and long- ‘‘se ben potemo fare che dicano la bugia,”’ but he winded bishops. Having warned Borromeo in mid- could label it lies.

May (1562) of his intention to resign if Cicada Pius had not encouraged the princes to send were sent as first legate to the council, Gonzaga their envoys to Trent for nothing. He had been wanted to be relieved of his unpleasant charge at well aware of the expense—and the vexation— Trent. Throughout the month of June he made which would lie ahead. The first two periods of plans and took steps to bring about his resignation, the council had made all that clear. He had instifor which he needed the pope’s permission. Bor- tuted reforms in Rome (as we have already heard romeo, however, was trying to heal the rift be- him say) which had cost the Holy See more than tween Gonzaga and the pope. In the spring of 200,000 scudi. The council was ‘‘open.”’ It would

1560 the cardinal-nephew’s sister Camilla had remain so. He had never intended to suspend or married Ercole’s nephew Cesare Gonzaga, eldest dissolve it, but was determined to see it do its work through to the very end.'°! Ercole Gonzaga’s resignation as first president of the council was, there%8 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 287, esp. pp. 529-31, with fore, not accepted, and on 6 J uly even Simonetta

the first note on p. 531; Servanzio, Diario del Concilio di Trento, acknowledged that had the pope done so, it ibid., III-1, 38; and Paleotti, Acta Concilii Tridentini, ibid., II-1, ‘‘would have been a scandal to all the world, and 340: ‘‘Illis, qui petunt quaestionem residentiae tractari, [Man- especially to those here at the council.’’!°2

tuanum] se fidem polliceri hoc eis tempore suo, cum de ae le . sacramento ordinis agetur, permissum iri.” The conciliar fathers could now go to work with On 5 June (1562) a mass was celebrated in the cathedral of some measure of peace. Philip II, who was almost S. Vigilio ‘for the victory achieved by the king of Portugal 4s anxious for the success of the council as was against the Turks and also for the coming victory which God piys [V, helped restrain for a while the animus of

would grant the most Christian king of France against the heretics,” i.e., the Huguenots (Firmanus, Diaria caerimonialia, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., 1, 561). On the Portuguese victory alluded to, see Antonio Dias Farinha, Historia de Mazagao durante 10° Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 82. 0 periodo filipino, Lisbon, 1970, pp. 30-32, and esp. Henry de '°! Von Sickel, in the Wiener Sitzungsberichte, CX X XV (1896), Castries, Les Sources inédites de I’ histovre du Maroc de 1530 4 1845, x. Abh., pp. 118-19: “‘. . . Mai fu nostra intentione di disIst ser., I-1 [1530-1578], Paris, 1905, no. LI, pp. 231-39. The solverlo, ma si ben di finirlo, confermarlo, et esseguirlo.”’

Portuguese had held Mazagan, on the Atlantic fifty-five miles 102 Susta, II, 220, notes; of, wbid., no. 64a, pp. 229-30, a southwest of Casablanca, against a large Moorish army from 4 letter of Borromeo to Simonetta, dated 1 July, 1562; and see

March to 30 April, 1562. Drei, ‘‘La Corrispondenza del Card. Ercole Gonzaga,”’ Arch. 99 Susta, II, no. 47, pp. 167-68. storico per le provincie Parmensi, XVIII, nos. XLIU-L, pp. 64-84.

790 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the Spanish bishops on the score of residence. He should help them. Too harsh an application of also softened his own demand for an official state- restrictions on holding benefices, patrimonies, and ment afhrming the continuity of this third period pensions could very quickly deprive the Dalma-

of the council with the first two.'°? Week after tians of a priesthood ‘‘with the great danger of week, in wearisome detail, the fathers discussed their turning into infidels or heretics, for the and debated the articles and canons ‘‘de usu sa- ‘Turks and the Greek rite are pressing in upon cramenti Eucharistiae’’ and the doctrine and can- them from all sides, and they have no other refuge ons ‘‘de communione sub utraque specie et par-_ in their misfortunes than recourse to prayers and

vulorum.’’!° masses,’?!06 The envoys of the Emperor Ferdinand and As Beccadelli resumed his seat, Girolamo SaAlbrecht V of Bavaria did their best to secure the vorgnan, the bishop of Sebenico (Sibenik), rose to laity’s access to the chalice. In addressing the coun- speak in agreement. Savorgnan also warned the

cil on 27 June (1562), Albrecht’s envoy, Dr. Au- fathers against seeking to withhold ordination gustin Baumgartner (Paumgartner), had three re- “‘nisi ad titulum benefici.’’ In Sebenico the revequests—the reform of the clergy, communion nues of so-called benefices were so small

under both species, and the admission of married men to holy orders. The emperor’s ‘‘oratores”’ that unless many “‘beneficed priests” sought a living for

presented a written petition to the fathers, re- themselves by the fine art of fishing [arte piscatoria], they questing communion sub utra que speci e for those could not feed and maintain themselves, and this has

ar : ; come about because all the fertile land round about has

. “7 . . . pie y the urks. Since 1n the flocK com

Christians who wanted it (qui magno quodam zelo | occupied by the Turks. Since in the flock °

calicem sibt dari exp etunt) mM Bohemia, Hungary, mitted to my care there are 15,000 souls, who require Austria, Moravia, Silesia, Carinthia, Carniola, many priests to administer the sacraments of the Church, Styria, Bavaria, Swabia, and ‘very many parts of sufficient consideration will have been given to my

Germany.’’!°° needs, I daresay, if the faculty is granted me that in

In dealing with the everlasting question of re- _ ordaining [priests] I may look only to the integrity and form, especially in the matter of benefices, Lo- training of the candidates, since almost all benefices are dovico Beccadelli, archbishop of Ragusa, declared utterly without incomes. The resources of laymen are that caution must be exercised lest one make too _ likewise so tenuous that without some extra diligence rigorous the economic and social requirements for ‘hey are insufficient to provide a livelihood. entry into the priesthood. ‘The Turkish conquests, Despite such practical problems the council was

like the Lutheran confiscations (and the religious finally making progress in its efforts to clarify war then raging in France), had swept away ec- dogma. On 16 July (1562) at the twenty-first sesclesiastical lands and endowments. In certainareas Gon of the council, the fifth under Pius IV, the of Christendom, in Dalmatia for example, there fathers approved the memorable decree “‘de comwere almost no benefices sufficient to support a munione sub utraque specie et parvulorum.” The priest. Those who would serve the Church were doctrine was now established that the whole and very poor, “but these people are not to be scorned, undivided Christ is administered to the commufor they are the remains of a famous nation and nicant under either the wine or the wafer (totum well deserving the name of Christian.” ‘The more 4, integrum Christum ac verum sacramentum sub qua-

miserable they were, the more Mother Church libet specie sumt), and that children, usu rationis carentes, need not take communion. In four canons

——___—_————— attached to the decree anathemas were, as usual, 103 Susta, II, no. 70, pp. 261-63, letter of the legates to Borromeo, dated 20 July, 1562, with Susta’s notes.

104 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, nos. 286 ff., pp. 528 ff. OO

105 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, nos. 314-15, pp. 619-33, esp. 106 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 344, pp. 694-95, doc. pp. 623 ff., 629. According to Baumgartner, the Germans dated 15 July, 1562. Both Beccadelli and Savorgnan, who folmuch preferred in their clergy a chaste marriage to a corrupt lowed him, were concerned with the second of the nine canons celibacy, and many German clerics would rather have wives _ relating to reform which were passed at the fifth session of the without benefices than benefices without wives (ibid., p. 624). | council under Pius IV (ibid., VIII, no. 346, p. 701), inc. Cum On the desire for the chalice in Bohemia and Germany (as non deceat eos, qui dtvino ministerio adscripti sunt, cum ordinis dededemanded by Hus, Luther, and Calvin), see the detailed and core mendicare aut sordidum aliquem quaestum exercere, etc. It was

careful study of G. Constant, Concession d Il’ Allemagne de la one thing for the mendicant friars to beg, quite another for communion sous les deux especes: Etude sur les débuts de la réforme secular priests or those holding cathedral or collegiate prebcatholique en Allemagne (1548-1621), 2 vols., Paris, 1923,1, esp. ends. pp. 30-76, 212 ff. Constant’s second volume is an appendix of 107 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 344B, p. 695, also dated

139 documents, most of them from the period 1562-1565. 15 July, 1562.

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1561-1563) 791 directed against those who entertained contrary faculty should be accorded to archbishops and

views, 1°8 bishops to allow curates within their dioceses to

In his address to the council, Andrea Duditio hand the chalice to the lay members of their par(Dudic) Sbardellati, bishop of Knin on the Krka__ishes who requested it.'!* in western Croatia, assailed Luther, Melanchthon, On 27 August Draskovic addressed the council Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bucer, Kaspar von on behalf of the concessio calicis. Whenever imperial Schwenkfeld, ‘‘and innumerable others.’’ Sbar- diets met to consider war against the Turks, he dellati represented the Hungarian clergy.’ Con- _ said, immediately the question of the chalice arose demnation of Protestants—and Turks—wasanat- with the demand that it be made available to all ural pastime at ecclesiastical assemblies. But what (ut calicis usus omnibus communis sit). Thereafter of the request of the emperor and the duke of every important matter—above all the defense of Bavaria to allow the laity the wine as well as the Christendom against the Turks—was postponed wafer? The French had no objection to the conces- to some later date. Unless one could bring this sion of the chalice to the laity.‘"° The Spaniards discord and these controversies to an end, “‘which did object, and so the issue was postponed for con-__ we hope to do when the use of the chalice is persideration at the next session, which was to be held _mitted,’’ the barbarous Turks would soon occupy on 17 September.''! The imperial envoys to the Germany as well as the whole of Hungary!!!4 council, Georg Draskovic and Sigismund von The discussions de concessione calicis began on 28 Thun, were distressed by the delay, and remon- August and went on through endless hours until strated (but quite in vain) with the legates, who 6 September (1562).'!® The pro-German Cardinal

hardly knew where to turn.''” Lodovico Madruzzo spoke first. Everyone knew

To Ferdinand and Albrecht of Bavaria the po- what he would say: the council could and must litical as well as religious implications of the chalice grant the imperial request for lay access to the were most important. Indeed, they believed its use chalice. The fathers were anxious not to offend by the laity was necessary to maintain Catholicism the emperor, but many of them, like Antonio Elio, in Germany whence, with some sort of doctrinal _ the patriarch of Jerusalem, opposed the concession peace established, Ferdinand hoped for assistance of the chalice, for they feared some clumsy lout against the Turks. Later on in the year 1562 (as would always be spilling the blood of Christ. Also we have seen) he was finally able to make peace _ the lay use of the chalice was contrary to the cuswith the Porte, thanks largely to Busbecq’s intel- tom of the Church.'!® If some of the fathers ligent and courteous persistence. Meanwhile the fa- _ thought that Gianbattista Castagna of Rossano was thers at Trent discussed and disputed for long, hard long-winded when he spoke against the concession

weeks the proposed articles and canons on the sac-_ (on 28 August),''’ they must have been further rifice of the mass. At a general congregation on 22 discouraged by the length of Dudi¢ Sbardellati’s August (1562) two questions were put before the defense of the concession (on 5 September).!!® council for examination—whether and on what Sbardellati was forceful, however, and well interms communion might be administered under formed. Diego Laynez’s almost interminable perboth species in Germany, Hungary, Bohemia, Aus- formance, when he spoke against the concession (on tria, and other Hapsburg lands, and whether the 6 September), was relieved by the importance of what he had to say.''” When the question came to '°® Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 346, esp. pp. 698-700; fo ibid., p.'709, and Beccadelli, Monumenti, ed. Morandi, II (1804), '!3 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 376, esp. pp. 774-76. By nos. L-LI, pp. 352-55; Constant, Concession a l’ Allemagne dela a brief of 26 August, 1562, Pius IV revoked the concession

communion sous les deux especes, 1 (1923), 254 ff. which Paul III had granted the German bishops by a well109 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 347, pp. 705, 707. Sbar- known brief dated 5 December, 1545 (Ehses, ibid., IV [1904], dellati was later made bishop of Pécs (Fiinfkirchen)in Hungary, no. 340, pp. 443-44), of being represented at the council by

became an apostate, took a wife, was deprived of his see in proctors, which cut down the German attendance at Trent in 1568, and died in 1589 (cf, Van Gulik, Eubel, and Schmitz- the last period of the council (ibid., [IX [1924], no. 18, pp.

Kallenberg, Mierarchia catholica, I11, 280). 36-37).

'l° Ehses, Conc. Trident., VUI, no. 325, pp. 651-52, doc. 'I4 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 384, pp. 786 ff., esp. pp.

dated 4 July, 1562. 789-90; cf. Constant, Concession @ I’ Allemagne, 1, 279-83.

''! Tbid., VIII, no. 346, p. 704. 'l° Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, nos. 385-417, pp. 791-909.

‘1? Susta, II, no. 70B, p. 261, a letter of the legates to Bor- ''8 Tbid., VIII, no. 385, p. 791. romeo. Both Pius IV and Ercole Gonzaga were quite prepared ''7 Ibid., VII, no. 386, pp. 793-98. to give the chalice to the laity if the council would approve 'l8 Tbid., VIII, no. 410, pp. 866—75.

communion sub utraque specie. See Constant, Concession a l’Al- '!9 Ibid., VIII, no. 414, pp. 879-98. Laynez spoke for three

lemagne, 1, 260 ff. hours (Constant, Concession a l’ Allemagne, 1, 306-7).

792 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT a vote, the fathers’ differences of opinion were be- rather quickly to lose interest in it. On the whole

wildering.'*° the German episcopate opposed the concession,

Massarelli tallied the votes, and found that 29 and made little effort to obey Pius’s briefs. The fathers had voted outright for concession of the wine was found to be doing more harm than good, chalice. Thirty-one were in favor of it, if the pope and even such an advocate of the chalice as Georg had no objection (cum remissione ad sanctissimum Draskovic, bishop of Fiinfkirchen (Pécs), came to dominum nostrum). Nineteen voted affirmatively regret having worked so hard for the concession for the lay use of the chalice in Hungary and Bo-_ which failed to achieve the beneficent results that hemia, if the pope had no objection. Thirty-eight Ferdinand, Albrecht V of Bavaria, and Zaccaria were quite against it, and there were ten further Delfino, the papal nuncio at Vienna, had expected

negative votes, provided the pope also disap- of it.'**

proved. Twenty-four would refer the question of Of more significance than the decree assigning the chalice to the pope. Let him decide. Fourteen _ the chalice to the pope’s judgment were the nine refrained from committing themselves on 6 Sep-_ doctrinal articles or ‘‘chapters’” (capita) and the tember, believing the issue required more inves- nine condemnatory canons which the fathers now tigation or more something. One person remained — endorsed “‘on the most holy sacrifice of the mass,”’

‘‘dubious”’ despite all the long-drawn-out discus- for these make the twenty-second session of the sions. In all, 166 votes had been recorded,’*! and council rank in importance with the sixth, at which

nothing had been decided. the decree on justification had been passed (on 13 There was apparently only one way to reacha January, 1547). The decree asserted the validity compromise that would be acceptable to a major- _ of the mass as it had always been, and was to be, ity of the voting members of the council. It was against the Protestants’ denial of its sacrificial na-

very simple. One had only to leave the problem ture. The mass is a commemoration of Christ’s of the chalice to the pope, and this the fathers did _ passion, ‘“‘uti semper Catholica Ecclesia intellexit when they resumed their discussions de concessione et docuit,’’ the Christian’s pathway to salvation.

calicis at the general congregations of 15 and 16 It is in effect a representation of the sacrifice of September (1562), declaring integrum negotitum ad the cross, not a mere commemoration, ‘‘and alsanctissimum dominum nostrum esse referendum.'** At though it constitutes the major instruction of the

the twenty-second session of the council, the sixth faithful, nevertheless it has not seemed useful to under Pius IV, held in the cathedral of Trent on _ the fathers that it should be celebrated everywhere 17 September, the fathers gave final confirmation in the vernacular.’’'”° to their decree designating the pope as arbiter of At the twenty-second session the long-awaited

the chalice.*** decree on reform was also published.'*° Despite Later on, after the council had closed, by a_ the constant disagreements and sometimes bitter series of briefs dated 16 April, 1564, Pius IV did disputes among the fathers, the council was obgrant the chalice to the laity in Germany, Bo- viously making progress. There had been 187 perhemia, Austria, and Hungary, but only under sons in official attendance at the twenty-second stringent conditions, which (time was to show) | session, including eight ambassadors, 20 archbish-

were not to be properly observed. At first the

concession of the chalice seemed to be saving Ca- 124 Cf in general Pastor, Hist. Popes, XVI, 111-33 and ff, tholicism in certain areas. Having acquired the and Gesch. d. Papste, VII (repr. 1957), 365-81 and ff., and esp. sacrificial wine, however, most people appeared Constant, Concession al’ Allemagne, 1, 495-531. As Laynez had foreseen in his ‘‘vote”’ of 6 September, 1562 (Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 414, pp. 888-89), those who received the chalice tended also to demand other concessions, especially the right

120 Ibid., VIII, no. 415, pp. 899-906. of marriage for the priesthood (Constant, op. cit., I, 546-611).

'2! Tbid., VIII, no. 416, pp. 906—7, doc. dated 6 September, Pius V Ghislieri tried unsuccessfully to revoke the grant of the

1562. chalice in Carinthia, Styria, and Carniola (ibid., 1, 682 ff.), but

'22 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, nos. 431-35, pp. 942-53, esp. | he encouraged the German bishops in their opposition to utrapp. 952-53, the acta of Massarelli, who records the vote as 96 quism, which was eventually suppressed in Bavaria (in 1571), in approval of the decree to refer the chalice to the pope, and __ in Austria (1584), in Hungary (1604), and in Bohemia (1621), 42 opposed; Paleotti, Acta Concilii Tridentini, ibid., I1I-1, 424-— on which see Constant, I, esp. pp. 706 ff.

26, who gives the vote as affirmative 98 and negative 38. 125 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 437, pp. 959-62, and see "3 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 439, p. 968, lines 27 ff. | Erwin Iserloh, ‘‘Das tridentinische Messopferdekret in seinen Although few of the fathers were pleased with the decree, re- | Beziehungen zu der Kontroverstheologie der Zeit,’ in Il Conmission of the problem to the pope was at least a solution of cilio di Trento e la riforma tridentina, 2 vols., Rome, 1965, II,

sorts, and they could move on to other matters (Constant, 401-39.

Concession a l’ Allemagne, 1, 313-42). 126 Ibid., VIII, no. 437, pp. 965-68.

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1561-1563) 793 ops, and 142 bishops,'?’ not counting the host of In his address to the general congregation of theologians and others. Very likely not one of 20 October Laynez dealt with the disputed sevthem suspected that a full ten months would elapse enth canon de sacramento ordinis, 1.e., with the na-

(from 17 September, 1562, until 15 July, 1563) ture of episcopal authority. Authority or power before it would be possible to hold the next, the (potestas) is of two sorts, he said, civil and eccle-

twenty-third, session of the council. siastical. Ecclesiastical authority is also of two sorts, one of ‘‘order’”’ and the other of jurisdiction. Both

The last decree of the twenty-second session of are employed for man’s sanctification, but the the council had been to set the date for the next power of order is bestowed in consecration by the session (on 12 November, 1562, but one post- sacraments. The power of jurisdiction 1S quite othponement after another would prove necessary), erwise; it is granted by commission, and may be and also to declare the sacraments of holy orders held by a ‘‘mere layman”’ in an ecclesiastical conand matrimony as the next topics on the conciliar text. The power of ‘“‘order’’ bishops receive from agenda.!?® The legates started the ball rolling on God, whether through the pope or another bishop, 18 September, when they presented the theologians but that of jurisdiction they receive from the with seven heretical assertions “de sacramento or- pope.'** Laynez’s Latinity makes up in clarity what dinis,” and on the twenty-third Salmeron began the __ it lacks in grace. discussions with the observation that Martin Luther Borromeo is clearly following Laynez in his lethad denied “‘sacerdotium esse sacramentum.” Or- _ ter to the legates of 29 October (1562) concerning der was, however, a sacrament of the new dispen- the Tridentine controversy pro and con the propsation instituted by Christ, Salmeron declared, and osition “‘institutionem episcopatus esse iuris di-

it conferred grace. vini.’’ He wrote in answer to their reports to Rome

It was the beginning of weeks of discussions of 19 and 22 October, reminding them, “although which mounted into fiery disputes.!”° We shall not I know it to be unnecessary,’’ that the divine ortry to follow them. On 13 October, however, the dination of bishops was all well and good “as far

doctrinal decree on holy orders, together with as order is concerned,” but as far as jurisdiction seveni condemnatory canons, was presented to the was concerned, this all bishops receive from the fathers for examination. From 13 to 20 October pope, i vescovi |’ hanno dal summo pontifice.'** Laynez

the texts were considered in eleven general con- was general of the Jesuits, a papal theologian, and gregations. One hundred and thirty fathers gave hardly in agreement with most of the Spanish bishexpression to their views de doctrina et canonibus de Ops at Trent. sacramento ordinis. On the twentieth there was only The curialists were rendered uneasy by the arone speaker, Laynez, and as always he spoke with rival in Trent, on 13 November (1562), of Charles

telling effect.!2° de Guise, the cardinal of Lorraine, accompanied

Pouring oil on troubled waters, Gonzaga had by a phalanx of French bishops and doctors of the promised the council on 6 June (1562), as we have Sorbonne.'** On the following day, however, noted, that when the sacrament of holy orders

appeared on the agenda, the fathers might also ment of holy orders, which condemned anyone who said seek to determine whether the obligation of bish- ‘‘episcopos non esse presbyteris superiores vel non habere ius ops to reside in their dioceses was the consequence _ ordinandi vel, si habent, id esse illis commune cum presbyteris

of divine or clerical law. Inevitably the subject of . - .” (Ehses, Conc. Trident, 1X, no. 20, pp. 40-41), Guerrero the episcopate came to the fore. In the discussions _imSisted that this was not good enough: “"Petivi etiam pont in which now began on 13 October the indomitable divino et a Christo, et eodem iure divino esse superiores presPedro Guerrero, archbishop of Granada, altered __ byteris” (ibid., IX, no. 23, pp. 48-49, and ¢f. no. 22, p. 44, line somewhat the tenor of the previous debates by the 16, and esp. Paleotti, Acta Concilit Tridentini, ihid., II-1, 443).

. . . doctrina et fieri canonem quod episcopi sunt constituti 1ure

categorical assertion of the divine origin of the 1” Ehses, Conc. Trident, IX, 94-101, esp. pp. 95-96. It

e pi scopat e131 might be noted that when1957), Pastor’s Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII (repr. first went to the press, the actual text of Laynez’s conciliar address of 20 October, 1562, had not yet been published

—_-_--— (of., ibid., p. 231, note 6). It was well known, however, to Pal-

127 Servanzio, Diario del Concilio di Trento, in Merkle, _ lavicini (cf Hartmann Grisar, ed., Jacobi Lainez. . . disputationes

IlI-1, 53. Tridentinae, 2 vols., Innsbruck, 1886, I, 371-82).

'28 Ehses, Conc. Trident., VIII, no. 437, p. 970. 183 Susta, III (1911), no. 14, pp. 49-50. The debate on the '29 Ehses, Conc. Trident., 1X (1924), nos. 2-3, pp. 5 ff. sacrament of holy orders was resumed on 3 November, and 130 Ehses, Conc. Trident., 1X, nos. 20-23, pp. 38-101; Pa- _ lasted for weeks (Ehses, Conc. Trident., IX, nos. 25, 27-45, 48

leotti, Acta Concilu Tridentini, III-1, 442-53. ff., pp. 105 ff.).

131 In criticism of the seventh canon concerning the sacra- '°4 Cf, above, p. 778b.

794 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Guise called on Ercole Gonzaga at the Palazzo the council wanted forever to be subject. It was Thun, where the other legates had gathered. In all very reassuring, and Gonzaga made a fitting the presence of the French envoys to the council _ reply to Guise.'*” For some time Guise did his best he assured the legates he would abstain from all to reconcile the opposing points of view concernactivities and arguments that might be directed ing the obligation of residence and the nature of against the pope’s authority.'*? On 19 November episcopal authority. It seemed impossible, how-

Arnaud (Raynaud) du Ferrier, president of the ever, to put an end to the contest. Parlement de Paris, de Lansac’s colleague as an An outburst of anger followed the assertion of envoy to the council, met with the legates to ex- Melchor Alvarez de Vozmediano, bishop of Guaplain that Guise was confined at home [in the Pa-_ dix (in southern Spain), in a general congregation lazzo a Prato, near the church of the S. Trinita] (on 1 December) that when one had been elected

because of illness. He was anxious, however, that bishop according to the canons of the early time should not be wasted in useless disputations, Church, he was a true bishop, and the pope had but that the fathers should get on to the reforms had nothing to do with his elevation. The person all Europe was waiting for, the learned and the elected would then be consecrated by the metrouneducated alike, nobles and commoners, eccle-_ politan, nulla facta mentione summi pontificis. Al-

siastics and laymen. varez de Vozmediano added, moreover, that even

The legates and the Italians remained suspi- now the archbishop of Salzburg ordained, con-

cious of Guise despite his fine words, and their firmed, and consecrated his four suffragan bishops suspicion was hardly lessened when on the twen- quite without leave of the pope, absque ulla licentia tieth Pierre Danés, bishop of Lavaur (in southern summi pontificis. Simonetta protested “that what France), launched a sharp attack on papal claims the archbishop of Salzburg does, he does by apto primacy. Danés said that bishops were installed _ ostolic authority.’’ Simonetta’s remonstrance was in their sees ‘“‘by divine law” (a iure divino), and that courteous, but his fellow countrymen yielded to in their churches they were the equals of the pope violent indignation. Quite a number of Italians, in his. Like Francisco Blanco, bishop of Orense (in in fact multi ex patribus, began to stamp their feet northwestern Spain), in a statement (votum) of 16 and shout ‘‘Anathema, throw him out, don’t listen, October, Danés denied that the bishop of Rome _ heresy!’’ Other insults were added to the injury was or ever had been the universal pastor of the being done him, but Vozmediano was not to be Church. Gregory the Great, for example, had re- deterred. fused to be called universalis papa “‘lest it detract The legates had to let him go on “‘lest freedom from [other] universal bishops.” Everyone won- of speech should appear to be hampered.”’ And dered at Danés’s statement, says Paleotti, for up to Vozmediano did go on. In criticism of the seventh this point no one had spoken so bitterly, and one canon on holy orders (episcopos . . . esse presbyteris suspected that he had been encouraged by Guise. superiores) he said that of course bishops were suLater on, however, still according to Paleotti, it was _ perior to priests, but it must be made clear quo iure “understood” that Guise had known nothing about _ they were superior: the episcopate was established Danés’s intention, and that he heartily disapproved _ by divine law, and that was the reason. He cited

of his attack on the Holy See.'*® as authorities Leo the Great (440-461), Basil of

Having recovered from his illness, Charles de Caesarea, Cyprian, and S. ‘Thomas. Guise appeared at a general congregation for the Among the bishops who had abused Vozmefirst time on 23 November, when a letter of diano, and tried to shout him down, were BartoCharles IX (dated 7 October, 1562) was read to lommeo Sirigo of Castellaneta, Egidio Falcetta of the fathers, and Guise himself gave a brief, pol- Venetian Caorle, Girolamo Maccabeo of Castro ished address replete with classical and biblical (Acquapendente), Giannantonio Facchinetti of Nireminiscences. He ended his discourse with a castro, and Giovanni Trevisan, the patriarch of sweeping declaration of obeisance to Pius IV to whom, after God, he and his French colleagues at §=________ 137 Ehses, Conc. Trident., 1X, no. 46, pp. 161-65, and cf. Pa-

TTT leotti, Acta Concilii Tridentini, ibid., III-1, 473. On the uneasiness 135 Paleotti, Acta Concilit Tridentini, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., | of Pius IV and Borromeo as they contemplated the possible III-1, 468. results of Guise’s coming to Trent with a sizable French con136 Paleotti, Acta Concilii Tridentini, in Merkle, Conc. Trident., tingent, note Vargas’s letter to Philip II, dated at Rome on 8 IlI-1, 471-72: ‘““Omnes mirati sunt hoc votum [Danesii], quia October, 1562, in Ddllinger, Beitrdge, 1, no. 133, pp. 449-50, adhuc nemo adeo acriter loquutus est.. . .’’ Blanco’sstatement and Borromeo’s letter to Gonzaga dated 6 November, in Susta,

or votum may be found, ibid., III-1, 445-46. III, no. 19a, pp. 62-63.

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT (1561-1563) 795 Venice. When they had yelled ‘“‘Anathema!” at a greater harassment than the Turks. During the Vozmediano, Pedro Guerrero of Granada had __ period in which the Council of Trent was assemturned on them with the answer ‘‘Anathema vos__ bling, and holding its various meetings (1561estis!’’'°’ Charles de Guise, who was already be- 1563), about three dozen Turkish tracts were ginning to lose patience with the Italian curialists, printed at Frankfurt am Main, Lyon, Nuremberg, told the legates that Vozmediano’s statement to Venice, Paris, Wittenberg, and elsewhere. These the general congregation had not merited such _ tracts covered a wide range of subjects—the early

outrageous treatment. history of the Ottoman Empire, the fall of ConGuise was extremely irritated that the curialist | stantinople, the Turkish capture of Negroponte,

bishops should have labeled with such passion ‘“‘as__ the career of Scanderbeg, the Turkish occupation

heresy what is not heresy.’”’ On 2 December, the of Otranto (in 1480-1481), the Christian seizure day after the turmoil, the legates reported to and loss of Jerba, and finally the imperial-Turkish

Rome that Guise was so offended by the peace of 27 November, 1562. If one could read,

, . , he could learn something about the Turks, for

inconsideration and insolence of some of our people that th k F ‘tten in Latin. G Ital

he has been compelled to say if this had happened to °° WOF hE © o men ch a ay ch La an

one of his French [bishops], he would have told the lan, Spanis , French, Eng isn, an Czech. congregation, “I appeal to a freer council,” and this Since the early days of printing the ‘Turks had very morning without any further delay he would have been a favorite subject. Works concerning them

gone with all his prelates. . . . had a wide circulation, and even today they are

; ; among the commoner items of note in rare-book

The gates waar Borromeo pa Cue had in- collections. The chief readers of serious books

ne c e oD a b nore his « | n © nee ty t were still, in the Tridentine era, to be found

ae on t Sebast

the war was resumed. The Dutch cruits from Spain.'*’ Furthermore, as we have in the United Provinces were determined to main- seen, Philip still had command of 130 galleys or more to employ against the Turks if need be.'*°

————— From the far West the Spanish could not strike at ellos Ilamaban ‘Compromiso,’ con la cual obligando entre si Turkey nor could the Turks, despite help from sus vidas y haciendas contra la administracion de la justicia y the Barbary corsairs, make much of an impress seguridad de la republica, juraron de asistir unos a otros contra upon the Spanish coasts. The Italian peninsula and

el al cual acusaban a barbaro, tirano yless opresor de Sicil lv | than | ble ththey h laRey, libertad... .” icilycomo were apparently vulnerable The authors and signatories of the ‘‘Compromise”’ had pre- had been in the earlier 1550’s, for the Spanish had sented Margaret of Parma with the petition and protest known become better organized and, even with Flanders

as the “Request! on 5 placards’”’ Gachard, ‘Con require con: il ” Correspondance to worry about, Philip had distractions quisition et les (Gachard, defewer Philippe : : than IT, 1, nos. 364-70, 373-74, pp. 400-11), one of the first serious his father Charles v had had. rhe Hosprtalers

steps toward outright rebellion. were refortifying their island stronghold of Malta, "43 Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe HI, 1, nos. 668-69, p.

588. Granvelle was sympathetic toward Egmont (ibid., I, nos.

674, 681, pp. 595, 599). ‘46 Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, vol. V1, pt. 1 (also '44 J. Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, vol. V, pt. 1(Am- 1728), no. CCXXXI, pp. 429-41, esp. pp. 429-30. sterdam and The Hague, 1728), no. CLVII, pp. 322-33, “‘traité 147 Douais, Dépéches de M. de Fourquevaux, 1 (1896), no. 63,

d’ union et d’ alliance perpétuelle entre les pays, provinces, _p. 148, doc. dated at Madrid on 9 December, 1566: “. . . Le villes et membres de Hollande, Zelande, Utrecht, etc. qui de- dict Seigneur Roy faict une levée de dix mil hommes de pied puis, 4 cause de ce traité, furent appellées les ‘Provinces-Unies,’ en ce royaume soubz trente enseignes, lesquelz s’ embarqueront

fait a Utrecht le 23 Janvier 1579,” with addenda. de bref pour aller en Lombardie, Naples, Sardaigne et Sicille 45 Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, vol. V, pt. 2 (1728), | entrer aux lieux et places en garnizon, d’ ot sa Majesté faict nos. LXII, LXVI, esp. LXVII, LXXX, pp. 94-95, 97-98, 99- ___ tirer pareil nombre de ses vieulx soldatz Espaignolz.. . .”

102, 119-20. '48 Thid., 1, no. 63, p. 151.

PIUS V AND SPAIN, THE TURKS IN CHIOS 921 and were putting to sea again. While the Turks cultivation. Besides all this the envoys were to do had taken pleasure in their destructive raids upon their best to see that neither France nor Venice Italy and Sicily, they had also found them expen- was included in the projected treaty, although sive. Except for some slaves and the satisfaction France had been almost an ally of the Porte, and of injuring an enemy, the raids had brought the Venice had had no conflict with the Turks since

Porte small profit. the “‘capitulations’”’ of 1540. But the sultan had

After the death of Sultan Suleiman, Maximilian other interests and other problems than the war II’s war with the Turks slowed down well-nigh to with Maximilian, and finally on 21 February, a halt, and his friendly overtures to the Porte re- 1568, a peace was signed between the Empire and ceived an almost neighborly response. On 21 Sep-_ the Porte, largely on the basis of a status quo ante, tember, 1567, three imperial ambassadors—the a more favorable settlement perhaps than the AusBelgian Albert von Wyss, the Styrian Christoph trian envoys had expected. Teuffenbach, and the Croatian Anton Verantius, The treaty was for eight years. It left Maximilian

bishop of Erlau (Eger) in northern Hungary— and his brothers Ferdinand and Charles in posseswere well received in an audience by Sultan Selim sion of their territories in Hungary, Dalmatia, II. Thereafter over a period of five months Max- Croatia, and Slavonia, with the understanding that imilian’s spokesmen had fourteen sometimes dif- they should not intrude upon the Turks in Tranficult sessions with the grand vizir, Mehmed So- sylvania, Moldavia, and Wallachia. The high conkolli. To win his favor they had been equipped _ tracting parties undertook to prevent all persons of with gifts of no small value to present to him— _ high estate and low, from voivodes to brigands, four thousand ducats, four silver beakers, and a_ from breaking the peace. Robbers were to be pun-

watch.'*? ished, and their proceeds restored to the rightful

According to the provisions of the last Austro- owners. Escaped slaves and deserters were to be Turkish treaty the grand vizir was to receive 2,000 returned. Disputes between the two powers were ducats a year, and the sultan an annual “‘gift”’ (not to be settled by arbitration. The persons of amof course a tribute) of 30,000 ducats, along with bassadors and members of their entourage were to twenty gilded beakers and two or three watches. be secure from detention or assault. Should the The second vizir was to be offered for his assis- peace be broken, the ambassadors and the members tance 2,000 ducats, two gilded beakers, and a_ of their suite could return, without molestation, to watch; the third vizir, 1,000 ducats and two silver their principals. They could receive in their own beakers; and each of the other three vizirs, 1,000 dwellings dragomans and couriers, and choose their ducats a year. The dragoman Ibrahim Beg, the _ places of residence, according to their preference, Polish renegade whom Busbecq had befriended, in Istanbul or north of the Golden Horn in Galata.

was to be given 500 ducats, and the second ‘The unresolved problems of the frontiers and the dragoman Mahmud, a German, 300 ducats. The division of the peasantry would be submitted to the imperial envoys were likewise to make a present study and decision of a commission of the two parof 2,000 ducats to Joseph Nasi, the Jewish duke ties. The sultan would receive munere honorario of Naxos, whose word carried weight with his 30,000 Hungarian ducats every year from the em-

friend Sultan Selim. peror. There were hard nuts to crack in the negotia- Three days after Maximilian’s envoys thought

tions. Maximilian had instructed his envoys not to that fundamental agreement had been reached, agree to the demolition of the fortifications of Mehmed Sokolli had made three further demands: Veszprém, Tata, and Tokay, but to try to get the 1) that France, Venice, and Poland should be inTurks to destroy their strongholds at Berencse cluded in the treaty; 2) that Maximilian should be and in the town of Babocsa in southwestern Hun- referred to in the treaty as the friend of the sulgary. There were conflicts of interest over the tan’s friends and the enemy of his enemies; and Hungarian-Transylvanian frontiers, and the divi- 3) that the peasants who dwelt within the areas to sion of the peasantry in the disputed areas under _ be divided should be allotted to the two powers according to the register of taxes of the Ottoman finance minister Khalil. The envoys rejected the

agAs .wefirst demand, which Mehmed Sokolli seems to have have had more than one occasion to note, the made at the request of Grantrie de Grandchamp,

Turks were always pleased to receive clocks—and watches, the French b d he P Th Iso de-

which might be set in rings or in the hilts of daggers—on which . nch ambassador to the orte. cy also de

of. O. Kurz, European Clocks and Watches in the Near East, London clined to accept the second as having no precedent

and Leiden, 1975, pp. 22 ff. in Austro-Turkish relations, and as for the third,

922 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT they said that both parties had just agreed to refer Selim made the eight years’ peace with the Em-

the matter to a commission. peror Maximilian. The reports from Istanbul had

The grand vizir gave way, apparently without suggested that there would be no Turkish armada an argument. Clearly Selim II and some of his in western waters in 1568.'°' Selim was at peace advisors, especially Joseph Nasi, wanted peace. with Persia and with Poland. There was nothing Mehmed Sokolli had doubtless included France to mysterious about Maximilian’s desire to exclude please M. de Grandchamp. Sokolli did, however, France, Poland, and Venice from the treaty. He refuse the envoys’ request for a giraffe for the wanted to avoid complications. To be sure, the imperial menagerie. No, the Turks had only one French ambassador in Istanbul, M. de Grandgiraffe. They needed it to get their horses accus- champ, was afraid that Maximilian, at peace with tomed to the towering creature, so they would not the Porte, might go to war with France for the take fright. The Transylvanian envoys arrived too recovery of Metz.'”? France was still caught up in late to block or modify the treaty, which was a __ the second war of religion, but presently Charles setback for John Sigismund Zapolya.On 20 March IX would marry Maximilian’s daughter Elizabeth.

(1568) Verantius and Teuffenbach left the Otto- The Poles were hard to deal with, and as Sigisman court at Adrianople for Vienna, accompanied mund Augustus was nearing the end of his reign, by Ibrahim Beg, the dragoman who had presented Poland was in some disarray. The emperor had Maximilian’s father Ferdinand with Sultan Sulei- been fighting not only with the Turks but also with man’s ratification of the previous Austro-Turkish John Sigismund of Transylvania, the son of Isatreaty at Frankfurt am Main in November, 1562.!°° bella of Poland. As for the Venetians, the HapsWhile Philip I] was engaged in the Netherlands, _burgs never had any use for them. From Madrid on 8 May (1568) M. de Fourquevaux wrote Charles IX, 150 Tos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, 11 _ Here it is said that the Turk and the emperor have made

(1828, repr. 1963), 512-17, trans. J.-J. Hellert, VI(1836),312- a truce for eight years, in which your Majesty has been 19; cf Sam. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venexa, VI (1857), included by the Turk, and likewise the Venetians and 265, and new ed., VI (1974), 186; on Ibrahim Beg’s presen- the Transylvanian, but as far as this king [Philip II] is tation to Ferdinand of Sultan Suleiman s ratification of the concerned, he has not wanted the said emperor to have

treaty of 1562, which in an earlier we have dealt .peace .: ; aawith ' him included, for chapter he desires neither

at length, see Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Omnia quae extant ‘th the Grand Sei 153

nor truce

opera, Basel, 1740, repr. Graz, 1968, pp. 429 ff. Maximilian’s with the Grand seigneur. . . .

ambassadors, Anton Verantius and Christoph Teuffenbach, Obviously Fourqu evaux’s information was not enhad arrived in Istanbul on 26 August, 1567 (Charriere, Négo- ; . : ciations, III, p. 14b, note). Albert von Wyss was already in the tirely accurate. Leaving aside France, however, city. Serious discussions with Mehmed Sokolli presumably be- for the Turks were always friendly with France, gan after the ambassadors’ ceremonial audience with Selim I, why was Mehmed Sokolli concerned about the inwhich von Hammer dates on 21 September (not 1 September, —Jysion of Venice in the treaty? He was, indeed,

as given in Hellert). Agreement had been reached by 17 Feb- £ £ bly inclined d Veni h ruary, and the treaty was signed on 2] February, 1568; I take ar more favorably mchne towar enice than it, therefore, that the negotiations lasted exactly five months toward the Hapsburgs, but Venice had actually (not seven, as von Hammer says). Cf. in general Gustav Turba, just renewed her peace with the Porte. ed., Venetianische Depeschen vom Kaiserhofe (Dispacci di Germania), Sokolli clearly believed, however, in the light

3 vols., Vienna, 1889-95, III, nos. 177-78, 180, pp. 393-94, — Gr current opinion at the Ottoman court, as we 400 ff. (with notes), 416-17. Verantius (Vrancic) was a native . . of Sibenik (Sebenico). In 1570 he became archbishop of Gran shall see, that it was important to stress the fact (Esztergom), and died on 16 June, 1573; on his career, note of peace between Venice and the Porte. He was Michael B. Petrovich, ‘“The Croatian Humanists and the Ot- anxious to help preserve that peace by having the toman Peril,” in Balkan Studies, XX (1979), 263-65, and “The — sultan subscribe to two formal pacts with the Re-

Croatian Humanists . . . ,” Journal of Croatian Studies, XX . a:

(1979), 28-30. public within less than a year. Perhaps the HapsOn 30 March, 1568, by which time the imperial envoys had burg envoys understood his motive. They did not not yet reached Vienna with Selim’s ratification of the peace want Venice included in the treaty.

of 21 February, we find Maximilian still appealing to Pius V for help against the Turks (W. E. Schwarz, Der Briefwechsel des

Kaisers Maximilian II. mit Papst Pius V., Paderborn, 1889, no. 151 Writing to Charles [IX on 26 December, 1567, however, LXXV, pp. 99-101). There had been of course several earlier M. de Fourquevaux did cite a report from Sicily that in the appeals to Pius (cf, ibid., nos. XV, XVII-XVHI, XXVHI), but such spring of 1568 the Turks would certainly attack Apulia (Douais,

requests for money and troops continued after ratification of | Dépéches, I, no. 119, p. 311), which of course did not happen. the peace, for Maximilian did not trust the Turks (see, ibid., 152 Cf Charriére, Négociations, III, 14—15, notes. no. LXXIX, esp. pp. 106-7, and note nos. LXXXIV and CXvVI). 153 Douais, Dépéches de M. de Fourquevaux, I, no. 130, p. 351.

21. VENICE, CYPRUS, AND THE PORTE IN THE EARLY YEARS OF SELIM II (1566-1570) [HE VENETIAN SIGNORIA knew no greater doubt in Venice as to the “‘rigorous punishment”’ satisfaction than when the gladsome news (gagliardo castigo) the sultan promised to mete out came from Istanbul that the sultan had ratified the to the Turkish corsairs, but Cavalli and Soranzo

articles of peace between the Republic and the had had to accept the Turkish assurance. The Porte. The last peace had been made on 2 Oc- Signoria, however, was justifiably suspicious of Setober, 1540, when (as we have seen) the Venetians __ lim, for they had long known that he was no friend were obliged to pay Sultan Suleiman an indemnity — of the Republic.

of 300,000 ducats to make amends for the war The Mediterranean was alive with Turkish corthey had lost and, more distressing still, they had sairs and Barbary pirates. They also entered the had to surrender both Nauplia and Monemvasia. Adriatic, the Venetian “‘Gulf,’’ where they were When the old warrior died, what would his suc- a fearful menace to the short-haul traffic along the cessor Selim II do? To the infinite relief of the Dalmatian coast. Some six weeks before Selim II’s Senate, he had confirmed the peace on 24 June, confirmation of the Veneto-Turkish peace, the 1567. He did require, however, that when the doge and Senate had written a letter of joyful comVenetians captured at sea corsairs and pirates (cor- mendation to Gianbattista Benedetti, commander sari e leventi), who were Turkish subjects, they of a Cypriote galley, for pursuing, fighting, and must surrender them “‘safe and sound to the Sub- capturing the fusta of the Turkish corsair Suleilime Porte,’’ where they would receive condign man Reis, ‘“‘who has caused immense losses in this punishment. This the Venetian ambassador Mari- our Gulf.” The letter praised the valorous Beneno di Cavalli and the bailie Giacomo Soranzo detti’s noble performance, which had brought (1566-1568) agreed to do,’ and promptly notified great satisfaction to the Senate and high honor

the Signoria. both to him and to his family.’ The tone of elation On 26 July (1567) the Doge Girolamo Priuli

and the Senate informed Antonio da Canale, prov- = ~~~ veditore of the Serenissima’s fleet in eastern wa- _ tione del Turco,” which was going to cost the Signoria 150,000

ters, as well as the colonial authorities of Cyprus, Sa er a

Crete, Zante, Cephalonia, Corfu, Cattaro, Cur- (Aldo Stella, ed., Noncziature di Venezia, vill Rome, 1963], no. zola, Lesina (Hvar), Spalato, Trau, Sebenico, Zara, 139, p. 255). Facchinetti was the nuncio in Venice from May, the island of Pag, and other Venetian outposts that 1566, until the end of June, 1573. In after years Facchinetti letters dated 1 July from Cavalli and Soranzo in was to be elected pope as Innocent IX on 29 October, 1591, Istanbul had brought news of the sultan’s confir- 2%4 he died on 30 December of the same year. Stella's publi. aan: - . cation of his dispatches from Venice is an important addition mation of the “articles of peace between Venice to the history of the Republic during the years before and after and the Porte. Venetian officials must, therefore, the Turks’ conquest of Cyprus and their defeat at Lepanto. continue to treat all the sultan’s subjects “‘not oth- * Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fol. 24" [50°], doc. dated 10 May, 1567, erwise than our own.’’2 There may have been some al sopracomito [Zuambattista| Benedetti de Cipro: ‘“‘Havemo veduto

in lettere del capitanio nostro in Colfo con quanto valor vostro

_ et delli homeni della vostra galea havete longamente seguita, combattuta, et presa la fusta de Suliman Rays corsaro, qual ' J. Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, vol. V, pt. 1 (1728), havea fatti grandissimi danni in questo nostro Colfo, pero se no. LXXVI, pp. 140-41, and cf. R. Predelli, Regesti det Comme- siamo mossi a farvi le presenti col Senato per laudar |’ animo, moriali, VI (Venice, 1903), bk. xxi, no. 121, p. 313. On the _ prudentia, et virtti vostra, confirmandovi che cosi honorata im-

peace of 1540, see above, Volume III, pp. 448-49. presa é stata di nostra grande satisfattione et di molto honor ? Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fols. 28’-29° [50°-51"]: “Per lettere — vostro et della vostra fameglia a noi carissima per la fede et delli ambassator et bailo nostri in Constantinopoli de primo del __ meriti soi verso il stato nostro. De literis 158, de non 13, non mese presente siamo avisati della confirmatione delli capitoli — sinceri 11.” della pace fatta per quel serenissimo Signor [Turco] et solenne- On Benedetti, note also, ibid., Reg. 38, fol. 60° [86"], and for

mente giurata per sua Maesta, di che n’ é parso necessario the capture, off the island of Crete, of another fusta belonging darvene aviso, commettendovi col Senato che conforme all’ to a corsair named Haydar, a Christian renegade, see Senato, intentione et voler nostro et alla buona amicitia che siamo per _ Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. III, unnum. fol., letter of conservar con detta Maesta debbiate continuar in ben trattar the doge and Senate to the bailie in Istanbul, dated 11 June, tutti li sudditi sui non altrimente che li proprii nostri... .” 1569. Haydar had been unfortunately successful in his attacks On 2 August, 1567, Giovanni Antonio Facchinetti, bishop —_ upon Venetian shipping, and the bailie was instructed to inform of Nicastro (1560-1575) and papal nuncio in Venice, wrote Mehmed Sokolli Pasha in detail concerning ‘“‘le scelerate et imCardinal Michele Bonelli of “‘la sottoscrittione della capitola- pie operationi del detto corsaro.”

923

924 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in the letter, which was approved by the Senate Marino di Cavalli had been elected ambassador and sent in the doge’s name, is unusual. Suleiman to the Porte on 21 October, 1566, to congratulate Reis was a notable corsair. The news of his capture Selim II on his accession to the Ottoman throne must have reached Istanbul well before the sul- and to procure the new sultan’s renewal of the sotan’s final confirmation of the treaty. For years, called capitulations or capitulation of peace. Cahowever, the Turks had been insisting that all cor- valli had not been expected to leave for Istanbul sairs who were Turkish subjects must be turned before February (1567), as Giovanni Antonio Fac-

over to the Porte for punishment. chinetti, the bishop of Nicastro and nuncio in Ven-

The Turks were almost as opposed to robbery ice, wrote Cardinal Michele Bonelli.2 When Ca-

at sea as the Signoria was, but they always objected __ valli did go in March, he took with him the usual strongly to the Venetians’ putting the sultan’s sub- gifts of fine cloths and brocades. Although well re-

jects to death on charges of piracy. The Senate ceived upon his arrival at the Porte at the beginning was loath to turn captured corsairs over to the of May,° his troubles began soon thereafter, leading Porte, for their punishment was uncertain, espe-___to his arrest on 10 July on a warrant obtained by cially when they had access to large sums of certain Jewish creditors of one Joseph d’ Aaron de money, but caution was the basis of much Vene- Segura.

tian policy. In mid-June, 1562, for example, al- Aaron had secured a “‘huge alum contract”’ though the captain of the Gulf received the con- from the sultan, and shipped the alum with other gratulations of the doge and Senate for seizing two merchandise to Venice, where he had gone bankpiratical fuste, he was told not to execute any cap-__ rupt to the extent of ‘‘many thousands of scudi.”’

tured Turks ‘‘without our express orders,’’ and His creditors had seized his available properties. he was even told not to pursue those who had_ The sultan declared himself Aaron’s creditor for

escaped from the fuste.* such a large sum for the alum that the sequestration of the property fell far short of the claim. The

———_— Porte demanded that the Signoria either return 4 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 73, fol. 14" [31"], doc. dated 16 June, all Aaron’s “‘mercantia” in Venice, including the 1562. Corsairs were not to go free, however, although Venetian alum, or pay his debts. Aaron was in Venice in commanders must adhere to the letter of the Signoria’s treaty August (1 567), and was arrested. In the meantime

with the Porte, which Selim II emended to the annoyance of Cavalli had been obliged to give surety for

the Venetians: In his commission as provveditore of the fleet . oa . 4 Filippo Bragadin was instructed that if he ran across armed 100,000 scudi to gain his own release in Istanbul.

fuste, ‘‘che fussero di corsari sudditi di esso serenissimo Signor, The Signoria was furious, and ordered that li tratterai da corsari, eseguendo contra di loro quello che si Marino di Cavalli should be arrested upon his recontiene nel capitolo che parla in questa materia, se veramente turn, instructing the avoga dore to deal with his case

fussero corsari, et non sudditi al predetto Signor Turco. Ma di . .

altra natione, li tratterai da corsari. . .”’ (ibid., Reg. 73, fol. on the grounds that he had exceeded his authority, 17° [34"], doc. dated 6 July, 1562, and note fol. 19° [36"], as Which was merely to accept the sultan’s subscripwell as the instructions in Girolamo Contarini’s commission as_ tion to the capitulation. The sultan had accepted “captain of the guard of Cyprus,” ibid., fol. 42°[59"], doc. dated the treaty, with modifications, Cavalli having been 4 January, 1563 [Ven. style 1562], and in Marco Michiel’scom- nable to alter the amendment relating to the re-

mission as “‘captain of the guard of Candia,” fol. 62 [79], doc. . .

dated 19 June, 1563, et alibi). turn of Turkish corsairs to the Porte. Although Nevertheless, Venetian commanders did away with Turkish according to the capitulation, Cavalli should not corsairs (including those of the Barbary coast) when they caught have been detained, he could hardly be held acthem, which led to an angry protest from the Porte in Novem- countable for that. According to certain letters in ber, 1563, as the bailie Daniele Barbarigo reported to the Signoria, leading the doge and Senate to warn Filippo Bragadin

on 18 December (1563), ‘‘. . . perche intention nostra firmissima € che li capitoli della pace predetta siano da ciascun —non sinceri 3” (ibid., Reg. 73, fol. 91" [108"], and cf. fol. 95° ministro et rappresentante nostro osservati et eseguiti invio- [112"], and Reg. 74, fols. 23” [44°], 26 [47]). All corsairs were labilmente, ci € parso necessario farvi le presenti col Senato not ““Turks’’ (some were French, as noted, ibid., Reg. 72, fols. [the letter, as usual, was sent in the doge’s name] commettendovi 96°—97' [117°-118"], 103 [124]), but the Turkish problem was che, quando nell’ avvenir vi occorre prender alcun legno di _ the serious one. essi corsari, debbiate far tener vivi tutti quet Musulmani che > Aldo Stella, ed., Nunziature di Venezia, VIII (1566-1569), saranno rimasti dopo il combatter et presa di quel tal legno Rome, 1963, no. 56, p. 124, doc. dated 26 October, 1566. The accioché in esecution del capitolo, delquale ne haveste gia copia Turkish corsairs were bound to be a major problem when Cacon la vostra commissione, possino esser mandati all’ Eccelsa valli went to Istanbul (2bid., VIII, no. 82, pp. 164-65).

Porta, et da quella castigati, secondo che ricerca la giustitia, 6 Tbid., VIII, nos. 84, 93, pp. 167, 184, and cf nos. 86, 89, volendo che il simile facciate osservare da cadauno sopracomito 91, 113, esp. no. 121, pp. 226-27.

et ministro vostro che da voi fusse mandato in alcun servitio 7 Ibid., nos. 123, 131, 135, 137, pp. 231-32, 244, 251, 253, o viaggio. Simile a tutti li altri capi. De literis 188, de non 5, and esp. no. 141, p. 258, on Cavalli’s arrest.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM Il 925 Hebrew sent from Istanbul, intercepted and de- terms of the commission having been arranged, ciphered, Cavalli was said to have accepted money on 13 September (1567) the Senate voted to send from Jews at the Porte under suspicious circum- Zane off to the Turkish court “‘with all possible stances. As the nuncio Facchinetti made clear, speed.’’ As ambassador to the Signor Turco, Zane however, ‘‘One does not believe that this is true, was to receive for his expenses 1,200 ducats in

but if the Signoria should verify the fact, Messer gold for six months, “two hundred ducats a Marino would be in danger of losing his life, for month,” for which he was not to be required to he has few relatives and his family is quite new.” render an account upon his return home.”! Despite the apparent renewal of peace with the In late October letters from Istanbul brought Turks, obviously the news from the Bosporus was __ the news that Cavalli’s commitment to the Porte far from reassuring. The Cavalli affair was bad had been annulled. Zane, who was then in Istria, enough, but was worse in the offing? On 7 August was told to remain there until a cha’ush, who was (1567) the doge and Senate wrote the regimenti of being awaited in Venice “from hour to hour,” Cyprus and Crete that letters from Istanbul dated should come from the Porte. It was being said on on and before 12 July made it seem likely that the the Bosporus that the Turkish armada would ceryear 1568 was going to see a huge Turkish armada tainly embark on a large-scale expedition in the ready for action. Carpenters were at work on galleys spring of 1568, whether against Cyprus or Malta, in the arsenal, in terra et in acqua. The Turks had Oran or Penén de Vélez.” had fifty cannon cast, ‘‘and a goodly number of Presently the cha’ush came, and was received smaller pieces of artillery.’ Venetian officials must, by the Collegio on the morning of 31 October therefore, add ‘“‘diligence to diligence’ in making (1567). The next day Giannantonio Facchinetti certain that the fortifications for which they had wrote Cardinal Bonelli it was assumed the cha’ush the responsibility were secure, and that the garrisons came as a result of the debt for which Cavalli had were well stocked. They must of course keep an _ been arrested in Istanbul. Although his guarantee eye on the Turks, and report back to Venice every of 100,000 scudi had been set aside, the sultan was item of information which they might regard as indeed the creditor of the bankrupt firm of Aaron

‘‘degno di nostra intelligentia.’”” de Segura and his partners, and he wanted reim-

The Turkish armada was not to venture into bursement according to the terms of Aaron’s conthe Adriatic in 1568, but no one could be sure. In tract for the alum, which had been delivered to any event toward the end of August (1567) it was Venice. Facchinetti believed that the Signoria said in Venice that Marino di Cavalli had already would have to satisfy the Porte at least to the exreached the island of Zante on his return journey. tent of the stipulated price of the alum.'* In the The Cavalli affair was debated in the Collegio and meantime, upon his return from Istanbul, Cavalli the Senate. Some members of the Senate wanted _ had been arrested, and as his trial was beginning, to recall the bailie Giacomo Soranzo, even if he Girolamo Zane returned to Venice on 6 March. could be accused of nothing more than cowardice, Facchinetti was vigilant in his reports to Rome but a large majority voted not to remove him from concerning Cavalli, until on 22 May (1568) he office. It was decided, however, ‘dopo gran dis- could write that the unhappy man had been finally cussione,”’ to send another ambassador to Istan- and completely absolved of the charges made bul, and old Girolamo Zane was elected, his com- against him: ‘“‘Hoggi Messer Marino Cavalli é stato mission to be determined by the Collegio. Zane assoluto di larghissimo giuditio!’’'*

was to protest Cavalli’s arrest by the Turks, as contrary to the capitulation, and somehow to ef- =———— fect the annulment of Cavalli’s giving surety for "! Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fol. 46" [72], resolution of the Senate 100,000 scudi for Aaron de Segura’s debts.1° The dated 13 September, 1567, and note, ibid., fols. 48” [74°], 50° [76"], and cf: Stella, Nunz. Venezia, VIII, nos. 150, 152, 154, 156, 158, 160, pp. 273 ff.

a "? Stella, Nunz. Venezia, VIII, no. 162, pp. 292-93, letter of 8 Ibid., VII, no. 143, pp. 260-61, letter of Facchinetti to Facchinetti to Bonelli, dated at Venice on 25 October, 1567,

146. below, note 135.

Bonelli, dated at Venice on 16 August, 1567, and cf. nos. 145, and ¢f., zbid., nos. 166, 176, pp. 298, 315. On the cha’ush, see

° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fol. 29 [51]; and note, ibzd., fol. 57 "8 Stella, Nunz. Venezia, VIII, no. 164, p. 296, letter dated

[79], and cf. Stella, Nunziature di Venezia, VIII (1963), nos. 145-1 November, 1567.

46, pp. 264, 266, et alibi. '4 Stella, Nunz. Venezia, VII, no. 227, p. 388, and cf. nos

10 Stella, Nunziature di Venezia, VIII, no. 148, p. 269, aletter 158, 162, 191, 195, 197, 223, 225, pp. 286 ff. Cavalli denied of Facchinetti to Bonelli, dated at Venice on 6 September, having taken money from the Jews, and evidence was produced 1567, and for Cavalli’s arrival at Zante, ibid., no. 146, p. 267. that they had apparently tried unsuccessfully to bribe him (abid.,

926 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT There were almost as many rumors afloat con- A year later (on 29 September, 1568) the Venecerning the Turks, Spanish, French, Austrians, tian Senate approved the concession to Giacomo and Netherlanders as there were galleys in the of Zante, son of the reverend priest Constantine Mediterranean. The diplomatic dispatches of Lazaro, of one of the churches which lay within 1567-1568 are full of the rumors. Most of them _ the Signoria’s right of bestowal (juspatronato) on were ill-founded. Some of them are interesting. the island. Giacomo was to receive the first church Thus on 13 November (1567) M. de Fourquevaux to become vacant “‘after all the other expectancies

wrote Charles IX that Selim II was arming forty have been met which have been granted up to galleys at the port of Suez ‘‘on the Red Sea” to now.” It was to be understood, however, that Giasend to the aid of a king of Sumatra. It would be como would not have access to one of the churches a good idea, he thought, to humble the proud _ reserved for ordained monks (sacerdoti calogiert), Portuguese and break up their trade with the East for these must be kept for the said monks (ka)oIndies. Also the French would get spices on better —yepot), ‘‘as we are advising the provveditore and terms at Alexandria and the other Turkish ports councilors of our island of Zante.’’!”

in Syria.'° The Venetians would have been still There had also been an unease in Cyprus—for better off, for Portuguese enterprise had been years in fact, as Pietro Valderio, the viscount of putting a crimp in their spice trade for decades. Famagusta, was soon to recall. The Cypriotes’ troubles were of their own making, the conseThere was an unease in Venice, fed by reports quence of their pride, dishonesty, blasphemy, and from Istanbul as well as by hearsay from elsewhere. complete neglect of all virtue. They led lascivious

Life went on, of course, from day to day, but the lives, and were guilty of unbridled disobedience Venetians’ Moreote past was always catching up to their lords. But there was little to be said for with them, and usually cost something. The Signoria the lords themselves, who tyrannized over and made some effort to provide for its former subjects, abused the poor souls in the outlying villages. The especially those who had served the state, and suf- lords could have found remedies for the social ills fered at the hands of the Turks. On 13 September of Cyprus, says Valderio, but they had no desire (1567), for example, the Senate voted an entitlement to do so. It was inevitable that God should interor expectancy (espettativa) to one Constantine—son — vene, and take the lovely land away from its unof the late Demetrius Calogiera of Nauplia—who worthy lords, ‘‘and that we other miserable creahad been enslaved by the Turks ‘‘in the time of the tures should be driven to wrack and ruin, some siege of that city.’’ Constantine had at long last es- of us to become prisoners and slaves, others cut

caped from the Turks, and was now appealing to to pieces and plundered... . .”’ the Senate, which voted him an expectancy to one Amid the harbingers of doom, why could one of the offices (paying three to four ducats a month) not see what lay ahead? Valderio tells us that the reserved for natives of Nauplia and Monemvasia. island had suffered from famine for the four or A limited number of such positions might be had __ five years between 1556 and 1560, and that in the in Venice as well as in the Signoria’s colonial pos- latter year Nicosia had been rent by religious con-

sessions. Constantine was to receive the first such troversy between the Greeks and Latins. In the expectancy to become vacant after prior commit- fall of 1566 a tornado had struck Famagusta, killments of the same sort had been met. He was given ing many people. Its force was so great, un tal this consideration both as a reward for his merits orribile sion, that it demolished houses and up-

and as compensation for his lost property.'° rooted trees, carrying them off together (according to Valderio) for the distance of a whole mile.

— Soldiers were lifted up into the air as they walked

VIII, no. 160, p. 290, doc. dated 18 October, 1567—Cavalli through the streets. One of them, named Gre-

had arrived back in Venice on 11 October). On Cavalli’scareer, gorio, was borne aloft and carried through the air of. A. Olivieri, in the Dizonario biografico degli wtaliani, XXII for more than two hundred yards. When he re(1979) 749-54, with a Aldo good bibliography which, oddly enough,VIII — turned to earth, oes not include Stella’s Nunz. Venezia, (1963). Forinstead : . . of thanking God for the Zane’s return to Venice, cf. Stella, VIII, no. 205, p. 357. kindness which had saved him, he began at the top 15 Douais, Dépéches de M. de Fourquevaux, 1, no. 109, pp. of his voice to curse His very name. 288-89.

'® Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fol. 46” [72°], resolution of the Senate dated 13 September, 1567, + de parte 145, de non 17, non sinceri

9, and see, ibid., fol. 49” [75"], doc. dated 29 September, the 17 Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fol. 145" [171"], resolution of the Seninteresting case of one Michael of Nauplia, “il quale essendo _—_ate dated 29 September, 1568, + de parte 147, de non 10, non

fuggito dalle mani d’ infideli, et ridutto alla fede Christiana, sincert 4. The granting of such expectancies was a common

desidera farsi sacerdote!”’ practice (ibid., Reg. 39, fol. 73" [118]).

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 927 On 29 October, 1567, a windstorm of such The doge and Senate were always advising and fury had descended upon the harbor of Salines, instructing, investigating and commanding their on Larnaca Bay, as to sink twenty vessels loaded colonial officials, who served for two or three years with cargoes “‘worth a treasury.” The year 1568 in office, returned home, and were usually sent brought such a terrible malady to the island of elsewhere. They rarely stayed in one place long Cyprus that 30,000 children died, “‘and the same enough to acquire an adequate understanding of thing happened to the small animals.” There its needs and resources. From Cyprus to Crete, seemed to be no end to the calamities assailing the Corfu to Sebenico, Venetian administration was Cypriotes, for Famagusta was severely shaken by _ inefficient and wasteful. It was also corrupt; on the three earthquakes at the sixth, ninth, and eleventh whole it had always been corrupt. As one reads hour of the night on 13 October, 1569. No one’ the documents, it is pleasant to find instances of was safe, whether in the house or in the country- a superior competence, even in a ship’s carpenter. side. ]t was as though the world were falling into The Senate was also pleased when on 20 Deceman abyss. At the first hour of the day, moreover, ber, 1567, it rewarded Giovanni Piccolo, who when all the Christian clergy, tanto latint quanto had contrived a new way of building galleys, less grect, were assembled in a solemn procession, “‘an- expensive and more efficient than the generationsother earthquake came in such cruel fashion that old method which had been employed in the we all believed ourselves to be perishing on the Venetian Arsenal “up to now.”’ Piccolo, who knew spot, shut up in the roadway of SS. Pietro e Paolo, the starboard from the portside, had been praised for the street is narrow and the houses very high, _ by the provveditori and galley-commanders as well but our Lord God rescued us.”’ The church of SS. as by the ‘‘admiral’’ and overseers of the Arsenal. Pietro e Paolo was (and still is) in the western part For the apparently signal contribution he had of the walled city of Famagusta, behind the Mo- made to Venice’s commercial and naval well-

ratto Bastion. being, Giovanni Piccolo had his daily wage raised

Meanwhile on the evening of 26 August (1569) from twenty-four to thirty soldi, which (the Senate in Nicosia a miserable mob, una setta di canaglia, hoped) would also be an inspiration to other workas Valderio describes them, assailed the vice-lieu- men to be on the lookout for improvements.’” tenant of the city, Costanzo Gritti, with improper

words in abusive tones. The reason was that they _____ had found no bread ready m the piazza. They had, a participant in the events he describes, especially the long siege

indeed, almost laid siege to Gritti in the Palazzo of Famagusta. Like other late sixteenth-century historians of Regio. He told them they should take their com- _ the war, Valderio gives us dates which miss the mark by a day, plaints to the provveditore, an honorable gentle- 4 week, or more. N.N., the copyist of the Treviso MS., pp.

man named -Antonio Bragadin, as “the 22’ moreover, that while used the original . ; . text, thenknown in Cyprus, itwarns was us, badly written in ahepoor hand; the Handsome,”’ et veramente bello di costumi et d Og" paper was worm-eaten, making the manuscript hard to read.

virtu. Thus the rabble went off to Bragadin’s He often had recourse to conjecture, not the least of his difhouse. When the guard would not allow them to _ ficulties being that the ink had so faded ‘‘that it seemed to be enter, some of the wretches began to throw stones Water.” The authenticity of Valderio’s account Is beyond dispute, : but one could wish that the copyist (for all his apology) had Into the balconies and at the doors of the house. tried more carefully to decipher the dates, identify pages clearly Bragadin was then conferring with the leading out of order, and indicate apparent gaps in the text. The account men of Nicosia, and if they had not gently and is valuable, however, for the hitherto unknown data it gives dexterously persuaded the mob to retire by the us. Another copy of Valderio’s Guerra di Cipro is also to be promise of having bread made for them, the wor- found mn the Bibl commana di Treviso, MS. ital. 726. thy Bragadin would have been killed, although of Cyprus,” cf. the account of Angelo Calepio, a Dominican maintaining the supply of bread was actually not priest of Nicosia [see below, note 94], trans. C. D. Cobham, his responsibility. A few months later Bragadin Excerpta Cypria, Cambridge, 1908, repr. New York, 1969, pp. died anyway, as Valderio gl oomily notes, adding 142-44, who does better than Valderio in relating the religious . . . strife on the island, gives some attention to the swarms of loup the evil omens which foretold the disaster that custs, the tornado at Famagusta, the numerous earthquakes,

. . ens which God sent “‘to foretell this destruction

was coming to Cyprus.'® the ceaseless noise of locust birds, cranes, and geese in flights

from Syria, and “‘lastly He sent us the comet of November, 1569, whose tail pointed down towards Cyprus, a clear sign of "8 La Guerra di Cipro scritta da Pietro Valderio, visconte della the sword of God.” citta di Famagosta in quel tempo, come chiaramente si raccoglie dalla '9 Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fol. 62° [88"], resolution of the Senate storia medesima, copiata la seconda volta da N.N. l’ anno 1753, in dated 20 December, 1567: ‘‘IIl novo modo di fabricar galee con the Biblioteca Comunale di Treviso, MS. ital. 505 (S3-105-F), | molto sparagno et di maggior fortezza di quello che fin’ hora

pp. 4-9. Valderio’s memoir of the war of Cyprus appears to _ si € usato di fare, ritrovato dalla diligentia et peritia del fedel be unknown. Its importance is obvious, being the account of nostro Zuanne de Francesco Piccolo, marangon della casa no-

928 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT It was one thing to be a ship’s carpenter, an- _ spection of the island’s vulnerable coastlands along other to command the Venetian fleet. After three with Astorre Baglione, whose defense of Famayears as ‘“‘proveditor dell’ armata nostra,’’ Antonio gusta against the Turks was to make him famous.

da Canale had written the doge and Senate, ur- When war with the Turk was imminent, Canale’s gently requesting his replacement. Canale had dis- name was again brought before the Senate (on 20

charged his important duties with prudence and March, 1570) by those who wished to see him valor, in the opinion of the Senate, which on 7 reappointed as provveditore of the fleet. Although February, 1568, voted that a successor should be _ the motion was apparently not passed (with ninetyelected, with the usual salary; Canale’s successor four votes),”” Canale was in fact soon re-elected, might be removed from any office in Venice (or and served with Giacomo Celsi as his fellow provin any colonial government of the Republic) in veditore of the fleet in the disastrous confusion of order to free him for the ‘“‘proveditorato dell’ ar- the coming war.7° mata.’ The said successor could not refuse the The unease of the Signoria was slowly becoming post without incurring “all the penalties which alarm. On 14 February, 1568, the doge and Senhave been decreed against those who refuse em- ate wrote Sigismondo di Cavalli, their ambassador bassies to crowned heads.”’ The senatorial decision {o Philip II, and Paolo Tiepolo, ambassador to and choice of a new provveditore would as usual Pius V, of the work being devoted to building up Moanoic sumsect i electoral confirmation by the the Turkish armada, presumably in the arsenal at

Agsior Along with these AntonioVONsigilo. da Canale Istanbul. had shown himselfasa manletters, _. ; they sent Sione gismondo di Cavalli and Tiepolo the reports from

who depended to render ; “ oe Lyscould ol rn:bethe Bosporusupon relating to “le ‘‘fruitful preparationi che con service’ to the state.’ Giacomo Celsi was chosen olta solicjtud e dilicent; fatte dal to replace Canale as provveditore of the fleet. His Si a 7 chu diay © t a + “hah oe a ‘: a

commission, dated 7 January, 1569, directed him Bhor 1 urco Gl armata. © turkish preparations carefully to observe “‘licapitoli. . . della pace che habbiamo col serenissimo Signor Turco in materia di armate, di navilii, et [di] navigatione.’’?? Some six weeks later, on 15 February (1 569), Lorenzo tured by the Turks at Famagusta, also wrote (in 1573) an acBembo received his commission as provveditore count of the siege of the latter city, in which he gives 30 De-

ces - 93 | cemberas the date of Bembo’s death, on which note Sir George

generale of the so-called “‘kingdom”’ of Cyprus,”” pill, A History of Cyprus, III (Cambridge, 1948), 864, 950, 1154.

where he died on | January, 1570,74 after an in- The literary sources are full of such minor discrepancies in dates; where possible, I have depended on the more reliable official documentary evidence. On Angelo Gatto, see below, Chapter 23, notes 3 and 4. stra dell’ Arsenal, laudato et approbato dalli proveditori et 5 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fols. 64-65" [85-—86"]. patroni nostri all’ Arsenal et dall’ armiraglio et proti di quello, 2° Cf Hill, Cyprus, II, 897, 913, 919-20, 930. Antonio da si come dalla sua supplicatione et risposte hora lette sié inteso | Canale was also known as Canaletto. He figures prominently merita che dalla benignita del stato nostro per dar anco animo in Facchinetti’s dispatches to Rome (Aldo Stella, ed., Nunziature a gli altri d’ invigilar al beneficio delle cose nostre sia abbracciato _— di Venezia, IX |[Rome, 1972], nos. 189, 192, 199, 216, pp. 273,

et riconosciuto, pero I’ andera parte che per auttorita diquesto 276, 283, 306, et alibi). Conseglio sia concesso al predetto Zuanne de Francesco Piccolo On the distinguished career of Astorre Baglione (Baglioni), soldi sie al giorno presso li vintiquatro ch’ egli ha si che per of whom we shall have more to say, see G. de Caro, in the !’ avvenire habbia soldi trenta al giorno da essergli pagati nel = Dizionario biografico degli italiani, V (1963), 197-99. Lorenzo medesimo modo et dell’ istessi danari che gli sono pagati lialtri Bembo seems to have escaped the editors of the Dizionario biovintiquatro. . . . +153, 1, 25. 1567 XI Decembris in Collegio: grafico. Antonio da Canale (Canal) did indeed render “‘fruttuoso

+15, 0, 1.” servitio”’ to Venice; see the sketch of his life by F. Fasulo, ibid., 20 Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fol. 71" [97"], resolution of the Senate |= XVII (1974), 636-37. Giacomo (or Jacopo) Celsi, also an im-

dated 7 February, 1568 (Ven. style 1567), the vote being portant figure in the war of Cyprus, is the subject of an excel-

+167, 5, 0. lent, brief article by F. Colasanti, ibid., X XIII (1979), 471-75, 21 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 73, fols. 111% [128"], 113" [130°], 117" — with a surprisingly full bibliography.

[134"], and Reg. 74, fols. 56 ff. [77 ff.]. These commanders of the Venetian forces stand out in all 22 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fols. 103 ff. [125 ff.], doc. dated 7 the literary sources, e.g., in the Commentani della guerra di Cipro January, 1569 (Ven. style 1568), and on Celsi, cf Sen. Mar, — e della lega dei principi cristiani contro il Turco di Bartolomeo Sereno,

Reg. 38, fols. 73% [99°], 108” [134”], 124” [150"]. ed. the Monks of Monte Cassino, Cassino, 1845, bk. 1, pp. 4173 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fols. 108 ff. [130 ff.], doc. dated 15 42, 47-48. Sereno was present at the battle of Lepanto, and

February, 1569 (Ven. style 1568). retired in 1574 into the Benedictine abbey of Monte Cassino, 24 According to Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. | where he took the vows (in 1576), and wrote his account of the 505, pp. 18-19, Lorenzo Bembo arrived in Cyprus on 26 April, = war with the Turks (ibid., pp. xxv ff.). On the chief literary 1569, and died on the following 1 January (i.e., Ven. style, al — sources for the war of Cyprus, cf’ Hill, Cyprus, HI, 1149-55, primo Genaro 1569). Angelo Gatto, who was wounded and cap- _who knows nothing of Pietro Valderio.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 929 were such that they should be the concern of all tent to which Jews were sailing “‘like Venetians”

the Christian princes.?’ in the Republic’s ships and galleys. Although the

As bailies and envoys returned to Venice from ‘Turks paid no heed to the Jews, Cavalli believed Istanbul, they gave reports (relazion1) to the doge_ that this was not in accord with the Republic’s and Senate of their mission to the Porte, usually peace with the Porte. Strangely enough, Cavalli dwelling on the Turks’ rise to greatness, the cus- was to get caught in Aaron de Segura’s banktoms of the Ottoman court, the ranks of its offi- ruptcy. cialdom, the stipends of the sultan’s “‘slaves,”’ the Cavalli had spent a full twenty-four months in modes of dress, the sultan’s income and expenses, Istanbul (1558-1560), where he had certainly disand the wide extent of his empire. When Marino cussed the Cypriote problem with Venetian merdi Cavalli gave his report as the ex-bailie in the chants, various travelers, and others. The faraway latter part of 1560 (seven or eight years before he island had been a source of anxiety as well as of got into the trouble we have described above), he expense to the Signoria ever since Selim I had said that it would be a waste of time to repeat what overrun Syria, Palestine, and Egypt in 1516his predecessors had said, for their texts were of- 1517. For years Venice had paid the Ottoman sulten available in print as well as in manuscript. tan, like the Egyptian soldan before him, an annual Although little had changed at the Porte, Venetian _ tribute of 8,000 ducats for possession of the island,

commerce was on the downgrade, owing to com- thus recognizing but never defining some sort of petition from the Jews and to the sultan’s old age Turkish interest in, if not suzerainty over, Cyprus. and his simplicity of dress. Suleiman had lost all The wonderment was that Suleiman in these past interest in luxury and, as required by Islamic law, forty years had never tried to add Cyprus to his he now dressed only in wool and camlet. The court other conquests. Cavalli was doubtless expected to

followed suit. say something about Cyprus in his relazione, and

According to Cavalli, Venetian trade with the he did so, but it must be admitted that (like other Porte had fallen to an annual level of some _ bailies in their reports to the doge and Senate) he 150,000 ducats in such items as silks, woolens, would have done better to contemplate the past (or glass, white lead, and certain other wares, and the present) than to try to assess the likelihoods of amounted to no more than 130,000 ducats a year the future. Turning to the Doge Girolamo Priuli, in salted meats, poultry, leathers, cordage, alum, Cavalli said:

“e simili.”’ Silk caftans, presented as gifts to the . .

sultan, were sold, so that too many would not pile The kingdom of Cyprus is well provided for, as I up, and so that they might be turned to profit. understand, and it could not be taken [by the Turks] What would be shameful for an ordinary person i" 2 Year because of the fortresses which are there, and

. . y P . because there is great peril in trying to maintain an arm to do, forina winter, prince. All could :; Bree Pby oe ships :; nel , 8 was P onall anright island for this it can be besieged

change, however, when the sultan changed, and ang galleys. The Turks are well aware that whenever

Suleiman was an old man. they should make war on your Serene Highness, you

Venetian merchants maintained ten or twelve would be aided by Spain and by the emperor, and so

commercial houses in Istanbul, with little hardship _ they would always be weaker, [even] in seapower. If they

and small gain to themselves, for they did every- had suspected that Rhodes might have received help, thing through Jewish middlemen. They bought they would never have embarked on that enterprise— wool from the Jews, had it made into cloth, gave 5° great is the danger of descending upon an island with it back to the Jews, who then resold it and made 2 large force and not be master of the sea. The French a good profit. The merchants did the woure haveSignore taken Corsica if it had been for the . . .Venetian . . urkish armada. The not Gran will not,nottherefore,

same sort thing ris with1s alum [used in on tanning os ickand i ‘sland. and without himthere th . ; ofgain person an hides isiand, without him

and dyeing cloth], camlet, and all the rest, making is little a pasha could do, as has been seen [in the camonly half of what they might if they did the work paigns| in Hungary, which never became anything of themselves. Cavalli wondered, too, about the ex- importance unless the Gran Signore was there in person.

Cavalli entertained no apprehension about TT Crete, Cephalonia, Corfu, and Zante, nor about 27 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fol. 61" [83°], oratori nostro apud Cattaro, Trau, Sebenico, and Zara on the Dalregem Catholicum, doc. dated 14 February, 1568 (Ven. style matian coast. He was very reassuring. Although 1567). Similes [litere| scripte fuerunt oratort apud summum ponti- he had jus t stated that Venetian trade with the ficem, + de literis 202, de non 2, non sincert 1. Cf, ibid., fol. 69° ; ; : [91"], and Stella, Nunziature di Venezia, VIII, no. 199, p. 347, Porte had declined, Cavalli proceeded to inform a dispatch of Facchinetti to Rome, also dated 14 February. the doge and Senate that the Gran Signore would

930 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT not make war on Venice “without cause,” for he which had been raised at the Porte against the would feel the ‘great loss’’ of revenue from the Venetians, who were alleged to have taken and tolls and imposts laid on Venetian merchants, for sunk certain (presumably Turkish) galliots during neither the French nor the tradesmen of other the past summer. Furthermore, the Hospitallers nations could ever take up the slack and make up of Malta—as enterprising as any corsairs in the

such a loss.*° Mediterranean—had seized “‘several Turkish vessels coming from Tripoli and Alexandria.” The As Venetian merchants with their Jewish asso- Hospitallers had then withdrawn into one of the ciates made their usual voyages between Italian ports of Cyprus. The sultan was furious. He sumand Levantine ports, so did the corsairs, who often moned the Venetian bailie [Daniele Barbarigo] to flew false pennants, pretending to be Venetian or answer the demands of several claimants who had Spanish, French or Turkish, depending on the _ suffered losses. He also ordered the Turkish “gencircumstances of the hour. When the movements _ eral of the sea’’ to get 150 galleys ready for service of a galley or a galliot excited suspicion, one often for the coming spring. It was assumed that an intried to board it to make sure it had a right to fly vasion of Cyprus was now in the offing, a step the fleur-de-lis or the star-and-crescent. Almost which Selim and his sons-in-law, including Piali inevitably the result was conflict. Despite the ev- Pasha, were urging on the sultan. Suleiman’s old erlasting sameness of the instructions which Vene- age might delay any such undertaking, “‘and the tian commanders received to observe ‘‘the articles prudence of the Venetians, who have been inof our peace with the most serene Signor Turco,” formed of the situation by their bailie, will turn the naval officers of the Republic could become _ it aside.’’*° as ill-tempered as the Turks. If the Porte wanted We have already noted Petremol’s letter of 25 war with Venice—the reverse was unlikely to be November, 1564, to Charles IX concerning Suthe case—one had only to wait a while to find a__leiman’s vast preparations for a naval expedition

violation of the “‘capitoli della pace.”’ in the spring of 1565. The Turks were said to be On 20 August, 1563, M. de Boistaille, the getting ready 150 galleys and 150 galleasses, ‘or French envoy to Venice, wrote Catherine mahonnes as they call them,” as well as transports de’ Medici that a cha’ush had just come from the _ for horses and munitions. Some thought the attack Grand Turk, demanding an explanation for the would be upon Malta; others believed the expedition seizure of one of his galleys by the Venetians. A would be directed against Apulia, ‘“‘but most people number of Turks had apparently been killed in assume it will be against the island of Cyprus.” The the encounter, and the sultan was demanding a __ suspicion that Cyprus would be the Turks’ objective heavy payment “‘pour chacune teste de Turcqs qui was strengthened by the fact that Suletman had

furent lors tuez.. . .”’ It could lead to a serious been sending munitions, “tant d’ artillerie que break with the Porte, the envoy said, but the Si- aultres choses necessaires,”’ to a castle he had built gnoria was “‘quite expert” in such negotiations, and on the Anatolian shore opposite the island. All the

the Venetians would find a peaceful solution ‘if pashas, except the first [Ali], were urging the exthey can.’’*? One would not have to wait long for _ pedition upon the sultan, “especially the pasha of

another such occurrence. the sea [Piali], who has married one of the daughters The next record of a similar grievance came of Sultan Selim.” The great armada might well set only three months later. This time Cyprus was in- _ sail against Cyprus when the spring came unless the

volved. On 19 November (1563) Antoine Petre- aged sultan yielded to Ali Pasha’s advice to take mol, the French agent in Istanbul, sent M. de Bois- _life easy or unless the wariness of the Venetians, taillé word of the “‘grandes querelles et plainctes’” ‘“‘auxquels touche |’ affaire,” could succeed in diverting it.”! *® Marino [di] Cavalli, ‘“‘Relazione dell’ impero ottomano 30 Charriére, II, 743-44. One wonders whether it was known [1560],”’ in Eugenio Albéri, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti, at the Porte that on 10 August, 1563 (three months before ser. III, vol. I (1840), pp. 274-75, 282-84. Despite Cavalli’s Petremol’s letter) the Venetian Senate had reduced, as an act assurances, the Senate set about adding to the fortifications of — of special favor to the grand master of the Hospital, the customs

Crete in March, 1562 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 73, fols. 1"-4"[18"- duties to be paid on the export of iron and lumber by the 21*], and ff.) as well as to those of the “kingdom of Cyprus,”’ Knights of Malta, who were then making frequent purchases el regno di Cipro, uno delli principali et piu importanti membri del __ of such critical materials (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 73, fol. 72° [89"]), stato nostro (tbid., fols. 3° [20°], 41” fF. [58” fF], 48” ff. [65” ff], presumably for the construction of galleys and the manufacture

61” ff. [78° ff.], 93” [110°], and cf Reg. 75, fols. 4 ff. [26 ff.]). of weapons to be used against the Turks.

*° Charriére, Négociations, I1, 738b, note. 31 Charriére, II, 768, and cf, above, Chapter 19, p. 838.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 931 Petremol was not alone in believing that the In Istanbul the bailie Giacomo Soranzo kept the Turks would seek to take Cyprus. In a letter of | Venetian Signoria well posted. By a letter or 29 December, 1564, Leonardo Contarini, the _ letters of 1 January, 1568, he reported to the doge Venetian ambassador in Vienna, reported to the and Senate that at a recent audience Mehmed SoDoge Girolamo Priuli an interesting exchange he _ kolli Pasha, il magnifico bassd, had told him how had just had with Maximilian II. The emperor had _ every day ‘‘many complaints” were coming to the asked whether Contarini had received “alcuno Sublime Porte relating to things that were hapaviso da Costantinopoli.”” The latter having re- pening in Cyprus. They were a source of extreme plied that he had not, Maximilian told him he had vexation to Sultan Selim, Sokolli had declared, very recently been informed that when the sprmg and would result in ‘‘great disturbances.” The came, a “‘grossa armata turchesca’’ would set sail. Signoria must, therefore, send orders to Venetian It would presumably not attack the domains of officials in the kingdom of Cyprus to remove all Philip II, for the latter had too large a fleet in cause and occasion for such complaints. The rereadiness for action. In Maximilian’s opinion the sponse of doge and Senate was immediate. In a terrible Turks would fall upon Cyprus—‘“‘Quel dispatch of 7 February, ‘“‘because we hold this Cipro,” he cried, ‘‘quel Cipro é molto vicino et gli matter much at heart,’ the colonial government sta molto negl’ occhi!’’** Petremol had assumed in Nicosia and Francesco Barbaro, the provvedithat Suleiman was himself going to lead his grande tore generale of Cyprus (1566-1568), were inarmée against Cyprus. On both counts he was mis- structed to see that no more such complaints taken, for Suleiman was not to go on the expe-__ reached the Porte, ‘‘levando tutte le occasioni daldition, and (Maximilian was wrong too) the Turk- lequali potesseno nascer ditte querele et percid ish objective was of course not to be Cyprus, but facendo ogni bon trattamento alli sudditi di quel

Malta. serenissimo Signor.” They must treat the sultan’s

The attempt to take Malta had failed, and Su- subjects well, and remove all reason for such comleiman died the following year on his last, futile plaints. On the same day similar orders were apinvasion of Hungary. When Selim II succeeded his _ proved by the Senate, to be sent to Marco Michiel,

father as ruler of the Ottoman empire, he was the captain of Famagusta.*4 anxious to restore the Turks’ prestige and renew Every time the subject of Cyprus came before their reputation for conquest. Many a senator the Senate—and it did so constantly—one thought must have recalled old Bernardo Navagero’s re- of the cost of its defense and the fact of its distance. laztone of February, 1553, which he had delivered On 5 December (1567) the Senate had decided to

about two months after returning from his long add 1,000 infantry to the 3,000 already sent to term as bailie at the Porte. Navagero had painted Cyprus. On 27 January (1568) they changed their a gloomy portrait of Selim. The latter, he said, minds “per non far questa spesa senza bisogno,” macle a pretense of being a just and worthy person, but now on 12 February they returned to their but often showed himself as cruel and avaricious. He was given to debauchery, and would drink so =——____—

much wine as to lose all reason. But, alas, as Na- é€ brutissimo e di tutte le membra sproporzionato in modo tale vagero had then observed, the wheel of fortune che pare a giudizio universale pit simile ad un mostro che ad might make Selim the sultan,°? and now, indeed un uomo, massimamente avendo tutta rovinata ed arrostita la

alas, it had done so. faccia, si dal soverchio vino come dalla gran quantita d’ acquavite che usa di bere per digerire; a talché per opinione mia a credo che sia per essere di pochissima vita [and Badoer was right, for Selim died the following year]. Né solamente é uomo 32 G. Turba, Venetianische Depeschen vom Kaiserhofe, III (1895), — di questa natura, senza alcuna notizia delle buone arti, ma ap-

no. 142, p. 289. pena gli son noti li caratteri delle lettere! E rozzissimo nelli 33 Navagero, Relazione [1553], in Albéri, Ambasciatori veneti, discorsi, mal pratico negli affari e molto alieno dalle fatiche, ser. [II, vol. I, pp. 76, 78~—79: ‘“‘Ma potrebbero pero esservi a talché lascia tutto il peso di si gran governo sopra le spalle diversi accidenti della fortuna che lo [i-e., ! imperio] facessero _del pascia primo visir [Mehmed Sokolli]. E avaro, sordido, lus-

cascare sopra Sultano Selim. . . .” surioso, incontinente, ed infine precipitoso in ogni sua aziLater on, Andrea Badoer (Badoaro), having just returned one... .”

from Istanbul, where he had been the Venetian ambassador ** Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fol. 58" [80°], regimini Cipri et provisori for confirmation of peace with the Turk in 1573, gives a far generali Barbaro ibidem existenti, doc. dated 7 February, 1568 worse (almost incredible) picture of Selim twenty years later (Ven. style 1567): Simili al capitanio di Famagosta. + De literts (Relazione, also ser. III, vol. I, pp. 360-61): “Questo sultan 197, de non 1, non sinceri 0. Lists of the captains of Famagusta Selim € uomo di statura piccola, d’ eta d’ anni cinquantatré, [or Cyprus] and of the provveditori generali of Cyprus may be di molto debole complessione per li continui disordini che usa, found in Louis de Mas Latrie, Histoire de I’ 7le de Chypre, 3 vols., si di donne come nel vino, di cui beve moltissimo. D’ aspetto _ Paris, 1852-61, repr. Famagusta, 1970, III, 849-52.

932 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT resolution to send the troops to Cyprus “‘for reasons It was disturbing, however, to learn how trouwell known to every member of this Council,’’ i.e., _ blesome the Turks in Clissa (Klis) were making the Senate.®’ Two days later (on 14 February) the themselves, for Clissa was a mere five miles from Senate voted overwhelmingly to send 2,000 infantry the important Venetian station at Spalato (Split).** to Cyprus, in addition to the 1,000 previously in When the Turco-Venetian war came in 1570, the

question, as well as another 1,400 infantry to Venetians were to be especially hard-pressed in

Crete.*° Dalmatia,*? where Count Giulio Savorgnan (who

There were always those in the Senate willing had designed the fortifications of Nicosia in Cyto face the risks of warfare to maintain the power prus, and presided over their construction in and prestige of the Republic. There were also 1567) was to serve as the Republic’s ‘‘governorthose who would seek by negotiation to maintain general of the militia.”’*° The so-called war of Cypeace at almost any price. The receipt of letters prus was not confined to Cyprus.

from the bailie in Istanbul, however, and even of Every chancery in Europe must have been

avvisi from the agents of the Fuggers in Venice aware of Selim II’s extensive naval preparations. could alter the views of senators whose mindsand As the Venetians feared for Cyprus, Pius V emotions were not always in concert.On 19 March thought it possible that the Turks might strike (1568) they reduced the proposed dispatch of again at Malta. On 28 February, 1568, an avutso 3,000 infantry to Cyprus to 2,000, also lowering from Rome carried the news that Pius was allowthe number of troops to be assigned to the custody ing the recruitment of 1,500 foot ‘‘per diffensione of Crete.*’ Although they were a parsimonious lot, di Malta.”’ He was also helping to pay their wages, those senators, the basic question was, Could Ven- for he had recently given the Hospitallers 10,000 ice afford, could she find money and manpower _ scudi worth of jewels which had been confiscated

enough, to hold Cyprus against a Turkish inva- from Matteo Minale, Pius IV’s treasurer, who sion? One can only wonder at the decision, made seems to have done away with some of the papal eight months later (on 18 November, 1568) to financial records. Minale was to be sentenced to reduce the troop of stradioti on Cyprus from 800 _ the galleys for life. Thousands of scudi belonging to 500, as being sufficient ‘‘al bisogno di tenir (or not belonging) to Minale had been discovered difese quelle marine da corsari et far |’ altre fat- in Genoa, and only the day before (27 February) tioni che potessero occorrer in tempo di guerra,’ a papal decree had been published, requiring anyenough to guard the Cypriote coasts against cor- one, who knew where other monies or properties

sairs and to take whatever other steps might be of Minale might be found, now to reveal their

necessary in time of war!°® whereabouts.**

At the beginning of the year 1568 the peace of Although the Signoria was still far from giving

Dalmatia was upset by incursions of Turkish horse _ serious consideration to joining the Holy See and

into Venetian territories, ‘‘with loss to our sub- Spain in a league against the Turks, the Senate jects,” and on 21 February the rectors of Zara was beginning to pay court to the Hapsburgs. Se(Zadar) and the provveditore generale of Dalmatia _ lim had just ratified the treaty with the Emperor were warned that many well-armed Turkish horse Maximilian, which would free the Porte for some were still active in areas of Venetian jurisdiction other venture. Venice had given no assistance ei-

“with the design and intention of causing even ther to Maximilian or to the Hospitallers in their much greater losses.’’°? At any rate the Senate forz

Pallavicinia name which has appeared and reap. 1 id» Reg 5, fly 99-85 (115-1171

, 42 Ibid., Reg. 76, fols. 110” ff.[131” ff.].

peared so often in these volumes, was then in Zara, 43 Ihid., Reg. 76, fols. 112"-113" [133°-134"], 114" (135"1,

looking to the fortifications.*° 118” [139°], and Reg. 77, fol. 82” [103"].

44 Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urb. lat. 1040, fol. 517” by

mod. stamped enumeration, a Fugger dispatch from Rome 55 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fols. 57° [79°], 58” [80°], 59° [81]. | dated 28 February, 1568: ‘Per il rumore dell’ armata del Turco

°° Ibid., Reg. 75, fols. 60°-61" [82°-83"]. il Papa ha concesso licentia che si possano fare nel stato eccle*7 Ibid., Reg. 75, fols. 66-67 [88-89], and cf. Stella, Nunz. _ siastico 1,500 fanti per diffensione di Malta, alli quali ancora

Venezia, VIII, no. 209, p. 363. dara parte delle paghe con tutto che li di passati habbi donato 58 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fol. 101 [123], doc. dated 18 No- a quella Religione X m. scudi di gioie del Minale, il quale é vember, 1568, and cf, ibid., fols. 102" [124"], 102” [124”]. stato rimesso in secreta carcere per causa che in Genova si sono °° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fol. 63” [85"], alli rettori di Zara et — scoperti molti suoi migliara di scudi, et hieri si € publicato un proveditor general in Dalmatia, doc. dated 21 February, 1568 —bando che chi sa dove si trovi altri suoi beni proprii, denari,

(Ven. style 1567). et robbe gli debba palesare.’’ On Minale, cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. *° Ibid., Reg. 75, fol. 64° [86°]. Papste, VIII (repr. 1958), 54.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 933 struggles with the Turks, and Spain had shown no _ turbance.’’*® About three months later (on 3 July) interest in joming Venice in the anti-Turkish — the doge and Senate wrote Friedrich III, count palleague that Pius V had been advocating.*’ If Selim _atine of the Rhine, in answer to an inquiry, that it should move against Cyprus, to whom could Ven-_ was their understanding that the Emperor Maxiice turn for help but to Pius and to Philip IJ? Pius milian had made a ‘“‘peace or rather truce” with had no galleys, however, for the small papal fleet the Porte for eight years. Maximilian had in fact

had been lost at Jerba. confirmed the peace in Vienna a few weeks before,

When the Venetian ambassador to the Spanish as the Signoria must have known. As for the Turkish court, Sigismondo di Cavalli, informed the doge armada, they told the count palatine, some eighty and Senate that Philip had appointed his half- galleys had sailed from “‘Byzantium”’ to certain ports brother Don John of Austria, then twenty-one and islands in the Aegean. What course it might years of age, as captain-general of the Spanish take later, ‘“‘we cannot say for certain.’’*” But if the fleet, they wrote Don John a letter of fulsome armada should enter the Adriatic (as in 1566), the praise (on 22 April, 1568) “‘con nostra grande sa- Venetian naval commanders would of course be tisfattione et contento d’ animo.”’ Only good could _ instructed (as indeed they were) to avoid all contact come of Don John’s supernal qualities of mind and __ with it.”” To the obvious relief of the Signoria, the

spirit. Venice bore him “‘molta affettione et be- armada did not get so far west as the Adriatic. By nevolentia,”’ for he was the son of the renowned 1 September the Senate could assume that the sulEmperor Charles V, “‘truly the friend of our Re- _ tan’s eighty galleys were returning to Istanbul.’

public” (which Charles in fact had never been). Three days later (on 4 September, 1568) the The road to honor and glory had been opened up Doge Pietro Loredan wrote the provveditore of to Don John, and the doge and Senate prayed that the Venetian fleet,

the Almighty would guide him to the goal he oo

sought “with satisfaction to his Catholic Majesty.’”’46 In order that you may know our will with regard to After this almost rapturous letter of congratu- disarming the galleys of Candia we do, with the Senate, lation to Don John of Austria on his appointment inform you that when you shall have received certain oo oe word that the Turkish armada has passed Cape Malea to supreme command of the Spanish fleet, it is sad [of Lesbos, not of southeastern Morea] to return to Conto have to note that the Archives at the Frari show stantinople, you are to order the disarming of the said that the Venetians kept the Porte informed of Don galleys under the guidance and with the assent of the John’s movements during the summer of 1568.4” = commander of the galley slaves.°?

On the same day that the Senate endorsed the

letter of congratulation to Don John (22 April, Disarming galleys meant removing oarsmen 1568), it also approved a dispatch to the colonial and mercenaries. It saved money, and one could government of Crete with the reassuring news that do it when the Turk was quiet. The Senate liked letters from the bailie Giacomo Soranzo in Istan- to save money, tried to keep the Turk quiet, and bul, written on 13 March and received in Venice always sought the means to do so. Thus at this on 6 April, had reported that all seemed quiet on _ time the doge, as voted by the Senate, sent orders the Ottoman front “‘so that one can hope the pres- to Marco Querini, ‘“‘captain of the Gulf” (the ent year will pass without further travail or dis- Adriatic), to protect Turkish as well as Venetian

subjects from the attacks and raids of the Us-

_ koks.°* Insofar as the Uskoks of Segna (Senj) rec* Cf Paul Herre, Europdische Politik im Cyprischen Krieg ognized anyone's Jurisdiction over them, it was (1570-73), I: Vorgeschichte und Vorverhandlungen, Leipzig, 1902,

pp. 35 ff.

46 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fol. 72° [94°], illustrissimo D. Ioanni ~~

Austriaco serenissimi regis Catholici classis capitaneo generali dignis- *° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fol. 72” [94"], al regimento di Candia.

simo, doc. dated 22 April, 1568, + de literis 207, de non 3, non 49 Ibid., Reg. 75, fol. 82° [104°].

sinceri 1. °° Ibid., Reg. 75, fol. 87° [109°]. *” See the letter of the doge and Senate, dated 31 July, 1568, *! Ibid., Reg. 75, fol. 92" [114°]. to the bailie in Istanbul, which letter is to be found in Senato, ° Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fols. 136’—137' [162°-163"]. Loredan Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. III, fol. unnumbered, ad was doge from 26 November, 1567, to 3 May, 1570. Galley finem. Although the Turks were glad to receive news from the _ slaves, li homini condennati alla cathena, were supposed to man West through the Venetian bailies, they objected to the Si- __ the oars only on galleys which had been designated to receive gnoria’s sharing the avvisi from Istanbul with the ambassadors — them, and not on others, ‘‘as has sometimes been done”’ (of. in of the European princes (Stella, Nunz. Venezia, VII, no. 19, p. general Sen. Secreta, Reg. 73, fols. 17'—19" [34°—36"}).

69, a letter of Facchinetti to Cardinal Bonelli, dated at Venice °* Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fol. 156% [182°], and, ibid., Reg. 39, on 29 June, 1566). fol. 42° [87°].

934 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT that of the Austrian Hapsburgs, who felt no large city of Nicosia, and turning it into a fortress. I distress at their harassment of Venetians and answered him, saying that it was true, to which he

Turks.°* replied, “To what purpose?’ ’’ Ali went on to say

that their Venetian lordships were merely throwThe reports that eighty galleys had sailed from ing their money away, for they were the most seByzantium to certain ports and islands in the Ae-_ rene sultan’s “brothers and friends.” Certainly gean had some substance. Pietro Valderio relates there was no need to distrust the sultan, and no that when the Turks had more or less decided need to fear Philip [II]—whom everyone knew to upon the “‘enterprise’’ of Cyprus, Selim II sent be no friend of Venice—for if Philip made a move Piali Pasha into Nicomedia to see to the making against Cyprus, the sultan would want to defend or outfitting of galleasses (maone) and galleys. Lala _ the island in order not to have such an enemy so Mustafa Pasha went out to gather forces, especially close at hand. Valderio acknowledged that his for the land army. Ali Pasha was ordered to goto Turkish lordship was quite right. The Venetians Cyprus under the guise of wanting to load his galleys | did not at all doubt what he said, but because so with timber in the Gulf of Alexandretta or Lajazzo, many of the poor in the “kingdom”’ of Cyprus had il Colfo della Giazza, and take the timber to Alex- no means of support, their rulers had to assist them

andria in order to send it on to the Red Sea for ‘‘so that the miserable creatures could live and the construction of galleys that would go to India. support their children.” All the building in Nicosia

Ali also spread word that the armada, which ev- was designed to provide employment for those eryone knew was being fitted out in Istanbul and who needed it. Ali seemed pleased with Valderio’s

elsewhere, would be sent to Spain to help the answer, and changing the subject, he requested a Moriscoes. The army was being prepared for service _ pilot, and “‘I said that we would do this for him

against the sophi of Persia. as an act of courtesy when we returned to the Suddenly the news came to Famagusta from _ City.” Paphos on 8 September, 1568, that a large num- One of Ali Pasha’s sons entered the harbor with ber of Turkish galleys had appeared off shore un- Valderio and his companions. ‘The young man was der Ali Pasha, il loro bassd generale, who would not accompanied by six or eight captains ‘‘and other allow his men to do damage anywhere, claiming important persons to the number of thirty.” They that he had come as a friend. He was on his way __ were all duly presented to Marco Michiel, the cap-

to Lajazzo, and would go to Famagusta to get a tain of Famagusta, and (there was apparently no pilot who knew the area of the Gulf of Alexan- tactful alternative) they were shown the fortress dretta. Marco Michiel, then the captain of Fa- from one place to another “‘to our great distress.” magusta, took the appropriate steps to safeguard The next morning when the Turks came ashore the city and to receive Ali with the usual courteous to get water, “with the pasha incognito among

gesture of a worthwhile present. them,”’ they went by the arsenal, where (says Val-

On the tenth Ali’s armada of sixty-four galleys | derio) the pasha did as much spying as he wanted. rounded Cape Greco at the southeast corner of | Venturing south of the walls of Famagusta, they the island of Cyprus. Michiel summoned Gero- went to the hills, “‘dove sono le sepulture degli nimo Greghetto, whom Valderio was soon to suc- Ebrei.”’ At Ali’s side was always one Josefi Attanto

ceed as viscount of Famagusta; he also summoned of Tripoli, who for his misdeeds had been conValderio, who was provveditore of the city at the demned to the oar by a podesta of Famagusta. time, as well as Zorzi Squarcialupi and Dr. Soliman Having served for five years, Attanto had escaped,

di Rossi. Off they went in Anzolo Surian’s galley and gone to Istanbul. Being an engineer, he had “with a fine present of a thousand piasters in a now come to Cyprus with letters from the Venesilver bowl,” along with a dozen loads of meats, _ tian bailie with the request that he be allowed to refreshments, and other things. They boarded go through the island to find ‘‘four beautiful colAli’s galley, and made the presentation “with the | umns”’ which were needed for a structure which

accustomed ceremonies.”’ Attanto was building for the sultan. Using this Valderio then notes that Ali Pasha ‘“‘asked me pretext, says Valderio, the scoundrel was spying whether it was true that we were rebuilding the in every nook and cranny that he chose.

Attanto had stayed a while at Famagusta ‘‘at his good pleasure,” and after going around the island .: " ch Stella, auunt Venezia, Mars no. 2%, P a a ener ° he had returned in ten days, saying that he had of. ibid. nos. 10, 81, 31.10 rt 1. pp. 53, 1 52 108, 196, 210, found no columns to serve his purpose. When Ali et alibi. Lala Mustafa Pasha is not to be confused with the com- Pasha was ready to depart, and was given a Turk-

mander of the Turkish land forces at Malta in 1565. ish or Greek pilot, Josefi Attanto left Cyprus with

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 935 him. Within a few days they learned in Famagusta A resolution of the Senate, passed on 12 Authat Ali had not gone to the Gulf of Alexandretta, gust, 1568, emphasized the vast importance of but had returned to Istanbul, capturing a boatload certain items of business ‘‘che di tempo in tempo of Famagustan soldiers along the way. Ali gave the sono trattati dalli bayli nostri in Constantinopoli.”’

sultan a report of all he had seen at Famagusta The bailies addressed dispatches of a most critical (and of everything that Josefi Attanto had learned nature not only to the Signoria, but also to the at Nicosia), ‘‘offering himself as ready to under- rectors of the colonial governments and to naval take the expedition.” At a meeting of the pashas_ officers of the Republic. For the most part these plans for an invasion of Cyprus were discussed. communications were written in cipher, “which Mehmed Sokolli was said to be opposed to the requires much time and much labor.” The bailie’s idea, but Lala Mustafa Pasha urged it upon the secretary ought, therefore, to have an assistant sultan, ‘‘and so the war was decided upon, but who should be drawn from the state chancery (uno

secretly and among themselves.’’”° coaggiutore della cancellaria nostra). Such appointWe have already referred to Marco Querini, ments had been made in the past, and now captain of the Gulf, who was to play a large part Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, the newly-appointed bailie in the coming war with the Turks. Fate and their to the Porte, had requested the Signoria to provide own prominence were to assign even more con-_ him and his secretary with such an assistant. The spicuous roles to Sebastiano Venier and Girolamo _ secretary might become ill, and illness often did Zane in the events of 1570-1571, making their beset the Venetians in Istanbul. An accident might names known throughout Europe and the Levant. befall him, and then who would prepare the disVenier was appointed special provveditore generale patches in cipher?

at Corfu on 19 June, 1568. He was especially to Texts of such importance should only be enoversee matters relating ‘“‘to the custody and security trusted to a “persona publica et fedele’’ who, ac-

of this city and island,” lightening the burdens of quiring the requisite knowledge and experience the Corfiote bailie and the regular provveditore, at the Porte, would inevitably be useful to the Siwho were caught up in their manifold duties “‘re- gnoria as well as to the bailie. By a sizable vote, lating to civil and criminal justice.”°° In November, therefore, Marc’ Antonio Barbaro and his succes1569, we find Venier serving as one of three Vene- sors were authorized hereafter to take with them tian commissioners to meet with certain Hapsburg an appropriate assistant, to be chosen from the representatives to try to settle some of the problems chancery and paid by the Signoria.°” When in Febwhich were always arising along the ‘‘confines” of -——__—— Friuli, where the frontiers were themselves in dis- Hieronimo Zane, cavallier et procurator, eletto capitanio genepute.”’ On 17 June, 1570, Venier was elected prov- rale da mare, pero |’ andera parte che col nome del Spirito veditore generale of the Venetian “kingdom” of Santo il detto capitanio general da mare debba metter banco Cyprus, and was officially informed of his new zobia [1.e., giovedi] prossima, che sara alli cinque del mese futuro,

char, ge days later.°8 et Insieme con ul debbano metter banco iletdiletto nobelgover nostro . . five . iacomo Celsi, eletto proveditor dell’ armata, li trenta

. . . tae - i . 39, fols. ,

To Girolamo Zane’s misfortune, he was again patori [galley commanders] eletti per questo Conseglio, li quali elected captain-general of the sea, being required debbano armare vinti di zurme [i.e., ciurme] di terra ferma et

actively to assume command of the Venetian fleet dieci di quelle questa cra, seconee oe fale 105" [1 50", on Thursday, 5 August, 1568, along with Gia- 106" [1 51"), docs dated 20 February, 1570 (Ven. style 1569). como Celsi, who had recently been elected An- Celsi’s commission as provveditore is actually dated 7 Jantonio da Canale’s successor as provveditore of the uary, 1569 (see above). There was often a considerable lapse fleet. Canale would soon join them, however, as __ of time between election and the issuance of the electee’s comwould thirty galley commanders with their crews22 -™ssion, and a further lapse of time before he—usually reluc-

tantly—sailed from Venice. Zane did not actually receive his

_ final, formal commission as captain-general of the sea until 18 April, 1570, on which see below, but the well-informed Fac55 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 13- _ chinetti knew on Saturday, 19 June, 1568, that Zane would 18. On the Moriscoes’ revolt in Spain, see below, p. 946. probably be reappointed, as indeed he was on the following day Mehmed Sokolli and Piali Pasha were enemies (Stella, Nunz. (Stella, Nunz. Venezia, VIII, nos. 236, 239, pp. 398, 401).

Venezia, VIII, nos. 191, 195, pp. 338, 343, et alibi). 69 Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fol. 128° [154"], doc. dated 12 August, °6 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fols. 79’-80" [101’~-102”], and see, 1568, the vote in favor of the resolution being +180, 7, 8.

ibid., Reg. 76, fols. 61-62" [82-83"]. Barbaro left Venice for Istanbul six days later, on 18 August

57 Thid., Reg. 76, fol. 33" [54"], and note Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, (Stella, Nunz. Venezia, VIII, no. 270, p. 428, and cf, ibid., nos.

fol. 40° [85*}. 281, 297, 302, et alibi). Apparently complete copies of Barbaro’s

°8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 107 [128]. letters to the doge and Council of Ten, covering the entire

°° Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fols. 124”~125" [150’-151"], resolu- _ period of his bailaggio, are preserved in two large volumes in tions of the Senate dated 31 July, 1568: “‘E a proposito delle the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana (Venice), MSS. It. VII, 390cose nostre non tardar pit ad espedir il dilettissimo nobel nostro 91 (8872-73), Registri di lettere scritte dal clarissimo Signor

936 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ruary, 1570, Barbaro had to send his secretary awaited the election of his successor, the Italian Alvise Buonrizzo to Venice, as we shall see, with Pietro del Monte, the doge and Senate sent del the Turkish cha’ush Kubad, who was on his way Monte on 12 October, 1568, an expression of the to demand of the Signoria the surrender of Cy- great displeasure which they said they had felt prus, Barbaro was glad to have with him in Istan- ‘per la perdita d’uno Cosi savio et valoroso sibul ‘‘an assistant from our chancery.”’*! gnore.”’ They extolled the glorious memory which de la Valette had left behind him, and certainly Jean Parisot de la Valette, grand master of the _ his defense of Malta against the Turks was one of Hospitallers, died on 21 August, 1568. Having _ the great exploits of the century. But del Monte’s letter to the Signoria, dated 6 September, had brought happiness and consolation to Venetian Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, dignissimo bailo in Costantinopoli a sua h 5 f PP M had inf. d th hi Serenita, . . . His first letter is dated at Zara on 21 August, carts, or de onte ha ; intormed them Of his

1568, as Barbaro was on his way to the Porte; the first volume election to the grand magistracy of the Order of (the latter part of which is in a parlous state) ends with a letter S. John. Having had trouble with the Hospitallers

dated at Pera on 9 April, 1570, and the second with a letter for unending years, the doge and Senate were

dated at Pera on 25 July, 1573. Dr. new Benjamin of : . ,asaraalso , especially gratified by the grandArbel master’s

Tel Aviv University first called my attention to these volumes. f . or . Barbaro seems to have managed the usually difficult journey SUFANCEe O the Hospitallers intention and prom-

to Istanbul more easily than his suite. From Pera on 10 October, ise not to allow the galleys and other armed vessels

1568, he wrote the doge (ibid., MS. It. VII, 390 [8872], fol. of their Order to come into our [territorial] Wa2"), “Gionsi io Marc’ Antonio in questo loco il giorno di San ters 7762

Francesco [i.e., on Monday, 4 October], et se ben per gratia De la Valette had been a shrewd administrator

di Dio et per li buoni tempi ho fatto questo viaggio in assai .

pochi giorni che quasi non c’ ha lassato sentir le molte incom- 45 well as an adroit commander. More than a year modita sue; pero non si puo che tutti di casa mia non habbino before his death, he had come to the conclusion patito grandemente per li mali et pessimi alloggiamenti che si that the island of Cyprus was doomed. He had, trovano et per il convenir spesse volte dormir al sereno et in therefore. secured the passage of a decree in the

terra, del che ne ho gia veduta |’ esperientia, perché in dui h ‘ 1 of the Ord he eff, h

giorni tutta la mia fameglia si é risentita di flussi et di febre chapter general of the Urder to the € ect C at che in questo principio m’ é€ stato d’ infinito travaglio et in- Ways must be found to exchange the Hospitallers commodo: pure ringratiata la divina Maesta io, quasi solo, mi properties on the island for estates in the kingdom son preservato sano. In questa mia entrata, di ordine del of Naples or in Sicily. His next step was to instruct magnifico Mehemet Bassa, son stato honorato per rispetto Giuseppe Cambiano, the ambassador of the Order della Serenita vostra con qualche dimostratione che haecceduto . . . . anco la solita et ordinaria, et similmente dal clarissimo bailo, ! Rome, to negotiate with Cardinal Alvise Corner mio precessore, son stato ricevuto con quel piu di honore (Cornaro), the gran commendatore of Cyprus, the et di cortesia che si poteva aspettar in queste parti, frutti soliti means of making such exchanges or selling the

della sua generosita et infinita amorevolezza.. . .” Order’s properties on Cvprus ‘‘con maggior utile Among Barbaro’s first problems were the “Jews of Aaron P f lla Relic: YP > Camb} 88

de Segura”’ (see, above, pp. 924-25), for which note, ibid., fols. c vantaggio ela KRengione. amb1ano was to see 12”, 16°-17, 44, 47, 83", 92°-93", and MS. It. VII, 391 (8873), | to it that the exchanges and sales should redound

fols. 48°, 52", 71", 447", et alibi a no less to the advantage of the cardinal than to On Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, who with his elder brother that of the Hospitallers. And all this was to be

Daniele, ambassador to England (1548-1550) and patriarch- d “with d d | authority.” elect of Aquileia, built the Villa Maser, see Chas. Yriarte, La one with g00 grace and papal autnoricy.

Vie d’ un patricien de Venise au seiziéme siécle, Paris, 1874, pp. As far as the Hospitallers were concerned, once 173-235, who has here dealt with Marc’ Antonio’s mission to they had unloaded their Cypriote possessions, the Istanbul, his negotiations for peace, and his subsequent relazione island could sink into the sea, and the Venetians

or report to the Senate, for which see Albéri, Relazion: degli hj . 7 ambasciatori veneti, ser. III, vol. I (1840), pp. 299-346. along with at As the Turks attacks began how On the nature and importance of the ciphered reports of a ever, public opinion combine wit their own

bailie during this period, see the article by Christiane Villain- aversion to Islam to force the Hospitallers to take Gandossi, ‘‘Les Dépéches chiffrées de Vettore Bragadin, baile steps to help repel the invasion. But although the de Constantinople (12 juillet 1564-15 juin 1566),” Turcica, reputation of the Order had risen, its effectiveness IX/2-X (1978), 52-106, to which we have referred in an earlier had declined. The Knights had suffered terrible chapter. On the functions of the bailie at the Porte, note also

Villain-Gandossi, ‘‘Les Attributions du baile de Constantinople dans le fonctionnement des échelles du Levant au XVIF siécle,”’ in Les Grandes Escales, Brussels, 1972, pp. 227-44 (Recueils de 2 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 75, fols. 95°—96" [117°—118"], al revela Société Jean Bodin), and cf. in general the summaries of __rendissimo gran maestro della Religione di S. Gioanne Hierosolimitana,

Turkish documents (firmans) from 1527 to 1592 in Villain- | doc. dated 12 October, 1568. On de la Valette’s last illness Gandossi, ‘‘Contribution a I’ étude des relations diplomatiques and death, see Bosio, III (1602), bk. Xxxvull, pp. 816-18 and et commerciales entre Venise et la Porte ottomane au XVI° _ ff., who gives a full account of the election of del Monte as his siécle,”’ in the Siidost-Forschungen, XX VI (1967), 22-45; XXVIII successor (ibid., bk. XXXVIII, pp. 821-23).

(1969), 13-47; and XXIX (1970), 290-301 [with an index]. 63 Bosio, III (1602), bk. XXXVI, p. 797C, ad ann. 1567.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 937 losses of dead and wounded during the siege of the heroes—one of the two outstanding heroes— Malta, and now all their resources were going into in the coming siege of Famagusta.

the reconstruction of their fortifications. The One by one the names of those who were to siege had been utterly exhausting, and de la Va- __ figure in the war of Cyprus make their appearance

lette’s death had a deleterious effect upon the in the Venetian documents of 1568-1569. As the Order. In mid-July, 1570, the Hospitallers lost summer of 1568 came on, however, it was quite some eighty Knights in an encounter with the Al- clear that the Turks, who were having trouble gerian corsair Uluj-Ali (Occhiali) off the southern with the Arabs as well as with the Muscovites, were coast of Sicily. They also lost two or three galleys not going to make an attempt that year upon Cyloaded with wine and foodstuffs which Francesco — prus. As the winter approached, the Senate voted diS. Clemente, their unwise “general of the galleys,” (on 20 November, 1568) to reduce ‘‘superfluous was trying to deliver to Malta at all costs. Certainly expense’’ by cutting down on the mercenary solthe costs were high. Bosio gives the names of more diery in the capital city of Nicosia, in the harbor than sixty Knights ‘“‘among those taken as slaves or town of Kyrenia, and in the important citadel of

killed.’’°* Famagusta. The sources contain many complaints If the Venetian Signoria could expect little as- about the stradioti and other mercenaries who sistance from the Hospitallers, there could be no were sent to Cyprus. They got married, acquired doubt that one Astorre Baglione would be worth — children, and even turned to the cultivation of the more than his weight in gold, should current ru- _ soil, which was the end of their usefulness as solmors prove true that the Turks would attack Cy- diers. It was felt in the Senate that the money prus. On 21 August, 1568—the day Jean de la being spent on the mercenaries in question could Valette died—the Senate voted to send Baglione _ better be used “‘in altre provisioni per quel regno to replace the soldier-engineer Count Giulio Sa-_ piu necessarie.’’ With the lapse, therefore, of the vorgnan as governor-general of the militia in “‘our two years’ term for which the Greek soldiers in kingdom of Cyprus.’ Savorgnan had been work- Famagusta had been hired, their contracts were ing for almost a year on the (still unfinished) for- not to be renewed. The troops in the regular gar-

tifications of Nicosia. As a gesture of appreciation —risons in Nicosia, Kyrenia, and Famagusta were to for the past services of Baglione, then general of be more widely and effectively employed. Such at the Republic’s light horse, and as an expression least was the Senate’s decision.®° of their confidence in his future efforts, the Senate At the beginning of 1569 the Ottoman authorvoted Baglione a gift of five hundred ducats on ities at Alexandria were holding in custody certain 6 November, 1568, as he was getting ready to vessels and merchandise belonging to the French leave for Cyprus.® Baglione was to prove one of and to others who traded under the French flag in Levantine ports. The ships and goods had been seized as payment or part payment of the 150,000

OO écus or ducats which the French ambassador M. ** Bosio, III (1602), bk. XL, pp. 854-60, and ¢f. Hill, Cyprus, Grantrie de Grandchamp acknowledged that his ve 909-10. By the beginning of the 1560’s relations between master Charles 1X owed Joseph Nasi, the duke of ®° Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fol. 155" [1817], resolution of the Sen- Naxos. Strident complaints were soon coming ate dated 6 November, 1568: ‘‘Dovendosi espedir 1’ illustre from Egypt, however, that such actions would ruin Signor Astor Baglione, general nostro de’ [cavalli] leggieri, ac- the port of Alexandria and the commerce of the cio che possa andar per governator general della militia del entire region, “and that this port has been free, regno nostro di Cipro in luogo del magnifico conte Julio Sa- from the time of the Mamluks. to all the nations

enice and the Hospitallers had improved somewhat. . .

vorgnan si com’ e stato deliberato per questo Conseglio a XXI . ?

del mese d’ agosto passato, é conveniente usare verso di lui of the world.” The oriental-western trade was the quello ch’ é stato fatto ancora in una tal occasione verso gli only means whereby the residents of the area altri, pero andera parte che all’ illustre Signor Astor Baglione could live and pay their tribute to the sultan, ‘‘and sopranominato siano dati delli danari della Signoria nostra in dono ducati cinquecento per I’ effetto sopradetto, +145, 19, 2.

In Collegio existente in Senatu die supradicta +26, 0, 0.” Cf, SO ibid., fols. 173” [199”], 175° [201"], and, zbzd., Reg. 39, fol. 78° 66 Sen. Mar, Reg. 38, fols. 157-158" [183°-184"], doc. dated [123°]. Astorre was also allowed to take with him his nephew 20 November, 1568. The Senate was worried about the heavy Federico “per capo delli fanti. . . con ducati vinti di stipendio — expenses which the Signoria had been facing for several years per paga, come hanno li altri capi. . .” (Reg. 38, fol. 175" —(abid., fol. 160 [186]), but far heavier expenses lay just ahead.

[201']). Baglione did not leave Venice until mid-March, 1569 The Turks’ troubles with the Arabs were naturally of great (Stella, Nunz. Venezia, VIII, no. 359, p. 504). On 20 February, interest to Venice and to the nuncio Facchinetti (Stella, Nunz.

1570 (Ven. style 1569), the Senate voted to send Savorgnan Venezia, VIII, nos. 115, 195, 218, pp. 218, 343, 375, and cf, as governator general della militia nostra into Dalmatia (ibid., Reg. _ibid., nos. 223, 227, 231, 242, 249 [also mention of the Mus-

39, fols. 106’~107" [151%-152"], 108” [153")). covites], 256, 263, 274, 284, 286, 287, et alibi).

938 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT . . . if this were taken from them, they could do It is odd that the Turks should have been among so no longer.’’ From Istanbul on 14 March (1569) _ the first to think of Henry as a candidate for the Grantrie de Grandchamp could report to the king Polish throne, but he was in fact to be declared that the Turks had released the ships, men, and__ king of Poland on 11 May, 1573, by the electoral merchandise belonging to the other nations, ‘and diet at Warsaw.”

have retained only those of your subjects, amount- Du Bourg apparently found the Turks very ing to the sum of 42,000 ducats in all.’’®’ amiable. Now that Philip II’s third wife, Elizabeth Later on in the year (on 19 July) a French fi- of Valois, was dead, Mehmed seemed to look benancial agent, Claude du Bourg de Guérines, ar- nignly on the prospect of Philip’s marrying Maxrived in Istanbul to negotiate a renewal of the imilian’s daughter Anna, as Charles IX took her ‘capitulations” of the old Franco-Turkish treaty sister Elizabeth of Hapsburg as his wife. What was of commerce. Du Bourg was well received at the happening to the Turks? Did they really approve Porte, and worked so quickly that by 30 August of this union of Austria, France, and Spain? Had he could inform Charles IX that the sultan had _ the sultan lost his mind? Was this all ‘‘un jugement ratified the treaty; according to its terms restitu- de Dieu pour la subversion de |’ empire des Othotion (or at least partial restitution) was to be made mans?’ Or did it mean that the sultan would be to the French of the goods and vessels sequestered less afraid of Philip if one of Philip’s allies was at Alexandria.°*” Du Bourg had been named as_ Charles, a friend of the Turks, and the other was French agent to the Porte in 1563 to replace An- Maximilian, now bound to the eight years’ peace? toine Petremol, but his appointment had been can-___ Was this policy of sudden friendliness toward the

celled. A born intriguer and a troublemaker, du. West designed to free the Turks to proceed Bourg became involved in international compli- against the Persians and the Muscovites? Or was

cations that remain difficult to unravel. the sultan disarming the three chief powers of In his report to Charles IX of 30 August (1569) Christendom so that he might strike at Venice and du Bourg states that Mehmed Sokolli spoke with take possession of the kingdom of Cyprus? The approval of the proposed marriage of his French Hapsburgs were no lovers of Venice. Maybe they Majesty with Elizabeth, a daughter of Maximilian would attack Venice in the rear “en la terre II who, as a result of the recent eight years’ peace ferme’’ while the Turks invaded Cyprus. These between Austria and the Porte, had become a_ were the questions which du Bourg was mulling “bon amy” of the Turks. During du Bourg’s Au-_ over in Venice in the spring of 1570 as a result gust meetings with Mehmed, the latter also dis- of his sojourn at Istanbul the preceding year.”° cussed Charles’s younger brother Henry [III], In the meantime reports had been flowing westduke of Anjou, “‘et au regard de mondit seigneur __ ward of the great armament the Turks were buildle duc vostre frére, le dit bassa m’ a ouvert ung _ ing. In his dispatch of 14 March (1569) the French aultre party:’’ In a memorandum concerning his mission to Istanbul which du Bourg prepared in

Venice some months later (on his way back to 50k: . Franc he explaine dthe “party” whichnot the gran d 30 Me wer king known, owing his brother Charles’s (on . : e),. y; ), Henry did remain of toPoland verydeath long, viz" had suggested to him. Mehmed pointed Out but succeeded to the French throne (cf M. L. Cimber and F. that Sigismund Augustus, king of Poland, was Danjou, eds., Archives curieuses de I’ histoire de France, 1st ser., without heirs [although he had been married three _ vol. IX [Paris, 1836], pp. 137-54). On 16 September, 1569,

times], According 10. Mehmed, at least 28 re- a a a eae counted by du Bourg, the Polish nobility had des- stata |’ eccasione” Hora vidlicemo che ’| serenissimo re Catholico ignated Sigismund’s sister [Anna] as successor tO ha concluso matrimonio con la prima figliuola del serenissimo

the throne. Mehmed, therefore, proposed that imperator, et il re Christianissimo ha parimente concluso ma-

Henry of Anjou should marry the aging Anna, Simomi core te eenee ener, and succeed the Jagiellonians as king of Poland. serenissimo re ai Portogallo, figliuolo della sorella di sua Maesta Catholica, ha concluso matrimonio in una sorella del re Christianissimo . . . ,’’ which news the bailie was to pass on to the 67 Charriére, Négociations, III (1853, repr. 1965), 60-61,66 Turks (Senato, Deliberazioni Costantinopoli [Secreta], Reg. 4,

note. fols. 17°-18" [26°—27'}).

68 Charriére, III, 63-71, with notes. Mehmed Sokolli also 0 Charriére, III, 72-80, esp. the notes. The contract for

taxed du Bourg with the return to Istanbul of the “femme Philip II’s marriage to Maximilian’s daughter Anna is given in turque, . . . dont sa mére faict icy une grande clameur et im- Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, V-1 (1728), no. LXXXv, portunité” (pp. 71-72), with which years-long problem we have pp. 175-78, and that for Charles IX’s marriage to Elizabeth,

dealt above. ibid., no. LXXXVI, pp. 178-79.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 939 ambassador de Grandchamp had expressed the the following day (25 October) Facchinetti, the view that they would attack Otranto, ‘‘au com- nuncio in Venice, wrote the cardinal-nephew mencement de la Pouille,’’ opposite Turkish-held Michele Bonelli that many Venetians still blamed

Valona, only sixty to eighty miles away. Piali French connivance with the Turks for their loss Pasha, supported by Joseph Nasi and other ren- of Nauplia and Monemvasia in 1540. Requesens egades, was allegedly urging upon Sultan Selim an appears, however, to have misunderstood the expedition against the Spanish in Apulia. The pope. The Venetians were doubtless asking for Turkish preparations “‘for the coming year” in- repayment of two loans they had made the French, cluded, according to de Grandchamp, the con- amounting to 200,000 ducats. The French amstruction of sixty parandariae (parandrées), ‘‘ves- bassador had just appeared before the Collegio, sels which can carry thirty horses each,” as well and presented a request in Charles [X’s name for as the construction of fifty galleasses (mahonnes), a further loan of 400,000 scudi, which the Siwhich could carry no end of supplies, munitions, gnoria had declined.”*

and even horses. The Turks were restoring all Furthermore, the Venetians had learned or their old galleys, and building new ones “in diverse thought they had learned that, after they had places.”” They planned to move into Apulia some _ loaned the French “‘another 100,000 ducats’’ [the 60,000 horse and 200,000 to 300,000 foot, ‘‘which total does seem to have been 200,000], the latter

would be easy for them if they were not op-_ were trying to make them lose the island of Corfu. posed.’’”! At any rate it is clear that M. de Grand-_ If France were actually collapsing, the Venetians champ was impressed with the extent of the Turk- might provide some aid against the Huguenots as

ish preparations. a counterweight to Spain, for they would not want Throughout the spring of 1569, despite the Philip II to become the sole arbiter of French afTurks’ grandiose plans for the coming year, their fairs. But as the nuncio had written Bonelli a activities at sea were largely confined to the dis- month before (on 27 September, 1567), the Sipatch of some thirty galleys (and various trans- gnoria was demanding immediate payment of [at

ports) to the Black Sea “alli confini de Moscoviti’’ least] 100,000 ducats, which were much needed and a like number to patrol the Aegean.” The “for their fortifications.””° The loan was not repaid, Venetians always regarded the Black Seaasa good and so the money was never applied to the fortiplace for Turkish galleys, and they had no objec- fications of Cyprus, although the Signoria spent a tions to the Aegean patrols since they helped rid good deal on them. Six months after the fall of the sea of corsairs, who were a perpetual nuisance, Famagusta, the Senate was still seeking repayment and were even then a cause of renewed concern of the 200,000 scudi or ducats which the king of in the Adriatic.’* But the question always asked France owed the Republic.”°

on the Rialto was, What about next year? But in the spring of 1569, as we have seen, the If Jean de la Valette could look upon Cyprus waters of the Mediterranean were being ruffled as lost as early as 1567, can we regard the Vene- only by corsairs. Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, the tians as less farseeing? Hardly. Luis de Requesens Venetian bailie in Istanbul, had assured the Sihad written Philip II from Rome (on 24 October, gnoria on 12 March that the Turkish armada would

1567) that Pius V had just told him he did not not “go out for this year.”” A month later (on 16 expect the Signoria to respond favorably toa papal April) the doge and Senate wrote the colonial gov-

appeal to send France further assistance against ernment of Corfu to reduce the number of hired the Huguenots, “‘for he knows that a few days ago __ troops on the island unless they should receive ‘“‘an-

the Venetians with great urgency requested the other dispatch to the contrary from our bailie”’ most Christian queen [Catherine de’ Medici] to which, however, seemed unlikely. Of the four pay them the 400,000]!] ducats which they had hundred foot on the island they were to choose the loaned the crown. . . .”” They needed the money for the defenses of Cyprus “‘y en otras partes.” On =—W-—____ "4 Stella, Nunz. Venezia, VIII, no. 162, pp. 292, 293.

as 75 Luciano Serrano, ed., Correspondencia diplomatica entre Es71 Charriére, III, 59. paria y la Santa Sede, 4 vols., Madrid, 1914, II, no. 94, pp. 239-

72 Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urb. lat. 1041, pt. 1, Avisidel 40, Requesens’ letter of 24 October, 1567, with extracts from mondo dell’ anno 1569, fol. 46", entry di Constantinopoli, 2 Marzo, _ the Venetian nuntiature, dated 27 September and 25 October,

and cf. de Grandchamp’s letter of 14 March in Charriére, III, in the notes.

58-59. 7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 59 [81], docs. dated 25 January, 73 Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 3" [47°], al capitanio nostro in Colfo, | 1572 (Ven. style 1571). The French loan was supposed to be

doc. dated 19 March, 1569. repaid in six years.

940 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT best, reducing the number to three hundred; they As Pius V shared the Venetians’ increasing fear should let the others go, providing them with the of the sultan’s next move, he was also, like the usual ship’s biscuit and transportation home, insuch Venetians, beset by corsairs. A Fugger news disfashion as might be found convenient.’’ The waters _ patch, dated 6 July (1569), reported that corsairs

were calm, but the borderlands of Dalmatia and had just seized ‘‘some boats which were coming Albania were not. We have already noted the Turk- to Rome, among which there was one loaded with ish raids into Dalmatia at the beginning of 1568. wine for the pope, with thirty persons aboard, Such clashes along the frontier did of course occur whom the corsairs have offered to ransom at one from time to time, but now things seemed to be hundred scudi each.’’ The poor friends and rel-

taking a turn for the worse. atives of the captives had appealed to Pius for help.

The Signoria had just received a letter from He offered ‘25 ducati per homo,” and negotiaSultan Selim, protesting the Venetian presence in tions were begun. In the meantime, however, certain specified areas along the confines of Dal- Giannandrea Doria had sailed south along the matia and Albania. On 11 June (1569) the doge Lido di Roma with twenty-four galleys and 1,500

and Senate answered in a letter of remonstrance Spanish soldiers. At the Curia it was being assumed to the sultan. The lands in question had belonged — that Doria must have taken the corsairs’ fuste.’9

to Venice “‘for ever so many years,” as could be The agents and associates of the Fuggers were shown by past treaties which earlier sultans had vigilant in collecting the news, which was transratified. It could also be proved by authentic texts, mitted through Venice to the banking house in as the bailie Barbaro would make clear to the Sub- Augsburg. A dispatch of 30 July (1569) brought lime Porte. The sultan’s claim to these Venetian word that Giannandrea Doria passed along the territories was unwarranted. It was all the work Tyrrhenian coast ‘‘the other day’’ past Civitavecof troublemakers, “‘persone desiderose di novita,” chia and Naples, heading for Sicilian waters, to who had no regard for the Venetians’ true friend- add his galleys to those of the island kingdom and ship for the sultan. Since his Majesty possessed Malta. The reason was to track down and attack such a great empire, surely he did not want to take the eighteen galliots of certain corsairs who were

the lands of his friends. The doge and Senate operating, presumably, out of Algiers. asked, therefore, that his Majesty should order his At the same time one had learned that Don Per sanjakbeys and other ministers in the borderlands Afan de Ribera, the duke of Alcala, viceroy of of Dalmatia and Albania ‘‘to desist from these dis- Naples, had expressed regret to Cardinal Bonelli turbances,”’ leaving the Republic’s subjects in the that one could not export horses from the kingpeaceful possession of lands they had owned for dom without a license from Philip II. The vice“ever so many years without even the slightest roy’s dictum had been evoked by the fact that the

difficulty or disturbance.”’”* archbishop of Naples had given Bonelli a beautiful

horse. Pius V and Alcala were at loggerheads over

ooSen. | | Mar, theReg.latter’s refusal to allow the bull Jn coena Domini, 39, fols. 9°10" [53"—54"], al reggimento di with its extreme assertions of papal authority, to Core ince doc: dated April, is 1569, 4, 1. be evidences published in the the exsequathis16letter onetheofvote thebeing first+180, striking ofkingdom the —without new anti-Venetian policy at the Porte, it seems worthwhile to tur or royal permission. Alcala’s refusal to allow give the text (Senato, Constantinopoli, Reg. III, unnumbered the removal of the horse does seem like a petty fol., al serenissimo Signor Turco, letter dated 1] June, 1569): gesture, but was no doubt of some interest to con“Recevessemo questi prossimi giorn! l honoratissime lettere di temporaries. The dispatch of 30 July closes with vostra imperial Maesta, dalle quali habbiamo inteso quanto ella . ; Gc . ci ha scritto circa li nostri confini di Dalmatia et Albania, onde the information that ‘‘the pope has given 3,000 in risposta dicemo a vostra Maesta che havendo noi per tanti scudi to the Order at Malta to assist in the conet tanti anni quieta- et pacificamente posseduti tutti essi confini,

si come anco appar per diverse capitulationi fatte con li sere-

nissimi suoi predecessori et ultimamente confirmate da vostra ~ Maesta, et chiaramente consta per scritture authentice et per __ nistri alli detti confini che cessino da queste novita, lassando il bailo nostro sara demostrato alla sua Eccelsa Porta, siamo che li sudditi nostri possedano quello che gia tanti et tanti anni certi che queste difficulta siano mosse da persone desiderose senza alcuna pur minima difficulta overo disturbo hanno pacidi novita et che forse non hanno in consideratione la buona _ficamente posseduto, il che si come sara conforme alla grande

amicicia che tenemo con lei, sapendo noi, ance essendo certissimi, giustitia che resplende in vostra imperial Maesta et alla buona che possedendo vostra Maesta un imperio tanto amplo, quanto _ et sincera amicicia che havemo con lei, cosi ci sara gratissimo— é il suo, ella non voglia quello ch’ € delli suoi amici, come le __ et li anni suoi siano molti et felicissimi. +199, 1, 0.” siamo noi veri et sinceri, pero la pregamo che con suo nobilissimo 79 Cod. Urb. lat. 1041, pt. 1, Avist del mondo dell’ anno 1569, commandamento voglia ordinar alli sanzacchi et altri suoi mi- _fols. 105°—106", doc. dated 6 July, 1569.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 941 struction of the new city which they are building erine de’ Medici, however, was unlikely to give up

on that island.’’®° the French entente with the Porte. Maximilian II Pius V’s difficulties with the duke of Alcal4 did was as cautious as the Signoria; also, like Venice, not ease the way to the anti-Turkish league which he now had peace with the ‘Turk.

Pius had been seeking, but there were other, What, then, could Venice do, as the clouds were larger impediments to the pope’s longed-for union darkening the sky in 1569? She could do as she of Venice and Spain against the Porte. Philip II’s_ had been doing, that is, add to the fortifications councilors believed that formation of the league of Crete and Cyprus. A good deal had already advocated by the pope, the “‘grand inquisitor,’’ been spent on the defenses of Nicosia, and on 23 would be certain to incite the German Protestants July (1569) the Senate voted to deposit 5,000 against both Spain and the Empire. The Protes- ducats “‘nella cassa delle fortezze da mar.” The tants would assume that the ‘‘uniOn sagrada’”’ was money would be dispensed by the provveditori to

directed against them rather than against the Marc’ Antonio Bragadin, who had been recently Turks. They were already aiding and abetting the _ elected captain of Famagusta. The Venetians, for rebels in Flanders, and creation of the Catholic reasons well known, would never forget Bragadin. league would tend to make the revolt inthe north- As captain of Famagusta, he was now to consult land an international, religious conflict, whereas _ with others and to study the memoranda and plans Philip and the duke of Alva insisted upon regard- which the soldier-engineer Count Giulio Savoring it as secular treason within the Spanish-Haps- gnan had left behind concerning the fortifications

burg domains.*! of Famagusta, and then Bragadin was to spend the As for the Venetians, they had long had their 5,000 ducats on such safeguards as would brook differences with the Austrian Hapsburgs over no delay and were “‘most necessary for the security Friuli, and feared Philip’s domination in Italy. of that fortress.’’ Another 1,000 ducats were to be Also, of course, if the Signoria should join a Span- made available to Bragadin to spend on lodgings

ish alliance, it would mean ¢o ipso a break with the _ for his soldiers, and the provveditori of the Arsenal Porte, and expose Cyprus and Crete to the inev-__ were directed to give Bragadin 100 shields and 200 itability of Turkish attack. For almost thirty years _ lances.®* If in view of the assumed peril (which many Venice had remained at peace with the Turks by _ believed lay ahead) these expenditures seem niggiving money and gifts to the pashas, furnishing gardly, we must take note of a letter that the nuncio

them with information concerning the Christian Facchinetti addressed to Cardinal Bonelli at this powers, and paying the sultan an annual tribute _ time: “Yesterday evening it was pointed out in the of 8,000 ducats for Cyprus and of 500 for Zante. Senate that the Republic faced expenses of 400,000 Venice could tolerate Turkish incursions along the | scudi more than its income was likely to be.’’®* borders of Dalmatia and Albania, as she had done As the Venetians knew well from past experifor generations, but if the Turks landed in force _ ence, the costs of war were high, and as usual when in Cyprus or Crete, she would seek allies wherever she could find them. Obviously the powerful king _,, Mar. Rev. 39. fol. 37"[89") doc. dated 23 Tuly. 1569

: . proposito elle cose nostre continuare la tortinca

of Spain would be the best ally. If Pius V could “essen + orppoty delle [82"], doc. date Ju Oo vtifinn

organize a league of the Empire, France, and tione della cittd nostra di Famagosta,” the vote being +190, 2, Spain against the Porte, Venice might join it. Cath- 0; also see, ibid., fol. 78” [123*], doc. dated 18 December, 1569, urging diligence and all speed to complete the defenses at Famagusta, and, ibid., fol. 79° [124°], et alzbi.

— There is a description of the island of Cyprus and its forti-

8° Cod. Urb. lat. 1041, pt. 1, fol. 125’, report from Rome _ fications in Ascanio Savorgnan, Relatione della copiosa descrittione of 30 July, 1569. Pius V also had trouble with Venice over delle cose di Cipro co’ le ragioni in favore o contra diverse opinion publication of the bull Jn coena Domini in the territories of the — et delle provisioni necessarie, Bibl. Naz. Marciana, Cl. XIV, cod. Republic (Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, III, no. 116, pp. LIT (4327), fols. 9-57, with much emphasis on the difficulties

242-43), of strengthening the defenses of the island “‘non solo per la

5! Luciano Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto entre Esparia, Venecia, poca abbondanza delle materie, ma anco per |’ inertia, pigritia, y la Santa Sede (1570-1573), 2 vols., Madrid, 1918-19, I, 36— _ et poca industria di questi huomini”’ (fol. 32”). Savorgnan was 37, and cf. Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, 1, no. 37, p. _ especially gloomy about finding the “diversi rimedii” which the 95, a letter of Cardinal Bonelli to Gianbattista Castagna, the _ fortifications of Famagusta required (fols. 38-50"); on the renuncio in Madrid, concerning Alva’s objections to Pius V’s ef- _ quirements for the protection of Friuli from Turkish incursions, forts to effect a league of the Christian princes against the Turks see the notes of Giulio Savorgnan and Girolamo Martinengo, ‘con dir che li protestanti o confessionisti prenderiano ombra __ ibid., fols. 140 ff. che tal lega fosse fatta contro di loro et unirsi con i rebelli sotto 85 Stella, Nunz. Venezia, 1X (1972), no. 49, p. 97, letter dated

pretensa religione delli Stati Bassi di sua Maesta Cattolica.” at Venice on 20 July, 1569.

942 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT confronted by the Turkish menace, they appealed _ frontiers of the kingdom were in a tumult of arms. to the pope for concession of the tithes to be levied The Turk had held a public divan, “‘which they on the clergy in the domains of the Republic. On call a divan on horseback,”’ with troops drawn up 3 August (1569), however, the cardinal-nephew in order, ‘“‘a divan which on the whole is never Michele Bonelli wrote Giannantonio Facchinetti, held except when they are about to embark on the nuncio in Venice, that his Holiness did not some expedition of importance.”’ At the divan the

believe the Venetians were as yet hard-pressed sultan had spent a good deal of time with Lala enough to justify their laying hands on the re- Mustafa Pasha, which suggested some decline in sources of the Church. There was no reason for Mehmed Sokolli’s influence. On the other hand, the Signoria to be surprised by the pope’s rejection the agha of the janissaries, who was hardly a friend

of their request, as Facchinetti would have to ex- of Mehmed, had been removed from his complain to milords of Venice.?* The Collegio would mand, which was given to one of the latter’s sonshear Facchinetti courteously—and sadly—but the in-law.®° It would seem, then, that Mehmed’s poSignoria would persist in its efforts to secure the _ sition as the grand vizir was still secure.

tithes. Seven months later the pope would agree As the Venetian government was casting about that the Venetians were hard-pressed enough to for money for men, munitions, and provisions, the justify laying hands on the Church for money, and Senate had cause for indignation (on 16 August, the right to collect the tithes would be granted. 1569) in the dismal news that the wheat crop of Giannantonio Facchinetti kept the Curia as well 1567, stored in pits at Famagusta, formenti infossati,

informed concerning the Turkish news as he had spoiled. How could the rectors of the city have could. Occasionally he probably picked up copies been so careless! The Senate approved highly of of dispatches from the Fugger agents, who were _ the suggestion that from time to time ship’s biscuit obviously to be found at the Fondaco dei Tedes- should be made from the store of wheat, and sold chi, at the Rialto. He does not mention them, how- at the going price to those aboard ships entering ever, and most of his information certainly came _ the bay of Famagusta. With the money thus realized,

from the Signoria. A week after Bonelli had in- one could keep buying new supplies of wheat. In structed Facchinetti to inform the Signoria that what condition were the harvests of 1565 and 1566, Pius V would not grant the tithes, the nuncio sent also stored in pits? In the future one must be less to Rome (on 10 August, 1569) the latest news wasteful, more provident.®° If it was not corruption, from the Bosporus. The Turks were hard at work _ it was carelessness. Such was the nature of Venetian

building up provisions and equipment for their administration. army as well as for the armada. They were con- The harvests had been bad during the year structing the usual transports, palandarie et maone, 1569, and the Senate had increased the food alwhich might carry munitions, horses, and a large lowance for the free men aboard the galleys from number of some newfangled catapults. These cat- 6 soldi, 8 piccoli per diem to 8 soldi ‘‘per head.” apults would take two-pound balls, and could be The additional four piccoli had been authorized transported by muleback. They would not be used — until 7 November, but since near-famine conditions to shoot balls, however, but ‘‘winged’’ missiles. — still obtained, on 19 November the Senate voted Eyewitnesses had allegedly seen these prepara- the continuance of the increased allowance for the tions, but it was still uncertain whether the Turk next two years, so that the galley commanders could intended to send out his armada [in the spring of meet the rising costs of food.®’ It is small wonder 1570] or whether all this activity in the workshops

was merely to re-equip the arsenal, which had

fallen into the doldrums. . ®° Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, no. 60, p. 109. Paolo Paruta

The rebellious Moriscoes in Spain had sent places the ‘‘divan on horseback”’ in November, 1569, and deagents to the Porte to ask for help against Philip fines it as a hunt on which the sultan was accompanied by the

II. There were doubtful reports that the sophi or tel pashas, “uscendo (like cr my co not uo) ay bis shah of Pe rsia was dead ['Tahmasp I died m 1576, torians) dwells on the hostility which both Lala Mustafa and after a reign of more than fifty years], but it would Piali Pasha felt for Mehmed Sokolli (Storia della guerra di Cipro, seem that either he was dead or his eldest son had _ Siena, 1827, bk. 1, pp. 16 ff.). seized the reins of government in Persia, for the ** Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 45 [90], al capitanio di Famagosta et proveditor general di Cipro et successori, doc. dated 16 August,

1569. On the near famine of 1569, note Paruta, Storia della

guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), bk. 1, p. 21. 84 Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, no. 55, p. 104; Arch. Segr. Va- 87 Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 73" [118"], doc. dated 19 Novemticano, Nunz. Venezia, vol. VII, fol. 2” by mod. stamped enu- ber, 1569: ‘‘. . . 1’ andera parte che la sopradetta deliberatione

meration. di accrescer la spesa di bocca a soldi otto al giorno per testa a

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 943 that the Senate was vexed by the spoilage of the Shortly after the Senate had limited an overwheat stored in the grain pits at Famagusta. seer’s tenure of office to five years there was a The shipyards of Barcelona and Genoa, Naples _ serious fire in the Arsenal. During the night of and Messina had added to Philip IT’s naval strength 13-14 September (1569) a powder magazine exby building and refitting galleys and transports. ploded, causing the conflagration. It might have The corsairs of Algiers and Tripoli were causing been a disaster except for the valiant and successhis commanders more concern than were possible _ ful efforts of some of the employees to check the movements of the Turks in the eastern Mediter- blaze. Having criticized them as laggards on 10

ranean. The Spanish were not much worried September, the Senate had nothing but praise for about the Venetians’ conceivably losing Cyprus. them on the nineteenth. The employees’ daring The Venetians could fend for themselves; they and quickness of response to the emergency dehad not lifted an oar at Jerba or Malta. The threat served more than commendation, and the Senate to Cyprus, however, had quickened the pace of decided, on the basis of evidence provided by the naval construction in the great Arsenal at the west- _ provveditori and patroni, that 237 carpenters, 30 ern end of Venice. At least the Signoria was trying makers of oars and other masters, and 79 caulkers

to quicken the pace. should now be given two soldi a day, one more than Work had been lagging at the Arsenal for some the usual single soldo they would have normally time, but on 10 September (1569) the Senate took received on working days.°?

action. The skilled workers (le maistranze), who In a letter to Bonelli of 14 September Facchiwere paid by the day, were not getting done nearly _netti puts the explosion at between 1:00 and 2:00 as much as one had every right to expect, consid- A.M. (tra le 6 e 7 hore). It caused a tremendous stir. ering the large number employed. A majority of Some thought it was an earthquake, some that the

the Senate believed that the fault lay with the day of judgment had come, others the disaster foremen or overseers (proti) who, having obtained prophesied by an Armenian charlatan. Many their positions, kept them for life, and thereafter houses were ruined, and many churches damaged,

showed themselves “‘assai fredi nel servicio et beneficio delle cose publice.”’ It was an old question,

Do those with tenure keep on their toes? The Sen- . .

ate decided that hereafter all overseers, elected in Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 57" [102'], resolution of the Senate . dated 19 September, 1569: “‘Essendo conveniente riconoscer the usual way, should hold their posts for only five con la solita gratitudine della Signoria nostra quelli homeni years. In the future every time an overseer had della maistranza della casa dell’ Arsenal nostro che si sono finished his five-year term of office, “‘if he shall adoperati nel pericolo del fuoco ultimamente occorso al loco have borne himself well and faithfully, and shal] _ della polvere del detto Arsenale, prestando con le persone loro have worked for the publi C goo d,”’ he mi ght be con mola prontezza et ardire quella servitu che ricercava continued in his post for another five years by the stranza intervenuti nell’ effetto sopradetto, li quali furono maCollegio on the basis of a two thirds’ confirmatory rangoni numero dusentotrentasette, remeri et altri officiali nuvote by the provveditori and patron of the Arsenal, mero trenta, et calafadi numero settantanuove, si come per le “and in this fashion thereafter from time to 2°%€ &t Polizze tenute et presentatevi dalli proveditori et patroni

. ae , parte che a tutti quelli della detta mai-

. +388 all’ appare, sianolidati soldi doientreranno al giorno per di time. piu delArsenal soldo suo ordinario giorni che nellauno casa nostra dell’ Arsenal predetto, et cid non ostante altra deli-

beratione che fusse in contrario. +173, 5, 8.” According to a resolution of 28 September (ibid., fol. 57° cadauno scapolo delle galee nostre sia prorogata per anni doi _[{102"]), “‘Essendo necessario rifar il muro dell’ isolotto et i volti prossimi: +141, 2, 1.’ The Venetian lira (pound) was worth _ et coprir i coperti della casa nostra dell’ Arsena caduti et ro20 soldi (shillings) or 240 pence. The lira di gross, a money of _ vinati per causa dell’ incendio della polvere, seguito i giorni account, stood for 240 large silver pennies (grossi, groats); small _passati in detta casa, |’ andera parte che sia data faculta alli transactions and lesser sums were reckoned in the lira di piccoli, _ proveditori et patroni nostri all’ Arsenal di poter far rifar et which denoted 240 small, debased silver pennies. The soldo di coprir le dette cose rovinate con quelli modi che loro parera piccoli, referred to in the text, was worth 12 small pence. On __ il meglio per beneficio della Signoria nostra, et per tal effetto the Verietian coinage, note F. C. Lane, Venice: A Maritime Re- siano di danari della Signoria nostra dati ad essi proveditori et public, Baltimore and London, 1973, pp. 148-50, and on the __ patroni ducati cinquemille a parte a parte, secondo che fara hiring of crews and their wages, ibid., pp. 364-69. The treat- _ bisogno. +200, 2, 2.” ment of Venetian coinage is quite disjointed in the invaluable On the building of galleys, costs, and employees (marangoni, work of Friedrich von Schrétter, Wérterbuch der Miinzkunde, calafati, and remeri) in the Arsenal at Venice, see Ruggiero RoBerlin and Leipzig, 1930, with brief entries under grosso, gros- | mano, ““Aspetti economici degli armamenti navali veneziani nel setto, piccolo, lira Tron and Mocenigo, and dukat (zecchino). secolo XVI,”’ Rivista storica italiana, LX VI (1954), 39-67, and 8° Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fols. 55°-56" [100’-101"], resolution Frederic C. Lane, Venetian Ships and Shipbuilders of the Renaisof the Senate dated 10 September, 1569, the vote being +114, — sance, Baltimore, 1934, and cf. the articles reprinted in Lane,

59, 26. Venice and History, Baltimore, 1966, pp. 143-88, 269-84.

944 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT including the church and convent of S. Maria Ce- Senate had ruled that each oarsman (galeotto) in leste as well as the churches of S. Francesco della the Serenissima’s fleet, convicts as well as free, Vigna, Toresti, and S. Domenico. Of the last three should be taxed one soldo at each payment of S. Francesco suffered the most, being nearest the wages. Most oarsmen aboard Venetian galleys and Arsenal (and its facade had to be rebuilt in 1569- _fuste were free, although increasing use was being 1572). The Venetians were fortunate, however, made of the ‘“‘condannadi.’’ The unmarried were

for there had been no wind. The fire had not to be taxed two soldi. Oarsmen were paid about spread. As far as the Arsenal was concerned, only _ ten lire di piccolia month, with twenty soldi to the

buildings where the munitions were stored and lira. Convicts received at least something. The about fifty paces of the wall surrounding the en- hospital had never been built; the money had been closure were ruined. The overall damage was _ collected, and used for other purposes. thought not to exceed some 30,000 scudi. No one The Senate, therefore, returned to the subject yet knew who was responsible, “‘l’ auttore et causa on 16 September, 1569, ‘‘so that one should not

di questo male non si sa per ancora.””° Very fail to do so good a work.”’ Thus in accordance shortly, however, rumor would have it that agents with the resolution of more than three years beof Joseph Nasi, duke of Naxos, or saboteurs in fore, the Senate now voted that orders should be Turkish employ had ignited the powder magazine, sent to the bailie and provveditore generale of

and set the fire.?' In any event the Senate had Corfu and also to the provwveditore of the fleet wanted, and circumstances seemed to require, in- ‘‘that the said hospital should be begun.”’ Funds creased production in the Arsenal. The boost in available for the purpose should be used, and the wages would encourage the carpenters, caulkers, collection of soldi from the oarsmen should be and others to work harder. Also the Senate finally continued, falling impartially on all those serving got around to taking care of the Serenissima’s sea- on the rowers’ benches.”* men, and building the projected naval hospital at

Corfu. While Joseph Nasi alias ‘‘Micques”’ was pressing On the way from Venice to Crete and Cyprus his claim for 150,000 scudi upon the French

lay the important island of Corfu, which was to crown—dishonestly according to Charles [X’s amremain a Venetian possession until 1797. By action bassador Grantrie de Grandchamp—the Turks of the Senate on 20 May, 1566, it was decided to were openly acknowledging as early as October, build a naval hospital on the shore near the city 1569, the certainty of their attacking Cyprus. As of Corfu. To help provide the necessary funds the de Grandchamp informed Charles in a lengthy, fact-laden dispatch, I have wanted to add a further item of which Mustafa %° Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, no. 74, pp. 124-25, and cf: Pa- Pasha has recently spoken to me, a matter which the ruta, Storia della guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), bk. 1, pp. 21-23. cha’ush has confirmed, namely that sooner or later their Charriere, III, 88b, note; Hill, Cyprus, HI, 883-84; P. master must take on some good and easy enterprise, and Grunebaum-Ballin, Joseph Naci, duc de Naxos, Paris and The that it was impossible for him not to descend upon Cyprus.

Hague, p. 142; esp. Sereno, Commentan ; “HW: so : powerful, ny1968, eraremnrens HeBartolomeo is no longer willing to see thedella Venetians

guerra di Cipro e della lega det principt cristiant contro ul Turco, ed. d added th «s the £ hat he has had t

the Monks of the Abbey of Monte Cassino, Cassino, 1845, bk. 4G 40ce thereto is the tact that he has had reports 1, pp. 16-17; and cf. Giovanni Pietro Contarini, Historia delle enough about how they have been tying themselves ever

cose successe dal principio della guerra mossa da Selim ottomano more closely to the king of Spain. But as for him [Mus-

a’ Venetiani fino al di della gran giornata vittoriosa contra Turchi, tafa], he had not been of the opinion that this plan

Venice: Francesco Rampazetto, 1572, fol. 2. should be very far advanced without knowing whether Two weeks after the explosion in the Venetian Arsenal, a your Majesty or M. de Savoie would not put forward

terrible fire broke out in Istanbul at about 8:00 P.M.on Wednes- = ggme claim for themselves, all the more so because if

day, 28 September (1569), devastating the Jewish quarter in an . T : the city, concerning which the bailie Marc’ Antonio Barbaro this kK ingdom lof Cyprus] Is governed by the . urks, it will immediately fall into wrack and ruin, and it would wrote the doge from Pera on 1 October (MS. It. VII, 390 b ; d . hrist; . [8872], fols. 192°-195"): “‘Il danno che ha causato questo me- c better to sive an entrust if to some C ristian prince, morabil incendio é stato infinito et incredibile, et spetialmente 4 friend of theirs, who would declare himself their vassal,

fra Hebrei, perché non essendo in tutto Constantinopoli restate and draw from the kingdom a good tribute of 200,000 due case di detti Hebrei che non si siano abrusciate, habitando or 250,000 ducats a year. One can easily see his example

loro in questo circuito che si é abrusciato, . . . et moltianco in the poor little island of Chios, which used to yield

hanno perduto tutto quello che havevano, in modo che hora

é lachrimosissima vista veder tante infelici et numerose fameglie

di putti et donne di Hebrei et Turchi andar per le strade 92 Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fols. 56°—57" [101°-102"], resolution

sustentare.. . .” 1, 4.

piangendo et cridando con poco o niente sobstantia da potersi of the Senate dated 16 September, 1569, the vote being +181,

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 945

: “+ 93 ? .

70,000 or 80,000 scudi in revenue to the lords who held That Selim II had to do something for the faith it, and which now turns out to be so deserted and ruined was widely known. Meanwhile the Venetians were that it will be necessary to go to expense hereafter rather lamenting Turkish atrocities,®° looking to the de-

than get anything out of it. fenses of Famagusta,”° and accepting the offers of Mustafa Pasha’s statement to de Grandchamp those who volunteered to go to Cyprus to meet

was apparently intended to please Catherine any possible Turkish attack.°’ Thousands of de’ Medici and widen the breach with Spain. If he ducats were sent posthaste to the island to add to could whet the ambition of Emmanuel Philibert the fortifications of Famagusta and especially of of Savoy to press a defunct family claim to Cyprus, Nicosia. The bailie Marc’ Antonio Barbaro kept he might remove him from the side of Venice and _ up the flow of disquieting reports from the BosSpain. Angelo Calepio has noted in his account of porus, which led the doge and Senate to issue furthe siege of Nicosia that Selim II was building a_ ther warnings to the government of Cyprus, the mosque and a school at Adrianople (Edirne), but captain of Famagusta, and the provveditore generale ‘according to their law Selim could not endow the of the kingdom. They also declared they were sendbuilding[s] he proposed to erect from the revenues jing, in three ships, another thousand infantry to be of the [Ottoman] empire or from his treasury.” divided between Nicosia and Famagusta. Venetian

Furthermore, officials on the island of Crete were advised of the

their mufti [Abu Sa‘ud al-Amadi], whom they reverence ‘Turkish naval preparations, directed to arm the as their pope or chancellor, persuaded the emperor that locally available galleys, and alerted to get ready he ought not to build a mosque before he had accom- for the dispatch of some four hundred infantry to plished some warlike enterprise against the Christians, be divided between Candia and Canea.?® to the extension of the faith and the empire, as his ances- The year 1570 was beginning with doubt as well

tors fae done... . Thus was he to acquire an income 4s trepidation as far as the Venetians were con-

or lus mrosque. cerned. On 28 January the Senate approved the

——_-——— text of a letter which the doge was to send to %3 Charriére, III, 84, 87, letter of de Grandchamp to Charles Sigismondo di Cavalli, the Venetian ambassador IX, dated at Istanbul on 16 October, 1569. Hill, Cyprus, II, to Philip II, relating to the “‘preparationi d’ armata 881-82, seems not to have read this passage very carefully. He chesi fanno in Constantinopoli.”’ Everyone agreed

also misdates the letter. that the sultan’s armada would be and °4 Angelo Calepio, Veraaet| ,fidelissima narratione del successo delllarge . _ ; a,

F . 7: er strong, but opinion was divided as to its objective.

espugnatione et defensione del regno di Cipro [written in 1572, and . published in Steffano Lusignano, Chorograffia et breve historia uni- Some still thought that the Turks would head for versale dell’ isola di Cipro. . . al 1572, Bologna: Benaccio, 1573, | Malta, while others believed that they were going on which cf. Emile Legrand, Bibliographie hellénique, IV (Paris, to attack Cyprus. Whether or not as a ruse to mislead

1906, repr. Brussels, 1963), no. 693, p. 181], trans. Claude D. ervers, the Turkish admiral (capitanio del mar),

Cobham, Excerpta Cypria: Materials for a History of Cyprus, Cam- Loa k b dvi bridge, 1908, repr. New York, 1969, p.125. Calepio was a presumably Piali Pasha, was nown to be stu ying

Dominican friar. He wrote accounts of the siege of Nicosia the sea route to Spain, and especially the precise (which he went through) and that of Famagusta at the request location of Cartagena and conditions in the port, of his fellow Dominican Etienne de Lusignan, who incorporated hich could be easily reached across a narrow A decade after the Turkish conquest of Cyprus and defeat stretch of the Mediterranean trom “Algiers.

them in his Chorograffia. h of the Medi £ Algiers

at Lepanto, Lusignan’s work reappeared as Description de toute l’ isle de Cypre et des roys, princes, et seigneurs, tant payens que Chrestiens, qui ont commandé en icelle. . . , par R. Pére F. Estienne 9° Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 75% [120"], doc. dated 26 Novemde Lusignan de la Royale maison de Cypre, lecteur en Théologie, aux _ ber, 1569.

Freres Prescheurs, de present a Paris: Composée premiérement en %° Ibid., Reg. 39, fols. 78’—79" [123°-124"], doc. dated 18 italien et imprimée a Bologne la Grasse et maintenant augmentée et | December, 1569.

traduite en francois, Paris: Guillaume Chaudiére, 1580, repr. 97 Cf, ibid., Reg. 39, fols. 107°—108" [152°-153"], doc. dated Famagusta [actually Brussels]: Les Editions I’ Oiseau, 1968, with 22 February, 1570 (Ven. style 1569). Calepio’s accounts of Nicosia and Famagusta comprising the 98 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fols. 38°39" [59°-60"], docs. dated last part of the volume (pp. 231 ff.), and cf: Legrand, Bibliogra- 25 January, 1570 (Ven. style 1569). As Barbaro wrote the

pluie hellénique, IV, no. 745, pp. 228-30. Signoria from Pera on 20 December, 1569 (MS. It. VII, 390

Etienne de Lusignan was apparently vicar of the bishop of [8872], fol. 254"), ‘‘Le voci e li romori che questi apparati siano Limassol from 1562 to 1568. Bernardo Sagredo, who was the __ per le cose di Cipro si vanno ogn’ hora pit aggrandendo, etiamdo Venetian provveditore generale in Cyprus (1562-1564), speaks —_da persone di consideratione . . . ,”’ and note, ibid., fols. 258 of Etienne disparagingly in his report to the Senate (L. de Mas __ ff., concerning the rumors ‘‘che detta armata sia per |’ impresa

Latrie, Hist. de I’ tle de Chypre, 11 [1855, repr. 1970], 543).On ‘di Cipro,. . . ,” although there were also those who thought Etienne, see esp. W. H. Rudt de Collenberg, ‘“‘Les Lusignan ‘‘‘che questa armata debbi andar in Candia.’”’ From January, de Chypre,” ’Ezernpis rov Kevtpov ’Extornpovinay "Epevvav, 1570 (Ven. style 1569), “‘le voci com’ uni stanno al solito sopra

X (Levkosia, i.e., Nicosia, 1979-80), 251-52. la impresa di Cipro’’ (fol. 262”, et alibi).

946 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The people in Istanbul were saying prayers and The Venetians were indeed following the adpressing for assistance to be sent to the Moriscoes_ vice which Sigismondo di Cavalli was instructed of Granada, who had been in revolt for more than to give Philip IJ. On 31 January (1570) they in-

a year. The doge also informed Cavalli “che il formed their commanders and councilors on the mufti, che é come il loro papa, persuade il Signor island of Cyprus that the Turkish preparations in che per conto di religione é obligato soccorrer Istanbul had made them decide to add 2,500 indetti Mori.” In Istanbul it was being said that the fantry to the 1,000 the Senate had already voted Turkish armada would sail for Spain, and attack on, so that presently the Cypriote forces would be Cartagena in order to take possession of the port. strengthened by 3,500 men. Galleys were being Cavalli was to pass this word on to Philip I] in’ readied and armed, for the Senate was deterprivate, da solo a solo, asking him not to reveal mined to overlook nothing. Every material and Venice as the source of this information. The moral resource would be employed in the defense Turks’ intention, once the great armada had left of the Republic’s subjects and possessions, espeport, was a matter of importance to all Christen- cially those at Cyprus. Everyone was aware of the dom, as Cavalli would emphasize to the king, and colossal expenditures which Venice had made to every prince whose lands touched the Mediter- secure the safety of the island and its inhabitants. ranean should keep himself informed and take the The Senate was certain, therefore, that the necessary precautions in time, as Venice had al- Cypriote feudatories, knights, and faithful subjects

ready begun to do.” of the Republic, da noi amati come propri figliuoll,

would not fail to do their part in dealing with any

—_____ emergency which might lie ahead.

9° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 39 [60], all’ ambassator in The Signoria had already provided the defendSpagna, doc. dated 28 January, 1570 (Ven. style 1569), which ers Of Cyprus with ample artillery, gunpowder, letter was to be sent to Cavalli by a vote in the Senate + de cannonballs, and other necessary munitions, as literis 197, de non 5, non sinceri 5. Cavalli was replaced as the well as cannoneers, maestri et scolari, and another Venetian ambassador to Philip II by Leonardo Donado [Do- dozen cannoneers were on their way to Nicosia, nato, Dona] whose commission, dated 21 February, 1570 (Ven. . ok style 1569), may be found, ibid., Reg. 76, fols. 46"-47" [67"- With a like number on the way to Famagusta. The 68"|. Donado arrived at the Spanish court in late April, 1570. local authorities must see to the supply of foodIn after years he was elected doge of Venice (1606-1612), stuffs and fodder. Thirty galleys would be armed occupying the dogado during the Republic’s contest with Pope in the Arsenal at Venice, where another hundred

Paul V Borghese. On Donado’s career before his election as being held j di besides th lread

doge, see Federico Seneca, Il Doge Leonardo Dona, Padua, 1959, were cing : eid In Feadiness, Desides ° Ose already

who has made extensive use of the Archivio Dona dalle Rose 1 service with the fleet and those which would be in the Palazzo Dona on the Fondamenta Nuove in Venice. armed in Crete.!°° The need to supply the latter There isa long account of the Moriscoes in Sir Wm. Stirling- island with men and money was causing no less Maxwell, Don John of Austria, 2 vols., London, 1883, I, chaps.

VI-XII, pp. 113 ff., and note the observations of Braudel, in La Méditerranée, II (1966), 359-64. The chief literary sources for the history of the revolt are by the contemporary diplomat _ ertheless, the grand vizir Mehmed Sokolli had told the bailie (then in disgrace) Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, well known as_— Marc’ Antonio Barbaro that the naval armament was not being

a book-collector (Guerra de Granada. . . contra los Moriscos de aimed at the Venetians, and it was common talk in Istanbul aquel reino, sus rebeldes, in Cayetano Rosell y Lopez, ed., Biblioteca that the armada would sail to help the Moriscoes in Spain de autores espanoles, XX1 [Madrid, 1852], 1x—x11, 65-122), and (Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, no. 123, pp. 186-87, letter dated 21

by the soldier Luis del Marmol Carvajal, also a contemporary January, 1570, and note, ibid., no. 124, pp. 188-89, dated 24 (Rebelion y castigo de los Moriscos de Granada, ibid., pp. XU-XU1, January).

123-365). On the Moriscoes, Cyprus, and the Ottoman empire, see

On the Moriscoes in 1569-1570, see the dispatches of Ray- Andrew C. Hess, ‘““The Moriscos: An Ottoman Fifth Column mond de Rouer, sieur de Fourquevaux, in |’ Abbe Douais, in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” American Historical Review, LX XIV Dépéches de M. de Fourquevaux (1565-1572), 3 vols., Paris, 1896-— (1968), 1-25, esp. pp. 13 ff. Attention has recently been called

1904, II, nos. 179, 182, 192, 196, 197, etc., pp. 78 ff On 31 to the Moriscoes’ earlier appeal to Sultan Bayazid II (1481October, 1569, Fourquevaux had written Charles IX “‘qu’ il 1512) after the promulgation of a royal edict (in 1501) reest venu advis des visroys d’ Oran et de Maillorque que les quiring their conversion to Christianity or departure from ambassadeurs desd. Morisques qui avoient esté envoyez de- Spain. In choosing the latter alternative, they had to abandon mander secours au Turc sont esté rapportez en Alger sur deux all their property (James T. Monroe, ‘‘A Curious Morisco Apgalléres accompaignez de quatre chaoux que led. Turcaenvoyé _ peal to the Ottoman Empire,” Al- Andalus, XX X1 [Madrid and . . . les asseurer qu’ ilz seront secouruz au printemps” (ibid., | Granada, 1966], 281-303, with the text and translation of a no. 197, p. 128). On Fourquevaux’s dispatches, note also Henry poem in Arabic). de Castries, ed., Les Sources inédites de |’ histoire du Maroc de 1530 109 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fols. 40°-41" [61°-62"], die ultima

a 1845, I (Paris, 1905), 293 ff. Januarii, and see, ibid., fols. 44°-45" [65°-66"], 77° [98°]. The The nuncio Facchinetti reported from Venice that the Turk- Senate also voted to send 30,000 ducats to Cyprus, half to ish armada would consist of 130 galleys, “‘ma queste 130, con- _—_ Nicosia and the other half to Famagusta, to pay the infantry giunte co’ legni de’ corsari, faranno armata formidabile.”’ Nev- _ already on the island and the troops still to come.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 947 apprehension in the Senate than the possible plight believed, that maybe Malta or Cartagena was of Cyprus.'®’ The loss of Crete would bea disaster, really going to be the Turkish target. Perhaps the cutting off the way to Cyprus. Corfu must also be — retrospective wisdom of the historian makes him

protected.'°* It was an important port of call on exaggerate the sense of foreboding in the Senate, the route to the two great islands in the eastern but the precautions being taken to increase the

Mediterranean. Venetian naval armament far exceeded the usual

Facchinetti wrote at length to Bonelli (also on response to the usual alerts from Istanbul.'°* At 31 January), describing in some detail the Signo- the same time the Senate was taking long strides ria’s plans to have 150 light galleys and ten heavy to re-equip the fortress at Famagusta, the fleet galleys ready by the end of March. Ten heavy gal- in the Adriatic, and the defenses of Zara, Antivari, leys were more important than forty light ones. Cattaro, Cephalonia, and Zante, and (as we have Sixty governatori di galere had been appointed, ten said) those of Corfu and Crete.’ for the heavy and fifty for the light galleys. Twelve Girolamo Martinengo was soon to be sent to to fifteen thousand men had to be transported to Famagusta with 2,000 foot.'°° Martinengo came Cyprus. There were 180,000 people on the island, of a family which had long served Venice, and on according to the nuncio, of whom 100,000 could 11 March (1570), eighteen days before his deparbe protected in Nicosia, 40,000 in Famagusta, and ture, the Senate voted to make him a gift of 2,000 the rest could either seek refuge in the mountain ducats.'°” According to Calepio, Venice fastnesses or be removed from the island if the despatched with all speed Signor Hieronimo Marti-

n mo m the i , ; ; ; , ;

Turks attacked Cyprus or Crete, the Venetians th three th d but th | died ight assail them in the Morea or Greece or even re n'80 Winn tates Enousane’ men [sic]; but the general de MIBAt assa oy off Corfu, and less than that number arrived in Cyprus. move against Alexandria In Egypt. They were intended to garrison Famagosta, and carried

Although Facchinetti entertained more than a__ with them the body of Martinengo. The whole capital little doubt concerning what he understood to be _ [Nicosia] went forth to receive it, and with bitter wailings

the Signoria’s plans to deal with Turkish attacks on Cyprus or Crete, he did note that the sultan’s }9——————— galleys were built “with little skill,” and that their = 1 cr gen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 91” [136"], resolution of the crews and mariners were not adept at combat. If — Senate dated 31 January, 1570 (Ven. style 1569), and cf, Paruta, God would forgive the Christians their sins, and Storia di guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), bk. 1, pp. 23 ff.

the Turks be defeated, the sultan would have a 106 Ibid., Reg. 39, fols. 92 ff. [137 ff.].

Ibid., Reg. 39, fols. 96" [141"], 97° [142°], 116" [161°],

hard time remaking his armada because of a lack, 7 [162].

of the necessary materials, and so he might con- '°7 Ibid., Reg. 39, fol. 124" [169°], resolution of the Senate ceivably lose a good part of his empire. Facchinetti dated 11 March, 1570: ‘‘Ha aggionto il magnifico Domino shared the Venetians’ hope that such considera- Hieronymo Martinengo alla singolare prontezza sua di voler tions might deter the sultan and his pashas from andare a servire la Signoria nostra nella fortezza nostra di Fa-

. di ‘ther C C 103 P magosta, conducendo seco domille boni soldati, cosi grave in-

invading either Gyprus or Crete. teresse delle sue faculta in questa honorata attione che conviene By the end of January, then, the Senate was alla munificentia della Signoria nostra di usare verso la persona acting on the somber avvisi and admonitions which _ sua qualche amorevole dimostratione, pero I’ andera parte che

the bailie Marc’ Antonio Barbaro had been send- 4¢!!i danari della Signoria nostra siano dati in dono ad esso

ine F; the Porte. Other bailies i lj magnifico Domino Hieronymo Martinengo ducati domille.. . .

ing trom the Forte. . er Dalles i e€arier years — +189 9, 1." The motion had been cleared in the Collegio by had sounded such warnings, and yet when the sul- 4g vote of +22, 0, 0. It was not an ungenerous gesture, considtan’s armada had put to sea, it was not the outlying ering Venetian expenses as the Signoria prepared for war, on

4 1 hich of note, ibid.,that Reg.the39,Turks fols. had 130”attacked, ff. [175°»ff.]. possessions Venice Reg .

but rather the Neapolitan kingdom, Sicily, and When he offered to go to Famagusta or wherever it would Malta. At anv rate the Turks had not assailed the best serve the Signoria, Martinengo undertook to raise 2,000

alta. yt ; infantry in fifteen or twenty days ‘“‘et per maggior espressione

Venetian colonies and outposts since the peace of dell’ animo suo di condur seco ancora quell’ unico figliuolo che 1540, not even when Piali Pasha had brought the __ si attrova’”—and to take his only son with him. When Marti-

armada into the Adriatic in 1566. There were 28° appeared before the doge, his offer of service was gratethose in the Senate who hoped, and some who something should happen to him, ‘“‘almeno resti in queste parti

. fully accepted, but he was not to take his son along, so that if

la imagine di lei, amato da noi come proprio figliuolo”’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 39” [60’], doc. dated 31 January, 1570 '°f Ibid., Reg. 76, fols. 41.44" [62°—-65"], 47°-50" [68°-71"], | [Ven. style 1569], a text which also caught the attention of

51 [72]. J. R. Hale, ‘‘. . . The Venetian Army,” in Gino Benzoni, ed., 102 Ibid., Reg. 76, fols. '72°—73", 75%. Il Mediterraneo nella seconda meta del ’500 alla luce di Lepanto,

'° Stella, Nunz. Venezia, 1X, no. 127, pp. 191-93. After the Florence, 1974, p. 167). On Martinengo, note Stella, Nunz. disastrous defeat at Lepanto, however, the Turks rebuilt their Venezia, IX, nos. 130, 152, 161, 163, pp. 199, 221-22, 233,

fleet with surprising alacrity. 236, et alabi.

948 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT bore it to the church of S. Sophia. They waited a little subjects were concerned. As soon as the bailie had to rest the foot soldiers, and then marched to Famagosta, seen Mehmed, he was immediately to write the carrying with them in a coffin their general’s remains. Signoria the results of his audience.'!® Until the The cathedral church of S. Sophia, built largely ¥st shots were fired, and the first ‘T'urkish troops

in the thirteenth century, was converted into a landed on Venetian territory, the Signoria would mosque after the Turkish conquest. The major Y t© preserve our sincere friendship with the surviving monument of the Latin regimes in Cy- sultan, but the tone of the doge’s letter of 4 Febprus, its appearance has been sadly altered by TUaTY makes clear that the Senate now placed small earthquakes, the passage of time, and the addition C0Mfidence in the prospects for peace.

of two towering minarets. Long known as the , Mosque of Ayia Sophia,'®? in 1954 the mufti of The heen’ Sauer vance ou Bourg we pee

Cyprus changed its name to the Selimiye, in honor rines, who had negouated a treaty wi © rome

of Selim II (of which the French ambassador in Istanbul had As Martinengo was getting ready to sail, crew- usapproved), arrived ot venice Ne ne Jonwary, men were being recruited in the Dalmatian islands d Da B promptly wrote to. d ‘a MM h 4 Boo

of Pago (Pag), Brazza (Brat), and Curzola (Kor- ©” Lk ours roe ean end“ y ba add ar ri

cula), and from the coastal towns of Spalato (Split), Cray d Schone phew 4 left “he Bost © . .

Sebenico (Sibenik), and Trai (Trogir).'’® Mea- | No be (1569 tt : led Ie: mi “th hin

sures were being taken to protect the island of R, vem ort yon sore b m hr v ne. Tenos in the Aegean, la fidelissima communita di tO nan a “ str “y "th cafe, . one nd i

“ag 112 P 5

Tine.''! In the Veneto and Friuli, Dalmatia and L me a The an h ba © d c te Cx L

Greece the Signoria was looking for manpower, the lagoon. © PPENCH ATUDASSACOT Cle Te oarsmen and soldiers, to man the great galleys in §£——_———_ the Venetian fleet. Barbers were needed as well 113 Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. II], unnum-

as bombardiers. bered folio, letter to Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, dated 4 February, On 4 February (1570) the doge and Senate 1570 (Ven. style 1569): ““Intendendosi che I’ anno venturo wrote the bailie in Istanbul that since the coming deveranno ritrovarsi sul mare armate de diversi principi, noi

Id the fleets of “di . > 4 Cosi per servar I’ instituto nostro de molt’ anni come per con-

year wou . see . c ce SO . verse princes . a forto et consolatione delli sudditi nostri, oltre li presidii ch’ ogni sea, the Signoria was mcreasing the Republic S anno solemo mandar nell’ isole et luoghi nostri da mare, habnaval forces by an appropriate number of gal- biamo deliberato d’ accrescer |’ armata nostra d’ uno conveleys. The captain-general of these forces would be mente numero di galee, al governo della quale manderemo uno Girolamo Zane, ‘“‘one of our chief senators,’’ who delli principal senatori nostri, il qual é il dilettissimo nobel d d h . . “Mhich 3 nostro Hieronymo Zane, cavalier et procurator, il quale come understood what the Signoria wanted, Ww IC 1S ben conscio della mente et volonta nostra, ch’ é di conservare to preserve our good and sincere peace with his _ Ja buona et sincera amicitia nostra con quella Maesta [Selim II], Majesty [Selim IT].’’ Zane would employ every ef- | procurara con ogni studio et cura possibile di schivar tutte fort and every means to avoid any offense or any quelle cose che potessero apportare alcun disturbo, desiderando

. . : come veramente facemo di perseverare et perpetuarci inaessa act. of with whom, a. . . . aggression . uona amicitia,against sperando,the anceTurks, volendo esser certi ch’ il simile

the Signoria desired peace and friendship. But sara osservato dal canto di sua Maesta, et alli capitanei et rapVenice must be sure that the sultan and the pashas presentanti suoi, che haveranno il governo della detta sua arwould observe a like attitude toward her. The mata, saranno da lei dati ordini et commissioni tali che non bailie was, therefore, directed to seek an audience seguira scandalo ne disordine alcuno conforme alla buona mente

‘th Mehmed Pasha. th d vizir. t t sua, il che vicommettemo col Senato che con officio conveniente wit enme as a, the grand vizir, O reques debbiate communicare al magnifico primo visir, pregando sua

that the sultan give orders to the captains of his — Magnificencia che alli detti capitanei et rappresentanti suoi voglia armada ‘‘in the most efficacious fashion”’ to avoid _ operare che sia data la detta commissione et ordine in forma all offense and discord as far as Venice and her _ “ficacissima, et di quanto haverete eseguito in questo proposito, ci avisarete subito per lettere vostre. +198, 3, 11.” 114 Charriére, Négociations, III, 99-100, letter of du Bourg to Charles IX, dated at Venice on 17 January. Facchinetti puts 108 Calepio, Vera et fidelissima narratione, trans.C.D.Cobham, Mahmud Beg’s arrival on the lagoon on the evening of the Excerpta Cypria (1908, repr. 1969), p. 126; Lusignan, Description seventeenth, and states ‘‘che era mandato in Francia per dis-

de toute l’ isle de Cypre (1580, 1208) PP. 240-41. colpardemons. de [de eedGrandchamp] en Bourg) “}ch’ coneralui, et gravare On the cathedral church of S.repr Sophia in Nicosia, see mons. rancians rimaso ambaGeorge Jeffery, A Description of the Historic Monuments of Cyprus, _ sciatore, del Re Christianissimo in Constantinopoli: Ma, quel

Nicosia, 1918, pp. 64-80. che si sia, € cosa molto perniciosa che detto chiaus passi in 19 Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 101° [146°]. Francia, ove potra veder le miserie di quel regno. . .” (Stella,

"1 Tbid., Reg. 39, fols. 101°-102* [146°-147°]. Nunz. Venezia, 1X, no. 122, p. 185, Facchinetti to Bonelli, letter

112 Thid., Reg. 39, fols. 103°-104" [148°-149"]. dated at Venice on 18 January, 1570).

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 949 champ had written Charles [IX in extreme annoy- so-called third war of religion was still in progance that “‘du Bourg a tire des capitullationscomme ress—the Huguenots had been defeated at Jarnac celles des Venitians,”’ the terms of the capitulations and Moncontour in 1569, but the peace of S. Gerbeing (in de Grandchamp’s opinion) a detraction main would not be made until August, 1570.''®

from the grandeur and dignity of the French By this time it had become clear that the Vene-

crown.!'!® The two Frenchmen had been at bitter tians, who had loaned Charles IX 200,000 ducats odds in Istanbul, where du Bourg had been playing for his struggle with the Huguenots, were facing fast ancl loose with the Turks, while de Grandchamp a war with the Turks. Charles needed the support reviled the agent “pour la legiérete de son cer- of Philip II and also of Pius V, while the latter was

veau.”’'1® trying to bring Spain and Venice together into a

Mahmud Beg had brought a letter from Selim league against the Porte. II to the Signoria. The doge and Senate sent their Du Bourg had sown seeds of dissension between answer to the bailie Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, who Mehmed Sokolli and Grantrie de Grandchamp, would transmit it to Mehmed Sokolli to present ‘“‘to whom we have given the full charge of our to the sultan. Since Mahmud had brought Selim’s affairs in the Levant,’’ as Charles wrote Sokolli on letter to Venice, the doge had also given him a_ 9 February, 1570. As of that date Charles did not text of the Senate’s reply to send or carry back to know where du Bourg was, having not yet received the Porte. These two identical letters to the sultan his letter of 17 January. In fact Charles actually were of course sealed. Marc’ Antonio, as was usu- _ requested Sokolli to arrest the rascal, and turn him ally done, was to receive a copy of the sultan’s over to de Grandchamp, who would send him back letter and the doge’s answer, so that he might — to France.!!° know how to deal with Mehmed Sokolli if the lat- Claude du Bourg would defend himself, but ter brought up any question relating to this cor- Charles forbade him to bring Mahmud Beg and respondence. If the grand vizir did not mention the eight or nine Turks in his suite into France. these letters, neither should the bailie. These de- Du Bourg’s performance in Istanbul and the pleastails appear in a letter of the doge—and Senate— antries of his journey with Mahmud to Venice had to the bailie, dated 8 February, 1570. Its dispatch been scandal enough.'?® Charles need not have was approved by 163 votes in the Senate. It was worried about Mahmud’s coming to France, howthe last letter to be written in the doge’s name to ever, for at the beginning of March (1570) the the bailie Marc’ Antonio'!’—the last, that is, until Signoria ordered the arrest of Mahmud and of all

8 March, 1571, more than a year later. the Turks attending him. The sultan’s ambassador Mahmud Beg wasa person of some importance, __ was confined to the dwelling, “‘where he is at presfor he had indeed been sent as the sultan’s am-__ ent.’’ Guards were posted at his doors, and no one bassador to Venice, and there was no question but —__ was allowed to speak with him without the perwhat he intended to continue into France ‘‘ladoul- _ mission of the Collegio. Also the diplomatic allowceur du chemin’”’ which du Bourg says they had enjoyed from Istanbul to Istria. But in France the =__________

_ "18 Cf Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VIII (repr. 1958), 366-75. The Venetian Senate was well aware that Mahmud Beg, ‘‘dra-

From Pera on 15 October, 1569, Marc’ Antonio Barbaro —gomano del Signor Turco, [é] destinato per la corte del Re had written the doge concerning the dragoman Mahmud Beg, _Christianissimo insieme con uno personaggio francese [Claude “che va hora in Francia. . . , [et] parlera col Re Christianissimo du Bourg] con le loro fameglie in tutto al numero di bocche di questo fatto di Cipro” (MS. Ital. VH, 390 [8872], fol. 209", _ vintidoi’’ (Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fols. 100’~101" [145’-146'}).

and cf, ibid., fol. 227", et alibi). In a letter of 3 November The Huguenots were interfering with Venetian shipping in Barbaro returned to the “magnifico et honorato Signor Mamut __ the English Channel and the Bay of Biscay, on which note RawBei, dragomano di questa Eccelsa Porta, personaggio veramente don Brown and G. C. Bentinck, Cal. State Papers. . . , Venice,

molto stimato da cadauno per le sue virtu’”’ (fol. 225°). VII (1890), no. 473, pp. 445-47. For the peace of S. Germain, '!° For the commercial and other concessions which Claude _ which was published on 11 August, 1570, see Dumont, Corps du Bourg managed to wring from the Porte, see Selim II’s — universel diplomatique, V, pt. 1 (Amsterdam and The Hague, grant of 18 October, 1569, in Ignaz de Testa, Recueil des traités 1728), no. LXXXIX, pp. 180-83.

de la Porte ottomane, 1 (Paris, 1864), 91-96. 119 Charriére, III, 96-97, notes, text of Charles IX’s letter '!® Charriére, III, 90-91, letter of de Grandchamp to Cath- _ to Mehmed Sokolli, dated at Poitiers on 9 February, 1570. The erine de’ Medici, dated at Istanbul on 16 October, 1569. Mah- rift which du Bourg had caused between Mehmed and the mud Beg was said to be a Greek, a native of Trebizond. French ambassador was well known (Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, 117 Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. III, unnum. no. 70, p. 120, Facchinetti to Bonelli, letter dated at Venice fol., letter to Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, dated 8 February, 1570 on 3 September, 1569, and note, ibid., no. 124, p. 189, letter (Ven. style 1569), and on Mahmud Beg, note Stella, Nunz. Ve- dated 25 January, 1570). nezia, 1X, nos. 70, 83, 123, 127, pp. 120, 136-37, 187, 195. 12° Charriére, III, 99 ff., notes.

950 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ance of ten ducats a day was taken from him. On have seen) as early as December, 1564, Maximilian

the evening of 4 April (1570) Mahmud with two had warned the Venetian ambassador that the Turkish attendants of his choice was removed ‘Turks had their eyes on Cyprus. from Venice to Verona, where all three were to Dispatches from Istanbul of 21-25 January remain prisoners until the war of Cyprus was over. (1570), which reached Venice a month later, con-

The other Turkish members of Mahmud’s suite tinued to emphasize the activity going on in the were kept in prison at Venice, as were other Turk- Turkish arsenal, where the “‘captain of the sea,”’

ish and Jewish subjects of the Porte.'?! presumably Piali Pasha, was constantly in eviMeanwhile on 11 February (1570) Giovanni dence, always bringing pressure to bear upon the Michiel, Venetian ambassador to the imperial workmen. Mehmed Sokolli, the grand vizir, whose court, had written the Signoria from Prague ofan desire to avoid war with Venice has perhaps been audience he had just had with Maximilian II “‘circa’ exaggerated, was also paying frequent visits to the li apparati di guerra che per il Signor Turco sono arsenal, along with the other pashas, “‘per dar or-

fatti per I’ impresa di Cipro.”’ Since Maximilian dine alle cose piu importanti.” All the best carhad allegedly shown an extreme benevolence to- penters and craftsmen had been taken away from ward Venice in discussing the Turkish threat to _ their work on “‘ships and other boats” to give their Cyprus, the doge and Senate instructed Michiel _ skills entirely to finishing the galleys. It was gentwo weeks later to thank his Majesty, praise the erally agreed that the sultan’s armada would sail wisdom of his observations concerning the Turks, on time, i.e., in the spring, and it would be ‘“‘molto and inform him that the Signoria had sent strong et molto potente.’’ Everyone on the Bosporus afgarrisons and loads of munitions “‘to our islands firmed the fact that it was going to Cyprus, ‘“‘alin the Levant and to Dalmatia.’ Venice had also though it was also being said that the first pasha prepared a powerful fleet, “and we are certain [Mehmed Sokolli] was inclined to favor sending that, in the event [of the Turkish attack] occur- aid to the Moriscoes who had risen in revolt in ring, we shall be aided and supported by his im- Spain—such aid had been sought by one Ibrahim perial Majesty.’’'** That was unlikely, but (as we of Granada, who was in Constantinople.’ Very likely thirty or forty galleys would sail before the ‘21 Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. III, unnum. me pody ° the armada. Wore had Spread that fol., a resolution of the Senate dated 6 March, 1570: “‘Che per men wou € sent fo sAlexaneria '0 pick up Powli rispetti ben noti a cadauno di questo Conseglio, Mamut Bei, der, and others would go to the B arbary coast to dragomano, quale é in questa citta nostra, sia trattenutoinsieme Create the suspicion that, after all, the armada con li suoi nell’ allogiamento, ov’ al presente si ritrova: Et gli might be moving westward. siano poste guardie in modo ch’ egli non possa partire, et non Sigismondo di Cavalli, who was still serving as gi! possa esser parlato da alcuno senza licentia del Collegio no- the Venetian ambassador in Spain, was directed

stro, sia oltra preso cheallli these cechini dieci al giorno gli - “1 . siano et levati. +112,di 22,cio 72.” to relay avvis: to Philip II, emphasizing A month later, by a resolution of 4 April, the Senate decided the fact that ‘‘this armada will be the greatest and (abid., unnum. fol.): “Essendo: conveniente che Mamut Turco’ the most powerful which has ever sailed from Con-

sia tenuto sotto buona custodia, |’ andera parte che’l sia man- stantinople.” The Christian princes whose lands dato questa sera con dui della sua famiglia, quali a lui parera, . in uno delli castelli della citta nostra di Verona, ove quelli rettori reached the Mediterranean must bear the danger nostri giudicherano che’! possa esser meglio custodito, dovendo 1 mind, and consider the consequences of allowessergli deputato per il viver di tutti tre loro Turchi quel tanto ing the Turks to look upon their armada as “‘miscre al Collegio nostro parera, et li altri Turchi della sua famegha tress of the sea’? without even a suspicion that oth-

sree gue a sao posisouo gumidinconialts ys were making even greater preparations to

On Mahmud Beg’s arrest, see also Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, meet their challenge. Cavalli was to tell Philip the no. 156, p. 226, letter of Facchinetti to Bonelli, dated at Venice Signoria was convinced that Philip—like Venice— on 5 March, 1570, and cf Paruta, Storia della guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), bk. 1, pp. 44-45. Mahmud was imprisoned in the castle of S. Felice at Verona. 122 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fols. 50°’-51" [71°—72"], all’ am- [117°—119"]). Giacomo Soranzo was named a special envoy to bassator appresso |’ imperator, doc. dated 25 February, 1570 Maximilian in the spring of 1570 (ibid., Reg. 76, fols. 85°-87" (Ven. style 1569), and cf, ibid., fols. 52° [73", almost the same _[106°—108*], commission dated 27 April, 1570). Cf Herre, text] and 53° [74"]. There are frequent references to Giovanni Europdische Politik im Cyprischen Krieg (1902), pp. 147 ff. Michiel’s presence at the imperial court in Ignaz Philipp Den- The Venetian ports along the eastern shore of the Adriatic gel, ed., Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, II, vols. 5-6 (Vienna, required a vigilant watch (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fols. 53°—55" 1939-52). Giovanni [Zuane] Michiel was succeeded as resident _[74’~—76"], the commission of Francesco Barbaro as provvediambassador to Maximilian II by Giovanni Correr, whose com- _ tore generale in Dalmatia, dated 4 March, 1570, and note esp. mission is dated 2 June, 1571 (ibid., Reg. 77, fols. 96°-98" — fols. 55’-56" [76°—77°}).

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 95] was making such preparations “‘with every effort them. What help had they given Philip IT when and diligence.’’ Venice was in fact striving to put the Turkish armada had attacked his states? If the

to sea ‘‘the greatest fleet that we have ever pro- armada returned to Malta or La Goletta, the duced at any time.” Cavalli would of course report Venetians would merely follow their own interPhilip’s reaction to all this with the haste the Si- — ests. Let the Turk attack Cyprus; then the Venegnoria expected of ambassadors in times of crisis.'*° _ tians would have to break with him. Granvelle, In Rome on 25 February (1570) Michele Surian, Philip’s friend and counselor, would not help nethe Venetian ambassador to the Curia, received gotiate a Veneto-Spanish league. Cardinal Comfrom the hands of an express courier a new set of _mendone, a Venetian, spoke in strong opposition dispatches from Istanbul, ‘‘que confirmavan la ve- to Granvelle, bitterly recalling the price Venice nida de la armada del Turco sobre Chipre.” Juan had paid when she was allied with Spain in the war de Zuniga sent Philip II a report from Rome three — of 1537-1540.

days later. The Venetians had now renewed their In his letter to Philip of 28 February, the day appeal to the pope to give them authority to collect after the heated consistory, Zuniga added the inthe tithes from the clergy in Venetian territories. teresting fact that an Italian merchant who lived On 27 February Pius V summoned a consistory to in Lyon in France, a correspondent of Granvelle, deal with the matter, “‘and decided that it was proper _ had written the latter “‘the other day” that he had to grant them the grace they sought.”” Some car- learned from a person much involved in French dinals declared that now was the time to bring about affairs “‘that the cha’ush whom the Turk was now

a league between Spain and Venice against the sending to the most Christian king [Charles IX] Turk.'** The tithes or tasse would yield 100,000 has orders to ask that he be willing to negotiate gold ducats, but the nuncio Facchinetti believed, a peace between your Majesty [Philip] and the now that the Venetians were entering upon war Turk.’’!*® Without Spain to worry about, Selim II with the Turks, ‘‘they will be spending no less than would have the Venetians in Cyprus entirely at his

two and a half million gold ducats a year.’’'*° mercy, and this was quite conceivably the reason At the consistory of 27 February, however, why Claude du Bourg wanted to take Mahmud Antoine Perrenot, cardinal de Granvelle, had spo- Beg to France. ken in strong derogation of the Venetians, main- When Surian had shown Pius V the dispatches taining that one could put small confidence in _ relating to the Turks (which he had received from Venice), Pius directed him to write the members of the Signoria immediately, “‘esortandoli da sua ** Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 52 [73], all’ ambassator in parte a far lega col Re Cattolico.”’ That same day Spagne, doc. dated 27 Pebruary, 1570 (Ven. style 1569). ane Surian sent off a courier to Venice. He received bailie Barbaro was well aware of the current rumors in Istanbu 4 reply on Satur day, 4 March, whereby the Sithat Mehmed Pasha disapproved of the proposed attack upon . . Cyprus, preferring to employ the Turkish armada in an ex- 8MOMla authorized the pope (and their ambassador) pedition to assist the Moriscoes in Granada. As Barbaroinformed to negotiate with his Catholic Majesty the alliance

the doge in a letter of 21 January, 1570 (Ven. style 1569), = which Pius had been seeking from the beginning ‘Qua si ragiona publicamente etiamdo fra persone di conside- of his reign OnM onday 6 March. Pius summoned

ratione che ’] predetto magnifico Mehemet Bassa si habbia D Lui d T Qe herj de iI C

sempre contraposto all’ impresa di Cipro, et che anco per cio on uls ne orres, © erico della sua Vamera fra lui et Mustaffa Bassa vi siano passate parole di qualche Apostolica,’’ and told him that he wanted to send alteratione, dicendosi ch’ esso magnifico Mehemet vorebbe et him as nuncio extraordinary to Philip I to secure favorisse piu presto il soccorso di Mori di Granata, et essendo —_— jg adhesion to the anti- Turkish league. De Torres

hora qua come procurator et solecittator di predetti Mori, quell accepte d the mission.!2”7 We shall return to him Ibraino Granatino, che fu gia in quella illustrissima citta [Venice], par ch’ egli sia stato coadiuvato molto dal magnifico bassa in shortly. presentar supliche al Signor per conto del soccorso di detti

Mori. . .”’ (MS. It. VII, 390 [8872], fol. 275). '24 Speaking of cardinals, we may note, incidentally, the assessment of almost every member of the Sacred College which "26 Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, III (1914), no. 116,

Zuniga prepared for Philip II on 23 September, 1569; the text pp. 243-44, letter of Zifiiga to Philip II, dated at Rome on 28 is given in Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, III, no. 73, esp. February, 1570, and on the consistory of 27 February, see pp. 151-59, and cf: no. 74. In his roll call of the College, Zuniga = Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VIII (repr. 1958), 549-50, and note tried to appraise the chances of election to the papacy of each _— Herre, Europdische Politik im Cyprischen Krieg (1902), pp. 48 ff.

one in the event of Pius V’s death. On Granvelle, cf A. Dragonetti de Torres, La Lega di Lepanto,

'2° Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, no. 156, p. 227, letter dated 3 Turin, 1931 [for which work see below, note 146], pp. 25-29. March, 1570, and note, ibid., nos. 151, 154; cf Pastor, Gesch. '27 Dragonetti de Torres, La Lega di Lepanto (1931), pp. 10d. Pdpste, VIII (repr. 1958), 550-51, and Paruta, Storia della 11. On 8 March, 1570, however, Facchinetti wrote Bonelli

guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), bk. I, pp. 30-31. from Venice that the pope must press the Venetians to enter

952 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT In March, 1570, as a tone of grave anxiety There was no longer any doubt about the marked the day-long sessions of the Senate, pro- ‘““Turkish war.’ On 9 February, 1570, M. de vision was made to send more men, munitions, Grandchamp wrote Paul de Foix, who had reand supplies to the Greek islands as well as to Cy-_ placed Arnaud du Ferrier as French ambassador

prus. On the sixth of the month a resolution of in Venice, f the A it edt dhe he veoito ane patrons Monsieur, I have written you so much that has been

the Senate ordered the pr itor] an roni ; ;

Of Ene ohh yO send Dy Me ATS f avaliable SHIps contrary to everyone else’s opinion that now you can

various robbe to the Captain o Famagusta, dS decide whether God has given me more insight into

requested by Girolamo Martinengo, ‘‘who is going these people, after the twenty years I have spent among

as governor of that fortress.” Payment of 815 them, than you have believed, as you can see from the ducats was authorized for the ‘‘robbe”’ which Mar- demand which the Grand Seigneur is sending the Sitinengo wanted, including equipment for artillery, gnoria to require [the Venetians] to give him Cyprus ladders, pitch, resin, lanterns, asses, heavy rope, whether they like it or not.

foe thousand’ terracotta cooking pots, ree "hort This was the end of the friendship between the OF Eat Fey other 128 TFs nown to be hin ort Republic and the Porte. The Turks had been desupply “hs ore ack d fon ih . S. ot one thing, It ceiving themselves, however, as to their preparawas ohn he C i agen “ich + . d enate ah ek tions for the projected expedition, for the fact had

an In the Uollegio, th or ae h we 76 come to light that more than thirty-five of their o Ma oh herefere. th, S the fur qi ane ~" galleys were in a ruinous state, and would not be h "hk cn, t es sobs the bok vote bl bles ce able to sail. As for their transports (palanderies),

the election or “three of our honorabie nobles as they could not assemble the number they needed. executors of the resolutions [deliberationi| which They would have to have more time nave been Passed and which will be passed Py the In de Grandchamp’s opinion the Turks had rea-

Sal noun he ” te Senate] cee hae anne son to fear a bold opponent (quelque cerveau résolu), to the hy, fine he C Tle es were to a. the who could bring them to a sorry end, ‘“‘which could same aut ority as the at) putting the sen- only cause us great distress, owing to the friend-

atoria! resolutions into elect. ship we bear them.”’ However this might be, de

Grandchamp wanted to tell Paul de Foix that Al-

—____ vise Buonrizzo, “‘bearer of the present letter,” had the league. To be sure, they wanted to see the league formed been chosen to accompany the cha’ush Kubad to if war with the Turk was inevitable, ‘‘ma se il Turco volesseo Venice and to vouch for the seriousness of the per doni o per altro cessar dal travagliarli, non sariano forse ‘“harangue”’ the cha’ush would deliver to the Simalcontenti!”’ (Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, no. 159, p. 230). noria. De Grandchamp recommended Buonrizzo

'28 Cf Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fols. 120 ff. [165 ff.], and note 8 " Pp Ot an o~

fols. 116" ff. [1617 ff.]. whom he had always found “‘si affectionne a la nation

129 Thid., Reg. 39, fol. 119° [164"], resolution of the Senate, francoise,” to de Foix as one to whom the French dated 9 March, 1570: ‘‘Le deliberationi che si fanno per questo were under great obligation for his friendship and Conseglio nelle occorrentie presenti della guerra Turchescain — Helpfulness

materia delle cose da mar sono di tal qualita et importantia che P richiedeno una pronta et presta essecutione, alla quale poi che Above all, do me this favor—use your influence to quelli del Collegio nostro, occupatissimi nelle consultationi che see that this oor fellow does not return here to die a

occorreno a questi tempi, non possono attender con quella es- nth a ds of th I I satta diligentia che si conviene, é a proposito proveder per altra *4V© in the hands of these people. . . . £ cannot write via (si come altre volte é stato fatto) che quanto viene deliberato YOU any more, as much for the shortness of time as for

per questo Conseglio sia con la debita prontezza et celerita the outrageous order which the pasha has given the esseguito, peré |’ andera parte che de presenti elegger.si deb- bearer [Buonrizzo] not to carry any letters of mine! bono per questo Conseglio tre honorevoli nobili nostri in es- | After a fashion I have finished this letter to you in all secutori delle deliberationi che sono sta fatte et che accaderanno haste. I forgot to tell you that all the Venetian ships farsi per detto Conseglio in materia delle cose da mar, i quali have been seized, and their merchandise also, and a nell’ esseguire le dette deliberationi habbino quell’ istessa aut- — «housand other details which I leave to the bearer. 12° torita che ha il Collegio nostro. . . +189, 3, 8.”” Anyone de-

clining to serve as a member of this executive triumvirate for “os ’

a full year was to be fined 500 ducats in cash (sotto pena di ducati nas 5, a Grandchamp s last extant letter from

cinquecento da esser scossa in contadi). Stanbul. In the meantime crewmen had been arriving in Venice, hav-

ing been recruited for the twenty galleys then being armed, but some of the galleys were not ready to receive them. Consequently the men had no lodgings, and they could not be paid '3° Charriére, III, 101-4. De Grandchamp’s first experience until they were aboard the galleys (ibid., Reg. 39, fol. 122° of the Turks went back to 1551 when he had accompanied the [167°], doc. dated 10 March, 1570). Venice had become a bit French envoy Gabriel d’ Aramon upon the latter’s return to

of a madhouse. Istanbul.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 953 As the cha’ush or state messenger Kubad was When the Senate met the day after authorizing slowly approaching Venice, the doge and Senate the doge and Collegio to send Maximilian and sent off a letter dated 17 March (1570)to Giovanni Philip the letters we have just noted, it decided Michiel, their ambassador at the imperial court. by an almost unanimous vote (+195, 1, 1) that at At the same time they wrote to Sigismondo di long last Girolamo Zane should set sail. He had Cavalli, whose successor as the Republic’s ambas- _ been elected captain-general of the sea in the sum-

sador to Philip [I—Leonardo Donado—would mer of 1568, for the Senate had assumed that he doubtless reach the Spanish court some time after would know how to preserve the dignity and guarthe arrival of their letter. Michiel and Cavalli were antee the security of the state. The Senate now

advised that the cha’ush “ha commissione di di- designated Monday, 27 March (1570), the day mandarne I’ isola nostra di Cipro, et non volendo after Easter, as the time for him to receive the noi cederla d’ intimarne la guerra’’—surrender standard of S. Mark “‘with the usual solemnity,” Cyprus or face war with the Porte. The ambas- and depart soon thereafter with the galleys then sadors were to tell Maximilian and Philip that the ready in Venice.!*” Yes, the war had begun in earcha’ush would receive the answer which such an _ nest, as the doge and Senate informed Giacomo unjust and dishonest demand required. A letter Celsi, provveditore of the fleet. Witness the Turkof 6 February from the bailie Barbaro in Istanbul _ ish attacks “‘along our borders in Dalmatia, Albania, had stated that Sultan Selim II was himself going and elsewhere.” It was the sultan who had broken

into the arsenal and the armory to hasten the start the peace, “‘and broken the oath and pledge he of the expedition. Galleys had been slipping out had given our Signoria.’’ While being warned to of the arsenal stealthily at night, two or three at see to the defense of the Republic’s towns, ships, a time, and by now the larger part of the armada and subjects with his accustomed diligence, Celsi

had already left the Turkish capital. was also instructed finally to take the offensive

The ambassadors were also instructed toinform against the subjects and officials of the Porte, Maximilian and Philip that Venice would defend ‘‘come é€ questa di aperta guerra, trattandoli da her honor and reputation. The Signoria was put- nemici.. . .”’ Similar letters were sent to other ting together the largest possible fleet. The illus- _ Venetian commanders at sea and to the rectors trious commander Sforza Pallavicini, onetime (and other officers) of Zara, Sebenico, Traut, Spaservitor of the late Emperor Ferdinand, would go _ lato, Lesina, Curzola, and some thirty other Venewith the fleet, with a large force of infantry. Mi- tian possessions.'*° chiel was to tell Maximilian of the hope being cher- On 27 March (1570) the doge and Senate wrote ished in Venice that his imperial Majesty would Leonardo Donado, who reached the Spanish court respond to the present emergency for the well- early in May, that the cha’ush had arrived in Venbeing of Christendom. Maximilian should know _ ice on the twenty-fifth. He had presented to the that the Turks had intercepted a raft of letters Collegio the sultan’s demand for Cyprus, was anbeing sent between Venice and Istanbul.'*! swered with short shrift, and summarily dismissed. 'S! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fols. 62°-63" [83°-84'], all’ am- tatione della repubblica Christiana noi attendemo con ogni bassator appresso l’ imperator, doc. dated 17 March, 1570: ‘‘Siamo _acurata diligentia a ingrossar |’ armata nostra quanto pid poavisati esser arrivato a Ragusi per venir in questa cittaun chiaus —_ temo, sopra laquale anco facemo andar |’ illustrissimo Signor [a cha’ush] del Signor Turco, havendo tolto in compagnia per _‘ Sforza Pallavicino, nostro governatore generale, con buon nusicurta della sua persona il secretario del baylo nostro in Con- _—_— mero di fanti [3000, in fact, as shown in fol. 59” (80)], et in stantinopoli, et per quanto ci viene anco scritto dal medesimo _—_ questo proposito direte potersi sperar che sua Maesta cesarea secretario, esso chiaus ha commissione di dimandarne I’ isola __ per il grado et autorita, che meritissimamente tiene, non sia

nostra di Cipro, et non volendo noi cederla d’ intimarne la per mancar al beneficio della Christianita nella presente occaguerra, il che vi commettemo col Senato che dobbiate com- _ sione, et le direte che sono stati intercetti dalli ministri Turmunicar a sua Maesta cesarea, dicendole che ad esso chiaus sera _—_ cheschi molti spazzi di lettere nostre che andavano et venivano

da noi fatta quella risposta che ricerca una cosi ingiusta et in- | da Constantinopoli. De literis 190, de non 5, non sinceri 0.”

honesta dimanda. A similar letter, with the same date, went to the Venetian ‘Di piu anchora siamo avisati per lettere del baylo nostro in — ambassador in Spain (ibid., fol. 63, and note fols. 67” ff.). The Constantinopoli di VI del passato [6 February] che sicontinuava = Venetians were now trying to wipe out differences, especially

con ogni diligentia in solicitar l’ espeditione dell’ armata, et over the town of Marano, with the Hapsburgs (fols. 82’—83" ch’ el medesimo Signor Turco andava per questo effetto nell’ —_[103’—104"]). Marano had been a bone of intermittent contenArsenaie et al luogo dell’ artigliaria, et fino al principio di esso _ tion between Venice and Vienna since 1543-1544. mese di Febraro cominciavano a uscir nascosamente di notte '32 Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 132°[177"], resolution of the Senle galee a due o tre alla volta, et si confirmava che questa sera. ate dated 18 March, 1570, passed by a vote of +195, l, 1. la maggior armata che sia uscita di Constantinopoli, liqual avisi "8° Ibid., Reg. 39, fols. 138°—139" [183°-184"], docs. dated communicarete medesimamente a sua Maesta cesarea, affir- 25 March, 1570, and on Turkish raids into the area of Zara, mandole che per difesa del stato nostro et per honor et ripu- cf. Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, no. 154, p. 225.

954 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Donado was sent a copy of the doge’s reply to the Everyone in Venice was alive to the importance cha’ush to give the king.'°* The letter which Ku- of Kubad Cha’ush’s mission, including the agent bad had brought to Venice, offering the Signoria of Ulrich Fugger, who sent a news report to Augsthe alternatives of surrendering Cyprus or facing burg on 27 March. According to this report, the the “‘cruelest war on all fronts,’’ was brief and to — galley Suriana had arrived the day before, bringthe point. It soon became widely known through-_ ing the ‘‘chiaussio,” the secretary Alvise Buonout the Mediterranean, and Pietro Valderio (writ- __rizzo, and the bailie Barbaro’s son [also Alvise].

ing in 1573?) inserted a copy of it in the early The galley had stopped at the Lido, but at first pages of his history of the Cypriote war.'*° only Buonrizzo had disembarked, ‘‘and they say that yesterday after dinner he had an audience

_————— with the Signori Savi.’”” On 26 March, which was

84 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 68” [89°], all’ ambassator al Easter Sunday, when the doge and other members serenissimo re Catholico, doc. dated 27 March, 1570: “Il chiaus of the Signoria went to the church of S. Zaccaria mandatovi dal Turco per farne la domanda che vi scrivessemo jn the procession of indulgence (al perdono), the per le nostre di 17 dell instante gionse terzo giorno [which red standards were carried before them, ‘‘which

would be 25 March] in questa citta, alquale fattolo venir dalla h . . f th b k of » pi propria galea, che lo ha condutto, et intesa la sua dimanda they Say 18 a sign O C € outbrea < oF war. ietro

havemo di subito data la risposta che vederete dalla qui inclusa Sanudo, who was going as captain to Padua, carcopia, et I’ havemo licentiato, laqual risolutione et risposta no- ried the symbolic sword. On the morning of the stra, vi commettemo con il Senato che debbiate communicar twenty-seventh a crowd of nobles assembled at the

afrom suatheCatholica Maesta. . . ,” and cf, ibid., fol. 85% [106], h h of S. Mo; d d the P; d commission of Giacomo Soranzo, recently elected a cnurcn OF 3. OBE; an CTOSSE the Piazza to atten special envoy to Maximilian II, dated 27 April, and note fol. ™ass at S. Mark’s, after which the Doge Pietro Lo-

99” [120"). redan gave Girolamo Zane his baton of high comAccording to Calepio, trans. Cobham, Excerpta Cypria, p. mand as captain-general of the sea. 126, “On February 11 Cubat Chawush was despatched as am- Jane was then acc ompani ed to his gall ey, with bassador to Venice. He carried letters and, accompanied by h dard of the S — b loft. by th Luigi Bon Rizzo, secretary to the bailo, arrived at Venice at the the standard of t c eremissima orne aloit, by t € beginning of April [sic]. The Signory gave him a most spirited members of the Signoria, the clergy of S. Mark’s, answer, and dismissed him, as was meet. . . .”” Cf, Serrano, all the commanders of the galleys, a host of nobles, Correspondencia diplomatica, Ill, nos. 129, 135, pp. 279-80, and a company of halberdiers. While the proces-

288-89, letters of Zuniga to Philip II, dated at Rome on 22 .

March and 10 April, 1570 sion moved toward the Bacino, a thousand infan135 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 22— trymen stood at attention in the Piazza S. Marco,

23: ‘Selim, sultan ottoman, grande imperatore de’ Turchi, re a hundred of them being recruits of Giulio Sadelli re, et signor delli signori, ombra d’ Iddio, signor del para- vorgnan, of whom some were going to Zara and diso terrestre et di Gierusalem, alla Signoria di Venezia: Vi the rest to Candia. A salute was fired, “una bella

domandiamo Cipro, qual ci darete per volonta o per forza, e Iva.” When Z hed his flagshi dth

non irritate la nostra terribil spada, perché vimoveremo guerra 54'V4- en Zane reac « IS Magsnip, an C c crudelissima in ogni parte, e non vi confidate nel vostro tesoro, standard was mounted, “‘all the galleys, which perché lo faremo correre come un torrente, e guardate dinon numbered about thirty, fired a wonderful salvo of ne irritare.”’ Cf Hill, Cyprus, II, 888, who translates the text artillery.” Zane departed immediately ‘and went from a late-sixteenth century copy in a Rawdon Brown MS. in . . os . ; the Public Record Office, G. and D. 25/4, and note Herre, to dine at the Lido, and it 1S believed that tomorEuropdische Politik im Cyprischen Krieg (1902), pp. 21-23. row morning he will receive his commission, and On Kubad’s appearance before the Collegio, where “‘he will leave with twenty galleys—the other ten will spent less than a quarter of an hour,” cf Stella, Nunz. Venezia, gO in eight days.’’'° AS always, however, there IX, no. 170, p. 244. Facchinetti thought that Kubad had arrived would be some delay.

on 27 March. Note the contemporary account of the Venetian Anoth co £ Ven; dated 30 March noble Francesco Longo (d. 1582) in Agostino Sagredo, ed., nother avviso trom emcee, Cate aren, ‘“Successo della guerra fatta con Selim Sultano, imperator brought the Fuggers the following News.

de Turchi, e giustificazione della pace con lui conclusa,”’ in the Yesterday morning the ships for Cyprus set sail with

Arch. stor. italiano, append. to vol. IV (Florence, 1847), no. 17, he lord Girol Marti dthet th nd solpp. 13-14. Writing some time after the war of Cyprus, Longo C le or : Irolamo artinengo an “ct : ousa .

sometimes lapses into error, as when he says that “‘in fine diers being sent to Cyprus. Tonight the illustrious [captain] dell’ anno 1569 [il Turco] mando qui Cubat Chiaus con sue lettere a dimandar Cipro ed intimare la guerra.’”’ On Kubad, ‘i] quale due anni addietro per altro negozio era stato in Ve- —_ on which see Barbaro’s letter of 15 October, 1568, to the Doge nezia,”’ see also Paruta, Storia della guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), Pietro Loredan in the collection of Barbaro’s dispatches to

bk. 1, pp. 48-56, 60-61. Kubad had had a pleasant time on Venice in the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana (cf. above, note the lagoon on an earlier mission to Venice in 1567, and had 60), MS. Ital. VII, 390 (8872), fol. 8%. Kubad had gone to told the Venetian bailie Marc’ Antonio Barbaro of his appre- | Venice because of Aaron de Segura’s debts to the Porte. ciation of the doge’s courtesy, “la memoria che tiene delli favori '36 Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Urb. lat. 1041, pt. 1, fol. 246, et cortesie ricevute da vostra Serenita, mentre che per il negotio —_ report dated at Venice on 27 March, 1570, and see Sereno, delli Hebrei si fermo in quella illustrissima citta [i.e., Venice],’’ | Commentari della guerra di Cipro (1845), bk. 1, pp. 36-41, 47.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 955 general of the fleet and the distinguished provveditore midable than that at sea. We have observed Pius generale of Dalmatia departed with some galleys. The V, mosso dal Spirito Santo, in his prolonged efforts cha’ush has also gone, on a galley to Ragusa. The secretary persuade Venice to enter a “‘lega et unione con nas remained here: o is said that a Ispecia'y envoy willbe =i] cerenissimo Re Catholico.”? The nuncio GianPolan q to send to the emperor, and’ also an envoy © nantonio Facchinetti, however, found the Signoria consistently reluctant to commit itself to an antiThus according to the testimony of a reliable Turkish alliance with Spain, whose interests lay in reporter, who like Facchinetti was in Venice at the North Africa, not in the Levant. From the Holy time, Zane left the Lido on the evening of 30 March, See the Venetians had been seeking men, money,

and sailing slowly down the Dalmatian coast, he and munitions, always turning a deaf ear to Facreached Zara (Zadar) on or about 13 April.'°* Illness _ chinetti’s pleas for an alliance which might oblige

among his oarsmen and infantry as well as other Venice to defend La Goletta, Oran, or even Penon problems would detain Zane and the fleet at Zara de Vélez de la Gomera—all Spanish possessions for two months, as he waited in vain for arms for on the coast of North Africa.!*!

his soldiers and for the galleys of his allies.'°? As the cha’ush Kubad traveled westward, and Throughout the months of March and April, as war was seen to be inevitable, the Signoria 1570, the letters of the Doge Pietro Loredan to changed its mind. On 10 March (1570) the doge the Venetian ambassadors in Spain, the Empire, finally wrote the Venetian ambassador at Philip France, and Savoy, as well as to the naval com-___II’s court in high approval of Pius V’s long-standmanders and other officials of the Republic, be- ing proposal come mereasing!y hit hoes on me ore ure that the forces of his Catholic Majesty should be united

Signor ‘Turco and his huge armada."™ In seeking with ours in order to oppose the fury and power of the to depict from week to week the course of events Turks, to which we have readily assented because of our and the mounting tension in the Senate, we are _ desire for the universal good, and because we hope that likely, almost unavoidably, to reflect this repetition — the Lord God has turned His compassionate eyes toward

in our account. The mobilization of the Turkish Christendom, and that He is willing at this time to reforces on land was thought to be hardly less for- press the audacity of the infidels.'*? Speed was now of the essence. The Venetian ambassador in Rome, Michele Surian, must first con'’ Cod. Urb. lat. 1041, pt. 1, fol. 248", report dated 30 clude an agreement with the pope as a prelude to March, 1570. On 29 March Facchinetti reported to Rome the triple alliance of the Holy See, Venice, and (Stella, Nunz. Venezia, 1X, no. 170, p. 244), ‘“‘Hieri I’ altro [27 Spain. “and j d h . hould be | March] fu dato lo stendardo al generale.. . . Credo che partira pain, “and in order that time shou not € lost, fra doi giorni per Zara, et delle 80 galere, che s’ haveano for every small delay could be damaging, we are d’ armar qui, se ne sono di gid messe in ordine di tutto punto sending to Rome a commission and mandates suf65, rimanendone XV solamente, che fra XV di, alla pi lunga, —_ ficient to settle such details as will be necessary for

mora oo) this union.

andranno bene armate a trovare il generale. . . .”’ By the end . : 99143

of April, says Facchinetti, “‘ne saranno fuori unite insieme 140 .

sottili.”” On 1 April he wrote Bonelli that “‘il Generale parti per In Rome the prospect of war was Causing a comZara; i] chiaus [Kubad] se n’ ando similmente” (ibid., IX, no. | motion. According to a news dispatch of 18 March

172, p. 249). | . a . (1570) decrees had been issued to the effect that The secretary Alvise Buonrizzo remained in Venice, and was all the Knights of Malta must do their part,

sent to Naples in the summer of 1570 to negotiate with the

viceroy, the duke of Alcala, “‘per servitio della Signoria nostra.”’

Buonrizzo seems to have spent some three years in Naples (presumably with some interruption to return to Venice) from ‘4! Cf Stella, Nunz. Venezia, 1X, no. 146, pp. 215-16, a letter September, 1570, to October, 1573, for which years his dis- of Facchinetti to Bonelli, dated at Venice on 22 February, 1570, patches are both interesting and important. See Nicola Nicolini, | and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VIII (repr. 1958), 547-48.

‘La Citta di Napoli nell’ anno della battaglia di Lepanto dai '42 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 57° [78"], all’ ambassator in dispacci del residente veneto,”’ in the Archivio storico per le province Spagna, doc. dated 10 March, 1570.

napoletane, LUI (n.s. XIV, 1928-29), 388-422. On Buonrizzo’s ‘43 Ibid., Reg. 76, fol. 57. On Pius V and his desire for Veactivities in Naples (in 1571-1572), see the Sen. Secreta, Reg. | neto-Spanish naval co-operation against the Turks, note also, 78, fols. 42°43" [64°-65"], 53” [75°], 58 [80], 80 [102], 86 __ ibid., fols. 58-59" [79-80"], 82 [103], 85°86" [106°-107"], 94 [108], 152°-153" [174°-175*], 161°-162" [183°-184"], 168 ff. [115 ff], 98” [119%], 102” [123”]. Venice needed grain to [190], 172 [194], 175% [197°], and 177°-178" [199*-200°]. make ship’s biscuit for her “‘armata cosi numerosa”’ (fols. 57°—

‘58 Cf. Hill, Cyprus, II], 898. 58°). Sforza Pallavicini offered to sail with the Venetian fleet

‘89 Paruta, Storia della guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), bk. 1, pp. “‘nell’ occasione delli presenti moti Turcheschi”’ (fol. 59”, note 66 ff. Contrary to the statement in Sereno, Commentari della _ also fols. 65°—66", 96[117], and cf Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 126 guerra di Cipro (1845), bk. 1, p. 48, the Venetian fleet did not —_[171], docs. dated 14 March, 1570). On Pallavicini, note Stella, leave port “molto ben in ordine. . . con ogni buon augurio.”’ Nunz. Venezia, 1X, nos. 168, 170, pp. 242, 246, docs. dated 22

'4° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fols. 55’—89" [76’~110"]. and 29 March, et alibi.

956 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT and this morning a brief was published in which the ‘Tuscany and to exhort his Majesty to enter into pope orders all the Knights. . .to goduring the course _ the league with the Venetians.” '45 Luis de Torres, of the month of April [to Malta] to present themselves then in his thirty-seventh year, was the chief clerk to their grand master, under penalty of rosin their rev- of the Camera Apostolica, in which position he enues |commende], so that they may go to this war. had impressed the pope, who chose him for the The Venetian ambassador Surian stated that he mission to Spain because he was a Spanish noble. could hardly deal with the mass of ‘“‘lords and gen- Although Cosimo de’ Medici’s new title long retlemen’’ who were coming to him with offers to mained a bone of contention, and Don Luis was serve at their own expense as “‘soldiers of fortune’’ to try to reassure Philip II that the pope was not (venturierz) in the coming war. Apparently Surian’s _ seeking to usurp the authority of princes by awardchief problem was finding an appropriate place for ing him the title, the important thing was to perthem aboard the Venetian galleys. There was a _ suade Philip to enter the anti-Turkish league with

rumor afloat in Rome that Cosimo I de’ Medici the Venetians.'*° had offered the Signoria a large measure of assis- Don Luis de Torres left Rome on 16 March

tance.'*4 (1570). Nuncios sent their reports to the cardinal Despite the objections of the Emperor Maxi- _ secretaries of state, not to the pope, and Torres’ milian, Pius V had raised Cosimo to the rank of first letters to the cardinal-nephew Michele Bonelli grand duke of Tuscany by a bull dated 27 August, were sent from Siena and Cascina on 18 and 19 1569, which had been published the following 12 March.'*” On Tuesday, 21 March, after being December in a ceremony at the Palazzo Vecchio — held up for a day by stormy weather, Torres ar-

in Florence. Three months later (on 5 March, rived in Genoa, where he found that the Doge 1570) Pius had placed the grand-ducal crown on Paolo Moneglia Giustiniani and the Signoria were Cosimo’s head at a solemn convocation in the Sistine Chapel. While Maximilian was publicizing his =——______

‘tion oe . “4

Oppos tion to Cos imo s elevation, Philip had he t 49 Cod. Urb. lat. 1041, pt. 1, fol. 249, dispatch dated at

yet given expression to his own Isapproval O {N€ — Rome on 18 March [1570]. On the papal-imperial controversy pope’s bestowing the new title on Cosimo. An- caused by Cosimo de’ Medici’s promotion to the grand-ducal other avviso from Rome of 18 March, however, _ title, see Pastor, Hist. Popes, XVIII, 268-81, 285, and Gesch. d.

contained the news that ‘“‘on Thursday [16 March] este, VII (repr. 1958), ae 488, and (among other

Monsignor de Torres. . . left here for Spain, sent sources) Sereno, Commentari della guerra di Cipro (1845), bk. I, . Lae pp. 52-53. On the grand-ducal coronation and Cosimo de by the pope to Sive the Catholic king an account = Medici’s presence in Rome, see the ceremonial diary of Cornelius

of the coronation and title of the grand duke of _ Firmanus, of which there is an (abridged) copy in the Library of the University of Pennsylvania, Lea MS. 428, the relevant entries being on pp. 280-96. 144 Cod. Urb. lat. 1041, pt. 1, fol. 249, dt Roma li 18 Marzo 146 A. Dragonetti de Torres, La Lega di Lepanto nel carteggio [1570]. On the many volunteers offering their services to the — diplomatico inedito di Don Luys de Torres, nunzio straordinario di

Venetians, see Paruta, Storia della guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), S. Pio Va Filippo II, Turin, 1931, pp. 10-13, 17, 37 ff., 54 fff. bk. 1, pp. 59-60. Paruta speaks in general terms. More specif- Before he became grand duke of Tuscany, Cosimo de’ Medici ically, however, see Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Barb. lat. 5367, | was duke of Florence and Siena; the emperor claimed suzerfol. 98, Al nome de Dio et della gloriosa Vergine Maria A.D. 1569 — ainty over Florence, and Cosimo was Philip II’s vassal (as we et 1570: Nota di personagi cost forestieri come del Dominio che hanno __ have seen) for the city and area of Siena. On the stir caused by offerto fanti all’ occasione della presente guera Turchesca: “‘Villustre the pope’s concession of the grand-ducal title to Cosimo, note

Signor Sforza Pallavicino, governator general, fanti numero Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdatica, III, nos. 92, 96, 100, 107,

5,000; il Signor Paulo Orsino, fanti no. 8,000; il Signor Gi- 111, 114-15, 118, 120, 131, 136, et alibi, and on Luis de rolamo Martinengo, fanti no. 2,000; il Signor Pietro Paulo ‘Torres’ mission to Spain, ibid., nos. 119, 122, 128, pp. 251Mignanelli, fanti no. 2,000; il Signor Alovise Martinengo, per 52, 261, 275-76, et alibi. lettera di 29 zenaro 1569, fanti no. 1,000; il Signor Don Cesare The pope’s instructions to Torres, which were prepared by Caraffa, fanti no. 1,000,” etc., etc., with a list of thirty names __ the cardinal-nephew Michele Bonelli, may also be found in Serof “‘personagi’”” who were undertaking to raise 62,000 foot, as__rano, III, no. 127, pp. 268-75, docs. dated 12 and 15 March, well as a list of thirty-four “‘capitani cosi forestieri come del 1570. They are chiefly concerned with the necessity of the anti-

Dominio,” who offered to raise 14,600 foot ‘“‘nella presente Turkish union of Spain and Venice, “‘et facendosi questa guera Turchesca,” making a total of 76,600 infantry to be —_unione, ella sara secura et stabile—né deve il Re temere de

available for the war of Cyprus. Venetiani né essi del Re, mancando hoggidi i sospetti delli tempi Like most such figures, these are suspect. Cf the similar list passati: L’ una parte et I’ altra € invasa da Turchi, et il comune of those “‘who offered to raise troops”’ in Gio. Pietro Contarini, _ pericolo deve fargli amici. . . et confidenti’’ (zbid., p. 272). Cf Historia delle cose successe dal principio della guerra mossa da Selim Sereno, Commentari della guerra di Cipro (1845), append., no. ottomano a’ Venetiani fino al di della gran giornata vittoriosa contra ‘1, pp. 427-31, and see in general Herre, Europdische Politik im Turchi (1572), fols. 6’-7", who says that Paolo Orsini offered Cyprischen Krieg (1902), pp. 70 ff.

to raise 4,000 (not 8,000) infantry, and gives a total of 58,000 147 Dragonetti de Torres, La Lega di Lepanto (1931),

troops to be raised by such volunteers. pp. 69 ff.

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 957 providing the Venetian ambassador Leonardo Torres’ letters place him at Marseille on 29-30 Donado (Dona) with passage in a galley that was March, at Barcelona on 8 April, and ‘‘di qui segoing to Spain. There would be some delay in his guiterd domattina,”’ as he wrote the nuncio Giandeparture, because the Genoese believed it a bad _ battista Castagna, who was then at Cordova, “con omen (per mal augurio) to embark on a voyage _ |’ aiuto di Dio, il mio viaggio.” Torres was at Ariza, during holidays. Easter would come on 26 March. twenty miles or more southwest of Calatayud, in

Torres and Donado got together at the house of mid-April. Traveling rapidly, he reached the Guzman de Silva, the Spanish ambassador to the Spanish court at Cordova on 19 April; two days Republic of Genoa, with whom Torres was lodged. later he had a long and memorable audience with The nuncio and the Venetian ambassador now Philip I, who received Castagna at the same time. had much the same purpose in going to Spain. Although Torres got down to business without a Haste was necessary, and they requested the Si- moment’s delay, dilating at length on the Turkish gnoria to hurry the departure of the galley. danger, and Philip heard him ‘‘con allegra faccia Torres was assured that, to please his Holiness, e molta attenzione,” his Majesty said that concluthe doge and governors of Genoa would do their _ sion of the proposed league with Venice [and with best. The keel of the galley was tarred ‘‘con molta his Holiness] would have to be deferred, because furia,’’ as Torres wrote Bonelli on 23 March, and he was going with the court to Seville. The next provisions put aboard for the voyage. He hoped day, on 22 April, Torres dined with Philip’s chief to sail that night, but he and Donado were delayed minister, Cardinal Diego Espinosa, who told him

for two or three more days. While in Genoa that the king was prepared to accede to Torres’ Torres tried to determine the number of Philip two most immediate requests—first, he would orII’s galleys in Italian waters. Counting two Sa-_ der that the available galleys be assembled at Sicily voyard galleys and two belonging to Genoa, Philip under Giannandrea Doria, who was to obey the had twenty-three in the area as well as fifteen Nea- pope in all matters, and secondly, he would write politan and ten Sicilian galleys. Torres believed both to Don Garcia de Toledo, viceroy of Sicily, that the Hospitallers could be counted on for four and to Don Per Afan de Ribera, the duke of Algalleys, and the new grand duke Cosimo for six _cala, viceroy of Naples, to provide the Venetian light and two heavy galleys. The total was sixty fleet with victuals in accordance with the resources galleys. Although the twenty-three galleys at Genoa of the two kingdoms.

would sail very shortly for the Spanish outpost at The gist of Torres’ argument had been that La Goletta,'** Philip still had at his beck and call, neither the Venetians nor the Spanish forces, actapparently, a considerable force which he could ing alone, were a match for the Turks. ‘Together,

quickly set in motion against the Turks.'*° however, and with the addition of the papal and

Hospitaller galleys, they might put to sea a fleet a148ofDragonetti more than 250 galleys, a strength which the de Torres, op. cit., pp. 76-80, letter of Torres Gran Turco could not equal. They could take the to Bonelli, dated at Genoa on 23-24 March, 1570, and cf, ibid, offensive and do the Turks no end of damage. pp. 82-83, 103. Don Diego de Guzman de Silva had been One of the principal reasons for the Gran Turco’s chosen as Philip II’s ambassador to Venice, but since the Span- breaking with Venice had b hi tion that ish ambassador to Genoa had died recently, Guzman had been ca 1 8 wi enice had been Nis assump! one a ordered to remain in Genoa until he could be replaced. He the Signoria would have no hope of union with remained in Genoa for a year (Serrano, Correspondencia diplo- Spain, for he believed that Philip would be so

matica, nes. a Oe PP ani) Hee weations caught up .in the wars with the Netherlanders and orres _an onado an“Ne e nrst stage O e1riamission Spanish court, see Mario Brunetti and Eligio Vitale, eds., La the Moriscoes of Granada

Corrispondenza da Madrid dell’ ambasciatore Leonardo Dona, 2 that he will not be able to attend to both the one and

vols., Venice and Rome, 1963, I, nos. 4-14, pp. 5-25, docs. the other, and yet it will not be in keeping with the dated from 22 March to 11 May, 1570. . £ his Majestv that the results ‘49 According to Sigismondo di Cavalli, the Venetian am- power and greatness OF Ds majesty that te bassador to Spain, Philip II possessed 56 galleys of his own (26 should prove to be in accord with this assumption of the of Spain, 20 of Naples, and 10 of Sicily), and was leasing 24 Turk. others (10 of Giannandrea Doria, 4 of the Lomellini, 4 of the Centurioni, and 2 each of the Mari, the Sauli, and the Grimaldi),

making a total of 80 galleys. Although financial terms might ‘°° On Torres’ itinerary to the Spanish court at Cordova, cf. require adjustment here or there, another 20 galleys might be | Dragonetti de Torres, La Lega di Lepanto, pp. 82-83, 87, 90added from allied states (Savoy, Florence, Genoa, Malta), giving 91, 94-97, and on his effectiveness in dealing with Philip IJ, Philip a naval militia of some 100 galleys (Cavalli, ““Relazione Cardinal Espinosa, the secretary Antonio Pérez, and the memdi Spagna [1571],” in Albéri, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti, bers of the Council of State, see, ibid., pp. 97-115, Torres’

ser. I, vol. V [1861], pp. 171-72). lengthy letter to Bonelli, dated at Cordova on 24 April (1570).

958 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The union of Spain, Venice, and the Holy See more than 11,807 ducats by letters of exchange to do battle with the Turk quickly became the from Lyon.'”* It was difficult to bring pressure main concern of Philip’s Council of State, the upon royal debtors and, with another hard year Venetian Signoria, and the Roman Curia. On 1 ahead, the Venetians were looking to the grain April (1570) the Doge Pietro Loredan and the fields of Provence and Burgundy for ship’s biscuit Senate wrote the Venetian ambassador at Philip’s for the fleet.!°4 court—Cavalli was still there—that the latest dis- The Venetians, says Sereno, were opening up patches from the Levant indicated the pashas_ every road that led to money. Eight new Procuplanned to attack not only Cyprus but also Corfu _ratori di S. Marco were created, each of whom gave to prevent the union of the Spanish and Venetian the Signoria 20,000 scudi in cash in the guise of fleets. The ambassador was to convey to Philipand a loan. The procuratorship was the highest dignity his councilors the Senate’s conviction that nothing in Venice after the office of doge. Young nobles could be more important, as the war was begin- of at least eighteen years of age were admitted to ning, than that the two fleets should come together the Maggior Consiglio by the payment of one as soon as possible. It was, therefore, to be hoped hundred scudi. This was below the statutory age that the king would now order his navalarmament but, as Paruta says, they became eligible to vote into Sicilian waters, so that by adding its strength for all magistrates. Public properties were put up to that of Venice the allies might take effective for sale, and taxes and imposts of all sorts were action “‘per disturbar li dissegni del commune ini-_ increased. At the Mint or Zecca (now the south

mico.’’!?! end of the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana) officials As the Venetians looked forward fearfully to accepted deposits “‘to the great advantage of those

the inevitable costs of the war, they kept trying who brought in gold and silver,” according to with limited success to secure repayment of the Paruta, “‘and in various other ways one tried to loan of 200,000 scudi, which they had made to collect funds from every source.”’ By such means, Charles IX of France and his mother Catherine it was said, 300,000 scudi were raised.!°° de’ Medici. The Venetian ambassador in France, Men were in shorter supply than money. The

Alvise Contarini (who had been at his post for Signoria found it hard to put infantry enough almost a year), was to bring whatever pressure he aboard the galleys and other ships which were supcould upon their most Christian Majesties to meet posed to go to Corfu, Crete, and Cyprus. Besides their obligation to the Republic, which now had the numerous troops in the Dalmatian garrisons

such dire need of the money.'”? By 7 October and in those on a score of islands belonging to (1570), after the fall of Nicosia, to which we shall Venice, at the beginning of April (1570) the Sencome in due course, the Signoria had received no ate was wrestling with the recruitment and distri-

bution of some 18,000 troopers, not counting

—_———— other levies and not counting the 2,000 men who Torres dates his audience with Philip on 21 April (p. 99), Sigis- had sailed with Girolamo Martinengo at the end mondo di Cavalli puts it a day later (p. 96). On the concessions of March.!°© On the whole it was apparently made to Torres, note Philip’s letter of 24 April to his ambassador

Zuniga in Rome and Torres’ own letters of the same date to Pius V and Bonelli, in Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, III,

nos. 139-41, pp. 295-99, and see Torres’ memorandum to 'S3 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 77, fol. 11 [32]. Philip II, zbid., II, no. 152, pp. 324-29, doc. dated at Seville '54 Ibid., Reg. 77, fol. 17° [38"]. on 4 May, 1570. Cf Sereno, Commentari della guerra di Cipro 155 Sereno, Commentari della guerra di Cipro (1845), bk. I, p. (1845), pp. 45-46; Paruta, Storia della guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), 47; Paruta, Storia della guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), bk. 1, p. 60; bk. 1, pp. 32-36; Herre, Europdische Politik im Cyprischen Krieg Hill, Cyprus, III, 899.

(1902), pp. 84 ff. '56 Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 149° [194%], resolution of the

'5! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 69° [90"], all’ ambassator ap- Senate dated 4 April, 1570: ‘“‘Dovendosi dar espeditione a quel presso il Re Catholico, doc. dated 1 April, 1570; cf the Senate’s numero de fanti che sia abastanza per metter sopra |’ armada, letter of 4 April to Maximilian II, ibid., fols. 71.-72", and note _ |’ andera parte che oltra li fanti tremille espediti sotto I’ illustre

fol. 76. Signor Sforza Pallavicino, governator generale, et li milleot-

'52 Ibid., Reg. 76, fols. 69-70" [90-91"], all’ ambassator ap- _tocento che si doveno far da communita et altri secondo le loro presso il re Christianissimo, doc. dated 1 April, 1570, and note offerte che sono state accettate da questo Conseglio, |’ illustre fol. 90 [111]. As of mid-June the Senate expected the first Signor Paulo Ursino debba far fanti millecinquecento per moninstalment of the French debt to be paid, and arranged for tar sopra le galie grosse et sottil o altri legni armati sotto quelli transmission of the funds to Venice (ibid., fols. 104°-105" capi da esser per lui nominati et con quel stipendio per essi capi [125’-126"]). Alvise Contarini’s commission as Venetian am-__ che parera al Collegio nostro. Li altri fanti fino al numero de bassador to France, replacing Giovanni Corner, tlquale deve, _undesemillesiecento [11,600] siano distributi come qua sotto havendo finito il suo tempo, venir a repatriare, is dated 27 April, . . . [upon which are given the names of certain infantry com-

1569 (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fols. 4 ff. [25 ff.]). manders and the number of troops under them]. +164, 2, 5.”

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 959 harder to find oarsmen than infantry, and on 9 bottomless pit. A few months later (on 31 July) the April the Senate declined an offer of horse and Senate voted to send him another 25,000 ducats foot from one of the German dukes in search of ‘“‘per le spese che li occorreno per giornata per adventure.!*’ As the year wore on, money became ___ |’ armata nostra.’’!°° almost as difficult to find as oarsmen, and the costs

of the fleet became ever more burdensome.!** Pius V had also been looking for money, and On 18 April (1570) Girolamo Zane was voted so had Philip II. It was reported from Rome on his formal commission as captain-general of the 29 April (1570) that his Holiness was determined sea “‘in questo importantissimo tempo et occasione to furnish the Venetians with all possible aid “‘per della guerra con il Turco.”” He was instructed to la guerra contra Turchi.”’ To start with, he was remain in Dalmatian waters until the Senate could supposed to arm fifteen galleys, of which he would send him the galleys which were still being armed, appoint a commander who would be subject to the and to await the arrival of Sforza Pallavicini, the Venetians’ captain-general Zane. The papal com‘governor general,” and the officers who would mander might be either Cardinal Alvise Corner soon join him with 12,000 infantry and with the (Cornaro) or Gianfrancesco Commendone, both 1,500 ‘“‘sappers”’ or “‘pioneers”’ (guastadom1), whom Venetians; if his Holiness stepped outside the the Senate had decided to put aboard the fleet. Curia, however, the command of his galleys might Zane must keep in close touch with the rectors of be given to the Roman Marc’ Antonio Colonna. Corfu, Zante, Cephalonia, Cerigo, and Crete, and Cardinal Michele Bonelli had just held a “‘congreobviously he was to watch the “‘andamenti et pro-__ gatione”’ in his house, to which the Roman barons

gressi” of the Turkish armada, especially of the had been summoned. Bonelli had told them that

galleys which had recently left Istanbul. the pope wanted them to provide men to serve as As captain-general in a time of crisis, Zane re- oarsmen and the money to pay them, i.e., he ceived the usual rights of commandeering and wanted four men from every hundred of the arming any galley, fusta, or ship he needed, of households (fuochi) of their vassals. The pope opening any and all letters addressed to the Si- would provide the oarsmen with food to the extent gnoria, and of punishing galley commanders and _ of two scudi a month as well as monthly wages of others who disregarded the prohibitions against another two scudi, but in any event no household trade or who sought in any way to defraud the would be taxed for more than one scudo a year.'°! state of public funds. The struggle to prevent cor- Philip II had, to be sure, agreed to make supplies ruption was everlasting and often unsuccessful in and munitions available to the Venetians from the Venice and especially in the colonies, where sur- _ stores in the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily. He had

veillance was more difficult. also ordered Giannandrea Doria (as he had prom-

Zane was to maintain the galleys, their tackle, ised Torres) to assemble the available galleys in Sicand all equipment in as good condition as possible. ily. It was clear, however, that Philip would not The troublous times were consuming oars, sails, send his fleet against the Turks, and would not join and armaments at two or three times the normal the league with Venice, until the pope granted him rate, i doppio et forse il triplo di quello che si soleva the “‘sussidio”’ (el subsidio) and the ‘“‘cruzada’’ that

consumar ad altri tempi! The extent of the “‘con- he had been seeking unsuccessfully for months. sumption”? induced by the troublous times is illustrated by the fact that Zane now received the

sum of 145,167 ducats for expenses.'°? ItOnwas aa Pallavicini, note Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 121 [142], and on the colossal costs of the Venetian fleet, cf fol. 125 [146],

and, ibid., Reg. 77, fol. 1’ [22"|. After the Turkish capture of

'87 hid., Reg. 39, fol. 151% [196"]. Nicosia, Pallavicini requested and was granted leave to return '58 Ibid., Reg. 39, fol. 237" [282"], and esp. fol. 243" [288"], to Venice (Reg. 77, fol. 28 [49]). Oars, sails, and weaponry

doc. dated 14 November, 1570. continued to be ‘‘consumed’’ at two or three times the normal '59 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fols. 78'-80" [99'-101*], docs. rate (ibid., fol. 51° [72°], doc. dated 30 January, 1571 [Ven. dated 15 and 18 April, 1570. The Senate had some difficulty style 1570)). deciding upon certain details in Zane’s commission which need "6° Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 204” [249”]. not detain us here. Grains for ship’s biscuit were a constant and 161 Cod. Urb. lat. 1041, pt. 1, fol. 270°, avviso of 29 April, very serious problem (ibid., fols. 81 [102], 89°[110"]), andillness 1570. Earlier in the month it had apparently been decided that

quickly beset the oarsmen, 200 of whom had to be replaced the pope should spend 12,000 scudi a month for six months (fol. 93 [114]). Zane seems now to have been joined by one to ‘“‘arm”’ or maintain the galleys he was putting at the service Don Francesco Giuara, a Neapolitan knight of Malta, essendosi of the Venetian Signoria, and Cardinal Giovanni Ricci was holdtrovato nell’ ultimo assedio di Malta, who had volunteered for ing ‘‘congregations”’ in his house to devise ways of finding the service against the Turks (fol. 81" [102”], and cf. fol. 84°[105"]).. money (ibid., fol. 255”, doc. dated 5 April).

960 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Philip and his councilors found union with the d’ Angennes, bishop of Le Mans and the French Venetians difficult, for they had no faith in the self- ambassador in Rome, was among them. He assumed seeking Signoria.'®? But Philip was persistent, and _ the title Cardinal of Rambouillet, and his letters to so were his representatives in Rome. At length on Charles [IX from the Curia Romana are an important 22 May (1571) the ambassador Juan de Zuniga could — source for the history of the troubled years 1570write Philip that, although the league had still not = 1571.1®”

° . . 163

been concluded, Pius had agreed to the concession In fact in early May (1570) Rambouillet wrote of both the cruzada and the subsidio at an audience Charles that ne mad nae with his * oliness i; sana April the pope is firmly resolved to aid the Venetians to the cw ays a ter the News ispatc 0 pr > — fullest extent of his power in this war against the Turks, 1570, in which it was said that Pius V was getting and he is expecting very soon the hulls of twenty-four ready to arm fifteen galleys, another report (of 3 galleys which are being sent to Ancona so that the pope, May) represents him as “‘resolved to arm twenty- in accordance with his promise, may arm and maintain four galleys for the service of the Venetian Si- | them—I do not know how he will make out, not because gnoria.”’ Twelve of these galleys were supposed to _ of the expense, but because of the lack of seamen whom reach Ancona in a few days. His Holiness was in a he can recruit in this state. As for the expense, his Hofinancial quandary, owing to “‘such excessive ex- liness is preparing to be able to meet it, if it is not expenses.”’ He had to find money, “‘and therefore the cessively large. In the first place he has taken over the

; office of is chamberlain [/’ de camerlingat|, having depromotion of cardinals regarded as estat certain—ac;and ; ,; he di h a h b Il prived his nephew Alessandrino of it, has sold coraing to the common op ron the number wl it for 68,000 gold scudi to Cardinal [Alvise] Corner.

be from ten to twelve... 0 The news dispatch Many persons have wondered about it, but he has

of 3 May (like that of 29 April) was prepared by a wanted to start with his own nephew, so that neither the Fugger agent in Rome for transmission to Venice office-holders nor others could complain if, in a war of and thence to Augsburg. The agent was well in- such importance and for a cause so just, he should put formed, for two weeks later (on 17 May) in his third some tax on them. As I understand it, his Holiness might and last promotion Pius created sixteen cardinals.'®’ _ well have got 20,000 or 25,000 scudi more for the office According to Sereno. each of them paid 30,000 of chamberlain, but he has never wanted to see it in the ducats for his red hat.!®* In any event Charles @nds of a cardinal-prince or a Roman.

ee Perhaps recruitment would be so difficult, - after all, for already the roadsnot to Ancona were full '®2 On Philip’s efforts to secure concession of the financial fF ar | h

““graces’’ he sought, especially the cruzada, see Serrano, Cor- oF mercenaries seeking emp oyment against the respondencia diplomdtica, III, nos. 71, 77, 80, 83, 87,117,119, Turks. Rambouillet could also inform Charles that 124, 128, 134, pp. 145 ff. There was little love lost between a courier from Sicily had just brought the news to Spain and Venice, as Castagna wrote Cardinal Bonelli from Rome that Selim II’s fleet would contain at least Cordova (on 25 April, 1570): Philip might be willing to oblige 17 galleys, that Piali Pasha had set sail with the the pope, ‘‘ma circa la conclusione della Lega sua Santita potra ; essere prevenuta et apparecchiata a due cose: una di dare aiuto first one hundred galleys on S. George's day (23 a questo Re, et qui non si trova cosa che sia pit ala mano né April), and that Ali Pasha would soon be following piu utile né piu grata che la Cruciata; |’ altra che vi é assai poca. = with the other seventy, ‘le tout pour i entreprise amorevolezza verso li Signori Venetiani per non haversi voluto qe Cypre.’?!68

mai movere in aiuto d’ altri, et molto manco confidenza che Toe d h dof M 1570) the V . ogni volta che potessero uscire de la guerra non lo faccino oward the end o ay ( )t © eneian

volentieri, lassando |’ impresa sopra altri et mirando solo Senate voted to send another forty infantry to all’ interesse proprio . . .” (ibid., no. 143, p. 304-5). On the protect the island of Pag, where the salt flats and

PastorFastor, Braces Papas VII Gen oa e8), geum J oo ter.repr. warehouses were. exposed to Turkish raids from cj. Gescn. dad. Fapste, ; ,an Oa, 169 La Hacienda real de Castilla (1977), p. 611. the nearby town of Obrovac,’°*” the westernmost '65 Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, IV (1914), no. 132,

p. 295: “[Su Santidad] nunca avia querido hazello hasta en la audiencia que tuve con él a los 16 deste, que me offresci6 de 167 Charrieére, Négociations, III (1853, repr. 1965), 112 ff.,

dar ahora la cruzada y el subsidio aunque la liga no se 143 ff., and see Chas.-Martial de Witte, ‘“‘Notes sur les ambas-

hiziesse.. . .” sadeurs de France a Rome et leur correspondance sous les der164 Cod. Urb. lat. 1041, pt. 1, fol. 269°, avviso dated 3 May, __ niers Valois (1556-1589), Mélanges del’ Ecole francaise de Rome,

1570, and on the pope’s twenty-four galleys, note Serrano, LX XXIII (1971), 106-8.

Correspondencia diplomatica, III, no. 149, p. 316. '©8 Charriére, III, 113, and cf Sereno, Commentari della '©° Van Gulik, Eubel, Schmitz-Kallenberg, Hierarchia Catho- guerra di Cipro (1845), bk. 1, p. 51, for other papal efforts to lica, III (1923), 43-44, and see esp. Acta Consistorialia, Acta raise money. Miscellanea, Reg. 36, fols. 67'-68", by mod. stamped enumer- "89 Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 180% [225°], resolution of the

ation. Senate dated 27 May, 1570, the vote being +185, 0, 1, and '6° Sereno, Commentari della guerra di Cipro (1845), bk. 1, p. note in general the report which Giovanni da Lezze, provve51, which is very doubtful. ditore generale of Dalmatia, read in the Senate on 17 February,

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM Il 961 stronghold of the Turks during their century and bassador Don Juan de Zuniga, to negotiate a a half in Dalmatia (1527-1685). The Venetian ‘“‘league, confederation, and union with the most fleet was still at Zara in the northern Adriatic, but illustrious Republic of Venice,” the purpose being on 30 May the Senate approved the text ofa letter to resist and oppose, to attack and invade the Turk, to the captain-general Girolamo Zane, informing the common enemy of Christendom.'”* On the same him that word had now come from Michele Suri- day Philip wrote Zuniga that although he yielded an, their ambassador in Rome, to the effect that to Pope Pius’s just exhortation to join the proposed Pius V had just ordered Giannandrea Doriatojoin league, he could only do so “‘sobre el fundamento the fleet of the Catholic king to that of the Re- del socorro y ayuda que su Santidad me ha de hazer public. Philip’s fleet would consist of “‘at least fifty- | por medio de las gracias que se le proponen.. . .”’ five galleys with at least a hundred good soldiers The pope must grant him the financial “graces’’ he aboard each galley.’ (The Venetians usually sent needed or he would be powerless to move. To assist out sixty soldiers to a galley.) The four galleys of | Zuniga and the royal commissioners in their nethe Hospitallers were supposed also to be added ___gotiations with Venice and the Holy See, Philip sent to the naval forces of Venice and Spain. The Sen- a copy of the terms upon which the holy league ate took pleasure in the knowledge that the galleys of 1537 had been formed.'” In another letter to of the Hospitallers would be under the command Zuniga, Philip indicated that while he was prepared of the prior of Messina, Fra Pietro Giustinian, a to accept the league, his commissioners must make

Venetian noble. certain of the cruzada and other financial concesThe galleys were to assemble at Corfu. It would _ sions.'”4

hardly be fitting for Philip’s galleys to reach Cor- On 16 May Philip also wrote the pope, comfiote waters before those of the Signoria. Zane was, mending the latter’s wisdom for advocating a therefore, to set the Venetian fleet in order ‘‘with league of the Christian princes against the power, every exact diligence,’ and press on to Corfu for insolence, and ambition of the Turk, which was the union of the chief naval armaments of Chris- increasing with every passing day. Wishing to sat-

tendom. Zane would know how to serve the Re- isfy his Holiness, he had decided to enter the public, with God’s help, “‘havendo per principal league under the terms he had explained to the

il batter |’ armata Turchescha!’’!”° nuncio, Don Luis de Torres. His representatives

Pius V was also supplying galleys, as we have in Rome—Zuniga, Granvelle, and Pacheco— seen, and a large part of the oarsmen and others would confer with the Venetians and with those who were going aboard the papal vessels had al- whom his Holiness would select for the deliberaready arrived in Ancona. Pius had acted quickly. tions.'’° Zaniga and his confréres received the His allies should act quickly. As the doge and Sen- most detailed instructions. First of all, facing such

ate cautioned Donado, their ambassador at Phil- heavy financial burdens (in Flanders and elseip’s court, in an urgent letter of 10 June (1570)— ~~ where), Philip needed the financial concessions and he was to pass the warning on to the king— from the papacy. The league was to be against the they must not allow “the enemy’s armada to go infidels. The Turk was the chief infidel, but there roving freely through the sea, to embark on any were others, “‘such as the king of Algiers, the govundertaking it might choose, as much against the — ernor of Tripoli, and he who holds Tunis.” Every states of his Majesty as against our own.’??”! problem was anticipated, and provided for; after The pope was moving quickly, and so were the all, as every Hapsburg knew, when one dealt with Venetians, too quickly for Philip II, who usually Venice, he must be on the alert.!7° took a long time to make up his mind. In a formal From Seville on 18 May (1570) Sigismondo di statement, however, to which the royal seal was Cavalli and Leonardo Donado wrote the Signoria attached on 16 May, 1570, Philip gave full powers that Philip IT had not yet ordered his fleet to join to Cardinals Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle and that of Venice. Among his reasons were that it did Francisco Pacheco de Toledo, along with his am-

~~ 330-31.

'72 Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, U1, no. 153, pp.

1571, in Simeon Ljubic, Commissiones et relationes venetae, I11 ' Ibid., U1, no. 154, pp. 331-33. (Zagreb, 1880), no. XXXII, pp. 249-67, esp. p. 258 (Monu- '74 Tbid., U1, no. 155, p. 335, and ef. no. 156. menta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, XJ). 175 Thid., WI, no. 157, pp. 337-39. '7° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 98" [119%], al capitanio general 76 Tbid., U1, nos. 158-60, pp. 339-51, docs. dated 16 May,

da mar, doc. dated 30 May, 1570, and cf: fols. 100"[121"], 101” 1570. Since 19 January (1570) ‘“‘he who holds Tunis’’ was Ulujff., 105. On Giustinian, the prior of Messina, note, ibid., Reg. Ali, known in the West as Occhiali, the so-called king of Algiers,

77, fol. 34 [55]. who had just expelled the pro-Spanish ruler (Braudel, La Médi'71 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 102" [123°]. terranée, 11[1966], 364-65).

962 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT not seem proper for the Venetian captain-general, only to resist the Turk but to subdue him. Pius Girolamo Zane, to issue commands to Giannan-_ then closed with the usual pontifical, crusading drea Doria, the captain of the galleys of Spain, peroration—if his personal presence would in any Naples, and Sicily, and that it was not in keeping way serve the cause, he would happily join the with his royal dignity that the Venetian fleet Catholic host, and be among the first to die ‘‘for should be so much larger than his as to cast it into _ the glory of God and the well-being of the Christhe shadow. In replying to their ambassadors’ let- tian commonwealth.” ter the doge and Senate declared (on 10 June) that On 2 July Pius presented Philip’s representasuch was the common cause of Christendom _ tives and the Venetian ambassador with a draft of against the Turk that everyone aboard the allied the terms on which the league might be based, fleets would have but one desire and a single will, ‘‘Ila forma delle capitolationi,’’ which had been the assumption being that there would be no con- composed by a commission of cardinals. It was flict of command. Although the Venetians could agreed that the terms or capitulations of the holy by themselves hold out for some time against the league of 1537-1538 should be the basis of their Turkish forces, it would be perilous. Maneuvers negotiations, “‘la Lega senza tempo et perpetua.” at sea were time-consuming; one could not easily It was a grandiose abstraction,

advance or retreat as one chose. One might find . himself forced into combat at a disadvantage or which was approved by the Venetian ambassador in or-

, , der not to foment the suspicion which many persons

obliged to let the enemy slip away to do as he have that the Signoria wanted to form the league for pleased. The ambassadors must try to persuade no other reason than to save time and for no other Philip to order Doria’s fleet to join that of Venice purpose than to have the help of the king’s fleet. to avoid such sad alternatives which could bring

either loss or shame to Christendom.!7” Endless discussions of the manifold details and

When Philip II’s three deputies and the Vene- difficulties which stood in the way of another holy tian ambassador Michele Surian had all received league began on Tuesday, 4 July. their commissions and instructions, Pius V sum- The negotiators were called upon to consider moned them to an audience on 1 July (1570). He the dangers brought about by the coming Turkish made a “long discourse’”’ on the sad state of Chris- attack upon Cyprus [the sultan’s forces landed at tian affairs and on what had to be done as a pre- Limassol and Salines on 1-3 July], the shortness lude to lessening God’s wrath for their sins. A Of time available to meet the emergency, and the league and union of the Christian princes, espe- question of who was to bear how much of the cially of Philip and the ‘‘Serenissima Signoria” of _ burden and costs of an expedition against the Venice, was going to be necessary “to repress the enemy. Without papal concession of the cruzada insolence and fury of that dog [the Turk] and not and the excusado Philip II could not afford to enter to allow him to go on gaining further strength.” the league and take the offensive against the

Pius spoke of the threatened kingdom of Cyprus, Turks, according to the Spanish, for he rewhich must be kept in Christian hands, for it was quired the immediate financial returns from these the only avenue of approach to the kingdom of ‘“‘graces’’ to keep his galleys at sea. Philip also

Jerusalem and the Holy Sepulcher. wanted Pius to revoke the exemption from these

Pius said that when the league had been con- 1mposts which had been granted the mendicant orcluded between Philip and the Signoria, the Em-_ ders and certain ecclesiastical corporations. If Spain peror Maximilian would be invited to join it, as helped Venice in the eastern Mediterranean, Venice

first in authority among the temporal princes. ™ust help Spain in North Africa. There were many While the articles of the projected league could problems; it was heavy sledding all the way. not be put into effect for the year 1570, the fleets Who was to be the commander-in-chief? ‘There of the Catholic king and the Signoria could be put Was general agreement that it should be Don John together, and they would be strong enough not Of Austria, but who should be second in command?

How should conquered territory be divided?

—————— Should ecclesiastical censures be directed against 177 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 103° [124"], allt ambassatoriin any member that let down the allies by making Spagna, doc. dated 10 June, 1570, and cf Paruta, Storia della peace with the Turks? The emperor should be guerre a Cipro (ed. I 827), oe 1 PP "May (1570), haw ot Cavall invited to join the league, and what other princes? lished by Mario Brunetti and Eligio Vitale, La Corrispondenza The Venetians wanted the league to concentrate da Madrid dell’ ambasciatore Leonardo Dond (1570-1573), | Ws attention immediately on Cyprus. Cardinal

(1963), no. 17, pp. 30-31 (Fondazione Giorgio Cini). Granvelle, who was very hard to deal with, and

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 963 the Spanish were more concerned with taking ac- (and the Senate), on 3 June, wrote the Venetian tion against Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis. The dis- ambassadors at the courts of both Maximilian II cussions—numerous, intense, and heated during and Philip I] that a Turkish state messenger July-—went on for months, with sometimes pro- (chiaus), who had left Istanbul on 16 April, was longed interruptions, but failed to achieve for- responsible for spreading rumors from Buda “‘that

mation of the league.'”® an accord was being negotiated with us [at the

There was small likelihood that the Emperor Porte], and that our bailie had recovered his freeMaximilian would enter the league, for his eight dom.” The rumors were an utter falsehood and years’ peace with the Porte still had a half-dozen fraud, a Turkish device to arouse the suspicions years to run. Sigismund Augustus of Poland could of the Christian princes and detract from their not afford to become embroiled with the Turks. willingness to join the anti-Turkish union the pope He was having trouble enough with the Musco- was promoting. Although Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, vites. Pius V could hardly appeal to Elizabeth, the bailie in Istanbul, had contrived secretly to queen of England, whom he had excommunicated _ send some letters from the Bosporus, he had writand deposed (on 25 February, 1570).'’° As far as ten absolutely nothing ‘“‘per nome de Turchi,”’ nor she was concerned, the island of Cyprus scarcely had any communication of any sort (pratica 0 coexisted. The French had been friends of the Turks mercio) been addressed to the Turks from Venice for almost two generations. Also, like Elizabeth, since 4 December (1569), ‘‘which today is a full six Catherine de’ Medici wanted somehow or other months ago.”

to push the Spanish out of the Netherlands. No The Turks had broken the peace with Venice, Franco-Spanish league was possible. Charles IX which they had sworn to observe only a short while could not be persuaded to join Venice and Spain — before, and the Senate was resolved to have noth-

against the Turks; in fact Charles had offered to ing to do with them. Maybe it looked as though try to make peace between the sultan and the _ the bailie had been set free in Istanbul. The Turks Venetians.'*® Despite the election of Alvise Mo- might appear to have ended his imprisonment to cenigo, the leader of the war party, as doge of give an air of verisimilitude to their malicious reVenice (on 11 May, 1570), it was widely believed _ ports of a “‘pratica d’ accordo”’ and to stir up susthat the Venetians were searching for a way to _ picions among the Christian princes. The imperial

avoid war with the Turks.!®! and Spanish courts could rest assured, however, Less than a month after his election Mocenigo _ that the bailie was being closely guarded by the

__ Turks, as were the Venetian merchants, who had 178 | | | been imprisoned, and whose goods had been seDumont, Corps unwersel diplomatique, V-1 (1728), no. XCI, questered from Istanbul to Syria and Alexan-

pp. 184-200, Michele Surian’s diary of the negotiations from dria. !82

2 July to 21 November, 1570, also in Sereno, Commentari della . .

guerra di Cipro, append., no. 1, pp. 393 ff.; Serrano, Correspon- The lords of the lagoon were justly alarmed. dencia diplomdtica, U1, nos. 175-76, 179, 181, 182, 183-84, They were suspected. Zuniga wrote Philip I] from

ee ane 90 86 20, as wenn PP eee Rome on 20 June (1570) that, asde he :understood an , nos. 26,Boe 29,oteetc., pp. 3 Serrano, La Liga :.

Lepanto entre Espana, Venecia la Santa Sede ( 1570-1573) I it, the Venetians no longer had any desire to see (Madrid, 1918), 85-94; Pastor, Hist. Popes, XVII, 382-99, and __ the league put into effect, ‘‘and I believe that they

Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII (repr. 1958), 561-74. regret having proposed it,” for they were almost ms Rawdon VITUS 90). G. yee a nd of B. certain of suffering defeat during the summer that

... 4 Venice, , no. , pp. —51, and cf. J. B. ‘nl .

Black, The Reign of Elizabeth (1358-1603), Oxford, 1959, pp. lay ahead 2 the Turk and of Having done oy ‘ch '8° Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, III, no. 171, pp. the league.'*° As the Venetians became increas379-80, a letter of Zifiga to Philip II, dated at Rome on 5 ingly dissatisfied with the negotiations, which were June, 1570, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 89° [110°], doc. dragging on in Rome, they did look for the means

datedn 5Alvise May, 1570.00 . of ending the cf war which Storia had begun Mocenigo’s election, Paruta, dellain2,earnest .

guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), bk. 1, p. 63; H. Kretschmayr, Ge- when Piali Pasha entered the Aegean with some schichte von Venedig, III (1934, repr. 1964), 54; S. Romanin, eighty galleys in April (1570). Through the sumStoria documentata di Venezia, V1 (18577), 283; and esp. the letters

of Facchinetti to Bonelli, dated 6 and 13 May, in Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, nos. 187, 189, pp. 269, 272. It was commonly said

that, as leader of the peace party, the Doge Pietro Loredan "82 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fols. 99-101 [120-122], docs. had preferred to lose Cyprus ‘‘piuttosto che perder l’ amicizia dated 3 June, 1570. del Gran Turco” (Sereno, Commentari della guerra di Cipro 183 Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, III, no. 180, p. 401,

[1845], bk. 1, p. 48). and La Liga de Lepanto, I, 86.

964 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT mer and fall of that fatal year the bailie Marc’ An- and sailors setting out against the Turks.'®° On tonio Barbaro, who was not a member of the war the same day Marco Loredan, bishop of Nona party, did unofficially discuss possible terms of peace (Nin) in Dalmatia, was issued the “‘faculty’’ of abwith the pashas. Why not? Peace would have to be — solving militantes contra Turcas and granting them,

made sometime, and in the bailie’s opinion, the under the usual conditions, a plenary indulgence sooner the groundwork was laid, the better. for all their sins.'°’ And on the following day (11 In Venice the nuncio Facchinetti continued to June) Marc’ Antonio Colonna, the duke of Palihave misgivings about the Signoria. He was well ano, then thirty-five years of age, received his com-

aware of the Venetians’ reliance upon the Le- mission as captain-general of the fleet of his Hovantine trade, and had no doubt of their desire to _ liness and of the Holy See ‘‘against the Turks, who

reach an accord with the Gran Turco. On 26 Au- are undertaking a great war for the destruction gust (1570) he warned Cardinal Girolamo Rusti- of the Venetians and of all Christians.”’

cucci, who was then handling the affairs of the Colonna was to be given a monthly stipend of Vatican secretariat of state ‘‘mostrando che tutti 600 scudi, at the rate of ten silver groats (paulz) 1 principi conoscono quanto importa a questa Re-__ to the scudo, plus the usual provision for twelve

publica il commertio di Levante, et che percid chosen soldiers, commonly called “‘lanze spezdebbono sospettare ch’ ella, potendo, cerchera ate,’ and twenty-four halberdiers, the latter to accordarsicol Turco.. . .”'®* A monthorso later serve as his bodyguard. With his appointment as (on 20 September) Facchinetti wrote Rusticucci captain-general, Colonna received all the customthat the pope could take it for granted ‘‘che il bailo ary rights, privileges, honors, and jurisdictions, in Constantinopoli € stato et € di continuo tentato with authority over all the commanders and sold’ accordo.”’ Concerned with the toil and trouble diers aboard the papal galleys: ““Therefore, my of war—and its sad outlook—the Signoria had not son, you will strive to act and discharge this reinstructed the bailie to desist. But they were re- sponsibility, which we willingly entrust to you, with

luctant to give the least countenance to his ne- such diligence and dispatch that you will prove gotiations, for experience had shown that no ac- equal to our and to all men’s great expectation of cord with the Turk would carry the assurance of you.”’!** their safety. If the bailie’s activities caused the Christian princes to distrust and abandon them, ————— the Venetians knew that they would lose Cyprus. '8® Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Sec. Brevia, Reg. 14, fol. 212, by If a safe and sensible opportunity arose to make __ original foliation. peace with the Turk with some guarantees as to "7 Ibid., Reg. 14, fol. 213: “Cupientes pro nostri pastoralis the future, they would certainly take it, “for the officil sollicitudine animam quorumcunque Christifidelium, fofc war] th sbis .ecomuns burd f too praesertim istis Dalmatiae costt [o SurdensomeinfOr Turcas Christianaepartibus, fidei hostesadversus militantiumperfidissimos seu pugnantium them, and this city cannot maintain itself without © saluti opportune consulere, tibi. . .[etc.] auctoritate apostolica

trade with the Levant.’’!®° tenore praesentium licentiam concedimus et facultatem.

. . .’ Copies of this brief and that alluded to in the preceding

. stampe enumeration.

Whatever the limited financial and unlimited °t¢ may be found also, ibid., Reg. 15, fols. 126-27, by mod. sp iritual resources of the Holy See could do to '88 Sec. Brevia, Reg. 14, fol. 176, by original foliation, brief assist the Venetians against the Turks Was being dated 11 June, 1570, and cf, ibid., fol. 177. I have followed the done. In a brief of 10 June (1570) to Girolamo archival copy of Colonna’s brief of appointment rather than Zane, classis inclytae Venetorum reipublicae capitaneus the text given by Alberto Guglielmotti, Storia della marina pon-

genera lis, Pius V authorized the nomination for tificia, V1: Marcantonio Colonna alla Battaglia di Lepanio | 1 ) 70: board the V £5 i] £ 1573], Rome, 1887, pp. 12-13, note, whose text differs service aboard the enetlan galleys OF as Many — somewhat from the archival copy, which (for example) assigns

secular and regular priests as might be necessary Colonna a bodyguard of twenty-four, not twenty-five, halberto provide for the religious needs of all the soldiers — diers, etc. A copy of the brief of 11 June addressed to Colonna may also be found in the Sec. Brevia, Reg. 15, fols. 106-107’, by mod. stamped enumeration. The brief merely put into writing certain details relating to Colonna’s command as captain'84 Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, no. 240, p. 336. The cardinal- general of the Church.

nephew Bonelli, who was secretary of state, was ill for some Colonna’s appointment had come a month before the brief: time (tbid., IX, no. 213, p. 302, letter of Rusticucci to Bonelli, “‘Agli 11 di Maggio de 1570, dopo aver il Cardinal Colonna dated at Rome on 8 July, 1570). Rusticucci served in his place. | solennemente cantato la messa pontificale dello Spirito Santo '85 Stella, Nunz. Venezia, 1X, no. 253, p. 352, and on the nella solita Cappella papale, [sua Santita] gli diede di sua mano Spanish distrust of Venice, cf Francesco Longo, Successo della __le insegne del generalato con lo stendardo grandissimo di daguerra fatta con Selim Sultano, Arch. stor. italiano, append. to vol. masco rosso. . . col motto gia da Dio. . . In hoc signo vinces”’

IV (1847), no. 17, pp. 16-17. (Sereno, Commentari della guerra di Cipro [1845], bk. 1, p. 46,

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 965 Charles de Rambouillet was not so sure that all 1570. (When he reached Crete, however, he was going well. In a dispatch of 5 June (1570) he would decide to go no farther.) Sebastiano Venier had apprised Charles IX of the fact that Pius had was made provveditore generale of the island of decided to make Colonna the commander of his Cyprus, and word came from Rome that Marc’ Angalleys: ‘I think he will be leaving [for Venice] in tonio Colonna had received the baton for comeight or ten days, and I fear that the number of mand of the papal galleys. Colonna was expected his Holiness’s galleys could not be so large as one to arrive in Venice shortly. Reports from Corfu

was hoping.”’ The league against the Turk did and Zante indicated seem to be progressing. The pope’s commission that one still did not know for certain where the Turkish to help with the negotiations consisted of Cardi- armada was (although it was said to be at Negroponte), nals Morone, Bonelli, Cesi, Grassi, Aldobrandini, that in the Morea all the sipahis were ready to be em-

and Rusticucci. barked aboard the armada, and that the Turks in those

The Venetians were making a lot of noise, but [two] places were beset with great fear. (at least in Rambouillet’s opinion) they were arm- In fact many of the Turks were fleeing into the ing very slowly. They conducted their affairs with woods, and the Jews along the shores had also fled the greatest secrecy, and it was widely believed in inland. Furthermore, “‘they say that the pope has Italy that they were seeking an accord with the written the lord Giannandrea Doria, and sent him Turks. Pius was very active, “but in my opinion _ the Catholic king’s command that he must proceed to very little effect, arming no other galleys than immediately to Corfu with his galleys to unite those which the Venetians are furnishing, of which them with the Venetian fleet... .”’!%°

only four have appeared at Ancona, entirely The news dispatch was of course that of a Fugstripped, in very poor condition, and quite without ger agent, and as usual he was correct. On 9 July rigging.”’ Most of Philip IT’s galleys were in Sicily Pius V sent off a brief to Pietro del Monte, the under the command of Giannandrea Doria, who — grand master of the Hospital, informing him that was said to be “‘le meilleur homme de mer qui soit ‘‘during these past days we wrote our beloved son a son service.’’ Thus far Doria had received no Giannandrea Doria that he should unite the galorders to add his galleys to those of Venice.'®? leys he had with him as soon as possible with the According to a news dispatch from Venice, Pal- Venetian fleet.” Unfortunately, however, as Pius lavicino Rangone was being sent to Famagusta _ told del Monte, Doria could not manage this as with a thousand ducats on Saturday, 17 June, quickly as had been hoped, “‘owing to certain difficulties”’ (ob quaedam impedimenta). Nevertheless,

—_—_—_—_— Pius wanted del Monte to send the Hospitaller and note Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, I11, no. 170, p. galleys to Corfu at the very first chance he had in

376). order that they might operate with the papal galOn 15 May (1570) Franciscus Ballionus, noster et Apostolicae leys under the command of Marc’ Antonio Co-

Sedis notarius, was appointed commissioner-general of the papal ] 191

galleys (Sec. Brevia, Reg. 14, fols. 164-65, by original foliation, onna. . .

and Reg. 15, fols. 102—3, by mod. stamped enumeration). Pius V assured the Venetian ambassador in Although, as Michele Ghislieri, Pius V had received the red Rome, “in accord with the orders and dispatches hat from Paul IV Carafa (on 15 March, 1557), and had been which had come from the most serene Catholic a friend of the Carafeschi, he appreciated Colonna’s ability and king,” that he had sent a brief to Doria, dire cting integrity. Colonna, as we have seen, had taken the field against ; ec i . Paul 1V, and had been the enemy of the Carafa family. Under him to add the “fifty or so galleys under his comPius IV de’ Medici, another enemy of the Carafeschi, Colonna mand to those of the Venetian fleet.'°* And Pius had secured the restoration of his lands and rights (on 17 July, 1562), on which see Fabio Gori, ‘“‘Paolo IV ed i Carafa,”’ Archivio

storico, artistico, archeologico e letterario, 1 (1877-78), 315-17, '99 Cod. Urb. lat. 1041, pt. 2, fol. 285, avviso from Venice and Pastor, Hist. Popes, XV, 175-76, and Gesch. d. Papste, VII of 19 June, 1570, and cf Facchinetti’s letter to Rusticucci of

(repr. 1957), 139-40. 5 August (Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, no. 231, p. 324): “Il signor

"8° Charriére, III, 115-16. In his report to the Venetian _ Pallavicino Rangone insieme col clarissimo messer Sebastiano Senate, given probably in late February, 1571, Sigismondo di Veniero, proveditore di Corfu, erano stati spediti dal clarisCavalli said of Giannandrea Doria (“‘Relazione di Spagna,” in _simo generale [Zane] sopra due buonissime galere per far pruova Albéri, Relazioni degl ambasciatori veneti, ser. I, vol. V [1861], _d’ entrare in Famagosta—é riputata impresa quasi impossibile p. 174): ““Dei capi che comandano nell’ armata diS.M. Cattolica. . . ,” for the war of Cyprus was already under way.

senza dubbio Gian Andrea Doria é il piu intelligente e pratico '9! Sec. Brevia, Reg. 14, fol. 238, by original foliation, brief della professione per il molto tempo che ha navigato da sé e _— dated 9 July, 1570. A copy of this brief may also be found, sotto il principe suo zio, ma fino ad ora non si € veduto in lui _ibid., Reg. 15, fol. 139. quella prudenza che si ricercheria ad un generalato; onde e per '92 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 108 [129], al capitanio general questo, e per qualche altra sua imperfezione, credero che dif- da mar, doc. dated 22 June, 1570, and cf. Paruta, Storia della

ficilmente sia per avere tal carico.”’ guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), bk. 1, p. 68.

966 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT had done so, being misled by fair words of du- galleys be gathered at Sicily (no hallaria que su Sanplicity. When Luis de Torres had dined with Car- tidad huviesse pedido otra cosa).'°? They were glad,

dinal Diego Espinosa at Cordova on 22 April (1570), Espinosa had told him, as we have stated, that Philip II was prepared to grant two of the 88 Only a literal-mindedness born of insincerity could inrequests which Torres had made in the pope’s terpret Torres’ instructions in this fashion. First of all, when

. orres was received in audience by Philip II, ‘gli esporrete

name, 1.€., tO order a rendezvous of the royal gal- accuratamente quel tanto che la Santita sua vi ha commesso a

leys in Sicily under Giannandrea Doria, who was _ bocca. . . , but of course the word-of-mouth directions to obey the pope’s every command, and to write the | which Torres received from the pope were not put into writing, viceroys of Naples and Sicily to provide the Vene- °F were the messages which he conveyed orally from pope to

tian fleet with supplies to the extent“‘che they found king. Torres was piu indeed to ask Philip to assemble fleet at . 193 : y Messina, voglia quanto presto inviare le suethegalere

them available.’~” If this had been merely the cour- verso Sicilia in quel pid numero che pud,” and there should be teous parlance of the court, Torres would have _ some sixty galleys ‘‘per le concessioni de frutti ecclesiastici in understood it as such. Nevertheless, Philip had not Spagna, fattegli in tempo di Pio IV.” But the whole purpose instructed Doria to obey his Holiness’s every com- of Torres’ mission was to bring about “una lega tra quella Signoria [di Venezia] et la Maesta Catholica, cost a diffesa comune

mand. ; . . too. come ad offesa, la qual lega sia perpetua o a tempo, come parera

Cavalli and Donado notified the Signoria (in a __ pid espediente.. . .” letter of 25 May, 1570) that Philip had indeed not Torres must make Philip see ‘‘questa unione et lega per given them any pledge that he would require Do- _ buona, utile, santa et necessaria. In the pope’s name Torres ria to unite the Catholic fleet with that of Venice. was to negotiate “‘l’ unione tra Venetiani et il Re Catholico, Philip had, however, ordered that provisions be Turk, but together the Venetian and Spanish fleets would be made ready, apparently for his own forces as well too much for the Ottoman armada. Philip should bring his

- i or separately they could not defend themselves against the

as for those of the Signoria; he had also promised galleys together at Sicily “‘ad intercessione del Papa et a soccorso

Cavalli and Donado to make his decision known 7 Venetiani, et cio servira per occasione et principio di legar

lv. I idb . bef, he fi per sempre con Venetiani sua Maesta Catholica, con cui magcould come together. ‘‘dovrebbe congiungersi con Venetiani, atteso che le due forze

presently. It wou “ some time before the fleets gior avvantaggio potra poi stabilirsi il tutto.’’ And finally Philip Confused by Doria’s failure to obey “‘his every loro congiunte sono bastanti con tener armata continua ad ascommand,”’ Pius inquired of Granvelle, Pacheco, securar la Christianita per mare dalle forze del Turco, il che and Ziniga, as they wrote Philip Il from Rome non puo farsi per altra strada’’ (Serrano, Correspondencia di7 . . plomatica, III, no. 127, pp. 268-73, docs. dated 12 and 15 (on 26 June, 15 70), whether Giannandrea Doria March, 1570; Sereno, Commentari della guerra di Cipro [1845], would go with your Majesty’s galleys to effect a append., no. 11, pp. 427-28, 429-31, with some textual dif-

union with the Venetians at Corfu.” It was their ferences). . .

understanding, they had told him, that Doria In the light of these quotations from Torres’ instructions, ld only have received orders to assemble the | "@ '* €a8y to understand the pope's perplexity tat Doria,

cou ; y : . ; . ; who was to obey him “‘in tutto e per tutto,” was still making king’s fleet at Messina, ‘‘in conformity with his no move at the end of June (1570) to effect a union of the royal Holiness’s request.”’ Pius replied that he had been _ galleys with those of Venice. In fact a month before this, on

assuming Doria would add the royal galleys to 20 May, Bonelli had written Facchinetti in Venice “che sua those of Venice, ‘‘and not to do so would be the Mest si contenta che 50 galere delle sue vadano a congiun-

ogy “yey gersi con quelle de’ Signori Venetiani verso Sicilia’’ (Stella,

loss of a great opportunity. P hilip s representa- Nunz, Venezia, 1X, no. 194, p. 277). Such was the understanding tives then declared that if one studied the instruc- at the Curia Romana of Torres’ letter of 24 April, cited above. tions which Torres had been given, he would find While Serrano joins his Spanish forebears in declaring “‘the that his Holiness had only asked that the king’s truth is that the pope never expressly asked for anything but that the king’s galleys should be brought together in Sicily, and

not [to unite] with those of the Venetians to go to the Levant

OO against the Turk” (Corr. dipl., III, 406, note), Serrano does '93 Dragonetti de Torres, La Lega di Lepanto, pp. 104-5, acknowledge that there can be no possible doubt but that Philip Torres’ letter to Bonelli, dated at Cordova on 24 April, 1570: II and his councilors understood perfectly the purpose of ‘*. . .cloé di ordinar che I’ armata si congiunga in Siciliae con Torres’ mission [and how could they fail to do so!], but adordine a Gio. Andrea, a cui si da questo carico, che in tuttoe per _ hering to the written text of his petition, “‘they pretended not tutto obbedisce ai comandamenti e agli ordini di nostro Signore [Pius _ to have understood it, and. . . managed a delay of about two V], e similmente si scrive ai viceré di Napoli e Sicilia che prov- months’ (La Liga de Lepanto, I [1918], 73, and cf. Hill, Cyprus, vedano |’ armata Veneziana di vettovaglie, secondo le forze di __ III, 916, note 3).

detti regni.”’ Philip did not agree to the union of his fleet and that of

'94 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 108 [129]. The text of Cavalli Venice until 13 July (see below), after which he wrote Granand Donado’s letter, dated at Cordova on 25 May, is given in _ velle, Pacheco, and Zifiga on the fifteenth (Serrano, Corr. dipl., M. Brunetti and E. Vitale, La Corrispondenza da Madrid dell’? II, no. 196, p. 458), ‘“‘Havemos visto todo lo que nos haveis ambasciatore Leonardo Dona, 1 (1963), no. 19, pp. 33-36, where _ escripto sobre el punto de la junta de nuestras galeras con las

see esp. p. 34. de su Santidad y Venecianos, y la causa porque a Juan Andrea

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 967 however, to tell the pope that they had written to gence ‘‘to all those who die on this expedition Doria, asking him to effect a union with the Vene- _ fighting against the infidels.’”” Zane was to publish

tian fleet at Corfu, if doing so would be consistent the brief, so that all aboard the fleet might be with the orders he had received from his Majesty. inspired toward a greater effort. Sermons should In the meantime they could only write their king, be preached on the importance of this indulgence. and hope that the Venetians would proceed suc- In the meantime 40,000 ducats had been made cessfully against the Turks,’”° for they were well available, one half for Crete and the other half for aware that if the Signoria reached an accord with Famagusta, ‘for payment of the infantry.’’’”® the Porte, the full force of the Turkish armada Philip II’s continued indecision and failure to orwould doubtless be directed against Philip’s states _ der his fleet to join forces with that of Venice were,

on the Mediterranean. as one can easily imagine, a source of extreme

The captain-general Zane left the port of Zara annoyance and distress to the Senate.'”” (Zadar) with seventy light galleys on 12 June, mov- Marc’ Antonio Colonna, as captain-general of ing on to Lesina (Hvar), where he added six large __ the papal galleys,?°° arrived in Venice toward the galleys and some ships to his naval strength. From end of June.”°' Two weeks later (on 11 July, 1570) Lesina he sailed down the coast to the Bocche di he wrote Philip II from the lagoon that there was Cattaro, the modern Bay of Kotor (Kotorski Zaljev), no news of the Turkish armada, nor had the Siand thence to Corfu, making no attempt on Cas- — gnoria yet been advised that the Venetian fleet had telnuovo (Herceg Novi) or Durazzo (Durrés).'°’ reached Corfu. The last reports concerning the His galleys were shorthanded, and the crews and ‘Turks said they had the plague aboard. As for the soldiers wracked by typhus fever. To add to Zane’s fleet which Zane commanded, it consisted of 145 discouragement, on 22 June the doge and Senate galleys, 11 great galleys, one galleon, and 20 ships. sent him the gloomy news from Cavalliand Donado. The 145 galleys, however, included 22 from Candia, Now, however, Zane was ordered to proceed to which had not yet joined the fleet. Besides the usual

Corfu— oarsmen and others, fa gente ordinaria, there were

despite all this, we wish that on the basis of the reports! 2,000 infantry. Fortunately the typhus fever (/a which you will have, when you arrive at Corfu, of the infirmita di peteccie) had ceased. movements of the enemy’s armada, you may be able to As if typhus fever were not enough, the oarspush on with our fleet to some other strategic place, Men aboard the Venetian galleys were plagued by

whether ours or the enemy's. an the cruelty of their officers. The doge and Senate

were certain that Zane had not failed to give or-

; a , y can serve us with strength general, and his two other colleagues, Giacomo 5 ao ae rey Zane should then take such chances and OPPOT- ders that le genti da remo should be ‘“‘well and kindly

tunities as God would give him, being guided by treated. so that the

the advice of Sforza Pallavicini, governator nostro ang in good spirits.’ That. at least. is what th Celsi and Antonio da Canale, both of whom were ————————

provveditori of the fleet. The Senate also sent 98 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 108 [129]. Pius’s brief (of 10 June) granting a plenary indul- 199 Cf, ibid., Reg. 76, fol. 115 [136]. 20° Cf, ibid., Reg. 76, fols. 105" [1267], 108" [129*], and cf Stella, Nunz. Venezia, 1X, nos. 206, 209, 212, 216, 218, 220,

pp. 294, 297, 301, 306, 308, 310. no se ordené los dias passados mas de que se juntasse con todas 201 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 116" [1377]. On 27 June (1570) las galeras en Sicilia, fué porque ni se pidid mas desto de parte _ the Senate voted ‘“‘che siano fatte le spese al predetto signor et

de su Santidad”’ (¢f,, ibid., nos. 197-98, pp. 461, 463, letters sua fameglia mentre ch’ egli stara in questa citta nostra’ (Sen.

dated 15 July, 1570). Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 194” [239"]). Cf Guglielmotti, Marina pon'9° Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, III, no. 181, pp. _ tificia, VI (1887), 24-26. 405-6, letter of Granvelle, Pacheco, and Zijfiiga to Philip II, 20? Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, III, no. 192, p. 447,

dated at Rome on 26 June, 1570. and on the losses caused by the pestilence in the Venetian fleet, 19” Paruta, Storia della guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), pp. 68,73, cf. Paruta, Storia della guerra di Cipro (ed. 1827), bk. 1, pp. 73who by a slip of the pen says that Zane left Zara “‘allidodicidi 74,‘‘. . . talché non termino questa crudele pestilenza che tolse Luglio,” and Longo, Successo della guerra fatta con Selim Sultano, _la vita a venti mila uomini dell’ armata veneziana, e tra questi

Arch. stor. italiano, append. to vol. IV (1847), no. 17, p. 18, who a molti gentiluomini veneziani, padroni di galee, e ad altre also mistakenly says that ‘‘a principio di luglio il general Zane _ persone d’ onoratissima condizione.”’ silevo da Zaracon!l’ armata. . . ,’’ but for the date see Sereno, According to Sereno, Commentari della guerra di Cipro (1845), Commentari della guerra di Cipro (1845), bk. 1, pp. 49-50, and __ bk. I, p. 47, the Venetian fleet contained 137 galleys (not countof. Hill, Cyprus, HI, 911. The Turks had taken Durazzo from __ ing the twelve being armed for the pope), eleven galleasses, one the Venetians on 17 August, 1501, on which note H. J. Kissling, — galleon, fourteen “‘ships’’ (navi), and seven fuste, and cf. Fran“Zur Eroberung von Durazzo durch die Tiirken (1501),”’ Stu- | cesco Longo, Successo della guerra fatta con Selim Sultano, in Arch.

dia Albanica Monacensia, Munich, 1969, pp. 23-31. stor. italiano, append. to vol. ITV (1847), no. 17, pp. 14, 24.

968 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT wrote the captain-general (on 22 June, 1570), but Collegio, who first take up and discuss the agenda, were

unfortunately some of the sick and injured had taising objections in this matter, I employed every another tale to tell when they returned to Venice means possible to win them over, as I have done, so that after being dismissed from the fleet. Some of these when they put the motion to the Pregadi without obpoor wretches had been clubbed and kicked and jection, it passed without further difficulty.

crippled by the official of the galleys, and now they Colonna got along very well with the Venetians were laying their grievances before the provve- although, to start with, they had not approved of ditori in Venice. They had not complained while his appointment as captain-general of the papal they were still with the fleet for fear of receiving galleys, having preferred either Commendone or even worse treatment, “il che ne ha portato dis- Corner for the post. Money had also been a probpiacere grande.” The doge and Senate, therefore, lem, for (despite earlier reports) Pius V was proinstructed Zane to order the galley commanders __ viding subsidies for only a dozen galleys, ‘‘so that (governatori et sopracomiti) to see that the crews were __ it seems to these Signori their share [of the costs]

well treated and well taken care of, “‘so that at would remain unduly large.”’ The result was that other times they may all the more willingly return Colonna was less than pleased with the galleys he to our service.”’ There was no suggestion of pun- received from the Signoria, old hulls refitted and ishment, however, for those who had mistreated _ refurbished: ‘‘Ho havuto difficolta grande ad arthe seamen, one of whom had had an eye mar queste galere.”’ Nevertheless, he clearly joined

knocked out.?°° the Signoria in hoping for the union of the VeneIt is small wonder that the galeotti often pre- tian and the ‘“‘Catholic’”’ fleets in August and Septended illness and injury to escape the harsh mis- _ tember.?°”

ery of service at the oars.?°* But there was a good Colonna left Venice immediately after 22 deal of illness, despite Colonna’s assurance to July,?°8 on which day the doge advised Zane, Philip ul \ hat la infirmita che vi era di petecci€ ‘As for the union with the Spanish galleys, we cannot tell © cessata; . unfortunately for the Venetians there you anything certain. The Maltese galleys should be was a terrible continuance of “I influsso di tante with you shortly. The illustrious lord Marc’ Antonio malatie et morti nell’ armata nostra.”’*”? Condi- Colonna is now entirely ready with the galleys armed tions were worse aboard the galleys than in the __ in this city, and those which have been armed in Ancona

garrisons, but the Signoria’s troops in Dalmatia are in the same state [of readiness]. This evening his seem also to have been badly treated on occasion _ illustrious lordship is on the point of departure, to come

and to have lacked food.?°® to join you where you are.. . . We wish, when the said Colonna had gone to Venice to arm four of the illustrious lord does join you, that you do him every pope’s twelve galleys, of which Venice had sup- honor and show him every sign of friendship. Our idea

. and that of the Senate is that must himvethe plied other were beingyou fitted a citgive of a land of . . the : ‘ hulls. ignerThe ignity Oeight captain general anjorepresentative Oo out in Ancona. Up on his arrival Colonna had Hi1- his Holiness, but in matters of importance you must take mediately encountered the difficulties standing in ~~ Cgmmand, making him, however, share in your delibthe way of negotiating the league, as he explained — erations.2°9

in his letter of 11 July to Philip II, especially the

Signoria’s reluctance to include Tunis, Tripoli, In an engagement or an emergency at sea the and Algiers as objectives of the league’s offensive Senate naturally wanted their own captain-general

action. Colonna proved to be an effective dip- © give orders to their galley commanders.

lomat, for Marc’ Antonio Colonna was without naval expea rience. One reason for Pius V’s assigning the papal

although they are persuaded your Majesty will insist that galleys to Colonna was the fact that he was Philip the expedition against Algiers should be among the first, Jy» subject in the duchy of Paliano. In fact Colonna nevertheless yesterday evening in their Council of 250 members, whom they call the ‘‘Pregadi’’ [the Senate], ._—---——_—— they did yield. Because I knew that the members of the 207 Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, II, no. 192, pp. 446-47, and on Colonna’s appearance before the Collegio, cf Guglielmotti, Marina pontificia, V1, 26-27.

208 Sen. Mar, Reg. 39, fol. 203" [248"]. On 22 July, 1570, 208 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 109° [130"], al capitanio general Facchinetti wrote Rusticucci, “Il signor Marc’ Antonio se n’ é

da mar, doc. dated 22 June, 1570, de literis 166, de non 6, non andato questa sera con le galere al Lio [i.e., the Lido], et

sinceri 0. se ’l tempo lo servira, partira questa notte, se non quanto prima 204 Ibid., Reg. 76, fol. 110 [131]. .. .” (Stella, Nunz. Venezia, IX, no. 222, p. 312). Colonna had 205 Ibid., Reg. 76, fol. 124” [145"]. worked hard, and won the full confidence of the Signoria.

206 Ibid., Reg. 76, fol. 111 [132]. 209 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 1217 [142"].

VENICE, CYPRUS, AND SELIM II 969 owed Paliano to Philip, as we have seen in our ac-_ in Naples, “‘et aultres telles choses.’’ As for the count of the fall of the Carafeschi—to whom Car- important question of who was going to be comdinal Michele Ghislieri, now the pope, had been mander-in-chief of the combined fleets, the persympathetic—and it seems clear that Colonna’s ap- sons most frequently mentioned were Don John pointment as captain-general of the Church was in- of Austria and Guidobaldo II della Rovere, the

tended as an inducement to Philip to join the duke of Urbino.?'? Time would show Rambouilleague.*!° Although Philip was somewhat annoyed _let’s judgment to be sound. that Colonna should have accepted the charge with- Marc’ Antonio Colonna left Venice in late July. out consulting him, from the Escorial on 15 July When he arrived with the pope’s twelve galleys at (1570) he sent his dutiful subject an expression of Otranto (on 6 August), he found Philip’s letter of satisfaction in his appointment, telling him that he congratulation upon his appointment and the rehad now ordered Giannandrea Doria to take the assuring news that Giannandrea Doria was to serve

[forty-nine] galleys which had been brought to- under him and under the papal standard.”'* As gether in Sicilian waters and add them to the papal Michele Surian, the Venetian ambassador in Rome, and Venetian galleys. Also Doria was to obey Co- reports in his account of the negotiations still in lonna and follow the papal standard. On the same progress upon which the pope was building his day Philip wrote Don Garcia de Toledo to the same hopes for the league, on 27 July (1570) a courier

effect.?"! arrived from Spain, bringing word of Philip II’s To Cardinal de Rambouillet’s extreme annoy- long-delayed decision “‘che |’ armata del Re si conance, an impenetrable secrecy had concealed all giungesse con quella della Signoria sotto |’ obedetails of the negotiations for the league. Since dienza del generale del papa.”’?'* Doria must add there was no hope of including the French, Ram- _ the king’s galleys to those of Venice, and put himbouillet had not been privy to what was going on. _ self at Colonna’s orders.

“It is almost impossible to discover anything Although there was still no league, Pius was . . . , as he complained to Charles IX (on 17 delighted by the apparent progress. He was now July, 1570). “Some people informed me this willing to grant the king the financial graces—the morning, as a certainty, that the league has been cruzada, sussidio, and excusado—but Zuniga feared concluded, but I shall have to see it published be- that the bulls of concession would contain many fore believing it, and should it come about, God new features (muchas novedades) which, by adding knows how long it could last.’” The ministers of or omitting certain words, ‘‘might very much the Catholic king were making impossible de- lessen the substance of what has hitherto been asmands of the Venetians, who were to endorse no sured us.’’?!° If concession of the graces would accord of any kind with the Turks for ten years. really secure Philip II’s naval support against the ‘They were to replace at their own expense all the Turks, they could not be granted too quickly. vessels which Philip might lose for the duration of During the two months or so that Zane had

the league, whether by combat or by the mere spent at Zara, he had had a hard time trying to ‘fortune of the sea.’ Also they must assist his feed his ailing forces, for the Turks had occupied Majesty “‘in all the seas as well as in that of the the hinterland. When Almoro Tiepolo received

Levant, and numerous other like demands.’’ The king’s ministers were trying to extort from the —————

pope ‘‘graces” which his Holiness had never been —?!? Charriére, Négociations, III, 116-17. willing to grant them [at least not to such an ex- __*” Guglielmotti, VI, 29. On 5 August, 1570, the Doge Alvise tent], such as the cruzada in Spain, the exsequatur Mocenigo wrote Colonna In recognition of his allegedly supreme command in the coming expedition, “‘. . . pero volemo per queste nostre pregare |’ Eccellenza vostra siccome facemo con ogni affetto ad accelerare con ogni diligentia la sua andata 710 Cf. Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, III, no. 176, pp. in Levante per ritrovare ed unirsi con la detta armata nostra

394-95 (with note 2), a letter of Zufiga to Philip H, dated 9. . . , perché con questa presta unione Ella [i.e., Colonna] puo

June, 1570. molto ben conoscere che dara compita consolazione alla Santita

711 Guglielmotti, Marina pontificia, V1, 30-31, with the text Sua desiderosa sopra modo del bene e della riputazione della of Philip II’s letter to Colonna, del Escurial a XV de julio 1570: Republica Cristiana e del comodo nostro . . .”’ (Achille Gen‘A Don Juan de Zuniga mi ambaxador [in Rome] escrivo que _ narelli, ‘‘Della Guerra di Cipro e della battaglia di Lepanto os de cuenta de la resoluci6n que he tomado en que Juan An-. . . _,”’ Il Saggiatore, III [Rome, 1845], 170-71, on which cf, drea se vaya a juntar con las galeras de su Santitad y con las _ below, note 230, ad finem). Colonna left Venice on 24 July. de la ilustrisima republica de Venecia con las que antes se le *14 Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, V-1 (1728), no. XCI, habia ordenado que tuviesse juntas en el nuestro reyno de Si- _p. 192b. cilia, y os obedesca y siga el estendarte de su Santitad. . . .” Cf. *!° Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, III, no. 204, p. 479, Herre, Europdische Politik im Cyprischen Krieg (1902), pp. 123 ff. and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VIII (repr. 1958), 566-67.

970 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT his commission on 20 July (1570) as “‘captain of | the anchorage at Suda Bay, the best harbor on the the fuste,”” he was warned to keep an eye on the _ island of Crete, the doge and Senate sent him the Venetian fortress at Novigrad (on the south shore _long-expected news. The entire Turkish armada, of the Novigradsko more), some milesinland from carrying the forces which had been recruited in Zadar.”'® Cattaro (Kotor) was also seriously threat- Anatolia and Syria, had sailed under two pashas ened, as the provveditore generale of Dalmatia ‘“‘toward our kingdom of Cyprus.”’ Having foswould understand from the recent reports which _ tered the sultan’s desire to possess Cyprus, the two the doge and Senate were sending him.”'’ The _ pashas were determined to seize the island, which castle of S. Niccol6 at Sebenico (Sibenik) must be Zane and his fleet must defend, with or without

made secure against Turkish assault.*!* Farther the support of their papal and Spanish allies, south, along the coast, the Albanians were cou- ‘“‘above every other thing.”’ Aside from the island’s rageously showing “‘la devotione et fede’’ in sup- _ ‘‘usefulness’’ and the reputation which Venice de-

porting Venice against the Turks,*’? which was rived from possession of it, the loss of Cyprus very helpful but, up north, the Turks were always would do the state no end of damage, ‘‘from which

prepared to make attacks closer to home, in may the Lord God deign to protect us, should

Friuli.?7° some untoward event occur.”’

The attacks were not all one-sided (mostly, how- The Senate was sure that the enemy would meet ever, they were to be so), for on 30 June (1570) _ stalwart resistance on the island, “‘havendo noi Marco Querini, the captain of the Gulf, seized and _fatte le molte provisioni per la sua difesa.’’ Aldestroyed the Turkish outpost at Brazzo di Maina though one could have confidence in the local on the middle prong of the southern Morea. nobility and in “‘our other subjects who are so well Three weeks later the doge and Senate wrote him __ disposed,”’ also in the soldiers and in the leadership

of the satisfaction they took in the news of his on the island, “nevertheless, on the other hand, success.**' In the coming months, however, until considering the enemy’s great power, we cannot the day of Lepanto, the Venetians were to know _ be completely sure.’’ Whatever the Signoria’s deneither satisfaction nor success, as the Turkish in- termination to carry on against the Turks, there

q P . . . rus, , , ‘
actually ing him that he must

the formal (or so it isansaid), to urge him “‘as chief of therequest city 6for ; surrender on behalf of the Famagustans, ‘“‘and

the commanders . ;

(come capo della citta) to go before Bragadin and - . delay no longer.” Taking Baglione by the hand,

Valderio spoke to their lordships at some length. in the name of the [local] nobility and the people to- Until this hour, he said, he had believed their congether with the provveditori of the municipal govern- stant assurances that the Christian armada would ment [wniversita] to make them understand that we now come “‘to free us from this war.’’ Every morning see how we are about f au ve at a. ood af all howe he had waited upon their lordships; to his inquiries enemies, and that we tind ourselves devoid of ali hope they had always said that everything was fine, “‘che

of assistance... . a -

stavano benissimo.’’ He was not a soldier by The eccellentissimt must arrange terms of sur- profession, but he had always tried to comfort the

render. Famagustans with the assurances their lordships

Valderio was loath to do as he was asked, but had given him. From what Signor Astorre had just various persons, including one Dr. Gallo, who was _ told him it was clear that he had been deceived, a procurator of the municipal government ‘‘and and that he in his turn had misled the people, ‘“‘but our physician,’’ assured him that they had actually may the love of God undeceive your most excelbeen sent by Bragadin himself (sua Signoria illus- lent lordships, because I shall undeceive the people trissima) to ask the viscount to make the appeal to who expect a statement of truth from me.”’ Signor their lordships for surrender. Valderio was in fact Astorre had made it clear that the “‘slightest asasked to do so in writing. That he could not do, sault’’ (minimo assalto) would take the city.

he said, unless Signor Astorre himself told him Obviously, Valderio declared, he had labored

that the city was in such peril. in vain. He had recruited and sent into action the

In late July Bragadin came to see Lorenzo Tie- native soldiery “in gran numero,” and now both polo, “‘quello di Baffo,”’ at the Arsenal, where Val- native soldiers and citizens were about to fall into derio was working with Tiepolo ‘“‘making bread the enemy’s hands. This was not a just recompense for the whole militia from the grain of the realm.”’ (guiderdone) for his labors. His life had been an Baglione had also come. Suddenly he approached unending ‘‘sweat’’—che ho tanto sudato—to find

Valderio. housing for the soldiers. He had dispatched poor ‘Signor viscount,”’ said Baglione, peasants throughout the countryside to bring food

I have often wanted to talk things over, with you espe- and fodder, charcoal and wood into the city. They cially, but I have been caught up in the many activities in which you have seen me. And with you yourself here §=———————

5, the Arsenal ooking ater the Tove be vr told of 113 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 157— read, I could not but take heart. I have been told by 62, who dates Baglione’s acknowledgement that the city would your people that they have besought you to appear be- fall on 26 July. fore their Excellencies and to ask that the city be given "4 Gatto, Narrazione del terribile assedio, p. 94.

1034 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT had ventured as far as Limassol (according to As viscount of the city Valderio had made a Valderio) for wine, oil, pitch, and other things. It formal request for surrender. When he had finhad all fallen on his shoulders. He had finished his ished speaking, their lordships withdrew briefly, term as viscount of Famagusta (il tempo del mio reg- but soon returned, and Marc’ Antonio Bragadin, gimento), but their lordships had refused to allow _ the captain of Famagusta, answered Valderio with a successor to be chosen. Although it was contrary _ tears: to custom for a viscount to be set to bread-making, Signor viscount, I have heard all you said both on your this was one of the tasks their lordships had given — gwn account and on that of the captains [of the local him. He had had to provide for the poor people militia] and of the city, whose chief you are. I can only as well as for the soldiers. The responsibility had thank you, for I know you to be the father of them all. fallen upon him to take from those who had to You have been most faithful to our illustrious Signoria give to those who had not, so that up to now with _ from the very beginning. Although you had finished your God’s help the defenders of Famagusta had lived _ term of governance a year ago, when this war came upon together in peace, charity, and concord—‘“‘et io Us» 1 did not want to allow the management of affairs to fui che ne tolevo da chi ne aveva, dispensandolo be taken over by others. . . . In this grave business with a quelli che non ne avevano sicché finora coll’ ajuto ,. hich I must deal, I wanted matters to pass through your

di Dio si ha vissuto in pace. carita. et unione.” ands. Yes, I have recognized the devotion, readiness,

pace ‘ . and loyalty of these captains and the people in responding

The Famagustans had shared their Own Te- to my slightest order. . . . If by concession of the grace sources with the Italian soldiery as well as with the of his divine Majesty I return to Venice, I shall not cease local militia, ‘‘spending all they had to attest tothe to proclaim both to our Signoria and to all the world the world their confidence.’”’ They had shed their valor and promptness of all you gentlemen of Famagusta, blood without payment, exposed their houses to for your name and valor will live forever. But you must destruction, and labored day and night with their know that by the commission which I hold, lam forbidden

wives and children to help save the city from the 0” pain of death to surrender the city. Forgive me. I Turks, ‘“‘as you, my lords, have seen with your own — €4N0t do it.

eyes to this very hour.’ ‘They had been eating Astorre Baglione then spoke in passionate rehorse-meat and every other foul animal, for a monstrance. The city was lost. It would fall on the piece of beef cost 140 soldi, pork 80 soldi, an egg morrow if an assault came. Bragadin and he could

a whole bezant, a hen a ducat, and firewood 25 die on the walls to preserve their honor, ‘for we ducats a load. The Famagustans had worn them- are soldiers.” It would be, however, a dreadful selves out and impoverished themselves to save the thing to allow the loss of so many lives. “Having fortress, displaying more spunk and spirit than any discharged our debt in defense [of the city], we other people for a century. Now there must be an have not failed in any way.”’ They had waited for end to the bloodshed, and as a reward for their the Christian armada until this hour, perhaps ‘“‘the services the Famagustans would go with their ast hour of our lives.”’ If they had yielded to the wives and children into servitude, “‘quanto il spec- Turks without so many assaults, bombardments,

chio di Nicosia ci ha dimostrato.” But let their and hardships, the law might have required the lordships and the captains, ‘‘che sono uomini da punishment the Signoria had implied in Bragaguerra,’ take counsel again. They must get at the — qgin’s commission, but it was no longer a matter

truth. If they found the cause to be hopeless, they of law. Therefore, Baglione concluded, it was must grant the Famagustans’ request for surren- meet and fitting to satisfy the people, ‘“‘and all the der. If there was hope of success and salvation, other captains supported him.” It was then agreed however, the Famagustans would rise above sur- that the Famagustans should present in writing the render, “for we are ready to maintain this city petition for surrender, and after hearing a solemn with our own blood until the very end on behalf mass of the Holy Spirit the next morning, “we

of the most illustrious Signoria.”'"” shall do what the Lord God inspires us to do.’’'"®

———_——. Valderio’s account of the war of Cyprus, written 115 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 162—_ after the events he describes and doubtless dressed

om of jerusalem (from WHIC sse 8) u ’ ’ ,

66. On the office me duties of the viscount e the Latin king: up a bit, is obviously an apologia pro vita sua. Alsdminisirative posts), note John LP La Monte, Feudal Monarchy though the anonymous diarist of the SIEBe of Fain the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1100-1291, Cambridge, Mass.,

1932, pp. 106, 135-36, 167-69, and cf. Hill, Cyprus, II, 54, and III, 1030, note 1, the latter being a reference to Valderio as “‘viscount of Famagusta,’’ whose name Hill does not know 116 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 166-

(cf- Podacataro, Relatione, p. 26). 70, and cf Podacataro, Relatione, pp. 22-23.

THE HOLY LEAGUE AND THE FALL OF FAMAGUSTA 1035 magusta and Alessandro Podacataro both refer to _ to perfection as possible. During the siege depri-

Valderio as viscount of the city without identi- vation had added to their determination. The fying him by name, the Italian writers of the time deaths of their fellows had increased the valor of preserve in their narratives chiefly the names of _ the living. Everyone had taken up arms “‘per dithe Italian soldiers and heroes of the siege, almost _fendere la nostra patria e conservarla alla devozion to the exclusion of the other defenders of Fama-_ e sotto questo santissimo nome e vessillo di San gusta. They do give us the names of some Alba- Marco,” and Greeks and Italians had fought tonians, but of very few Greeks, and of these Alba- gether against the barbarous infidels. nians almost all were captains. Valderio, however, According to the Scrittura, the Famagustans the “‘mayor’”’ (visconie) of Famagusta, who had been _ had, up to this point, endured sixty-eight days of

set to making bread, was not a soldier (profession unheard-of bombardment, 150,000 rounds of mia non fu di guerra).''’ Whether half-Italian or heavy artillery, including shots from 106 basilisks not, Valderio (like Matteo Colti) was a “‘“Greek’’ and more than 100 other cannon. They had not native of Famagusta. In fact, in one passage in his been dismayed by the ruination of their palaces work, Valderio refers to “‘my village of Trapesa, _ and houses, churches and other buildings through a place three miles distant from Famagusta.””"'* In _ the seven fierce assaults which they had so far sus-

any event when, later on, Valderio proved to be _ tained,''? nor by the terrible mines which had of use to the Turks, he dropped out of the Italians’ made all the earth shake, nor by the fire at the

sight. Limassol Gate, nor by anything. Although they

Be all this as it may, the speeches which Valderio had not had the Italians’ experience of warfare, gives himself and Baglione do depict the differing _ they had not failed to stand side by side with them points of view of the Famagustans on the one hand _ to meet (always according to Valderio) the enemy’s

and the Venetian captains on the other. Bragadin’s army of ‘300,000 persons.” The Famagustans eloquent response to Valderio sounds like a re- had paid a price for their loyalty to Venice in the statement of the commander’s own words. In the deaths of sons and brothers, relatives and friends. alleged text of the petition for surrender, La Scrit- ‘They had accepted copper money for specie. Intura presentata allt Eccellentissimi, which Valderio deed, as Valderio says with resentment, ‘‘this war is said to have prepared with Baglione’s advice, we has been fought with our money, as your most have an extensive recital of the Famagustans’ loy-_ excellent lordships know’’ (et col nostro danaro alty and devotion to the Venetian Signoria, as questa guerra é stata fatta, come lo sanno le vostre simade evident by their efforts of the preceding gnorie eccellentissime). The promised help, the soccorso eighteen months. When the Turks had filled the et ajuto, had never come, as the Famagustans had moat with earth and debris, the Famagustans had___ watched the Turks gradually overwhelm their city cleared it, bringing the earth into the city to add with cannon and all sorts of earthworks.

to the fortifications. They had built eleven cava- The so-called petition for surrender goes on liers on the bastions, extended the glacis (spalit) and on ina sad monotone of despair, recalling the from the counterscarp, and rendered every con- shortages of food and powder and anticipating the ceivable service to carry the fortifications as close influx of the Turks. No help had come from Can-

dia; not even a word had come despite all the

—_—— promises. The responsibility for the fall of the city '!7 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, p. 164; “‘before God and before all the world’”’ would lie for the anonymous diarist of the siege of Famagusta, see below, with those who had failed to send help. Valderio note 125; Podacataro, Relatione, pp. 23, 26, has three references closed with an appeal to their lordships to grant to the ‘“‘Visconte di Famagosta’’—as a native Cypriote, Poda- . cataro was naturally at least somewhat concerned with the pres- the now desp erate Famagustans deliverance from

ence and activities of the “‘mayor’’ of Famagusta. The writer’s family name is usually spelled Podocataro. As for references to

Albanians and Greeks, cf. Gatto, Narrazione del terribile assedio, § pp. 31-32, 109 ff. If instead of going to work for the Turks, ‘19 Counting from 19 May, when the bombardment began, when the siege was over, Valderio had been killed in one of _ sixty-eight days would bring us to 26 July (cf, above, note 113), the assaults, Gatto might have added him to Nicolé Saracinopoli but the seventh and last assault apparently came on 31 July and Antonio Greghetto, the only two Greeks he mentions of | which would, as Martinengo says (see below), amount to sev-

the 1,700 “Greci ammazzati in tutta la guerra” (ibid., p. 110). _ enty-five days of bombardment. There is ample evidence '!8 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, p. 70: throughout Valderio’s Guerra di Cipro that the work was written

‘. . . la mia villa di Trapessa, loco distante da Famagosta tre after the events described; apart from the poor condition of miglia. . . .” Trapesa is just northwest of Famagusta; on the __ the original and the copyist’s carelessness, it would appear that remains of the village, see George Jeffery, A Description of the Valderio’s dates were sometimes unreliable. He was obviously

Historic Monuments of Cyprus, Nicosia, 1918, p. 200. too busy to do much of any writing during the siege.

1036 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT final ruination, “‘come avvenne all’ infelice Nico- Capitani, because it cast no reflection on the milsia.” Perhaps it was possible to save the city, the itary.'*°

citizens, and their goods, ‘‘as the enemy has of- Martinengo says that after a widespread explofered to do with the capitulations which your most sion of mines along the southern wall on 29 July, excellent lordships may agree to,’’ and thus the the Turks launched their fifth, sixth, and seventh Famagustans [who wished] could be resettled in assaults (on the twenty-ninth, thirtieth, and thirtyVenetian territory and lead their lives and keep first), which led to the cease-fire on 1 August. In their belongings under the aegis of the Signoriaand his description of the fifth assault Gatto identifies

the faith of Christendom. various pashas, beys, and sanjakbeys, together with

According to our text, on 26 or 27 July there the bastions, batteries, and ‘‘demilunes”’ (mezze appeared before their lordships Marc’ Antonio June, roundish shield-walls) which they attacked. Bragadin, captain of the kingdom of Cyprus, and He tells us, too, that after the sixth attack there Lorenzo Tiepolo, captain of Paphos, in the pres- were scarcely nine hundred Italians left alive in ence of Astorre Baglione, Alvise Martinengo, and the city, and many of these had been wounded by

many other captains and soldiers—there ap- cannon fire, with shot from an arquebus, or by

peared, that is, some other means. And finally Gatto depicts the seventh onslaught as an “‘horrendissimo assalto

the magnificent Signor Pietro Valderio, viscount of the generale a tutte le batterie.’’!*?

aforesaid city of Famagusta, together with the judges For whatever reason, like his fellow Cypriote of the city, the citizens, and many other persons, who Podacataro, Valderio tells us nothing of these last have presented [to them] the letter given above, re- assaults. He does say, however, that Baglione questing that it be taken into consideration with justice wanted to see that the letter intended for Mustafa

and prudence by their most excellent lordships in the pasha should be delivered “that night,” perche event the city is found to be in such plight that it cannot _, / nal’ ulti lto. £ he | be defended, as has been said to be the case by their 5 aspetlava ta mattina & ultimo assaiio, tor the last

own experts. assault would come on the morning. Could one But if the Signori Capitani would take an oath to 20 ) . the effect that the city could still be defended, they Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 170‘thd h we d pledged their |i , d 83. The letter bears the obviously impossible date 25 July, for

wit Trew C 1€ petition, an pledge their lives an Valderio puts the petition that gave rise to it on 26 or 27 July. properties “‘to maintain this city for the most il- Martinengo, Relatione, pp. 4—5, informs us that it was about 20 lustrious Signoria of Venice, as whose vassals they July when the leading citizens of Famagusta decided to appeal are prepared to die.’”’ The tenor of the petition to Bragadin for surrender on honorable terms, “quando si rilains itself: Valderio and the Famacustans were solsero i principali della Citta, che fu circa a venti di Luglio, exprains lise, Vales! amas ustans W fare una scrittura con supplicar il clarissimo Bragadin ché avoiding the possibility of a subsequent charge of . . . volessero con |’ arrendersi a conditioni honorate haver

treason. riguardo all’ honor delle loro moglie et alla salute de fighiuoli, Upon receiving the petition Bragadin, Tiepolo, che sarebbono andati in preda de’ nemici.. . .” Cf. Foglietta,

and Baglione withdrew, summoning the captains ns. Cobham, pp. 29-30. di "04 wh

forf a| forma! Itati ftconsultation, hich B din Gatto, Narrazione del terribile asse 10, pp- 87-94, who at alter whic ragadl first dates the fifth assault on 30 July (ibid., p. 87), and then

emerged, again in tears, and addressed another _ puts it on the twenty-ninth (p. 92); Riccoboni, Storia di Salamina speech to Valderio. He bore witness once more presa, pp. 46, 48, 50, follows Gatto, and also puts the seventh to the viscount’s loyalty and to that of the Fama- 24 Iast assault on 31 July (pridie Kalendas postrema Turcarum

t N ‘thin the walls had failed in his aggressio facta est). The Italian version of Riccoboni, which is sustans. NO one WI . c S Nad falle . published with the Latin text, is to be avoided, for the translator

duty to defend the city. There was no alternative (strangely enough) did not know how to transfer dates from to surrender. Valderio was given the responsibility — the Roman calendar of the original to their modern equivalents. of finding a way to inform Lala Mustafa Pasha of Cf. in general Quarti, La Guerra contro il Turco (1935), pp. 538—

the Venetian high command’s readiness to nego- 42, and Hill, Cyprus, II, 1024-25. According to Gatto, Nar. d bri b . f razione, p. 97, when it was all over, the Turks acknowledged tiate and to bring about a suspension Of arms. — josing 80,000 men. Valderio immediately consulted with “‘those of the To the sources cited by Quarti and Hill should be added city,” and the decision was reached to send by _L. A. Visinoni, ed., Del Successo in Famagosta ( 1570-71 ), diario whatever means possible a letter to the pasha, of- @ un contemporaneo, Venice, 1879, pp. 33-34, the diary of an fering in the name of the Famacustans to arrange unknown soldier who went through the siege. Valderio, at least . 8 - . gu 8 in the text of the Guerra di Cipro given in the Treviso MS. ital. with “our lords to give up the city on honorable 505, mentions no assault after the Famagustans’ presentation terms (a patti onesti). The letter pleased the Signori of their petition for peace to the Signori Veneti on 26-27 July.

THE HOLY LEAGUE AND THE FALL OF FAMAGUSTA 1037 get the letter into Mustafa’s hands? Yes, said Val- Mustafa Pasha’s lieutenant or majordomo, che loro derio, that would be easy. The nearby Tower of chiamano cheragia, and the lieutenant of the agha Camposanto was in the charge of Captain Matteo of the janissaries, ““who entered the city with a Colti and his company. The Turks had been laying great company, and by this time it was theirs, for a mine under the Tower, and Colti’s men had dug _ they were all gathering to see what was happening a tunnel to destroy the mine (contramimando). One under the guise of an accord.”’ could talk there with the enemy, and give them a Anyone who wished could now come into the letter which would certainly be delivered to the city, walking over the ruins, says Valderio, for the pasha. Colti was summoned, and undertook to get _ sentinels had been withdrawn. ‘‘We went into the the letter into Turkish hands that same evening. It city,’ he continues, was no sooner said than done. Mustafa s reply came to the house of the late Captain Antonio Greghetti, at dawn on the following morning. It was addressed where Signor Astorre was living, and where his Excel-

to Baglione: lency had had a banquet prepared in their honor, and

Signor Astorre, general in that city: I have been advised having retreshed themselves with unaccustomed reby the ren of Famagusta that they are willing to sur- straint they set to talking to us when the food had been render the city to me, and that they will arrange for you removed: “Signor Astorre, you who are the general, for to do so also. I have suspended the arms which would “* have not seen your captain, we want this city to be have been bloodied by your bodies, and today certainly 8" to our emperor without more ado. . . . no one of you, from the highest to the lowest, would As the king of Jerusalem, al qual il regno di Cipro have remained alive. Now, for your own good, send two ¢ so#tobosto, Sultan Selim II was also king of Cyprus. of your people here to us. I shall also send two of mine Christians had been robbing Moslem pilgrims on to you so that we may be able to discuss and settle the their wav to and from Mecea, using Cyprus as a

terms. Stay well. Mustafa Pasha, general of Cyprus and b; y ? & vypru .

of the armada and army of the Gran Imperator. ase, and no one had been safe while sailing in Cypriote waters. Sultan Selim’s father [Suleiman]

Baglhione gave the letter to Bragadin, and off had become too old to deal with the numerous they went to the Arsenal to see Tiepolo, who sum- complaints of Christian piracy which had been moned Valderio. Now that they were prepared to lodged at the Porte, but now Selim had sent an surrender, everything depended upon the out- army of “300,000 persons’ to assure the safety come (consiste il tutto nel fine). Valderio was asked of the pilgrims and to secure his rights as king of to choose two Famagustans, with the counsel of Jerusalem.!”4

his fellow citizens, who were to go into the Turkish Bragadin had left the negotiations with the encampment as hostages until an accord had been = Turkish “hostages” to Baglione, who demanded reached. According to Podacataro, the white flag that the defenders’ lives be spared, and that they of surrender was hoisted on the city wall on 1 retain their arms and goods, five pieces of artillery, August.'** Valderio says that he chose as hostages and the three finest horses. He also asked for a Captain Matteo Colti and Messer Francesco Ca- safe passage to Candia, according to Martinengo, lerghi, on the advice of his fellows, but Bragadin with an escort of galleys, ‘“‘and that the Greeks declared Count Ercole Martinengo wanted to go. should remain in their houses, and continue to to see ‘quell’ esercito et apparato Turchesco,”’ enjoy their property, living as Christians.”’

and so Calerghi was not sent to the pasha. Gatto, Podacataro, and the anonymous diarist On the morning of 2 August Astorre Baglione, all say that the Turkish “hostages” offered the accompanied by Valderio (according to the latter’s

account), took Martinengo and Colti with a body ~

of horse out the Porta del Diamante,!?> which was 4 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 183now left open, to effect the exchange of hostages 8, where by sips oF the pen Valderio or his copyist first refers with the Turks. Outside the Diamante they met = Turks’ military ‘‘apparatus”’ and also refers to Selim (p. 188)

. . . go (p. 186) as wanting to go and see the as being the aged father of the reigning sultan. Although the conference was held in Antonio Greghetti’s house, Podacataro

~~ says that the Turkish hostages were lodged in the house of one '22 Podacataro, Relatione, p. 23. Danadella (Relatione, p. 23). According to Gatto, Narrazione del 123 Gatto, Narrazione del terribile assedio, p. 94, and Valderio, terribile assedio, p. 110, “Il Signor Antonio Greghetto, succes-

Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, p. 186, both date the | sore al Signor Hieronimo Greghetto, [era] tagliato a pezzi in exit of Martinengo and Colti on 1 August, which under the campagna doppo la resa della citta.’”” Hieronimo [Geronimo, circumstances seems a day early. Martinengo, Relatione, p. 5, Girolamo] Greghetto was Valderio’s predecessor as the viscount

puts it on 2 August, as do Calepio and others. of Famagusta (Guerra di Cipro, pp. 14-15).

1038 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Christians a “‘carte blanche’’ for the surrender, Except for the export of artillery Mustafa Pasha promising to abide by the terms which the de- accepted Baglione’s terms. According to Martifenders were to propose. It would appear from nengo, the Turks promptly sent galleys and other Valderio’s account that Mustafa Pasha did indeed _ vessels into the enclosed harbor of Famagusta: oI to Bagiione s¢ apitulations, Dut then r clused The [Christian] soldiers began to embark, and when to allow the Venetians to take the five pieces of most of them were on board, and the ships’ captains artillery for fear of a riot in the Turkish army, wanted to depart, the distinguished Bragadin sent me because it was not the practice of the Turks to [Martinengo] on the morning of 5 August with a letter give up artillery and allow its removal from con- to Mustafa, which informed him that in the evening he quered territory. When the majordomos of the _ wished to go to him to deliver the keys, that he would pasha and the agha explained this to Valderio (on _ leave the distinguished Tiepolo in the fortress, and that 3 August), he told them he could not deal with in the meantime [Mustafa] should take care that nothing

this problem “‘now that they had made him their ¢ done to distress those within the city bn p pecause bailie” (. . . giacché mi anno fatto bailo loro), but °P to that hour the furks relations with all the rest © ; é us had been friendly and without suspicion, for they had that they must take the matter up with Baglione. shown much courtesy toward us in both word and deed

They did so, Valderio adds, ‘‘and having talked )

among themselves in secret, because I removed Mustafa told Martinengo that he might inform

myself from that piece of trouble, I do not know _ Bragadin to feel free to come when he wished. He

what was done.’’!2° looked forward to meeting him “‘per il molto valore che haveva provato in lui et negli altri capitani

—_———_ et soldati.’’ Indeed, Mustafa said that he would 125 Martinengo, Relatione, p. 5; Contarini, Historia, fol. 30; always, wherever he might be, praise the valor of Gatto, Narrazione del terribile assedio, pp. 94-96; Podacataro, the defenders of Famagusta. No, the pasha asRelatione, pp. 23-24; Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. — serted he would not allow the citizens to be mo-

ital. 505, pp. 190-91; Quarti, La Guerra contro il Turco, pp. 544 lested d this ; hat Marti decl h

ff.; Hill, Cyprus, III, 1026-27, who gives a somewhat different ested, and this is Ww 6 6 artinengo declares Ne

account, relying especially upon Gatto, Sylv. Brenzone, Andrea reported to Bragadin.

Morosini, and Podacataro: According to Gatto, “Mustafa As far as Valderio was concerned, the terms to

- . . Sent a jamissary to their Excellencies, rejecting one article which Mustafa Pasha gave his assent were an al[of the Capitulation], because he did not want the city without most meanin gl ess convention attendin g the ceasethe artillery, but because of the great valor he had found in d . : he cj Famagusta he was willing to grant them five pieces, to be chosen fire. The Turks were already pouring into t c city

by their Excellencies’ (Narrazione, p. 95). and looting houses and churches, for the Christian

The anonymous diarist is well informed (Del Successo in Fa- _ soldiers, the Latins at least, had already gone with magosta (1570-71), diario d’ un contemporaneo, pp. 34-36): “Alli their goods to the shore for embarkation. The 2 detto [2 August] fu dati li ostaggi da Il’ una e I’ altra parte in ha’ ‘ord . d twentv janissaries t questo modo che fu mandato a Mustafa Basa il Signor Ercule pasna Ss majordomo assigne wenty Janissa cs Lo Martinengho et il Signor Mattio di Colti, gentiluomo de la cita, Valderio to guard the main streets of the city (alla et per ostaggi di Mostafa Bassa venero in la fortezza un suo _custodia delle contrade), where the residents had the chiaia et i] chiaia de jannizeri, 1 quali porto carta bianga et i means to buy off their oppressors. Although one disse che il bassa hi mandava questa carta e che dovesse diman- might be hard-pressed, he could save some of his dare che li ditti ostagi faria quel tanto che il bassa li avea comesso fh id afford it. “‘b h folk e che il bassa no averia mancato quanto loro prometteria sopra property 11 he could atiord it, “but the poor to la testa del Gran Signore et presento un turbante su una tavola carga de catene d’ oro, e cosi sua Eccellenza et il visconte de la cita [Valderio] et il cancelliero del clarissimo Signore Marcan- _ vedeva li detti capitoli et subbito li furno mandati fuora al suo tonio Bragadino et cominciorno a capitolare in questo modo __padiglione et visti che ebbe capitoli se contentdé del tutto, ece-

prima che ci lassino andar via tutti quelli che vogliono andare _tuando che no voleva dare |’ artellaria ché lui diseva che no insieme con |’ Italiani et che ess’ Italiani possiano andare voleva la forteza senza artellaria, ma si ben che ne donava cinco’ le loro moglie e figliuoli, robbe, arme, et insegne spiegate —_ que pezi per il valor che aveano mostrato quelli signori et quelli (‘with their banners unfurled’] e che ne fusse dato quatro galie_—_ onorati capitani e soldati in el combattere, cioé Italiani, li fava

€ tanti caramusali per buttarni in Candia sani e salvi et alquanti questo donativo di questi cinque pezi de artelaria a sua eletta, pezi de artellaria di quella de la fortezza et con questa condisione —_e cosi li sottoscrissero et li sigill6 col sigillo d’ oro del Gran che se volesse restare indrieto nigiuno cristiano non sidovessero ‘Turco e subito mandato addire al bassa che era terminato tutto astringerli allevarli de la forteza cos’ Italiani come altri et che — e subbito venne alla catena del porto [i.e., the chain from the

li Greci possiano vivere in la loro fede e che stiano in casa loro, ‘spur’ of the Castello to the north end of the jetty or Secca, possedendo tutto il suo per cinque anni [cf Hill, Cyprus, II, forming the harbor enclosure] alquanti caramusalini et galere 1027, note 1, who does not know the present source] essere... ,” but of course Mustafa Pasha’s pretense of generosity asente de ogni angarie, et in questi cinque anni non pacendoli did not last long. stare nel regno che ogniuno potesse partirse a suo bene placito '26 Martinengo, Relatione, p. 5 unnum.; Contarini, Historia, et li dimando de imbarcare tre cavalli belissimi [cf Martinengo]. _ fol. 30’, following Martinengo; Gatto, Narrazione del terribile “E cosi li detti ostaggi no volse risolverli sino che il bassano _assedio, pp. 96, 97; Podacataro, Relatione, p. 24.

THE HOLY LEAGUE AND THE FALL OF FAMAGUSTA 1039 who were already ruined, since they did not have the magnificent majordomo of Mustafa Pasha told me the means to pay, were stripped of whatever they that I should go with him to kiss the hand of the pasha had left.’’ Valderio sent two janissaries to guard before the departure of the most excellent [Bragadin]. the Greek church, but they wandered off under Finding myself between Scylla and Charybdis, I excused the pretense of going to see their agha, whereupon myself, saying that it behooved me as viscount to carry others broke into the church, robbing and pillac- the keys of the city before the most excellent captain, _ a 8 and Pi"4s” and so he departed, having accepted my excuse. ing it. They wrenched the silver from the images,

wrecking everything. At the evil hour of vespers Bragadin, Baglione,

The citizens were all hard put to protect their Valderio, and numerous other gentlemen issued own houses, for the Turks broke in, ‘‘and tried from the Porta del Diamante, followed by soldiers to make themselves masters of their wives and chil- with halberds and arquebuses with their matchdren, and by God I had one of these janissaries on _ locks clogged. ‘Trumpeters went before them. Bramy hands who by himself cost me more than forty gadin was clad in a crimson damask robe lined sequins [zecchini] in eight days.” All the well-off with crimson satin. A parasol, the symbol of auFamagustans shared Valderio’s plight, for they thority, was carried over his head by one Pietro had to provide meals to the more important Turks Paolo Seda. Two hundred thousand Turks gathwho descended upon them without invitation, and ered to witness the spectacle and to hurl insults at for whom they had to find food and drink with the defeated defenders of Famagusta, who finally a show of welcome. Many times, as Valderio tells arrived at Mustafa Pasha’s pavilion. As they disus, the Famagustans were obliged to entertain the mounted, Mustafa rose to his feet; they paid him

Turkish invaders reverence, and he sat down again. Stools, covered with crimson velvet, were brought in for the

from morning until evening or from evening until Italians, who were seated before the pasha. Musmorning, but since I was being employed by them, and _ tafa’s settee (banco) was higher than the Italians’ had told them what was done to me, they sent me two _ stools (scagni). The agha of the janissaries sat Janissaries who were not to permit anyone to pass along nearby; the pasha’s majordomo stood close to him. this street, and so my house remamed quet but God = The majordomo (cheragia), the pasha’s lieutenant,

y ys: presented Valderio to his lordship; the viscount , then kissed the hand of the pasha, who had him Nevertheless, as Valderio’s report makes clear,not .. his left. With hus in his vl h

all the Famagustans had been reduced to eating en ecco everyone thus in lis place, the horses, dogs, and cats during the worst of the P Marc’ Ke nt ee Bragadin. as captain and com-

siege. As at other times and other places, this was f 5 decl P d «Si h

a plight reserved for the poor. mander of Famagusta, now declared, “Since the

Valderio notes that Mustafa Pasha was pressin divine Majesty has determined that this kingdom

. P 8 should belong to the most illustrious Gran Signore, . , ; P therewith I give the city up to you in accordance (bastasi) to carry anyone’s possessions to the shore. with the pact which we have made with each The soldiers were looking after their own things, other Pe and the citizens were busy trying to protect their er ; ; Bragadin, Tiepolo, and Baglione forporters the surrender h ‘th L the have b httothe he an ci d of the fortress, but one could not find 10: ave Drought Keys thekay,

’ k ia.178

houses, which were “‘full of Turks ” At last, how- Since princes kept their word, Bragadin assumed, ever on 5 August, a Sunday an d the feast of S he said, that they were now free to leave with their

Maria della Neve, Bragadin told Valderio (who apr epain meni oq vane. Pasha. “what

does not mention Nestor Martinengo) that he . must accompany him and Baslione 8 ? ait upon have you done with the Turks taken by your galleys,

the pasha yal Jerio was to co vey the keys o the those who were aboard the transport? One of them

city to the Turkish general. el en eat men they were, but the A merchant named Angelo di Niccolo was also : h y. fF h 1 y to go, bringing with him “silk cloth in a great Ne" Captured in combat. The Captain of the ga 'eys b 8 d: 9 8. t to th h 8 d [Marco Querini] took many of them off with him,

“hose other lo ee Val P io a d ds that pasha an along with their galleys. He left about six of them 128 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 193-

127 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 97; Podacataro, Relatione, p. 24; and cf: Gatto, Narrazione del

191-93. terribile assedio, pp. 97-98.

1040 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in the Castello, where they were kept, but they made ‘‘for now these gentlemen are private citizens a breach in the walls, and escaped two days ago.”’ _like me.”’ “Not so,’ declared Mustafa, “I know that you Mustafa Pasha then turned to Astorre Baglione, have had them [the Turks aboard the transport] somewhat wrathful (alquanto in collera), whereput to death. The men who escaped, as you say, upon the latter whispered to Valderio, “‘Messer have told us so. They would also have come, if | Angelo may intervene to some effect, for I see the they had been alive. These things are not right. pasha is becoming angry.’’ Messer Angelo apparYou say that I am to keep my promises to you, _ ently had the good sense to say nothing. The pasha

and you have broken faith with me despite the was angry, but it still seemed possible to deal

truce we have made.” with him:

Mustafa reproached Bragadin with discarding ‘Very well, gentlemen, you generals leave me the Italians’ stocks of wine, vinegar, and oil rather one of your captains as a hostage and go than leave them to the Turks. He also charged with God!” him with having ordered a soldier to set fire to Baglione then protested that leaving a hostage five hundred bales of cotton which had been put __was not in the terms of surrender, and after the on the cavalier at the Limassol Gate. Valderio says surrender the generals no longer had authority that the charge was true, but that Bragadin had over the captains. This seemed to be the last straw. been much distressed by the destruction of sO Clapping his hands, Mustafa Pasha rose, now quite much cotton. Mustafa went on, giving Bragadin jn anger, “And so you have written to Candia in no chance to reply or to appease the pasha’s order that your fleet may be on the watch, because mounting anger. Bragadin tried to state that all you will surrender on agreement to be escorted to the ‘Turkish prisoners he had held in Famagusta Candia, so that according to some such plan we had in fact escaped. If he had put any to death, J. ould lose this entire armada, the property of the he would never have allowed the others to escape Gan S; gnore. Tie them all up!”

to tell the tale. er It was done in an instant, says Valderio, and When Messer Angelo di Niccolo, who was near ch her cl £ the hands all the Christi

Bragadin, advanced, apparently to inform Mustafa ue dj anot . r clap of t ‘ 1 kis h me Maristian Pasha of the gift of silk cloth, the Turkish general sO lens W o were in the fur Is encampment said, “You all want to leave, and I have put at your Wére slain as well as most of the citizens and people disposal the galleys of the Gran Signore. Who among of Famagusta who had accompanied their generals

you will stay as security with me to see that these © the pasha’s pavilion, ‘‘and to sum up, they left galleys and caramusalini come back, now that your 0 one alive, whom they found in the camp. fleet is in Candia? You must give me a hostage, and When Bragadin, Baglione, and the others had let it be one of these Venetian gentlemen. . . with been trussed up, the promise that as soon as my armada returns, I will send him back to Candia in a galley.” they wanted to bind me also, but the lord pasha ordered Bragadin remonstrated, “‘But, milord, this is no them to leave me alone, because I was [their] bailie, and part of our accord. You promised to send us all he himself took me by the hand, and set me over on the off in freedom and to give us the ships to take us.” right side near the recess of the youngsters [in his suite]. That was true. Mustafa acknowledged: it was The majordomo also took Messer Angelo by the hand,

, . Bee; and although he had been tied, he made him sit near

what they had agreed upon. Having thought about ine. Then they led Signor Astorre out to the slaughter, his own possible loss, however, Mustafa now said and cut off his head. Signor Alvise Martinengo, the casthat pe was not at that all certain, once his galleys had Bragadin], and [Giannantonio] Querini reached Candia, they would ever return. If tellan were [Andrea cut to pieces. the Venetians took them, the sultan would cut off The pasha ordered that Captain Dardano should also his head (mi saria tagliata la testa dal mio Signore), be put to death, as they had done [to the others] one

which would certainly have been the case. by one. The poor gentleman started to protest. Since “But once I have a hostage from among those one of our Famagustans, Dimitri Bargas, was near me, of you around me here, I am safe. And, look, I although he had been tied up at the same time, I said

; . aehave +1: ’him - to him, he bailie spoke Turkish [stante che b|’ -s avea la will staybecause with the here [Valderio], . aor . . gua araba]j, that he should tell his lordship it was a who is a Christian. He will have regard for him great pity to put to death the men who were not soldiers, and take care of him. When the armada returns, put native Greeks of Famagusta. Considering [all] the

I will send the hostage back.” others who had been put to death in the camp today,

‘*Milord, I cannot sanction this,’”’ said Bragadin, there hardly remained a hundred persons in Fama-

THE HOLY LEAGUE AND THE FALL OF FAMAGUSTA 1041 gusta,'*® and inasmuch as they are not at fault, his lord- Martinengo, like Podacataro and Valderio, ship should let them live, because all these are men who notes that all the Christian soldiers in the Turkish will have to pay the Gran Signore the por evie kharaj|. on camp had beenpasha slain as well as three hundred other non-Moslems [carraggio, i.e.,taxthe The then Crpuyics; 6‘ turned to ines “Bailie what are you ! ing? These men Christians, sp. pensandos! a una tania perfidia

; ae you of saying? et crudelta.”’ Bragadin, Baglione, and others are natives the; place?” I assured him were,distance andthe . to had left Famagusta to gothey the short the

soThehe ordered them to be untied. Turkish b 5-00 and 6-00 ; news came from the camp that the janissaries urkish camp between 9:UU and 0:UU P.M. (circa

and the Turks [Arabi] were going to enter into the city /¢ 2/ hore), according to Martinengo, P odacataro, to do the same thing as they had done to the Christians and Gatto. And now Valderio Says that between outside, in the camp. The pasha straightway sent the 9:00 and 10:00 P.M. (meglio di un’ ora di notte) agha of the janissaries, who held them in check. He also twenty-four janissaries took ‘“‘twelve of us’’ back sent his lieutenant into Famagusta to issue the procla- into Famagusta, and ‘‘the following morning we mation that those who had arms in their houses or else- went to our houses.”’

where must give them on under pain of the gallows As for Ercole Martinengo, Valderio says that

[forca]. At the same time that this command was given, it was he and the pasha’s chief dragoman who all the [Italian] who life. were in the ready . ; ; soldiers saved Ercole’s It was theharbor dragoman who ,hid

to embark were put in chains, and the chain across the hj 1 the f ‘od of viol 6 or

entrance to the harbor was raised so that they all re- Mm unu the hrst period of vio ence, ; pruno

mained slaves. Then the rest of the galleys which were €Mmpito,” had passed, and then interceded with anchored off the vineyards at S. Marina moved under Mustafa Pasha on his behalf. Poor Ercole was clad the Castello [at the entrance to the harbor]... .Mus- as a Turk—lz fu posta una sessa bianca in capo—

tafa Pasha summoned Captain Matteo Colti, and sent and, to his great distress, he thought they had him to Famagusta to say that he was coming tosafeguard adea Moslem of him. But Valderio assured him the Famagustans, but the poor fellow found his house that if they had made him repeat words that he

plundered and all the rest in ruins. . . . did not understand to effect such a conversion, it

When two executioners approached Bragadin, would not matter: verba debent intelligi recundure he stretched out his neck—two or three times, says intentionem proferentis. Valderio did ne or ky “ Martinengo—expecting death and commending he wrote, whether Ercole a ble Tur Ie. oF bac , his soul to God, but they only cut off his ears, home, but he was an honorable gent ned te (an

reserving him for further torture. Count Ercole 2 UE Christian), and so Valderio “wante 4 ae Martinengo, who had been tied up, was concealed me truth of phe event, h that whoever rea sd us by Mustafa Pasha’s eunuch “until his anger had his we eo € certain that the thing happened in passed, and then he spared his life, taking him as this way. his slave,’ according to Nestor Martinengo, ‘and =——___—_— the Greeks, of whom there were three in the pa- —_ rimasero in vita, eccetto il Visconte di Famagosta, messer Darvilion, were let alone. Actually five ‘‘Greeks’” had — dano Squarzalupi, et messer Anzolo de Nicolo, quali furno sal-

been in the pavilion, and they were all spared— _ vati da un turco, sino che cesso la furia, et poi li appresento Valderio, Captain Dardano [Squarcialupi], Dimitrj 2! Bassa, li quali interrogati da lui, il Visconte et il Squarzalupi Vargas, the merchant Angelo di Niccold, and ; aissero esser Famagostant Et cost hi cent, et Insieme anco | . odacataro Pp d t i] tells h h much cen 10 NZOIO INICOIO, aven oto vecMatteo Colti. the messer same story chio et Ge inteso che era mercadante giavec tantiuto anniCOSI in Cipro, et as Valderio. After being ransomed from the _ esso messer Anzolo essendo stato presente al tuto mi ha riferito Turks, Podacataro learned it all from Angelo dij dopo ch’ io fui riscattato, cosi essere anco ogni verita; et fu anco

Niccolo, !2! lasciato messer Mattio di Colti, qual era ostaggio, per essere Famagostano, ma il Conte Hercole Martinengo fu fatto schiavo,

eT10 S la : ancora... .

129 The statement is obviously rhetorical, and belied by Val so ia ili’ di onding cl Based a ae over

derio's later assertions y , y - sopra ll havin 1 oraine ae assa, tra ll quali mi ritroval 10

'3° Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 197- '52 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 204—

204, and cf. Martinengo, Relatione, pp. 5-6, where the dates15 5, 207-10; Martinengo, Relatione, pp. 5-6; Foglietta, trans. and 17 August should be 5 and 7 August, which Cobham failed | Cobham, p. 31; and see below, note 135. Inasmuch as Mustafa to note in his translation of Martinengo (in the Travels in the _ Pasha had spared the lives of the ‘‘Greek’’ captains, he insisted

1800}, of Coprus a rom the —89). MateanThe of the Mariti for at it, S. andAntonio, Giannantonio Giustinian had to give Cambridge, » pp. dates are[1736-— given up_ on hisbeing new paid houses which (says Valderio) had correctly in Contarini, Historia, fols. 30-31". See also Gatto, cost him more than 40,000 ducats. Dardano lost his beautiful Narrazxione del terribile assedio, pp. 98-101, who ends hisaccount _ palace, and others had their houses and shops taken away. In

of the siege with a good deal of rhetoric. fact five whole sheets of paper, un guinterno de carta, ‘“‘would Podacataro, Relatione, p. 26: All the Christians, both not suffice to record the wrack and ruin we have suffered”

Italian and Greek, who were in the camp, were slain, “‘né altri (Guerra di Cipro, p. 218).

1042 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT As for Alessandro Podacataro himself, Mustafa hung the four pieces on beams in the Towers at Pasha refused to believe that he was a Cypriote, the Diamante, the Arsenal, the cavalier at the Lifor if he had been (said the pasha), he never would _massol Gate, and the bulwark of Andruzzi. “Truly

have boarded one of the ships in the harbor to _ he may be canonized and put among the saints,”’ leave his country and abandon his property. Poor as Valderio bears witness, ‘‘and certainly if the Bragadin bore witness to the fact that Podacataro legends of the saints are true, as they are, this was a Cypriote, but it did no good. After thirty- honored and blessed martyr deserves to be preseven days in chains, however, the French consul, ferred to any other,’’ for such was his suffering, ‘‘qual era amicissimo del Bassa,’ ransomed Po- the constancy of his faith, and the absolute integdacataro for 325 sequins (cecchini), and the latter rity of his character. lived to write his invaluable account of the siege.'®? On the day of Bragadin’s death the leading FaThus the city of Famagusta, the last refuge on magustans were obliged to wait upon Mustafa Cyprus, says Valderio, became Turkish on 5 Au- Pasha in the palace, and give him presents. The gust, 1571, “thanks to the fact we were aban- act of obeisance cost Messer Antonio Giustinian doned, and if the quarrels among these Christians 600 ducats, the merchant Angelo di Niccolo 300, go on like this, we can be sure that the rest of | and Valderio himself 300, “‘che fu il presente de Christendom will go the same way.”’ The Turkish 1,200 ducati al Bei.’ The Turks complained that presence in the city was a torment to the Chris- this was not an adequate gift for a pasha, tians. The Turks wanted them to remove the debris of the ruined cavaliers in order to begin re- _ but I told them of the poverty of the city, the expenses building the fortifications. Mustafa Pasha feared _ we had had, and that everything we possessed had been the likelihood of attack by the Christian armada, 8!ven to the Signoria as a loan, and although we had which by this time he may have known was sup- been stripped bare, we had done the little bit we could. posed to be assembling at Messina. Bragadin was And ". he accepted It, ane men departed, 5Oms toe

, ps and to load his artillery aboard ship.

forced to carry on his shoulders a sack of earth Sock ° “dite £0 tae ema rRatton ane ansport oF his from the cavalier at the Limassol Gate all the way

to the Arsenal at the other end of the southern Nestor Martinengo dates Lala Mustafa Pasha’s wall of the city. Lacking his ears (and perhaps his _ first entry into Famagusta on 7 August, “‘the sec-

nose), Bragadin was ‘“‘come morto,”’ but the ter- ond day after the slaughter,” when he hanged rible Turks took him into the city to the sound of Lorenzo Tiepolo, the captain of Paphos, along trombones and castanets. They employed every with Giovanni Sinclitico. Valderio has words of device to make a Moslem of him, “‘and the saintly high praise for Tiepolo; they had worked together man always spat on their faith and their law, saying at bread-making in the Arsenal. The merchant ‘Iam a Christian, and thus I want to live and die. Angelo di Niccolo was virtually robbed of 20,000 I hope my soul will be saved. My body is yours. ducats’ worth of cloth by the pasha’s lieutenant,

Torture it as you will... 2” who promised to pay him, and did so in paltry

Bragadin’s servant Andrea accepted conversion sums in corrupt coinage. Angelo “‘writhed and to Islam (si era fatto Turco) ‘in order to be able to _ protested,”” but had to accept the so-called pay-

go up and down in his service.”’ We all tried to ment. What else could he do? The janissaries help, says Valderio, but with the secrecy which the _ broke into the church of the Misericordia, where danger required. Bragadin was thrust intoa chair, Angelo had stored ‘‘the flower of his merchanand hoisted to the main yard on Arab Ahmad’s_ dise,” and took it all. Nestor Martinengo lay hidgalley for all to see. Thereafter he was taken to den for five days “‘per le case de’ Greci.’” When the column of the pillory in the city. Stripped to _ the risks became too great for his Greek friends, the waist, he was flayed alive. As the knife reached he gave himself up to the sanjakbey of ‘‘Bir,” who his navel (all’ ombelicolo), he cried, ‘‘In manus tuas, fixed his ransom at 500 sequins. After forty-two Domine, commendo spiritum meum,” and ex- days “in which I remained a slave,” as Martinengo pired. Laying him on the ground, the executioners _ tells us, “I paid the ransom of 500 sequins by finished the ghastly task of stripping the skin from means of the consul of the French merchants, who

his body. They stuffed the skin with straw, and had come from Tripoli to the encampment.” divided his body into four pieces. Bearing them Martinengo’s captor did not release him, howthrough the city, with castanets and trumpets, they ever, “saying that he wanted to take me to his province [sanzaccato] on the river Euphrates, and

——_———— would then let me go.”’ But since he was sometimes '33 Podacataro, Relatione, pp. 26-27. permitted to go from the Turkish encampment

THE HOLY LEAGUE AND THE FALL OF FAMAGUSTA 1043 into the city, Martinengo, knowing the Turk’s evil 25,000 men who paid the poll-tax . . . died, beways, hired a boat from a Greek fisherman who, _ sides the women and children, so that there were with two oars and “a bit of a sail made from two more than 70,000 souls who after the war perished shirts,’’ managed to get him to Tripoli on the Syr- of the disease during the two years that it lasted. ian coast. Again he lay hidden ‘“‘ina house ofsome .. .”’ Hardships and taxes brought about conChristians,” until 25 September, when he boarded ___ versions to Islam. There were shortages of almost a small French ship setting out on its return voy- everything, ‘“‘and we have to pay double for what age. The ship touched upon the Cypriote coast at we buy from the Turks.”’ Capo delle Gatte (between the Bays of Episkopi The Christians had to look upon the Turks’ bad and Akrotiri), where Martinengo landed, and (he manners asa boon, and thank them, but their crusays) he talked with some peasants, who told him _ elty was intolerable. No one seemed to know who they were being treated dreadfully by the Turks, had authority, because everyone exercised it, espe“no longer having anything which was their own.” cially in doing evil to Christians, who had fallen

In answer to questions they said that crops were into the Inferno. The Famagustans had been being grown in the mountainous western section promised “great things,” but little was done. Even of the island, where the Turks were not harassing the four ships of Marco Querini’s so-called relief the peasants, but that in the east there was little force, ‘‘il soccorsetto di quelle quattro navi,’’ had cultivation, few inhabitants, and almost no live- taken away the little money the Famagustans had stock. The Turks had ruined the island, says Mar- _ possessed [leaving them a useless copper coinage]. tinengo, and now the Cypriotes realized how be- ‘‘Such has been the unhappy outcome of the war neficent had been the rule of the Venetians (la of Cyprus, which was lost so miserably and with piacevol Signoria de’ Christiani), and they were such dishonor to Christendom. . . .” Poor Val-

‘‘praying that they might return.’’'** derio, he had served the Venetians, and had been By way of summary Nestor Martinengo states obliged to serve the Turks. As a Christian he much

that preferred but as heon looked back upon ; hthe wnformer, a plague both their the enerny’s army consisted of 200,000 persons of every the past e called do pias rank, of whom 80,000 were mercenaries, besides the OUSES. 14,000 janissaries taken from all the garrisons in Syria, Caramania, Anatolia, and even the Porte. Also there ==——————— were 60,000 adventurers of the sword, the reason for 135 Valderio, Guerra di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, pp. 210such a large number of adventurers being the fact that 21; Martinengo, Relatione, p. 6 unnum.; Contarini, Historia, fol. Mustafa had spread abroad the rumor throughout the 31, following Martinengo; Calepio, “Prinse de Famagoste,” in lands of the Turk that Famagusta was much richer than Lusignan, Description de toute U’ isle de Cypre (1580, repr. 1968),

Nicosia, and they were attracted by the ease of passage. fos. 28 4 oe Sato, Narrazene del terribile assedio, P i, 101In the seventy-five days that the bombardment lasted 4, with a detailed description of the torture and death of Marc

i f 19 M 1A 140.000 ; Antonio Bragadin; Riccoboni, Storia di Salamina presa, pp. 60

boll rom ay to ugust] , iron cannon- Ff. [but beware of the Italian translation accompanying Ricco-

alls were seen and counted. boni’s Latin text]; Podacataro, Relatione, pp. 27-28, who while

. . still a prisoner had learned from a Genoese the details of Bra-

, Valderio concludes the sad record of the siege gadin’s sad fate; Quarti, La Guerra contro il Turco (1935 ), pp. with an outbreak of the plague, which was brought 550-54, 559-60; Hill, Cyprus, III, 1032-33. to Cyprus by a ship from Syria, ‘“‘un navilio carico An informative and fairly accurate report of the fall of Fadi morbo.”’ Although he took the precautions magusta may be found in an avviso dated at Venice on 4 De“which we held to in the time of the Christians,” cember, 1571, in Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fols. 161 162", and ¢,,

d ha’ush made a sur f th 1 aft ibid., fol. 473°, with reference to Nestor Martinengo’s arrival an a C ; survey O € vessel, all€Y in Venice on 4 December and his well-known account of the a day’s detention those aboard came into Fama- fall of the city. gusta “with their permit.”’ They brought with As might be expected, there had been persistent rumors of

them the plague, ‘“‘which did so good a job that the fall of Famagusta before it happened and before the fact

, could have been verified (cf Sen. Secreta, Reg. 77, fols. 106107° [127-128'], al capitanio general da mar, doc. dated 26 June,

__ 1571; Douais, Dépéches de M. de Fourquevaux, I, no. 286, p. 134 Cf Podacataro, Relatione, pp. 28-29, who has a similar 367, doc. dated at Madrid on 4 August, 1571; Cod. Urb. lat. report on conditions in the island of Cyprus after the Turkish 1042, fol. 321°, an avviso from Vienna, dated 18 August). On conquest. Podacataro left the island on 17 September ‘“‘con la the other hand there were rumors that Famagusta was still nave francese detta Buon Giesi, la qual fu presa dal clarissimo _ holding out after its fall (¢f Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 119", and messer Marco Querini, quando venne col presidio, et fu ricu- _ note Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 6-7" [28°—29"], 15" [37°], 15” perata dalle mani del Bassa per il Consule di Franza con tutta [37°], docs. dated 15-29 September).

l’ arteglieria.. . .”” Like Martinengo, Podacataro went first to On 17 August, 1571, the Venetian bailie Marc’ Antonio

Tripoli, and finally got to Venice in another ship. Barbaro wrote the doge that three days of public prayers had

1044 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT CO sent a vivid account of the siege of Famagusta prepared by been decreed in Istanbul ‘‘per il felice successo dell’ assalto che some of the lesser commanders, who had been brought to Isdicevano doversi dar a Famagosta, per il che vi concorse tutto _ tanbul as slaves (Copia della lettera scrittami da alcuni capitani che quello popolo, et vi ando anco il proprio Signore.”’ Barbaro __ si attrovavano in Famagosta, et che hora sono qui schiaw, “dal bagno

had been informed, however, ‘‘che a 8 [sic] del presente mese di Mehemet Bassa alli 28 d’ Ottobre 1571”’). This account, in quelli di Famagosta si sono aresi, havendoli Mustaffa Bassa pro- the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII, 391 (8873), fols. messa la vita, et cosi 700 soldati, che soli erano rimasti, con il 235-240", begins the final stage and overwhelming hardships capitano uscirono della citta, nella quale esso Mustaffa fece of the siege with the bombardment which started at dawn on intrar un corpo di gente senza dar alcun danno con salvar tutti 19 May: “Et la batteria incomincio dalli 19 di Maggio al far li Cipriotti, ma che volendo per le conventioni fatte lasciar dell’ alba con tanto fracasso, ruina, et mortalita di noi altri che partir li soldati, i Turchi cominciorono a cridare che meritavano __non si ricorda da coloro che son piu vecchi di noi d’ haver vista

esser fatti morire, perché haveano il giorno prima tagliati a __ tal cosa in altre citta assediate’’ (fol. 235°). pezzi tutti li priggioni che haveano fatti, onde il Bassa ordino Later on, on 27 March, 1573, Barbaro had occasion to write che fussero amazzati li soldati, et che al capitano [Bragadin] si the doge that Mehmed Sokolli had expressed utter contempt tagliasse il naso et le orechie, pur nella essecutione essendoli for Mustafa Pasha’s savagery, ‘‘quel crudel atto del martirio

state tagliate le orechie li salvo il naso, il qual capitano viene dato al clarissimo Bragadino” (MS. It. VI, 391 [8873], fol. condotto qui per mare [or at least Bragadin’s hide was being 426"). Bragadin’s hide was later brought to Venice, and now sent to Istanbul], et che in Famagosta era stata trovata gran __ lies in the commemorative sarcophagus on the wall of the right quantita d’artigliaria. . .”’ (Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. aisle (as one faces the altar) of the church of SS. Giovanni e

VII, 391 [8873], fol. 218, and note, ibid., fol. 219%). Paolo. The monument is set into a gray-monochrome fresco With his dispatch to the doge of 30 November (1571) Barbaro depicting Bragadin’s ‘‘martyrdom.”’

24. THE ROAD TO LEPANTO, THE BATTLE, AND A GLANCE AT THE FOLLOWING CENTURY AS THE FLEETS were assembling at Messina The Turkish armada is said to have sailed from in the late summer of 1571, no one in Rome, Istanbul on 25 April (1571) under the joint comVenice, or Madrid could imagine how close the | mand of Pertau (Pertev) Pasha, general of the land Christian allies were to a wondrous victory over forces aboard the galleys, and Miiezzinzade Ali the Turks. Fearing that a long trial of arms lay _ Pasha, the commander of the sultan’s naval forces.

ahead, both Pius V and the Venetian Signoria) The Turks had spread destruction from Crete, were already trying to persuade Philip II to order Zante, and Cephalonia to Corfu and the coasts of the generalissimo Don John of Austria ‘“‘to winter Albania and Dalmatia.* Although Pertau had led in Sicily or elsewhere in Italy,”’ with the Christian the Turkish forces into the Adriatic, Contarini armada being kept in order and ready to meet the _ assigns the chief role to Ali.” On 3 September the needs of Christendom when the spring came.' The _doge and Senate wrote the captain-general Sebascaptain-general Sebastiano Venier seemed to be _ tiano Venier that reports from both Cattaro (Kospending money with both hands in maintaining tor) and Ragusa (Dubrovnik) of 25 August had the Republic’s fleet at Messina, but the Senate an-__ reached Venice to the effect that Pertau had left swered his needs by sending him bills of exchange Castelnuovo (Hercegnovi) ‘‘to go back east.’’ The payable in Messina and Palermo. Amid the gloomy redoubtable corsair Uluj-Ali had arrived in the news of August the Senate learned with pleasure, area of Ragusa on 23 August with eleven galleys by way of Naples, of the safe arrival of the galleys and galliots, having just returned from raiding the and other vessels from Candia (in numero di 75 Dalmatian coast. Uluj-Ali had not tarried an hour, vele). It was assumed in the Senate (on 18 August) “leaving with great haste.”” On 24 August the corthat the arrival of the Candiote galleys in the har- sair Caracosa also passed through Ragusan waters bor of Messina was a matter of hours,” anda report

from Rome (of 8 September) confirmed the fact that Marco Querini, provveditore of the fleet, had mero y no por cualidad!”’ (Correspondencia entre Don Garcia de reached Syracuse with sixty galleys on 19 August. Toledo. . . yel Sr. D. Juan de Austria. . . desde el ano de 1571

The other galleys under his colleague the provve- hasta el de 1577. . . , in the Documentos inéditos, Il] [1843,

: : iting the foregoing letter of Don Jo a de Toledo,

ditore Antonio da Canale, although delayed by the repr 10041 Pas ing letter of Don John to Garcia de Toledo

winds, were also safely in the offing. Braudel La Méditerranée, II, 394, states that ‘‘a la fin du mois

OO d’ aout, avec les deux provéditeurs Agostino Barbarigo [!] et ' Sen. Secreta, Reg. 77, fol. 134 [155], alli ambassatori in Marco Quirini, ses 60 galéres ralliaient sans encombre la grande

Spagna, doc. dated 16 August, 1571. flotte alliée.”’ In this context the “‘two prowveditori” are always * Ibid., Reg. 77, fol. 135" [156"], al capitanio general da mar, Querini and Antonio da Canale, who were provveditori of the

doc. dated 18 August, 1571, and see, ibid., fol. 138. fleet. Barbarigo, the provveditore generale of the sea, was al“Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 117°, di Roma VIII Settembre: ready in Sicily with Venier. There is a sketch of Barbarigo’s ‘“. . . Hierisera venne una staffetta da Messina con aviso career by Aldo Stella in the Dizionario biografico degli italiani, VI che ’I clarissimo Querini era gionto alli 19 a Saragosa [Syracuse] (1964), 50-52, and a notice of Canale by F. Fasulo, ibid., XVII con 60 galere, et che ’! clarissimo [Antonio da] Canale era (1974), 636-37. The latter was also called Canaletto (Cod. Urb. rimasto in dietro con alcune altre galere, le quali sariano gionte lat. 1042, fol. 112"). tutte ad un medesimo tempo a Messina se li venti non impe- For Barbarigo’s commission, see above, Chapter 22, note 63. divano. Che ’I Signor Don Giovanni haveva spedito diverse = Marco Querini had been elected “‘proveditor dell’ armata esifregate a sollecitar le galere che erano fuori ad unirsi quanto —_stente in Candia” on 4 January, 1571 (Ven. style 1570), to prima. Che Monsignor [Paolo] Odescalco [the papal nuncio] _ replace Canale (ibid., Reg. 77, fol. 40 [61]) who was, however, alli 29 giunse a Messina, et si era inteso che |’ armata turca si soon reappointed to serve with Querini.

era retirata con animo forse di andare verso Levante.” *See the contemporary account of the events leading to In a letter to Don Garcia de Toledo, dated at Messina on 30 Lepanto in Charriére, Négociations, III, 185-86; cf: Relatione August, Don John informed him of the arrival of sixty Venetian della giornata delle scorciolare fra I’ armata Turchesca et Christiana galleys, but they were in dreadful condition as far as manpower alli sette d’ Ottobre 1571, ritratta dal Comendator Romagasso,

was concerned: “Las galeras de venecianos comencé 4 visitar Rome: Gli Heredi di M. Antonio Blado, Stampatori Camerali ayer, y estuve en su capitana—no podria creer Vm. [i.e., Vues- [1571?], p. 1 [of 7 unnumbered pp.], which puts the departure tra Merced] cuan mal en orden estan de gente de pelea y mari- _ of Ali Pasha and Pertau Pasha from Istanbul on 15 April; and neros. Armas y artilleria tienen, pero como no pelean sin note G. A. Quarti, La Guerra contro il Turco a Cipro e a Lepanto, hombres, pOneme cierto congoja ver que el mundo me obliga Venice, 1935, pp. 445 ff., 462 ff., 479 ff. a hacer alguna cosa de momento, contando las galeras por nu- 5 Contarini, Historia, fols. 29°—30", 32°~33".

1045

1046 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT with forty-two sail “between fuste and brigan- ond Giannandrea Doria had reached Messina with

tines.”’ eleven galleys; on the fifth Alvaro de Bazan, the Both Uluj-Ali and Caracosa were following Per- marquis of Santa Cruz, had put into port with tau Pasha and the Turkish armada which, accord- _ thirty; and “‘in his arrival I have taken great sating to some slaves who had escaped, was in terrible _isfaction, for his delay was causing me anguish.”’

shape except for some thirty large galleys. The On 9 or 10 September, ‘‘a Dios placiendo,’’ he Senate sent Venier a deposition from their infor- expected to sail with the Christian fleets in search mants so that he could pass on the information it of the Turkish armada.” contained to Don John, Colonna, and the other Hopes were being raised in the Greek comChristian generals. Within two or three days the munities in Venice, Naples, and elsewhere. For Senate was going to send Venier a reinforcement more thana century the Greeks had had to endure of galleys, some more infantry, the well-known Turkish domination in the Morea and on the conship Dolfina, and other vessels loaded with muni-_tinent. At Lepanto there were to be Greeks on tions, biscuits, “‘and a goodly sum of money for _ both sides. Most Greeks had found it necessary to

the needs of the fleet.’ reach some sort of compromise with the conquerThe Turkish haste ‘‘per andare verso Levante’? ors, but many had been ready to revolt, and somemakes it more than clear that Pertau Pasha, Uluj- times had done so, when moved by opportunity Ali, and Caracosa—and Ali Pasha—were well or necessity. According to a dispatch from Rome aware of the extent of the Christian armada being (dated 5 September), assembied at Messina. Their retreat from the We also understand that some Greeks are going aboard

Adriatic, however, was not an attempt to escape the Catholic king’s fleet. They have offered Don John, the Christian forces; it was, rather, the necessity if he will have arms conveyed to their towns and villages to regroup and to refurnish their fleet. According [in quelli luochi loro], to expel the Turks themselves withto letters from Ragusa (dated 23 August), the out any other assistance, for they have been reduced to Turks had abandoned their attempt upon Cattaro, utter desperation as a result of the tyranny and oppresbecause the season was getting late, and ‘‘because _ sion they are suffering. . . ”

the pasha had sent frigates to summon Uluj-Ali ay anti-Turkish uprising did begin later on, in

and Caracosa who must come as soon as possible November and December, 1571, in the Moreote

to join the armada, for he had orders to engage peninsula of Maina, but little or nothing came our force in combat, ’ havendo commissione di com- of it.

battere la nostra. , Although at the moment our attention is necAlthough Don Garcia de Toledo, the reputed essarily fastened upon Messina, we should note

savior of Malta, who was then living in retirement — that the Venetian ambassador Michele Surian had at Pisa, had written Don J ohn (on | August) that finally been allowed to take his leave of the Curia

it might not be in the interests of P hilip IT toen- to return to Venice. Surian had been largely ingage the Turks in a great naval battle,” Don John’ t-umental in assisting Pius V to bring about the had every intention (as events were soon to show) yy oly League. According to a report from Rome of advancing to meet the Turks at sea. On 6 September he addressed a letter to Don Garcia, his] ———————

friend and advisor, informing him that on the sec- ® Docs. inéditos, 111, 20, and cf. Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 112", di Messina 3 Settembre, and on Doria and Santa Cruz, cf., ibid., fol. 114’.

OO 10 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 114’, di Roma 5 Settembre. On ® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 1 [23]; on Caracosa, note Paolo Greek unrest under Turkish domination, see M. Manoussacas, Preto, Venezia e i Turchi, Florence, 1975, pp. 262-63, and see ‘‘Lepanto e i greci,” in Il Mediterraneo nella seconda meta del

below. ’500 alla luce di Lepanto, pp. 215-41, with an indication of the

7 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 114", di Roma di primo Settembre, _ more recent bibliography, and note esp. J. K. Chasiotes [Casiotis, and cf. Halil Inalcik, “‘Lepanto in the Ottoman Documents,” _Hiassiotis], The Greeks on the Eve of the Battle of Lepanto: Appeals, in Gino Benzoni, ed., IJ Mediterraneo nella seconda meta del 500 = Insurrections, and Revolts in the Greek Peninsula from the Eve to alla luce di Lepanto, Florence, 1974, pp. 188-89. There are _ the End of the War of Cyprus [in Greek], Thessaloniki, 1970; Makavarious discrepancies between the Venetian and Turkish sources. —__rios, Theodoros and Nikephoros, the Melissenot (Melissourgot), 16th

8 Docs. inéditos, III, 9-10. As everyone knew, the risks of a and 17th Centuries [in Greek], Thessaloniki, 1966 (on which see

large-scale encounter with the Turks at sea were great, on above, Volume I, Chapter 13, note 206); ““La Comunita greca which cf. Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 113, ‘conde perdendosi la di Napoli e i moti insurrezionali nella penisola balcanica megiornata haveria potuto succedere la rovina della Christianita, _ ridionale durante la seconda meta del XVI secolo,” Balkan Siudet par che sua Santita habbia preso a bene questo ricordo,” but —_ ies, X-2 (Thessaloniki, 1969), 279-88. the pope still wanted the Christian armada to meet the Turks 1! Michel Lesure, Lépante, la crise de l’ empire ottoman, Paris,

head-on. 1972, pp. 205 ff.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1047 of 15 September, Surian left Rome on Thursday It was reported from Messina on 13 September morning, the thirteenth, taking the road to Lore- _ that the ships (navi) were ready to sail, and that the to, his first stop being with Cardinal Ippolito — galleys soon would be. Don John had gone aboard d’ Este in the villa at Tivoli.'* Their chief topic _ his flagship, the galera reale, and had even left the of conversation must surely have been the size of harbor for a while. The Christians would head for the Christian armada gathering at Messinaand the Corfu to track down the enemy armada “‘con aniextent of its readiness to engage the Turks. In fact. mo di combattere.”” Now we are told there were almost everyone in Rome and Venice, Madrid, 209 galleys, six galleasses, 27 large ships, “‘and many

Naples, and Barcelona, must have been eager to small vessels.’ The fighting force consisted of

learn the latest news from Messina. 28,000 paid infantry and 2,000 adventurers. The According to an avviso of 3 September, useless folk ( gente inutile) and property of all sorts

we have 208 galleys, 6 galleasses, and 23 ships besides were peg i‘ behind to speed ane Pecconbe one the small vessels carrying a good many troops. His High- #7 4G an to hgnten the load tor combat. Don ness’s assertiveness has overcome every difficulty, and the John could not depart when he wished, however,

lords of Venice are satisfied with it all. From Naples one _ because of a heavy rain, ‘‘but he will leave with the writes to have received word by way of Cotrone that the first good weather, and we have letters, [telling us]

Turkish armada had been sighted off Corfu.’° that on the ninth the Turkish armada was at the

, another , island of Corfu and from in the area of Gomenizza,’’ i.e., Two days later avviso Messina car. . ; ‘ed th that the 30 gallevs Alvaro de Bazan Igoumenitsa, a little port on the mainland opposite ried the news that the galicy iP ; the southern end of Corfu, on an inlet off the ‘‘ca-

ine.”’ ur more galleys were ;

had brought from Naples were “molto bene in |) o¢ Corfu 22 ordine d prom nour to now one was stonin to The order of battle had been determined at ain rd ever thin necessar ner vote bates re Messina on or before 14 September, and was to

pu y 8 . yY Turchescha.”’ P ae ,. be adhered to three weeks later II’s at Lepanto. conar |’Oaarmata All told, Philip 1: ye Don ee

ae . John would sail in the center of seemed the maintodivision contribution to the Christian armada «Venier -;; . ; or “‘battle’’ (la battaglia), with the generals be 81 galleys,; and 20 Colonna ships, 7,000 Spaniards, 6,000 _right. ;, in their flagships on his left and Germans, and 5,000 Italians, as well as the troops A . , ; 1 : by gostino Venetian provided military Barbarigo, contractors. Thethe Venetian ld tak dprovveditore of the left wine: fleet consisted of 108 galleys, six galleasses, two 8 UT? © WOuld take command of the lett wing; hips. and 5.000 infant 5 ‘ y hich Ae ht be 4, dded the two provveditori of the fleet, Marco Querini

he an hich h Ss; ry» oh 4 -o ae dto make and Antonio da Canale, would remain with Bart ibe, Br: dig BN orta ir P dlv other gallevs barigo’s squadron. Giannandrea Doria would nn a” i at nin a eth tenes da. (N 5 ouch command the right wing, and Alvaro de Bazan, and galicasses Haan a b ca ed at Brindisi the marquis of Santa Cruz, the reserve (il soccorso), There OF eale s , 3 a | © Vow. th the re nisite the rearguard, which would follow the three main

“he oe a'so Naan 84 on w € the ‘dake of divisions of the armada. The six Venetian galSave T 4 foun bf the K ‘cht - caller of Malta leasses would form the vanguard, two of them sailhey “tt pour of mme "90 8 s lone. sei caleazze et ing about a quarter of a mile or so in advance of

cnenavi... tutte Insteme sono BAlere, SELB each of the three main divisions of the armada.!® 22 .

'2 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 123”. '> Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 120, avvisi dated at Messina on '3 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 112”. 13-14 September, 1571. On the Turks’ destructive (but costly 14 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 369, di Messina il V di Settembre. to them) descent upon the island of Corfu on 2-5 September, On galleys, ships (navi), frigates, and other vessels, their sizes, see, ibid., fols. 120°-121', a letter of Annibale Prototico to Car-

capacities, forms, structures, sails, standards, lanterns, etc., dinal de Granvelle, dated at Corfu on 7 September, and cf fols. mariners, oarsmen, soldiers, artillery, coastal defenses, ports, 125", 135. naval bases, etc., see Francisco-Felipe Olesa Mundo, La Or- '® Bibl. Apost. Vaticana, Cod. Barb. lat. 5367, fols. 6", 10 ff., ganizacién naval de los estados mediterraneos y en especial de Espana Ordini della Lega di quanto ha da osservare I’ armata et galere in

durante los siglos XVI y XVII, 2 vols., Madrid, 1968. On Philip mare nella presente giornata fatta in Messina alli 14 di Settembre II’s lancl forces, especially the infantry regiments of Naples, © MDLXXI: ‘‘Sua Altezza [Don Giovanni d’ Austria, general della Sicily, Lombardy, and Sardinia, problems of organization and Santa Lega, ] andera in mezzo de gli due generali, et questa sara supply, recruitment of the soldiery, promotion, morale, and la battaglia di galere numero 57—al corno sinistro il clarissimo wages, weapons, munitions, and costs, courier service and trans- proveditor generale di Venetiani, il Barbarigo, con galere nuport, garrisons and billeting, tactics, etc., see René Quatrefages, — mero 56; al corno destro il Signor Gio. Andrea Doria con galere Los Tercios espanoles (1567-1577), trans. Carlos Batal-Batal, numero 56, dico 56; il soccorso, il marchese di Santa Croce con

Madrid, 1979. galere numero 40, il quale mandera galere quattro per corno

1048 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Colonna and the Venetians would keep a weather Although Venier says that he thus accepted eye on Doria as the armada sailed eastward, for 3,000 troops, the fact is that Don John wrote Garit was being said in Rome that having sold his gal- cia de Toledo (on 9 September) “‘that these Veneleys to Philip I, he had just repurchased them. _ tian lords have finally just decided to take on board His brother Pagano had gone to Malta to take the _ their galleys four thousand of his Majesty’s infanhabit of the Hospitallers, and had apparently given try, namely 1,500 Spaniards and 2,500 Italians. most of his share of the Doria patrimony to Gian-__. . .”*” When Venier made his report to the doge nandrea, who now felt that he could better afford and Senate (on 29 December, 1572), he had apthe galleys,'’ but would he be any more willing to parently forgotten that on 7 September he had

risk them in combat? himself written the doge from Messina that Don Sebastiano Venier had written the Venetian John ‘“‘with great readiness and courtesy” had supSignoria of Don John’s ardent desire to seek out _ plied him with ten thousand biscuits for each galthe Turkish armada, which (as the doge and Sen- ley and four thousand infantry, 4 m. fant tra ita-

ate wrote Venier on 15 September) was a source liani et spagnoli. In his letter of 7 September of immense consolation to the Venetians “‘per la Venier had also noted that Don John, Marc’ Ansperanza che habbiamo di gloriosa vittoria contra tonio Colonna, and he were all three determined

l’ inimico commune.” Don John had also ex- ‘‘to go find the enemy armada and do battle

pressed a willingness to supply Venier’s galleys with it.’”*!

with the men, money, and ship’s biscuit they Upon the receipt of Venier’s letter the doge lacked, owing to the operations of the Turkish and Senate wrote Don John (on 20 September) armada in the Adriatic.’* As Venier reported that his resolution to find and fight the Turkish more than a year later to the doge and Senate, armada was worthy of the son of Charles V and Don John had offered him 2,000 Germans, 1,500 the brother of Philip II. The Signoria’s prayers Spaniards, and 1,500 Italians to put aboard his for victory would enter the combat with Don John, galleys, which were notoriously shorthanded. With — with high hopes of punishing the enemy which had

humiliation and reluctance Venier accepted the destroyed so many sacred places, and killed or Italians and Spaniards (he did not want the Ger- carted off into slavery so many Christian souls. mans), and along with the reinforcements came ‘With all our heart we must thank your Highness

‘“‘molte insolentie de soldati.’’'? for the provision you have made both of biscuits

and of soldiers for our armada, and [everything |

¢uora ; eeet__. elseda with such and friendship. . . .”’** il resto dietro perreadiness soccorso; li clarissimi proveditori ..

dell’ armata Venetiana {Marco Querini and Antonio da Canale] Every reference to Don John in the Venetian anderanno in la squadra del detto proveditore generale Bar- texts (up to this point) contains words of praise. barigo; le galeazze quali sono sei anderanno per antiguarda’ ‘The Senate also approved very highly, as we have ripartite a due a due per corno un quarto di miglio avanti.” seen, of Marc’ Antonio Colonna, the papal comFor a list of the galleys in the battaglia, the left and right corn, . . . and the soccorso, see, ibid., fols. 154-57, 159, and cf. Contarini, mander, who had discussed with Venier the need

Historia, fols. 37 ff. of maintaining 120 galleys in readiness for action

In addition to the numbers of galleys, the names of the Chris- by the beginning of March, 1572, ‘per pighar tian commanders are also given in this document, in which (as i avantaggio et impedir i dissegni Turcheschi,”’ to usual) Venice is said to have provided 108 galleys and six gal- beat the Turks to the draw. Althou gh it was always being Spanish, Neapolitan, Sicilian, and Genoese, together with important to look ahead, and the Senate's VIEWS the privately-owned galleys of Giannandrea Doria, the Lomellini, | Were consonant with Marc’ Antonio’s, they pointed and others. The naval array is given differently (and inaccurately) out (as Venier knew well) that such a plan would in Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 120, di Messina di 13 Settembre, and require the fleet of the League to winter in the of., ibid., fol. 126", an avuiso from Rome dated 24 September. Archipelago or in south Italian waters. The Senate

leasses, the Holy See 12, and the Hospitallers four, the rest. 5s 17 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fols. 123°-124", di Roma di 15 Settembre. peras

18 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 5°-6" [27°-28"], al capitanio had of course already instructed Leonardo Do-

general da mar, doc. dated 15 September, 1571. nado (Dona), the Venetian ambassador in Spain, to "9 Relatione del clarissimo Messer Sebastian Venier. . . , la quale

fu presentata a 29 decembre 1572, in Molmenti, Sebastiano Veniero ~ e la battaglia di Lepanto (1899), p. 301. When the Holy League *° Docs. inéditos, U1, 20. had been formed, the Venetian galleys were each supposed to ?1 As the doge and Senate informed Leonardo Donado and have from 100 to 120 fighting men besides the sailors and galley Antonio Tiepolo in Madrid, for which see Sen. Secreta, Reg. slaves (galeoti), while Philip II’s agents had hoped to have about __78, fol. 12 [34], alli ambassatori in Spagna, doc. dated 28 Sep150 homini da combatter aboard each galley. The Venetians were tember, 1571.

also to maintain fifteen to twenty transports to carry biscuit, 22 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 10° [32°], all’ illustrissimo Don munitions, ‘‘et li soldati medesimamente che non potranno star Gioan d’ Austria, doc. dated 20 September, 1571, and cf the sopra le galere’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 77, fols. 88’-89" [109°- _ letters of the same date to Venier and Agostino Barbarigo (zid., 110%], al capitanio general da mar, doc. dated 22 May, 1571). fols. 10-11").

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1049 seek Philip II’s assent to Don John’s ‘“‘wintering Some days later (on 22 September) the doge in Italy.”” What was done this year, however, and Senate wrote Contarini that they had rewould determine what should be done next year, minded Francois de Noailles . + - perche li accident, 1 tempt, et I’ occasion! 4.5 not only did the said Mahmud make no effort to possono far mutar Spesso I dissegni et pensieri. leave this city and go to France, but that M. [Paul] de Fois, his Majesty’s ambassador here with us at the time,

As the Christian armada was being assembled told us it did not seem proper to him, when the Signor at Messina, and as it began to sail toward the Le- Turco was preparing an armada against Christendom, vant, the French were still continuing their efforts that any cha’ush of his should go to the most Christian to make peace between Venice and the Porte. To _ king to give rise to suspicion among all the Christian the Holy League the French were highly suspect. Princes, a judgment with which his most Christian Maj-

Francois de Noailles, the bishop of Dax, had re- °S'Y agreed... . placed Grantrie de Grandchamp as the French The release of Mahmud might well have increased envoy to Istanbul. De Noailles was in Venice, the suspicions of the Spaniards, but de Noailles’s trying to secure the release of Mahmud, the efforts on his behalf were too late. cha’ush (chiaus) who had been sent as an ambas- Letters of 12 September from Messina, which sador to the Signoria. The Venetians had been were known in Naples on or before the sevenholding him as a prisoner (as we have seenin Chap- teenth, brought news of the return of Gil de Anter 21) since the beginning of March, 1570. The drade and Orazio Orsini, who had gone out with doge and Senate answered de Noailles’s remon- two galleys to learn what they could of Ali Pasha’s strance against the detention of an ambassador armada. They brought back word that the armada with the statement that while they fully acknowl- “has, all told, 280 sail.’ The Turks, having edged the diplomatic nature of his mission, the learned of the strength and preparedness of ‘*lq sultan had broken his peace with the Republic nostra armata,’”’ had suddenly sent some sort of during the period of Mahmud’s embassy. Until message or appeal to the Porte, ‘notwithstanding this had happened, Mahmud had been free for _ the fact that they had orders to meet the Christian months to go to France (which was part of his armada in combat.” Rumor soon had it that the assignment), had he wished, but he had chosen not Turks were fearful of the Christian armament, to do so. When Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, the Vene-_ which might very shortly descend upon them, and

tian bailie in Istanbul, and the Venetian consuls a

in Syria and at Alexandria had been detained, so that his Highness had resolved not to lose the opporhad the unfortunate Mahmud. He had been well ‘Uity: and intended to leave on the evening of the sev-

. enteenth with 210 galleys, 6 galleasses, 25 ships, and 50

housed and well treated (in Verona) , and surely frigates, upon which armada there were to be some milord of Dax could see the justice of the Vene- 49 900 men.2® tians’ continuing to hold Mahmud. Furthermore, now that the Holy League was in full operation, the Signoria must not give its members the shght- §=———— est grounds for suspicion. As for the good bishop _ 76, fols. 4” ff. [25” ff.]). He apparently continued as ambassador,

of Dax, the Senate would assist his departure for despite the appointment of Leonardo Contarini as an ambasthe Bosporus in every possible way. Alvise Con- 99° 1119" 120"). Alyn 2 June, 1571 (ibid., Reg. 77, fols. 98° tarini, the Venetian ambassador at the French di Cavalli, whose commission is dated 13 September, 1571

7 ; — . Alvise was actually replaced by Sigismondo

court, was directed to explain the situation to (ibid., Reg. 78, fols. 3-4" [25-26")).

Charles IX and justify the imprisonment of Mah- *° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 11 [33], al ambassator in Franza,

mud Beg.”4 doc. dated 22 September, sinceri 1571, de literis + 193, de non 3, non 2, and see esp. the letters of de Noailles to Charles IX in Charriére, Négociations, III, 175 ff. On Mahmud’s arrest and __—— detention, see above, Chapter 21, pp. 949-50. ?3 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 7’—-8” [29’—30"], also to Venier, 7° Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 119%, di Napoli 17 Settembre. Let-

dated 15 September, 1571, and on the importance of Don _ ters from Ancona, dated 12 September, had conveyed the welJohn’s “‘wintering”’ in Italy, note, ibid., fol. 12” [34”]. Whatever come news to Rome “che l’ armata Turchesca era malissimo happened, some reduction in the size of the Venetian fleet in ordine’”’ (ibid., di Roma di 19 Settembre). On Don John’s de-

would be necessary when winter came (fols. 14 ff. [36 ff.]). termination “to engage the Turkish armada,” cf. fols. 128” and 24 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 4-5" [26-27'], doc. dated 13. 339%: “*. . . Che nella detta armata [Turchescha] vi sono 150 September, 1571, and cf, ibid., fols. 6 [28], 8’-9" [30°-31"], buone galere et atte al combattere, et il resto fin’ a 300 vele, docs. dated 15 September, especially the instructions to Alvise _ le quali non sino bene armate n’ atte al combattere, et fra le Contarini to make clear to Charles IX the justice of Venice’s —_ quali sino gran parte de levantini piccoli. . . ,” froma report holding Mahmud (fol. 9° [31°], and note fol. 11 [33]).Contarini of 23 August, and cf fol. 426°. had been the Republic’s resident ambassador in France for The numbers of men, galleys, cannon, etc., tend to vary from some time; his commission is dated 27 April, 1569 (ibid., Reg. _ time to time (and from source to source), on which note Quarti,

1050 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Whatever the precise number of galleys, ships annoyed when the generalissimo suggested that (navi), and frigates in the armada, Don John of (if he was in such a hurry) he might go on ahead Austria did set sail on 16 September (1571) with in the Venetian galleys but, no, ‘I replied that his the largest naval armament the Christians were Highness was the leader, and it behoved him to ever to assemble in the sixteenth century. The go ahead, and me to follow him, but that I must disgruntled Venier, to whom Don John took an also state my opinion and urge our getting on, for understandable dislike, says that they sailed ‘‘with- the delay had already been damaging.” Venier out any order, nay in utter confusion” (senza alcun added that he must state the facts even if it disordine, anzi assai confusi) to the Fossa, now the Fiu- _ pleased Don John to hear them. Presently Marc’ An-

mara, S. Giovanni which Venier puts fourteen or tonio Colonna came aboard Venier’s flagship. sixteen miles south of Messina. It is on the Cala- He said that he wanted to send Gil de Andrade brian coast just below Reggio. Few fleets left port out again with two galleys, one from the papal in order; mostly the commanders found their squadron and one from the Venetian fleet, the place in open waters. On 17 September the ar- purpose being to get wind of the Turks. Colonna mada reached Cape Spartivento, two days later it asked Venier for a pilot, and cle at ape Colonna somewhat out he sea then his Excellency remarked, making light of [the dif(a quanto in mare), and on the nineteenth it put ficulties] which had arisen—and I do believe that this into the harbor of Cotrone, where Don John €m- —_was the real reason for his coming—that I must avoid barked six hundred soldiers, who had been waiting _ breaking up the league, to which I replied, “God help for him. He generously offered the troops to Ve- me, it is necessary to wait for the troops [la compagnia},

nier, who needed them, but insisted that he did not —_ but not to waste timel’’*®

isposi che non ne“SP havevo bisogno).”’ Despite Venier’sthe , Loy , Lo. ar(rispost ch gno) Despite Venier’s grumbling, Christian caviling complaints of delay, an avviso from Rome . mada wasnow makingmoved progress. By September it of 25; had September says that Don John ; 25 mor reached the tiny town of Kassiopi (Casoppo) on hastily to; take advantage ofcorner the good weather, i"cheny ; , on induoni the northeast of the island. ;of Corfu, at il Signor Dio gli buon viaggio et vit99998 ; theavviso northern entrance the toria!’’*" Another tells us that Don Johnto kept . Corfiote channel. On

. ; 39the the following day the armada reached the anthe pope and Curia well ; . chorage atinformed. the city of Corfu, the ancient Venier fussed and fumed when Don John ; Corcyra,

, on the east central coast of the island. At Corfu, stopped to take on water and waited awhile for ; . . the heavv gallevs which lagged behind. He was according to Venier, there was some discussion of

¥ galcy 85 a possible attack upon the Turkish strongholds of Sopoto or Margarition, but on 30 September Don

—_—— John went on with the armada to the bay and town La Guerra contro il Turco, pp. 491 ff. In this context cf the of Gomenizza (Igoumenitsa), on the mainland Spanish secretary Francisco Ibarra’s estimate of the numbers about eighteen or twenty miles from the city of

of Christian vessels Don John’s On armada, in Docs. 31 ; . SG in ‘yy. Corfu.”’ the evening of inéditos, 5 OctoberIII, a courier 215, and Alberto Gughelmotti, Storia della marina pontificia, VI:

Marcantonio Colonna alla battaglhia di Lepanto (1570-1573), brought the news from Naples to Rome of the Rome, 1887, p. 203. Seeking to effect some adjustment in the armada’s arrival at Corfu, where Don John was disparate figures, Guglielmotti believes there were, all told, 207 said to be awaiting the return of Gil de Andrade galleys, 30 ships, six galleasses, 28,000 soldiers, 12,920 sailors, r : . * el r and 43,500 oarsmen in the allied force, which (he thinks) had from his second scouting mission. The Turks were

1.815 cannon. alleged to have taken on more soldiers and oars?7 Venier, Relatione, in Molmenti, Sebastiano Veniero, pp. 301- men at Prevesa (Préveza), and now to be in the

2, 305-6; Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 125’, di Roma di 24 Settembre; area of Zante.”

Guglielmotti, Storia della marina pontificia, VI, pp. 183 ff; At Gomenizza on 2 October the Holy League

G.28 Cod. A. Urb. Quarti, La Guerra contro il Turco (1935), pp. 561 ff. . : lat. 1042, fol. 126, di Roma li 25 Settembre, and 2!most fell apart. On that day Giannandrea Doria

cf, ibid., fols. 128", 398. came to Venier to inspect his flagship and other

29 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 127°, di Roma 29 Settembre: ‘“. . . Il Signor Don Gio. d’ Austria mando una scrittura di quattro fogli al Papa, che contiene li consegli fatti, li voti di 3° Venier, Relatione, in Molmenti, Sebastiano Veniero, p. 306. ciascuno, le resolutioni, gli ordini dell’ armata, et li nomi di 3! Venier, Relatione, in Molmenti, Sebastiano Veniero, p. 307, ciascuna galera con molti altri particulari. Di Napoli scrivono and see esp. Contarini, Historia (1572), fols. 35°—40", who lists con lettere delli 24 che della nostra armada non ci era altro __ the galleys and the names of their commanders in the vanguard, aviso di nuovo di pid da che parti dalla Fossetta di San Gio., _ the left wing, the battaglia, the right wing, and the rearguard,

et da Corfu avisano che la Turca pass6 per il Canale alli XII as the Christian armada sailed southward from Gomenizza on

verso la Prevessa, dove spalmaria . . . ,”’ and cf, ibid., fols. 3 October.

130’, 131". 32 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 129°, di Roma 6 Ottobre.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1051 Venetian galleys—obviously assigned to the task informed of each successive move which the high by Don John—and although reluctant and re- command proposed to make. Venier’s galley was, sentful, Venier says that he allowed him to do so. however, still to take its place in the baittaglia to The fact that a Doria should be passing judgment the left of Don John’s, ‘‘stando pero la galea del on Venetian galleys was an almost unendurable nostro general apresso la galea di Don Gioanni.’’*°

insult. It may have helped provoke Venier into the ill-advised action which he took later in the day. On 3 October the Venetian and Spanish galleys

At about 4:00 P.M. (circa le XXII hore) a quarrel weighed anchor, sailing south with a light wind arose between Andrea Calergi, the sopracomito toward Prevesa, their commanders having decided of a Venetian galley, and one Muzio Alticozzi di to fight the Turk rather than each other. Venier’s Cortona, an Italian captain in the service of Spain. Teport to the doge and Senate, almost fifteen The dispute had begun between some arquebu- months later, still reflects the bitterness of the consiers in Muzio’s company and the Venetianseamen ‘enuion at Gomenizza. Having complained that

and soldiers. Don John was advancing too slowly against the According to Venier, he sent his first mate (co- Turks, he now grumbled about the tired oars-

mito) with an ensign (compagno di stendardo) to try "et S FOwIngs all night, with lowered sails, to reach

to settle what had become a heated altercation, but the bay of Guiscardo” between the islands of Muzio and some of his men hurled insults at the Cephalonia and Ithaca at about 3:00 P.M. (a hore first mate and trounced the ensign. Venier then *X/) on the afternoon of 4 October. Guiscardo sent the superintendent of his galleys (il mio ar- (Féskardho) is on the northern tip of Cephalonia. miraglio) with three ensigns to summon Muzio It was here that Venier put out of his mind for aboard his flagship. But a captain in the service of 2 while the fatigue of the oarsmen, because It was Spain had no intention of obeying Venetians. He here that he first learned of the fall of Famagusta,

and his men had recourse to arms, including which removed all hope of the Venetians ever muskets. They fired at the superintendent, burn- FeCOveTng Cyprus. At a meeting which Don John ing his cloak, and wounded all three ensigns, of had at this point with Barbarigo, Marco Querini, whom two soon died. Venier later claimed he had A®tonio da Canale, and Marc Antonio Colonna to send a force to prevent the superintendent and the proposal was made to effect a landing on S. the ensigns from being killed on the spot. He also Maura or attack some other Turkish outpost, the feared (he said) for the lives of others aboard An- PUFPose being, Says Venier querulously, to avoid drea Calergi’s galley. In any event Muzio was the enemy” (per schivare il nimico). On 5 October nearly killed in the encounter which followed, and —=——W— three soldiers in his company were seized. Without °° Pompeo Molmenti, ‘‘Sebastiano Veniero dopo la battaglia waiting for word from Don John, Venier had all di Lepanto,” Nuovo Archivio veneto, new ser. XV (tom. XXX, four of them hanged, claiming that on several pre- Peer of Leonardc Contarin, the Venetian ambassador to Don vious occasions the generalissimo had been un- John, dated at Messina on 8 January, 1572 (Ven. style 1571), willing to punish serious offenses committed by with reference to Venier’s hanging Muzio Alticozzi: “Al qual

soldiers in the Spanish companies. passo soggiunse sua Altezza che non le pareva haver fatto manDon John was furious at what he regarded as ©© vincer se medesma, nell’ accidente occorso di quel capi: ; tano, che a vincer |’ armata Turchesca, perche di undeci delli an outright and unwarranted usurpation of his suoi consiglieri, otto la consigliavano a mandar vinti galee alla authority. He later declared that it seemed less of sprovista a torre in mezzo |’ eccellentissimo Generale per prenan accomplishment to defeat the Turks than to derlo et impiccarlo immediatamente ad una antena!. . .” I contro] himself ‘‘nell’ accidente occorso di quel find Contarini’s commission as ambassador to Don John, dated capitano.’”’ Of his eleven councilors eight advised 39° [59° 61" , 1571, in the Senatus Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 37° him immediately to send twenty galleys against the Cf. also Venier, Relatione, in Molmenti, Sebastiano Veniero, pp. Venetian fleet, seize Venier from its midst, and 308-10; Camillo Manfroni, ‘“‘La Lega cristiana nel 1572, con straightway hang him ona yardarm. Once again, lettere di M. Antonio Colonna,”’ Arch. della R. Societa romana however, Marc’ Antonio Colonna’s more saga- di storia patria, XVI (1893), 353-54. Although Colonna publicly Clous counsel prevailed. He softened Don J ohn’s not approve of him as a general, and hoped to avoid sharing anger with the suggestion, which was accepted, _ the high command with him in 1572. On the quarrel aboard that Venier should no longer take part in the de- —_Calergi’s galley and its consequences, ¢f also G. A. Quarti, La

. . ; defended Venier, ‘‘che é un uomo stravagantissimo,”’ he did

liberations of the generals. Venier's place was to Toi een i ropaiia, Vevciay la Santa Sede (1570-1373) be taken by his second m command, the provve- 9 vols., Meadvicd 1918.19, L 120 ff: Jurien de la Gravieére, La ditore generale Agostino Barbarigo, who could Guerre de Chypre et la bataille de Lépante, 2 vols., Paris, 1888, II,

receive instructions from Venier, and keep him 122 ff.

1052 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the armada sailed southward between Cephalonia The Christian galleys were a bit north of the and Ithaca the dozen miles to the Val d’ Alessan- tiny island of Oxia, just to the south of the outlet

dria. That evening Barbarigo told Venier, ac- of the Acheloiis, when the first Turkish vessels cording to the latter, ‘‘that [their allies] were say- came into view on the misty dawn of 7 October, ing that we did not want to fight, but that we were 1571. Miiezzinzade Ali, the Turkish kapudan

pretending we did.”’ pasha or captain-general of the sea, had emerged

On the following day, Saturday, 6 October, at from the safe enclosure of the Gulf of Corinth (the 7:00 or 8:00 P.M. (a due o tre hore) Venier tells us entrance to which was protected by the twin forts that the armada sailed from the Val d’ Alessandria of ‘“‘Rumelia’”’ and ‘‘Morea’’) into the open arena to the Curzolari, the ancient Echinades (mod. Ekhi- of the Gulf of Patras, where the battle was now nadhes), the small cluster of islands in the Ionian _ to be fought. Although Ali Pasha had added men,

Sea at the mouth of the Achelotis. At dawn on munitions, and guns to his armada in the Gulf of Sunday, the seventh, some armed vessels were Corinth, also called the Gulf of Lepanto, the long sighted, and “‘as the day became lighter, one saw excursion to Candia and into the Adriatic had the entire Turkish armada” ( fatto piu chiaro, sivide weakened his strength. Coming southward between tutta l’ armata Turchesca). If we can believe Venier, Oxia and the mainland promontory of Skrofa, the

‘Don John now came to the stern of my galley, Christian forces descended upon the Turkish arand said, “This means we fight?’ I replied, ‘We mada, whose commanders stood ready to meet must. One can do no less!’”” Don John then sailed them. Hitherto the Christians had faced a mild but

through the Christian armada to encourage the contrary east wind. Now, however, ‘‘per l’opera men on board. As previously planned, the six great del Signor Dio” the wind shifted to the west, asgalleasses were placed, two by two, before each of sisting the Venetian oarsmen, many of whom the three main divisions of the allied armada. To would take up arms when they reached the enemy. Venier’s annoyance the galleys of the main divi- Don John had had the sharp, heavy “‘spurs’’ (esposions could not meet the Turks ina wholly straight ones) removed from the prows of the Christian line (ben in fila) but, as thousands of soldiers, mar- galleys to give the guns on the forecastles a wider iners, and slaves realized all too well, at long last and lower range of fire.

the inevitable hour had come.** The corsair Caracosa is said to have ventured close enough to the Christian armada at Cepha-

——___—— lonia on the night of 5 October to make a count 34 Venier, Relatione, in Molmenti, Sebastiano Veniero, pp. 310— of the galleys, which he put at not more than 164,

11, and note esp. Cod. Barb. lat. 5367, fols. 13 ff., instructions his tally being short by more than 40 galleys.*° to the commanders of the League with the notes of a participant According to Gianpietro Contarini, when the in the battle of Lepanto, dated 3-8 October (1571), in which Christian armada left Gomenizza on Wednesday, 3 it is stated that a frigate brought an avviso with the news ‘‘che l’ armata del Turco era in Lepanto, et di piu diceva che era October, Don John actually had 208 galleys apper venir ad incontrar |’ armata Christiana alla Cefalonia, et di parently ready for action—eight in the vanguard pit diede aviso della perdita di Famagosta presa a di 4 (antiguarda), 53 in the left wing (corno sinistro), 61 d’ Agosto. . . . Subito sua Altezza, non volendo piu aspettare in the battaglia, the main central squadron, 50 in niente né dar tempo al tempo, si levo il sabbato in prima sera, . . che fu li sei di ottobre, né vi essendo punto di vento, anzi un the right wing, and 30 Mm the rearguard or Teserve poco contrario, sempre si ando a remo fino alla dominica mat- (retroguarda), plus the six galleasses, two of which tina et nell’ uscire fuori di Canale per entrar nell’ isola Cor- would be towed to the forefront of each of the solari, loco amplissimo, ma intorno isole alle due hore digiorno three main divisions of the armada before it met scoprissemo I’ armata del ‘Turco, qual veniva a vela per incon- the ‘Turks. Contemporary accounts of the battle trarsi, il che fu vero |’ aviso, et subito scopertossi |’ una et . . l altra, cessd il vento (cosa miracolosa), volendo la Maesta di 4F€, ON the whole, in almost surprising agreement Dio darsi i] tempo pari il luoco manco si poteria meglio desi- aS to the size of the armada.*° As for the Turks, derar per esser detto loco commodo per combattere dell’ una et |’ altra armata. [I Turchi] erano bene superiori di molte galee

et di forze, . . . ma d’ ingegno inferiori, havendoli Dio benedetto levato il cervello per la loro insolentia{!].. .. Era nimica era nel Colfo di Lepanto. . . .Venne poi per via del . . . la Domenica alli 7 di ottobre 1571 alle dette isole doihore Zante lettere mandate da Marino di Cavalli, proveditor genedopo giorno. . . ,” after which there follows a description of __ rale dell’ isola di Candia, le quali davano conto particolare della

the battle with an account of the Turkish losses, and cf, ibid., | perdita di Famagosta.. . .”’

fols. 138-141". °° Il Felicissimo Successo della giornata. . . [see the following

Contarini, Historia, fol. 40", notes that the Christian armada __ note], p. 2. was at the Val d’ Alessandria on the island of Cephalonia when 36 Contarini, Historia, fols. 37'—40'; Il Felicissimo Successo della ‘‘si hebbe confirmatione per una fregata dal Zante con lettere —_giornata fatta dall’ Armata Christiana contra l’ Armata Turchesca

di Paolo Contarino, proveditor di quel luogo, che |’ armata_. . . , Brescia, 1571, 6 pp. unnumbered; L’ Ordine delle galere

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1053 their galleys and other vessels were more numer- different religious rites. Their disunity—so Conous if less large. Contarini puts 55 vessels (they tarini reports Hassan’s speech—would be their diwere mostly galleys) in the Turks’ right wing, 96 saster. The ‘Turks, however, obeyed one lord, the vessels (also mostly galleys) in the Turks’ mainline _ sultan, ‘‘who always was, and always will be vicor battaglia, 94 galleys and galliots in their left torious.’”” Their unity and love for one another wing, and 30 gunboats (largely fuste) in their “‘soc- would bring them success. The Christians had only corso” or rearguard, making a total of 275 ves- 150 galleys, as Caracosa had shown, but the Turks

sels.>’ They had no galleasses. had 280 “perfect vessels”’ (perfett: vasselli), includAccording to Contarini, although the corsair ing 200 galleys, 50 armed galliots, and 20 fuste. Caracosa had been sent on a scouting mission to Later on in his account Contarini assigns the reconnoiter the Christian armada, he had actually Turks the same number of galleys, galliots, and

not done so, but had falsely reported the armada __fuste, and (apparently correcting his proofs) gives to be in fact ‘“‘no more than a hundred and fifty the more correct total of 270 armed vessels.” galleys and without ships.”” Whatever lay behind As one Francisco de Murillo wrote Philip II’s

Caracosa’s report, the fact was that Gil de An- secretary Antonio Pérez on 9 October, two days drade’s estimate of the sultan’s armada had also after the battle,

hort of rk. Contarini tells us that ;

rane n h AK P tne he ‘ olved t Fc ht. he held The number of Turkish galleys, as far as I have been amnous 7 ey as “h ae FES hich 0 NB h able to find out, was two hundred and sixty, rather more a council of the pashas, at which Pertau Pasha ex- than Jess, in which they had put all the soldiery they pressed opposition to engaging Don John’s ar- could gather from the whole of Greece, the best and mada. With contrary points of view being ex- bravest, of both infantry and cavalry, to go track us pressed, Hassan Pasha, son of the famous _ down, for such was the order which had come to them Barbarossa, took the floor to support Ali. The from Constantinople.*° Christians, he said, had no love for one another. In fact the Turks and Christians had sought each

They knew no obedience, the very sinews of an h

y. Theyycame different nations, andarmada had OUT OUE army: Asofthe Christian descended from the southern Echinades, it gradually straightened out —_—— into an extended and somewhat irregular line

et le insegne loro, con li fano, nomi, et cognomi delli magnifici et stretching from north to south. One might have

generosi patroni di esse, che si ritrovorno nella armata della Santissima expected the fifty-odd galleys under Agostino Bar-

Lega al tempo della vittoriosa et miracolosa impresa ottenuta . . . barigo (which were to comprise the left or north

contra la orgogliosa et superba armata Turchesca, Venice: Giovan . tothebefrst thetofirst J nd€th ntor y Francesco Camotio, 1571, 9 pp. unnumbered; Relatione della wing) 0 be Sal tarou promo

giornata. . . ritratta dal Comendator Romagasso, Rome [1571?], of Skrofa to face the right (north) wing of the 7 pp. unnum.; Avisi particulari ultimamente mandati dal magnifico Turkish armada, which was sallying forth from the M. Antonio Egiptio, maggiordomo dell’ illustrissimo et eccellentissimo Guylf of Lepanto into that of Patras. In this way Signor Pauolo Giordano, al mag. M. Pietro Egiptio suo fratello, dove :

. ; Barbarigo could have protected the left flank of

minutamente st narra tutto i successo e conflitto fra |’ armata Tur- ; chesca e Christiana, without place or date of imprint, 3 pp. un- the b attaglia, as the latter moved south to take up num., puts the Turkish armada at 280 vessels, “‘et la nostra 1€S position 1n the middle of the armada. As Con-

240,” but the six great galleasses alone, like six cities, would have been enough to throw the Turks into confusion! Contemporary books, pamphlets, letters, and documents relating to the battle of Lepanto are legion. Note especially Fernando de Herrera, Relacién de la guerra de Cipre y suceso de la 38 Contarini, Historia, fols. 40’-41", 50". Mehmed, the sanbatalla naval de Lepanto, Seville: Alonso Picardo, 1572, which jakbey of Negroponte, spoke at length in opposition to Hassan has been reprinted in the Docs. inéditos, XXI (1852, repr. 1966), | Pasha, both speeches being largely figments of Contarini’s imag243-382, and Miguel Servia, Relacién de los sucesos dela armada __ ination (but the views attributed to the contestants seem to have

de la Santa Liga, y entre ellos el de la batalla de Lepanto, desde had a wide currency): ‘‘Piacque a Portat [Pertau] Bassa il pru1571 hasta 1574 inclusive, ibid., X1 (1847, repr. 1964), 359- dente discorso di Mehemet Bey,’’ but because Sultan Selim 454. Servia was a Franciscan priest and Don John of Austria’s _ had ordered them to fight, and because God chose thus to begin confessor. See also the recently-published La Batalla naval del _ the extermination of the Turks, “‘si risolsero finalmente tutti Senor Don Juan de Austria segiin un manuscrito anénimo contem- _unitamente d’ andar a ritrovar |’ armata Christiana et far depordneo, with a preface by Julio Guillen Tato, Madrid: Instituto _liberatamente la giornata. . . et senza colpo di spada prenderla historico de marina, 1971, pp. 128-42, a work which seems to _ tutta!. . .” (ibid., fols. 41°-44"). Guglielmotti, Storia della mahave been written about 1580. Five other (brief) Spanish ac- rina pontificia, VI, 204, estimates the Turkish naval force at 222 counts of the battle of Lepanto may be found in the Docs. in- galleys, 60 galliots, 34,000 soldiers, 13,000 sailors, and 41,000

éditos, III, 216-23, 224-26, 239-59, 259-70, and 346-51. oarsmen, with 750 cannon aboard.

37 Contarini, Historia, fols. 44'—48", with typographical errors 39 Carta de Francisco de Murillo al secretario Antonio Pérez dén-

in the foliation. dole cuenta de la victoria de Lepanto, in Docs. inéditos, WII, 224.

1054 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tarini makes clear, however, Barbarigo’s squadron _ shall run the risk of repetition. First of all, it is

was the last to come into view of the Turks. worthwhile to identify the chief actors and to loActually the battaglia under Don John, Colonna, cate them on the stage in the great drama which and Venier was the first to move into place, going aroused all Europe and the Levant. Although south to form the central line of some sixty-odd Agostino Barbarigo was the last to emerge from galleys to meet the main division of the Turks. behind Cape Skrofa, as we have just noted, we The right wing under Giannandrea Doria ap- _ shall take him first. Holding close to the Albanian peared next, going still farther south to confront mainland, his galley took its place at the northern the left wing of the Turkish armada. Before each end of the Christian line. Antonio da Canale came of the three main divisions of the Christian forces next to him, and Marco Querini brought his galley two galleasses under sail were to be towed to the _ to the southern end of Barbarigo’s squadron, i.e.,

forefront to train their heavy guns upon the the left wing. The two galleasses posted before Turks, who had (as we have noted) no such gal- them were commanded by Ambrogio Bragadin leasses to form the first line of battle. Behind both and his kinsman Antonio Bragadin. They would armadas lurked a rearguard or reserve of some _ fire their heavy cannon at the Turkish right wing, thirty galleys (or rather fuste in the case of the which was led by Mehmed Siroco, the governor Turks) to be held in abeyance to strengthen or of Alexandria, whose galley faced that of Barbareplace weak or broken links in the naval chains _ rigo, and by Mehmed Beg, the sanjakbey of Neg-

before them.*° roponte, whose galley faced that of Marco Querini.

Since the battle of Lepanto is the terminus ad Meanwhile, south of Barbarigo’s squadron, the quem of these volumes, it seems appropriate to say sixty-one galleys of Don John’s battaglia had almore than a word about it. The battle has been _ ready sailed into position, having been the first to described many times from the sixteenth century come in sight of the Turks. In the center of the

to the twentieth.** In the interests of clarity we line Don John’s galley, /a Reale, occupied the thirty-first place in the battaglia, counting from

oo north to south. Venier’s was the thirtieth, to the ® Contarini, Historia, fol. 50", puts ten galleys and twenty —_Jeft of the generalissimo. Marc’ Antonio Colonna fuste in the Turks’ rearguard or “‘soccorso, but cf., ibid., fols. sailed on Don John’s right, with Luis de Reque4'7°-48", misnumbered by the printer. h d d f ; . 41 On the voluminous contemporary sources, cf, above, note SENS, the grand commander Oo Castile, coming 36. During the last century the following writers, among others, Close behind. They faced Miiezzinzade Ali, the

have dealt with the battle of Lepanto and its aftermath: Sir admiral or kapudan pasha, and Pertau (Pertev) Wa Searing Maxwell Pow John of ein in vols Loncon, Pasha, the commander of the soldiery, in the cennando de Herrera (Seville, 1572), Marco Ant. Arroyo (Milan, tral squadron of the Turkish armada. The two

, i, - , who reies especially on € WOrKS O er- .

1576), Hieronymo de Torres y Aguilera (Saragossa, 1579), and galleasses, moving slowly ahead of the Christian the letter of Girolamo Diedo, a Venetian official at Corfu, to battaglia, were under the guidance of Giacomo Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, the imprisoned bailie in Istanbul, dated Gyoro and Francesco Duodo, the latter of whom 31 December, 1571, in the Lettere di principi, 3 vols., Venice, w . 42 1581, III, 259-75; Cayetano Rosell, Historia del combate naval as captain of the galleasses. . de Lepanto y juicio de la importancia y consecuencias de aquel suceso, The Christian right wing under Giannandrea

Madrid, 1853, esp. pp. 102 ff., with a documentary appendix Doria should have had the cover of the cannonry of forty-nine texts from the years 1570-1573; Alberto Gu- of the two galleasses commanded by Andrea da glielmotti, Storia della marina pontificia, V1: Marcantonio Colonna Pesaro and Pietro Pisani. Pesaro and Pisani. how-

battaglia di Lepanto, Rome, 1887, esp. pp. 196-247, with ever. had had the longest wav to go. from the area aallagood indication of the sources; Jurien de la Graviere, La ’ la Best Way lO go, a

Guerre de Chypre et la bataille de Lépante, 2 vols., Paris, 1888, of Oxia to the southeastern end of the Christian II, 143-205, with a series of excellent, detailed maps illustrating

the successive stages of the battle; Cesareo Fernandez Duro, Armada espanola. . . , II (1896), 151-67; Camillo Manfroni, the Ottoman sources; G. F. Guilmartin, Gunpowder and Galleys, Storia della marina italiana, Rome, 1897, pp. 487-503; Pompeo Cambridge Univ. Press, 1974, esp. pp. 227-52; José-Maria Molmenti, Sebastiano Veniero e la battaglia di Lepanto, Florence, | Garate Cordoba, Los Tercios de Espana en la ocasion de Lepanto,

1899, esp. pp. 101-33; Luciano Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto Madrid, 1971, with a documentary appendix of thirty-three entre Espana, Venecia y la Santa Sede (1570-1573), 2 vols., Madrid, texts; and cf. the article (alluded to in the preceding chapter) 1918-19, I, 124-42; Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VIII (repr. 1958), — by Geoffrey Parker and I. A. A. Thompson, “‘The Battle of

587-92; G. A. Quarti, La Guerra contro il Turco a Cipro ea _ Lepanto, 1571: The Costs of Victory,” The Mariner’s Mirror, Lepanto (1570-1571), Venice, 1935, esp. pp. 595-680; Felix LXIV (1978), 13-21. Hartlaub, Don Juan a’ Austria und die Schlacht bei Lepanto, Berlin, *2 Francesco Duodo’s commission as “‘capitanio delle galee

1940, pp. 135-55; Michel Lesure, Lepante, la crise del’ empire grosse,”” dated 23 May, 1570, may be found in the Senatus ottoman, Paris, 1972, pp. 115-47, valuable for its emphasis on Secreta, Reg. 76, fol. 97 [118].

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1055 line, and may have got into place too late to pour of the Christian armada, had spent Saturday night, much of their artillery fire into the Turks’ left 6 October, in ‘“‘revelry and celebration.”’*® Conwing under Uluj-Ali, who made the best of the tarini assures us that Don John, Colonna, and Ve-

Turks’ most favorable position.*° nier together with all their captains, adventurers,

In a small, fast frigate Don John, accompanied _ soldiers, and sailors were confident of victory and by his secretary Juan de Soto and Luis de Cardona, united in the will to fight. The pashas, captains, sailed rapidly (as we have already learned from _ corsairs, and all their soldiery, however, came on Venier) astern the long line of Christian galleys, with the expectation and certainty that the Chrisshowing himself in a display of confidence and _tians would try to take flight. The Turks were evoking a hearty response from the thousands of | persuaded by their own savagery and by the Chrismen aboard.‘ As he returned to his flagship, stan- _tians’ past misfortunes. Looking forward to redards were raised, identifying the galleys. Over wards from the Gran Signore, they thought they Don John’s flagship, the reale of his Catholic Maj- could acquire a rich booty in the meantime. Nevesty, the banner of the Holy League was unfurled, ertheless, with each passing half hour the Turks with a huge embroidery of the crucifixion and the could see the Christian armada increasing in size arms of the three allies: the Holy See, Spain, and as the battaglia, the right wing, and the rearguard Venice. To obviate chauvinism and try to weldthe rounded Cape Skrofa, ‘‘non essendo ancor da loro armada together, one papal, three Genoese, and __veduto il corno sinistro per esser nascosto in coeight Neapolitan galleys were placed in the Vene-__perta del terreno.’’ Assuming that this was the tian left wing. In the Spanish-dominated battaglia whole armada, for the number of galleys in sight some thirty Venetian, papal, and Candian galleys would correspond to Caracosa’s estimate, the were interposed among those of Spain, Genoa, Turks were still undaunted, “‘but when little by Naples, and Savoy, while in Doria’s right wing little they also beheld all the left wing, and demore than a score of Venetian, Candian, Corfiote, scried the galleasses being impelled so vigorously and papal galleys sailed amid those of Genoa, Na- _ by oars, which they had never imagined possible, ples, Sicily, and. Savoy. The rearguard or ‘“‘soc- even they began to fear.’’*’

corso” under Alvaro de Bazan was made up The opposing armadas straightened out their largely of Venetian and Neapolitan galleys, with lines. Order must be maintained as long as posthree papal, two Spanish, and a few other galleys. sible, for disarray would bring about defeat. No Ali Pasha is said to have taken on board at Le- one would know where he was, nor how his leadpanto 10,000 janissaries, 2,000 sipahis, and 2,000 ership was faring. As the Turks were preparing

‘‘adventurers’”” whom Mehmed Beg of Negro- for the encounter, the Christians cleared the ponte had rounded up for him.*? The Turks, look- decks, and gathered arms along the gangways, ing forward to a certain victory and the capture ‘“‘et tutti con!’ armi pertinentia loro siarmarono,”’ arquebuses, halberds, iron-bound maces, pikes, and swords. Gunners stood by the cannon and the *3 As noted above, Contarini, Historia, fols. 3’7"-48", 50°, falconets. Bowmen were ready with their crossbows. among other sources, lists all the Christian and Turkish vessels, Fireballs (fuochi artificiatt) had been prepared for giving the names of their captains, and noting their location in 1gnition when the time came. Barriers were strung each armada as the battle began. Numerous maps illustrating along the starboard and portside of the galleys to the course of the battle are available, among the best being prevent the Turks from boarding. There were two those going with the of(1888). Jurien de la Gravieére, hundred soldiers (huomini da s pada) aboard every a Guerre de Chypre et lasecond bataille volume de Lépante De la Graviére’s maps have been reproduced, as by Luis galley, and three or even four hundred aboard the Carrero Blanco in the appendix to his Lepanio, Estella (Na- flagships (capitane, fano) “depending upon rank.”’ varre), 1971. Although de la Graviére’s maps are a useful guide The iron shackles were removed trom the Christo the battle and to its site, one must always bear in mind that tian convicts condemned to the oars, with the asthe coastline has changed a good deal in four centuries (cf. Peter . ; Throckmorton, H. E. Edgerton, and Eleftherios Yalouris, ““The surance that victory would bring them freedom. Battle of Lepanto, Search and Survey Mission [Greece], 1971- Moving slowly to preserve their tactical units, 72,” The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Un- the two armadas approached each other, as Conderwater Exploration, 1-1 [March 1973], 121-30). *4 Contarini, Historia, fol. 49. Cf Cod. Barb. lat. 5367, fol.

124, a letter to Giovanni Vincenzo Pinelli in Padua, with praise ~~ SS of Don John, “il quale sopra una fregata andava di galera in *© Contarini, Historia, fol. 48": “‘. . . tutto il Sabbato di notte galera, dando animo a tutti con grande humanita et magesta _ hebbero fatto bagordi et allegrezze, tenendo per fermo haver

insieme.. . ,” and cf., ibid., fol. 130°, et alibr. in mano I’ acquisto della nostra armata.”’

*© Contarini, Historia, fol. 40°. *7 Contarini, Historia, fol. 50.

1056 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tarini tells us, ‘pian piano venivano ad incon- _ persea third of the [Turkish] armada with a counttrarsi.”” As usual aboard the Christian galleys, less number of dead and wounded.”’ bread, wine, cheese, and other foodstuffs were put The Turks were thrown into utter confusion, along the gangways from the quarter-deck to the their armada into hopeless disorder, a scene of prow. With the advent of the Turks one might be splintered masts and yardarms, sinking and burnkilled, but he would not be hungry. Trumpets, ing galleys,

drums, “‘and every other sort of instrument’’ aroused the Christian host. A cry resounded and already the sea was wholly covered with men, yard-

through the whole armada. The Father, Son, and arms, OaTs, casks, barrels, and varlous kinds of armaHoly Spirit were invoked. Priests and even cap- ments, an incredible thing that only six galleasses should tains of the galleys carried crucifixes from stem to [hitherto] been tried in the forefront of a naval battle.

. . : have caused such great destruction, for they had not

stern, exhorting the soldiers and sailors to look upon Christ, who had now descended from heaven The cannon aboard the galleasses were not silent “in person to fight against the enemies of his most for an instant, as the great vessels turned this way holy name, and inflamed and moved by these ex- and that, shooting over the bow, from starboard hortations, they all became one body, one will, one and portside, and from the poop-deck, encomdesire with no heed nor thought of death.” In an passing the enemy in “‘tanta horribile et perpetua instant all hatreds, all enmities vanished, and those tempesta.”’ To escape the cannonade Mehmed who had been at hostile odds for years now em-_ Siroco, “who commanded the enemy’s right wing,

braced one another in tears.*® wishing to save himself, withdrew from the batThe Christian oarsmen rowed to the beat of the _ taglia and from the rest of the armada, and headed drum, the tambour, “et ogni altra sorte d’ instru- for the shore to meet the Christian left wing under

menti,”’ the galleys pressing on side by side, but Agostino Barbarigo. . . .” not so close as to impede the oars. The imposing Mehmed Siroco also had in mind the possibility array formed a crescent. The wind had shifted of outflanking Barbarigo’s galleys and firing at gently to the west, as if by divine intervention, to them broadside and from behind but, Contarini

propel the Christian armada the more forcibly declares, Barbarigo’s force turned toward the against the enemy. The sea was calm. As the day shore in perfect order, and blocked Mehmed’s wore on, the sun also moved to the west, shining Passage so completely “that not a galley, not even into the eyes of the Turks. When the first cannon little boat could possibly have got through.” fire burst from Ali Pasha’s flagship, the smoke was Mehmed, however, was determined to push his blown back into the faces of the Turks. The Turk- way along the shore. The fighting was fierce, and ish wings under Mehmed Siroco on the north and When Marino Contarini, the nephew of Barbarigo, Uluj-Ali on the south also opened fire, ‘which was saw that the full weight of Mehmed’s galleys were understood as the signal to attack, as they did, descending upon his uncle, he came to his aid and hastening the stroke of the oars by the buoyancy May have saved the day. Although Mehmed saw of their spirit and the fearfulness of their cries.” the masts of his galleys broken, poop-decks shatAs the two armadas approached each other for tered, and bulwarks, benches, and oars blown into a head-on crash, according to Contarini, the six — the air “‘con horrenda mortalita de suol,” he perVenetian galleasses were at last in place, and their sisted, but his men gave way, heading for the heavy cannon suddenly fired one volley after an- shore, many of them trying to swim to safety.

other into the Turkish galleys, creating havoc and It was the way of the Turk, says Contarini, to causing widespread destruction. The pashas must /auncha ferocious attack to begin with, but to lose have cursed Caracosa, who had assured them they Courage and flee from a strong and valorous foe. would face no such gunfire. To reach the Christian The Christians boarded the enemy galleys, cutting

armada the Turks had to go through or get the Turks to pieces and freeing their fellow reliaround the raking fire of the galleasses, “tanto gionists who were chained to the oars. If we can

folta tempesta di grossissime canonate.’’ An in- believe Contarini, the Christians captured every crease in the west wind hampered their advance, galley that was still afloat in the Turkish right and they were blinded by the thick smoke from wing, and did not spare the life of a single infidel. the cannon fire, ‘which was the reason the stalwart It had been a close call, however, for Mehmed bombardiers of the galleasses had the time to dis- Siroco had broken the Christian line, and exposed

the left flank of Don John’s battaglia. In the Chris-

—_______— tian left wing, aside from the unnamed hundreds 48 Contarini, Historia, fols. 48°—49’. who fought and died in the fray, Marino Conta-

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1057 rini, Vincenzo Querini, and Andrea Barbarigo were _ terror among the Turks that the latter could not killed. The Venetians paid a heavy price. Agostino — even fire many of their own cannon. ‘“‘And of those

Barbarigo was mortally wounded by an arrow in which they did fire, many did the Christians no the right eye (d’ una frecciata nell’ occhio destro). He harm,”’ says Contarini,

lost the power of speech, and died on 9 October, ,

a serious loss for Venice.*2 because the prows of the Turkish galleys were so much At the southern end of the battle site Uluj-Ali higher than those of the Christians that even when they ; lowered the mouths of their cannon to a point just above who must have been startled by the magnitude of the peaked rams [le bocche abbassate fin su 1 speroni|, they

the Christian armada, held back the Turkish left were still set so high that they shot over the pennants wing from an immediate attack upon the Christian on the Christian galleys. right wing under Giannandrea Doria. Uluj-Ali, a

Calabrian renegade, was probably the most for- Don John had been well advised to remove the midable seaman of his day; Doria, a master mar- rams or “‘spurs’’ (speroni, espolones) on the prows iner, was not unreasonably afraid to pit his fifty of the allied galleys. galleys against Uluj-Ali’s ninety. In the ill-fated Despite the carnage the Turks came on, shriekexpedition of 1570 Doria had insisted upon being ing and bellowing, amid cries of victory and a in the right wing, which (when one sailed east- storm of arrows and gunshot. The sea was aflame ward) was usually on the seaward side, and would — with flashes of cannon fire and burning vessels:

make escape easier. It is perhaps not to be won-

dered at that Uluj- Ali also found himself on the Three galleys were locked together in combat with four, seaward wing as the Turkish armada issued from four with six, and stx with one, of both the enemy and

; the Christians, allWhether fighting fearful in the cruelest fashion, the the' Gulf of Lepanto. being ; pres; . one determined not to leave theof other alive,qand

outflanked or otherwise, Doria bore off about a ently Turks and Christians had boarded many of their mile to the south, being followed by a number of opponents’ galleys, constrained to do battle with short galleys. He thus separated himself, with the Cap- arms in hand-to-hand combat, from which few came out tains who followed, from the rest of the right wing alive... . .

(seguitato da molte galee si scosto per spacio di uno _—

miglio dal resto del suo corno), opening a gap in the “They fought with swords, scimitars, iron maces,

northern end of his squadron and exposing to pos- knives, arrows, arquebuses, and fireballs. The sible attack the south end of the Christian batta- dead were thrown and the wounded leapt into the glia, where the prior of Messina had been placed 4: where the living joined the lifeless by drownwith three galleys of Malta. It remained to be seen 8 1 water, which was already thick and red

what Uluj-Ali would do. with blood.” | | Meanwhile the allied battaglia under Don John, Don John’s galley Tan alongside that of Ali Colonna, and Venier pressed ahead against Ali Pasha and two other Turkish captains of flagships. Pasha, Pertau Pasha, Caracosa, and the main body In naval battles it was the custom of the time and of the Turkish armada. The Christians advanced 2 Matter of honor for the Supreme commanders behind a barrage of cannon fire spewed forth with to engage each other in action. Ali had aboard his deadly effect by the bombardiers aboard the gal- galley three hundred janissaries, some arquebuleasses of Giacomo Guoro and Francesco Duodo, SIT: and a hundred crossbowmen. On his flagship who caused so much bloodshed and created such Don John had at hand four hundred arquebusiers

from the regiment of Sardinia under the com-

mand of Don Lope de Figueroa, ‘‘as well as many *° Contarini, Historia, fols. 51-52%. In the spring of 1570, other lords and gentlemen, who now Came fo as the Turks began their campaign against Cyprus, Mehmed blows with the Turks. Contarini has high pralse Siroco [Sirocco, Scirocco] had joined Piali Pasha’s armada “‘with for Colonna, who was also in the thick of it, seizing

the Six galleys of the guard of Chios’’ (Pietro Valderio, Guerra aq Turkish galley which had attacked him. Venier di Cipro, Treviso MS. ital. 505, p. 39). Siroco, badly wounded fought like the ‘‘valoroso capitano”’ that he was, tano della guardia d’ Alessandria, and was well known for his on Don John s left, Soins after the enemy con ‘“insolentie,’’ on which see Marc’ Antonio Barbaro’s letter of Fan cuore.” The three Christian generals became 22 July, 1569, to the doge in Venice (Marciana, MS. It. VH, embroiled in dangerous conflict with seven ‘Turk390 [8872], fols. 140" ff., and note, ibid., fols. 202-203", 210°- ish galleys. Requesens came to their aid, as did two 211, 214", et alibi), as well as Fedel Fedeli, Storia della guerra Venetian galleys the Loredana and the Mali piera 83”, 90’, and on the battle of Lepanto, fols. 88-93. The Mar- “with a great slaughter of the enemy, but Giociana has eight or ten manuscript copies of Fedeli’s work. vanni Loredan and Caterino Malipiero were killed

at Lepanto, was put to death by the victors. He had been capi- 5 66

contro il Turco, 1570-1571, ibid., MS. It. VII, 106 (8033), fols. ; , - .

1058 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT in the encounter. The crews of the Loredana and Ali, with a considerable number of his galleys, had

the Malipiera, undaunted by the deaths of their plowed through the breach, slaughtering the captains, redoubled their efforts, “‘anziinfiammati Christians aboard the galleys in his way, escaping di vendicarsi,’’ and took possession of two Turkish with ease, “et con commodita essendo fuggito.”’ galleys, while Venier and Colonna are said to have Doria and the ‘‘soccorso”’ from the battaglia did,

captured two more.”° however, arrive in time to save some Christian By this time Don John’s hefty flagship had al- galleys which Uluj-Ali was towing away, including legedly sustained the attacks of five enemy galleys, that of Pietro Giustinian, the prior of Messina,

and had subdued three of them. Having sought although most of those aboard were “‘scarcely each other out, the two commanders-in-chief were alive.’’?!

finally locked in deadly combat. Don John’s men The battle had ended, BO" Preval a“ Pasha orem ortalita.”” On ney ane with God’s own resolution by about 3:30 P.M. [a fourth attempt. however. thev drove the Turks 2” XXI in circa] the enemy had been entirely shattered, Pt; ; y , subdued, and conquered so that without a sword’s back to the main mast of the pasha s galley ( fino stroke all that remained of the Turkish armada was capal alboro), killing Ali himself. On all sides the Chris- — tured—except for the galleys of Uluj-Ali who, taking

tian cries of victory were heard, and were quickly advantage of his position, had fled out to sea, and beunderstood. Soon the Christians became “more cause there was already little left of the day, he was not concerned with seeking booty and tying up [cap- _ pursued, but all the others surrendered to whoever was tives] than in fighting and killing.” Many impor- first to move against them. tant Turks, molt p EPSONAEE? NUMNICt, had been slain, The sea was a fearful spectacle, tutto al mare san-

and many made prisoners in expectation of lucra- guinoso, with wounded men and floating corpses

tive ransoms. The Porte had lost lying in the wreckage of skiffs and galleys. Cries

a large number of janissaries and a huge mass of soldiers: for help were heard from Christians and Turks Only those escaped who from the very start of the battle, alike, as they swam about clutching oars and having seen the destruction of the [Turkish] galleys, had buoys, splintered masts and yardarms. Writing

taken refuge in frigates and other small boats, as Pertau only months after the important and stirring aeejenen observed awe ahas nediscreetly pert Making events had justhe described, Contarini bestheofpadthe situation as hehecould, go eeeGianpietro : aboard a caique, and made it safely to the shore. ° was doubtless right in his assertion

er , that this has been the greatest and most famous naval

Uluj-Alt had als ° realize d that the day was lost. battle which has ever taken place from the time of CaeTo prevent the wily corsair from outflanking him, sar Augustus until now, and it has occurred in almost Doria continued to veer to the south with a num- exactly the same place that he conquered Mark Antony

ber of galleys, widening the gap in the Christian [in 31 B.c.], for that was near the promontory of Acright wing. Never one to miss a trick, Uluj-Alisaw _ tium, where Prevesa now is.

his chance. As Christian galleys straggled into the . ,

gap, Uluj-Ali made a sudden attack upon them, Christians looked upon the victory at Lepanto as a miracle. In a mere four hours, as Contarini and our men held up valiantly and met it with courage, says, they had clipped the wings of the great sernot because they had confidence in their slender strength, pent of the Levant. The booty was enormous, and

but rather in their firm expectation of assistance which, the captured Turkish standards would be prehowever, they did not receive in time, since Doria stood d for centuries. The wind had shifted from too far out at sea with his galleys dispersed. . . . SEEVE east to west in the very hour that the change was He was in fact too far out to sea to swerve around, needed. The battle had been fought on a calm sea.

outflank Uluj-Ali, and catch him from behind The heavy cannon of the Christian galleys, and (dietro alle spalle) with the heavy fire of Pisani’s especially of the galleasses, had been too much for

galleass. Although Doria tried to rally his forces, the Turks, who had far less artillery and were it was too late. Some of the commanders of the much less skilled as gunners. By 7:00 P.M. (a hora ‘victorious galleys’? of the battaglia, perceiving wna di notte) the weather began to change again, the plight of the stranded galleys in the Christian but only when the Christian armada had already right wing, also made an effort to come to their taken refuge in the port of Petala and the inlets aid, ‘‘ma tardo fu il soccorso,”’ again too late. Uluj- just north of the island of Oxia, with the Turkish

5° Contarini, Historia, fols. 51%—52’. 51 Contarini, Historia, fols. 52°—53”.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1059 prisoners and captured galleys. A violent wind cided to return to Messina, expressing hope that arose, ‘‘che fece horrenda et furiosa fortuna di the armada might again be assembled the followmare;” local residents said that they had never ing year for another campaign against the Turks. seen such a storm. If the heavy rains had come at The three generals then went on to Corfu, “‘conmid-day, the Christian ‘‘firelocks,”’ arquebusesand ducendo seco i vaselli acquistati et spoglie nemimuskets, would not have functioned so well asthe che,” where the spoils of conquest were divided Turkish bows and arrows. But in the safety of rather less amicably than Contarini suggests. Petala, where the ships’ physicians took care of the The Holy See received 19 galleys and two galliots, sick and wounded, the Christians were able to con- Spain was given 58 galleys and six galliots, while

template their good fortune.”” the Venetian share was 39 galleys and four galliots.

Sebastiano Venier lost no time in sending the The Turkish artillery was also divided among the news of their incredible achievement to Venice. victors, and so were the captives, with 881 slaves Without consulting Don John, which renewed the going to the pope, 1,713 to the king of Spain, and hard feeling between them, Venier dispatched 1,162 to the Venetian Signoria. And, as Contarini Onfreé Giustinian in a galley “‘con lettere al Senato says, Onfré Giustinian brought the news to Venice. del felice successo ch’ egli conosceva dalla man The Piazza S. Marco was crowded, as the pop-

di Dio.” ulace waited and wondered ‘between fear and The surviving Christians who fought at Le- hope,” but from Giustinian’s discharge of cannon panto could glory in their everlasting victory, as and from the fact that he was dragging Turkish Contarini notes toward the end of his Historia. banners through the water behind him, it was clear Those who were killed were among the blessed, he brought good news. Until he came ashore, howhowever, having exchanged by their martyrdom _ ever, with Venier’s letter and made his own report a few hours of earthly existence for an eternal to the Doge Alvise Mocenigo, no one could imagabode in God’s own presence. These fortunate ine the extent of the allied triumph ‘‘con pochisdead Contarini reckons at 7,656, including one cap-_—simo danno de Christiani,”’ with so little loss of tain of a flagship, i.e., Agostino Barbarigo, 17 galley —_ Christian life. The doge received Giustinian in the commanders, eight nobles, five chaplains, six counts, Collegio, and then came down into the church of five patroni [from the Arsenal], six scribes, seven §. Marco, accompanied by the papal nuncio Gianpilots, 113 bombardiers, 32 skilled workers, 124 nantonio Facchinetti, the Patriarch Giovanni Grimates, 925 seamen, 2,274 galley slaves, and 1,333 mani, two councilors, and such nobles as were on

soldiers, all from the Venetian fleet, while 2,000 hand. The Senate had been in session, and its men had been killed aboard Philip II’s fleet, and members also hastened into the church, as the

800 from the pope’s dozen galleys. clergy and choir began to sing the Te Deum lauAccording to Contarini, the Turks lost 29,990 damus, which was followed by a mass of thanksmen ‘“‘between those killed and captured,” includ- _ giving.®®

ing 34 captains of flagships, 120 commanders of

galleys, 25,000 janissaries, sipahis, adventurers, Onfré Giustinian arrived in Venice at about and galley slaves, as well as the 3,846 captives 11:00 A.M. (circa 17 hore) on 19 October, not on taken by the Christians, who also seized 130 vessels the eighteenth as stated by Contarini. When the from the Turks, i.e., 117 galleys and 13 galliots, | news was made public that day, an avviso was pretogether with their munitions and supplies. About pared, presumably by agents of the Fuggers, re80 vessels were virtually destroyed or sunk, and counting the first-known facts of the Christian vicperhaps another forty escaped the Christians’ tory at Lepanto. The battle was declared to have clutches.

For three days after the battle those aboard the ~~ _ Christian armada celebrated their signal success —__* Contarini, Historia, fols. 54"-56", and of. Guglielmotti, Stowith ‘“‘feste et allegrezze.”’ It was deemed imprac- he delta rearing entific, V1, 243-46, who modifies slightly the

. L, . gures given by Contarini, who provides for the division of

ticable to follow up their victory as a united ar- only 116 galleys and 12 galliots. Philip Il was supposed to remada, for they were confined to the port of Petala ceive three sixths of the booty, Venice two sixths, and the Holy and the neighboring inlets until 15 October, ow- See one sixth, the spoils being divided in accordance with the

ing to the bad weather and the pressing need to ‘MPs which cah ofthe dre high contracting partis had take care of the sick and wounded. Don John de- received two or three galleys. M. Lesure, Lépante, la crise de

__ l’ empire ottoman (1972), p. 9, mistakenly assumes that the Giu—Contarini, oo stinian who brought the news of Lepanto to Venice was | Pietro} Historia, fols. 53°—54". Giustinian, the prior of the Hospitallers of Messina.

1060 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT lasted five hours. The high spot was Don John’s Giustinian was knighted, and given a gold chain successful clash with Ali Pasha, in which Venier worth 500 scudi. Who had ever brought such tidin shining armor (in arme bianche) was said to have ings to Venice? On 19 October the nuncio Gianparticipated. According to this account, Ali was nantonio Facchinetti wrote Cardinal Girolamo taken prisoner and brought on board the galley Rusticucci, who was then acting as Pius V’s secof Don John, who had his head cut off and dis- retary of state, that he wanted to believe the pope played aboard a frigate, which went the rounds of had already learned of the Christian victory by the Christian armada. The death of the Turkish generalissimo inspired the Christians with the as-

surance of victory. ver invest? verinfarme hianche. fu fatt , . nierla la investi per fianco bianche. EtEt fu fatto pregione

It was reported that 180 Turkish galleys had esso bassa et menato subito sopra la galera di esso Don Giovanni, been taken, and towed to Corfu. The rest of the che gli fece tagliar la testa su la palmetta, et subito monto in sultan’s armada had been burned to water level una fregata, et ando all’ ultimo corno dell’ armata Christiana, or sunk. The victors had killed 15,000 Turks, cap- dandoli la nova della presa et morte di esso bassa et generale tured 7,000 prisoners, and freed 20,000 Christian de pureh et che pero volessero menar le mani che la vittoria slaves. Of the 40 flagships ( fano) in the Turkish “Et cosi sono state prese 180 galere de’ Turchi remurchiate armada, 39 had now come into the possession of dall’ armata nostra sino a Corfu, et il resto di detta armata the Christians. The fortieth fano belonged to Uluj- turca, parte buttata a fondi et parte brugiata, tagliati a pezzi Ali, who escaped with five galleys, but had allegedly 42 15 m. Turchi et da 7 m. pregioni, liberati qui di 20 m. bcen dTpursued. Christ;ten1]; Mistlan had b dgalleys schiavi, et di 40 fano [i.e., flagships] che erano in detta armata la een c- turca presi trentanove. L’ altro, che era |’ Occhiali, si era fuggito stroyed. Yes, Barbarigo had been killed and, it cons galere, ma era seguitato da alquante delle nostre, et della seemed, so had 18 galley commanders. Marco _ nostraarmata sono restate da X galere disertate di gente, morto Querini had been wounded. The booty was so _ il clarissimo Signor Agustin Barbarigo di una frecciata nella great that one could assume the soldiers had pr of- faccia, et dicono da 18 sopracomiti, et si ragiona che siano

ted da goo dealcal. questi, pero non si sa del to certo . . [the names of the etgalley ited — commanders assumed have. been killed are listed], ferito

It was thought that Christians had never known _ il magnifico Messer Marco Querini. sucha military triumph as God had given them at ‘‘I] bottino é stato grande, et é da credere che tutti li soldati Lepanto. The city was in an ecstasy. As soon as habbino guadagnato bene. Di questa cosi gloriosa vittoria che

the doge heard th h tered the church ci ha dato il Signor Iddio che mai é stata forsi tale a tempo de’ € Gos ar € News, ; e emere © churc Christiani ne giubila tanto questa citta che tutto é in festa et of S. Marco with the Signoria and the ambassadors in allegrezza, et subito sua Serenita con |’ illustrissima Signoria

of the princes. The mass was sung with the Te et ambasciatori de’ principi ando a San Marco, dove é stata Deum laudamus, as we have just seen. All the shops canta la messa con il Te Deum laudamus, et tutto il popolo were closed. No one was doing business. Everyone della citta € in grandissimo giubilo con serrar tutte le botteghe, ; . . . abbandonar li negocii, et spender tutto il tempo in allegrezza was celebrating , and thanking God for the triumph. et abracciamenti, ringratiando Iddio che ci ha consolati. Et si Debtors were freed from prison. It was to be hoped sono liberati pregioni per debiti civili, et si andara dietro fathat God would see to it that the Christian captains cendo altre allegrezze. Piaccia a sua divina Maesta darci gratia must chase that dog of a sultan from his throne, ¢ !! capitani nostri in questa vittoria vadino a cacciar di seggio

turi ‘chtrig I bul questo sino in Constantinopoli, sicome s’ ha speranza che venturing updo toit.24 Istanbul to cane do tit. debbano fare.”

Note also, ibid., fols. 137, 147°, 445". For bringing the good news of Lepanto and the Turkish banners to Venice, “‘il Signor

54 The text seems worth giving (Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fols. | Onfré Giustiniani. . . é stato fatto cavalliere con dono d’ una 134-135", di Venetia 19 Ottobre): ‘Questa mattina circa 17 hore — colana di 500 scudi”’ (fol. 143°").

é arrivata qua la galera del magnifico Messer Onfré Giustiniano Other accounts of the battle of Lepanto are given in Cod.

con le insegne turche trascinate per acqua con molti tiri Urb. lat. 1042, ee. g. fols. 436 ff., 440, 456", and see Cod. d’ artigliaria, il quale ha portato la piu felice nova che potesse _ Barb. lat. 5367, fols. 14 ff., 123 ff., 135 ff., 144”, which register

haver questa Serenissima Republica et tutta la Christianita in- is almost entirely dedicated to the prelude to Lepanto and its sieme, et é la rotta, ruina, et fracasso di tutta |’ armata turca, aftermath. On the thanksgivings and celebrations in Venice, che segui alli 7 del presente, giorno di Dominica a circa tre note the letter of the doge and Senate to the captain-general hore di giorno. Presso il luogo detto Curzolari, presso il Golfo Venier in the Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 23’-24" [45°—46"], di Lepanto, si vennero ad incontrar tutte due I’ armate, et quella doc. dated 22 October, 1571. del Turco fu la prima che venisse ad investire la nostra, contra The outpouring of reports, letters, sermons, orations, avvisi, la quale furno spinte le galeazze con il clarissimo Augustin Bar- ragguagli, Beschreibungen, Zeitungen, cantoni, sonnett, etc., from

barigo in una bonazza calma che dur6 tutto il giorno, le quali late October through December, 1571, announcing, describing, galeazze diedero un gran fracasso all’ armata nemica, et s’ at- and extolling the victory at Lepanto is almost incredible—see tacco il resto della battaglia, et il fatto dur6é da 5 hore continue the listing in Carl Gollner, Turcica: Die europaischen Turkendrucke et il menar delle mani—la qual battaglia hebbe questo fine, che des XVI. Jahrhunderts, 11 (Bucharest and Baden-Baden, 1968),

Don Gio. d’ Austria investi con la sua galera per poppe quella _ nos. 1306-1496, pp. 220-93. I have cited only such items as del bassa general della Turca, et |’ eccellentissimo general Ve- _I have read.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1061 way of Otranto. But news traveled uncertainly at the Signoria repaired to the Sala del Collegio in sea, and so Facchinetti was sending a courier to joyful haste. The sixteen Savi (del Consigho, di

Rome to inform his Holiness Terra Ferma, and agli Ordini) joined the doge

that a little while ago the magnificent Giuffré Giustinian 274 is hx councnors, me tree as or ae has arrived with his galley, and has stated in the Collegio, Quarantia, an © Pee rv: 5 Of le youn hb

in my presence, that of 200 Turkish galleys one hundred Ten. Letters were prepared for submission to the and eighty—I say 180—have been taken, and are now Senate. One of them, dated I os October, was adin Christian hands. He says that the victory has been dressed to the Emperor Maximilian I. The doge bloody, with the deaths of 20,000 Turksanda great many and Senate told his imperial Majesty that the vicprisoners taken. Fifteen thousand Christian slaves have tory at Lepanto was to be looked upon not so much been freed. The provveditore Barbarigo was killed, with as an end in itself as the means whereby the Chrissix or eight Venetian galley commanders. The lord Don tian princes could now ‘‘abbassar questo fiero et John, the lord Marc’ Antonio Colonna, the princes of natural inimico commune.” Maximilian, as em-

Urbino and Parma [Francesco Maria andChristiana,’’ “ ae “as i. bound . ._peror, wasdella “‘capoRovere della militia Alessandro Farnese], the count of S. Fiora [Mario by cl ti f blood to Philio II and D h

Sforza], and the lord Ascanio della Corgna were safe. The t C OSE” les O 00 ch A Lip antl on J onn

battle took place on the seventh of this month, and lasted © Austria, whose Spanish fleet had played so large from 11:00 A.M. [17 hore] until nightfall, not far from @ part in the spectacular defeat of the Turks.

the Gulf of Lepanto.*° The road was now open for an attack upon Se, , lim II from Austria, not only to recover lands lost re - October, the twentieth, and " the cays to the Turks but to acquire “‘some other states.” ve wee 4 to Shine aad. levels were he Che: FOr Maximilian might make himself ‘‘the most famous

enice, Fee | ing - g sala: in the Ae aad. and glorious emperor there ever was,”’ if he would "Inesced Gi nai Vine Oe Pe “TH (1838. 16 01 - seize the chance to strike while the sultan and his

TESse £ th lovannt Normath. ae a — h ), advisors were taken aback, utterly dismayed, by ric 4 hi € great rt aes SOF AUS en he ob the extent of their unexpected comedown. The nen ‘On we Oth y me Seen and the ob- Turks were unprepared to face a large-scale at20 0 he ° hat D s wpe ha, hick, wrote {on tack. The emperor must use the opportunity b ctober) ke at D on Jo ns act ne bone in which God had given him. The Signoria was cer-

a hot aft ous (Don h iovanni st e fe naan 2 > tain that Maximilian would not fail in his respon-

mm that atter she d hee a century the 6 the sibility, and that he would help move the other hole thes si sea had seen we Ke oot nM f © Christian princes both near and far, especially the whole ¢ th ooh contain muc h b same i °'- king of France, to take prompt action against the mation as tne other sources, with tne usua varl- Turk and to end his tyranny.°’

ations, such as the assertion that the Christians had

captured 140 galleys, Uluj-Ali had escaped with WH ___ 56

twenty-five, and so on. ; 7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 21% [43°], all’ imperator, doc. After mass on that memorable morning of dated 19 October, 1571, and note the letter of the same date Onfré Giustinian’s return to Venice from Petala, to Giovanni Correr, the Venetian ambassador to the imperial court: ‘‘Essendo venuta quella occasione tanto desiderata dalla Christianita, che |’ armata Turchesca sia stata con |’ aiuto del

Signor Dio destrutta dalle armate della lega, ne é parso per 5® Aldo Stella, ed., Nunziature di Venezia, X (1977), no. 70, — corrier espresso mandarvi il summario delli avisi che ne hab-

p. 117. biamo havuti questa matina, et vi commettemo col Senato che 56 Cod. Barb. lat. 5367, fols. 123-32, five letters written | dobbiate communicarli a sua cesarea Maesta, rallegrandovi infrom Venice between 19 and 25 October, 1571, addressed to _finitamente con lei d’ una tanta vittoria... .” Giovanni Vincenzo Pinelli in Padua, three of them from one Correr was to try to persuade Maximilian to attack the Turks, Nicolere Primo. Other texts and letters relating to Lepanto and do his best to bring Sigismund Augustus of Poland into may be found, ibid., fols. 133 ff., and in fact throughout the an invasion of Turkish territory, ‘“‘et da modo sia preso che sia

remainder of this volume. Born in Naples, Pinelli lived in Padua __ data liberta al Collegio di scriver alli serenissimi re di Polonia, throughout his adult years. He collected manuscripts, paintings, de Portogallo, et altri principi Christiani, che li parera con darli books, coins, and almost everything else of cultural interest or —_aviso della vittoria et eccittarli a moversi contra il Turco. De value. His library became famous. After his death (on 1 August, __ litteris + 158, de non 0, non sinceri |” (tbid., fols. 21°—22" [43°—

1601) part of his library went to Naples, and part is still pre- 4.4")). served in Venice, but during one shipment a large portion fell On the continued effort of the Venetians and Pius V to perinto the hands of Turkish corsairs who, dissatisfied with their suade Maximilian to join the anti-Turkish League, note, ibid., booty, threw some chests of books overboard and destroyed _fols. 40° [62°], 43 [65], 48 [70], 50°-51 [72°-73], 55° [77°]. others in other ways, on which note J. H. Zedler, Grosses voll- Although the Venetians and others had offered Maximilian standiges Universal-Lexikon, XXVIII (Leipzig and Halle, 1741, large support to enter the League, he was more inclined to

repr. Graz, 1961), cols. 369-70. peace than to war with the Turks (ibid., fol. 56" ['78"], and cf.

1062 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT On the same day (19 October) the doge and ing came, Pope Pius V began a series of letters to Senate wrote Charles [X of the God-given victory the kings and princes of Christendom, rejoicing of the allied Christian fleets, which had destroyed in the glad tidings he had received.®® On 23 Octhe Turkish armada, “‘. . . che con tanta felicita) tober Pius wrote Don John that words were inhanno destrutta |’ armata Turchesca.”’ With this adequate to express the elation he felt. Congratubeginning the divine Majesty had shown the Chris- lating the young prince in fulsome Latinity, his

tian princes what one might hope for, if they Holiness stated he had been told that Don John would press ahead for the common good and for intended to press on and make the greatest postheir own everlasting fame. Since the king had _ sible use of the victory at Lepanto (which of course often stated that when he saw “‘things moving for- _ was not the case). With high praise for Don John’s ward,” he would not fail to share in the enterprise, alleged decision and for his courage, Pius said he the doge and Senate assured him that now was the — was now led to hope that further news of further time to act. When the ample resources of France _ victories lay just ahead. He would not cease to pray

were added to those of the rest of Christendom, that God would keep his beloved son safe and one could be sure that the consequences would — sound, “‘sicut adhuc fuisti,”” and imparted “‘by the

exceed the fondest hopes of the past. It only re- present letter the apostolic benediction to your mained for the Christian princes to do their duty Highness [Nobilitati tuae], to all the armada, and as the Turk faced his future in consternation.”® to the army.’’®! Charles was, however, even less able and less likely Although Pius was well aware that Duke Althan Maximilian to make a move against the fonsod’ Este of Ferrara must already have learned

Turks. of the “insignis et celeberrima victoria. . . contra To Philip II the doge and Senate wrote that the immanissimos hostes Turcas,” he wished nevChristian victory and the destruction of the Turk- ertheless to share his happiness with Alfonso by ish armada gave every promise of those further a letter ‘“‘pro paterna erga te voluntate nostra.’’°?

successes of which the Christian commonwealth On 25 October Pius wrote Philip II that the had need, and which surely would follow when the | Christian victory had gladdened his heart ‘‘with in-

princes did their duty, ‘‘as the supreme pontiff, credible joy and happiness.” It was the work of your Catholic Majesty, and our Republic have God, marvelous in what He does, ‘‘through whom done up to now!’ The Venetians rejoiced with his _ kings reign and princes command.”’ The Almighty Majesty in this victory in which his brother Don _ had given them a victory, as he told Philip, such as

John of Austria and the Spanish fleet had ‘‘had so no one had ever seen or heard of “either in our great a part.” They looked forward to a future own times or in earlier centuries.’”°* Three days that would have been hard to conceive of only a later Pius addressed another letter to Philip, confew weeks before, but now they must reap the gratulating his Catholic Majesty and praising the rewards of their common victory. They were valor of Don John. He also requested that both the thankful that Philip had ordered Don John to king’s fleet and land forces be ready for further ‘‘winter in Sicily,’’ and they implored him to try action against the Turks by the following March or to prevail upon his cousin Maximilian IT to enter — by April at the latest. Although the Venetians apthe Holy League, thus setting an example for all _ peared to know that Philip had instructed Don John the other Christian princes whose duty it was to ‘“‘to winter in Sicily,”’ Pius had not been so informed.

proceed against the Turk.°? He hoped, however, that such would be the case, The nuncio Facchinetti’s courier reached Rome the night of 21 and 22 October, and when morn-

TO °° Cf the brief to Charles IX in the Arch. Segr. Vaticano, fol. 60° [82"]). Correr had replaced Giovanni Michiel as the Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fol. 105, by original enumeration, “datum Republic’s ambassador to the imperial court, his commission Romae apud Sanctum Petrum, etc., die XXII Octobris 1571, being dated 2 June, 1571 (ibid., Reg. 77, fols. 96°-98" [117°- anno sexto: Simile Catherinae reginae Christianissimae.’’ On

119*}). the arrival of Facchinetti’s courier in Rome with the first news

°8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 22 [44], al re Christianissimo, of Lepanto, cf L. Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, IV doc. dated 19 October, 1571, and cf. the letter of the same date (1914), no. 233, pp. 488-489, a letter of 22 October of the to Alvise Contarini and Leonardo Contarini, the Venetian am- — Spanish ambassador Zijiga to Philip II.

bassadors in France, ibid., fol. 22”. 5! Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fol. 144.

°° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 22°—23" [44°~45'], al re Catholico, 62 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Cart. di principi doc. dated 19 October, and cf. the letter, also of the nineteenth, __ esteri, Busta 1300/15, no. 151, doc. dated 23 October, 1571.

to Leonardo Donado and Antonio Tiepolo, the Venetian am- 8 Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, IV, no. 235, p. 492,

bassadors in Spain, ibid., fol. 23. and cf. Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fol. 104.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1063 so that both the soldiers and oarsmen might “be _ they are saying that the pope will solemnize the seventh found fresh for the fight” when the spring came.®4 of October in memory of this victory, as Calixtus III

Naturally and necessarily Pius V wrote his "ce did when the Christians had obtained a victory friends and allies, the Venetians, during these joy- against the Turks much less important than this one.

| ; Yesterday morning the Roman people had a solemn

ous days that were filling Rome with celebrations. | «3. lebrated in Araceli. and his Holiness has

The Venetians had them been bearing the brunt of cece and eee AE 6 . 8 granted an indulgence ofthe teneeeyears tenten “‘quawar against the Turks. They had lost Cyprus; they rantene.” The Spanish ambassador [Juan de Zuniga], were co-authors of the Holy League. If we may doubtful about the safety of his brother, the Comendador be allowed another full text amid the scores and { Luis de Requesens], has not yet shown any sign of rescores of letters and documents concerning the joicing. . . . One eagerly awaits the arrival of the lord triumph at Lepanto, it should probably be Pius’s Prospero Colonna with details of the victory of the armada. letter of 24 October to the doge and Senate. It There has been no word from Venice except for two illustrates the then current state of mind at the _ letters, one from the Signoria and the other from the Curia, for even if the Turks had forced the war TUNCIO.. - - The news reached here Sunday night [21 ; October], and Monday evening they put on a joyous dis-

upon the Signoria, everyone knew that the Venetian Ve eat salvos of artillery, which the

ders pé at Lepanto had, like Don John,evening earned[Tuesday, Dey eenthe a Oe :yy commande es , were to do again yesterday twentythe gratitude of Christendom.” The more one reads third], but because of the fear that many lords have lost the endless texts, the more he comes to realize the their lives, his Holiness did not want it.°”

profound impression made by the victory, and no-

where was the spirit moved more deeply than in Three days later another dispatch (of 27 OcRome. No casual statement can do justice to the tober) described how Pius V rose from his bed, evidence we can gather from the flood of papal threw himself on his knees, and thanked God for briefs which poured into the chanceries of Europe.” the news which the nuncio Facchinetti's courier In Rome on 24 October, as we learn from a news had brought. The next morning he went into S.

dispatch, Peter’s, accompanied by the cardinals, to say prayers of thanksgiving. He received the ambas64 Oo sadors with tears of joy. On Tuesday, 23 October, 1 Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdatica, 1V, no. 236, p. 493, a courier came from Venice, sent by the Sign oria,

oc. cated 28 October, 1571. . . .

© Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fol. 100: ‘‘Dilectis filiis nobili viro with a letter to the ambassador Giovanni Soranzo, Duci ac Dominio Venetiarum: . . . Legimus hilari sane lae- confirming what the nuncio had written and protoque animo litteras vestras quas nobis nudius tertius [i.e., 22 viding more information. The writer of the disOctober] orator apud nos vester reddidit easque ipse prudenti patch repeated word of the bonfires and the festive ac diligenti admodum sermone est subsecutus. Primumque bursts of artill th ts of which th dequod de tam insignis tamque gloriosae victoriae adversus per- ursts OF artillery, the COsts OF WAIC © pope ce fidissimos Turcas beneficio Deo Omnipotenti, a quo bona plored, preferring to see the money spent on the cuncta procedunt, maximas gratias (sicut omnes facere debemus) egeritis, vos in Domino summopere laudamus, deinde vobis ex toto corde totaque mente nostra incredibili erga vos | Francesco Maria, the one the grand duke and the other the nostri amoris abundantia sincere de eadem victoria gratulamur __ prince of Tuscany; Alfonso II d’Este, duke of Ferrara; Ottavio nobisque mirabiliter gaudemus!Et ut is qui manus suae potentia Farnese, duke of Parma and Piacenza; Guidobaldo II della innumerabiles hostium exercitus fugare delereque potest, sicut. Rovere, duke of Urbino; Guglielmo Gonzaga, duke of Mantua; iam inchoavit, felices ac secundos rerum populi sui progressus _ Pietro del Monte, grand master of the Hospitallers of Malta— in dies magis fortunare et augere pro suaque ineffabili bonitate _all dated 23 October (1571), septem principibus Italiae, significatio et misericordia id clementissime concedere dignetur, assiduis —_victoriae classis.

orationibus semper precabimur idemque tum a vobis tum a Similar briefs with generally similar wording went to Henry, Christianis omnibus incessabili voce agendum esse censemus. duke of Anjou; Emmanuel Philibert, duke of Savoy; King SeVerum enimvero, filii, vobis exploratissimum esse volumus nos bastian of Portugal, his grandmother Catherine, and his great secundum Apostolum opportune importune instando, ar- uncle, Cardinal Henry; Albrecht, duke of Bavaria; the governor guendo, obsecrando, increpando apud Christianos principes _ of Milan, the royal lieutenant in Sicily; the Archdukes Ferdinand legatis, nuntiis, litterisque nostris (uti iam praeclare coepimus) and Charles of Austria; Sigismund Augustus, king of Poland; nullo loco defuturos quin eos studiosissime moneamus, horte- | and numerous others, to the extent that determining the proper mur, oremus, et obtestemur ut sese nobiscum ceterisque con- addresses became something of a problem of ecclesiastical etifoederatis contra taeterrimum immanissimumque tyrannum — quette and diplomatic protocol. Cf the note of a secretary, ibid., coniungere non differant ut consociatis communibus omnium fol. 130°: ‘‘Principi alli quali mi pare che si doveria scrivere,”’ viribus, dum saevissimus hostis insperata inexpectataque tanta __ with lists of ‘‘Ecclesiastici’”’ and ‘‘Secolari.”’

hac amissae potentissimae classis iactura consternatus iacet, in- On 17 November, 1571, Pius V informed the king of Pornatam eius ferociam ac feritatem fortius et validius contundere _tugal that he intended to send anti-Turkish exhortations to the atque reprimere Deo favente valeamus. Datum Romae apud _ kings of Ethiopia and Persia and ‘“‘to other princes in those Sanctum Petrum, etc., die XXIIII Octobris 1571, anno sexto.”’ —_areas,”’ Aethiopium ac Persarum regibus alusque illarum partium °° Cf Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fols. 109 ff., which briefs are _—_principibus (ibid., Reg. 20, fol. 204).

addressed to (among others) Cosimo I de’ Medici and his son 87 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 138, di Roma 24 Ottobre.

1064 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT divine offices. Besides a large number of small ves- In a brief of 26 October (1571) Pius instructed sels ‘‘our armada”’ was said to have captured 170 Don John as soon as possible to have prepared a Turkish galleys of which some, badly battered, record of all the captives taken at Lepanto with had been sent to Corfu for repairs. The report their names, surnames, and other data so that he was circulating that about 6,000 Christians had could determine who should be freed and who been killed, and a like number wounded. A Span- should be held for ransom. The ransoming of prisish lord was killed aboard Don John’s galley. He oners was a problem, however, for one had to be was named ‘‘Cardonas’’ [Bernardino de Car-_ careful that sea captains, mariners, and other perdenas]|, and had an annual income of 30,000 scudi. sons skilled in naval affairs should not be able Now the legate Gianfrancesco Commendone, quickly to re-enter the service of the Porte to re‘nell’ occasione di questa vittoria,’ could quite sume attacks upon Christians and their possesreasonably urge the king of Polandtotake uparms sions. Three days later Pius addressed a special against the Turks, ‘“‘and of this there is good hope, plea to Don John, Marc’ Antonio Colonna, and although previously there was not.’’ One might Sebastiano Venier to give all the help they could also hope for the emperor’s intervention. In the to the Hospitallers, who had suffered heavily in meantime his Holiness had dispatched couriers to _ the battle, especially when Uluj-Ali broke through the Christian princes to signalize the victory and _ the allied right wing under Giannandrea Doria.’

to urge their entry into the Holy League.® Meanwhile, before the news of Lepanto had

Pius did hope for the emperor’s intervention, reached the lagoon, the doge and Senate had writas made clear by the official announcement of the ten Antonio Tiepolo, Leonardo Donado’s ambasvictory he sent him on 24 October. Christendom _ sadorial colleague in Spain, to go to Portugal, and had never known such success in all the campaigns _ try with Philip II’s aid and intercession to persuade

that had been waged against the infidels. It was the young, starry-eyed King Sebastian to enter the

a sign of divine favor. Even greater triumphs Holy League. Considering the extent of Portumight be hoped for and expected, “‘if only we do guese interests in India, the Senate hoped that not fail ourselves and neglect such a splendid op- Sebastian might be responsive to the appeal.’! portunity to crush the common enemy.” A prince _ Distressed beyond words by the fall of Famagusta,

as well endowed as the emperor was with piety the doge and Senate also wrote Agostino Barbaand prudence needed no lengthy disquisition on _rigo, not yet knowing he was dead, to look into the necessity and the advantages of prompt action. the reasons why aid had not been sent to the The legate, Cardinal Commendone, or the nun- _ threatened city ‘‘according to our orders.”’’? The cio, Bishop Giovanni of Torcello, could tell the fear of the Turk so evident in the letter to Tiepolo emperor a number of things which the pope was and the disgruntlement equally evident in the letnot putting in his letter. Indeed, the first draft of | ter to the deceased Barbarigo disappear with the the papal letter contained a passage which, for whatever reason, was omitted from the text sent

to Vienna: The nuncio referred to at the end of this brief was the Venetian Giovanni Delfino (Zuan Dolfin), bishop of Torcello from

There must, therefore, be no further delay, but an at- 1563 to 1579, when he was transferred to Brescia. He died in tack must be made upon the enemy as soon as possible. May, 1584. Cf the letter of congratulation on Lepanto, which

The time has now come to recover that most fair and the Out: bens Bo on 26 October (Schwarz, op. cit., opulent kingdom of Hungary and to add other [king- 7 Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fol. 138, dilecto filio nobili viro Joann

oms] to your empire. ab Austria, totius classis confederatorum principum Christianorum praefecto et capitaneo generali, doc. dated 26 October, 1571. On

the twenty-ninth Pius appealed to Don John to assist the Hospitallers, who had lost heavily at Lepanto, . . . audita modo

68 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fols. 138°-139. gravissima strage quam [milites Hierosolymitani] in eorum triremibus

6° Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fol. 103, charissimo in Christo filio contra Turcas fortissime dimicando acceperunt . . . (ibid., fol. 149). nostro Maximiliano Romanorum, Hungariae, et Bohemiae regiillustri Similar appeals on behalf of the Order were sent to Marc’ Anin Imperatorem electo, doc. dated 24 October, 1571. The text tonio Colonna, dux Paliani, classis nostrae ecclesiasticae praefectus has been published by W. E. Schwarz, Der Briefwechsel des Kaisers et capitaneus generalis, and to Sebastiano Venier, procurator Sancti Maximilian II. mit Papst Pius V., Paderborn, 1889, no. CXLV, pp. Marci, classis inclytae Venetorum Reipublicae praefectus et capitaneus 187-88, but the copy of the brief which Schwarz gives us (from _— generalis (fol. 150).

Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Arm. XLIV, tom. 19, fol. 400) lacks the ”! Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 20-21" [42-43"], all’ ambassator following passage: ‘‘Igitur cunctandum amplius non erit, sed —_ Thiepolo in Spagna, doc. dated 11 October, 1571. primo quoque tempore in hostem irruendum. Nunc pulcher- 72 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 21° [43°], al proveditor general rimum et opulentissimum Ungarie regnum recuperanditempus da mar Barbarigo, doc. dated 17 October, and cf, ibid., fols.

venit et alia imperio tuo adiciendi!”’ 30°—31" [52°-53"], docs. dated 3 November, 1571.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1065 arrival of Giustinian’s galley at the Piazza S. terest in Giacomo Soranzo’s commission is the ex-

Marco. tent to which the Venetians had been running

Shortly after Giustinian had given his report through galleys, sails, oars, munitions, and everyto the Collegio and delivered Venier’s report of thing else. Sound galleys and supplies were espevictory the Doge Alvise Mocenigo and the Senate cially important at this time, for on 22 October wrote Don John (on 22 October) a letter of glowing the doge and Senate had directed Venier to repraise as the ‘‘minister of divine Majesty” in achiev- store the strength of the Venetian fleet as soon ing the remarkable victory over the Turkish armada. and as fully as he could in order to follow up the Venier had extolled the valor of Don John, the victory. Istanbul was badly defended ‘‘con poenhanced splendor of whose reputation now in- _ chissima gente da guerra.” The Turks had stripped creased the obligation he bore to Christendom to _ their capital for the expedition against Cyprus and reduce the power of the Turk, “. . . per deprimer for the soldiers, crews, and oarsmen who had la potentia del nemico.”’ He must deprive the enemy made up the armada which the allied fleets of the of the means of building a new armada, and free Holy League had destroyed. The Turk and his the thousands of poor Christians who had for so councilors must be “‘consternati d’ animo.”’ The long awaited the day of their deliverance from city of Istanbul was said to lack provisions. The

Turkish oppression.’ doge and Senate left the next move of the Vene-

A week later, on the twenty-ninth, Giacomo tian fleet up to Venier and his advisors, however, Soranzo received his commission as provveditore for they could assess the situation at closer hand. generale of the sea, to succeed the late Agostino The Turks who had overrun Cyprus were also Barbarigo. It was a most responsible as well as believed to be very badly provisioned. Venetian honorific post. His instructions were much the _ galleys operating between Crete and Cyprus should same as his predecessor had received, including _ be able to seize Turkish transports and foodstuffs,

the reminders that the commanders of galleys cutting off the Turks at Cyprus from even the (governatori and sopracomiti) and others should not _ barest necessities.

carry merchandise with them and, in accordance Venier had written the Signoria that he inwith the law of 16 November, 1470, they should tended to go raiding and burning his way from not bring their sons and nephews with them for _ island to island in the Archipelago. The idea of service aboard their galleys. Soranzo was, like his _ offensive action appealed to the Collegio and the

predecessor, to see to the maintenance and pres- Senate, but once Venier and the fleet had gone ervation of the hulls of galleys, oars, sails, and ar- into the Archipelago, it would be well to consider maments which were being used up at twice and_ entering the strait of Gallipoli (/’ andar nel stretto perhaps three times the normal rate. He received di Constantinopoli) or trying to take some city in the

the usual four months’ salary and allowance in Morea or even the island of Negroponte, which advance. He was to present his letters of credence the Venetians had lost to the Turks a century beto Don John of Austria, if the latter was still with fore. Taking places and burning them was all very the allied fleets, and throughout his term of service well, but certainly it was more to the point to try he must preserve an amicable understanding with to occupy and hold places, in which case it was both Don John and Marc’ Antonio Colonna “in obviously better not to destroy them and simply order that we may be able to follow up the victory, heap further hardship on poor, innocent Chrisadvance further against the cruel and barbarous tians, ‘“‘. . . liquali [luoghi] non sarebbe a proenemy of the Christian name, and maintain this posito nostro che fussero destrutti et ruinati con

most holy League... .”’”4 offesa delli poveri Christiani innocenti. . . .”

In Venice the issuance of commissions was a_ These Christians might rather be employed on run-of-the-mill procedure. The chief item of in- behalf of Venice, and be encouraged to free themselves from domination by the infidels. The Senate wanted Venier to use all possible ”8 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 25’ [47°], all’ illustrissimo Signor diligence to get hold of the casks, artillery, bales

Don Giovanni, doc. dated 22 October, 1571. of wool and cotton, rigging, ship s biscuit, and the 74 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 26'-29" [48'-51"], dated 29 like aboard the Turkish galleys. It was up to the October, 1571. The statement that the hulls of galleys, oars, Signoria to use or dispose of such things, which sails, and armaments were being used up at “il doppio et anco must not get into the hands of individuals ‘‘con il triplo piu di quello che si soleva ad altri tempi” is a recurring ; , : “99 formula (cf. the commission of Giacomo Foscarini as captain- pericolo anco d’ andar in mano de Turchi”— general of the sea, dated 23 February, 1572 [Ven. style 1571], "any a huckster would sell them back to the

ibid., fol. 70° [92"}). enemy. It was most important that the Turks

1066 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT should not be able to rebuild their armada. They seek advantageous conditions of peace with the must be deprived of every existing galleyand such Turk, and then give up the Christian alliance. means of building more as trees for masts, timber, Rambouillet was not sure the Spanish were right, rigging, pitch, ‘‘et tutte quelle altre materie che for the Venetians were full of expressions of gratsono necessarie a fabricar galee et far armata da _ itude to Philip II and to Don John (and the Senmare.’ When Venier no longer had need of Fi- ate’s letter to Venier of 22 October would cerlippo Bragadin, the provveditore generale in the _ tainly suggest the Spanish were wrong). ‘‘Gulf,”’ he was to let him go with as many galleys While the pope was doing everything in his as he thought advisable, for the Senate saw that power to strengthen and extend the league, there a good deal might be accomplished in the Adriatic was hostility among the leaders. Despite an outin the coming winter. Venier was, however, to ward show of courtesy Don John had no use for retain Bragadin and his galleys if they were nec- Venier, owing to the latter’s execution of Philip essary for any more important undertaking which _ II’s soldiers at Gomenizza and his sending Onfre the commanders of the allied fleets might be plan- __ Giustinian to Venice without consulting him. Fur-

ning.’° thermore, Rambouillet had just learned that one

of the chief reasons for the allies’ not proceeding Venetian ambitions as to conquests in the Mo- against the Turks after Lepanto was their inability rea or on the island of Negroponte were soon well to agree on the division of the Morea, should they known at the Curia, as Cardinal Charles d’ An- manage to conquer part of the peninsula. As far

gennes de Rambouillet wrote Charles IX and as that went, however, Rambouillet agreed with Catherine de’ Medici from Rome on 7 November. a number of other informed persons that it was It was thought that the Christian armada might a matter of dividing the skin before they had venture into the Moreote ports “‘soubz espérance caught the bear.’® Incidentally, the first news of d’ une rébellion des peuples.’’ The Venetians had _ the great event at Lepanto appears to have reached Greeks aboard their galleys. On the other hand _ the French court on 29 October,’’ where it caused the island of Negroponte, ‘‘one of the Turk’s main _ no great rejoicing. munitions’ magazines, is destitute of men, without Pius V was certainly making every effort to exfortresses, and with little hope of being assisted by _ tend the league. Don John had sent one Fernando

sea.” There was also some speculation that the de Mendoza to Rome to pay his respects to the armada might try to take the castles at the en- pope, who gave him a letter (dated 1 November) trance to the Gulf of Lepanto. But all these hopes, to take to the Emperor Maximilian. Mendoza was as de Rambouillet informed Charles and Cather- on his way to Vienna to give the emperor an acine, had now gone up in smoke, for on 5 Novem-___count of the battle. Pius again urged Maximilian ber word had reached Rome, based upon letters in the strongest possible terms to join the Christian of 27 October from Corfu, that Don John of Aus- allies without delay and, relying upon the Altria was returning to Sicily, the Venetians were mighty, to share the “‘prospera ceterorum confoeheaded some for Venice, others for Candia, and deratorum fortuna,’’ which would redound (as Marc’ Antonio Colonna was coming back to Mendoza would explain) to his imperial Majesty’s Rome, all with the intention of using the winter incredible advantage.’*

months to make plans for a new expedition in On 15 December Maximilian replied to Pius 1572. Rambouillet thought little would come of — with an assertion of his joy in the Christian victory such plans, ‘‘selon mon opinion, plus fondées sur and with the assurance of his sincere desire to help l’ insolence d’ une victoire inespérée que sur chose Christendom, “‘nostra. . . 1uvandi rempublicam

quelconque bien asseurée!”’ Christianam sincerissima voluntas.’’’? Two days The expedition had made the Spanish actually later the pope decided to write Maximilian again, jealous of the Venetians’ performance. The Span- promising him that the allies in the Holy League ish were also distrustful, convinced that the Vene- would provide him with at least 20,000 foot and tians, ‘‘under the shadow of this league,’’ would 2,000 horse if he would take the field against the 75 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 24-25" [46-47°], al capitanio 76 Charriére, Négociations, III, 190-93. general da mar, doc. dated 22 October, 1571; the Senate voted 7 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 140”. to send the letter to Venier de literis + 161, de non 3, non sinceri 78 Schwarz, Briefwechsel, no. CXLVI, pp. 189-90; cf, ibid., no. 4. Filippo Bragadin had been appointed proveditor general in CxLvill, and Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdatica, IV, 538, Colfo on 30 July, 1571 ( ibid., Reg. 77, fols. 122"-123" [143"- _ note.

144"). 9 Schwarz, Briefwechsel, no. CXLIX, pp. 191-92.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1067 Turks.°° A month later (on 15 January, 1572) In the meantime Marc’ Antonio had sent PomMaximilian thanked the pope for his letter and for peo Colonna and Maturin de Lescaut, who was his generous offer of the “‘peditum atque equitum known as Romegas, to give the pope an account subsidia,’’ with the solemn pledge of more to of Lepanto. On Thursday, 1 November, they had come, but in a matter of such grave importance spent a long time with his Holiness, providing facts Maximilian must have ample time to think, ‘“‘and and figures more or less in accord with what we so at this time we cannot make a decision.’”*! know. They claimed that the crews Sultan Selim Leaving Maximilian to think, we may return to had lost were so numerous and so good “‘that it Don John, who had arrived back in Messina on 1 will not be possible for him to replace them with November, 1571,°" and to Pius V, who on the fol- anything similar.”” Ali Pasha had received orders lowing day addressed an appeal to Duke Charles just before the battle to attack and destroy the of Lorraine to support the Holy League against the Christian armada. More than seven hundred janTurks.®? As Pius sought new allies, he was having _ issaries (they told the pope) had been slain aboard trouble with the old ones. A reckoning of the booty Ali’s galley. The pasha had fought bravely until taken at Lepanto, dated at Rome on 10 November, he was wounded by an arquebus shot in the head.

included 117 galleys, 13 galliots, 3,486 slaves,and Don John had already taken possession of Ali’s numerous cannon, which are pretty much the fig- galley when a Spaniard finished the pasha off by ures already given to us by Gianpietro Contarini removing his head with a sword. When the head but, as generalissimo, Don John now claimed one was brought to his Highness, he had it concealed tenth of the spoils.** According to the treaty of 25 immediately, so that it might not be seen by Ali’s May (1571) the three allies were supposed to share two sons, who had already been taken prisoner. the spoils of war in proportion to the expenses they The generals of the Christian armada had decided were to incur on the expedition—Spain would, not to go on with the “‘‘enterprise,”’ for they had therefore, receive one half, Venice one third, and only a month’s provisions and munitions, their solthe Holy See one sixth. Don John’s one tenth would diers required a rest, and the galleys needed rereduce the shares of the three high contracting par- _ pairs, ‘“‘both their own and those taken from the ties. The result was, as Cardinal de Rambouillet enemy.” It was believed that Don John would send wrote Charles IX on 19 November, a dispute be- the pope Ali Pasha’s two sons, who should soon tween Don John and the Venetians “‘a cause des _ be arriving in Rome.”° prétentions qu’ il faict comme genéral de toute la A report from Venice of 12 November (1571) ligue, soit a |’ occasion de son dixiesme sur tout informs us that all the shops on the bridge at the ledit buttin comme pour aultre consideration.’”’ Rialto were adorned with Turkish rugs, banners, They had, consequently, submitted their quarrel to trophies, arms, and turbans. In the middle of the the pope for settlement. And the papal commander _ bridge were two Turkish heads in turbans looking Marc’ Antonio Colonna was also not happy with across at each other, one of which was so well done

the way things were going.” that it looked as though it had just been severed

from the body.®’ Turkish standards were also used

— as festive decorations in Rome, being strung over 80 Tbid., no. CL, p. 193: “. . . Nunc autem a foederatis ac. the main portal of Araceli on the feast of S. Lucia cipies peditum ad minimum viginti millia, equitum duo millia.”. (13 December).°° In Venice, Rome, and elsewhere 8! Toid., no. CLU, pp. 196-97. 82 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fols. 143°—-144', di Messina 2 Novembre

1571: ‘‘Hieri che fu il primo di questo arrivo qua il serenissimo Don Giovanni d’ Austria con 12 galere, et sbarcoa PortaReale =i aiti‘itCS~™S senza entrare altrimente nella citta. Se ne ando di lungo alla —_ questa divisione del bottino si era fatta con una concordia granchiesa di Santa Maria di Giesi, luogo de’ frati zoccolanti vicino _dissima’’ (Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fols. 148°—149"), which was ob-

alla muraglia, dove rese gratie a Dio della recevuta vittoria, et viously not the case. con tanta devotione et humilta prese il santissimo sacramento 86 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fols. 147°-148", di Roma 7 Novembre,

che ben si dimostro esser vero cavallier di Christo... .” which news dispatch gives inaccurate figures as to the division 83 Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fol. 209, doc. dated 2 November, _ of the galleys, but states that money, jewels, and clothing be-

1571. longed to those who took them from the Turks. On Ali Pasha’s

®4 Cf, Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fols. 141°-142", and cf, ibid., fol. | two sons and some forty other important Turkish prisoners, 457”, and see, above, p. 1059a. As we have seen, however, who were taken to Rome, note the brief but valuable monograph Contarini, Historia, fol. 55", says that 3,846 (not 3,486) slaves of M. Rosi, Alcuni Documenti relativi alla liberazione dei principal

were taken at Lepanto. prigionieri turchi presi a Lepanto, Rome: Societa romana di storia 85 Charriére, III, 194, and cf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 37 patria, 1898, with an appendix of thirty-three documents. [59], all’ ambassator in Spagna, doc. dated 17 November, 1571. 87 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 149°, di Venetia 12 Novembre. A news report from Venice, dated 12 November, states ‘‘che 88 Thid., fol. 164", di Roma a di XV Dicembre.

1068 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT the people enjoyed the celebrations, but in the to S. Maura and then sought refuge at Lepanto. council chambers there was still fear of the Turk. According to a dispatch from Rome, however, of Although, as the doge and Senate wrote Leo- 17 November Don Juan de Cardona was believed nardo Donado and Antonio Tiepolo, their ambas- to have captured a Turkish galliot which the sultan sadors in Spain, the Turk no longer counted for was sending to the Barbary coast to summon Ulujmuch at sea (ilquale benche si possa con ragion dire Ali, ‘the Gran Turco having got the news of the che st ritrovi hora nelle cose da mar poco potente defeat of his armada on 17 October,” at which . . .), he remained immensely powerful on land. time a meeting of the divan was held, and thereThe sultan commanded vast numbers of horse and after the pashas sent out to enlist Tatars and send foot. One must not let him breathe, but harass them to the western borders of the empire.”’

y y § § § Pp

him everywhere by sea throughout the comin According to a dispatch from Rome (of 8 Dewinter. This was, if ever, the chance to seize Turk- cember),

ish Td cock . The ambassado h the at least Donado: we have letters from Corfu with the report that when should sce an audience wit t € king , and awe the Turk received the news of the defeat and loss of his on the necessity of the Christian fleets’ wintering armada, he was at Adrianople. Straightway he mounted in Turkish territory to fulfill their divine mission, a horse and rode to Constantinople, where he issued a

manzZ. . : ;

‘*, . . la importantia dell’ invernar dell’ armate decree that no one, under penalty of impalement, Christiane nei paesi del Turco per poter far di should speak of the armada. At the same time he sent

quelle imprese et di quei progressi che dal Signor _ stringent orders to all his sanjakbeys that within a period

1 +”? them, a galley wit everyt ing set 1n order. it 1st oug t Dio et dalla opportunita del tempo sara lor poste ot two months ney must fave prepared, Sh ierthou or

The failure to spend the winter in the waters ‘hat Uluj-Al was then at Modon with seven galleys, and among the islands of the Turks would mean wounded by two arquebus shots, but awaiting the com-

besinni 8 1 . h h . mand of his lord as to what he was to do, and that there eginning all over again, when the spring came, were twenty-five galleys and some other small vessels at with far less sanguine expectations. Further suc- Lepanto, but in poor condition.” cesses were needed to encourage the other princes to enter the league. Unless the allies used well the

victory which God had given them, the Turk 1 Ted fol. 181". di 7

would reassemble a fleet, for many of his galleys 4g “Zid fol. 151", 41 Roma 17 Novembre. 7 had fled from Levant nd oth Ibid.,Ina fol.letter 151°,todtCharles Roma IX, di 8written Dicembre, cf., ibid., fol. a panto, and others were stilltill tO to DEb 153". fromand Ragusa on 8 Jan-

found at Cyprus. He would soon be strengthening uary, 1572, Francois de Noailles, the bishop of Dax, denied his land forces, fortifying his islands, putting gar- that Sultan Selim had rushed from Adrianople (Edirne) to Isrisons on them, and resuming his attacks upon tanbul as soon as he had learned of the Turkish defeat at LeChristians. The Venetian ambassadors must panto (Charriére, Négociations, III, 241-42). On the Turkish ; > reaction to the news, note M. Lesure, Lépante, la crise de l’ empire therefore, try to persuade his Catholic Majesty to ottoman (1972), pp. 179 ff., 213 ff. order Don John of Austria to winter, “nei paesi De Noailles was quite right. Selim had not hurried back to del Turco,’’ in the Morea, at Negroponte, on the Istanbul upon receiving word of Lepanto. On 30 October, island of Rhodes. or somewhere in the Archipe- 1571, the bailie Barbaro had prepared a report for the doge

|ago. 89 , ;P(Bibl. and Council of Ten upon the of fol. the 231): news Nazionale Marciana, MS.Turkish It. VII, reception 391 [8873], Although a report from Hungary was circulat- The victory was the greatest ‘che per il tempo passato sia mai ing to the effect that as of mid-November (1 57 1) successa.”’ It was the will of God, and Barbaro hoped that the the Turks still refused to believe in the defeat of S!8moria would act wisely. Sultan Selim was at Adrianople, as

he} da.?° the sultan and the vashas were Barbaro had already informed the doge (cf, ibid., fol. 223°, their arma a, . ; Pp letter dated at Pera on 18 September), and it was at Adrianople entertaining no illusions. If there was an Ottoman that the sultan had got the startling news, “‘essendo ella [nova] of note at Lepanto, it was the Calabrian renegade portata da persone fuggite dell’ armata per il Golfo di Lepanto

Uluj-Ali, and now he was needed at the Porte. 4 Negroponte, et dilaa ai per mare. Et accio che la Serenita After the battle Uluj-Ali was said to have retired G?4irie che molt di costoro fuggiti affermano che tutta P armata Turchescha é persa fuor che quatro galee che fuggendo si sono salvate con Uluzali, et 27 che non si trovorono alla battaglia,

essendo 15 di esse andate a Lepanto per levar biscotti, et le 89 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 29-30" [51-52"], dated 3 No- altre 12 per gente a Modon, che il capitano del mare € morto vember, 1571. The Senate could see and feared what probably _ 0 preso, et Pertau Bassa essendoli stata sfondrata la sua galea lay ahead—that Philip’s fleet would go into winter quarters, ferito se ne fuggi con una fregatta, ma che tutto il restante é

and do nothing until the spring of 1572 (ibid., fols. 31” ff. perso, il che prego Dio che cosi sia conforme a quella verita

[53 ff.]). che saldamente gia molti giorni havera havuto la Serenita 9° Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 145”. vostra....”

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1069 Uluj-Ali went to Istanbul before the end of the The sultan might well have use for the intrepid year, and addressed an apologia to Sultan Selim. corsair very shortly, for the Venetians were seriIf he had not done his best, however, as a brave _ ously considering large-scale attacks upon Istanbul and ardent slave of the Porte, he would never have — or Cyprus. If the emperor should enter the Holy had the courage again to appear in the presence League as a serious ally, there might be good reaof his imperial Highness. Also if the Turkish losses sons for making the Turkish capital their objecwere as great as people were saying, Uluj-Ali_ tive. To Venice, Cyprus was perhaps the more would certainly have come ina less buoyant spirit. attractive alternative, for there were many ChrisBut he had done his duty, and Turkish affairs were _ tians on the island who were devoted to S. Mark. in a better state than those of the Christian enemy Also Cyprus was, as the nuncio Facchinetti wrote of the Porte—‘‘therefore I have come to give you Cardinal Girolamo Rusticucci, “‘very necessary to a true account of what happened.’ Ottoman Christendom, inasmuch as no state is more suitably

forces had ventured out at the beginning of the _ placed for the expedition to the Holy Land,’ year, ‘‘according to your grand command, to Cy- and everyone knew the pope’s dedication to reprus, which kingdom has been acquired by your covering the Holy Sepulcher. invincible sword.” The stalwart servitors of the sultan, upon leaving Cyprus, had brought “‘fire In the expedition of 1571, as in that of the preand flames”’ to the islands of the enemy, burning vious year, Doria’s doubtful maneuvers had earned their villages, killing their subjects, and taking pris- widespread criticism, perhaps unjustly in ’71, and oners. Few persons had found safety inthe enemy’s various persons came to his defense.®° Criticism

fortresses. of Doria, however, faded into unimportance in

The sultan’s slaves had taken and destroyed comparison with the fears aroused in Venice and Betimo, recovered Sopoto, and seized Dulcigno, Rome asa consequence of the dissension between Budua, and Antivari as well. They had moved into Don John and Sebastiano Venier. When Leonardo the very heart of the Adriatic, capturing Venetian Contarini was appointed ambassador to Don John galleys and ships. Then they had finally met the (on 17 November, 1571), he was instructed to gO Christian armada, and “‘l’ havemo combattuta ga- to Messina by way of Rome, where he “would kiss gliardamente.’’ Ali Pasha had given Uluj-Ali com- the pope’s foot and wait upon the most illustrious mand of the Turkish left wing: ‘I have surprised Cardinal Rusticucci [then the papal secretary of and put into flight the galleys of their right wing.”” state] and such other personages as seem to you Although it was true that the Venetian galleasses _ likely to assist our affairs.’” Among them would be had done great damage to the sultan’s galleys, Marc’ Antonio Colonna, who was presumed al“your Highness may rest assured that the enemy’s __ ready to have returned to Rome. Employing more loss has been no less than yours,” which was far than his customary dexterity (and the usual flatfrom the truth. But Uluj-Ali claimed the Chris- tery), Contarini was to try to find out the extent tians could hardly be viewed as conquerors, for of Don John’s continuing anger—and its likely had they not fled back to their fortresses? The results—‘‘se nell’ illustrissimo Signor Don Giosultan should, therefore, rejoice in the possession _vanni sia rimasto alcun risentimento per qual si voof Cyprus “‘and of so many other cities.’” He must __ glia causa contra il capitanio nostro general da mar.”

reinforce his armada. The Christians could not = ~The Venetian Signoria entertained the greatest make good their lack of manpower and their shat- _ possible affection for Don John, of course, and

tered galleys. ‘“The war will end this coming year. Be with their ruination, and if I can serve your High- just as we learned with infinite displeasure of the dis-

ness. use me as vou will.’’22 sension which arose between his Highness and our said

, y general, so have we also been pleased and satisfied to

learn of the reconciliation they worked out after the ——_—____——. battle... . 9° Relatione dell’ Ucciali al Gran Turco della rotta della sua ar-

mata l’ anno 1571, in Cod. Barb. lat. 5367, fol. 108. From Pera __ on 30 November, 1571, the bailie Barbaro informed the doge,

‘Quanto alle provisioni maritime, é stato creato capitano del *4 Stella, Nunz. Venezia, X, no. 86, p. 138, letter dated 14 mare Uluzali, del quale se ben qui si € sempre stabilita la voce | November, 1571.

ch’ egli fuggendo dalla rotta si sia salvato. . . , si come anco °° Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 153”, di Roma di 17 Novembre: di Pertau io non so cosa certa, ragionandosi ben che 1 Signore ‘‘. . . Dicono che sia fuori un manifesto sottoscritto dalli Sihabbia mandato per strangolarlo, et altridicono che ad instantia _ gnori Ottavio Gonzaga, Vincenzo Vitelli, Pagan Doria, et Don

delle sultane gli sia stata fatta gratia . . .” (Bibl. Nazionale Carlo d’ Avalos in favore del Signor Andrea Doria circa il Marciana, MS. It. VII, 391 [8873], fols. 233°—234’). slargarsi in mare il giorno della battaglia.. . .”

1070 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT As Marc’ Antonio was well aware, mutual under-_ esty’s interests as well as to those of Christenstanding and co-operation between Don John and dom.'°? War with the Turks always increased the Venier could only add to the well-being of Chris- Venetians’ zeal for the interests of Christendom. tendom. When Contarini reached Naples, he was In Rome there was a disturbing rumor that Don

to lavish words of praise and friendship upon John had proposed to set out at the end of FebCardinal de Granvelle, the viceroy, and then pass ruary (1572) for an attack upon Tunis’”’ which,

on to Messina and to Don John.”° if true, would probably make an expedition into Pius V and the Signoria had been urging Philip the Levant unlikely when the spring came. Pius II and Don John to press on with the great cam- V had appointed to a commission or congregation paign against the Turks. The crusty old warrior for the crusade Cardinals Giovanni Morone, GianVenier had been doing so. Toward the end of paolo della Chiesa, Pietro Donato Cesi, Giovanni November he seized Margarition, and recovered Aldobrandini, and Girolamo Rusticucci. A disthe fortress of Sopotd.®” The Senate was planning patch from Rome, dated 15 December (1571), or at least hoping for an even stronger fleet in the _ tells us something of the activity of the congrecoming year than that which had met the Turks gation, which was seeking to bind the allies toat Lepanto.”° In early January (1572) Leonardo — gether in the Holy League. It met on Monday, 10 Contarini, now in Messina, was directed to buy December, in Morone’s apartment at the Vatican salted meats, cheeses, vegetables, and wines “‘in Palace, on which occasion only Marc’ Antonio good quantity’? as well as other victuals for the Colonna joined the cardinals. On Tuesday they Venetian fleet, which could not be provisioned summoned Juan de Zuniga and his brother Re“in our islands in the Levant. . . because of the quesens, the grand commander of Castile, and the very great losses which they have suffered as a next day the Venetian ambassador Giovanni Soresult of the enemy’s invasion.’’ Contarini was to ranzo met with them. rely on one Placido Ragazzoni, a Venetian citizen, Zuniga and Requesens reported at length to who was “‘pratico et sofficiente in ogni maneg- Philip II in two letters of 12 December. Morone gio,” in making his purchases, which were to be _ had told them, in brief, that the allies of Lepanto loaded on one large ship or two smaller ones for had an obligation to put to good use “‘la gran merced

delivery to the fleet.” que Dios avia hecho a toda la Christiandad en esta

Ragazzoni encountered difficulties, however, all vitoria,’’ for the victory would amount to little if along the way, for at best the Venetians and the _ they failed to take the God-given opportunity “‘enSpanish were very uneasy allies. Since the royal tirely to crush the power of the common enemy of agents in Sicily, where there was a ‘“‘grandissima Christendom.” We replied, says Zuniga, in the same abondanza di grani,” could sell the grains at a__ terms, extolling the grace of God’s gift to us and much higher price than the Venetians had pre- lauding the zeal of his Holiness to see that this golden viously agreed to pay, they were proving trouble- chance was not lost, but it could be that we dis-

some. The doge and Senate, therefore, wrote agreed, each one of us looking at the problem in Leonardo Donado, their ambassador in Spain, to a different way and choosing different means to make an appropriate remonstrance to Philip II, essentially the same end.’°? pointing out the damage being done to his Maj- Although the writer of the dispatch of 15 December was of course no witness to these pro°6 Sen, Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 37”-39' [59"-61'], doc. dated ceedings, he was well informed. He reported that 17 November, 1371, and ef, Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 145", ai there had been some disagreement on the expenVenetia li 20 Novembre: ‘Dominica [18 November] parti di qua 5€S which each of the allies had thus far incurred il clarissimo orator Thieopolo per Roma, et presto dicono partira in the contest with the Turk as well as on which ancora il clarissimo Signor Lunardo Contarini che va oratoral of the two expeditions (amprese) the Christian arSignor Don Giovanni a Messina. Dicono che le galere grosse verranno in Istria a conciarsi,”’ i.e., the galleasses that had disrupted the Turkish armada at Lepanto. On Paolo Tiepolo, the Republic’s special envoy to Rome, see Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, 100 Thid., Reg. 78, fols. 54°-55" [76"-77°], doc. dated 11 Janfol. 37 [59], doc. dated 17 November, and Stella, Nunz. Venezia, uary, 1572, and on the Venetians’ need of grain, cf., ibid., fol.

X, nos. 86, 88 ff., pp. 137 ff. 58 [80], a letter of 19 January to the Republic’s secretary Alvise ®” Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 39° [61"], 44” [66°], and cf —_ Buonrizzo in Naples.

Stella, Nunz. Venezia, X, no. 97, p. 153. 101 Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fol. 163°, di Roma di XII Dicembre, 8 Cf, Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 42 [64], 45 [67], 49" [71"], and ¢f. Stella, Nunz. Venezia, X, no. 87, p. 139.

49°—50° [71°-72'], 53” and ff. [75" and ff.]. 102 Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, IV, nos. 267-68, pp.

(Ven. style 1571). ber, 1571.

°9 Ibid., Reg. 78, fol. 53 [75], doc. dated 11 January, 1572 554-59, esp. pp. 554-55, letters dated at Rome on 12 Decem-

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1071 mada should undertake, ‘“‘volendo li Spagnoli could easily contribute to the common cause a quella dell’ Africa et Venetiani Levante.”’ Pius V__ thousand foot and three hundred horse. His Holi-

favored movement into the Levant, for if the ness needed Alfonso’s response to this appeal as Turks were really crippled there, the Barbary soon as possible

coast could easily be occupied by the Christians. h be abl der Maximil;

. arraee the more certain to stand up to an attack by the enemy

As Morone had told Zijtiga and Requesens, it was *) lat we may be able not only to render “axumvan Important to secure the Emperor Maximilian > and to defend the Christian commonwealth in anticientry into the league, and P aolo Odescalchi Was pation of our common support, but also to inspire him supposed to be leaving for Vienna in four or five 4, invade the enemy, and overcome him... .!% days to offer the emperor every possible inducement. When the Christmas celebrations were over, Maximilian had paid the Turkish tribute for 1571. the pope would send Antonio Maria Salviati to He would do so also for ’72, and there would be France to try to persuade his Most Christian Maj- no invasion of the empire. esty ‘‘ad intrar nella Lega.’’’°* He was also to pro- In the meantime Don John of Austria had sent test the king’s appointment of Francois de Noailles, | two colonels into Germany to recruit six thousand the “‘heretical”’ bishop of Dax, as French ambas-_ mercenaries “‘per servitio della lega,’’ which had

sador to the Porte.?!° led Diego Guzman de Silva, the Spanish ambas-

About the same time (on 16 December) Pius V_ sador in Venice, to come before the Collegio to addressed an eloquent brief to Alfonso II d’ Este ask for their free and safe passage through Veneof Ferrara. In joining forces with Philip Il andthe _ tian territory. Guzman de Silva also wanted the

Doge Alvise Mocenigo he had, he declared, la- Signoria to provide for their transportation to bored through adversity in the confident expec- Otranto “per imbarcarsi poi sopra |’ armata.” tation that God would reward their efforts against According to Don John, one could not hope to do the Turks. Just as it would have been unwise, how- anything of importance without such a body of ever, before Lepanto to despair of the future of troops. Anxious to oblige his Highness and to assist the Church when it seemed that that loathsome _ the Holy League in every way possible, the Senate

monster, the Turk, would take over all the seas granted the ambassador’s requests as far as was and lay waste all the shores of Christendom, just practicable. When notified as to when and where so now it would be a mistake to think that, broken the German mercenaries would make their ap-

and defeated, the monster would remain quiet. pearance, the Venetians would attend to their Not at all. Incited by the blow he had received, needs, and supply foodstuffs at the Germans’ exhe was planning day and night some way of spew- __ pense.

ing forth his venom upon Christians and of as- As to providing the vessels to take six thousand suaging his sorrow by some terrible slaughter. troops to Otranto, although the Senate would Driven from the sea, what more likely venture have been pleased to do as Don John wished, it would he seek than some great attack upon Max-__ was impossible. The Signoria had to send precisely

imilian’s imperial domain? that number of infantry to join the armada as well

An invasion of central Europe would beathreat as to transport the necessary ship’s biscuit, munito all Christians, and should be repulsed by all. tions, “‘et ogni altra cosa che é necessaria per serPius and his allies in the Holy League had prom- _ vitio delle nostre galee.’’ Venice had also to proised Maximilian all the money, horse, and foot that _ vide infantry, fodder, and everything else for her

they could possibly provide. But since the re- towns in the Levant and in Dalmatia, areas in sources of the allies were clearly smaller than re- which there had been widespread destruction, quired. by the peril, “because we must maintain and so their needs were great. The Signoria was, so large a fleet,’’ Pius was forced to turn for help —_ therefore, employing every vessel, large or small, also to his other beloved sons, “‘among whom we _ that could be found. Furthermore, as was well account you the dearest by your own just deserts.”” known, the Turks had seized or sunk many VeneAssessing Alfonso d’ Este’s status and his apparent _ tian ships, but of course Don John could seek naval

means, Pius thought that as duke of Ferrara he transport for his troops from the Ragusei and others.

'°® Cod. Urb. lat. 1042, fols. 163’-164', di Roma a di XV Dicembre, and cf., ibid., fols. 165°-166", 169".

104 On Salviati’s mission to the French court, then at Blois, 108 Arch. di Stato di Modena, Canc. ducale, Cart. di principi

see Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VIII (repr. 1958), 381-82. esteri, Busta 1300/15, nos. 152-53, two copies, both originals.

1072 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Guzman de Silva had also asked the Senate to (despite Pius V’s objections) for chaining Chrisloan his Highness 36,000 ducats to help recruit tians to the benches in Venetian galleys. the Germans, which the Venetians were willing to Aid came to Venice from various quarters, as do, provided they were repaid in cash at Messina. when Giacomo IV Crispo, the last Christian duke On 22 December the doge and Senate wrote at of Naxos, offered “‘to arm a galley with men from some length to Leonardo Contarini, their envoy the Archipelago at his own expense for our serto Don John, instructing him to explain all this to vice,” i.e., to furnish the galley with oarsmen, a his Highness. The Senate had informed Guzman crew, and at least some soldiers. On 5 January de Silva that the 36,000 ducats should be repaid (1572) the doge and Senate wrote Venier to turn in cash, but if the suggestion was made at Messina over to Giacomo the hull of a galley in Candia, that part of the sum be paid in ship’s biscuit, “‘et along with the necessary equipment, “‘accioch’ egli che ’] resto sia dato in contanti,’”’ Contarini might possa armarlo, come si é offerto per servitio delle tell Don John that this would be quite acceptable cose nostre.’’'°°

to the Signoria. The Venetian ambassadors in The Signoria was trying to build up the fleet, Rome, Paolo Tiepolo and Giovanni Soranzo, as and now wanted some relaxation in its use. When, well as the secretary Alvise Buonrizzo in Naples, therefore, Venier wrote (on 24 December) that he

were being informed of the Senate’s decision in then had sixty-four galleys in order which he

these matters.'°° wished to use for ‘‘some enterprise in the Levant,”’ Almost nothing was more needed aboard the _ the doge and Senate directed him (on 19 January) Venetian galleys than oarsmen. Considering the not to go too far afield. They had been trying, ghastly conditions aboard the galleys, about which through Paolo Tiepolo and Giovanni Soranzo in we have already said quite enough, the Signoria Rome, to arrange for the gathering of the Spanish was finding it essential to acquire galley slaves. A and papal galleys at Corfu as early as the beginning

letter of 29 December to the captain-general Ve- of March in order to have enough time to get nier instructed him to learn as fully as he could the something done. Venier must have his galleys on

precise number of Turks captured by the Chris- hand at Corfu, or at whatever other rendezvous tian armada who could be set to the oar. Venier was decided upon, when the Republic’s two allies must take all he could get “‘per conto della Si- put into port. Also he must transport to the island gnoria nostra,” paying their owners from fifteen to the infantry which the Signoria was going to astwenty ducats a piece for them and, as in the case semble at Otranto, Brindisi, and neighboring of all merchandise, ‘‘having due regard for the age areas. In fact he must have ready one hundred and quality of each one.” The galley slaves which galleys as the Venetian share of the armada ‘‘beVenier thus purchased should be properly clothed, sides the ten which we wish to remain on guard well kept, and put in chains ‘‘so that they cannot in the Adriatic.”’ flee.”’ Similar letters were sent to Filippo Braga- As soon as Venier had received word of ‘“‘the din, the provveditore generale in the Adriatic, to time and place of the union,” he must proceed Francesco Duodo, the captain of the galleasses, with his hundred galleys and six galleasses ‘‘con and others also to buy captive Turks for the oars. ogni celerita et prontezza a quelle imprese che When the spring came, the price rose to twenty- _piacera a nostro Signor Dio di prepararci.” Venier

five ducats for each able-bodied Turkish captive had, according to the doge and Senate, enough or Christian subject of the Porte, ‘“‘who might have _ sound vessels, artillery, supplies, and munitions for done ill to our affairs,”!°’ a convenient formula a successful campaign. He could also seize a goodly

number of men in Turkish territory to put to the

—_-— oars. Recruits should not be hard to find, lured 106 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 48°-49" [70°—71"], a Ser Lu-

nardo Contarini ambassator all’ illustrissimo Signor Don Gio. ~~ d’ Austria a Messina, doc. dated 22 December, 1571. Reg. 40, fols. 140-141" [174~175'], al capitanio delle galie grosse, '07 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 51° [73°], al capitanio general doc. dated 31 January, 1572 (Ven. style 1571). As for the cost da mar, doc. dated 29 December, 1571, and cf, ibid., fol. 77" of slaves, by 23 August (1572) the price was once more ‘‘da [99°], letter of 29 March, 1572, to Giacomo Foscarini, Venier’s ducati vinti in git’’ (Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 124" [146’}), successor as captain-general of the sea, where the price could = ‘‘from twenty ducats down,” and note Stella, Nunz. Venezia, X, go as high as 25 ducats for a Turkish slave—‘‘dobbiate in quelle no. 112, p. 174. parti di Levante pagar cadauno Turco che vi fusse appresentato 108 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 52 [74], al capitanio general da over suddito Turchesco, seben Christiano, che havesse fatto mar, doc. dated 5 January, 1572 (Ven. style 1571), and cf, ibid., danni alle cose nostre, et fusse atto et bon per galea dalli XXV___ the letter of the same date to Don John of Austria. Four offers

ducati in git. . . .”” On Turkish slaves aboard the Venetian to arm fuste came also from four Candiotes (Sen. Mar, Reg. galleasses, note the letter to Francesco Duodo, in Sen. Mar, 40, fols. 132-133" [166-167"], doc. dated 3 January, 1572).

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1073 by the prospect of booty and inspired by the desire _ the formal election would take place in the Maggior

for revenge, ‘“‘eccitati dalla vendeta,’’ to make Consiglio.’’* amends for the injuries, conflagrations, and vio- Don John’s hostility toward Venier was, as we lent robberies which they had suffered at Turkish have seen, no whit less in January than in the pe-

hands for years. riod preceding Lepanto.''* It was of course the rea-

The inhabitants of the island of Zante, for ex- son for the election of Giacomo Foscarini, who had ample, wanted to return to their homes, and now _ been serving as provveditore generale in Dalmatia. the Signoria would do everything possible to help —_ Foscarini was notified of his new post by a letter them. The Senate had got together 100,000 duc- from the doge and Senate dated 5 February. He ats to send to Venier with the first two ships which was told to get ready immediately to go to Corfu, would set out loaded with ship’s biscuit, and which where he would find the Venetian fleet, “‘et esser were only waiting for good weather. Another pronto a congiongersi in quel luogo con I’ armata 100,000 ducats would go to Venier aboard the six pontificia et Catholica, sicome é€ stato in Roma degalleasses.'°’ Some members of the Senate wanted _terminato.”’ The union of the three fleets was now the allied fleets to assemble farther east, at Candia set ‘“‘for the beginning of the month of April, as we rather than Corfu, but apparently they could not have been advised from Rome.’’!!4 muster votes enough to make it a formal proposal In order to allow for Foscarini’s quick depar-

and so inform the captain-general.''° ture for Corfu, Alvise Grimani had already been

; ; ; chosen his successor as provveditore. Grimani

Pius V and Don John had been preparing with ould leave Venice within six days, and would equal assiduity the papal and royal fleets. The bring Foscarini the standard of a captain-general. Spanish, however, could not forget Sebastiano Foscarini was then in Zara. When Grimani had

Venter's execution of a captain and three soldiers conveyed the standard to him, he would hasten to in the royal service. Philip II, Don John, and Pius Cory with eight galleys of the Gulf. His commisall advocated removal from the Venetian Com- sion would be sent to him along with money and mand of Venier, whom the Doge Alvise Mocenigo |) atever else he might need.!!5 The 200,000 duc-

defended with strenuous insistence. Don John ats, referred to above in the Senate’s letter to could hardly abide the thought of having once Vv enier, now went not to the latter but to Fosmore to deal with Venier, and Pius persevered in carinj,! 6

his efforts to rien the election of someone in Venier was duly informed of Giacomo FoscaVenier’s place. Despite their reluctance and TS yini’s election as a captain-general by a letter of the sentment, the old guard in Venice had to give way. doge and Senate dated 9 February (1572). Both On 31 January (1572) the doge and Senate generals were to continue gathering all the oarswrote Venier that they had decided to have two men they could for, as we know, shortages of homi-

captains-general, ni da remo had been one of the chief problems of as has been done at other times, so as to be able to send the Christian galley commanders since the war one of them with the fleets of the league and to avail With the Porte had begun. The Senate assumed ourselves of the other in undertakings of the highest that Venier was, and had been, busy recruiting importance; [hence] we have decided to elect another oarsmen and making other provision for the huge captain-general with the restriction that when he finds

himself in your area, he must lay aside the standardand ~—— the lantern, and remain in obedience to you. 'l? Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 60-61" [82-83"], docs. dated 31 January, 1572 (Ven. style 1571).

The second captain-general would be nominated _ "" Gf. Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 61 [83], all’ ambassator as usual by a vote, per scru tinio, in the Senate, and Se Contarini| appresso Don Giovanni, doc. dated 31 Jan''4 Tbid., Reg. 78, fol. 62” [84"], from a letter of 9 February to Sebastiano Venier.

— 'l Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 62" [84"], al proveditor general

1°? Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 56’-57' [78°-79"], al capitanio in Dalmatia designato capitanio general da mar, doc. dated 5 Feb-

general da mar, doc. dated 19 January, 1572 (Ven. style 1571), ruary, 1572 (Ven. style 1571). On Foscarini’s election, note and on the Senate’s determination to put one hundred galleys _ also Sen. Mar, Reg. 40, fol. 144" [178"], dated 5 February, and into the naval armament of the league, cf, ibid., fol. 66’ [88"]. on that of Alvise Grimani, ibid., Reg. 40, fol. 145 [179], docs.

'!° Ibid., Reg. 78, fols. 57-58" [79-80']. also dated 5 February. Grimani’s commission, dated 13 Feb-

'll Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, 1V, nos. 279, 297, ruary, 1572, is given in Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 64’—66" pp. 585--86, 631-32, esp. note; Stirling-Maxwell, Don John of | [86’-88"], and that of Foscarini, dated 23 February, may be Austria, I, 472; Stella, Nunz. Venezia, X, nos. 68, 96, 99, 113, found, ibid., fols. 68"-71° [90"-93"}.

121, 125, pp. 115-16, 151, 158, 175-76, 186, 192. "l® Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 69° [91'].

1074 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT fleet of one hundred galleys, which the Senate The Spanish had finally agreed “‘che la guerra desired and expected to be prepared for action et imprese di quest’ anno si faccino nelle parti di and assembled at Corfu by the beginning of April. Levante.’ They had postponed the proposed exMeanwhile the Senate wanted Venier to come _ pedition against Tunis and Bizerte. Their galleys from the island of Corfu to that of Lesina (Hvar), would go with those of the Holy See and Venice off the Dalmatian coast, with the unarmed galleys to seek out the Turkish armada, or what was left (li arsilt) which had been taken from the Turks at _ of it, in the Levant. The papal and Catholic fleets Lepanto. At the same time he must haveanumber should meet at Messina in March, and proceed of other galleys towed to Lesina, “‘essendo dimolta_ without delay to join the Venetians at Corfu. This

importanza che non restino in quel luogo con year the Christian armada was to number, if postanto pericolo di esser abrusciati et andar di male. sible, 250 galleys and nine galleasses, for the Vene. . .” Venier might also meet Foscarini at Lesina, tians were supposed to provide “‘more than their where he could give him certain necessary instruc- _portion.’’ The Holy See should furnish 12 galleys,

tions. Thereafter, among other duties, he could Philip II no fewer than 100, “‘and besides these order the transport of the infantry collected at galleys at least twenty-four ships, and the Venetian Brindisi and Otranto by the galleys remaining at Signoria at least sixteen.”

Corfu.1"” His Holiness was to supply the armada with It is an odd, embarrassed letter. Venier was not 2,000 infantry, Philip with at least 18,000 infantry specifically barred from being present at the union and 300 horse, and the Venetians with 12,000 of the fleets in April (if the Spanish could reach infantry and 200 horse. Financial arrangements Corfu so early), but he was given every chance of were made to cover the very large number of galavoiding further contact with Don John. In any _ leys which the allies wanted the Signoria to make event dealing with the young generalissimo would available to the league and also to cover any in-

be left to Foscarini. The message was all too clear, crease in infantrymen (above the 32,000 fanti spechowever, for as another senatorial document _ ified) ‘“‘provided they do not exceed 40,000 in all.” states, Venier had been “‘separato dalle forze della Although the Venetians expected the gathering lega.’’ Nevertheless, to honor him the Senate pro- of the fleets at Corfu in April, the capitulation of posed to arm ten more galleys, with a miscellany 10 February allowed for the muster of 11,000 in-

of manpower, and put the old warrior incommand _fantry at Capo d’ Otranto by the end of June. of them, “[per] dargli modo di poter continuar Detailed specifications listed the required arms adoperarsi valorosamente nei servitii nostri.”"'* | and munitions. Experience of the year before had After some months of the usual haggling be- given the Christian high command a more precise tween the Venetians and the Spaniards the “‘ca- knowledge of their needs, and the text of the capitulation’”’ of the Holy League was renewed at pitulation gives us the required numbers of arRome, in the Vatican Palace, on 10 February quebuses, pikes, swords, corselets, iron shards to (1572). Philip II was represented by Cardinal halt a cavalry charge (tribol1), mattocks, shovels, Francisco Pacheco, Don Juan de Zuniga, and Luis _ baskets, ladders, fireballs, coats of mail, cannon, de Requesens, the grand commander of Castile, and other items that would prove useful.’"° who had recently been appointed governor of the The Christians were better, and the Turks less duchy of Milan. Paolo Tiepolo and Giovanni So- well, prepared in 1572 than in ’71. It is amazing ranzo acted on behalf of the Signoria. Pius V was __ that so little should eventually have come of their

present at the proceedings, as were Cardinals _ efforts. Although they had expected to occupy— Giovanni Morone, Gianpaolo della Chiesa, Gio- and to establish naval bases in—Turkish territory, vanni Aldobrandini, and Girolamo Rusticucci. they apparently failed to define their objectives The text was subscribed and published by the da-

tary Antimo Marchesano. 19 ee

Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, IV, no. 310, pp.

656-59, and cf, ibid., no. 316, pp. 667-69; Paolo Tiepolo, ‘Seconda relazione di Roma, letta in Senato il 3 maggio 1576,” 'l7 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 62°-63" [84°-85"], letter of — in Eugenio Albéri, ed., Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti, ser. II, 9 February to Venier, referred to above, and cf, ibid., fols. 76— ~—-vol. IV (1857), 233-34; Sereno, Commentari, bk. Iv, p. 266,

77° [98-99"], 79°-80° [101°-102"], 82” [104°]. who is well informed, but obviously had not seen the text of

"18 Sen. Mar, Reg. 40, fols. 147°-148" [181°-182"], doc. the capitulation. As to the infantry at Capo d’ Otranto, Sereno dated 9 February, 1572 (Ven. style 1571), and cf. Sen. Secreta, _ notes that they were to be properly paid ‘“‘per farli stare al Capo Reg. 78, fol. 63° [85], ad finem, on arming the ten galleys. On —_d’ Otranto per traghettarli con prestezza ove il bisogno fosse.”’ 11 June, 1577, Sebastiano Venier would be elected Alvise Mo- Cf. Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, 1 (1918), 153-54. Triboli are

cenigo’s successor as doge of Venice. small chevaux-de-frise.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1075 and to agree on who was to own what if they made —_ gentlemen, “‘which is a larger number than has yet

landed conquests. been received on a like occasion.’’ Thereafter de Although the Christian armada fell short of the Noailles wrote Charles IX,

grandiose makeup outlined in the capitulation, it , .

was more than enough to cause apprehension at ‘!ve, the naval force larmée] wmcn the orane oer the Porte, where Uluj-Ali, whom the sultan now 80°02 6 Pu ting CO sea Us year Wil BO out at the enc o led Kilii-Al. the “Sword.” had fallen heir t next May. There are 200 vessels, among them 160 gal-

oh © yeas 1. wo d A oh a k © d ° leys, of which the general is Uluj-Ali [Luchally], lately

t e Ottoman naval command. /As the new Kapudan the viceroy of Algiers, to whose place has been appasha Uluj-Ali worked with the grand V1ZIr pointed Arab Ahmad [Arabamat], who has come to visit Mehmed Sokolli to rebuild the Turkish armada. me, and offer all the courtesies and good offices he can As von Hammer notes, the Turks did not deck _ on behalf of your subjects, especially with regard to the out their arsenal in sculptures, but are said to have deliverance of those who are now slaves in Algiers, in enlarged the dockyards, taking space from the im- accord with the order which I have had conveyed to perial gardens to do so, and building eight vaulted him by the pasha. . . . They are making great prepadry docks. During the winter which followed Le- Ie icent an this arsenal ane at ll for the fat lee 400 panto the Turks are alleged to have constructed “18 S41 that their naval torce will consist of at least

, galleys.and Time, whichgalleasses the father1: of :truth, one galleys eight 121will let us 7 hundred - , see, and Godfifty willing, what williscome of it.

or ‘“‘maonas.’’ On one occasion the new kapudan

pasha remarked to the grand vizir that It was €asy De Noailles was doubtless not allowed within enough to produce the vessels, but impossible to _ the arsenal, and he obviously did not believe what make the necessary anchors, cordage, riggings, he was being told. The main object of his mission and the like. Mehmed Sokolli’s answer to this is was to make peace between the Porte and Venice, well known. “‘Milord pasha,” he is reported to for the French wanted to undo the Holy League. have said, “the might and means of the Sublime The recent Venetian failure to take the island of Porte are so great that if the order were given to §, Maura after a siege of fifteen days, with seventy provide anchors of silver, riggings of silk, and sails galleys, four thousand men, and five pieces of arof satin, it would be possible—whatsoever is lack- _ tillery, as de Noailles wrote Henry [III], then the ing on any ship, just ask me for it!” Bowing solow duke of Anjou, on 25 April, ‘“‘has so restored the

that the backs of his hands seemed to touch the Turks’ spirit, and given them back their former ground, Uluj-Ali almost shouted his praise, “I insolence, that they think the Christians lack the knew well that you would restore the fleet toa means to take a place of importance. . 27122

state of perfection!” .

It is a good story, and well told. It also receives On 8 May (1572) de Noailles again wrote

confirmation of a sort from the dispatches of Fran- Charles IX concerning the Turks’ rearmament P , who arrived that in five months they have built 150 vessels with all in Istanbul as Charles [X’s ambassador to the joo in d equ; ded and hey h Porte on 13 March, 1572, and had an audience 1 oe tego ene dubment neen ce ands yes, Bey weve

ois de Noailles, the bishop of Dax, who arriv , ,

or 7 , ; u resolved to continue at this pace for an entire year. Thus

of two hours on the sixteenth with the grand vizir — with the diligence they have shown up to this point your Mehmed Sokolli. On 23 March de Noailles went Majesty can understand how many vessels they will have to kiss the hand of Selim II with eighteen French _ this coming year, since already their general is prepared

to set out to sea at the end of this month with two hundred

galleys and one hundred galliots, of corsairs and others,

120 . without the Grand Seigneur’s having used a single ecu

est, , repr. Graz, ; - , trans. J.-J. Hellert, . .

P aon Rammer? 1983), 590.600, trans. | y Hell ue in his treasury for this huge expense. In short, I should Hist. de’ empire ottoman, V1 (Paris, 1836), 432-33, and cf. Stir- ever have delieved the Beas 123. this monarchy, had

ling-Maxwell, Don John of Austria, I, 468; A. C. Hess, ““The y Own eyes.

Battle of Lepanto and its Place in Mediterranean History,” Past and Present, LVII (Nov. 1972), 54; Bernard Lewis, The Muslim

Discovery of Europe, New York and London, 1982, 43-44. 7 As of 5 January, 1572 (Ven. style 1571), the bailie Barbaro '2! Charriére, Négociations, III, 250-52, letter dated at Istanreported to the doge that the Turks had on hand 45 galleys bul on 23 March, 1572. in the water, 11 old galleys and 14 new ones on land, eight in '22 Charriére, Négociations, 111, 261-62. the dockyard (cantier), 11 on the outside ( fuori), and eight fuste, '23 Charriére, Négociations, III, 269. According to Sereno, a total of 97 vessels (Barbaro makes it 96). Another 102 galleys © Commentari, p. 270, Uluj-Ali superintended the building of 130

were then said to be under construction at various places in _ galleys at Istanbul, “‘benché di materia verde e di poca durata,”’ Anatolia and in ‘‘Greece,’’ where Barbaro puts Varna (Bibl. __ i.e., of green timber and of slight durability. De Noailles was

Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII, 391 [8873], fol. 244°). not entirely to be trusted, on which see below, p. 1091b.

1076 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT A month later, ina letter of 10 June, de Noailles dressed to all Christendom, Pius appealed for coninformed Charles that the Turks wanted foreign- tributions to enlarge the hospital at Corfu, “‘pro ers to see their naval ensemble, for they had built ampliatione et subventione hospitalis Corcynen-

paney , , .

two hundred new galleys in six months, and were | sis,’”’ to receive the sick and wounded of the three

going to put 20,000 arquebusiers aboard them, allied fleets, which he hoped would soon be mov‘‘a thing which has never been seen in this em- ing against the Turks.'?” pire.”’ Uluj-Ali was getting the Turks to leave their

bows at home for this campaign, having already —- There had been a persistent rumor since midhad novices use the arquebus at Lepanto. De November (1571) that Don John of Austria might Noailles also informed Mehmed Sokolli that it was seek to take Tunisia before venturing again into

the king of France, the Levant.'*® The Venetian Signoria thus felt

who had prevented the emperor and the German some distress upon receiving letters dated 19 and princes from entering the league against this [Ottoman] 21 February (1572) from Leonardo Contarini, state, and that you [Charles] had sent two ambassadors their ambassador to Don John, that word was rife into Germany expressly to divert this storm from your in Sicily ‘‘che Il’ Altezza sua sia per fare |’ impresa

good friend, the Grand Seigneur. . . . As for peace qi Tunisi prima che vada coll’ armata verso Lewith the Venetians, I know that your Majesty desires Joante.. . .’ On 15 March the doge and Senate their well-being and quietude, and I should account myself more than fortunate to be able to be the instrument of that peace.'**

If as de Noailles savs. “le temps est pere Omni tempore miserabiliter perculisse atque afflixisse non ig-

de vérité.” ; ld YS; . y b . Pp fF noramus, magnopere idoneum et opportunum esse censemus,

c verite, it would seem—to Ju Se DY events OF si Christiani maiori quo fieri poterit militum numero bellicoque the coming summer—that he was either enlarging apparatu contra hostilem ferociam insurgere conabuntur, sic upon the facts or he was being misled by the enim facilius sperandum est felicia nostra capta adiuvante DoTurks. Despite the capitulation of 10 February mino fore in dies feliciora atque optatum exitum gravi cum the Venetians were having some difficulty pro id- hostium formidine ac pernicie habitura,

, 8 MICUNLY PFOV ‘‘Itaque decrevimus omnes et singulos fideles ad piissimum

Ing the league with one hundred light galleys and iustissimumque bellum, ubi de Jesu Christi Domini et Salvatoris

S1X galleasses, but they were doing their best, nostri causa et gloria Christianique nominis salute, sicut omnes and so was the ailing Pius V. In a long and note- aperte vident, inprimis agitur monere, requirere, et enixe horworthy brief of 12 March (1572), addressed to tarl prout monemus, requirimus, et hortamur per praesentes Chri y d | ; ; ; lis Christi ut unusquisque sanctissimum hoc bellum vel personis vel faristen Jom at large, universis et singu ws C ristifi- cultatibus adiuvare velit... . delibus, Pius sought to renew the just war against ‘‘Necnon eis, qui non in personis propriis illuc accesserint, the Turks, granting to Christians who gave their sed suis tantum expensis iuxta facultatem et qualitatem suam property for the cause, as well as to those who _ V!Tos idoneos destinaverint donec milites nostri ibi fuerint comave their persons, the same sweeping indulgence ™0™aturos &t illis similiter qui licet alienis expensis, propriis

8 . Pp , ping 8 tamen personis, belli laborem et pericula sustinuerint, ac de-

that his predecessors had granted the crusaders of mum eis qui de bonis sibi a Deo collatis congruam ad id porold.**” In another brief of 12 March, also ad- __ tionem benigne erogaverint, plenissimam et amplissimam omnium peccatorum suorum, de quibus corde contriti et ore confessi fuerint, et eandemmet quam Romani pontifices, 124 Charriére, Neéegociations, II], 271-73, 276. Although Diego _ praedecessores nostri, crucesignatis proficiscentibus ad subsidium

Guzman de Silva, the Spanish ambassador in Venice, had been Terrae Sanctae concedere soliti fuerunt veniam, remissionem, assuring Juan de Zuniga that the Signoria was adhering firmly _ et absolutionem tenore praesentium indulgemus et elargimur. to the Holy League, Zufiga had been doubtful for some time. _ Bona insuper proficiscentium ad bellum huiusmodi ex quo proBy late March (1572) Guzman de Silva seemed to be changing _ fecti fuerint sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus. his mind. As Zuniga wrote Philip II on 29 March, “. . .Seha . . . Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum, etc. die 12 Martis

dicho mucho por Roma que Venecianos tratan de acordio. 1572, anno septimo.”’ . . . Esta semana me parece que [Guzman de Silva] va temiendo '27 Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fols. 320-21, with a petition inque dan alguna oreja a esta platica, y de que franceses procuran _ serted, ibid., from Paolo Tiepolo and Giovanni Soranzo, the quanto es posible este acordio no ay ninguna duda. . . ,” and Venetian ambassadors in Rome, as to the handling of the funds: if the Turks opened the doorway to peace, the Venetians might ‘‘Supplicamo la Santita vostra, noi ambasciatori di Venetia, che well enter because of Pius V’s serious illness (Serrano, Corres- sia contenta far scriver a tutti li metropolitani in Italia che fac-

pondencia diplomatica, IV, no. 339, pp. 716-17). ciano cercar per |’ hospital che si deve ampliar a Corfu, il quale '2° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 70" [92°], from Giacomo Fos- ha da servire per tutte le armate Christiane, facendo che li carini’s commission as captain-general of the sea, dated 23 Feb- _ denari capitino in mano di loro metropolitani, et siano mandati

ruary, 1572 (Ven. style 1571), and cf, ibid., fol. 81" [103°], a 0 in Venetia al reverendissimo nuntio o al patriarca overo qui letter of the doge and Senate to Foscarini, dated 17 April, 1572. al signor thesorier, et quelli del regno di Napoli siano fatti '26 Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fols. 315-16, by original enumer- _capitar a Otranto in mano del reverendissimo arcivescovo con ation: ‘‘. . . Considerantes immanem Turcarum potentiam in- _ ordine che li mandi al bailo in Corfu.” finitamque multitudinem, qua potissimum res Christianorum '28 Cf Stella, Nunz. Venezia, X, nos. 85, 87, pp. 136, 139.

NCE y orig P

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1077 instructed Contarini forthwith to wait upon Don — universally lamented. Immediately upon the anJohn, congratulate him upon his determination to nouncement of his demise, the Venetian ambaspursue the Turk, and mention the upsetting ru- sadors Tiepolo and Soranzo notified the Signoria. mor of his going to Tunisia before going into the On 7 May the doge and Senate wrote Leonardo Levant. If there seemed to be any likelihood of Donado (Dona), their ambassador in Madrid, that such a thing happening, Contarini must point out the pontiff's death was causing them fearful disto his Highness the obvious fact that sometimes _ tress, “‘dispiacer et travaglio,”’ for they feared the undertakings depicted as easy can quickly involve _ loss of his support and activity in advancing the one in difficulties and misfortunes ‘‘which then _ cause of the Holy League. The Sacred College and impede the course of some other greaterand more _ Philip’s ministers in Rome seemed, however, to be

important good thing [bene].”’ taking every step necessary to assemble the Chris-

If Don John embarked on an expedition to tian armada for the Levantine expedition, as was Tunisia, his fleet could not join those of Venice Marc’ Antonio Colonna, who was putting aside all and the Holy See at Corfu by the beginning of _ personal interests to try to sail eastward with the April, which would be a severe blow to his allies. papal galleys. Also a diversion of the Catholic fleet to Tunisia As soon as Donado had received the Senate’s would certainly not encourage the Emperor Max- letter, he must go to Philip, and (after paying apimilian to join the anti-Turkish league. Anyhow _ propriate compliments to Don John and the king’s there was not much more to say, and the Senate ministers) urge his Catholic Majesty to action now allowed Contarini to conclude his mission at “‘senza perder punto di tempo.”’ The pope’s death

Messina and return home to Venice.'*? must not become an impediment to the expedi-

The Venetian fleet appears to have been ready _ tion’s getting under way. The three fleets must for action at Corfu by late April. Despite the ca- assemble at Corfu. Although the Senate was cerpitulation of 10 February, however, and the Span- tain that the cardinals would move quickly to elect iards’ not ungenerous decision to aim their fire at the new pope, nevertheless if the conclave dragged the Turks in eastern waters rather than to attack on, they hoped that his Majesty would take steps Tunis, Don John was still at Messina, awaiting his to urge the cardinals to the expeditious choice of

brother’s orders to sail. With final preparations a pope of the highest character and prudence, still under way in the papal fleet, Pius V appointed ‘‘come ricerca la qualita de’ tempi presenti.””!”*

a great grandnephew, Michele Bonelli, as com- Pius V was buried temporarily in the chapel of mander of the infantry aboard his galleys on 27S. Andrea in S. Peter’s. He had planned a modest April, at which time he also notified Marc’ An- tomb for himself in the village of Bosco Marengo, tonio Colonna of the young man’s charge.'*° It his birthplace, a half-dozen miles southeast of was an amiable gesture of nepotism, for Pius knew Alessandria, but in 1588 his remains were interred

that he had not long to live. in the majestic monument which Sixtus V built for As Juan de Zuniga wrote Philip II, Pius had him in S. Maria Maggiore in Rome. The inscripbeen so ill since 27 April that one had lost all hope _ tions and bas-reliefs on his tomb celebrate his conof his survival, and so it was, for the pope died at _ tributions to the defeat of the Huguenots at Mon-

7:00 P.M. (a las XXII oras) on 1 May.'?! He was contour (in 1569) and to that of the Turks at Lepanto (ad Echinadas) where, it is said, 30,000

ee" Sen. of Secreta, the Reg. enemy were slain, 10,000 captured, 180 of 78, fols. 75-76" [97-98"], a Ser Lu- their galleys seized, 90 sunk, and 15,000 Chrisnardo Contarini, cav., ambassator presso all’ illustrissimo Signor Don

Giovanni, doc. dated 15 March, 1572. The Venetian agent Pla- _ cido Ragazzoni remained in Messina to do what might be nec-

essary. Don John had gone to Palermo. '52 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 83’-84" [105’—106'], all’ am'*° Sec. Brevia, Reg. 20, fol. 352, dilecto filio nobili adolescenti —_bassator in Spagna, doc. dated 7 May, 1572, and cf, ibid., fols. Michaeli Bonello omnium peditum classis nostrae ecclesiasticae capi- 84°-85"[106°-107'], letters of the same date to Don John and taneo generali, doc. dated 27 April, 1572. On the papal appoint- —_ the Venetian ambassador, who seems still to have been in Mes-

ment of another relative, Ercole Ghislieri, to an apparently lu- sina. crative office in Bologna, see, ibid., fol. 354, brief dated 28 On the efforts of the Sacred College, ‘“‘massime negli affari

April. di questa santa spedizione contro gl’ Infedeli,’’ see the letter '*! Serrano, Correspondencia diplomdtica, 1V, no. 353, pp. dated 6 May from Cardinals Giovanni Morone and Girolamo 731-732, and cf. Acta Consistorialia, in Acta Miscellanea, Reg. | Simoncelli to Cosimo I de’ Medici, in Guglielmotti, Storia della 36, fol. 127°, by mod. stamped enumeration: ‘“‘Die Iovis prima —_ marina pontificia, V1, 292-95: Don John of Austria had the Maii 1572 Romae apud Sanctum Petrum hora circiter XX [5:00 Catholic fleet in order at Messina, the Venetians were ready P.M.]| Pius Papa V ab hac luce migravit.”” Note also Pastor, Gesch. | at Corfu, and the Holy See was awaiting and urgently needed

d. Papste, VIII (repr. 1958), 613-15. the Tuscan galleys.

1078 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT tians freed from slavery.'** The somewhat inflated that of Lepanto, and sail on to Istanbul or Alexfigures were based rather upon popular beliefthan —andria.

upon the factual record, but certainly Pius had Don John, however, could not leave Messina,

been the author of the Holy League. as Sereno quickly learned, for Philip II had orAfter the customary novena of mourning, the dered him not to go into the Levant, “‘mal’ ordine funeral rites, and a solemn mass of the Holy Spirit, contrario, che aveva dal Re suo fratello, contra sua

fifty-one cardinals entered the conclave at the voglia lo ritardava,” to the young generalissimo’s Vatican on Monday night, 12 May (1572), or distress. In Messina it was being said that ecclerather early Tuesday morning, and after a con- _ siastics were refusing to pay Philip the excusado clave of ten or twelve hours Ugo Boncompagni, the after the pope’s death. There was also a question, cardinal of S. Sisto, emerged as Pope Gregory _ or so it was alleged, of the cruzada and the subsidy XIII. Philip Il and Cosimo de’ Medici had opposed for the galleys.'*°

the possible election of Alessandro Farnese; quite The Venetian Signoria was concerned to find acceptable to the Spanish, Boncompagni had a proper use for the Turkish galleys “‘taken in the been Medici’s chief candidate. When the new pope battle,’ which were still at Corfu. They should re-appointed Marc’ Antonio Colonna as captain- obviously be removed from the scene, so as not general of the papal fleet, Cosimo made available to be in the way when the Christian armada aseleven Tuscan galleys, to which were added, says sembled in Corfiote waters. Although Venier had Sereno, two armed hulls (arsilz) which had been _ been directed to sail or tow them into the Adriatic

taken from the Turks at Lepanto. Turkish slaves (for repairs), perhaps Foscarini would prefer to also rowed the pope’s two new galleys. Embarking take the best ones to Candia, if that would not at Gaeta, Marc’ Antonio sailed to Naples, where interfere with plans for the armada. In any event he waited a few days for the Tuscan galleys, with these arsili were valuable; they could be armed, which he then went on to join Don John at Mes- and they must be preserved.'*° sina, where Alvaro de Bazan is also said to have While the Venetians were worrying about how

come with thirty-six Neapolitan galleys.'** to salvage the battered Turkish galleys, Philip II Marc’ Antonio Colonna was received with ob- had been worrying about how to maintain his

vious unfriendliness by Don John, who regarded threatened authority in the Netherlands. He had him as the friend and ally of the Venetians, and been perturbed by the news of Pius V’s illness, so he was, and so Don John was supposed to be. rather uncertain as to what to do “en caso que By the end of the second week in June the allied Dios fuesse servido de llevarle para sy,” 1.e., suparmada should have been ready to sail eastward, pose he died. What would happen to the league? for Giacomo Soranzo, provveditore generale of On 17 May he wrote Don John not to take his the Venetian fleet, had already arrived in Messina fleet into the Levant; if, indeed, he went anywith twenty-five galleys. The bulk of the Venetian where, it should rather be to Algiers. One could naval forces were waiting for Don John, Colonna, meanwhile hope for the election of a pontiff who and Soranzo at Corfu. Gregory XIII sent Paolo would promote the anti-Turkish objectives of the Odescalchi as nuncio to Messina, as Pius V had league with determination. sent him the year before; he brought an ‘‘amplis- The naval power of the Turks had been shatsimo giubileo”’ for all who sailed with the armada tered. The Venetians could attend to their own and a blessing for the vessels and troops at their affairs, and engage in such ventures as they chose, departure. In a week or so the three commanders or at least they could now look to their own deand their galleys should have been able to reach _ fense (0 a lo menos a su defensa). Philip had received Corfu, and thence embark upon the reconquista of | disquieting news from Fernando Alvarez de To-

the Morea and Negroponte which, some folks ledo, the duke of Alva, as to recent events in Zeethought, would probably require fifteen or twenty land. Dispatches from various quarters suggested days. It was believed that the Greeks might rise that these troubles in the southwestern Netherin revolt, and shake off the ‘“Tourkokratia.”’ Maybe the armada could win another victory like

TT panto, I (1918), 203-7.

135 Sereno, Commentari, pp. 270-71; Serrano, La Liga de Le-

'°8 Cf Renzo U. Montini, Le Tombe dei Papi, Rome, 1957, 136 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 82° [104°], al capitanio general

no. 226, pp. 332-37. Foscarini, doc. dated 3 May, 1572, and cf, zbid., the letter of 134 Sereno, Commentari, pp. 268-69, and cf. Guglielmotti, the doge and Senate to Venier, ibid., fols. 79°—80° [101°-102"],

Storia della marina pontificia, V1, 298-99. dated 12 April.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1079 lands were inspired by the French and the English, quiet among the princes. . . , and especially in ‘‘y por la mala inclinaciOn y voluntad que los unos _ these times when there is a war going on against

y los otros tienen a mis cosas.” Don John must, the Turk.’’'*° Don John was finally forced to actherefore, procrastinate in Messina. He must delay knowledge to Colonna and the Venetian provvehis departure for the Levant, but do so “‘withcom- _ditore Giacomo Soranzo that the chief reason for plete secrecy and dissimulation”’ (con gran secreto the order given by his Catholic Majesty to keep

y disimulacion)} the fleet in Messina was the report of French prepDon John must wait for the arrival of Gonzalo arations for apparent incursions into Flanders, Fernandez de Cordoba, the duke of Sessa (Sesa), Piedmont, and even into Spain, ‘‘tenendosi la who was to replace Requesens as lieutenant of the guerra per rotta.”’ It seemed as though war had Catholic fleet. Philip wanted him also to await already broken out. Giannandrea Doria, of whose skill as a naval com- Nevertheless, on 7 July the doge and Senate mander and of whose knowledge of “‘las cosas de wrote Leonardo Donado, the Venetian ambassala mar’’ his Majesty never ceased to approve. Don dor at Madrid, that when he was told Philip II John could use the time created by the delay to must obviously think of the defense of his several collect foodstuffs ‘‘and other things necessary for states under the circumstances in which he then the expedition.” Philip was not canceling the cam- found himself, Donado’s answer was to be that the paign for 1572, but before committing his galleys commotion in Flanders did not invalidate the cato the Levant he wanted to know who would be _ pitulation of the Holy League. The agreement of pope, Pius V or a successor, and what the French 10 February was supposed to be inviolable. If the were up to in Zeeland.'®” On 18 May, the day after Catholic fleet was to detach itself from those of

writing to Don John, Philip had letters prepared the Holy See and Venice every time there were to Cardinal de Granvelle and to Juan de Zuniga, disturbances in one place or another, one could suggesting that if Pius should die, it would be well depend on the French to cause some such exciteto turn their attention to Algiers and get some ment somewhere every year. Nothing would disadvantage from the great expense to which the — tress them more than to have the entire Christian Holy League had put them.'** The next day, the armada advance against the Turks and destroy the nineteenth, the news of Pius’s death reached _ rest of the Ottoman naval armament. This would Philip at El Pardo, just north of Madrid, and it end the evil machinations of the French, 1.e., the would seem from a letter which he now sent Don Huguenots, who were always bringing pressure John that the news had fixed his gaze even more upon Charles IX to break with Spain and aid their firmly on the Moslem outposts in North Africa.'*? _coreligionists in Flanders.

Everything depended of course on the behavior Nothing could more enhance Philip II’s repu-

of the French. tation and solve his various problems than to make

Philip’s letters of 17 and 19 May reached Don _ himself superior to the Turk at sea. Philip should John at Messina about the time of, or shortly after, let his fleet go into the Levant. Donado must make

Colonna’s arrival early in June. The Venetians clear to his Majesty that the French ambassador were aware of the possibility of war between Philip in Rome had declared “‘that his most Christian and Charles IX, owing to the ‘‘progresso delli moti Majesty would not move against the Catholic king,

di guerra che al presente intendemo farsi nella showing himself to be entirely averse to such a Fiandra.”” At the request of the recently-elected thought.” There was actually no sign of any “‘prepGregory XIII the Senate now chose two special aration for war’’ at the French court. Everything envoys, Giovanni Michiel to go to France and _ was completely quiet in Milan, also in Piedmont, Antonio Tiepolo to Spain, to work for ‘‘peace and and there was nothing awry along Spain’s frontier

— with France. Furthermore, the Venetian ambas-

'37 Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, 1, 294-95, gives the text of sador at the imperial court had written the Sir Philip I1’s letter to Don John, dated at Madrid on 17 May, gnoria (contrary to current reports) that neither

narago Vonado s r a 1 1 +

1572; cf. Fernandez Duro, Armada espavola, I, 170 ff.; Pastor, France nor England had sent any aid to the rebels Gesch d Papste, VII (1928), 236-375 and see especially Leo in Flanders. Also the Republic’s ambassador at the Madrid on 17 May, in Brunetti ‘and Vitale, La Corrispondenca French court had informed the Signoria that

da Madrid, II (1963), no. 167, pp. 473-76, and note, zbid., nos.

168 ff., 172 ff. The duke of Sessa was delayed by illness in) ~

Valladolid (no. 175, p. 491). '4° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 96 [118], 105’-111" [127°'88 Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, 1, 296-97. 133°], docs. dated 12 June, 5 and 7 July, 1572, passage quoted

'39 Serrano, I, 298 ff. from fol. 106".

1080 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Charles IX had published decrees condemning When Gregory XIII had learned of Philip II’s any of his subjects who sought to foment unrest order to Don John, he also lost no time in sending

in Flanders or to aid the rebels, a fact which the his Catholic Majesty a letter of strong remonFrench envoy in Venice confirmed. Charles wanted — strance. The papal courier reached Madrid on 14 to preserve ‘“‘la buona amicitia et parentado”’ which July but, as Donado now informed the Signoria, he had with his Catholic Majesty. The troubles in Philip had already changed his mind, and on 4 Flanders would go no farther, ‘‘essendo gia ac- July had ordered his brother to proceed with the

quietati quasi del tutto.’’ These were the facts expedition. Despite the bad news from Flanders, which Donado must emphasize to Philip II at his where conditions were “‘worse than they had

next audience with the king.’*! been,” and despite the fact “that suspicions of the In another letter of 7 July to Donado the doge French do not cease,”’ Philip had put aside his own and Senate stated that they had been making every _ peril, “‘in servitio di Dio,”’ to do what he could for

effort to get Don John to join the projected ex- the common good of Christendom. On Friday, 4 pedition. They had sent the provveditore generale July, a Spanish courier had left Madrid; in three Soranzo to him “‘con una banda di galee per mag- days he would be in Barcelona; from there he gior dimostration d’ honore et per accelerar la would go in a galley directly to Messina without partita sua.. . .”” Time was passing. From every touching at Genoa or Naples.

side came reports that the Turkish armada of The king’s new orders left Don John almost more than 150 galleys under Uluj-Ali, who had unhampered (ha dato ordine liberissimo a don Gioleft Istanbul! at the end of June,'** would soon be vanni senza alcuna riserva)—he was to leave imor already was spreading fear and ruin in the Ae- mediately to join the embattled Venetians at Corfu gean. His purpose was to convince the Greeks on ‘“‘with 64 galleys, the best he had, with 33 ships, the mainland and in the islands that recent events with 16,000 infantry, and with all the 30 or 40 had in no way diminished the power or shortened _ boats which he had got ready.”’ The courier, who

the reach of the Turks. was on his way by sea, “‘should have arrived today

The Venetian islands of Tenos and Cerigo were [16 July] in Messina,” but to be sure of the exthreatened with downright destruction and all the _ peditious delivery of his orders Philip had disRepublic’s other islands and towns in Greek waters patched another courier by land. What had been were at stake. The inhabitants of the islands, subjects done was well done, although time had been lost. of the Signoria, were desperate. After Lepantothey The king’s taciturnity, however, and the secrecy had expected freedom from the Turkish yoke, but = with which he and his ministers went about their now their oppressor seemed stronger than ever, business “‘without informing their allies of any‘‘spending himself without opposition to give cour- _ thing,’’ Donado found disturbing, as he told the age to his own subjects and take it from ours, re- doge, and their extreme reserve made his mission pressing those Christians who stood ready to revolt difficult. Nevertheless, the expedition against the

in support of our fleets.”’ Turks would at long last put to sea.'*4 Dispatches from Rome now brought the distress-

ing information that his Catholic Majesty had or- | . ao, .

dered Don John not to proceed to Corfu to add . . .etsentendo da ogni parte | armata inimica fatta gia molto . , grossa et potente che s’ intendeva passar il numero de 150 galee his forces to the papal and Venetian fleets because \enir a danni dell’ isole nostre de Tine et di Cerigo, attender of recent events in Flanders, ‘“‘onde e nasciuta la a rovinarle et depredarle, restar in preda dell’ inimici tutte dilatione che si € intesa da Messina.”’ Philip II’s I’ altre isole et terre nostre, tutti i nostri populi in estrema order was wholly unexpected. The prospect was disperatione in luogo del solevamento che aspettavano ft anne dreadful, “‘for this means nothing elseplu thangagilarao, leaving presente ¢ see tian1ranta ‘dinesuol, 11 vecendo parimente farsi . . urco presidiar luogni spengers! Inanzi the Turk a free field to pillage, range the sea in all senza contrasto dar animo a suoi sudditi, levarlo a nostri, redirections, seize towns, and what is more important, — primere quei Christiani che stavano per solevarsi in favor delle

give proof of the weakness of our forces. . . 77143 nostre armate, ci ha apportato quel travaglio che si possa imaginar maggiore, considerato il maleficio non pur della Republica nostra ma il detrimento et ignominia del nome Chris-

tiano.. . .”’

‘41 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 113-114" [135-136'], all’ '44 Brunetti and Vitale, La Corrispondenza da Madrid, I, no. ambassator appresso il serenissimo Re Catholico, doc. dated 7 July, 185, pp. 508-13, letter of Donado to the doge and Senate, 1572, and note Brunetti and Vitale, La Corrispondenza da Ma- dated 16 July, 1572, and cf Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fol. 125°

drid, II, nos. 180 ff., pp. 500 ff. [147°], a letter of the doge and Senate to Don John dated 31

'42 Charriére, Négociations, 111, 363a. August (in answer to a letter he had sent the doge on 22 July):

'4° Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 111-113" [133-135"], all’ the Senate still had every hope that Don John was on his way ambassator presso la Maestd Catholica: The long delay at Messina ‘a ritrovar |’ armata inimica per combatterla et per far quelle

was multiplying difficulties for the papal and Venetian fleets, altre imprese che dal Signor Dio saranno inspirate.. . .”

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1081 To go back for a moment, we should note that Don John sailed to Palermo with most of the CathDon John had sent a courier with a letter to Ma-__ olic fleet, intending to go on to Algiers and Bizerte,

drid on 12 June. The courier delivered the letter but Philip II’s letter of 4 July soon diverted him to King Philip on the twenty-fifth and, as we have from Barbary to the Levant. Colonna reached Costated, Philip’s answer was given on 4 July. The trone on 9 July, took on water and proceeded to king was disturbed by a new insurrection in Gueld- Capo S. Maria di Leuca, where he met Alvaro de erland and by his suspicion that the French were Bazan, general of the Neapolitan galleys, who was fomenting unrest and aiding the rebels “‘segun los _ said to be returning from Corfu with 36 galleys and avisos que de cada dia se entienden.”’ Neverthe- four ships, to join Don John at Messina. According

less, he strongly desired the continuation of the to Servia, he turned over to Colonna four more Holy League, he said, “‘como obra tan santa y de_ Spanish galleys under the command of Gil de tanto servicio de Nuestro Senor y dano de ene- Andrade. Colonna took on more water at Otranto migo de la Christianidad.”’ He also wished to sat- on 13 July, and arrived at Corfu on the fifteenth. isfy the new pope. He did not want to discourage Giacomo Foscarini came out to meet him with the the Venetians nor expose them to such dangers whole Venetian fleet then at the island, i.e., 74 galas could not fail to make them come to an agree- _leys, six galleasses, and 25 galliots. There was the ment with the Turks, “‘que a mi me doleria en gran __ usual exchange of salvoes of artillery, ‘‘y todos juntos

manera.”’ se volvieron al puerto.’’'*’ There are often discrepancies between the re- The Christian fleets left Corfu on 20 July,

ports of ambassadors to their governmentsandthe headed for Gomenizza, whence Colonna disactual facts, but not in this case. The information — patched two galleys to Cerigo (Kythera), just south

which Donado sent the Venetian Signoria was of the Gulf of Laconia, to pick up news of Ulujquite correct. Philip II had not misled him. Of the Ali’s armada. The Christians spent eight days at overall armament then on hand in Sicily, Philip Gomenizza, where five hundred enemy horse sudhad indeed told Don John (on 4 July) that he might denly appeared to prevent their taking on water, take into the Levant 64 galleys, 30 or 32 ‘“‘naves but Colonna sent ashore infantry enough to chase y los barcones,”’ 6,000 Spaniards, 4,000 Germans, them away. While at Gomenizza, Colonna reand 6,000 Italians, which would still leave 5,000 ceived a letter dated 16 July from Don John, “‘who Spanish and about 4,000 German soldiers avail- was coming,” says Servia, ‘‘to join them with the

able for service elsewhere if they should be armada, at which they all rejoiced.”’ He directed needed. Thirty-nine galleys would also be left, them to wait for him at Corfu, which would have with which Giannandrea Doria could run through meanta return to the island rendezvous. Foscarini the islands and along the Italian coast ‘‘in search

of corsairs.’’ If nothing untoward occurred before |

the middle of August, Giannandrea might takethe 26 Venetian galleys. Sereno, Commentari, p: 276, also dates . . Colonna’s departure from Messina on 7 July, and gives him 54 galleys into the Levant to jom Don J ohn. In the galleys—13 papal, 23 Venetian, and ‘18 of the king.”’ Camillo war against the Turk it is obvious that Philip WaS = Manfroni, ‘‘La Lega cristiana nel 1572,” Arch. della R. Societa trying to do his part,'*° however much he would — romana di storia patria, XVI (1893), 399-412, gives 6 July as

. . . . enetian, an anis eys. Is true a

have preferred to use his resources (as we have tne date of canes sailing irom Messina with 19 papal, i. said MOFe than once) in a campalgn against Al- Gregory XIII, dated at Messina on 3 july, zbid., pp. 411-12,

giers, Bizerte, T'unis, and Tripoli. Colonna says Don John “‘has given us 22 galleys’? with Gil de Marc’ Antonio Colonna had sailed from Messina Andrade as their commander, but it is not clear that he actually

; ; eft Messina with that number of Spanish galleys (cf, ibid., p.

on 7 July, with some fifty-six galleys, to meet the 415). The sources provide us disparate data of all sorts conTurk in a spirit of self-righteousness that the Span- _ cerning the expedition of 1572, especially minor differences in

iards found irritating. Of the galleys that went with _ the dating of events. _

him thirteen were in the papal service, eighteen in, F Lanse, Ses dala ures eh or alin, append that of Spain, and twenty-five belonged to the of Austria, I, 481-82, inaccurate, as often; Manfroni, Storia della Venetians.'*° On the day of Colonna’s departure — marina italiana (1897), pp. 511-12; Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, II (1919), 17-18. The Spanish regarded war with France as a possibility (Manfroni, ‘‘La Lega cristiana nel 1572,’ pp. 395 ff., 402), and on the Turks’ desire to have the French enter '4° Philip II’s letter to Don John, dated at Madrid on 4 July, _ the war against Spain, note Charriére, Négociations, III, 287 ff., 1572, is given in Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, 1, 363-70. a letter of Francois de Noailles to Charles [X, dated at Istanbul '4 Cf, the account of Don John’s confessor, the Franciscan on 31 July, 1572. Miguel Servia, Relacién de los sucesos de la armada de la Santa '47 Servia, in Docs. inéditos, X1, 372, and cf. Manfroni, “La Liga, in Docs. inéditos, X1 (1847, repr. 1964), 372, who saysthat Lega cristiana nel 1572,” Arch. della R. Societa romana di storia

Colonna left Messina on 7 July with 12 papal, 18 Spanish, and _ patria, XVI (1893), 412-20.

1082 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT was reluctant even to think of it, for it would have ‘“‘to get news of the enemy’s armada.”’ Querini enmeant the further postponement of action against countered the advance guard of Uluj-Ali’s forces, the Turks. Colonna also wanted to get on with the which was also at S. Angelo, and prepared to do campaign, presumably anxious to enhance his rep- _ battle with them. Although the Turks had six galleys

utation by another victory over the Turks. They to Querini’s four, they chose not to meet him, rethus decided to press on and to disobey the genera- __ treating to the safety of Uluj-Ali’s armada, which

lissimo’s orders. was also now approaching S. Angelo. Querini retired

On 28 July the two galleys which had gone to _ toward the bay of S. Niccolo on the eastern coast Cerigo returned with uncertain news of Uluj-Ali. of Cerigo, and Colonna ordered his heavy ships The next day the Christian fleets left Gomenizza, (naves) with their large cannon to be towed from ‘‘which is eighteen miles from Corfu,’’ proceeding — the shelter of the harbor. Firing two salvoes from southward to Cephalonia, where they were rein- _ the guns on his flagships, he directed that the galleys forced by 12 galleys and two galliots from Candia in the Christian armada be drawn up in battle array.

under Marco Querini “‘Stenta,’’ which (according The order was much the same as at Lepanto, to Servia) now meant that the Christian armada Colonna occupying the center of the battaglia with consisted of 145 galleys, six galleasses, 25 galliots, Foscariniand Gil de Andrade on either side, while

and 22 ships. Servia, however, says that Querini, the right wing was under the command of the whom he calls Marco Ostento, added 22 galleys to provveditore generale Giacomo Soranzo and the the Christian armada, and his dates usually differ left under that of Antonio da Canale. Two galby a day or two from those of Colonna, whose own _ leasses moved slowly ahead of each of the three dates were not always accurate, as we recall, in his _ main divisions of the battle line. According to Seraccount of the expedition of 1570. On or before via, there were 58 galleys in the battaglia, includ2 August the armada reached the island of Zante, ing the flagships of Colonna, Foscarini, and de where the men took on water, and feasted on the Andrade, and 40 galleys in each of the two wings. grapes and vegetables in which the island abounded. Behind the battaglia were seven galleys of reserve, After three days at Zante, Colonna and Foscarini ‘“‘the soccorso,”’ and galliots and brigantines ranged moved on to Cerigo, where they arrived on 4 _ behind the entire armada. As the Christian forces August, and learned that 60 Turkish galleys had prepared to attack, Uluj-Ali’s galleys fired a useless

preceded them, taking on water at the prom- round of artillery, for they had to stay clear of the ontory of S. Niccolo on the eastern side of the island. galleasses and ships with large cannon aboard,

The Turkish armada was said then to be at which formed the Christians’ first line of defense. Monemvasia (Malvasia) about forty miles away. It The engagement of 7 August took place off the was composed of 150 galleys and 50 large gal- northeast shore of Cerigo between the islands of

liots.'48 Servi (Elafonisi) and Dragonera, the latter being

Less than thirty hours after the arrival of Colonna just outside the harbor of S. Niccolo. and Foscarini, Uluj-Ali sallied forth from Monem- Colonna’s galleasses and heavy ships advanced vasia apparently with the intention of attacking the very slowly, for there was only a light wind. As the Christian armada if it included no Spanish galleys. Christian cannon began to reach Uluj-Ali’s galleys, At dawn on 7 August, however, Colonna had sent he quickly ‘‘retired out to sea’ (se retird a la mar) Marco Querini (es un buen soldado) with four galleys under cover of a heavy smoke screen. His galleys to Cape S. Angelo, i.e., the promontory of Malea were smaller and more maneuverable than Coon the southeastern prong of the Moreote peninsula, lonna’s, and he had some two hundred vessels between galleys and galliots. When the Christian

SEERA vanguard of ships and galleasses had passed on, '48 Cf. Manfroni, “‘La Lega cristiana nel 1572,” Arch. della Uluj-Ali’s galleys suddenly wheeled around to atR. Societd romana di storia patria, XVI, 417, 421, 422, 427-32; tack “‘our armada.’’ Colonna’s armament kept in Servia, in Docs. inéditos, XI, 372-73; Charriere, Négociations, U1, formation, however, turning slowly, waiting for 294 ff.; Sereno, Commentari, pp. 279-80, 284-85; Serrano, La the ships and galleasses to get into the forefront member dates, cf, above, Chapter 22, note 25. From Zante again, and then came on cautiously, with no sign Colonna had sent out Maturin de Lescaut, better known as Of the misstep or confusion for which the wily cor“‘Romegas,” with two Venetian galleys on a scouting mission; sair had hoped. He fired volleys of artillery, but the latter returned on 4 August to join the Christian armada they failed to halt the Christians’ approach. at the island of Cerigo, reporting that Uluj-Ali was in the harbor Unwilling to face the cannonading from the stronghold of Monemvasia (Manfroni, ‘‘La Lega cristiana nel . SA d . 1572,” pp. 430, 431). Sereno gives us much the same infor- ships and galleasses, Uluj-Ahi changed his course,

Liga de Lepanto, Wi, 21-32. On Colonna’s capacity to misre- . . ; :

mation. bearing to starboard or port, pushing forward or

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1083 retreating with surprising facility. He tried to cre- It was an almost hairbreadth escape, but Ulujate a break in Colonna’s line (like that in Doria’s Ali again had to give way before the Christians’ squadron at Lepanto), looking for the chance to heavy guns. Withdrawing toward Cape Maina

outflank Colonna or to cut through between his (Matapan), he finally made for the harbors of battaglia and one of the wings. But Colonna main- Modon and Navarino. The Christian armada was tained his tripartite formation, keeping behind the _ obliged by stormy weather to return to the Vene-

fire power of his vanguard. Uluj-Ali had, there- tian island of Cerigo and the safety of the anfore, no intention of meeting him head on, and_chorage at S. Niccolo. At Cerigo they renewed with the further employment of “‘artillery in vain,” their disputes about returning to Zante or Corfu as we learn from Servia, he withdrew at nightfall in search of Don John, without whose ships and into the Gulf of Laconia, heading for the port of galleys it was now clear they could hardly hope to ‘“‘Cohalla.”” The futile maneuvering had lasted all achieve a significant victory over the extraordiday, and Colonna searched for the Turkish ar- nary Uluj-Ali. Should they leave the ships and galmada late into the night, finally returning to the _ leasses behind at Cerigo or Candia in order to get island of Cerigo, where he took on water for his to Zante or Corfu the more quickly? But suppose

parched oarsmen and soldiers. '*” they were intercepted by Uluj-Ali without the

The next day (8 August) Colonna dispatched heavy guns?’”° a galley and a galliot to Corfu, where Don John Re-entering the harbor at Cerigo on 11 August, of Austria was expected to arrive very shortly, to ‘‘our armada’ remained there for four days, warn him not to come eastward, for he was known _ when rumor had it that Uluj-Ali’s armament was

to have only fifty galleys and thirty ships, “‘y el being re-inforced by another fifty galleys. Coenemigo le era superior.’’ Uluj-Ali would try to — lonna, Foscarini, and Gil de Andrade took counsel waylay him. Don John should await the Christian as to what they should do with the ships (naves) as

armada, which was going to return to Corfu. Co- they went back to Zante or Corfu to rejoin Don lonna also sent the generalissimo an account of his John. Colonna and the Spanish Hospitaller de embroilment with Uluj-Ali. On the ninth, Colonna Andrade were of the opinion they should send the and the Venetian captain-general Foscarini left ships the short distance to Candia, and then proCerigo, setting sail for Corfu, to reunite the ar- ceed to Zante with the galleys and galleasses. Fosmada under Don John. At dawn on the tenth, the _ carini objected, however, asserting that no harbor feast of S. Lorenzo, they again encountered the _ on the island of Crete would be secure from TurkTurkish armada, “which had come forth fromthe ish attack and the burning of the ships, which port of Cohalla, and was at Cape Maina.” The would be a victory for the enemy. There was no provveditore Soranzo, who commanded the Chris- alternative, therefore, to the entire armada’s tian right wing, pushed ahead with his two gal- going on to Zante, where it arrived on 17 or 18 leasses and a small number of galleys, and began August. The inhabitants of Zante, a Venetian isto fire upon the Turks. As the Turkish left wing _ land, flew to arms, says Servia, seemed to give way, Soranzo Press ed forward too thinking that it was the enemy armada, for they had a

far, causing a break in the Christian line. poor opinion of our armada as a consequence of the The apparent setback of Uluj-Alt’s left wing was second battle. When they saw that we were friends, two

presumably a tactical device, because he now armed galleys came out, one of Malta and the other of struck at Soranzo’s galleys, and the Turks who had Naples, which his Highness was sending for word of our seemed to be in flight suddenly stood their ground. armada. They returned to his Highness with the news

Now in retreat himself, Soranzo managed (ac- _ that it was safe at Zante. cording to Servia) to offer sufficient resistance with Since Zante was close to Cephalonia and Corfu, his flagship, a galleass, and ten galleys to hold his i4,. Christian commanders left the heavy ships in

own until Colonna could turn the cannon of the y UP ; . the harbor, and proceeded on 20 August with the ships and galleasses of his vanguard upon Uluj- alleys and galleasses to Cephalonia “‘to receive his Ali’s attacking forces. The Christian left wing un- Pr 2 ess mp rema; i t Cephalonia for t

der Canaletto could do little to help, for Soranzo d on ‘h ey ee the 3 a 7 eh fo. he had got too far afield. ays, departing on the twenty-fourth for the neighboring island of S. Maura. Don John had

—_—— reached Corfu at night on 9 August. He had been 149 Servia, in Docs. inéditos, X1, 373-75; Sereno, Commentari,

pp. 285-86; Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, I1, 35-40; Manfroni, ‘La Lega cristiana nel 1572,” pp. 33 ff. Bart. Sereno, inciden- '5° Servia, in Docs. inéditos, X1, 376-77; Serrano, La Liga de

tally, commanded a galley in the expedition of 1572. Lepanto, II, 41-46.

1084 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT waiting for them with extreme impatience for for ten days. Four days later, on the seventh, the more than two weeks, and on the twenty-eighth enlarged armada left Corfu for Gomenizza. he sent two galleys to Colonna and de Andrade On 9 September Don John was informed “‘that with orders “‘que toda la armada fuese en Corfu.’’ the enemy armada was at Navarino, a port in the Returning to Zante, Colonna and his fellow com- Morea, with 218 fine galleys and fifty galliots, with manders picked up the naves, which were already _ every intention of awaiting the battle.”’ The next

on their way northward under full sail. On 31 day Don John sailed from Gomenizza, to go in August the armada reached the mainland port of — search of Uluj-Ali’s armada, with 195 galleys, 25 Gomenizza, opposite the southern end of Corfu, _ galliots, eight galleasses, and 25 ships, leaving the

stopping to take on water, but Don John de- frigates and brigantines behind. The order of sailmanded that Colonna and Foscarini come imme- ing and of battle was like that at Lepanto, with

diately to Corfu, Don John in the center of the battaglia, the papal and at midday the armada arrived at Corfu, with a great ane Venetian Hagsiips he either side, with ee gal-

salvo of artillery and arquebus-fire, where they found ys. varo de bazan, ¢ © marquis O anta \ruz, his Highness with 50 galleys, five galliots, two galleasses was 11 command of the right wing of 50 galleys,

of the duke of Florence, and thirty ships.!®! Soranzo in the left wing with another 50, and Juan

de Cardona in the rearguard, the “‘soccorso,”’ with Despite the salvo of artillery, no one was pleased _ the remaining thirty. A vanguard went eight miles

with anyone. Don John was indignant that Co- ahead of the armada during the day, four miles lonna and Foscarini had not waited for him at ahead at night. By 12 September what Servia calls Corfu. Colonna was much annoyed that Don John the ‘Catholic armada’’ was in the harbor of had not come as far as Zante to meet them, while Cephalonia, where two Christians who had esFoscarini had opposed leaving Cerigo in the first caped from the Turks reported that Uluj-Ali was place to join Don John at such a distance as Zante. fearful of meeting the armada, for his cannonry Also, as Colonna explained in an apologia to Philip was inadequate. II (at the beginning of 1573), the Venetians were By 15 September the Christian armada was at always opposed to his wishes and to those of Gil the island of ‘‘Astanfaria’”’ (Stamphane, the Strode Andrade, whom they did not regard asa com-__phades), where upon his escape from Lepanto in

mander. Furthermore, the Venetians refused to °71 Uluj-Ali had burned the monastery, and recognize Don John’s authority as supreme when slaughtered the monks. The island was almost it came to making important decisions, and the halfway from Zante to Navarino. Don John spent generalissimo usually addressed his orders to Co- _ the day in the Strophades, expecting to sail at night

lonna and Gil de Andrade.'°* Sereno has much to and catch Uluj-Ali at dawn in Navarino, behind say of Don John’s petulance and of the difficulties the historic island of Sphacteria. By the time of which both Colonna and Gil de Andrade had with _ his arrival, however, the Turks had sailed a few his self-willed Highness. The discreet Servia, how- miles south to the harbor of Modon “‘to be more ever, gives us no hint of the animus and altercation secure than in Navarino.”’ Exchanges of gunfire which marked the reunion of the generals, merely amounted to nothing. In fact the next three weeks noting that on 3 September (1572) Don John con- amounted to nothing. sulted with his colleagues. Orders were then issued The galleys of the Holy League anchored off to clean, caulk, and tar the bottoms of the galleys, the island of Sapienza, scarcely a mile from the galleasses, and ships, and to take on enough water _well-defended harbor of Modon. On 18 September they went around Cape Gallo to get water at a stream a half-dozen miles north of the lofty,

a'5!impregnable Turkish stronghold of Coron. The Servia, in Docs. inéditos, XI, 377-78, and see Serrano, La soldiers who were sent ashore for water were at-

Liga de Lepanto, 11, doc. no. Vill, pp. 372-73, an indignant

letter trom Don John to Colonna, dated at Corfu on 26 August, tacked, but when Don J ohn landed tr Oops, the 1572. On Don John’s increasing rancor against Colonna and Turks withdrew. Returning to Sapienza, the the latter’s resentment, see Manfroni, ‘“‘La Lega cristiana nel Christians made various plans and several efforts 1572,” pp. 438-45. Manfroni, who always defends Colonna, to enter the harbor of Modon, but the Turkish “cpicts Don John's conduct as rather childish in (among other defense was such that one by one the plans were to Corfu rather than agreeing to meet them at Zante. Serrano discarded, and the efforts proved to be im vain.

is always defensive of the Spaniards. Don John sent for reinforcements from the island

152 Cf Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, 11, 47-51, 59 ff. of Zante, and took his armada into the harbor of

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1085 Navarino (where water was plentiful), from which — enth they sailed into the bay of Navarino, where he could keep an eye on any Turkish galleys is- the generalissimo awaited them.

suing from nearby Modon.!*? Meanwhile two galleys had been stripped, bound

The so-called theater of operations was now con-__ together, and their decks covered with planks to fined to the narrow areas on land and at sea between form a gun platform which, it was hoped, might

Navarino and Modon. Despite the costly grandeur be pushed into the channel behind Sapienza, of preparations and the proud banners on the mast- where the Christian cannoneers could blow to heads, the expedition of 1572 was becoming less a __ pieces the Turkish galleys crowded into the small

pageant of victory than a comic opera. When on harbor of Modon. Don John’s armada could not the morning of 20 September some thirty Turkish enter the harbor, for the channel was too narrow, galleys set forth from Modon to find out what the and Turkish guns were mounted on the mainland armada of the League was up to, ‘‘para reconocer shore. But the gun platform, like everything else, a donde iba la armada catolica,’ Don John sent out was a failure. Time was growing short. The southAlvaro de Bazan after them with the galleys of the west wind was rising. The rain was beginning. There right wing. Bazan’s cannon sent the Turks scurrying was a breath of winter in the atmosphere.

back into Modon behind the shelter of Sapienza. On 2 October Don John put 5,000 infantry When the Christians went ashore for water, and ashore. During the night they climbed the steep they were always ‘haciendo agua,” the Turks at- slope to the Turkish castle above the bay of Natacked them. Renegades and Christian captives who varino. The occupation of the castle, apparently broke loose from Modon informed Don John that easier to take than Modon (still defended by its Uluj-Ali was very apprehensive, having reinforced old Venetian walls), would give the discouraged thirty-two of his galleys, and had the rest hauled forces of the league a foothold on land. Alessandro up, stern first, on the low-lying shore of Modon, Farnese, the prince of Parma, was given charge of mounting their guns in “forts” he had put up on the infantry. The futile exertion of three or four

land. days was enough, however, and on Sunday, 5 Oc-

The next day, 21 September, the Turks in the _ tober, Don John ordered the re-embarkation of the castle which rose above the bay of Navarino fired men and artillery, for time was short, provisions three or four rounds of artillery. Don John sent were shorter, “‘and also because the beylerbey of men on a scouting expedition ‘“‘para reconocer el Greece had come witha relief force of 20,000 horse, castillo,” and that night he dispatched twenty while about 750 soldiers had died in the siege.” armed galleys to Zante to tow the ships and bring At an hour and a half after daybreak on 7 Octhe German infantry to Navarino to help deal tober, the first anniversary of Lepanto, Don John with the Turks. On the morning of 23 September gave orders to weigh anchor, and the armada the ships left Zante for Navarino, while the twenty sailed to Modon, while the heavy, slow-moving galleys took on board fresh troops. The stormy ships began their return to Zante. To the distress season was beginning, however, anda gale whipped of the Venetians, he had announced that the camup by the southwest wind drove the ships back into _paign was over. As the galleys of the league paid the harbor of Zante. During the next two days the _ their last ‘‘visit’’ to Modon, it was discovered that infantry, artillery, munitions, supplies, and equip- twenty Turkish galleys were in pursuit of a ship ment for sappers were removed from the ships some fifteen miles at sea. The Christians quickand put aboard the galleys to assure their more ened their pace as fast as sails and oars allowed expeditious delivery to Don John. But, alas, the them, heading for Sapienza with their cannon transfer of the men and everything else had been _ roaring, to try to cut off the Turkish galleys from unnecessary, for on 26 September the sea became __ re-entering the refuge of Modon. The Turks hascalm. The galleys and ships weighed anchor to- _ tily gave up their attempt to take the ship, making gether ‘“‘con buen tiempo,” and on the twenty-sev- for Modon with all possible speed. Uluj-Ali sent out fifteen galleys “‘to bombard our armada,” to

—_——. encourage and assist the twenty galleys endan153 Servia, in Docs. inéditos, XI, 378-82; Sereno, Commentari, gered by Don John’s approach. All the Turkish

i a Ma loath les got ay ito por except oe, a splendid Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, II, bo ff, 110 ff.; and of Longo, aagship (la galera enemiga cap wana de fe anal), which

Successo della guerra, Arch. stor. ttaliano, append. to vol. IV varo de Bazan captured after a struggle. (1847), no. 17, pp. 41-42 and ff. Longo was a Venetian pub- The captain to whom the flagship belonged was licist; his work is anti-Spanish, and on the whole of little value. the commander of fifty galleys in the sultan’s ar-

1086 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT mada, the son of Hassan Pasha, the “king of Al- days after Don John’s departure from Corfu, the giers,”’ and the grandson of Khaireddin Barba-_ captain-general Giacomo Foscarini wrote the Sirossa. The Turk, ‘“‘whose own arrogance did him _ gnoria that the Spaniards had been the sole reason in” (el cual por bizarrta se perdid), says Servia, was why so little had been accomplished by the exslain by one of his own stern-rowers before Bazan’s pedition. Instead of trying to achieve the objec-

men had even boarded the flagship. He was tives of the league they had sought to weaken, twenty-two years of age, and had been brought up _ indeed to ruin, the Venetians. The lateness of Don a dog of a Turk, an enemy of the Christians. Two John’s arrival and his irresolution throughout the hundred Christians were rescued, andtwo hundred whole course of the expedition had had no pur-

Janissaries captured. The ship which the Turks pose but, little by little, to destroy the forces of had tried to capture was a Venetian ‘‘nave’’? com-_ the Republic. He was chiefly interested in the ing from Candia. The captured flagship was then Spaniards’ making progress against the rebels in taken with the Christian armada to Navarino, Flanders, disregarding and even damaging the in-

whence the ships had set sail for Zante. terests of the league. Almost nothing had been

The armada itself left Navarino the following more evident than the Spaniards’ willful opposiday, 8 October. It reached Zante on the ninth or _ tion to everything that might have been of advan-

tenth, Cephalonia on the fifteenth, and despite tage to Venice. storms entered the port of Gomenizza on the eigh- Such was Foscarini’s view of Don John’s perforteenth, although a papal galley, the S. Pietro, ran mance at Modon and Navarino. Colonna was more aground at midnight. On 19 October, Gonzalo careful; he was a vassal of Philip II; nevertheless, Fernandez de Cordoba, the duke of Sessa, and he resented the generalissimo’s criticism. As for Don Giannantonio Doria arrived at Gomenizza “‘with John, although he chose his words with care, he thirteen galleys,”’ says Servia, ‘‘loaded with Span- had small regard for the Venetians, and he looked ish infantry—they were received witha great salvo _ upon Colonna as their ally. When the three generals of artillery and arquebuses, although they came _ bade one another farewell at Corfu (on 22 October),

late.” On 20 October the armada crossed the they expressed the resolve to get an earlier start channel from Gomenizza to Corfu, and two days and do better when the spring came. They did not, later Don John, firing a salvo of farewell, was off however, believe that such would be the case, nor to Messina, where he arrived on 26 October with did anyone else.'®°

more meaningless salvoes of artillery, ‘which Although not nearly in such serious trouble as shook the earth.” Colonna also departed to return poor old Girolamo Zane had been after his failure to Rome. The Venetian fleet remained in the spa-__ to relieve Cyprus, Foscarini had to blame somecious anchorages at Corfu. At colossal expense the _ one. His return to Venice would be embarrassing. expedition had achieved nothing but the capture As for the Spanish, Philip IT had spent fortunes on of a Turkish galley. The leaders were estranged _ the expeditions into the Levant in 1570 and espefrom one another, despite their outward courte- cially in ’71 and ’72, when he would have much sies and alleged hopes to pursue the Turk the fol- _ preferred to use his men and money, artillery and lowing year. The good Franciscan Miguel Servia_ galleys against Algiers and Bizerte, Tunis and ends his account of the naval campaign of 1572 ‘Tripoli. The Venetians had stood to gain the most with the prayer that ‘it may please our Lord God _ from any lasting success which the Christians

that the armada of the Holy League may have might achieve in the eastern Mediterranean.

better success next year, and may He not allow Philip was no friend of the Venetians, and so why any attack upon Christendom, but only peace and had he helped them? The answer is clear: if he

concord.’’!54 had not done so, they would have made peace with

There was peace between the two chief military the Porte, and Philip would have had to deal by partners in the league, Venice and Spain, but there himself with the Turkish armada’s presence on the

was certainly little concord. On 24 October, two Barbary coast. If the combined armaments of Spain and Venice could cripple the Turks, Philip

—_——_—_—__ would obviously have an easier time trying to take 154 Servia, in Docs. inéditos, XI, 382-88; Sereno, Commentari, the Moslem strongholds in North Africa. Also

bks. IvV-v, pp. 308-28; Manfroni, ‘‘La Lega cristiana nel 1572,” Arch. della R. Societa romana di storia patria, XVII (1894),

38-54, with selections from Colonna’s letters; and cf Stirling- ~~ = = = = = Maxwell, Don John of Austria, 1, 484-501; esp. Serrano, La Liga '®° Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, 11, 147-48, and cf, ibid., de Lepanto, II, 110 ff., 128-50 and ff.; and Braudel, La Médi- _append., no. XIII, pp. 381-83, a letter of Don John to Philip

terranée, II (1966), 409-14. II, dated at Fossa di S. Giovanni on 24 October, 1572.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1087 there is no question but what Philip, as the stron- should not put overmuch confidence in the new gest monarch in Christendom, felt an obligation pope’s promises. Pius V had been a truer soul, to take action against the plundering Turks. It was more forthright in his dealings with others, and the bounden duty of the Hapsburgs in Spain as quite dedicated to the well-being of Venice. When

well as of those in Austria. Barbarigo returned home, he appeared before the Collegio, and gave a full report of what Toledo The plea which Miguel Servia addressed to had had to say.'°’ One can only wonder what inheaven for peace and concord was well made, for fluence, if any, Toledo’s remarks may have had 1572 was a disturbing year. On 7 July Sigismund on Venetian policy, but as far as the expedition II Augustus died at Knyszyn in northeastern Po- of 1572 was concerned, the Signoria could have land, leaving no heir to succeed him. Deeply con- no complaint of Gregory’s zeal for the war against

cerned for the future of his native land, Cardinal the Turk. Stanislaus Hosius addressed an open letter from Early in the following year Henry [III] of AnSubiaco (on 31 July) to the high clergy, palatines, jou, the younger brother of Charles IX, was choand nobles of Poland. Expressing the fervent hope _ sen king of Poland. He reigned briefly (in 1573-

that Sigismund had been received “in piorum 1574), and then returned home to succeed his sedes,”’ he declared that, as they knew even better brother as king of France. ‘T'wo or three years than he, the king’s early death endangered the _ before, since it looked as though Sigismund Auentire realm. It was devoutly to be wished that the | gustus would die without heirs, the ‘Turks had sugelectoral diet might choose a king with the same gested Henry’s election to the Polish throne.’”® ‘‘celerity and felicity” as the conclave had elected The Polish election was a matter of great importance Gregory XIII to the papal throne less than three on the eastern front in 1572-1573. In fact it was months before. Poland had been beset with reli- a matter of importance to all Europe. Although gious dissension for some fifty years. Hosius feared Henry had been loath to leave France, his brother for the future; he feared the evil work of Satan. Charles had been insistent. Ivan IV the Terrible, Poland was threatened by Turks, Tatars, Vlachs, the grand duke of Moscow, had sought the throne, Muscovites, “‘and probably by others too, whom _ but nobody wanted him or his son. Maximilian II’s I prefer to pass over in silence.’”’ The electoral diet son, the Archduke Ernst, was the choice of the Holy

had a grave responsibility to meet.'”° See. His election, some thought (but not Francisco In mid-October (1572) a Spanish Jesuit, Fran- Toledo), might bring his father as well as him into cisco Toledo, fell in with Niccol6 Barbarigo, a the Holy League against the Turks. The Muscovites Venetian ‘‘advocate of the Commune,” who was were watching the election, and so were the Turks. on a judicial circuit in the Veronese. Toledo was A report from the diet at Warsaw, dated 4 May returning to Rome from a diplomatic mission to (1573), a few days before Henry’s election, brought the Emperor Maximilian II in Vienna. Earlier in the news that Ivan IV had sent no ambassador to the year Toledo had been in Poland. Each very _ the diet, but he had sent letters: If the Poles chose likely known to the other by reputation, Barbarigo __ not to elect him, they should not elect the brother and Toledo spent some time together, and the _ of the king of France, ‘‘who is the friend and ally latter unburdened himself to the Venetian with of the Turks.” If they made Henry king, their prossurprising frankness. He told Barbarigo that even pect would be “‘unending war” (guerra perpetua). If if the Archduke Ernst, son of the emperor, were they chose the Archduke Ernst, however, Ivan elected king of Poland, he doubted very much that would not fail to be their friend, ‘“‘cosa che ha dato Poland could be drawn into the Holy League. If da pensar molto.’’ Sultan Selim did not send a the son of the duke of Moscovy were elected, there —cha’ush, but letters had come from Wallachia, from

could be no hope at all. Toledo, a servitor of the the pasha of Buda, who was acting upon orders Holy See, also said he was inclined to think that from the Porte: The pasha’s letters said that the Venice would get ‘“‘more words than deeds” from

the recently-elected Gregory XIII, and that one =~ 157 Gaetano Cozzi, ‘‘Un Documento sulla crisi della ‘Sacra Lega:’ Le Confidenze del Padre Francisco Toledo all’ avogadore di comun Nicolo Barbarigo (ottobre 1572),” Archivio ve‘°° Arch. Segr. Vaticano, Lettere di principi, vol. XXIV, — neto, XCI (ser. V, vol. 67), 76-96, esp. pp. 81 ff., 90, 95. fols. 138-39, and cf. Stella, Nunz. Venezia, X, no. 157, p. 250, '®8 See above, Chapter 21, p. 938, and on Henry of Anjou’s a letter of the nuncio Giannantonio Facchinetti to Cardinal _ election as king of Poland, cf. the bailie Barbaro’s letters from Tolomeo Galli, Gregory XIII’s secretary of state, dated at Ven- _—— Pera at the beginning of July, 1573, in the Bibl. Nazionale

ice on 26 July. Marciana, MS. It. VII, 391 (8873), fols. 478-81, 486’.

1088 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Poles must elect Henry and not an enemy of the the Massacre of S. Bartholomew, once more the Turks, “unless they wished to make trial of the Protestants could share the satisfaction of the awful power and mighty empire of his Signore, but “Turks ina Hapsburg setback, for Henry’s election if they elected the Frenchman, he promised them _ prevented the addition of Poland to the Hapsburg

unending peace [ pace perpetua].””'°? family alliance of the Spains, Naples, Sicily, Lombardy, the Empire, Austria, and Bohemia. S. BarThe Turkish conquest of the Balkans had been —_ tholomew did not mean that the Valois were veermade easier by the schism between the Greek East ing toward Spain, but Francois de Noailles, the

and the Latin West, and since the time of Martin bishop of Dax, the French ambassador to the Luther the gradual division of Europe into a_ Porte, was quite understandably confused. ToProtestant North and a Catholic South had cer- ward the end of September (1572) de Noailles had tainly facilitated the Turks’ access to eastern Hun- left the Bosporus without having managed to efgary, the Adriatic, and the coast of North Africa. fect peace between the Venetians and the Turks. The Lutherans were the unwitting and unwilling He had, however, as he wrote Charles IX from a allies of the Turks.!®©° Where the Lutherans were port near Ragusa on 28 November (1572), nenot a problem, the Calvinists, the ‘“‘Huguenots,”’ gotiated what he regarded as “‘the most ample and

were, especially in the Netherlands and in advantageous treaty which has ever been obtained France.'®' After a decade of civil and religious from the Levant.” It was in fact a Franco-Turkish wars in France a massacre of the Huguenots began military alliance against Spain. in Paris during the early morning hours of Sunday, According to the (Italian) text of a letter from 24 August (1572), the feast of S. Bartholomew. Sultan Selim to Charles IX, the latter was to launch The leader of the Huguenots, Gaspard de Coligny, an all-out attack upon Philip II’s domains when the admiral of France, was among the first to be the time and season were right. By the beginning slain (by henchmen of Henri, duke of Guise), and of June the sultan would send two hundred galleys the murdering madness spread to other parts of to the French port of Toulon to assist in the war the kingdom. Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum. against Philip. As long as Charles’s efforts against

Coligny had been the chief advocate of Charles Spain continued, the Turks would send two IX’s helping the Protestant rebels in Flanders. He hundred galleys every year, ‘“‘le quali siano per was the brother of the heretical Cardinal Odet de ajutare e favorire detta guerra.’”’ Furthermore, Chatillon. Philip II rejoiced in the Massacre of S. whatever territories might be taken from Philip, Bartholomew, and Gregory XIII had a medal either in Spain or in Italy, were to belong to the struck to commemorate the Ugonottorum strages, French, for the Porte would make no claim to but the massacre brought neither religious peace them. nor a change in the foreign policy of France. After When Francois de Noailles reached the Adriatic the alleged freedom of worship and conscience coast, however, as he wrote Catherine de’ Medici, proclaimed in the treaty of La Rochelle (on 1 July, he learned of S. Bartholomew, “‘ce qui estoit ad1573), the Huguenots remained the strong op- venu a Paris le XXIIII€ d’ aoust dernier,’’ and he ponents of the coming Catholic League.'®* feared that this might well cause “quelque changeAlthough Henry [III] had aligned himself with ment aux affaires de ma légation.”’ Although a his mother and the Gulses in helping to contrive loyal servitor of Charles and Catherine, de Noailles had been a close friend of Coligny and the latter’s brother, the heretical Cardinal de Chatillon. The

159 oplat.4,1043, _ French recognized od.¢Urb. fol. 239°,government di Varsovia li 4 Maggio bishop of Dde butNoailles he had b der as the the b¢

1573; note, zbid., fols. 251 ff., 266"; and cf’ Charriére, Négocia- Pp ax, Dul he had been under the ban oO

tions, IL1, 303 ff., 342 ff. the Church for almost ten years.'°° It might not '©° Cf. K. M. Setton, “Lutheranism and the Turkish Peril,” be a good time for a heretic to return to France. Balkan Studies, III (Thessaloniki, 1962), 133-68, and Carl Goll- In any event de Noailles realized that it had been

Siidost Forschungen, XSCKI¥ i975) 21-78. Reformation,” 4 mistake to leave Istanbul. As he informed '8! Cf Jacques Pannier, ‘‘Calvin et les Turcs,” Revue histo- Charles (in his letter of 28 November), he had

rique, CLXXX (1937), 268-86. decided to return to the Porte '62 See the lively account of Philippe Erlanger, Le Massacre

de la Saint-Barthélemy, Paris and Mayenne, 1960, esp. pp. 157 ~~ ff., 252 ff., trans. Patrick O’Brian, London and New York, 163 Cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VII (repr. 1957), 423-26. De 1962, pp. 156 ff., 240 ff.; and on the background of events, Noailles had arrived in Istanbul on 13 March, 1572, and left note N. M. Sutherland, The Massacre of St. Bartholomew and the _ the city on 20 September, according to the bailie Barbaro (Bibl. European Conflict, 1559-1572, London and Basingstoke, 1973. | Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII, 391 [8873], fols. 261", 330").

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1089 not so much in any hope I have of being able todosome million ducats on the war, that their subjects in service for you in accord with the mandate you gaveme the Levant had been reduced to intolerable misas to rebut the views which the Spaniards and others ery, and “that in the coming year the armada of could ‘pread abroad at the Porte concerning what has «he Turk would be more powerful than ever,

APPene ee ML ATANCE. made up of four hundred sail.’’ In making peace,

Also, as de Noailles added, after the failure of the | according to the Venetians, they had taken thought

expedition of the Holy League this year (1572), not only of preserving their possessions but also the Venetians would have more need than ever of ensuring the safety of Italy." of Charles’s “‘name and authority” to arrange a There had been rumors in Rome and elsewhere

peace with the Turks.'° that the Venetians might make peace. Cardinal

De Noailles remained at Ragusa until mid-Jan- Tolomeo Galli, Gregory XIII’s secretary of state, uary, 1573, when he began the long, slow journey had addressed a worried inquiry to the nuncio back to Istanbul in stormy weather along bad Giannantonio Facchinetti, who answered him on roads. He reached the Turkish capital on 28 Feb- 17 January (1573). The nuncio stated that he had ruary, as he wrote Catherine de’ Medici a week read at a regular meeting of the Collegio that porlater, at which time he could also inform her, tion of Galli’s letter containing an expression of

; , the pope’s desire to know what provisions the

As for peace with the Venetians, the pasha [Mehmed Venetians were making for the naval campaign

Sokolli] has freely acknowledged, after much discussion ‘ast the Turks in th , rine. The last of the subject, that the bailie [Marc’ Antonio Barbaro] aga f I . St © CONMNS a 5° « Co,

had sought it again, and that they had got very close to Part © Galli’s letter concerning the rumors of an

concluding a peace.!® accord with the Turks Facchinetti read later at a In actual fact the peace had already been agreed upon, and Marc’ Antonio Barbaro signed it on

small, closed meeting of the Collegio, at which the

behalf of the Signoria on the following day, 7 '87 One may find hastily-written summaries of extracts from March eight days after de Noailles’s arrival onthe Mare’ Antonio Barbaro’s letters to the doge and the Council B ‘ He claimed credit for th 166 yy of Ten in the Estraedi di lettere al Conseglio de X con la Zonta del Osporus. Tle Claimed credit Tor the peace. © bailo Barbaro in Costantinopoli, che concluse la famosa pace dopo la had had something to do with it, but apparently guerra di Cipro, il tutto con la maggior fedelta cavato dalla publica

not much. Segreta, in the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MS. It. VII, 410 He had been secr etly instructed by the Council of often noted above, however, the complete texts of Barbaro S . etters toMarciana, the doge MSS. and the of Ten are preserved in the Ten as early as 19 September, 1572,79 to negotiate It. Council VII, 390-91 (8872-73).

a peace with the Porte. The Venetians later It was on 19 September, 1572, that the Council of Ten diclaimed that they had spent more than twelve _ rected Barbaro to arrange a peace with the Turks (almost in

the midst of the Christians’ third Levantine expedition), on which see Barbaro’s letter of 13 January, 1573 (Ven. style

1572), given in MS. It. VII, 391 (8873), fol. 372", and cf. the '°4 Charriére, Négociations, III, 312-17, who gives the texts —_ Estraedi di lettere al Conseglio de X, fol. 29". One may follow in

of de Noailles’s letter of 28 November to Charles IX, his (un- _ the text of Barbaro’s letters (MS. Ital. VII, 391 [8873], fols. dated) letter to Catherine de’ Medici, and Selim II’s (undated) 372"-414, and to a lesser extent in the Estraedi, fols. 29 ff.) his letter to Charles. The chief reason for de Noailles’s departure, dealings, mostly through the ‘‘Rabbi’’ Salamon Askenasi, with a hasty departure, from Istanbul had been his fear of Charles | Mehmed Sokolli during January, February, and early March IX’s “resolution to take possession of Algiers’ for his brother (1573). The bishop of Dax had indeed mixed himself up in the Henry of Anjou. The French hoped that Selim would give up _ negotiations, which Barbaro accepted willingly, “‘introducendo

Algiers, so that they might defend it against Spain. lo stesso Aix [Dax] alla conclusione accio nella capitolatione si The Turkish response was that although the sultan would _possa inserir |’ autorita del re Christianissimo”’ (ibid., fol. 37”, have liked to gratify Charles and Henry, he could not give up = and ¢f. MS. It. VII, 391 [8873], fols. 395°-396", et alibi). Algiers any more than he could Istanbul. The tenets of Islam The result was the ‘‘perpetual peace” of 1573, costing Ven-

forbade it (Charriére, III, 293-94, 298-99, letters of de — ice 300,000 ducats and certain territorial concessions. Barbaro

Noailles to Charles, dated at Istanbul 8-14 August and 4 Sep- __ gives the terms of the peace (MS. It. VII, 391 [8873], fols. tember, 1572). De Noailles’s apprehension over!’ affaired’ Alger | 414°-417). To no small extent the peace was the result of Aspassed with Sigismund Augustus’s death and Henry’s likely _ kenasi’s effective mediation between Mehmed Sokolli and Bar-

election as king of Poland (cf, ibid., p. 345). baro. On 3 April, 1573, the Senate ordered that Gregory XIII '®° Charriére, Négociations, III, 355, 359, letter of de Noailles | should be informed of ‘‘la conclusione della pace” (Estraedi,

to Catherine de’ Medici, dated at Istanbul on 6 March, 1573. fols. 39°—40'). It would be difficult to determine how much '°° Charriére, Négociations, III, 361 ff., letter of de Noailles | Venice had spent on the war but, despite the letters of the to Charles IX, dated at Istanbul on 8 March, 1573, and note bishop of Dax, there does seem to have been some truth in the Alberto Tenenti, ‘‘La Francia, Venezia e la Sacra Lega,” in G. widespread report ‘‘che |’ armata del Turco nell’ anno venturo Benzoni, ed., J! Mediterraneo nella seconda meta del ’500 alla luce —_ sarebbe pit poderosa che mai, composta di 400 vele”’ (fol. 40°),

di Lepanto, Florence, 1974, esp. pp. 405-7. and the Venetians would be glad of the peace.

1090 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Capi of the Council of Ten were present. As for Actually Philip II seemed to be making extenVenetian preparations against the Turks, the sive preparations, °° but would the Spanish forces Doge Alvise Mocenigo declared the Signoria would really reach Corfu in time for a successful camhave at least 112 galleys ready, ships enough to paign against the Turks? Whatever their doubts, carry victuals and other ‘‘things necessary” for the Venetians kept them to themselves, and in those aboard the galleys, and at least 12,000 sol- Rome on 27 February, 1573, the ambassador Padiers. In fact they had it in mind that very evening olo Tiepolo signed another binding Capitulation to make a motion (mettere la parte) in the Senate in the presence of Cardinals Giovanni Morone, to raise another 12,000 troops. The Signoria Mark Sittich de Altemps, Tolomeo Galli, Gianwould be ready for action by the end of March. _ paolo della Chiesa, Pietro Donato Cesi, Giovanni As for the rumored negotiations for peace with Aldobrandini, and the pope’s nephew Filippo the Turks, Facchinetti declared that his Holiness Boncompagni. For the fourth year in succession had at heart beyond all else “‘il felice progresso di__ the allied expedition was to go into the Levant to

questa Santa Lega.’ There was a widespread and_ do the enemy all possible harm. The papal and most disturbing suspicion that the Signoria was ‘“‘Catholic’’ fleets would assemble at Messina in seeking an accord in Istanbul with the assistance March—only a month after the renewal of the of the French. The nuncio asked the doge, the Capitulation was signed—and proceed straightCapi del Conseglio de’ X, and other members of way to Corfu to join the Venetian fleet. the Collegio to assure the pope “‘of their constancy The three participants in the Holy League and perseverance in the war,” for thus one could would try to get 300 galleys ready for action; Gregbring all the more pressure upon Philip II to keep ory XIII was to supply at least 18, Philip 130, the promises he had made. The doge replied almost and the Signoria also 130 galleys. One galleass was

testily that he had already stated ‘‘that they did to count for two galleys, and the Venetians were not know the reason for the coming of the bishop allowed to include 10 galleasses in their fleet of of Dax, and that they did noi have any negotiation 130 galleys. Philip was to supply 24 ships (nav),

for an accord with the Turk. . . .”” The doge the Venetians 16, to transport troops, victuals, added, apparently annoyed, that the pope had munitions, arms, and other necessities. The allied asked the Venetian ambassador Paolo Tiepolo army must number at least 60,000 infantry, of about these alleged discussions with the Turks, which the pope would supply 3,000, Philip ‘and that it was now necessary for them to think 34,200, and Venice the remaining 22,800; there of war and not of peace—these were the doge’s must also be 4,500 horse, as required by the Ca-

exact words!”’ pitulation of 25 May, 1571. At Corfu a review of In Facchine.ci’s opinion, if the emperor should the armada was to be held to make certain that enter the league, and Philip II should say go-ahead every galley carried at least 150 infantry. Detailed (dicesse davero), the Venetians would persevere in provision was made for arms and munitions.'”°

their military efforts. There was also, however, a Meanwhile in Venice the Spanish ambassador good deal of skepticism as to Philip’s next move, Diego Guzman de Silva regarded the Signoria as for many persons believed that he was unwilling lagging in preparations for the campaign, and Don to risk his galleys in battle. If Philip made sufficient John was worried lest, as in the earlier campaigns,

headway with his galleys and troops, Facchinetti the Venetian galleys should be short of manbelieved that for 1573 at least the Venetians would power.'”’

“° what they could against the ‘Turks at sea. He While Philip II and Don John gave every evilation of 25 May, 1571, according to which the SS"S° of continuing to recruit troops and equip

oes not mention the fact but, despite the Capit- d C ; é ae ys : 5 heir galleys, apparently for action in the Levant allies should put to sea against the Turks in March M 5 iN YSs re b y I ble or in April at the latest, Don John had not reached are f ntonio he ce wld bt : ae as MM oh a 4

Corfu until September in 1571 and August in Soke St cace as SE Ve optain trom . me

1572. Nevertheless, if the bishop of Dax was to 20800 SUSPICIONS OF emice werk not abating; be the instrument of the Signoria’s with theDomini, and on 19 March (1573) Gregory XIII issued the 5 P bullpeace In coena excommunicating those who

Porte, recent letters made clear that ‘‘he had not u , 8

yet left Ragusa.’’'** '69 Cf, Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, I1, 249-52, 257-58. '70 Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, 11, append., no. XXII, pp. '®8 Stella, Nunz. Venezia, X, no. 216, pp. 377-79, a letter of | 407-10, and cf. Stella, Nunz. Venezia, X, no. 229, pp. 405-6.

Facchinetti to Cardinal Galli, dated at Venice on 17 January, '71 Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, I1, 249, and note, ibid., pp.

1573, and see, ibid., nos. 217 ff. 301 ff., on Spanish doubts of Venetian reliability.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1091 sought to dismantle the Holy League.'” By this The terms of the treaty were such that contemtime, however, the bonds holding the allies to- poraries said, as Charriere has noted, “it would

gether had become untied. seem that the Turks had won the battle of LeAt Pera on 7 March, 1573, panto.’’ While de Noailles was ready to claim un-

I, Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, procurator of S. Mark and due credit for bringing about the peace, he was bailie for the most serene Doge, the lord Alvise Moce- most reluctant to have the harshness of the terms nigo, and for the most serene Signoria of Venice at the imputed to him. Immediately after writing Charles Sublime Porte of the Gran Signore Sultan Selim Khan, IX to inform him (on 8 March) of the peace, de son of Sultan Suleiman Khan, Emperor of the Moslems, Noailles also penned a letter to M. de Ferrals, the PY the commission and command given to ey by the French ambassador in Rome. When one learned, aforesaid most serene Doge and Signoria of Venice— he said modestly, that the peace had been made

I have and concluded with the in aforesaid “1: ;it2?would : ; . made . within a week ofpeace his arrival Istanbul, most high and mighty Gran Signore Sultan Selim Khan be cl hy he had df R B

on the basis of the articles given below. . . . For the € clear why he had returned trom ares ut

observance of all these articles his imperial Majesty will he obviously wanted de Ferrals to make It clear give his noble command with his oath and promise, and! Rome, where the Curia held him in abominafor the confirmation of the aforesaid articles I, the afore- tion, that he had grave reservations concerning said Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, by the authority given me_ the terms, and that he was not responsible for by the most serene Doge and Signoria of Venice, do them although, of course, he had made the peace. swear and promise to Almighty God, to Jesus Christ, We have already seen that Sereno in his Commenand on the holy Gospels that the most serene Signoria qj described the armada which went out under will observe inviolably and completely the aforesaid Ca- Uluj-Ali in the early summer of 1572 as “‘of green

pitulation,.and in pledgeand of the herein I shall with |;but, : Seeras . timber oftruth slight durability”

we.have my own hand sign and seal with the seal of S. Mark this ;mir;; Capitulation said, de Noailles had praised the armada as a ; ; , . acle in letters to Charles [X of 8 May and 10 June, According to the articles of the Capitulation, 4579 174 Me 0 da to pay the aoe. an indemnity or Now, however, the good bishop of Dax had aoe ASU. S. lose, oe in the ume of the changed his mind. He could wonder at the accep-

peace with Sultan Suleiman of auspicious memory tance of such painful terms [on 2 October, 1540],”’ but since the Signoria was obliged to surrender the island of Cyprus, the having seen toward the end of June [1572] an armada Cypriote tribute of 8,000 ducats a year was hence- leave this port made up of new vessels, built of green forth cancelled. Venice must surrender the strong- umber yowes by al “ws wn he ac im ever ne'¢ - oa" hold of Sopotd with all its artillery. The inhabit- Proviced, With artery which nad Deen cast ase. ts of the Castello who wished to remain in their several pieces being compounded of acidic and rotten wellings were to be tree to do so; those who a:+med with men who were still stunned by the last wished to leave might also do so, taking their chil- pattle.. . . dren and their movable properties with them with-

mm ii be f material, with apprentice guides and mariners, and out let or hindrance of any kind. The Venetian The generals of the Holy League had been well tribute of 500 ducats a year for peaceable posses- Ware of the debility of the sultan’s armada (and sion of the island of Zante was raised to an annual MO One more so than Uluj-Ah, who had avoided assessment of 1,500 ducats. Sultan Selim II swore 4 head-on collision with the Christian armada). to maintain and observe all the terms of peace Charles IX, however, had ordered de Noailles to negotiated with his father Suleiman. The bound- estore the erstwhile neighborliness between Venaries of both Turkish and Venetian territories in ice and the Porte. He had done so.'” As far as the Albania and in Dalmatia were to be restored ‘‘s} Curia Romana was concerned it was bad enough— come stavano avanti il romper della pace,” just as Ore than bad enough—that he should have sucthey were before 1570. The Venetian and Turk- ceeded in breaking up the Holy League. He did ish merchants held captive by the one party or the other were to be released, their goods, merchan- ————— dise, and ships being restored, and if any of their _v-1 (Amsterdam and The Hague, 1728), no. cil, pp. 218-19, possessions had been sold or lost, the merchants _ the Cypriote tribute being incorrectly given as 80,000 ducats

were to receive proper compensation.!7° on p. 218b, but correctly as 8,000 on p. 219a. V4 Cf. above, note 123.

———_ 175 Charriére, Neégociations, III, 362, note. On the rebuilding 172 Serrano, loc. cit., and cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, XIX, 331- of the Turkish armada after Lepanto, cf’ Robert Mantran,

33, and Gesch. d. Papste, 1X, 241-42. “L’ Echo de la bataille de Léepante a Constantinople,” in G. 173 The Turco-Venetian treaty, with Selim II’s confirmation _ Benzoni, ed., I! Mediterraneo nella seconda meta del ’500 alla luce (in Italian), is given in J. Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, di Lepanto, Florence, 1974, esp. pp. 250 ff.

1092 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT not wish to be held accountable for the extent to In a long letter of 3 April (1573) the doge and which the Turks would profit from the peace. Senate notified Leonardo Donado and Lorenzo On 2 April, 1573, Francesco Barbaro, son of Priuli,!’” their ambassadors in Madrid, of the the bailie Marc’ Antonio, arrived in Venice, hav- peace which the bailie Barbaro had made with the ing come posthaste from Istanbul, bringing letters Porte, instructing them to justify the action thus from his father addressed to the Signoria and to _ taken, when in the name of the Signoria they inthe heads, the Capi, of the Council of Ten. The formed Philip II that Venice had dropped out of most recent letters were dated 13 March, on which — the Holy League. The Signoria had fulfilled all its

day a few details in the treaty had been clarified. obligations to the league. The Venetian galleys The letters sent to the Capi contained a full ac- and troops had always been ready and on time. count of Barbaro’s negotiations with Mehmed So- The Republic’s territories in Dalmatia were in kolli Pasha, primo visir, which had led to the res- grave danger of falling into Turkish hands. They toration of peace between Venice and the Porte. could no longer stand the fire and pillage. The The Capi should have been pleased; Barbaro had people were desperate. Venice had exceeded her followed their instructions in every way. The Sen- capacity, financially and militarily. The Turk had ate was at least a bit taken aback. In the first draft completely rebuilt his armada after the defeat at of a letter of the doge in praise and commendation _Lepanto. He was as powerful at sea as on land, for

of Barbaro (authorized by the Senate on 6 April from all sides came the news that he had ready by an affirmative vote of 156, with only four neg- more than three hundred galleys and more than ative and six uncommitted votes) the helpful inter- a hundred other ‘‘armed vessels,’’ including a mediation of the so-called Rabbi Salamon Askenasi good number of galleasses (maone). This gigantic was acknowledged (col mezo di Rabbi Salamon). Ref-

erence to the rabbi’s usefulness in the negotiations

was deleted, however, in the text of the letter sent . -. to Barb h full dj . £ voce d’ uno nostro ambasciatore [Badoer], quale habbiamo gia © Parbaro, to Ww om full credit was §iven for SEl- — eletto et destinato a vostra imperial Maesta, li anni della quale

ting the Turkish accord, although it must be ad- _ siano molti et felicissimi. +156, 4, 6.” mitted that in the emended text even praise of A similar letter, also dated 6 April, was sent to Mehmed

Barbaro became somewhat muted. The latter was Pasha, primo visir del serenissimo Signor Turco (ibid.), expressing

informed that Andrea Badoer had been elected ‘P* Signoria. .s. pleasure in the renewal of peace the Porte, la quale pace, si come siamo avisati with dal predetto bailo

ambassador to the Porte, and that the Senate [Marc’ Antonio Barbaro], € seguita mediante |’ opera et la

would shortly choose a new bailie “‘secondo il de- grande auttorita di vostra Magnificencia, per il che la ringra-

siderio et bisogno vostro.’’! 76 tiamo grandemente della buona volunta sua et della grand’ affettione ch’ ella in ogni tempo et specialmente in questo ne-

gocio ha demostrato verso di noi... . . +156, 4, 6.” Rabbi Salamon, incidentally, remained a useful informant 176 Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. II, unnum. concerning Turkish affairs (note, ibid., the letter of the doge fol. On 6 April, 1573, ‘“‘essendosi conclusa la pace fra ’l sere- | and Senate to Alvise Grimani, the Venetian provwveditore in nissimo Signor Turco et la Signoria nostra,’ Andrea Badoer Dalmatia, dated 2 October, 1573, and on Salamon, see the was named ambassador to the Porte, with the usual allowance _letter of the doge and Senate to Antonio Tiepolo, Barbaro’s ‘‘per sue spese ducati dusento d’ oro in oro al mese senza obligo _ successor as bailie in Istanbul, dated 1 September, 1574, et

di mostrarne conto’’ (ibid.). alibi). Salamon was in Venice in the summer of 1574. On the On the same day the doge and Senate wrote Selim II (ibid.), ‘‘rabbi,”” apparently a title of honor, cf also Bibl. Nazionale

‘Dalle honoratissime lettere di vostra imperial Maesta hab- Marciana, MS. It. VII, 410 (8711), fols. 30, 31°-32, 33, 34”, biamo con satisfattione dell’ animo nostro intesa la conclusione 35 ff., and MS. It. VII, 391 (8873), passim, dispatches of Bardella pace firmata tra lei et la Signoria nostra col mezo del _ baro, who calls him ‘‘il dottor Rabi Salamon Ascanazi’’ (e.g., dilettissimo nobel nostro Marc’ Antonio Barbaro, procurator, _ fol. 224", and cf: fol. 110%:) “Rabi Salamon medico.”’ On one bailo nostro residente alla sua Sublime Porta con le conditioni —_ occasion, after peace had been made, Salamon moved Barbaro et modi in esse sue lettere contenuti, onde con ogni sincerita. _—_ greatly by telling him in emotional tones ‘‘che tutta la natione le affirmamo ché si come li successi passati ci sono statidi grande __hebrea si sente obligatissima a quell’ eccellentissima Republica

dispiacere, cost questa reconciliatione et pace ci ha apportato [Venice], poiché veramente in niuna parte del mondo ella é

contento. stata meglio trattata. . .’’ (ibid., fol. 439”, a letter to the doge ‘‘La qual pace facemo certa vostra imperial Maesta che da___ dated at Pera on 7 May, 1573).

noi et da tutti li ministri et rappresentanti nostri sara intera- '77 Although Priuli had been elected ‘‘ambassator nostro al mente osservata et con quella sincerita et candidezza d’ animo, _ serenissimo Re Catholico in luogo del diletto nobile nostro colla quale ci rendiamo certi che dallei et dalli ministri et rap- | Lunardo Donado” (his commission, dated 13 September, 1572, presentanti di vostra imperial Maesta alli confini et altrove sara’ may be found in Sen. Secreta, Reg. 78, fols. 128-129" [150in ogni sua parte medesimamente osservata et eseguita come _151"]), Donado did not return to Venetian territory until Noricerca la giustitia, et conviene alla grande bonta sua per con- vember, 1573 (Brunetti and Vitale, La Corrispondenza da Maservar |’ antica amicitia che habbiamo havuta colli serenissimi drid, II, no. 289, p. 748, a letter of Donado to the doge and suoi predecessori, si come piu a pieno le sara esposto con la viva = Senate dated in the Veronese on 12 November, 1573).

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1093 armada of a full four hundred sail was ready to concerned his Majesty’s interests. Wondering, per-

take to the sea “‘to our loss.” haps suspecting, what their message would be, Philip On land Turkish forces were prepared to move _ sent to tell them, even before he had received their not only against Dalmatia but also to enter Friuli second appeal, to come to see him immediately after ‘‘per depredare et mettere il paese a sacco et fuo- dinner.

co.’’ At the mere appearance of the sultan’s ar- When admitted to the royal presence, the two mada every Venetian island in the Levant might ambassadors dwelt upon the Signoria’s three years well have surrendered with little or no resistance, of unceasing warfare with the Turks and the price for the people were exhausted, worn down by Venetian nobles had paid with their own blood to their terrible suffering. Having lost Cyprus, the maintain that warfare not merely for the Republic Signoria was worried about Crete. According to but for all Christendom. Venetian subjects were

the Senate’s letter, the ministers of the Signor exhausted; the Signoria was now hiring oarsmen Turco had proposed certain “‘measures of accord from Bohemia at double the proper rate. The amand peace,” which the bailie had had no alterna-_bassadors repeated the sad tale of the dreadful tive but to accept. In the expedition of 1572 the hardships and perils to which the Signoria’s subChristian princes with forces superior to those of jects in Dalmatia and the Levant were exposed. the Turk had accomplished nothing, and now the The doge and Senate, they said, had decided that sultan’s ministers had made quite reasonable pro- their continuance in the war could prove not only posals, reasonable that is in view of the accustomed the ruin of Venice but also a disaster for Chrisarrogance of the Turks and the practice of earlier tendom. Italian interests were at stake as well as

sultans under similar circumstances. those of Spain.

The conclusion of peace now made it possible Taking their cue from the senatorial letter of

for Venice to preserve her territories inthe Levant 3 April, Donado and Priuli dwelt on the sultan’s and in Dalmatia ‘‘for the benefit of our state and putting to sea 400 armed vessels as well as two of Christendom.’’ Without this peace many peo- huge armies to invade Dalmatia and Friuli. The ples and places would have certainly fallen to the Signoria had no means of resisting either the enemy, becoming lost to Christendom, increasing Turk’s naval or his landed assaults. After long conthe resources and reputation of the Turks. The _ sideration, therefore, to avoid the still greater Venetians had acted in the best interests of their losses which Christendom would suffer, the Sifellow Christians, and the doge and Senate wanted gnoria had finally decided to accept ‘“‘those to believe that their explanation would be under- moderate conditions of peace which the Turkish stood and accepted by the most serene Catholic ministers had offered to our bailie who is in Conking. Yes, surely his natural goodness and the af- _ stantinople.’’ With high praise for Philip’s “‘bonta fection he had always shown toward Venice would et somma prudentia,”’ of which all the world was

make him understand, for he would have been aware, the two ambassadors sought his underimmeasurably distressed by the loss to Christen- standing for the wisdom of Venice’s making peace dom of the Republic’s threatened possessions.'’® —‘‘per evitare danni maggiori et per necessita:”’

The courier bearing the senatorial letter of 3 The king listened t vel q

April to Donado and Priuli arrived in Madrid two the lon 3 ® bet 4 i. 3 ali most fect of: yan : hours before midday on 17 April with ‘“‘the news ger he observed the unfailing modesty of our dis

y an P .’ course as we ran through our argument, and our speech

most unexpected here at this ume, of the conclusion took that affectionate form of delivery which so grave of peace.” ‘They requested an immediate audience a matter required, the more closely his Majesty looked of Philip II. He was too busy, he said; could they at us, keeping his eyes fixed in our direction. He showed not see one of his ministers? He would receive them no emotion except that, when toward the end he learned the next day. Fearing the arrival of another courier that the conditions of peace had been accepted, there (from Rome or Naples) bringing the king the same was a slight ironical twist of his lips. He smiled ever so news couched in the harshest terms, Donado and _ faintly. It seemed as though his Majesty wanted to say, Priuli persisted. They sent another servant to the they al told me yeu would.” “Thereupon hi Ve siesty palace. ‘I'he matter was of supreme importance; it in his usual fashion, no whit abashed and dealing with us in the same way he was always accustomed to, replied

——_—_____— with these few words: “‘Ambassadors, you have never 178 Sen. Secreta, Reg. 79, fols. 14—15 [35-36], alli ambassatori been troublesome to me. You did well to obtain this

in Spagna, doc. dated 3 April, 1573, the letter being sent to chance to talk with me, but as I was wholly unaware that Donado and Priuli after a vote in the Senate de literis + 153, | you had to give me such news, and as the action which

de non 3, non sinceri 18. has been taken is of the highest importance, and requires

1094 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT much thought, it is not proper that I should reply off- upon Cyprus. Despite the treaty of 7 March, was hand. I shall consider the matter, and have an answer the island of Crete safe? There were rumors of the

given to you. death of Tahmasp I, the shah of Persia, and of

For the Venetians the peace seemed desirable civil war between two of his sons for the throne but it proved to be extremely damaging to their of the Safavids. The rumors were untrue, but one reputation throughout the remainder of the century come wer wonder what effect me old shah § death

and for decades thereafter. It still raised the ire of ( 7 hich to raat lhe ld 3 ater) lend ave Serrano and Pastor in the twentieth century. The be ur ch - Icy: 4d Pers m Koh a iq dis. Venetians had misled their allies by piling up Detween the Forte and fersia, which would dIs-

ae - os ; tractforthe Turks from the Mediterranean. supplies in. .Sicily a campaign of seven . 180 . In the meantime Andrea Badoer, who had been months.*’’But:neither Venetian officials nor the ,; :; elected the Signoria’s ambassador the Porte, ambassador_Paolo Tiepolo in Rome knew of the ; for Istanbul.to ; “1: was preparing to set out He was takCouncil Ten’s sum instructions to the with bailie him Barbaro. tao: as ; ; ing aoflarge of money as well valu-

in Istanbul. Cyprus wasfor obviously lost. ; Ba. able gifts the sultan and the Suppose, pashas. Since however, the Turks had required surrender of the ;; ; ; doer would be occupied on the Bosporus with Venetian towns on the Dalmatian coast or even of re important matters than bookkeeping. the the island of Crete. To such demands Barbaro could "OFS "™P° mare -CPINB> ; Senate voted (on 6 May, would 1573) tohave give him not have; agreed. Then(rasonato) the Signoria ; an . é : accountant to keep track of the disbursestood by athe Capitulation, and if thethe Spanish galleysofarea , at ment ofthe theHoly money and distribution gifts reached Corfu in time, League would have 1. ; eeitsthe Porte.expedition The bailie into Barbaro had thought sent fourth the Levant. ; ; . ;that gifts of especial value might help free the prisoners

The Venetians had made peace with the Porte, taken at Nicosia and Famagusta, not to speak of but would it last? In late April and mid-June there _ the release of the Venetian ships then being held were reports that from two hundred to two _ by the Turks.'** The Signoria was not yet out of hundred and seventy Turkish galleys were likely to take to the sea during the spring and summer of 1573. The news came by way of dispatches from '8! Cf Cod. Urb. lat. 1043, fol. 238", by mod. stamped enuVienna and Ragusa. It was probably more dis- ™eration, di Vienna de 22 Aprile: ‘Per un homo venuto di Co-

: . stantinopoli in molta diligenza oltraVenetians, al raguaglio but che s’ éoi havuto turbing to the Spanish than to the arrs’ éa ; . distintamente della pace tra i Signori Venetiani|... et il Turco the Turks had broken the last peace im their attack — inteso che ‘I Turco havea in ordine meglio che 270 galere alle

quali poco mancava per poter uscire fuori, et che per terra non si parlava d’ alcuno movimento. S’ intendeva parimente |’ essersi verificato che ’1 Soffi sia morto, et che ’] figliol maggiore 179 Brunetti and Vitale, La Corrispondenza da Madrid, II, no. sia in campagna armato non contra il Turco, ma si bene contra

262, pp. 677-80, letter of Donado (Dona) and Priuli to the _ suo fratello minore, qual parea che fusse stato lasciato herede doge and Senate, dated at Madrid on 17 April, 1573, and note delregno. . . ,” and cf, ibid., fols. 255, 258". Note also fol. Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, II, 332-33, and append., no. 265", di Ragusa li 17 di Giugno 1573: ‘Per lettere di Constan-

XXVII, pp. 418-19. tinopoli delli 28 del passato [28 May] s’ € inteso che Piali Bassa

Philip took the news of the Venetians’ desertion of the league —_€ _uscito fuori con 140 gallere oltre a quelle che sono ordinafar more calmly than did Gregory XIII, who lost hiscomposure __riamente alle loro guardie, che devono essere da 15 in circa. entirely when Paolo Tiepolo tried to justify the peace with the Ali, ch’ € Occhiali, é restato in Constantinopoli con cinquanta Turks (Serrano, ibid., II, 285-90; Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, IX disarmate, et usava diligentia in armarle per uscir poi fuori per

[1923], 242-43; note esp. Stella, Nunz. Venezia, X, no. 247, _unirse con!’ altre.. . .” pp. 441-42, a letter of Cardinal Galli to Facchinetti, dated at On 1 February, 1573 (Venetian style 1572), the bailie BarRome on 7 April, 1573, and see Tiepolo’s own account, which _ baro had reported to the doge that the Turkish armada was he later read to the Senate [on 3 May, 1576], in Albéri, Relazioni all in order, and would sail with Piali Pasha. The latter had told

degli ambasciatori veneti, ser. II, vol. IV [1857], 235 fF). someone, who passed the word on to Barbaro, that although According to Tiepolo, ibid., Gregory XIII, upon learning of __ the sultan’s power was such that he could produce 500 galleys, the peace, “‘s’ accese tutto d’ ira, si levo di dove sedeva, si mise “Uluj-Ali has said, however, that three hundred will be enough, sulle furie e mi discaccio da lui. . . . Annullo il sussidio dei —_ and there will also be sixteen galleasses [maone] and forty ships 500,000 scudi da Pio V concesso; levo che si potessero riscuoter [navi], while this year his forces will not take to flight [as in i residui del sussidio e decime passate; rivocd il donativo dei 1572)” (MS. It. VII, 391 [8873], fol. 378"). Actually when the

100,000 scudi dei beni del clero, con astringere che si resti- armada sailed from Istanbul on 1 June, it consisted of about

tuissero 1 danari gia per questo conto riscossi.. . .”” Gregory 155 galleys, five maone, and 25 or 30 other vessels (ibid., fols. denounced the Venetian government at a formal meeting of | 460°—461"). the consistory on 8 April (Acta consistorialia, in Acta Miscel- '82 Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. III, unnum. lanea, Reg. 36, fol. 138). Cf Longo, Successo della guerra, Arch. fol., resolution of the Senate dated 6 May, 1573. Badoer’s com-

stor. italiano, append. to vol. IV (1847), no. 17, pp. 51-52. mission as ambassador to the Signor Turco is dated 9 June

18° Serrano, La Liga de Lepanto, II, 285. (1573), and takes up a half-dozen folios in the register cited.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1095 the woods. A skillful and experienced diplomat, not hold Don John’s acquisitions, and the sultan Antonio Tiepolo, was named Barbaro’s successor and the pashas were determined to undo what he as bailie in Istanbul. His commission is dated 9 _ had done. June (1573).'°* Barbaro was coming home, and Accordingly, as we are informed by an avviso during the course of his return journey he was from La Goletta, the Turkish armada left Istanbul supposed to settle some of the Turco-Venetian on 13 May, 1574, headed for the Barbary coast. border disputes in Dalmatia and Albania.'** These It was said to consist of 240 galleys besides 25 disputes, which were not easy to resolve, threat- _ galliots from Algiers, 16 galleasses (mahone), three

ened the recently-made peace. galleons, three caramusoli, and eight ships (navi).

As the Venetians were engrossed in efforts to There were 120 Turks aboard each galley, 250 preserve the peace, arrange for the exchange of aboard each galleass, and 300 aboard each ship, prisoners, and secure the return of their property including 8,000 janissaries, 4,000 sipahis, “‘and the in Turkish hands, the Spanish decided to use their _ rest inexperienced Turks, badly armed, for the most troops and the galleys under Don John of Austria _ part with bows.”’ The armada was under the com-

for an expedition to the Barbary coast. Their ob- mand of Uluj-Ali, the land forces under that of jective was Tunis, which Uluj-Ali had occupied Sinan Pasha, Sultan Selim’s brother-in-law. It was toward the end of 1569, now the Moslem strong- rumored that Don John would go from Naples to hold closest to Sicily. But the Turks in Istanbul Trapani to prepare for action 120 armed galleys, had also gone down to the sea in ships, as the avvist_ some navi, and other vessels “‘per passarsine subito

from Vienna, Ragusa, and elsewhere had stated in soccorso alla Goletta.”!®° It never happened, they would. Bad weather and the maneuverings however, for Don John had been forbidden by of the Turkish armada in the Ionian and Adriatic Philip II to try in person to hold the Barbary Seas delayed for weeks Don John’s expedition to — strongholds, and after the arrival of the Turks the

Tunisia, where the Spanish had held the outport Spanish governments in Naples and Sicily made of La Goletta since 1535. Don John took the no effort to send reinforcements to Tunis and La poorly-defended town of Tunis without a struggle _Goletta. on 1] October, 1573, and then moved into Bi- Uluj-Ali and Sinan Pasha appeared in the Bay zerte.'®° Without controlling wide areas of the of Tunis with their huge armament on 12 July Moslem hinterland, however, the Spanish could (1574). After a month’s determined siege they took La Goletta (on 25 August), and overwhelmed

—— the Christian garrison at Tunis in the last of sevOn the desirability of making special gifts to Selim II and eral murderous assaults on 13 September. The Mehmed Sokolli, note the proposal made in the Senate on 22) Turkish armada seemed still to have a mastery of wey « - accio che 'I ricordo delliberatione predetto the di seaquelli which ;the ailo(ioid.), nostro“. Barbaro sia secondo tanto piu facile la ae battle of Lepanto had obviously pregioni fatti in Nicosia et in Famagosta et in altri luoghi et done little to diminish. anco sopra le nave et navilii nostri nella presente guerra”’ [this After the reconquest of Tunis there was a furstatement, although actually deleted from the final text of the ther strengthening of Ottoman administration 1n

resolution, illustrates the Senate’s purpose]. the Porte’s provincial outposts in the Maghreb, Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. III, unnum. the “West.” ; a Aloeria. Tunis; d Trivofols. Tiepolo’s tour of duty in Istanbul was on the whole peace- ; € . est, 1e., 1 Seria, ; unisia, an po

ful. He was succeeded as bailie by Giovanni Correr, whose com- litania. The Turks also provided men and munimission, dated 16 April, 1575, fills six (unnumbered) folios in tions to oppose Portuguese and Spanish ambitions

ne ot eration Constantinopoll, nce. IV. as lated in Morocco. In resistance to the westward exten21 November, 1573, and 24 March, 1574, et alibi, S101 of Ottoman power in North Africa, King Se"85 Cf. Il Vero Ragguaglio della presa di Biserta, con l’ ultimo bastian of Portugal embarked on the so-called cruavviso del successo di Tunisi, et la sententia data contra al Re Muley sade which ended in disaster and his death on 4

Hamida ae Rome: Gli Heredi d’ Antonio Blado, stampatori August, 1578, at Alcazarquivir (Ksar el Kebir), camerali, 1573. The bailie Barbaro had informed the doge in some fifty or more miles south of Tangier. The a letter dated 2 April, 1570, that the news of Uluj-Ali’s seizure oe of Tunis had just reached Istanbul: ‘‘Questi giorni gionse qui sultanate of Morocco, it is true, tended to assert una galeotta venuta d’ Algier mandata da Uluzali, beglerbei di its independence of the Porte when, in the very quel loco, con nova d’ haversi lui impatronito di Tunesi, et scacciato quel Rey. . .”’ (MS. It. VII, 390 [8872], fols. 351°—

352°; cf, ibid., fol. 359, and MS. It. VII, 391 [8873], fols 12", which repeats the letter of 2 April). Possession of Tunis was 186 Nuovi Avisi venuti di Messina, Napoli, e Roma, dove s’ intende

important to the Turks’ designs upon the Barbary coast, andl’ ordine che ha tenuto |’ Altezza di Don Giovanni per soccorrer la when Don John took the town, they immediately resolved to Goletta. . . , Bologna, 1574, reports from Rome and La Go-

recover it and thereafter to hold on to it. letta, dated 22 August, 1574.

1096 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT year of Dom Sebastian’s defeat, the Turks turned Spain. Salamon must, even so, thank the Gran their attention and resources toward Persia. Nev- Signore “‘for the courteous offer he has made ertheless, Turkish-governed Algiers was much to us.”’ closer to Spain than Messina was to Turkey. The The Signoria was distressed by Lala Mustafa Porte was more firmly established in North Africa Pasha’s violation of the terms of surrender at Faafter Lepanto than it had been previously.'®’ magusta and the continued captivity of those seized The Venetians were much exercised, as they after the surrender, for it constituted a breach of wrote their new bailie Antonio Tiepolo in Istanbul faith on the part of the sultan himself. The defenders on 27 May, 1574, by the lamentable plight of the of Famagusta had certainly not slain “‘Mussulmani’”’ Christians taken prisoner in the Cypriote war, espe- after the accord of surrender. Salamon had made cially those reduced to slavery ‘‘nella lacrima- special reference to four Ottoman captives in Chrisbile arresa della citta di Famagosta.”’ Tiepolo was _ tian hands, but they were held by the pope and by directed to appeal to the grand vizir Mehmed Sokolli _ the king of Spain. There was nothing the doge and to set them free, in accordance with Sultan Selim’s Senate could do but to write and ask for their resense of justice, for they had surrendered in good __ lease, “‘which of course we shall do.’ Rabbi Salamon faith, trusting the promises made to them by the _ was in Venice for about two months, and when in ‘‘representatives of his imperial Majesty,” i.e., by mid-August he was getting ready to leave, the Senate Lala Mustafa Pasha and his fellows. The charge was voted him appropriate gifts of money and clothneither true nor likely, ‘“‘as is being said over there,” —_ing.'®?

that after the agreement of surrender [on 1 August, The exchange of prisoners engaged the close 1571] ‘‘our men should have killed any Moslems.”” and considerate attention of the Signoria Tiepolo must begin negotiations for the Turco- throughout the years 1574-1575 and for some time Venetian exchange of prisoners, and initiate dis- thereafter. On 18 March (1575), for example, the cussions to find ways of exchanging other (non- Senate approved a letter to the bailie Tiepolo, inVenetian) Christians for the Turkish captives being forming him that Gregory XIII had agreed to send

held by the Holy See.'** “the Turkish slaves who are in Rome’”’ immediately

In early June (1574) the Rabbi Salamon Aske- to Ancona, where they would be easily available nasi, a physician and a diplomat, came to Venice to ‘‘to effect the exchange.” They had been well deal with the problems relating to the exchange treated, especially Mehmed Beg of Negroponte, of prisoners. Salamon also offered the Signoria who had been provided with a litter because he had disposal of the naval forces of the Porte in the a touch of gout. So that the grand vizir Mehmed event of the Venetians’ wishing to make war on Sokolli could be assured of the ‘every possible Philip II (offerendo le forze del serenissimo Gran Signor _courtesy’’ which had been extended to the Turks,

quando vogliamo far la guerra al serenissimo re di the captives had themselves written to Sokolli. The Spagna). But the Signoria was at peace with Philip, doge was sending both the Turkish text and a transthe doge assured Salamon, ‘‘in a stable and recip- lation to Tiepolo “‘in order that you may see the rocal friendship, and in the full understanding of — content.” many years, with the most serene king of Spain.” Tiepolo was to give Sokolli the captives’ TurkVenice was anxious to maintain as good a peace ish text, emphasizing how hard the Signoria had

and friendship with the Porte as she had with worked in this matter, for which he should be grateful. The Venetians would send galleys to pick

a up the Turks at Ancona. Tiepolo must, therefore, '87 Cf. the article of A. C. Hess, referred to above (note 120), make it clear to Sokolli that since the Turks had

“The Battle of Lepanto and Its Place in Mediterranean His- already been sent to the pope’s Adriatic port, tory,” Past and Present, LVII (1972), 53-73, and on the nothing remained to bring the business to a happy Honrpde Castres, ed, Les Sours inédits de itive du Maree COnctuSION except for Sokolli to put the “Christian de 1530 3 1845, ser. I, pt. 1, vol. I (Paris, 1905), nos. CI-CXI, slaves, who are over there,” on the road to Ragusa. pp. 381-677. Morocco is far from Istanbul, and it should be Tiepolo was told in confidence, however, that the noted that the language of the country is Arabic, not Turkish. pope had entrusted the exchange of prisoners to The Moroccan sultanate always tended to a certain independence from the Porte. Note the documents illustrating Moroccan = ———~— relations with England in Letters from Barbary, 1576-1774, trans. '89 Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. III, unnum.

J. F. P. Hopkins, Oxford University Press, 1982, nos. 1-20, _ fols., docs. dated 19 June and 14 August, 1574, and on the

pp. 1-18, dated from 1576 to 1669. proposed exchange of prisoners, note also the letter of the doge "88 Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. III, letter of | and Senate to the bailie Tiepolo, dated 28 October, and various

the doge and Senate to Antonio Tiepolo, dated 27 May, 1574. other letters in this register.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1097 Tolomeo Galli, the cardinal of Como, who was The Sultan Selim II died on 12 December, insistent that before the Turks were embarked, he 1574, and the following 24 January the Doge Almust be certain that the Christians had reached vise Mocenigo and the Senate sent both the new

Ragusa.'”° sultan Murad III and the grand vizir Sokolli of-

Although Gregory XIII tried until the end of ficial statements of condolence and of their satishis reign to form another Christian league against faction, even ‘“‘felicissima essaltatione,’’ in the

the Turks, appealing to Spain, the Empire, Po- succession, for they were sure that Murad III land, and Venice, he never succeeded in doing so. would remain friends with the Venetians, who had The Turco-Venetian treaty of 7 March, 1573, was borne the ‘deepest affection’ for his father.'*° renewed on 10 August, 1575;'*' it lasted for more The Turks were willing also to consider peace with than seventy years, until the outbreak of the war Spain, for in 1576 the death of Tahmasp I, son of Candia (in 1645). As time passed, Philip II also of the great Shah Isma‘1l, was followed by succession became diverted from the offensive against the — struggles, which provided the Porte with new opTurks by the continuing war in Flanders, his sus- _ portunities for conquest. After preliminary truces picions of French collusion with his enemies, the agreed to privately (on 18 March, 1577, and espestrife in Genoa between the old and the new no- cially on 7 February, 1578) Philip II authorized bility, his desire to add Portugal to his Spanish open negotiations with the Porte, and (to Gregory dominions, and his numerous difficulties with the XIII’s distress) on 21 March, 1580, a ten months’ English and their Protestant queen, Elizabeth. truce was publicly acknowledged between Spain and Neither the Emperor Maximilian II nor the Ger- the Ottoman empire.'”*

man princes had any intention of being drawn In 1577-1578 the Turks embarked upon a dozen into war with the Turks. The Empire, therefore, years of difficult but successful warfare with Perremained at peace with the Porte until the desul- _ sia, finally acquiring in the peace of 1590 the imtory but exhausting war of 1593-1606, which _ portant city of Tabriz along with most of Georgia, ended with the treaty of Zsitvatorok (ad Situa To- Azerbaijan, Sirvan, Luristan, and other areas. rock) on 11 November, the feast of S. Martin. The Mehmed Sokolli had objected to the war as being Sultan Ahmed I had to give up the Turkish claims _ beyond the resources of the Porte, but although

to all areas in Hungary then held by the Hapsburgs. Although the “‘two emperors’”’ were to ex- §5—————_ change gifts, the Porte was no longer to receive the interesting article by Halil Inalcik, “The Socio-Political the annual tribute of 30,000 ducats,'*? of which Effects of the Diffusion of Firearms in the Middle East,” in we have seen a good deal in earlier chapters. V. J. Parry and M. E. Yapp, eds., War, Technology and Society in the Middle East, London, 1975, pp. 199-202, and cf. Parry,

— ‘‘La Maniére de combattre,”’ ibid., pp. 227 ff. On the Austrian-Turkish negotiations from 24 October to

'9° Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. IV, unnum. — 11 November at ‘‘Zsitvatorok,” the mouth of the Zsitva creek, fol., letter of the doge and Senate [partly in cipher] to the bailie see the important article of G. Bayerle, ‘“The Compromise at in Istanbul, dated 18 March, 1575. It took a long while toeffect _Zsitvatorok,”’ Archivum Ottomanicum, V1 (1980), 5-53. The the exchange of prisoners—see the commission given by the _“‘treaty’’ or compromise was to last for twenty years, the emCollegio (on the authority of the Senate) to Zuan Contarini, _ peror was to give the sultan 200,000 florins in cash, the annual eletto al far il concambio d’ 1 schiavi (ibid., doc. dated 9 July, 1575, tribute to the Porte was forever annulled, and both rulers were

and note other relevant texts in this register). Turkish captives henceforth to recognize each other as “‘emperor.”’ Despite the were from time to time exchanged for Christians, “‘che si ri- _ different texts of the so-called treaty, and the sultans’ continutrovano schiavi in Constantinopoli in durissima captivita” (2bid., | ing claim to be the world’s masters and arbiters, at least the resolution of the Senate dated 25 March, 1578). On the ne- _ long war was brought to an end, and the Hungarians, in whose

gotiations relating to the release of the Turkish prisoners of _ territory the war had been fought, were spared further deimportance, who were sent from Rome to Fermo (near the _ struction—at least for a while. For the Emperor Rudolph’s Adriatic coast, south of Ancona) in March, 1575, see M. Rosi, ratification of the Austrian text, see Dumont, op. cit., V-2, no. Alcunt Documenti relativi alla liberazione det principali prigioniert XLVI, pp. 79-80.

turchi presi a Lepanto, Rome, 1898, append., docs. v1 ff., pp. 193 Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. III, unnum. 58 ff. The proper maintenance of the Turkish prisoners was _fols.

something of a financial problem. '94 Braudel, La Méditerranée, II (1966), 437 ff., trans. Reyn‘91 J. Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, V-1 (1728), no. olds, II (1973), 1150 ff., and cf. Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, 1X

CXXIIl, pp. 244-47. (1923), 258-60. See also S. A. Skilliter, ‘“The Hispano-Otto192 Dumont, Corps unwersel diplomatique, V-2 (Amsterdam man Armistice of 1581,”’ in C. E. Bosworth, ed., Iran and Islam, and The Hague, 1728), no. XLVII, pp. 78-80. The treaty was — in Memory of the Late Vladimir Minorsky, Edinburgh, 1971, pp.

confirmed on 9 December, 1606, by the Emperor Rudolph, 491-515. The first four Turco-Spanish truces are dated 7 Febwho was now ruling in name only until his death in 1612 (ff, — ruary, 1578; 21 March, 1580; 4 February, 1581 [first agreed ibid., NOS. XLIV-XLV, pp. 68-73). On the importance of the — to on 1 January?], and January, 1584. They were all for one war upon Ottoman society and the sultan’s armed forces, note year except that of 1581 which was to run for three years.

1098 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT he remained the grand vizir, his influence had neither peace between Vienna and Istanbul nor quickly faded with Murad III’s accession. In the an end to agitation in the Balkans.'*® During the fall of 1579 Sokolli was stabbed to death by an _ later stages of the Austro-Turkish war, while the assassin, and was succeeded for some six months sultan’s forces were engaged in Hungary and by the Albanian second vizir, Ahmed Pasha.'*’ Transylvania, Abbas the Great of Persia began a The times were changing. Murad wasa comedown - series of campaigns against the Turks, finally driveven from his drunken father, and Ahmed Pasha _ ing them from Tabriz, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and

and his successors fell far short of Sokolli. the whole region of the Caucasus.'®’ The Persians Even without Mehmed Sokolli on hand to warn did well, for the pashas had overreached them-

them, the pashas knew that one war at a time was__ selves, and the Ottoman empire was in decline. enough for the Porte. On 4 February, 1581, the The decline, however, was gradual and very slow. Turco-Spanish truce was renewed for three more There is a remote resemblance between the years. As far as the Mediterranean was concerned, Spanish and Ottoman empires as to the time and Spain and the Porte gradually lost interest in each causes of their decline. Each was attached to past other, drifting far apart; unlike the Venetians, practices, to “‘tradition,’’ to an intellectual stagDutch, French, Poles, and Muscovites, the Spanish nation which meant failure to keep up with the usually kept no resident ambassador on the Bos- technological innovations of the later sixteenth

porus. It is true, however, that when in 1580 century and the seventeenth. Each was unable, Philip II became also king of Portugal, the Span- therefore, to share to any appreciable extent in ish-Portuguese war with the Porte was renewed the advances being made in mining and metalon the Indian Ocean, but the Portuguese, the lurgy, medicine and pharmacology, the producSpanish, and the Turks were all soon ousted by _ tion of hardware, textiles, glass, clocks, and espethe English and the Dutch. As the Spanish con- _ cially firearms and shipbuilding. The Spanish and centrated their efforts upon the Netherlands, En- Turks were both impeded by inefficient governgland, and the New World, the Turks gave their ments and by the failure to produce a middle class unkind attention to the Middle East. Despite oc- strong enough to face the increasing economic casional hostile encounters on the Barbary coast, competition of the seventeenth century. peace went on indefinitely between Spain and the The Spanish Church and the Inquisition were Porte. Large-scale warfare in the Mediterranean _ obstacles to social change and scientific progress

had ended. in Spain, while the growth of Moslem fanaticism Although the Spanish Hapsburgs had thus among the Turks had an even more deleterious

found peace with the Turks, their Austrian cousins effect upon the understanding and use of any sci(as we have just noted) became involved with the entific improvement or instrument. Weakened Porte in the war of 1593-1606, from which period central governments, hard-pressed for money, numerous revolts in the Balkans began against the met increasing difficulties in maintaining the inPorte. The peace of Zsitvatorok (in 1606) brought frastructure of roads, canals, and dikes, bridges, warehouses, and docks—all essential to commer-

—_—__——_——— cial, military, and naval efficiency.'”° 195 Cf Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. IV, un-

num. fol., letter of the doge and Senate to the bailiein Istanbul, ~~ dated 25 November, 1579: ‘‘Havemo inteso dalle lettere vostre 196 Cf. Stephan Fischer-Galati, “Revolutionary Activity in the di 12 del passato certamente con dispiacer nostro il strano ac- _ Balkans from Lepanto to Kuchuk Kainardji,”’ Sudost-Forschungcidente seguito della morte del magnifico Mehemet, primo en, XXI (1962), 194-213, who lapsu calami mistakenly assobassa, al qual essendo successo per elettion fatta da quel sere- ciates Mehmed Sokolli with the Turkish siege of Vienna in nissimo Signore il magnifico Acmat Bassa, ne € parso di ral- 1683 (ibid., p. 206), and see especially the work of Peter Bartl, legrarsi con sua Magnificentia con le alligate che vi mandamo Der Westbalkan zwischen spanischer Monarchie und osmanischem et nella forma che vederete per la occlusa copia. . . ,” which Reich, Wiesbaden, 1974, passim, cited below in note 206. Cf letters the bailie was to deliver, ‘‘accompagnandole con quella also Angelo Tamborra, “‘Dopo Lepanto: Lo Spostamento della sorte di officio che & conveniente in simil occasione per far ben __ lotta antiturca sul fronte terrestre,” in Benzoni, Jl Mediterraneo certo esso magnifico bassa della grande nostra affettione verso nella seconda meta del ’500 alla luce di Lepanto, esp. pp. 379 ff. la sua persona et della stima che facemo delle nobilissime qualita 197 Cf, Lucien-Louis Bellan, Chah ‘Abbas I, sa vie, son historre,

sue. ... +151, 16, 10.” The Senate also sent (ibid.) flattering Paris, 1932, chaps. vI-x. The Porte accepted the peace of letters to Ahmed Pasha, dated 21 November. Niccolé Barba- Sarab with the Persians; it is dated 26 August, 1618 rigo, the bailie in Istanbul to whom the Senate’s letter of 25 = (ibid., p. 241). November was addressed, had died on or before 8 November 198 The articles drawn from the British journal Past and Pres(cf, ibid., letters of the doge and Senate to the Venetian sec- ent (1952-62), republished in Trevor Aston, ed., Crisis in Euretary at the Porte, dated 12 December, 1579, and 13 Feb- rope, 1560-1660, New York, 1965, have a good deal to say of

ruary, 1580 [Ven. style 1579)). the decline of Spain, but nothing at all about the Ottoman

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1099 A century or so after Lepanto, the English am- We have already noted the excitement that bassador to the Porte, Sir John Finch, noted “‘that filled Venice when on 19 October (1571) Onfré the Turke cannot live without a warr.’’’”? In this | Giustinian reached the lagoon with news of the respect the Castilian was rather like the Turk. The Turks’ overwhelming defeat at Lepanto and the Count-Duke Olivares (d. 1645), the prime minister celebrations in Rome when on the night of 21-22 of Philip IV, and Kara Mustafa Pasha (d. 1683), October the nuncio Facchinetti’s letter brought the grand vizir under Mehmed IV—both serving word of the victory.2°' In Rome, as in Venice, indolent monarchs—hoped that war might solve celebrations and sermons lasted for weeks. When their problems and maintain the power of the state. | Marc’ Antonio Colonna returned to the Tiber, he They were both deceived, and succeeded in bringing was accorded a triumph (on 4 December, 1571) disaster and loss of territory to their sovereigns as which far exceeded in its fervor the reception well as complete ruin upon themselves. Olivares given Charles V (in early April, 1536) after his escaped with his life. Kara Mustafa was executed conquest of Tunis.”°* In the church of S. Maria

for his failure before Vienna, and in the twenty in Araceli the French humanist Marc-Antoine years that followed his death (1683-1702) a full Muret delivered a stirring sermon in praise of dozen grand vizirs held the reins of Ottoman gov- Colonna (on 13 December), declaring that the

ernment. glorious victory at Lepanto, which would be remembered forever, had closed the Mediterranean When many years ago I began this work on The _t© the Turks and opened it to the Christians. The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-1571, I knew that it latter must now push on to Judaea, holding out would be necessary to come down, however sketch- her hands in supplication, and free the Holy

ily, to the Turco-Venetian peace of 1573, the Sepulcher. Muret’s sermon was promptly transTurkish occupation of La Goletta and Tunis in lated from Latin into Italian, was printed by the 1574, and the Turco-Spanish truce of 1581. To heirs of Antonio Blado, and received a wide cir-

most readers the latter dates would be meaningless, culation.

but everyone who picked up one of these volumes Contemporaries bequeathed the importance of would know that the year 1571 referred to Lepanto, Lepanto to later generations in the works of poets one of the most famous of all naval battles. What 2d preachers, novelists and pamphleteers, sculpthen is the significance of Lepanto? Did it mark the tors. and medialists, historians and painters. Miguel beginning of the decline of the Ottoman empire? 4€ Cervantes was wounded at Lepanto, and always

No, but it may have been a first faint warning. The 8/oried in the fact. In one way or another the failure of the Christian expedition of 1572 and the Sculptors Girolamo Campagna, Domenico da Salo,

Turkish successes of 1574 show clearly that the and Alessandro Vittoria have left remembrances Spanish were not in the ascendant while the Ot-

tomanis were in decline. The battle of Lepanto, then, soln . . . proved not to be the decisive event which the par- __, On the emotional outburst - Venice, J aca Letitia ticipants their western contemporaries °° , UT: 80in DLO ONETAAGon GG 619 Graig aremnane conve : ; : . and ; quella del Turco. assumed, . . , printed Venice October, the in the first ecstasies of victory, that it was going tO very day the news arrived in Venice, and reprinted in Mantua be. The battle had obviously shown that the Turks on 25 October: “. . . Alli 19 Ottobrio la galera Giustiniana were not invincible. It also seemed likely to fulfil] - - - diede nova di questa maravigliosa vittoria, per la quale si

. 900 gente a San Marco in tanta quantitade che non si

certain lon g-stan din gan d well-known p rophe cies of vedeva tumultuosamente in tutte le strade concorer numero

Turkish doom. poteva dar luoco l’ uno a I’ altro, et tale era il strepitto delle

dell’ arteglierie, et delle campane che non si udiva a pena TT quel che alcuno dicesse. . . ,’’voci,etc. See also E. H. Gombrich, empire, one of the dominant forces in Europe during the period ‘Celebrations in Venice of the Holy League and of the Victory covered. On the decline of Venice vis-a-vis Turkey, note F. of Lepanto,” in Studies in Renaissance and Baroque Art presented

Braudel, P. Jeannin, J. Meuvret, and R. Romano, in Aspetti e to Anthony Blunt. . . , London and New York, 1967, pp. 62cause della decadenza economica veneziana nel secolo XVII, Venice: 68, who thinks “the good tidings [arrived] in Venice on 9th

Fondazione Cini, 1961, pp. 36 ff., and cf the observations of October, two days after the battle” (zbid., p. 63a). Omer Litfi Barkan, ibid., pp. 275 ff. The war of Cyprus re- On Colonna’s triumph, cf: Pastor, Gesch. d. Pdpste, VIII dounded, for a while, to the great advantage of Ragusa, con- (repr. 1958), 597-99.

cerning which see Jorjo Tadic, ibid., pp. 250 ff. 2°3 Oratione di M. Antonio Mureto, dottore et cittadino romano, ‘99 G. F. Abbott, Under the Turk in Constantinople, London, recitata per ordine del Popolo Romano dopo ’l ritorno in Roma de 1920, p. 281. Although personally desirous of peace, the Spanish _/’ illustrissimo et eccellentissimo Signor Marc’ Antonio Colonna, da

minister Olivares also found no alternative to war. la felicissima vittoria di mare contra Turchi, tradotta di latino in 200 T have omitted from this chapter a long section on proph- __volgare, Rome: Gli Heredi di Antonio Blado, stampatori camerali,

ecies of ‘Turkish doom, which I may publish elsewhere. 1572[P].

1100 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT of Lepanto in works they did in Venice, as have _ get. In the opinion of the Curia Romana the Venethe painters Jacopo and Domenico Tintoretto, tians were encroaching upon the freedom and imAndrea Vicentino, Paolo Veronese, Titian, and munities of the Church. Clement VIII, who wanted others. There are many paintings and other me- to take action against the Turks, had his difficulties morials of Lepanto in the ducal palace at Venice, with the Signoria. A break, a serious break between and the Cappella del Rosario at SS. Giovannie Paolo Venice and the Holy See, came after Clement’s is dedicated to 7 October, 1571.7°* Pius V com- death, when Leonardo Donado (Dona), whom we missioned Giorgio Vasari to do the frescoes ac- have known as the Republic’s ambassador to Philip claiming the achievements of the Holy League and _ II during the years 1570-1573, was elected doge the Christian victory in the Sala Regia in the Vatican (on 10 January, 1606). Since Donado and the Senate

palace, while every year tourists admire the large insisted upon what the Curia regarded as an infresco of Lepanto by Giovanni Coli and Filippo fringement of the rights of the Church, Pope Paul Gherardi which dominates the ceiling of the long V promulgated the famous brief of 17 April (1606), hall or gallery of the Palazzo Colonna at Rome. In excommunicating the doge, the Senate, and all their Rome also four picturesque tapestries in the Galleria adherents, while the interdict was put upon Venice Doria-Pamphili depict the victory at Lepanto. and all the cities, towns, fortresses, and lands under One can understand the jubilation in Venice Venetian domination.*°° Nevertheless, on the feast and Rome. A Turkish victory at Lepanto would of S. Maria del Rosario (1 October, 1606) Marino

have brought the Turkish armada in force into Zorzi, the Venetian bishop of Brescia, celebrated a the northern Adriatic and into the Tyrrhenian _ pontifical high mass in commemoration of the battle

Seas, threatening Venice itself and the Lido di of Lepanto.*°’ Roma. The Venetian towns and strongholds in The battle of church and state, of canon and Dalmatia and Albania might soon have succumbed _ secular law, continued throughout the winter of

to Turkish attacks. 1606-1607 until—despite the divisive efforts of

The peace of 1573 gave Venice a long respite, Paolo Sarpi—Paul V and the Signoria were recbut her relations with her erstwhile allies became onciled on 21 April, the result of the intervention uneasy. In 1579 the Signoria suspected Gregory of France and Spain. When the victory at Lepanto XIII of surreptitiously feeding money to the pi-_ was celebrated on the first Sunday in October of ratical Uskoks of Segna (Senj), who were as much 1607, Venice and the Holy See were officially at a menace to Venetian shipping on the Adriatic as _ peace, but the Church had suffered severely in the they were to the inland Turks.?°° Spain as well as _ recent strife.*°* At mid-century, however, a larger the Holy See looked askance at the Venetians’ struggle lay ahead for the Venetians, and it was

friendliness with the Turks. they who suffered severely. The Knights of the

As the years passed, the Venetians, being at peace Hospital of S. John, venturing forth from the iswith the Porte, needed few anti-Turkish subventions land of Malta every year, had long preyed on from the Holy See, although the Signoria was always Turkish shipping in the Aegean. In the early sumready to collect whatever papal subsidies it could mer of 1645 the Turks struck back at the offensive Christians, but not at the Maltese. Their target

—__—_—___—— was the Venetians on the island of Crete, where 204 Cf Pastor, Gesch. d. Papste, VIII (repr. 1958), 606-10; the Greeks were likely to welcome them, for the Giulio Lorenzetti, Venice and Its Lagoon, Rome, 1961, pp. 259, 269, 270, 271, 280, 283, 308, et alibi, and on the Cappella del Rosario, note, ibid., p. 353; Anna Pallucchini, ‘‘Echi della battaglia di Lepanto nella pittura veneziana del ’500,”’ in Benzoni, 206 Dumont, Corps universel diplomatique, V-2, nos. XL—XLIUI,

Il Mediterraneo nella seconda meta del ’500 alla luce di Lepanto, pp. 64-68, where the brief of excommunication of 17 April, pp. 279-87, with several illustrations; cf the articles by Zyg- 1606, is mistakenly called a bull; Pastor, Hist. Popes, XXV, 111 munt Abrahamowicz, Manlio Cortelazzo, and Carlo Dionisotti, _ff., and Gesch. d. Pdpste, XII (1927), 82 ff. On the anti-Turkish ibid., pp. 30-31, 121-26, 127 ff.; and on the medals cast to _ policy of Clement VIII (1592-1605), see Peter Bartl, Der Westcommemorate Lepanto, see the article by Giovanni Gorini, balkan zwischen spanischer Monarchie und osmanischem Reich: Zur ibid., pp. 153-62. On 7 October, 1971, the fourth centenary Ttirkenkriegsproblematik an der Wende vom 16. zum 17. Jahrhunof the battle, the Marina Militare Italiana mounted a com-_ dert, Wiesbaden, 1974, pp. 43 ff., 81 ff., 99 ff. memorative plaque on the small palazzo believed to be Venier’s 207 Pastor, Hist. Popes, XXV, 142, and Gesch. d. Papste, XU

house in the Campo S. Maria Formosa. (1927), 103. Gregory XIII had fixed the feast of S. Maria del 205 Senato, Deliberationi Constantinopoli, Reg. IV, unnum. Rosario on the first Sunday in October for, in 1571, the seventh

fol., letter of the doge and Senate to the Venetian count of _ had been the first Sunday in the month, the day on which the Trau (Trogir), dated 19 March, 1579: the archdeacon of Trau _ battle of Lepanto had been fought. was suspected of having gone to Segna “‘per dar paga in nome 208 Cf. Pastor, Hist. Popes, XXV, 170-83, and Gesch. d. Papste,

del Pontefice a certo numero di Uscocchi.. . .” XII (1927), 122-31.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1101 rule of the Signoria had always been unpopular the city on a silver plate.?°? The Turkish occuon the island. War was resumed between Venice _ pation of Crete was to last two hundred and thirty and the Porte, a long, costly, exhausting war of _ years.

almost a quarter of a century. Let us follow the fortunes of Venice for a few

The Signoria’s response to the challenge was minutes longer. With the failure of Kara Mustafa astonishing. Year after year the Venetians block- Pasha under the walls of Vienna, the Venetians aded the Dardanelles, sometimes effectively, and joined the Austrians and the Poles in 1684, in the although their fleets were smaller than those of time of Pope Innocent XI, in another Holy League the Turks, they pursued the enemy from one end against the Turks.?!° The Russians soon entered of the Aegean to the other. The Turks established _ the league (in 1686), but remained inactive for some

themselves in Canea in western Crete, however, time. In a vigorous and expensive campaign in and there they remained, turning the churches 1685-1687 the Venetians under the captain-general into mosques, and gradually extending their sway _ Francesco Morosini, with German and other merthroughout the island until the lion banner of S. _ cenaries, occupied the entire Morea except for the Mark was flying only over the battlements of the fortress of Monemvasia (Malvasia), which held out city of Candia and three other little strongholds. until 1690. Morosini and his Swedish field comThe siege of Candia began in the spring of 1648. mander Otto Wilhelm von Konigsmark laid siege The Venetians defeated the Turks ina naval battle to Athens in late September, 1687. On the evening between the islands of Parosand Naxoson 10 July, of the twenty-sixth, five days after their arrival, an 1650. Although they lost the first battle at the unfortunate shot fired by one of Morosini’s gunners, Dardanelles (on 16 May, 1654), they won the sec- a young subaltern from Liineburg, ignited a supply ond a year later (on 21 June, 1655), and the third of powder and shells which the Turks had stored in the following year (on 26 June, 1656). In fact in the Parthenon. The explosion largely destroyed in the summer of 1656 the Venetians occupied the temple. The Turks hung on grimly for a few the islands of Tenedos and Lemnos at the very more days, but when it became clear that the Turkmouth of the Dardanelles, the antemuralia of Is- ish forces in Thebes were not coming to their astanbul. The Venetians were less successful in en- sistance, they agreed to terms of conditional surgagements with the Turks the next year (on 17— render on the twenty-ninth, and five days later, on

19 July, 1657), and the latter recovered both 4 October, they came down from the Acropolis, Tenedos and Lemnos in the late summer. The war _ the “castle”? of Athens. As Morosini reported to continued with slight abatement until the years the Venetian government, it was a lucky shot ( for1661-1665, during which period, despite minor _tunato colpo), ‘“‘prodigiosa bomba che causo la de-

combats at sea, there was a lull in hostilities. solazione del maestoso tempio dedicato a MiDuring the twenty-four years of almost unre- nerva.’’?"! mitting warfare Popes Innocent X, Alexander VII, and Clement IX sent galleys and ships into §———————— the Aegean to assist the Venetians, and so did the 209 Cf. Wm. Miller, Essays on the Latin Orient, Cambridge,

. . , va n the Levant, = , Pri ,

Hospitallers, whose commanders sometimes found Nan » Tepes Amster dam, 0% PP. oes oes x

themselves at odds with the captains-general of the 1952, pp. 121-84. Despite the surrender of Candia, Venice Republic. The French also provided some help, still retained the three coastal fortresses of Grabusa, Suda, and but mostly, the Venetians needed infantrymen and __ Spinalonga. gunners to serve on land to break the siege of —_*"" Cf Max Braubach, Prinz Eugen von Savoyen, 5 vols., MuCandia, which became ever tighter and tighter. nich, 1963-65, I, 115 ff., which work is not only a biography Unfortuna tely for the Venetians, neither the papalthe or Pugene of avoy, but diplomatic and military history of . urope from mid-1680’s toa the mid-1730’s. commanders nor the Hospitallers would allow 211 Comte Léon de Laborde, Athénes aux XV°, XVI‘, et XVII their soldiers and oarsmen to fight on land. During _ siécles, 2 vols., Paris, 1854, II, 158, 162, and cf Wm. Miller,

2s a ee . . Orica EvIEW, ’ -, reprinted in LSsays on tne

the last three years of the war the grand vizir pine Review, XXXV (1920) 343, verninted in Engish ns anmed Koprait took ¢ ke ct charge of hn me Latin Orient (1921, repr. 1964), pp. 407 ff; James M. Paton, orces, and when in the ate summer O ; {Ne The Venetians in Athens, 1687-1688, Cambridge, Mass., 1940; French, papal, and Hospitaller galleys withdrew T. E. Mommeen, ‘“The Venetians in Athens and the Destrucfrom Candia and the nearby island of Dia (Stan- tion of the Parthenon in 1687,” American Journal of Archaeology,

dia), the Venetian captain-general Francesco Mo- XLV (1941), 544-56. -

rosini had no alternative but to surrender Candia Mt. orosini’s The interested reader the originals of September, Francesco dispatches (aswill wellfind as copies) from 20 (on 26 September, 1669), and on the following 1687, to 19 May, 1688 (with the later insertion of a dispatch day the grand vizir K6priilli received the keys to dated at the Gulf of Lepanto on 26 July, 1687), in the Arch.

1102 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Some six months or so after his occupation of quisition of S. Maura they owned all seven of the Athens, fearing the Turkish forces on the island of Ionian islands as well as Butrinto and Parga in Negroponte (Euboea), realizing his army was not Epirus. The Venetians had held the island of sufficient to hold the city, and anxious about the Tenos in the Aegean for five hundred years, and plague rampant in Greece and the Morea, Morosini now they continued to hold it. Indeed, it looked withdrew from Athens to the island of Poros on 8 for a while as though the Venetian “‘empire”’ were April, 1688. The Acropolis was left in ruins. The being reconstituted.*"* Venetians gained nothing from their venture into These were among the most difficult years in Attica. Morosini lost nothing, for as he was pre-_ the history of the Ottoman empire. The grand paring his withdrawal from the ruined city, he was __ vizir Suleiman Pasha suffered a catastrophic defeat

elected doge (on 3 April). near Mohacs in southern Hungary (on 12 August,

The Venetians also seized the island ofS. Maura 1687), for which he paid with his life, and on 8 (in 1684), which they kept, and that of Chios (in November of the same year the heedless Mehmed September, 1694), which they soon gave up (in IV, who had reigned for thirty-nine years, was February of 95), for it was too faraway and would deposed. He was succeeded by his more competent be too hard to hold. By the treaty of Karlowitz brother Suleiman II, who ruled for the next four (of 26 January, 1699), to which we shall return in years.*!* The Venetians profited from these disa moment, the Porte was obliged to recognize the _turbances, and so did the Austrians. During the Republic’s possession of the Morea and the islands period 1686-1689 the Turks lost to the impertof S. Maura and Aegina. The Venetians were no alist forces Buda[pest], Erlau (Eger), Peterwardein longer to pay tribute for Zante, and with the ac- (Petrovaradin), Belgrade, Stuhlweissenburg (Szekesfehérvar), Nish, Vidin, and a score of other for-

) . a tified places.?'* The Turks had held Nish and Vidin

di Stato di Venezia, Senato, Provveditori da terra e da mar, with some vicissitudes of fortune since the later Filza 1120: Armata, Capitano general, da 20 Settembre 1687 sin fourteenth t Belerade since 1521, and Erlau 19 Maggio 1688: Francesco Morosini, Cavaliere, Procurator. An our centn century, beigrade sinc , extensive collection of Morosini’s dispatches, copies almost all SINCE 1596. In 1690, to be sure, the Turks recovered

done in the same hand, is also accessible, ibid., Filza 949: Lettere Nish and Belgrade, but they were not out of the del general da mar dall’ Arcipelago 1686 a 1688, dated from 9 woods, for four years later they failed to recover September, 1686, to 19 May, 1688, both “files” (fuze) ending peterwardein, and the Russians attacked Azov,

with copies of the same dispatch. The pages are unnumbered . . kine j lv. 1696 in both collections. which they succeeded in ta ing in July, 1696.

In a long dispatch to the Doge Marc’ Antonio Giustinian, One year later another Turkish army, this time dated di galera, Porto Lion, 10 Ottobre, 1687, Morosini described under Sultan Mustafa II, met disaster in Hun-

; ry. At Zen enta), on 11 ,

the arrival of the Venetian fleet at Piraeus (alle rive d’ Atene in

Porto Lion) on the morning of 21 September. ‘The bombard- oi : ta ra t ) h September, 1697,

ment of the Acropolis began on the morning of the twenty- rince Lugene of savoy caught the sultans army third ‘‘con due batterie, |’ una di sei pezzi di cannone e I’ altra

di quattro mortari da bombe a tormentar gl’ assediati.”’ At

length, ‘‘col getto poi delle bombe continuatosi a flagellar dal ~~ sopraintendente Conte S. Felice [i-e., Antonio Mutoni, who was ~212 On the complicated negotiations which led to the peace

in command of the gunners] I’ interno del barbaro luogo, of Karlowitz and the terms of the treaty, “der merkwiirdigste s’ hebbe il contento di vederne fra le altre a cader una la sera__ aus allen bis hieher mit der Tiirkey von europaischen Machten di 26 con fortunato colpo [!], mentre acceso un deposito di _—_ geschlossen,”’ see Jos. von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. buona quantita di polvere, non pote piu estinguersi la fiamma _ Reiches, VI (Pest, 1830, repr. Graz, 1963), 661-78, and on the che ando serpendo e per due intieri giorni divorando!’ habitato | Turco-Venetian agreement, ibid., esp. pp. 666, 669-71, 672-

coll’ apportarle notabili danni e crucciose mestitie.” 73, 675-76, trans. J.-J. Hellert, Hist. de l’ empire ottoman, XII Five days after the Turks had hoisted the white flag of sur- (Paris, 1838), 452-75, and on Venice, esp. pp. 458-59, 463render (bandiera bianca), they were allowed to descend into the 65, 467-68, 471-72. For a detailed account, with rich docucity, and on 5 October most of them were shipped off at their = mentation, of the Serenissima’s brief hold upon Chios, see own expense to Smyrna in English, Ragusan, and French ves- _ Philip P. Argenti, The Occupation of Chios by the Venetians (1694),

sels: “‘Caduta cosi in potere dell’ augusto Dominio di Vostra Oxford, 1935. Serenita,”’ as Morosini wrote the doge, “‘anco la fortezza tanto 213 Von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, V1, 459

illustre e rinomata d’ Atene colla sua famosa citta d’ ampia __ff., 490-98, trans. Hellert, XII, 212 ff., 228-41; M. Braubach, circonferenza che, ornata di cospicue fabriche et antiche, ves- Prinz Eugen von Savoyen, I (1963), 135-37; A. D. Alderson, The tigii di celebri et erudite memorie, gira tutta via pid ditre miglia Structure of the Ottoman Dynasty, Oxford, 1956, repr. Westport, . . .” (from the original dispatch signed by Morosini, ibid., Filza | Conn., 1982, pp. 65-66. 1120, doc. no. 125). Cf Léon de Laborde, Documents inédits ou 214 Von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, V1, 507 peu connus sur l’ histoire et les antiquités d’ Athéenes. . . , Paris, ff., 515 ff., 543 ff., trans. Hellert, XII, 252 ff., 264 ff., 296 ff., 1854, pp. 170 ff., who has published a faulty text from a later _ and on the fall of Belgrade, cf, Braubach, Prinz Eugen von Sacopy of the dispatch (not that in Filza 949), which he thinks voyen, 1, 143-44, and on that of Buda[pest], note Pastor, Gesch.

should be dated ‘‘probablement du 4 au 5 octobre.” d. Papste, X1V-2 (1930), 826-29.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO AND ITS AFTERMATH 1103 off guard after the cavalry had crossed the Theiss Aegina, Corinth, the hill-top fortress of Palamidi (Tisza), and slaughtered some thousands of Turkish and, just below the fortress, the town of Nauplia foot on the right bank of the river. It was the battle in June and July, all with the aid of the Greeks, of Zenta which helped produce the treaty of Kar- who now seemed to prefer Turks to Catholics. lowitz. The negotiations were difficult, lasting sev- Once more the Latin churches were converted enty-one days (from 17 November, 1698, to 26 into mosques. Modon was taken, as were MonemJanuary, 1699), but they restored peace at least for _vasia, Mistra, the islands of S. Maura and Cerigo, a while among Austria, the Porte, Poland, Russia, and every other fortress in the Morea, all within and Venice—and at long last brought the Haps- one hundred and one days.*!” burgs possession of Hungary and Transylvania.*!° Fortunately for the Signoria, however, on 15 Perhaps nothing rankled the Ottoman spirit quite | October (1715) the Saxon soldier Johann Matthias so much as the Venetians’ conquest of the Morea. von der Schulenburg entered the service of the The patriarchs of Constantinople (in this context Republic. He directed the defense of Corfu in July one can hardly say Istanbul) and the Greeks of the and August, 1716, putting the Turks to flight. He Phanar, the ‘“‘Phanariotes,” who were beginning to also recovered Butrinto and S. Maura, and (in hold lucrative positions in Wallachia and Moldavia, 1717) he went on to take Prevesa and Vonitza on encouraged the Turks in their desire to expel the the Ambracian Gulf. It is small wonder that the Venetians from the peninsula. The Venetians were Venetians should have erected a monument to him Catholics, allies of the pope, and they had cost the _ before the old fortress at Corfu. Schulenburg was patriarchate its predominance in the Morea (and moving into Albania when he had to desist, owing reduced its revenues) by allowing the Greeks to to the peace which was agreed upon in the treaty elect their own bishops. Before the Venetians in- of Passarowitz, whereby Venice had to give up to stituted this change—since, in fact, long before the | the Turks the islands of Tenos and Aegina as well Fourth Crusade—the patriarch of Constantinople as her prize possession, the Morea. She retained, had always appointed the Moreote bishops as well however, the seven Ionian islands, including S. as the abbots of the monasteries “‘marked with a Maura, the strongholds of Butrinto and Parga, and cross” (the cravpornyta).*'© The offerings of priests her recent conquests, the towns of Prevesa and and parishes which had been divided between the _ Vonitza.?”° bishops and the patriarch now went entirely to the bishops. Nevertheless, the Venetians never won the

support of either the Greeks or their bishops in the =~ ___

Morea. 719 Von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, VII

,., ta .(Paris, 917 ,1839), ; g’s262-77. career,

see the

In 1700-1703 the Turks confirmed their trea- (Pest) 1831, repr. Graz, 1963), 173-84, trans. Hellert, XIII

ties of peace and clarified their territorial bound- 220 CF note 222 below, and on Schulenburg’ h aries with Austria and Poland.” " Thereafter, hav- article by P. Zimmermann, in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie,

ing renewed their peace with Peter the Great and XXXII (1891, repr. Berlin, 1971), 667-74. Schulenburg was having regained Azov (in 1710-171 2),218 they born on 8 August, 1661, at Emden, and died in Verona on 14 went to war a gain with Venice ( on 11 January, March, ar Two large volumes of copies of nis letters to the

1715). The Turkish forces occupied Tenos and of ereon lt sc ‘ Neolatheyhncut of, an. « ranipation ps,cerniag Gata concerning ep oyment organization of O the Republic’s forces on land and at sea, requirements of artillery and munitions, warehouses for supplies, biscotto for the

as troops and foraggio for their horses, ospedali e quartiert per la

215 On the complications relating to frontiers and bound- = conservatione de soldati, financial facts and figures, the needed aries, access to water and mills, rights of navigation, exchange _ fortifications at Corfu, in Dalmatia, and elsewhere—all this and

of prisoners, commerce and religious issues, and the guardi- more may be found in the Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, MSS. It. anship of the Holy Sepulcher, see von Hammer-Purgstall, VI, 1210-11 (9026-27), which contain documents dated from Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, V1, 664-69, 673 ff., trans. Hellert, XII, | 3 December, 1715, to 30 October, 1733. Incidentally, Schu455-63, 468 ff. On the battle of Zenta, see especially Braubach, _!enburg closes a memorandum to the doge, dated at Venice on

Prinz Eugen von Savoyen, 1, 254-61, and on the treaty of Kar- 26 November, 1729, ‘‘con quello antico ma saggio con-

lowitz, ibid., pp. 269-70. siglio: Chi desidera la pace, si prepari alla guerra” (ibid., vol. 216 On the monasteries marked with the signum crucis, cf: II, fol. 6°).

Volume I, pp. 46-47. Schulenburg, whose name is also given as Matthias Johann, 217 Dumont-Rousset, Supplement au corps universel diploma- _ was well known in his own day as an ardent collector of paintings

tique, II-1 (Amsterdam and The Hague, 1739), no. CCVIII, pp. | and as a patron of artists in Venice. The records of his career 459-61, and II-2 (1739), no. XxvIll, pp. 37-38, docs. dated _are partially preserved in the Niedersachsisches Staatsarchiv in

25 July-8 August, 1700, and 14 November, 1703. Hannover. Cf. the survey of Schulenburg’s collection by Alice 218 Thid., I1-2, nos. LX1, LXX, pp. 78-79, 89-90, docs. dated _ Binion, ‘‘From Schulenburg’s Gallery and Records,” The Bur-

in April, 1710, and April, 1712. lington Magazine, CXII, no. 806 (May 1970), 297-303, and the

1104 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT The Venetians had finally done well, far bet- The Emperor Charles VI, who was also at war ter than they would have done if the Austrians with Philip V, the Bourbon king of Spain, over had not intervened to assist them. Fearing the con- _ possession of the islands of Sardinia and Sicily, not

sequences of the Ottoman success in renewal of to speak of Naples, accepted British and Dutch the war with Venice, the Emperor Charles VI had mediation for another treaty with the Porte. This made an alliance with Venice on 13 April, 1716, was the peace of Passarowitz, concluded on 21 July, for continuance of the war against the Porte. Once 1718, and (as we have noted) the Austrians inmore Prince Eugene of Savoy took the field in com- cluded Venice in the treaty. It was to last for mand of an imperialist army which inflicted a serious twenty-four years. According to the terms agreed defeat upon the Turks, this time at Peterwardein upon at Passarowitz, the Turks recognized the im(on 5 August, 1716), and then went on to lay siege __perial possession of the Banat of Temesvar, the to the fortress town of Temesvar (Timisoara), “the western parts of Wallachia and Serbia, the fortress last bulwark of Islam in Hungary.” To Prince Eu- town of Belgrade (which the Turks recovered in gene’s surprise the garrison offered to surrender as September, 1739), and part of Bosnia. It was the

early as 12 October, and four days later the Turks most advantageous treaty that Austria had ever withdrew from the fortress which the Porte had concluded with the Porte.?”* held for 164 years. All the Banat (north of Belgrade) The genius and daring of Prince Eugene of

was now in Austrian hands. Savoy had raised the military reputation of Austria Hero of the hour, indeed the hero of years, to an unprecedented height. The glory would not Eugene received from Clement XI the sanctified _ last and, along with Belgrade, the Austrians would hat and sword. News of the fall of Temesvar, a soon lose most of what they had gained at Passa-

terrible blow to the Turks, was concealed at the rowitz. The Turk had more wars to fight, espePorte for more than two weeks. The Turkish _ cially with Russia. Tired though he was, with many troops were recalled from Corfu, Butrinto, and worries, he had a century or more to go before the island of S. Maura. The next year Eugene laid he would become the “‘sick man of Europe.”’ As siege to Belgrade, shattered a Turkish army sent for the Venetians, after Passarowitz they turned to its relief (on 16 August, 1717), and two days from warfare to the carnival, masques and balls, later occupied the town itself, taking as at Peter- retaining all their possessions until, in 1797, the wardein a rich haul of cannon, flags, ammunition, Republic was brought to an end. supplies, and tents. Also as at Peterwardein, Eu-

gene kept for himself the richly-embroidered tent ~~

or pavilion of a defeated grand vizir.22! 14, 319-24, 328-32, and see Braubach, Prinz Eugen von Sa-

voyen, III (1964), 302-29, esp. pp. 316 ff., on the battle of Peterwardein and the fall of Temesvar, and pp. 347-61, on

the siege, battle, and victory at Belgrade. brief notice of his career in Antonio Morassi, ‘‘Un Ritratto del 222 Won Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, VII, Maresciallo Schulenburg dipinto da Antonio Guardi,” Arte 227-37, and on the articles of the treaty of Passarowitz relating

veneta, VI (Venice, 1952), 88-91. to Venice, cf, ibid., pp. 231-33, 234, 235, trans. Hellert, XIII, 221 Von Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. osman. Reiches, VU1,194 341-55, and concerning Venice, pp. 346-48, 350, 351-52, ff., 203-8, 212-15, 218-21, trans. Hellert, XIII, 292 ff.,306- and cf Braubach, Prinz Eugen von Savoyen, U1, 370-77.

INDEX No names of modern scholars (and no references to their works) are included in this index

Aa river, 691 682, 691ff., 694n, 695n, 696, 698f., 922, 945, 1001, 1018, Abbas the Great, shah of Persia from 1587 (b. 1571, d. 1629), 1068

1098 Adriatic Sea, 1, 11, 16, 37, 50n, 66, 70, 73ff., 77f., 80f., 90,

Abbeville, 481n 116n, 123, 156, 163, 177, 191, 231, 233f., 260, 279, 292, Abbiategrasso, 285ff. 294, 329, 332, 344, 353, 355, 383, 385, 421, 430, 529, Abensach, Rabbi Abraham, physician for Venetians in Istanbul 532, 538, 539n, 606f., 608, 662, 665ff., 668, 682, 695, ca. 1565, 848f. 703, 704n, 770, 842f., 848n, 879n, 899n, 9O1fF., 904ff., Abruzzi, 284, 292f., 309, 637, 651, 656, 673, 680n, 681, 905, 907, 911, 923ff., 933, 935, 939, 947, 950n, 961, 970,

911 974f., 986, 988, 1002, 1008, 1014, 1021ff., 1025ff., 1045f.,

Abu-‘Abd-Allah Muhammad V, king of Tunis 1494-1526: 235 1048, 1052, 1066, 1069, 1072f., 1078, 1088, 1095f.,

Abu’ |-Abbas Ahmad III ibn-Muhammad VI, king of Tunis 1097n, 1100

1542-1569: 905n Adrien de la Riviere, French Hospitaller at the siege of Malta,

Abu Sa’ud al-Amadi, mufti in Istanbul ca. 1569: 945 1565: 855

Abyssinians, 741n Aegean Sea, 99, 155, 182, 205, 213, 340, 344, 352n, 371,

Acciajuoli, Donato, Florentine Hospitaller (f7. 1531), 352 439, 448n, 532, 584, 606, 692n, 700, 755f., 765, 834, Acciajuoli, Roberto, Florentine ambassador to France in 1511 849, 875, 877f., 893f., 933f., 939, 948, 963, 975, 984, and 1527: 91n, 95, 96n, 99n, 103, 109n, 111f., 113n, 1000n, 1080, 1100ff.; islands of, see Archipelago

114n, 115n, 119f., 278n, 283 Aegina, 191, 445f., 1102f.

Accursio, Cesare, canon of Acerra (fl. 1527), 294 Aeneas Sylvius, cardinal, see Pius II Acerenza and Matera, archbishops of, see Andrea Matteo Pal- | Aequicola, Marius (Mario Equicola), Italian writer (b. ca. 1470,

mieri 1518-1528, Giovanni Michele Saraceni 1531-1556? d. 1525), 190n Acerno, bishops of, see Pompeo Colonna (admin.) 1524-1525, Aesculapius, 734

Francisco Quinones (admin.) 1539 Africa, 77, 84, 86, 126, 140, 147, 156, 162, 165n, 179, 185, Acerra, 294, 295n, and see Cesare Accursio 369, 397, 412, 533ff., 550n, 632, 645, 661, 693, 762,

Achelis, Antoine, Cretan poet, 853n 776, 811, 862, 911, 1071

Achelous river, 1052 Africans, 273 Achille de’ Grassi, bishop of Citta di Castello 1506-15112, car- | Agde (in France), bishops of, see Francois Guillaume de Clermont dinal 1511-1523, bishop of Bologna 1511-1518?: 173 (admin.?) 1531-1541, Claude de la Guiche 1541-1547 Achille de’ Grassi, bishop of Montefiascone and Corneto 1551— — Agen, bishops of, see Leonardo Grosso della Rovere 1487-

1555: 545f., 556, 558 1519?, Jean de Lorraine (admin.) 1538-1550 Achilles, 64n Aghero and Ottana, bishop of, see Durante de’ Duranti 1538-

Acquapendente, 600 1541

Acquaviva, Giulio Antonio, count of Conversano in 1528: 306 Agnadello, battle of (1509), 6n, 40, 56n, 59ff., 69, 71, 76, 80

Acqui, bishop of, see Peter van der Vorst 1534-1549? Agnello, Benedetto, Mantuan agent in 1527: 261n, 280, 282n,

Acropolis (in Athens), 379, 1101f. 285

Actium, 446, battle of (31 B.c.), 1058 Agnello, Giovanni, correspondent of Duke Federico Gonzaga, Acton, (Lord) John, English historian (b. 1834, d. 1902), 486n, 419n

827n Agostino (Agustin), Antonio, bishop of Alife 1557-1561, of Acuto, 660 Lerida 1561-1576, archbishop of Tarragona 1576-1586:

Ad dominici gregis, bull of Paul II (1536), 413n 603, 715ff., 782, 787, 819

Ad Ecclesiae regimen, bull of Pius IV (1560), 769, 774 Agostino, Fra, author of a contemporary account of the fall of

Ad illius cuius, bull of Julius IT (1512), 136n Famagusta in 1571: 996n

Ad omnipotentis, bull of Leo X (1513), 151n Agram (Zagreb), 244 . Ad prudentis patrisfamilias, bull of Julius III (1551), 538 Agustin, Antonio, see Antonio Agostino

‘‘Adam de Fulda, Magister’’ (fl. 1537), 417 Ahmad, Arab, captain of Turkish galleys at Costanza in 1571: Adam von Dietrichstein, German diplomat (b. 1527, d. 1590), 1007, 1042, 1075

919 Ahmed I, Ottoman sultan from 1603 (b. 1590, d. 1617), 1097

Adda river, 58n, 59 Ahmed, son of Bayazid II; Ottoman prince (d. 1512?), 84, 122,

Aden, Gulf of, 348 123n, 127f., 134 Adige river, 63, 122, 160, 491, 500, 777n, 804 Ahmed, son of Muley Hassan (ff. 1548), 397n Adolf von Schauenburg, archbishop (and elector) of Cologne | Ahmed, agha of the janissaries ca. 1561: 833

1535-1556: 539, 546, 628 Ahmed Koprulu, Ottoman grand vizir in 1669 (b. 1635, d.

Adorno, Girolamo, imperial ambassador to Venice in 1523: 1676), 1101

213n Ahmed Pasha, fl. 1510: 78n; victor at Rhodes and rebel against Adour river, 838 the Porte (d. 1524), 210ff., 213n, 224

Adria, bishops of, see Giovanni Domenico de Cupis (admin.) | Ahmed Pasha, conqueror of Temesvar and grand vizir (d. 1555),

1528-1553, Giulio Canano 1554-1591 503, 585, 589f., 607f., 623n

Adrian de Croy, count of Roeulx in 1535: 370n, 392n Ahmed Pasha, beylerbey of Algiers ca. 1565: 832; Ottoman Adrianople (Edirne), 72n, 78, 79n, 84n, 88, 156n, 163n, 164, general da terra in 1571: 1018; Ottoman grand vizir from

179, 181, 191, 198, 251, 302, 371, 411, 414n, 416n, 1579: 1098

421n, 425, 427, 428n, 450, 463, 465n, 468f., 471, 472n, Aias Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (b. 1482?, d. 1539), 278 477n, 478, 481n, 483, 487f., 493, 530, 562, 589, 679, Aigues-Mortes, 23, 27, 204, 441

1105

1106 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Aimeéry d’ Amboise, grand master of the Hospitallers (d. 1512), Aleman, Juan, see Jean Lallemand

17, 20, 24, 33, 39, 47, 99f., 182 Aleppo (Halab), 25, 164f., 175n, 182n, 483n, 501n, 502f., 590,

Aimo (Varignana), Domenico, sculptor (d. 1534?), 143n 623n, 631, 632n, 830, 832f.

Aire-sur-l’ Adour, bishopric of, see Dax Aleria, bishop of, see Innocenzo Cibo (admin.) 1518-1520

Aix, archbishop of, see Lorenzo Strozzi 1568-1571 Alessandria, 201, 225, 285, 305, 373, 374n, 438n, 915,

Ajax, 64n 1077; cardinals of, see Michele Bonelli, Michele Ghislieri

Akinjis, 356, 366, 379n (Pius V) Akrotiri, Bay of, at Cyprus, 1043 Alessandro de’ Medici, relative of Clement VII (d. 1537), 277

Aksaray, 589 Alessandro de’ Pazzi, Florentine ambassador to Venice in 1527: Alamanni, Niccolo, Italian diplomat and soldier (d. after 1588), 266, 286

634 Alessano, bishops of, see Agostino Trivulzio 1521-1526, Ales-

al-Ashraf Kansuh al Ghuri, Burji-Mamluk soldan of Egypt, sandro Cesarini (admin.) 1526-1531

1500-1516: 2, 18ff., 21, 23ff., 26, 28, 31, 33, 46, 71,90n, Alexander IV, ruler of Moldavia (d. 1568), 768n, 834

165 Alexander VI (Rodrigo Borgia), nephew of Calixtus III; cardinal

Alatri, 660 1456-1492, archbishop of Valencia 1458-1492, pope Alba, bishop of, see Leonardo Marini 1566-1572? 1492-1503: 1ff., 4n, 5n, 6, 12, 15n, 16ff., 36, 47f., 64n,

‘Alba Iulia (German Karlsburg, Hungarian Gyulafehérvar), in 73, 77, 85, 95, 121n, 142, 153ff., 161f., 200, 254, 353, Transylvania, 318n, 436, 479n, 567, 576f.; bishop of, see 394, 528n John Statilius 1539-1554; treaty of (1551), 567, 569ff., | Alexander VII (Fabio Chigi), pope 1655-1667: 270n, 1101

575 Alexander of Vezelay, abbot and instigator of the Council of

Alban hills (near Rome), 289, 713 Basel, 98

Albanese, Filippo, Venetian commander (d. ca. 1508), 52 Alexandretta (Lajazzo), Gulf of, 24, 934f. Albania, 88n, 177, 272, 584, 698, 903, 940f., 953, 988f.,991, Alexandria, 18n, 19ff., 22ff., 25ff., 28ff., 31f., 71, 83, 87, 110n,

1002n, 1013, 1025, 1045, 1054, 1091, 1095, 1100, 1103 147, 170, 172n, 179, 212n, 285, 301, 339, 343f., 348, Albanians, 43n, 83, 99, 177, 304, 366n, 375, 377, 385f., 970, 368n, 401, 406, 536, 586, 607, 702, 766n, 833, 839, 864,

990f., 1013, 1027, 1035, 1098 926, 930, 934, 937f., 947, 950, 963, 971n, 1049, 1057n,

Albano, cardinal bishops of, see Ennio Filonardi, Giovanni Pic- 1078; ‘‘admiral’’ of, 30; Coptic patriarch of, see Gabriel

colomini VII 1526-1569; governor of (1571), see Mehmed Siroco

Albany, 142n; duke of, see John Stuart (b. 1481, d. 1536) Alfonso II (d’ Aragona), son of Ferrante I and Isabella; duke Albenga (‘‘Arbenga’’), 623; bishop of, see Gianbattista Cicada of Calabria (to 1494), king of Naples 1494-1495: 645,

(admin.) 1543-1554? 665, 668

Alberini, Marcello, Roman diarist (b. 1511), 270, 272n, 273 Alfonso I d’ Este, son of Ercole I and Eleonora d’ Aragona; Albert von Wyss, imperial ambassador to Istanbul in 1567: 921, duke of Ferrara 1505-1534: 7, 9, 50n, 59, 63, 68, 75ff.,

922n 79n, 80, 87, 91, 93, 102n, 104, 115n, 116ff., 118n, 121n,

Alberta, Venetian ship (ca. 1550), 531 122, 125n, 128ff., 131, 134, 149, 202f., 220, 261f., 265, Alberti Poja, Francesco, prince-bishop of Trent 1678-1689: 276f., 281f., 285, 287f., 302, 322, 323n, 327, 330, 333,

491 346, 491, 725; wife of, see Lucrezia Borgia

Albertini, Francesco, canon, author of a guidebook to Rome _ Alfonso II d’ Este, son of Ercole II and Renée, daughter of

(1510), 140 Louis XII; duke of Ferrara 1559-1597: 741, 745n, 858,

Albi, bishops of, see Antoine Duprat (admin.) 1528-1535, Jean 976, 1002, 1062, 1063n, 1071

de Lorraine (admin.) 1535-1550, Louis de Guise 1550-— — Alfonso V (‘‘the Magnanimous’’), son of Ferdinand I of Aragon-

1558?, Lorenzo Strozzi (admin.) 1561-1568 Catalonia and Sicily; king of Aragon-Catalonia and (I) Sicily Albini, Girolamo, secretary to Leonardo Contarini (fl. 1566), 1416-1458, king (I) of Naples (1435) 1442-1458: 14

846n Alfonso de Avalos (Ital. d’ Avalos), marquis of Vasto (Guasto), Albisola, 102 imperial commander (b. 1502, d. 1546), cousin and heir

Albrecht, son of Wilhelm IV and Maria Jacoba of Baden; duke of Fernando Francisco de Avalos, marquis of Pescara, 231,

(V) of Bavaria from 1550 (b. 1528, d. 1579), 569n, 603n, 261, 293f., 296, 297n, 429n, 457, 458n, 470F.

632, 741n, 790ff., 1063n Alfonso de Mercado, would-be assassin of George Martinuzzi

Albrecht, also called ‘‘Alcibiades,”’ margrave of Brandenburg- in 1551: 576 Kulmbach ca. 1546 (b. 1522, d. 1557), 484, 494, 561n, Alfonso de Valdes, humanist and Latin secretary of Charles V

749f. (b. ca. 1490/ca. 1500, d. 1532), 239n, 243, 273n

Albrecht of Brandenburg, archbishop of Mainz 1514-1545, Alfonso del Guerra, Augustinian friar sent to Malta in 1565:

cardinal 1518-1545: 471n, 496n 862

Albrecht of Hohenzollern, margrave of Brandenburg-Ansbach, Algeria, 234, 461, 891, 1095 grand master of the Teutonic Order, first duke of Prussia Algerians, 906, 911

(b. 1490, d. 1568), 144, 341n Algiers (Zer), 86, 178f., 347, 375ff., 396f., 586, 588, 601, 607n,

Alcala, duke of, see Pedro Alfano de Rivera (b. 1508, d. 1571) 758, 830ff., 833ff., 837, 842, 849, 855, 856n, 857n, 864,

Alcantara, Order of, 632 874, 915, 919, 940, 943, 945, 946n, 961, 963, 968, 1000n, Alcazaquivir (Ksar el Kebir), 1095, 1096n 1015f., 1021, 1075, 1078f., 1081, 1086, 1089n, 1095f.;

Aldobrandini, Giovanni, bishop of Imola 1569-1573?, cardinal ‘‘king’’ of, see Uluj-Ali (fl. 1570); sanjakbey of, see Khai-

1570-1573: 965, 1070, 1074, 1090 reddin Barbarossa

Aldobrandini, Ippolito, son of Silvestro, see Clement VIII Alhambra, palace (in Granada), 744n Aldobrandini, Silvestro, Florentine exile (b. 1499, d. 1558), Ali Aga, dragoman in 1581: 840n, 841

633, 651, 655, 658n, 677, 735, 743, 749 Ali Beg, dragoman of Bayazid II in 1510: 89n, 157n

Aleander, Jerome, archbishop of Brindisi 1524-1542, cardinal =‘ ‘‘Alibey,’’ Ottoman ambassador to Venice in 1517: 175n 1536-1542: 298n, 364n, 388, 413, 432, 436n, 437n, 442n, —Alidosi, Francesco, bishop of Mileto 1504—1505, of Pavia 1505-

443f., 447n, 448n 1511, cardinal 1505-1511; 62, 67f., 96n, 139n

INDEX 1107 Alife, 716n; bishops of, see Sebastiano Pighino 1546-1548, Amiens, bishops of, see Charles de Hémart de Denonville (adAntonio Agostino 1557-1561, Diego Gilberto Nogueras min.) 1538-1540, Claude de Givry (admin.) 1540-1546? 1561-1567?; count of, see Ferrante Garlonio (d. 1561) Anabaptism, 565, 633n, 714

Ali Pasha, governor of Buda in 1552: 584f., 591 Anabaptists, 359n, 453, 633n

Ali Pasha, Muezzinzade, Turkish naval commander (kapudan Anagni, 255, 650, 660, 881; bishop of, see Francesco Soderini

pasha), d. 1571: 934f., 960, 971f., 984, 992, 995n, 1007, (admin.) 1517-1523 1027, 1045f., 1049, 1052ff., 1055ff., 1058, 1060, 1067, Anaphi, 472n

1069; sons of, 1067 Ancona, 67n, 73, 77f., 98, 114f., 117n, 118, 157, 177, 178n,

Ali Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir 1561-1565: 707n, 771, 832ff., 179, 292, 411f., 421, 430n, 446, 475, 539n, 559, 691,

835ff., 838f., 844f., 865, 930 713, 852, 881, 904, 919, 960f., 965, 968, 972, 988, 1049n,

Almeria, bishop of, see Antonio Corrionero 1557-1571? 1096, 1097n; bishop of, see Pietro de’ Accolti 1505-1514;

Alonso de Borja, see Calixtus III 1523 (admin.); March of, 96, 100, 113, 179, 307, 411, Alonso de Cordova, commandant of Civitavecchia in 1527: 412n, 421f., 431, 603, 684, 742, 754n; governor of the

276, 281 March, see Alessandro Palantieri 1567-1569

Aloysius de Cortili, Hospitaller envoy to the Hapsburgs ca. Anconitans, 70f., 73

1560: 760 Andre de Foix, brother of Odet; seigneur de L’ Esparre, French

Alps, mountains, 1, 4, 97n, 130, 133, 160, 202, 256, 259, 454, soldier (d. 1547), 195

673 André Le Roy, French ambassador to Egypt ca. 1512: 27f.

Altamira, count of, 905 Andrea, servant of Marc’ Antonio Bragadin in 1571: 1042

Altamura, 294n Andrea da Borgo (also Burgo), imperial ambassador to France

Altemps, family, 743; see also Hohenems 1509-1512: 68, 80n, 86, 94n, 113n, 116n, 133n, 134, Altemps, Margherita, daughter of Chiara de’ Medici and Wolf 148n, 335n, 336n, 359n

Dietrich, 743 Andrea da Pesaro, galleass commander at Lepanto (fl. 1571),

Alticozzi di Cortona, Muzio, Italian captain in Spanish employ 1054

in 1571 (d. 1571), 1051 Andrea de Franceschi, companion of Domenico Trevisan in

Altoviti, Florentine banking family, 102 1512: 30, 33

Alum, 49f., 412n, 475f., 924f., 929 Andrea della Valle, bishop of Cotrone 1496-1508, 1522-1524,

Alva, duke of, see Fernando Alvarez de Toledo of Mileto 1508-1523, cardinal 1517-1534, bishop of Gal-

Alvarez cle Toledo, Juan, bishop of Cordova 1523-1537, of lipoli (admin.) 1518-1524, of Valva and Sulmona (admin.)

Burgos 1537-1550, cardinal 1538-1557, archbishop of 1519-1521: 234, 392 Compostella 1550-1557: 509f., 513ff., 517, 522n, 523ff., | Andrea del Sarto, painter (b. 1486, d. 1530), 161 527, 535, 596, 613, 618, 621n, 626, 638f., 644,651,656, Andreas, guide of Felix Fabri in Cyprus in 1483: 757

_ 681 Andreas de Oviedo, bishop of Hierapolis 1555-1580?: 768n

Alvarez de Vozmediano, Melchor, bishop of Guadix 1560- Andrés de Cuesta, bishop of Leon 1557-1564: 778, 811, 819

_ 1574? (d. 1587), 794, 817, 822, 824 Andria, 294n, 309n

Alvaro de Bazan, marquis of Santa Cruz, Spanish admiral (b. Andros, 17, 25n, 83, 89, 448n, 899, 976f.; governor of, see 1526, d. 1588), 871, 872n, 875, 901, 903, 977ff., 982, Antonio Pesaro (in 1510); lords of, see Niccolo Sommaripa

_ 985, 1021, 1046f., 1055, 1078, 1081, 1084ff. (d. 1506), Francesco Sommaripa (in 1506) Alvaro de la Quadra, bishop of Venosa 1542-1552: 500 Angelo di Niccolo (Anzolo de Niccolo), merchant of Famagusta Alvaro de Sande, hero of Jerba and commander of relief forces in 1571: 1031n, 1039ff., 1042

836, 871, 874 293, 307, 1024

for Malta in 1565: 758, 760, 762ff., 765f., 833, 834n, Angevins, French dynasty in Naples 1266-1442: 159, 193,

Alvincz (Vintul de Jos), 569n, 576 Anghiari, 266

Amalfi, 296, 776; archbishops of, see Francesco Sfondrato 1544- Angouléme, 27, 244; bishops of, see Antoine d’ Estaing 1506-

1547, Tiberio Crispi (admin.) 1547-1561?; ruler of, see 1523, Philibert Babou 1533-1567?; duke of, see Charles,

Cesare Gonzaga di Guastalla (d. 1575) son of Francis I (b. 1522, d. 1545)

Amanieu d’ Albret, son of Jean III of Navarre; cardinal 1500- Anguillara, 257, 300; counts of, see Giuliano dell’ Anguillara

1520: 3, 97, 105, 111 . (fl. 1504), Gentile Virginio Orsini (fl. 1535)

Amaral, Andreas, Portuguese, chancellor of the Hospitallers Anjou, duke of, see Henry III of France

(d. 1522), 203, 210, 215 Ankara, 622

Amaseo, Romolo, scholar, 1489-1552?: 506 Anna dau hter of Ladislas. king of Bohem; dH .

Amasya (Amasia), 84, 127, 530, 590n, 591, 622, 623n, 630 od AC daughter of Ceston II d, Poin: wif f Ronde Amaury de Lusignan, son of Hugh VIII, constable of Jerusalem an d ack ae FAG. end f © ROIs wire © OI, 1181-1194; count of Jaffa 1193-1194; ruler of Cyprus 1547. 949 370 “Oda and future emperor (I) 1521-

1194-1197; king of Cyprus 1197-1205; king of Jerusalem , , 7° mn 1197-1205: 756 Anna, daughter of Maximilian II and Maria, daughter of Charles

Amazons, 182 V; wife of Philip II from 1570 (b. 1549, d. 1580), 938

Amboise, 178n, 550n; conspiracy of (1560), 725, 766n; Edict Anna, daughter of Sigismund I and Bona Sforza; wife of Stefan

of (1563), 806, 808, 814 IV Bathory 1574-1586 (b. 1524, d. 1596), 938

Ambracia, Gulf of, 446, 1103 Anna d’ Este, daughter of Ercole II and Renée de France; wife Ambrogio da Firenze, French ambassador to Venice in 1524: of Francois, duke of Guise 1548-1563: 642, 657, 676n

224 Anne (duc) de Montmorency, constable of France 1538 (b.

Ambrogio de Castro, sent to minister to the defenders of Malta 1493, d. 1567), 209, 215n, 297, 314, 318n, 321f., 360ff.,

in 1565: 862n 406, 412, 433n, 434n, 450, 457n, 522n, 525n, 558n, 559, Amendolara, 586 576n, 584n, 600n, 618, 624n, 643, 645, 647ff., 652, 653n,

America, 1, 85, 140, 190, 644, 771, 891, 983, 1098 654, 656, 666, 675, 678, 680, 686, 709n

Amiclae, bishop of, see Scipione Rebiba 1541-1551? Annibale von Hohenems (Altemps), son of Chiara, sister of Pius

1108 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT IV, and Wolf Dietrich (d. 1586), 865, 880, 907; wife of, Aquileia, patriarchate of, 55, 783; patriarchs of, see Domenico

see Ortensia Borromeo (married 1565) Grimani 1497-1517, Marino Grimani 1517-1529; 1535-

Annunziata, church in Florence, 277 15452, Marco Grimani 1529-1535, Giovanni Grimani Antalya (Satalia), Gulf of, 702, 971f. 1545-1550?; 1585, Daniele Barbaro 1550-—1574?, Fran-

Antibes, 473n cesco Barbaro919 1585-1596? Antioch, 147 Arabia,

Antiochus III (‘‘the Great’’), Seleucid king (d. 187 B.c.), 60 Arabic language, 27n, 165n, 195n, 316, 631, 632n, 946n, 1096n

Antivari (Bar), 88, 473f., 947, 1025ff., 1069; archbishop of, Arabs, 146, 270n, 937

see Stefano Taleazzi 1473-1485 Araceli (Aracoeli), cardinal of, see Clemente Dolera 1557-1568

Antoine d’ Estaing, bishop of Angouléme 1506-ca. 1523: 112 Aragon, 14, 52, 54f., 85, 112, 457n, 464, 632, 890; Hospitallers

Antoine de Grollee, Hospitaller of Auvergne at the siege of from, 854

Rhodes (1522), 211f. Aragon-Catalonia, 85f., 200; king of, see Ferdinand II 1479-

Antoine de la Rochefoucauld, sire de Barbezieux, French ad- 1504

miral in 1528: 300, 304, 306 Aranjuez, 744, 915

Antoine de Meudon, bishop of Orleans 1533-1550?, cardinal Arbe (Rab Island), 78n 1539-1559, bishop of Limoges 1544-—1547?, archbishop Archinto, Filippo, bishop of Borgo S. Sepolcro 1539-1546, of

of Toulouse (admin.) 1550-1559: 506, 510n, 722 Saluzzo 1546-1556, archbishop of Milan 1556-1558: Antoine des Escalins, baron de la Garde (‘‘Captain Paulin’’ or 629ff., 632 ‘Polin’’), French envoy to Istanbul ca. 1541: 456, 459, Archipelago (Egeopelagus; Aegean islands), 25, 37, 60, 83,

461f., 464n, 470ff., 473, 479f., 482, 695, 698n 155n, 191n, 199n, 200n, 217, 234, 279, 371, 423, 429, Antonio, Arrigo, jurist of Vicenza in 1527: 275 439, 451, 693, 696, 707, 755n, 830, 834f., 850n, 856n,

Antonio da Canale (Canal), Venetian provveditore of the fleet 878, 899, 901, 975ff., 981, 988, 991, 1000n, 1001, 1007, in 1570 (b. 1521, d. 1577), 923, 928, 935, 967, 978, 980, 1048, 1065, 1068, 1072 982, 984n, 1004, 1021, 1045, 1047, 1048n, 1051, 1054, Arco, 52n; truce of (1508), 52, 55

1082f. Ardinghelli, Niccolo, son of Pietro, bishop of Fossombrone

982n 159n, 458n

Antonio da Ravenna, ally of the Hospitallers ca. 1565: 843 1541-1547?, cardinal 1544-1547: 159n, 458n Antonio da Thiene, commander in the expedition of 1570: Ardinghelli, Pietro, secretary of Leo X (b. 1470?, d. 1526),

Antonio de Leyva, Spanish captain (b. 1480, d. 1536), 252, Arezzo, 72, 265f., 548, 564n; bishops of, see Cosimo de’ Pazzi

261, 265n, 283n, 285f., 304n, 305, 328f., 368, 401n 1497-1508, Ottaviano Sforza 1519-1525

Antonio de Melita, envoy of Pius IV to Portugal in 1561: 768n Argentario, 599

Antonio de Montalvo, supposed author of an account of the Argentera, 160 war of Siena (b. 1527, d. 1581), 593n, 594n, 606n Argentino, Francesco, created cardinal of S. Clemente and died

Antonio de Salutio, papal commissioner in 1556: 654n in August 1511: 139n Antonio di Sanseverino, cardinal 1527-1543, archbishop of Argus, 588 Taranto 1528-1543, bishop of Conversano (admin.) 1529-— — Arianism, 494

1534?: 335n, 398n Arianiti (““Comnenus’’), Constantine, son of George; regent of

Antonio Maria Ciocchi del Monte, bishop of Citta di Castello Montferrat 1495-1499 (d. 1531), papal envoy to Emperor 1503-1506, archbishop of Manfredonia 1506-151 1?, car- Maximilian (1507), 43f., 47, 58n, 65, 67 dinal 1511-1533, bishop of Pavia 1511-1517 (admin.); | Ariano, bishop of, see Diomede Carafa 1511-1560

289n, 525 84n, 90, 94

1517-1521; of Novara, 1516-1525: 98n, 114f., 138, 234, |Arimondo, Alvise, Venetian envoy to the Porte (elected 1510),

Antonio Maria di Savoia di Collegno, conclavist of Cristoforo Ario, bishop of, see Timoteo Giustiniani 1550-1564

Madruzzo in 1549: 518, 526n Ariosto, Italian poet (b. 1474, d. 1533), 853n Antwerp, 196n, 461, 647, 914, 915n Aristotle (b. 384 B.C., d. 322 B.C.), 454

Aosta, 894n Ariza, 957

Anzio, 663, 881 Arius, originator of the Arian heresy (d. 336), 113 Apennines, 264 Arlotto (Arlotto Mainardi), Florentine humorist (b. 1396, d. Apollo, 182 Armenia, 150, 179, 589, 768n; king of, see Peter I of Lusignan, Apostolic Camera, see Camera Apostolica king of Cilician Armenia 1368-1369 Apostolic See, see Holy See Armenians, 1028n

Apocalypse, 126 1484), 626

Apostolici regiminis, bull of Leo X (1513), 151n Arnaud (Raynaud) du Ferrier, French jurist and diplomat (b.

Appellatio ab interdicto pontificio (1509), 58n ca. 1508, d. 1585), 794, 796, 806, 814, 834f., 837, 839n,

Appiani, family, 12n 842, 844n, 850, 855, 856n, 868n, 878, 879n, 952

860n ; 601; see also Florence

Appiano, Jacopo, Italian naval commander (b. 1539, d. 1585), aig river, 90, 114f., 132, 231, 241n, 267, 277, 339, 341f.,

Appr Jaton, notary in the Camera Apostolica in 1527: Arnold of Brescia, reformer (b. ca. 1100, d. 1155), 454 Apulia (Puglia or Puglie), 14, 55, 62n, 63n, 90, 213n, 216, Arona, counts of, see Gilberto Borromeo (d. 1558), Federico 246n, 274, 284, 292ff., 295, 303, 309, 321, 323, 329n, Borromeo (from 1558) 331, 346, 360n, 361, 376, 395n, 406, 424, 428, 431, Arpacay, 590 432n, 450, 463, 492, 553, 585, 653, 674, 696, 763n, 836, Arpads, Hungarian dynasty (to 1301), 325

842f., 879n, 888, 902, 904, 908, 922n, 930, 939 Arras, 914; bishops of, see Pietro de’ Accolti (admin.) 1518Aquila, bishops of, see Giovanni Piccolomini (admin.) 1523- 1523, Antoine Perrenot 1538-1561?, Francois Richardot

1525, Pompeo Colonna (admin.) 1525-1532 1561-1574; league of (1579), 920

INDEX 1109 Arroyo, Marco Antonio, contemporary authority on the battle 442n, 457, 459, 463, 477n, 480n, 483, 488, 492, 495,

of Lepanto (fl. 1576), 1054n 530, 574, 658, 661, 698f., 707, 714, 716, 743, 755, 778,

Arslan Beg, governor of Szekesfehérvar in 1552: 585 790ff., 805, 854n, 894, 898n, 904, 938, 1061, 1063n,

Arta, sanjakbey of, see Lutfi Beg (in 1533) 1087f., 1103f.; archdukes of, see Frederick V (Emperor Artois, 193, 238, 327, 392, 430, 683, 691, 705 Frederick III) 1457-1486, (Emperor) Maximilian I 1486—

Aruj Barbarossa, Turkish corsair (b. ca. 1473/1474, d. 1518), 1493, Philip I ‘the Handsome” 1493-1506, Emperor

234 Ferdinand I (from 1521), Ferdinand, son of Ferdinand I

Arze, Juan, Spanish theologian at Trent in 1551: 542 (b. 1529, d. 1595), Charles, son of Ferdinand I (b. 1540,

Asappi (Asapi), 356f., 842, 898 d. 1590); regent of, see Ernst, son of Maximilian II (from Ascanio della Corgna, nephew of Julius III; commander at the 1590); and see Margaret of Austria siege of Malta in 1565: 550ff., 592ff., 600, 611,613,634, Austria-Hungary, 349, 899, 912 659, 662, 664f., 688, 721, 733, 860, 869, 871, 873f.,878, Austrians, 178, 341n, 350n, 433, 478, 479n, 568n, 580, 591n,

889, 1000, 1001n, 1021, 1061 844, 903, 926, 934, 941, 1098, 1101f., 1104

Ascoli Piceno, 123, 292, 681f., 904; bishops of, see Philos Ro- — Austro-Turkish war (1593-1606), 1097f.

verella 1518—1550?, Pietro Camaiani 1566-1579 Autun, bishop of, see Ippolito d’ Este 1548-1550

Asha, 991 Auvergne, 209n, 210f.; Hospitallers from, 207f., 854, 867, Asia, 89, 123, 126, 130, 147, 150f., 179, 181, 185, 218, 381 870, 875

Asia Minor (‘‘Asia,”’ Anatolia), 49, 53, 84, 99, 122, 127f.,151, Auxerre, bishops of, see Francois de Dinteville 1530-1556, 179, 274, 278, 451, 477, 532, 587, 589, 590n, 622, 630, Robert de Lenoncourt (admin.) 1556—1560?, Philibert Ba-

767, 822, 842, 852, 894, 901, 907, 930, 970f., 984f., bou (admin.) 1562-1570

1005n, 1043, 1075n Avellino, 307n

Askenasi, Salamon, rabbi, physician, and diplomat (b. ca. 1520, | Avellino and Frigento, bishops of, see Bernardino Lopez de

d. 1602), 849, 1089n, 1092, 1096 Carvajal (admin.) 1503-?, Bartolome de la Cueva (admin.)

Aspromonte, range of the Apennines, 807 1548-1549?

Assisi, 97; bishop of, see Silvio Passerini (admin.) 1526-1529 = Aventine, hill in Rome, 281

Assun-Aga, informant at the Porte ca. 1564: 837 Averoldi, Altobello, bishop of Pola 1497-1531, papal nuncio

‘‘Astanfaria,”’ see Strophades in Venice 1527: 183n, 262n, 265f., 288n

Asti, 93, 125, 129n, 130, 224, 241, 392, 429n, 473n, 709, Aversa, 14, 109, 129n, 294, 307ff. 904, 915f.; bishop of, see Agostino Trivulzio 1504-1519 Avignon, 33, 113, 224n, 360, 412, 610n, 614, 684, 686, 690, Astorga, bishop of, see Diego de Alaba y Esquivel 1543-1548 742, 786, 865, 998n; archbishops of, see Giuliano della

Astypalaea (Stampalia), 439, 472n, 987 Rovere (Julius II) 1474-1503, Ippolito de’ Medici 1529Athens, 193, 204n, 205n, 326n, 350n, 373, 379, 407n, 477n, 1535, Alessandro Farnese (admin.) 1535-1551, Annibale

855, 1101f.; duchy of, 192n Bozzuto 1551-1560?, Georges d’ Armagnac (admin.)

Atri, 680, 905; lord duke in, 1026 . 1577-1584

Attica, 1102 295f.

Attanto, Josephi, of Tripoli, renegade spy for the Turks in Avila, bishop of, see Diego de Alaba y Esquivel 1548-1558

Cyprus in 1568: 934f. Avogadro, Antonio Maria, commander under Lautrec in 1528:

Attila, leader of the Huns (d. 453), 274 Avogadro, Pietro, count, sent by Venice to serve in Candia in Auch (in France), archbishops of, see Francois Guillaume de 1571: 1002n Clermont 1507-1538, Francois de Tournon (admin.) Avranches, 565n; bishop of, see Jean de Langeac 1526-1532? 1538-1551, Ippolito d’ Este (admin.) 1551-1563? Avvogadori di Comun (Avvogaria), state attorneys of Venice, Auditor of the Curia of the Apostolic Camera, Tribunal of the, 12, 303, 1087

779 Ayas (Aias) Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (b. 1482?, d. 1539),

Augsburg, 47, 89, 102, 112, 142n, 179n, 183n, 326n, 352, 382, 385f., 408ff., 428f.

443n, 453, 502n, 538, 546f., 549ff., 554f., 603,614,628, Ayia Sophia, mosque (in Nicosia), see Santa Sophia 632, 705, 714, 746n, 753n, 804, 849, 855, 865, 886, 894, Azerbaijan, 1097f. 910, 914, 940, 954, 960, 1014, 1020n; Augsburg Confes- Azov, 1102f.

sion, 354, 452, 544, 633, 714, 779; Augsburg Interim (1548), 354, 502, 504; bishop of, see Otto von Truchsess _Babbi, Antonio, secretary of Bongianni Gianfigliazzi ca. 1557:

1543-1573; diet of (1530), 353f., 360n; Peace of (1555), 674n 354, 632, 633n, 646, 716f., 779; Reichstag of, 502, 603 Babocsa, in southwestern Hungary, 921

Augusta, in Sicily, 539, 554, 585, 765, 890, 891n Babou, Philibert, French diplomat; bishop of Angouléme 1533-

Augustani, 554 1567?, cardinal 1561-1570, bishop of Auxerre (admin.)

Augustinians, order, 167, 188, 721n, 862; generals of, see Egidio 1562—1570: 690, 713, 717, 719n

Canisio, Girolamo Seripando; see also Alfonso del Guerra, = ‘‘Babylonish Captivity” (1305-1377), 140, 453

Antonio Guido, Onofrio Panvinio Badajoz, 498n, 499; bishop of, see Francisco de Navarra 1545-—

603n 1552: 543f.

Augustus, son of Henry V and Catherine of Mecklenburg; Al- 1556 bertine duke of Saxony from 1553 (b. 1526, d. 1586), | Badhorn, Leonhard, envoy of Maurice of Saxony to Trent in Augustus, Roman emperor (b. 63 B.c., d. 14 A.D.), 1058 Badoer, Alberto, Venetian savio agli ordini in 1570 (b. 1540,

Aumale, duke of, see Claude (b. 1526, d. 1573) d. 1592), 989n

Aurelian Wall, 881 Badoer, Alessandro, Venetian noble bringing news of Polesella Austria, 55, 190, 192, 195n, 231, 249, 254, 261, 292n, 301, to Leonardo Loredan in 1509: 77n

313, 315n, 316, 322n, 323f., 325n, 326n, 327f., 332, | Badoer, Alvise (Aloisio), Venetian official (b. ca. 1483, d. 1554),

341n, 345n, 347f., 352, 357, 361, 365, 367, 371, 374n, 78n; Venetian ambassador to Istanbul in 1540: 439n, 448n,

384, 387, 389, 397n, 403f., 416n, 432, 433n, 435, 442, 449n, 451n, 462

1110 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Badoer, Andrea, Venetian ambassador to Istanbul in 1573 (b. | Barbarigo, Antonio, Venetian bailie in Istanbul from 1556 (b.

1515, d. 1575), 931n, 1092, 1094 1523, d. 1560), 607n, 661f., 684n, 694, 696, 698n, 704n

82n, 91n 1575), 924n, 930

Badoer, Andrea, Venetian ambassador to London in 1510: _Barbarigo, Daniele, Venetian bailie in Istanbul 1562-1564 (d. Badoer, Federico, Venetian scholar and diplomat (b. 1518, d. = Barbarigo, Girolamo, Venetian ff. 1530: 489n 1593), 625, 633n, 645n, 655n, 661, 663, 668n, 672,714 Barbarigo, Niccolo, Venetian official (b. 1534, d. 1579), 1087,

Badoer, Giovanni, Venetian envoy to Rome from 1507; to 1098n France in 1516 and 1520 (b. 1465, d. 1535), 20,56n,57n, Barbaro, Alvise, son of Marc’ Antonio (ff. 1570), 954

84, 110n, 200n, 218 Barbaro, Daniele, patriarch of Aquileia 1550-1574?, cardinal

Badoer, Luca, brother of Andrea (fl. 1512), 82n, 91n (appointment in pectore, apparently unpublished) 1561:

Baghdad, 389, 391n, 396 751n, 883n, 936n

Baglione (Baglioni), Astorre, defender of Famagusta against Barbaro, Francesco, son of Marc’ Antonio; patriarch of Aquileia

the Turks (b. 1526, d. 1571), 928, 937, 991, 996, 1004, 1585-1596?: 1092 1017, 1027ff., 1030ff., 1033ff., 1O36ff., 1039ff. Barbaro, Francesco, Venetian provveditore generale (b. 1495, Baglione, Federico, nephew of Astorre (fl. 1568), 937n d. 1570), 848, 931, 950n

Baglioni, Giovanni Paolo, brother-in-law of Bartolommeo _ Barbaro, Marc’ Antonio, Venetian elected bailie in Istanbul in

d’ Alviano, 5n, 6n, 8, 12n, 39 1568 (b. 1518, d. 1595), 849, 892, 935f., 939f., 944n, Baglioni, Italian family, 12, 201 945, 946n, 947, 948n, 949, 951n, 953f., 963f., 971n, 976,

Baglioni, Malatesta, son of Gianpaolo (d. 1531), 341f. 990f., 1004, 1007f., 1011, 1013f., LOI18f., 1022n, 1043n, Baglioni, Orazio, son of Gianpaolo, Italian soldier (ff. 1527), 1044n, 1049, 1054n, 1057n, 1068n, 1069n, 1075n, 1087n,

277, 294 1088n, 1089ff., 1092, 1094f.

Bagno di Romagna, 264 Barbaro, Niccolo, Venetian physician at Constantinople (7.

Bainbridge, Christopher, archbishop of York 1508-1514, car- 1435), 209n

dinal 1511-1514: 74n, 95n, 109, 119f., 122n, 124n, 129, Barbarossa, see Frederick I

130n Barbarossa, corsair and Ottoman admiral, see Khaireddin Bar-

Bakocz, Thomas (Tamas), archbishop of Gran 1497-1521, car- barossa

dinal 1500-1521, titular patriarch of Constantinople 1507- — Barbary, 85n, 891, 1008, 1018n, 1081, 1095

1521: 58n, 61, 119, 123, 125f., 138, 150f., 157f., 166n, Barbary Coast, 84, 234, 284, 347, 395, 465, 532, 553f., 583,

183n 650, 702, 758, 831, 834f., 842, 849, 924n, 950, 1008,

Bakony Mountains, 584 1068, 1071, 1086, 1095, 1098

Balancon, sieur de, see Gérard de Rye (fl. 1532) Barbary pirates, 238, 310, 532, 831, 842f., 874, 902, 920, Balassa, Melchior, Hungarian noble (ff. 1562), 771 923; see also corsairs, Dragut, Khaireddin Barbarossa, piracy Balbi, Pietro, Venetian official (d. 1514), 27, 90 Barbastro (‘‘Balbastro’’), in Aragon, 457n, 458n Balbi di Corregio, Francesco, author of a contemporary account _Barbezieux, sire de, see Antoine de la Rochefoucauld

of the 1565 siege of Malta (d. ca. 1590), 843n, 853, 856ff., Barcelona, 255, 328, 356, 367n, 368, 370, 392n, 397, 399n,

S60ff., 863f., 866ff., 870ff., 873ff., 876, 878 466, 532, 871, 886n, 887n, 908, 910n, 915, 943, 957,

Baldassare da Pescia, correspondent of Lorenzo de’ Medici in 1017, 1019ff., 1023, 1024n, 1047, 1080; bishop of, see

1514: 156n Ramon de Vich 1519-1525; treaty of (1529), 327, 337n,

Balduino (Baldovino) de’ Balduini, physician and conclavist in 346

1549: 498, 499n, 520n Barengo, Giovanni, secretary under Paul IV, 633n

Balduino (Baldovino) del Monte, brother of Giovanni Maria Baretta, Gonsalvo, hermit of Capri (fl. 1528), 296

(Julius III), 528, 560, 564n, 598 Bargas, Dimitri, see Vargas

Baleares, 395 Bari, 309, 312, 316n, 656, 689n, 711; archbishops of, see Gi-

Bali Beg, governor of Belgrade ca. 1521: 199 rolamo Sauli 1540-1550, Jacopo Puteo 1550-1562?; duke Balkans, 54n, 147, 179, 767, 1088, 1098 of, see Lodovico Maria Sforza 1479-1494; see also Bona Ballionus, Franciscus, commissioner-general of the papal galleys Sforza

in 1570: 965n Barletta, 14, 293n, 309n, 329, 331; priors of, see Gabriele Tadini

Balthazar del Rio, bishop of Scala 1515-1540: 149 di Martinengo (ff. 1522), Vincenzo Gonzaga (d. 1591)

Baltic Sea, 318 Barnabites, Order of, 741 1505-1522 Barozzi, Antonio, correspondent of Giovanni Barozzi in 1527: Banchi Vecchi (in Rome), 36 277n Banco di S. Spirito (in Rome), 36 Barozzi, Giovanni (Zuan), brother of Antonio (fl. 1527), 277n Bamberg, 416; prince-bishop of, see Georg Schenk von Limburg _ Barone, Nicola, associate of the Carafeschi ca. 1561: 753

1588?: 592, 604 ca. 1564: 837

Bandini de’ Piccolomini, Francesco, archbishop of Siena 1529- _— Barres, Sieur de, maitre des comptes of Dijon; seized by Turks

Baratero, Jacopo, secretary of Scaramuccia Trivulzio ca. 1527: —_ Bartolino, Nofri, archbishop of Pisa 1518-1555: 744n

269n Bartolo of Sassoferrato, Italian jurist (b. 1313, d. 1357), 454

Barba, Giovanni Jacopo, bishop of Teramo 1546-1553, of Terni —_ Bartolome de Ja Cueva, cardinal 1544-1562, bishop of Avellino

1553-1565: 525 and Frigento (admin.) 1548-1549?: 509, 523ff., 613, 638f.,

Barbara, Venetian ship (ca. 1552), 586ff., 607, 662 723, 748

851, 891 1590), 811, 814

Barbarigo, Agostino, Venetian ambassador manqué in 1565: Bartolomé de Martyribus, archbishop of Braga 1559-1581? (d.

Barbarigo, Agostino, Venetian provveditore generale of the Bartolommeo d’ Alviano, Venetian commander at Marignano

sea (b. 1516, d. 1571), 989, 991, 1008, 1009n, 1010, (b. 1455, d. 1515), 5n, 6n, 7f., 15, 52, 59, 61f., 160 1025, 1045n, 1047, 1048n, 1051ff., 1054, 1056f., 1059ff., | Bartolommeo da Benevento, grain dealer in 1556: 660

1064f. Bartolommeo de’ Concini, Florentine envoy at the 1559 con-

Barbarigo, Andrea, killed at Lepanto in 1571: 1057 clave, 736

INDEX 1111 Julius II, 139n 1430, d. 1516), 40n

Bartolornmeo della Rovere, papal chamberlain and relative of _ Bellini, Giovanni, brother of Gentile, Venetian painter (b. ca. Bartolornmeo di Niccolo, Genoese correspondent of Giovanni __ Belluno, 30; bishop of, see Gasparo Contarini 1536-1542

di Rocco in 1532: 362n Beltrando de’ Costabili, Ferrarese envoy to Rome in 1503:

Basadona, Giovanni (Zuan), Venetian ambassador to Rome from 7,9

1539: 427n Belzi, money-lenders in Rome, 102

Basel, 81.0; bishop of, see Melchior von Lichtenfels 1555-1575; |Bembo, Alvise (Luigi), captures Turkish caiques in 1570: 984 Council of (1431-1449), 98, 108, 127, 441n, 453, 492, Bembo, Gianmatteo, Venetian provveditore in Cattaro in 1539:

543f., 708n, 796, 801, 803ff., 807 471n

Basil of Caesarea, church father (b. ca. 330, d. 379), 794 Bembo, Leonardo, Venetian vice-bailie at Istanbul in 1504;

Basilicata, 293, 586 bailie in 1519: 16, 163n, 165n, 191n

833 in 1569 (d. 1570), 928

Basilicus, Jacob (Heraclides), ‘“despot of Serbia” in 1562: 707n, |Bembo, Lorenzo, Venetian provveditore generale of Cyprus

Basilisks, early cannon, 861, 863, 866, 875, 1028, 1035 Bembo, Paolo, Venetian consul in Alexandria in 1533: 368n

Bassano, 52, 93 Bembo, Pietro, Venetian historian; cardinal 1538-1547, bishop

Bastia, 624 of Gubbio 1541-1544, of Bergamo (admin.) 1544-1547:

Bath, bishop of (along with Wells), see John Clerk 1523-1541 82, llin, 12In, 149n, 158, 159n, 161n, 163n, 164, 170, Bathory, Andreas, commissioner for Ferdinand I in Hungary 238n, 288, 394, 471n, 607n

in 1551: 568, 570 Bencovazzo (Benkovac), 608

Bathory, Nicholas, Hungarian magnate (fi. 1562), 771 Benedetti, Gianbattista, commander of a Cypriote galley in Bathory, Stephen, prince of Transylvania from 1571; king of 1567: 923 Poland 1575-1586: 1015; wife of, see Anna, daughter of | Benedetto de’ Accolti, bishop of Cremona 1523-1549, arch-

Sigismund I 1574-1586 (d. 1596) bishop of Ravenna 1524-1549, cardinal 1527-1549: 268n,

Bauco (Boville Ernica), 754 527 Baumgartner (Paumgartner), Augustin, envoy of Albrecht V — Benedictus Deus, bull of Paul III (1537), 420n

of Bavaria to Trent in 1562: 790 Benedictus Deus, bull of Pius IV (1564), 496, 826f. ‘‘Bauernkrieg,”’ see Peasants’ War Benevento, 507, 643, 713, 716n, 742, 808; archbishops of, see

Bautzen, 435n Francesco della Rovere 1530-1544, Giovanni della Casa Bavaria, 251, 262, 354, 361, 437, 440, 773, 790, 792n; dukes 1544-1556, Jacopo Savelli (admin.) 1560-1574? of, see Wilhelm IV (b. 1493, d. 1550), Ludwig X (b. 1495, — Bentivoglio, Annibale, Bolognese leader (b. 1469, d. 1540),

d. 1545), Albrecht V (b. 1528, d. 1579) 93n, 103n

Bayazid, son of Suleiman I (d. 1561), 339n, 530, 589, 591f., | Bentivoglio, Cornelio, Italian soldier (b. 1519/1520, d. 1585),

698n, 699, 708, 767f., 830n, 831, 833f., 841, 852n 552f., 605, 606n

Bayazid II, son of Mehmed II; Ottoman sultan 1481-1512: 2, | Bentivoglio, family dominant in Bologna, 6n, 56, 62, 93, 103f.,

946n 39f., 93n

11, 12, 18n, 24, 34, 38f., 42, 45, 51, 53f., 57, 71f., 75, 113n, 114, 119f., 125n, 128, 129n, 134, 160f.

77, 79n, 84, 88, 90, 99, 122f., 126f., 141, 148n, 409, Bentivoglio, Giovanni II, lord of Bologna 1462-1506 (d. 1508),

Bayeux, 565n; bishops of, see René de Prie 1498-1516?, Lo- _Bentivoglio, Marco Antonio, Bolognese correspondent of dovico da Canossa 1516-1531, Agostino Trivulzio (admin.) George Martinuzzi in 1547: 485n

1541-1548; cardinal of, see René de Prie Beplin, Johann, printer of Strassburg, in Rome (ff. 1512), 111n, Bayonne, 838; bishop of, see Jean du Bellay 1524 or 1526- 127n

1532 Berbers, 583

Beata Maria de Monte Carmelo, Order of, 862n Berencse, 921

Beatrice, daughter of Manuel of Portugal and Maria of Aragon; Berenguer de Requesens, commander of Sicilian galleys ca.

wife of Charles III of Savoy 1521-1538 (d. 1538), 338 1560: 758, 762, 765f. Beaumont-le-Roger, count of, see Stuart d’ Aubigny Bergamo, 55, 59, 62, 104, 125, 134, 145n, 221n, 272, 279, Beauvais, bishops of, see Odet de Coligny (admin.) 1535-1563, 682, 684, 710; bishops of, see Alvise Lippomano 1538-

Charles de Bourbon (admin.) 1569-1575? 1544?; 1558-1559, Pietro Bembo (admin.) 1544-1547,

Beccadelli, Lodovico, bishop of Ravello 1549-1555, archbishop Girolamo Ragazzono 1577-1592; captain of, see Paolo Nani

of Ragusa 1555-1564? (d. 1572), 537f., 539n, 790, 810n (fl. 1522)

Becse (Becej), 570, 574, 575n Berghes-op-Zoom, 80n

Becskerek, 570, 573 Beriszlo, Peter, ban of Croatia and bishop of Veszprem 1513-

Beirut, 25, 29, 83, 343, 607 1520: 158, 163, 164n

Belcastro, 487 Berlin, 772f. Belgians, 921 Bernardino d’ Alviano, brother of Bartolommeo d’ Alviano (1. Belgioioso, 286 1503), 15n Belgioioso, Lodovico, Italian commander (b. 1488), 286, 305 Bernardino de Cardenas, present at the siege of Malta in 1565:

Belgium, 195, 772f., 920 874, 878; killed at Lepanto, 1064

Belgrade (Alba Greca, Beograd), 195n, 198f., 200n, 202ff., | Bernardino de’ Frangipani (Frangipane, Frankopan), count of

206n, 211, 213n, 214, 216, 217n, 218, 247n, 248, 252, Segna in 1525: 201n, 244ff. 254, 324n, 325n, 332, 334n, 362, 389, 416n, 442, 493, Bernardino della Barba, papal nuncio, bishop of Casale di Mon-

530, 566, 570, 572ff., 575n, 845, 1102, 1104 ferrato 1525-1529: 231

Belisarius, general of Justinian (d. 565), 306 Bernardino de Mendoza, Spanish soldier (b. 1501, d. 1557), Bellarmino, Roberto, Italian cardinal and theologian (b. 1542, 627n

d. 1621), 139 Bernardino de Carvajal, bishop of Cartagena 1493-1495, carBelleville, 457 dinal 1493-1522, bishop of Siguenza 1495—1519?, bishop Bellini, Gentile, Venetian painter (b. 1429, d. 1507), 40n of Avellino and Frigento (admin.) 1503-?: 42, 51f., 92,

1112 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 95, 97f., 104ff., 107f., 110f., 112n, 114, 136, 137n, 143n, — Blarer, Gerwick, abbot of Weingarten (d. 1567), 650n

145, 146n, 149, 169, 173, 200, 208n Blasio (Biagio) de’ Martinelli, papal master of ceremonies in

Bernardo, Francesco, Venetian bailie in Istanbul (chosen 1528- 1537: 419n

resigned 1531), 302, 339, 342ff., 345n, 348n Blois, 91, 96n, 99n, 111n, 112n, 113n, 120, 135n, 144n, 457, Bernardo de Cabrera, at the siege of Malta in 1565: 867 729n, 1071n; treaty of (1504), 34n, 39n, 40, 42; treaty Bernardo del Nero, Florentine ambassador in 1528: 305, 307f., of (1513), 144f., 159n, 186n

309 Blomberg, Barbara, mother of Charles V’s son Don John of

Bernhard von Cles, bishop of Trent 1514-1539, cardinal 1530- Austria (b. 1527?, d. 1597), 658 1539, bishop of Brixen (admin.) 1539: 359n, 364, 370n, Boccaccio, Giovanni, Italian author (d. 1375), 626

384n, 389f., 404f., 422, 437n, 490f., 777n Bocche di Cattaro (Kotorski Zaljev, Gulf of Kotor), 446, 967,

Bernhardin Turck vom Burgel, author of anti-Turkish literature 974, 988, 1002n

(d. 1548), 477f. Bodzentyn (‘‘Bodzanczin’’), 317n

Bernini, Gian Lorenzo, Italian architect and sculptor (b. 1598, | Bohemia, 9n, 37, 150, 152, 163, 192n, 195n, 203, 216n, 235,

d. 1680), 270n 246, 250, 251n, 252, 254, 260, 291, 292n, 300, 312, 314,

Beroaldo, Giovanni, bishop of Telese 1548-1557, of Sant’ Agata 319f., 324n, 326, 332, 335, 360, 364, 412n, 432, 435,

dei Goti 1557-1565: 507 437n, 460n, 542, 565, 603n, 667, 690, 716n, 755, 760,

Berry, duchess of, see Marguerite, daughter of Francis I 778f., 790ff., 1088, 1093; kings of, see George of Podébrady

Bertano, Gurone, brother of Pietro (ff. 1550), 522n 1458-1471, Ladislas 1471-1516, Matthias Corvinus (tit.) Bertano, Pietro, bishop of Fano 1537-1558?, cardinal 1551- 1478-1490, Ferdinand of Austria (from 1526); people of, 1558: 521n, 522n, 528, 545, 559, 581n, 612f., 619f., 681, see Czechs

690, 691n Bohemians, 53, 113, 140, 165n, 326, 478, 479n, 480n

Berthier, secretary to Jacques de Germigny in 1580: 840 Bohemond I, son of Robert Guiscard; prince of Antioch 1099-

Berthold of Rorbach, dissident preacher (d. 1359), 454 1111: 293n, 294n

Bertinoro, bishops of, see Girolamo Verallo 1540-1541, Cor- _ Boistaillé, French ambassador in Venice from 1561: 766n,

nelio Musso 1541-1544, Egidio Falcetta 1563-1564 831ff., 834, 837, 899n, 930 Bertrand, Jean, cardinal 1557-1560, archbishop of Sens (ad- _ Bojano, bishop of, see Franciotto Orsini 1519-1523

min.) 1557-1560: 678, 722n, 724, 725n, 748 Bologna, 36n, 39f., 43, 49n, 56, 62, 86, 93f., 96n, 100, 103f., Bertrand d’ Ornesan, baron of S. Blancard, admiral of the 108, 109n, 113f., 117n, 118n, 119f., 12I1n, 125, 128f.,

French fleet (b. 1480?, d. 1540), 431, 442n 132, 134, 136, 140, 151, 160ff., 163, 166, 190, 206n,

Berval Diaz de Lugo, Juan, bishop of Calahorra 1545-1556: 257, 261ff., 272, 276n, 287, 292, 298n, 299n, 309n, 326,

498 328ff., 331ff., 334ff., 337, 338n, 340n, 346, 348, 350n,

Besancon, archbishop of, see Antoine Perrenot 1584-1586 351, 366n, 367f., 380, 397n, 409, 411, 412n, 420, 443n, Bessarion (of Trebizond), Orthodox archbishop of Nicaea (to 466f., 471n, 478, 485n, 490, 494, 499ff., 502, 506, 507n, 1439), cardinal 1439-1472, titular patriarch of Constan- 515, 537f., 552f., 557fF., 603n, 630, 672, 713, 716, 740,

tinople 1463-1472: 53 775n, 800f., 826, 881, 1077n; bishops (archbishops from

Bethlehem, bishop of, see Cristoforo del Monte 1517-1525 1582) of, see Tommaso Parentucelli (Nicholas V) 1444-

Betimo, 1069 1447, Achille Grassi 1511-1518?, Lorenzo Campeggio

Beza, Theodore, French theologian (b. 1519, d. 1605), 774n 1523-1525, Ranuccio Farnese (admin.) 1564-1565, Ga-

Beziers, bishop of, see Lorenzo Strozzi 1547-1561 briele Paleotti 1566-1591?; concordat of (1516), 162n;

Biberach, 543 Council of, see Trent, Council of; lords of, see Giovanni II

Bilbao, 201 Bentivoglio (d. 1508), Annibale Bentivoglio (fi. 1511); Billick, Eberhard, German theologian (d. 1552), 542 treaty of (1529), 332n, 334, 336ff., 340, 370, 410, 879 Bini, Giovanfrancesco, secretary under Paul IV, 470, 633n Bolognese, 103n, 265, 552, 557

Biondo, Flavio, Italian historian (b. 1388, d. 1463), 70 Bolognesi, 40, 587, 681n

“Bir,” sanjak of (in 1571), 1042 Bolsena, 611

Biscay, Bay of, 132n, 916, 949n Bona, town west of Tunis, 397, 471 Bisignano, bishop of, see Niccolo Gaetano di Sermoneta (admin.) | Boncompagni, Filippo, nephew of Gregory XIII; cardinal 1572-

1537-1549?; 1558-1560? 1586: 1091 Bissone, 286 Boncompagni, Ugo, see Gregory XIII Bistritz, 466n Bondimier, Andrea, Venetian galley captain in Alexandria in Bitonto, 487; bishop of, see Cornelio Musso 1544-1574 1507: 22n, 23

Bitteto, bishop of, see Giovanni Salviati (admin.) 1532-1539 Bondimier, Bernardo, Venetian ‘“‘captain of Zara’”’ ca. 1507:

Bizarro (Bizarus), Pietro, author of an account of the war of 45 Cyprus published in 1573 (b. 1525, d. not before 1586), | Bone (Annaba), 234f.

974n, 1027n Bonelli, Michele, nephew of Pius V; cardinal 1566-1598: 899n,

Bizerte, 1008, 1018n, 1021, 1074, 1081, 1086, 1095 904, 910n, 912, 913n, 914, 916, 918n, 923n, 924f., 933n, Black Sea (Euxine), 99, 147, 151, 372, 381, 830, 891, 939, 939ff., 942f., 947, 948n, 949n, 950n, 951n, 955n, 956f.,

1099 1019f.

1004n 958n, 959f., 963n, 964n, 965, 966n, 971n, 988n, 1004n,

Blado, Antonio, Roman printer (b. 1490, d. 1567), 198n, 722, 1008n, 1009, 1010n, 1011ff., 1014, 1016n, 1017, 1018n,

Blaise de Monluc, French soldier and writer (b. ca. 1502, d. _ Bonelli, Michele, nephew of Pius V; soldier (b. 1551, d. 1604),

1577), 196n, 470n, 593n, 601, 602n, 603ff., 606, 660, 1014, 1017

668n, 709n Bonelli, Michele, great grandnephew of Pius V (fl. 1572): 1077 Blanco, Francisco, bishop of Orense 1556-1565, of Malaga _ Bongallo, Scipione, bishop of Civita Castellana 1539-1564: 779 1565-1574, archbishop of Compostella 1574-1581: 778, Boniface VIII (Benedetto Caetani), cardinal 1281-1294, pope

794 1294-1303: 105n, 255, 641, 646

INDEX 1113 Bonnivet, sire de, see Guillaume Gouffier 608, 795n, 854n, 1104; sanjakbey of, see Feriz Beg (ji. Bonriccio, Daniele, Venetian secretary in Naples ca. 1565: 848 1509), Yahya Pasha (in 1513) Bonvisi, Girolamo, envoy of Julius II to Henry VIII (1511), Bosnians, 209, 845

96n, 97n Bosporus, 2, 12, 17, 72, 90, 127, 128n, 179, 198, 217, 224,

Bordeaux, 838; archbishops of, see Bertrand de Got (Clement 240, 246n, 249n, 258, 278n, 301f., 324, 338f., 349, 361n,

V) 1299-1305, Jean du Bellay (admin.) 1544-1551? 368, 371, 383, 385, 387f., 398, 448n, 469, 475n, 480n, Borek (Borgk), Stanislaus, canon of Cracow (fl. 1528), 315n 485n, 487, 490, 530n, 535, 553, 569, 580, 586, 588f.,

Borgherini, Florentine money-lenders in Rome, 102 591, 606f., 622, 623n, 631, 650, 662, 696, 706, 708n,

Borghese, Camillo, see Paul V 742, 766f., 771f., 815, 829, 832ff., 842, 844f., 848f., 851,

Borghese, Marc’ Antonio, attorney and father of Paul V (b. 878f., 892, 898, 902, 906, 909, 925, 928, 942, 945, 948,

1504, d. 1574), 749n, 751 950, 963, 971, 1049, 1088f., 1094, 1098

Borgia apartments (Appartamento Borgia), 7, 528n, 629, 712, Boucher, Etienne, abbot of S. Ferme (ff. 1551), 559

745 Bouchet, Jean, procurator of Poitiers (fl. 1512), 120n

Borgia, Cesare, son of Rodrigo and Vannozza de’ Catanei; —_Bouclans, lord of, see Jean Lallemand (ff. 1528) archbishop of Valencia 1492-1498, cardinal 1493-1498, Bougie (Bejaia), 85, 234 duke of Valentinois 1498-1507, lord of Pesaro 1500- —Boulogne, edict of (1573), 840

1503, duke of Romagna 1501-1503 (d. 1507), 2ff., 5ff., Boulogne sur Mer, 473, 482 Sff., 11ff., 14, 15n, 16, 27, 33, 36, 272n, 711 Bourbon, 236n, 238, 242, 246n, 259, 1104; duke of, see Charles Borgia, Francesco, nephew of Rodrigo; bishop of Teano 1495- de Bourbon-Montpensier 1505-1527 1508, archbishop of Cosenza 1499-1511, cardinal 1500-— _— Bourges, 55n, 94n; archbishops of, see Andrew Forman 1513?-

1511: 92, 95, 98, 100n, 104n, 105n, 110 1514, Francois de Tournon 1526-1537?; Pragmatic SancBorgia, Lucrezia, daughter of Rodrigo and Vannozza de’ Ca- tion of (1438-1461), 136, 137n, 138, 145n, 162n tanei; wife of Giovanni Sforza 1493-1497 (marriage an- _ Bova, 807; bishop of, see Achille Brancia 1549-1570 nulled), wife of Alfonso of Bisceglie (1498-1500), wife of | Bozzuto, Annibale, archbishop of Avignon 1551-1560? (d.

Alfonso d’ Este 1501-1519: 5, 121n, 636, 725 1565), 616, 633 Borgia, Rodrigo, cardinal, see Alexander VI Brabant, 917, 920

Borgias (Borja-Lanzol), Catalan family, 5ff., 14, 142 Bracciano, 139n, 636n Borgo (‘“‘Birgu,”’ Vittoriosa), on Malta, 854f., 856n, 857f., 860f., Braccio (Brazzo) di Maina, 970, 974, 990, 1004 863f., 866ff., 869, 872f., 876, 878, 886, 889, 902n; Piazza Bracciolini, Poggio (Gian Francesco), Florentine humanist (b.

of, 866f., 870 1380, d. 1459), 626

Borgo San Donnino (Fidenza), 98, 99n, 103, 261 Braga, archbishops of, see Henry of Portugal 1533-1540, BarBorgo San Sepolcro, 114, 264, 266; bishop of, see Filippo Ar- tolomé de Martyribus 1559-1581?

chinto 1539-1546 Bragadin, Ambrogio, commander at Lepanto in 1571: 1054 Borjas, see Borgias Bragadin, Andrea, son-in-law of Giorgio Corner from 1571: Boria, money-lenders in Rome, 102 Bragadin, Andrea, castellan at Famagusta (d. 1571), 1040 Bornemisza, Gregor, defender of Eger in 1552: 585 1012n

Borromeo, Camilla, daughter of Gilberto Borromeo and Bragadin, Antonio ‘“‘the Handsome,” provveditore of Nicosia Margherita de’ Medici; wife of Cesare Gonzaga di Guastalla (d. 1569), 843, 927

from 1560: 743, 789 Bragadin, Antonio, Venetian official; commander at Lepanto

Borromeo, Carlo, nephew of Pius IV; cardinal 1560-1584, (b. 1511, d. 1591), 1054

archbishop of Milan (admin.) 1560-1584: 739ff., 743, 746, | Bragadin, Filippo, Venetian naval commander (b. 1509, d.

749n, 750f., 753, 773n, 774n, 775, 776n, 777n, 778n, 1572), 847f., 850, 924n, 1022, 1023n, 1066, 1072

779n, 780n, 781n, 783, 785ff., 788f., 790n, 791n, 793, Bragadin, Lorenzo, Venetian ambassador to Rome 1535-1537:

794n, 795, 797n, 798n, 799, 801ff., 804ff., 807n, 808, 230n, 338n, 410n

810f., 813f., 816f., 819n, 821, 822n, 826f., 860n, 880n, Bragadin, Marc’ Antonio, Venetian captain (b. 1523, d. 1571),

88 Lff., 884f. 941, 991, 996, 1017, 1027ff., 1031n, 1032ff., 1035ff.,

Borromeo, family, 885 1038ff., 1041f., 1043n, 1044n

Borromeo, Federico, brother of Carlo; count of Arona from Bragadin, Marco, Venetian galley commander in 1506: 20 1558 (b. 1535, d. 1562), 739f., 743, 745; wife of, see Vir- Bragadin, Pietro, Venetian bailie in Istanbul 1523-1526: 218,

ginia della Rovere (from 1560) 233, 245, 249n, 331, 333

Borromeo, Gilberto, count of Arona (d. 1558), 743; wife of, Bragadin, Vittore, Venetian bailie in Istanbul in 1565 (b. 1520,

see Margherita de’ Medici (Medeghini), sister of Pius IV d. 1576), 845, 848, 849n, 851, 861, 880, 891f., 897 Borromeo, Giovanni, Mantuan envoy in Florence in 1527: 264, Bramante, Donato d’ Agnolo, architect (b. 1444, d. 1514), 140

280 Brami, Simone, author of an account of the sack of Prato in

Borromeo, Ortensia, half-sister of Carlo; wife of Annibale von 1512: 133n

Hohenems from 1565: 880n Brancaccio (Brancatio), Cesare, servitor of the Carafeschi around Boschetti, Isabella, mistress of Federico Il Gonzaga of Mantua, 1559: 713, 746

280 Brancia, Achille, bishop of Bova 1549-1570: 806f.

209n (d. 1568)

Bosco Marengo, 283ff., 1077 Brandenburg, 502n; margraves of, see George (b. 1484, d. 1543), Bosio, Antonio, envoy of L’ Isle-Adam to the pope in 1522; Joachim II (b. 1505, d. 1571), Albrecht of Hohenzollern Bosio, Giacomo, official Hospitaller historian (d. 1627), 203n, | Braun, Konrad, canon of Augsburg (ff. 1563), 804 210n, 853n, 862n, 873n, 895, 898, 903, 904n, 906, 937 Brazza (Brac), Dalmatian island, 948 Bosnia, 37, 59n, 61, 71, 75, 78n, 88f., 147, 149n, 150, 191n, Brazzo di Maina, see Braccio di Maina 205n, 245, 253, 301f., 380n, 421n, 424, 45I1n, 477n, 494n, Breda, 920

1114 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT

1582: 628 Budweis, 349n

Brendel von Homburg, Daniel, archbishop of Mainz 1555- ~—_ Budua (Budva), 1025ff., 1069

Brenner Pass, 125, 802 Bugenhagen, Johann, German reformer (b. 1485, d. 1558),

Brenz, Johann, Lutheran reformer (b. 1499, d. 1570), 540 405, 417, 565 Brenzone, Sylvestrani, historian (d. 1608), 1038n Bulgaria, 150, 383, 489n

Brescia, 55, 59, 62, 83, 104, 109n, 113, 115, 121, 125, 134, Bulgarians, Bulgars, 209 143n, 145n, 200n, 206, 225, 228n, 230n, 272, 279, 283, Bullinger, Heinrich, Swiss reformer (b. 1504, d. 1575), 542 424, 469, 490, 493, 495, 614, 675, 682, 684, 727, 811, Bunzlau (Bolestawiec), 435n 982n, 1064n; bishops of, see Andrea Corner 1532-1551, | Buonconvento, 601 Durante de’ Duranti (admin.) 1551-1557?, Giovanni Del- = Buonrizzo (Bonrizzo), Alvise, secretary to Marc’ Antonio Bar-

fino 1579-1584, Marino Zorzi 1596-1631; rectors of, see baro from 1568 (d. 1582), 936, 952, 954, 955n, 1022n,

Marco Dandolo and Sebastiano Giustinian (in 1509); 1027, 1070n, 1072

Venetian podesta of, see Antonio Surian (ca. 1524) Burali, Paolo, bishop of Piacenza 1568-1576, cardinal 1570-

Brescians, 83 1578, archbishop of Naples 1576-1578; 1019n

Breslau (Wroclaw), 435f., 437n, 567 Burchard (Burckhard), Johann, bishop of Orte and Civita Cas-

Bretons, 174 tellana 1503-1506 (d. 16 May, 1506), 3ff., 6ff., Off., 137n,

Breviary, the, 823 142, 153, 394n, 528

Briconi, Venetian galleon (ca. 1558), 702f. Burgio, baron of, see Giovanni Antonio Puglioni (d. ca. 1546-

Briconnet, Guillaume, son of Guillaume; bishop of Lodeéve 1548) .

1489-1515, of Meaux 1515-1534, abbot of S. Germain- Burgos, 249n, 288, 291n, 312; bishops of, see Juan Alvarez de

des-Prés 1507-1534: 106 Toledo 1537-1550, Francisco de Mendoza 1550-1566, Briconnet, Guillaume, bishop of S. Malo 1493-1514, cardinal Francisco Pacheco 1567—1579; cardinal of, see Francisco

1495-1514, archbishop of Rheims 1497-1507, of Nar- de Mendoza bonne 1507-1514, abbot of S. Germain-des-Prés 1501—- Burgundians, 53, 632, 725

1507: 92, 95, 98, 104n, 105, 107, 110f., 114, 136 Burgundy, 193, 203, 223, 238f., 321, 327, 386, 399, 473, 645, Brindisi, 55, 177f., 182n, 295, 426f., 430, 446, 848, 854n, 647,910, 958; duke of, see Charles ‘‘the Bold” 1467-1477 902, 904f., 1047, 1072, 1074; archbishops of, see Gian ‘“‘Burji,’”” Mamluk rulers in Egypt and Syria, see Mamluk Pietro Carafa (Paul IV) 1518-1524?, Jerome Aleander — Buschbell, Gottfried, historian (b. 1872, d. 1946), 827

1524-1542 Busseto, 467, lord of, see Sforza Pallavicini (from 1579) Brisighella, 264 Bustan Re’is, Ottoman captain (ff. 1524), 233

1514 Buterone, 598

Brittany, 122, 174f., 177, 370; duchess of, see Anne 1488- _ Busti, Agostino, sculptor (b. 1483, d. 1548), 117n

Brixen (Bressanone), 593; bishops of, see Bernhard von Cles __Butrinto, 407n, 427, 1102ff. (admin.) 1539, Cristoforo Madruzzo (admin.) 1542-1578 = Byzantium, 153, 162, 849n, 934; emperor of, see Michael VII

Broccardo Persico, Fra (Count), emissary of Jean de la Valette 1070-1078

in 1565: 886, 889 Broderic, Stephen, provost of Funfkirchen; bishop of Sirmium 1526?-1539?, of Funfkirchen in 1533 and 1535, of Vacium Ca Dandolo (in Venice), 234n, 331

1539 (d. 1539), 204f., 219n, 235, 236n, 244n, 253n, 319n, Cad’ Oro (in Venice), 93

321, 324n, 334f., 369, 405, 436f. Ca Giorgi (Zorzi), in Venice, 237

Brosch, Moritz, historian (b. 1829, d. 1907), 139 Ca Morosini (in Venice), 93, 237 Bruegel, Pieter (the Elder), Flemish painter (b. ca. 1525, d. Ca Nani (in Venice), 21

1569), 270n Ca Sanudo (in Venice), 82

Bruges, 210, 558; treaty of (1521), 193n Ca Valier (in Venice), 289n

1548 Cabo de Creus,472n 915 Brunecken, 105n Cabrieres, Brus, Anton, of Muglitz, archbishop of Prague 1561-1581?: Cadamosto, Gerardo, Milanese envoy in 1528: 304n Brugnato, bishop of, see Agostino Trivulzio (admin.) 1539- Ca Zen (in Venice), 344n

778f., 812n, 813, 819, 821, 824n Cadiz, bishop of, see Pietro de’ Accolti (admin.) 1511-1521

Brussels, 167, 216n, 344, 345n, 355, 358n, 480n, 504n, 509n, Caetani, Onorato, lord of Sermoneta (b. 1542, d. 1592), 1024 521, 522n, 528, 561n, 596, 597n, 603, 611n, 612n,623n, Caffa (Kaffa, Feodosiya), 128n, 156, 700, 830, 897ff. 624f., 632, 640, 645, 647, 655f., 669ff., 672, 689f.,691n, Cagli, 282n 711, 714, 744, 749n, 775, 865, 910, 916f., 918; Council Cagliari, 396f.

of, 633n Caiazzo, 268n, 270; count of, see Roberto di Sanseverino (/1.

Bucer, Martin, German Protestant reformer (b. 1491, d. 1551), 1527)

417, 453, 502n, 540, 542, 565, 791 Cairo, 19ff., 22ff., 25ff., 28ff., 31ff., 141, 165f., 183, 833, 837

Bucharest, 567n Cajetan, see Tommaso de Vio of Gaeta

Bucintoro, state galley of Venice, 20 Calabresi, 684, 1057, 1068

Buda (Ofen-Pest), 37, '78n, 127n, 157f., 159n, 163n, 236, 244n, Calabria, 272, 294, 309, 396n, 450, 583, 586, 622, 1025f.,

246f., 248n, 249, 250n, 251n, 252, 253n, 261, 278n, 313f., 1050 318n, 322, 325, 332, 334n, 340f., 347n, 352n, 354, 365, Calahorra, bishop of, see Juan Berval Diaz de Lugo 1545-1556

371, 378, 384n, 390f., 434, 435n, 436, 442ff., 455,459, Calais, 645, 691, 705 461, 471f., 478f., 490n, 530, 565f., 577, 579, 584f., 697, Calamata (Kalamata), 371 766, 834, 844, 963, 1087; pashas of, see Kasim Beg (ca. Calandra, friend of Francesco Gonzaga (fl. 1527), 282

1550), Ali Pasha Calatayud, 957

Budapest, 584, 697n Calatrava, Order of, 632 Bude, Guillaume, French humanist (b. 1467, d. 1540), 34n Calbo, Paolo, Venetian galley captain in 1505: 19

INDEX 1115 Calcara, eminence on Malta, 854, 866, 870 Campidoglio (in Rome), 353, 645, 649, 663, 718f. Calenzio, Generoso, historian of the Council of Trent (b. 1836, | Campiello della Chiesa (in Venice), 68n

d. 1915), 486n Campo dei Fiori (in Rome), 95n, 102n, 110, 111n, 126n, 145n,

Calepio, Angelo, Dominican priest of Nicosia and author (in 271f., 289, 353, 399, 413, 611, 719

1572) of an account of the war of Cyprus, 927n, 945, 947, | Campo S. Maria Formosa (in Venice), 1100n

954n, 995, 1027n, 1029, 1031n, 1032n, 1037n Campo S. Marina (in Venice), 68

1571: 1037 Campofregosi, 284

Calerghi, Francesco, Famagustan chosen to be a hostage in Campo Santo (in Pisa), 106n Calergi, Andrea, sopracomito of a Venetian galley in 1571: Campofregoso, Annibale, brother of Cesare (ff. 1528), 284n

1051 Campofregoso, Cesare, Genoese soldier occupying Genoa in 1564 Campofregoso, Giovanni, doge of Genoa in 1512 and 1513:

Calgi, bishop of, see Cristoforo del Monte 1525-1550?; 1556- 1527: 284f.

Calicut (Kozhikode), in southwestern India, 18, 23 129n, 130, 135

Calixtus III (Alfonso Borgia, or Alonso de Borja), bishop of ‘“‘Canaletto,”’ see Antonio da Canale Valencia 1429-1455, cardinal 1444-1455, pope 1455- =Canano, Giulio, bishop of Adria 1554-1591, cardinal 1583-

1458: 4n, 14, 143n, 147, 510n, 1063 1592, bishop of Modena 1591-1592: 539n, 602n Calle delle Rasse (in Venice), 331 Candia (Herakleion, Iraklion), 23, 25, 27, 30, 32, 60, 155, Calogiera, Demetrius, of Nauplia, father of Constantine, 926 191, 200n, 206n, 212ff., 217, 295, 335n, 402, 533n, 536,

Calvi, 624; bishop of, see Gasparo dal Fosso 1551-1560 586, 588, 696, 843, 880, 907ff., 924n, 933, 945, 954, Calvin, John, reformer (b. 1509, d. 1564), 540, 542, 790n 967, 973n, 975n, 976ff., 979, 981, 982n, 983ff., 986ff.,

Calvinism, 1, 565, 704, 714, 720, 773, 909 991, 994n, 997, 1O0If., 1004ff., 1007n, 1008, 1014, 1017, Calvinists, 453, 566, 628, 633n, 642, 766n, 773f., 781, 809, 1018n, 1021ff., 1025ff., 1030, 1032, 1035, 1037, 1038n,

1088 1039f., 1045, 1052, 1055, 1066, 1072f., 1078, 1082f.,

Camaiani, Onofrio (Nofri), brother of Pietro; agent of Cosimo 1086, 1101; archbishop of, see Lorenzo Campeggio (ad-

I (b. 1517, d. 1574), 618n, 619n, 620n min.) 1534-1536; dukes of, see Paolo Antonio Miani (ca.

Camaiani, Pietro, bishop of Fiesole 1552-1566, of Ascoli Piceno 1510), Marco Minio (in 1522), Alvise Renier (ca. 1550);

1566-1579: 546n, 547n, 548f., 553n, 559, 560n, 562ff., war of (1645), 1097

592f., 594n, 595, 619n Candiotes, 1072n

Camaldulensians, Order of, 146; and see Paolo Giustinian, Vin- Canea, 945, 982n, 986ff., 1017, 1022, 1101

cenzo (Pietro) Querini Canisio, Egidio, general of the Augustinians, cardinal 1517-

Cambiano, Giuseppe, Hospitaller envoy in Rome in 1565 and 1532, bishop of Viterbo 1523-1532, titular patriarch of

1568: 853n, 936 Constantinople 1524-1530, bishop of Zara (admin.) 1530-

Cambrai, 54, 56, 78, 167, 323n, 325n, 478n, 647; League of 1532?, bishop of Lanciano 1532: 39, 56, 111n, 121, 122n,

(1508), 25f., 28f., 34, 40, 43, DIf., 54ff., 57f., 63, 65f., 134n, 165n, 167, 183 6Off., 72f., 75, 78, 81, 90, 93f., 102n, 108, 116n, 118, Cannaregio (in Venice), 298n, 631, 849

132n, 141, 144, 148n, 154n, 180, 196, 409, 653; treaty Cano, Melchor, Spanish theologian (b. 1509, d. 1560), 542 of (1529), 239n, 322f., 327, 329, 332, 335n, 346f., 360, | Canobio, Gian Francesco, papal diplomat; bishop of Forli 1580-

367, 399 1587?: 775

Camera Apostolica, 4, 36, 50n, 65, 274n, 355, 466, 506, 533, Canosa di Puglia, 293n, 294n

634, 660, 721, 736, 747, 753, 779, 956, 976, 1003 Cantalovo, Francesco, Milanese printer (ff. 1537), 407n Camerino, 12, 272, 402, 426n, 538, 551f., 561, 743; bishop Cantalupo, Francesco, French agent in 1527: 268 of, see Sisto Gara della Rovere 1508-1509; duchess of, see Cantelmo, Cesare, French agent in Istanbul ca. 1541: 459n Caterina Cibo-Varano (b. 1501, d. 1557); dukes of, see Canterbury, 193n; archbishop of, see Reginald de la Pole (adGiovanni Maria 1515-1528, Ottavio Farnese (from 1540); min.) 1555 (consecrated 1556)-1558

see also Varani Cantiano, 282

Camerlenghi di Commun (in Venice), 12, 608n, 771 Cantone (in Trent), 777n

‘‘Camieniecz,’’ 314 Caorle, bishop of, see Egidio Falcetta 1542-1563

Camillo de’ Medici (fl. 1565), 860n Capaccio, 499n; bishops of, see Enrico Loffredo 1531-1547, Caminiecz, bishop of, see John Drohojowski 1545-1546 Francesco Sfondrato 1547-1549, Girolamo Verallo 1549-— Campagna, Girolamo, sculptor (b. 1549, d. before 1625), 1099 1553? Campagna, Roman, 37, 138, 151, 282, 649, 656, 663, 667n, Cape Africa, 533

676, 685, 720, 742 Cape Arnauti, 972

Campania, 216, 306f. Cape Campanella, 296

Campanile (in Venice), 92f. Cape Colonna, 1050

Campeggio, Gianbattista, son of Lorenzo; bishop of Majorca Cape Corse (on Corsica), 624n

1532-1561?: 500n, 544 Cape Gallo, 1084

Campeggio, Lorenzo, bishop of Feltre 1512-1520, cardinal Cape Gelidonya (Khelidonia), 972 1517-1539, archbishop of Bologna 1523-1525, bishop of | Cape Greco (on Cyprus), 934, 1005ff. Salisbury (admin.) 1524-1539, of Huesca and Jacca (ad- Cape Maina (Matapan), 1083 min.) 1530-1532, of Parenzo 1533-1537, archbishop of | Cape Malea, 27, 933 Candia (admin.) 1534-1536: 183, 185f., 187n, 219, 223, | Cape of Good Hope, 348, 532 236n, 297, 299, 352, 353n, 355ff., 358, 359n, 361n,417n, Cape Passero, 872

467, 500n Cape S. Andreas (on Cyprus), 1005n

Campeggio, Lorenzo, would-be assassin of George Martinuzzi Cape S. Angelo, see Malea

in 1551: 576 Cape Salamone (Akra Plaka), promontory on Crete, 975n, 984,

Campeggio, Tommaso, brother of cardinal Lorenzo; bishop of 1005

Feltre 1520-1547? (d. 1564), 467, 493 Cape Spartivento, 1050

1116 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Capece, Marcello, nephew of Giovanni Carafa and alleged lover Carafa, Antonio, duke of Mondragone; son-in-law of Marc’

of Giovanni’s wife (d. 1559), 678n, 711, 747f., 751 Antonio Colonna (ff. 1571), 1024 Capella, Febo, Venetian official and representative (b. ca. 1490, | Carafa, Antonio, son of Gian Alfonso; marquis of Montebello

d. 1559), 663ff., 667n, 668f., 670n, 671n, 673 from 1556 (d. 1588), 624, 625n, 629, 634n, 640f., 649, Capelli, Antonio, Venetian printer (ff. 1517), 137n 654, 657, 670, 673, 677n, 678, 680ff., 683f., 686fF., 689,

Capelli, Silvano, Venetian printer (fl. 1517), 137n 713, 724, 731, 733, 735f., 746f.

Capello, Bernardo, nephew and correspondent of Tommaso — Carafa, Carlo, son of Gian Alfonso and nephew of Paul IV;

Mocenigo (fl. 1530), 342 cardinal 1555-1561, bishop of Cominges (admin.) 1556-

Capello, Carlo, Venetian ambassador to Florence in 1530, to 1561?: 624f., 629ff., 633, 636ff., 639ff., 643n, 644f., 647ff.,

England in 1531: 341, 342n, 348 650f., 655f., 660ff., 663f., 666ff., 669ff., 672fF., 675ff.,

Capello, Paolo, Venetian envoy to Rome in 1509: 64, 72n, 678ff., 683ff., 686ff., 689ff., 694, 703, 710ff., 713, 719, 394n; Venetian provveditore generale in 1510: 113n; 722fF., 725ff., 728ff., 7316f., 734ff., 737ff., 742fF., 745ff.,

Venetian provwveditore generale in 1512: 79n 749ff., 752ff., 755

Capello, Vincenzo, Venetian captain-general in the 1530s: 358, | Carafa, Cesare, volunteer for the Venetians in 1570: 956n

366n, 367n, 395n, 429, 438f., 446, 447n Carafa Chapel (in S. Maria sopra Minerva), 720

Capestrano, 293 Carafa, Diomede, nephew of Paul IV; bishop of Ariano 1511Capilupi, Ippolito, Mantuan man of politics; bishop of Fano 1560, cardinal 1555-1560: 644, 710, 723

1560-1567? (d. 1580), 557, 656, 689 Carafa, Diomede, son of Giovanni, duke of Paliano, and Violante Capilupo, Schiavo Lelio, poet (b. 1497, d. 1563), 273n Garlonia d’ Alife, 683, 685, 752n Capitulation (of 25 May, 1571), see Holy League Carafa, Elisabetta, sister of Paul IV; wife of Luigi Orsini, 621n Capitulation (of 27 February, 1573), see Holy League Carafa, Gian Alfonso, elder brother of Paul IV; count of MonCapitulation (of 7 March, 1573), 1091ff., 1094f., 1097, 1099 torio, 624

‘“‘Capitulations” (by Selim II) of 1569, 401, 841n Carafa, Gian Antonio, father of Paul 1V; count of Montorio Capizucchi, Giannangelo, cardinal 1555-1569, bishop of Lodi (d. 1516), 624

1557-1569: 644 Carafa, Giovanni, son of Gian Alfonso; count of Montorio, Capo Colonna, 701 duke of Paliano from 1556 (d. 1561), 624, 629, 634, 640ff.,

Capo d’ Orso, battle of (1528), 296f. 643, 645f., 649, 651ff., 655f., 659ff., 666, 669ff., 672f., Capo d’ Otranto, 584, 589n, 977, 1074 675, 677, 678n, 679n, 680, 683, 685f., 688, 689n, 691, Capo delle Gatte, on Cyprus, 1043 702ff., 706, 711ff., 727, 729f., 739, 742ff., 745ff., 748,

Capo S. Maria di Leuca, 582, 701, 1081 749n, 750n, 751f., 753n, 754n; wife of, see Violante GarCapodistria (Byz. Justinopolis, Koper, Kopar), 406n, 905, 1010; lonia d’ Alife

bishop of, see Pietro Paolo Vergerio 1536-1549 Carafa, Giovanni Pietro, see Paul IV

Cappadocia, 100 Carafa, Oliviero, archbishop of Naples 1458-1484, cardinal Cappella del Rosario (in SS. Giovanni e Paolo in Venice), 1100 1467-1511: 8f., 10n, 63, 65f., 72, 626n, 719 Cappella del Santissimo Sacramento (in S. Peter’s), 719 Carafeschi, 636f., 639f., 642, 647ff., 650f., 655f., 661, 663f.,

Cappella del Volto Santo (in S. Peter’s), 719 666, 668, 671f.,674f.,677f., 683, 685f., 688n, 689n, 690,

Cappella Giulia (in S. Peter’s), 140 701, 711ff., 718f., 721, 724, 727ff., 735ff., 742ff., 745fFf., Cappella Paolina (in the Vatican Palace), 10n, 508f., 510n, 748ff., 751, 752n, 753f., 965n, 969

511f., 514, 520, 523ff., 529,613, 619f.,621n, 719, 722ff., | Caramania (Karaman), 179, 530, 590, 703, 971, 996, 1027,

732, 735, 737f., 883, 885 1032n, 1043

Cappella Sistina, see Sistine Chapel Caramussa, Turkish corsair (fl. ca. 1505), 37; same as CaraCapponi, Guglielmo, bishop of Cortona 1505-1515: 105 massan, Turkish corsair (ff. 1513)?, 155

Capponi, Niccolo, Florentine envoy; gonfaloniere in 1527 (b. Caramusalini, caramusolini, Turkish fast vessels, 874n, 879, 981,

1437, d. 1529), 114, 117, 277 982n, 984, 1005, 1028, 1038n, 1040, 1095

Caprarola, 661n Carbone, Bernardino, party in the peace of Cave (1557), 688 Capri, 295f., 303 Carcassonne, bishops of, see Vitellozzo Vitelli (admin.) 1567-

Capriana, Antonio, physician at the Council of Trent in 1561: 1568, Annibale Rucellai 1569-1601

776 Carceri del Sant’ Ufficio (in Rome), 718

Capua, 14, 109, 293f., 307, 309; archbishops of, see Nicholas | Carducci, Baldassare, Florentine ambassador to France in 1529:

Schénberg 1520-1536; Niccolo Gaetano di Sermoneta 323n

Strozzi Carinola, 307 1546-1549?; 1564-1572? (admin.); prior of, see Leone Carin, 477n

Caracalla, Baths of, 399 792n Caracciolo, Marino, diplomat and cardinal 1535-1538: 237, Carlo de’ Grassi, bishop of Montefiascone and Corneto 1555Capuano, Pietro, castellan of Civitavecchia in 1555: 634 Carinthia, 192, 231, 249, 318, 433n, 442, 547, 564, 661, 790,

413 1571, cardinal 1570-1571: 965 776, 823f. 1545, d. 1568), 708 140 Carmelites, Order of, 188, 740

Caracciolo, Niccolo Maria, bishop of Catania 1537-1567: 544, | Carlos (Don Carlos), son of Philip I] and Marie of Portugal (b.

Caracosa, corsair (fl. 1571), 1045f., 1052f., 1055ff. Carlos de Avalos (Carlo d’ Avalos, b. 1541, d. 1612), Italian Caradosso, Cristoforo Foppa, goldsmith (b. ca. 1452, d. 1527), commander of Spanish origin, 1069n Carafa, Alfonso, son of Antonio; cardinal 1557-1565, arch- Carne, (Sir) Edward, English diplomat (d. 1561), 639, 648 bishop of Naples 1557-1565: 625n, 678, 679n, 710f., 721, | Carnesecchi de’ Medici, Pietro, papal secretary and heretic (b. 722n, 723ff., 731, 733ff., 736ff., 742, 744ff., 747fF., 750n, 1508, d. 1567), 385n, 387f., 389ff., 421n

7536. Carniola, 52, 192, 231, 244, 249, 337, 354, 371, 433n, 661,

Carafa, Antonio, cardinal 1566-1591: 753, 1002 790, 792n

INDEX 1117 Caroldo, Gian Giacomo, Venetian secretary and historian (fl. Castellesi da Corneto, Adriano, cardinal, 1503-1521/1522:

1509), 62n 13, 47ff., 112n, 167f., 173n

Carpentras, 449n; bishop of, see Jacopo Sadoleto 1517-1535? Castello, at Sopoto, 1091 Carpi, 261f., 287, 430n; count of, see Alberto Pio (b. 1475, d. Castello del Buonconsiglio (in Trent), 491, 777n

1576: 912 117n

1550); and see Rodolfo Pio Castello Ostiense, 668

Carranza de Miranda, Barolome, archbishop of Toledo 1557-— — Castello Sforzesco (in Milan), 117n, 248; Sala degli Scarlioni,

Cartagena, 177, 912, 915, 945ff.; bishops of, see Bernardino Castelnuovo (Hercegnovi, on the Boka Kotorska [Gulf of Ko-

de Carvajal 1493-1495, Juan Siliceo 1541-1546 tor]), 429, 446, 447n, 888, 903f., 967, 987, 1000n, 1025, Carte Strozziane, 113n 1045 Carthage, 148, 193, 397, 905 Castiglione, Baldassare, Count, Italian humanist (b. 1478, d. Carthusians, Order of, 295; and see Certosa, Monte Subasio 1529), 223n, 232, 242n, 243n, 249n, 250, 258n, 259n, Carystus, 832 268, 273n, 432, 458n Casa Aldobrandina, 633n Castile, 35n, 41, 48, 49n, 55, 70, 85, 126, 187f., 200, 203n,

Casa Cazuffi (in Trent), 777n 312, 414, 632, 1014, 1021, 1054, 1070, 1074; Cortes of,

Casa d’ Este, 600 558; Hospitallers from, 207, 854, 862f., 866f., 868n, 869f.;

Casablanca, 789n 1504 Casale, 96, 111n, 666, 675 Castilians, 810

Casa del Duca di Ferrara (in Venice), 288n king of, see Philip I (in 1506); queen of, see Isabella 1474-

Casale, Alessandro, present at the conclave of 1559: 727 Castro (Acquapendente), bishop of, see Girolamo Maccabeo Casale, (Sir) Gregory, English ambassador to Rome in the 1520s: 1543-1568?

230n, 266, 276n, 330 Castro (in Apulia), 431, 520, 553, 563, 585, 641; duke of, see

1525-1529 Castrocaro, 114

Casale di Monferrato, bishop of, see Bernardino della Barba Orazio Farnese 1549-1553?

Cascina, 956 Castrum (or Collachium), Hospitaller quarter at Rhodes, 208

Caserta, 294, 307n; bishops of, see Girolamo Verallo 1541- = Catalans, 28, 71, 86, 192n, 1014; and see Felipe de Paredes

1544, Girolamo Dandino 1544-1546 Catalonia, 84f., 345, 632, 1014; see also Aragon-Catalonia

Casino (or Villa Pia), in the Vatican Gardens, 881 Cataneo, Gianmaria, translator of Isocrates (ff. 1509), 58n

Caspian Sea, 100 Catania, 866, 890f.; bishop of, see Niccolo Maria Caracciolo

Cassano, bishops of, see Durante de’ Duranti 1541-1551, Mark 1537-1567

Sittich von Hohenems 1560-1561; marchese of, see Giovan Cateau-Cambrésis, treaty of (1559), 606n, 706, 708f., 713,

Battista Castaldo (b. 1493, d. after 1565) 720, 726, 728, 734, 758f., 766f., 773, 833, 835, 837f., Cassano d’ Adda, 61 841, 853n, 888 Castagna, Gianbattista, see Urban VII Catechism, 823

Castagnola, Giorgio, bishop of Melos 1545—1560?: 755 Catherine, daughter of Ferdinand I and Anna, daughter of Castaldo, Giovan Battista, Italian soldier (b. 1493, d. probably Ladislas of Bohemia and Hungary; wife of Francesco III after 1565), 568ff., 571f6., 574ff., 577f., 579n, 580f., 584, Gonzaga from 1549 (b. 1533, d. 1572), 801

585n Catherine, daughter of Philip I and Joanna, daughter of Fer-

Castel Bolognese, 6n, 264 dinand II; wife of John III of Portugal 1525-1557 (b.

Castel della Pieve, 6 1507, d. 1578), 1063n Castel cell’ Uovo (in Naples), 14n Catherine de’ Medici, daughter of Lorenzo II and Madeleine

Castel Gandolfo, 675 de la Tour d’ Auvergne, niece of Clement VII; wife of

Castel Guelfo di Bologna, 264 Henry II of France 1533-1559 (d. 1589), 167n, 367, 370, Castel Nuovo (at Naples), 13, 297n 374n, 391, 506, 520, 599n, 649, 685n, 729, 766n, 767n, Castel S. Angelo, 3, 5ff., 8f., In, 12n, 131n, 168n, 218, 222, 775, 806, 815, 831ff., 837ff., 842, 849f., 887ff., 912, 930,

255f., 271, 273ff., 276f., 282f., 285f., 288, 289n, 290, 939, 941, 945, 949n, 958, 963, 1062n, 1066, 1088f.

299, 316, 339, 351n, 353, 418n, 434n, 443n, 444n, 486n, Catholic League (1576), 1088 505, 514f., 528f., 534, 611, 634f., 638, 641, 652f., 656, Catholicism, 85, 190n, 202, 262, 336n, 353f., 378, 385, 414n,

658f., 663, 677, 678n, 680n, 688f., 711, 721, 738, 745ff., 417, 422, 453, 486, 496, 502, 545, 566, 626, 628, 633,

748, 753f., 860, 881, 1017 644, 710, 714f., 756, 769, 773, 791f., 797, 806, 811, 816,

Castel S. Angelo (on Malta), 843n 828, 911, 920 Castel S$. Angelo, town near Vicovaro, 675 Catholics, 361, 364n, 401, 421, 435, 452f., 460f., 463, 466, Castel S. Arcangelo, 907 477, 484, 503f., 540n, 543, 545, 565, 629, 633, 705, Castel S. Elmo (near Naples), 295 714f., 718, 720, 757, 760, 774, 783, 785n, 786, 810, 828, Castel S. Giovanni (in the Piacentino), 286 888, 920, 1019n, 1088, 1103 Castel S$. Giovanni (now San Giovanni in Persiceto), 261 ff. Cattaro (Kotor), 17, 57, 60, 71n, 88, 193n, 408, 424f., 429,

Castel S. Piero (near Ravenna), 93n, 115 446, 471n, 474, 475n, 770, 849n, 903, 923, 929, 947, Castel S. Pietro (near Bologna), 263 970, 1002, 1025f., 1045f.; governor-general of, see GiaCastel S. Pietro, built by the Knights of Rhodes on Zephyria, como Malatesta (in 1571) an island near Halicarnassus (1404), 182 Caucasus, 1098 Castel Tornese (Clermont), on the Moreote coast, see Chlou- Cava, 198

moutsi Cavalerio, Niccolo, of Sarzana, papal commissioner in 1565: Castelfranco, 330, 488n 859 Castellammare, 296 Cave, 687; marquis of, see Diomede Carafa, son of Giovanni, Castellaneta, bishop of, see Bartolommeo Sirigo 1544-1577? duke of Paliano; peace of (1557), 687n, 688, 708n, 710,

Castellazzo, suburb of Piacenza, 261 712f., 729, 736, 739, 742ff., 745, 750

1118 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Cave (Cavus), Jean, eye-witness to the sack of Rome in 1527: of Castile; prince of the Netherlands 1516-1555, king of

273n Spain 1516-1556, king of Naples and Sicily 1516-1556,

Cefalu, bishop of, see Ramon de Vich (admin.) 1518-1525 emperor 1519-1556 (d. 1558), 1, 41, 70, 112n, 125n, Celestine III (Hyacinthus Bobo Orsini), pope 1191-1198: 756 131, 142, 167, 170, 178ff., 186n, 187f., 190ff., 193ff., Celestine IV (Goffredo Castiglione), cardinal 1227-1241, pope 196f., 199ff., 202f., 206n, 207f., 212n, 213n, 216ff., 21 9ff.,

in 1241: 615 292f., 224n, 226ff., 229ff., 232, 233n, 234f., 236n, 237fF.,

Celibacy, 354, 460, 499, 790n, 810 240ff., 243ff., 246, 247n, 248n, 249ff., 252, 253n, 254ff., Celidonio, Alessio, bishop of Gallipoli 1494-1508, of Molfetta 957f., 259n, 260ff., 263, 265f., 268, 269n, 273f., 276f.,

1508-1517: 135, 136n 279f., 283n, 284f., 287n, 288ff., 291f., 295, 298ff., 303,

Cellini, Benvenuto, Italian artist (b. 1500, d. 1571), 528n 305, 307, 310ff., 313, 315, 322ff., 326n, 327ff., 330ff., Celsi, Giacomo (Jacopo), Venetian provveditore of the fleet 333ff., 336ff., 339ff., 342, 343n, 344, 346ff., 349ff., 352, from ca. 1568 (b. 1520), 928, 935, 953, 967, 978ff., 982, 353n, 354ff., 357ff., 360ff., 363f., 366ff., 369ff., 372ff.,

984n 375ff., 378ff., 381ff., 384ff., 387ff., 390n, 391ff., 395ff.,

Celsi da Napi, Giovanni, Roman merchant (fl. 1559), 719 398ff., 401f., 405ff., 409f., 41 2FF., 41 5fF., 418, 420, 423Ff.,

Cenci, church of the (in Rome), 626 426f., 429, 430n, 431f., 434ff., 437, 440ff., 444ff., 447,

Ceneda, bishops of, see Marino Grimani 1508-1517, Giovanni 450ff., 453, 456f., 458n, 459ff., 462ff., 465n, 466f., 469n,

Grimani 1540-1545, Michele della Torre 1547-1586 470, 472n, 473, 475n, 478ff., 481ff., 484ff., 488, 489n,

Cenis, Mount, 148 490, 493ff., 496ff., 499n, 500ff., 503f., 508f.,510n, 514f.,, Centorio degli Hortensii, Ascanio, Italian historian (f7. 1552- 517f., 520ff., 523, 525, 527f., 533ff., 537ff., 540ff., 545ff,,

1579), 566n, 567n, 569n, 573, 576, 580 548ff., 551f., 554 ff., 557fF., 560ff., 563f., 566, 569, 571,

Centurioni, Genoese family, 957n 580ff., 584n, 592f., 595ff., 598, 602f., 605n, 606n, 609, Cephalonia, 402, 431, 584, 902, 923, 929, 947, 959, 975, 985, 6llin, 612, 618, 621n, 625, 627, 629, 632ff., 635f., 638,

989, 1008, 1026, 1045, 1051f., 1082ff., 1086 640ff., 644, 646ff., 649f., 651n, 653ff., 656f7., 659, 664n,

Ceprano (ancient Fregellae), 659n 665, 667, 669n, 671, 673, 676, 681, 690, 692f., 697f., Cerberus, 189 702n, 705, 708, 711, 714, 716f., 738, 749f., 755, 773, ‘“‘Ceremoniale Romanum,” 137n 779, 796, 799f., 852, 854, 859, 879, 890f., 894, 910, 914, Ceresari, Girolamo (also ‘‘Lodovico’’), Mantuan agent in 1528: 920, 933, 983, 992, 993n, 1048, 1099

292Ff. Charles VI, German emperor from 1711 (b. 1685, d. 1740), Cerignola, 294n 1104 Cerigo (Cythera, Kythera), 30, 445, 584, 586, 835,959, 1008, | Charles VIII, son of Louis XI; king of France 1483-1498,

1O80ff., 1083f., 1103 titular king of Naples 1495-1498: 1, 6, 15, 53, 83n, 161f., Cerigotto, 30 166n, 167n, 653, 657, 668 Certosa, Carthusian monastery near Pavia, 286 Charles IX, son of Henry II and Catherine de’ Medici; king Cervia (Zervia), 62, 121n, 277, 291n, 297ff., 300, 302, 310, of France 1560-1574: 767n, 771, 775, 794, 796, 806, 322n, 323n, 327, 330ff., 339f., 346, 674, 879n; bishop 808, 820, 831, 833ff., 836ff., 839f., 842, 844n, 849, 852,

of, see Paolo de’ Cesi (admin.) 1525-1528 878, 879n, 887n, 888ff., 901, 905, 910n, 911, 912n, 913,

Cervini, Marcello, see Marcellus II 915, 916n, 922, 926, 930, 937ff., 944, 945n, 946n, 948f., Cesare de’ Nobili, papal nuncio to France in 1537: 430n 951, 958, 960, 963, 965, 969f., 971n, 995n, 998f., 1008,

Cesarini, Alessandro, cardinal 1517-1542, bishop of Pamplona 1014ff., 1049, 1062, 1066f., 1068n, 1075f., 1079f., 1081n, 1520-1538, archbishop of Otranto (admin.) 1526-1536?, 1087ff., 1091; wife of, see Elizabeth, daughter of Maximilian bishop of Alessano (admin.) 1526-1531, of Cuenca (admin.) II (b. 1554, d. 1592)

1538-1542: 201n, 335n, 351, 634 Charles (‘‘the Bold”’), son of Philip III; duke of Burgundy 1467Cesarini, Giuliano, Roman noble, 505, 634, 689, 718 1477: 190, 223

Cesena, 4, 12f., 55, 129, 292, 419n Charles, son of Ferdinand I and Anna of Bohemia; archduke Cesi, Pietro Donato, bishop of Narni (admin.) 1546-1566?, of Austria (b. 1540, d. 1590), 801, 844, 921, 1063n cardinal 1570-1586: 519, 965, 1070, 1090 Charles, son of Francis I and Claude, daughter of Louis XII;

Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 348 duke of Orléans and Angouléme (b. 1522, d. 1545), 400,

Chalons-sur-Marne, bishop of, see Robert de Lenoncourt 1535- 455, 473, 481, 493

1550? Charles, son of Francis I, duke of Lorraine and Christine of

Champagne, 473 Denmark; duke of Lorraine (b. 1543, d. 1608), 1067 Champigny, 556n Charles d’ Albret, brother of Henri; prince of Navarre (/.

Chandilla, site of mills on Chios, 895 1528), 309

Chapel of the Virgin (in the cathedral of Rouen), 80n Charles d’ Angennes de Rambouillet, bishop of Le Mans 1556Chapuys, Eustace, imperial ambassador to England in 1542: 1587, French ambassador to Rome in 1570, cardinal 1570-

462n 1587: 960, 965, 969, 971n, 998f., LO66fF.

Charlemagne, co-king of the Franks 768-771, king 771-800, Charles de Bourbon, bishop of Nevers 1540-1545?, of Saintes

emperor 800-814: 190, 381, 538, 716 1545-1550?, cardinal 1548-1590, archbishop of Rouen

Charles I of Anjou, Angevin king of Naples and Sicily (1266) 1550-1582, bishop of Beauvais (admin.) 1569-1575: 515,

1268-1282, “king” of Albania 1272-1285, prince of 527, 619, 722n

Achaea 1278-1285, king of Naples 1282-1285: 109 Charles de Bourbon-Montpensier, son of Gilbert de Bourbon Charles II d’ Amboise, lord of Chaumont (d. 1511), 72, 93, and Chiara Gonzaga; count of Montpensier 1501-1527,

182 duke of Bourbon 1505-—1527, constable of France 1515-

Charles III, son of Philip I and Claudia, daughter of Jean II 1527 (b. 1490, d. 1527), 225, 228, 230n, 238f., 243n, of Brosse, count of Penthiévre; duke of Savoy 1504-1553: 256f., 261ff., 264ff., 267ff., 270f., 278n, 281, 287, 350, 173, 332, 338, 441n, 471, 525; wife of, see Beatrice, 563; wife of, see Suzanne de Bourbon (d. 1521) daughter of Manuel of Portugal 1521-1538 Charles de Brissac, French soldier (b. ca. 1505, d. 1563), 701, Charles V, son of Philip the Handsome and Joanna (‘‘the Mad’’) 709n

INDEX 1119 Charles de Guise, archbishop of Rheims 1538-1574, cardinal Christoval de Arcos, translator of Jacobus Fontanus (ff. 1526),

1547-1574, “cardinal of Lorraine,’ 513n, 515, 519f., 203n

522ff., 525n, 527n, 600n, 614, 641ff., 644, 657, 712, Church, Latin, or Roman Catholic, see Roman Catholic Church 716f., 719n, 722n, 723, 724n, 725n, 750, 767, 774n, 777n, Cibo, Caterina, daughter of Franceschetto Cibo and Magdalena

778, 785, 793ff., 796f., 799, 801n, 802ff., 806ff., 809, de’ Medici; wife of Giovanni Maria Varano, duke of Ca-

811, 814ff., 818ff., 821, 823ff., 830, 888 merino 1515-1528 (b. 1501, d. 1557; married 1520Charles de Hemart de Denonville, bishop of Macon 1531- 1528), 272 1538, cardinal 1536-1540, bishop of Amiens (admin.) Cibo, Innocenzo, cardinal 1513-1550, archbishop of S. An-

1538-1540: 399, 400n, 406f., 412, 433n drew’s (admin.) 1513-1514, bishop of Marseille (admin.)

Charles de Lannoy, imperial viceroy of Naples (b. ca. 1482, d. 1517-1530, of Aleria (admin.) 1518-1520, archbishop of 1527), 212n, 213n, 224f., 226n, 227, 229n, 231, 233, Messina (admin.) 1538-1550: 223, 234, 239n, 243n, 246f.,

239n, 242n, 257, 259f., 262f., 265f., 268, 285 337, 506, 509, 513, 516f., 518n, 519, 523ffF., 528n

Charles de Marillac, French diplomat: bishop of Vannes 1550-— —_ Cicada, Gianbattista, bishop of Albenga (admin.) 1543-1554,

1557, archbishop of Vienne 1557-1560: 449n, 456n, 550n, cardinal 1551-1570: 610, 611n, 613, 619n, 620, 737, 551, 678 748, 770n, 785, 786n, 787, 789, 865 Charles de Poupet, seigneur de la Chaux, member of Charles Cigalla, captain imprisoned by the Turks ca. 1564: 836f.

V’s regency council in 1522: 208 Cilicia, 150, 768n

Charles de Rambouillet, see Charles d’ Angennes de Rambouillet | Cimera, the, coastal region of Albania, 903

Charles de Tessieres, galley commander ca. 1560, 758 Cimeriotti, 903

Charolais, 238 Ciphut Sinan of Smyrna, Jewish corsair ca. 1531: 347n, 395n Charry, sieur de, see Jacques Prevost Circassians, 830

Chartres, bishop of, see Erard de la Marck 1507-1525? Cirni Corso, Antonfrancesco, author of a contemporary account

Chateau la Bastie d’ Urfe, near Lyon, 507n of the siege of Malta in 1565 (b. 1510, d. 1583?), 762£.,

Chaumont, lord of, see Charles II d’ Amboise (d. 1511) 853n, 857n, 860n, 868n, 869, 871f., 873n, 874 Chelm, bishop of, see John Drohojowski 1546-1551 Cistercians, Order of, 48

Chenonceau, 766n Cisterna (in the Vatican), 881

Chercell, 234 Citadel, in Cairo, 28, 31, 33 Cherea, Francesco, Venetian host of Broderic and Rincén in Citard, Matthias, confessor of Ferdinand II in 1563: 804

1530: 334 Citta di Castello, 12n, 646; bishops of, see Antonio del Monte

Cherso, island in the Quarnaro, 65 1503-1506, Achille Grassi 1506-15112, Marino Grimani Chesme (Cesme), Turkish village, 894 (admin.) 1534-1539, Vitellozzo Vitelli 1554-1560

Chianas, 598 Cittadella, 13, 67 Chians, 83, 894f., 898f., 903 Cittanova, 803; bishops of, see Francesco Pisani (admin.) 1526Chesneau; Jean, secretary to Gabriel de Luetz (ff. 1546), 483n Citta Leonina, 881

Chiara de’ Medici (Medeghini), sister of Pius IV, wife of Wolf 1535, Matteo Priolo 1561-1565

Dietrich, lord of Hohenems, 743 Ciudad Rodrigo, 498n; bishops of, see Pedro Pacheco 1537-

Chiemsee, 548n 1539, Francisco de Navarra 1542-1545

Chieregati, Francesco, papal legate, bishop of Teramo 1522- —_Cividale del Friuli (Forum Julium, Forogiulio), 55, 67, 337n

1539: 219, 417n Civita Castellana, 5n, 140, 268, 276, 288, 290f., 713; bishops

Chieti, 292f., 780n; archbishops of, see Gian Pietro Carafa 1537- of, see Orte, bishops of 1549, Bernardino Maffei 1549-1553; cardinal of, seeGian Civita Lavinia (Lanuvio), in the Alban Hills, 713

Pietro Carafa Civitavecchia, 4n, 80, 140, 163n, 164, 202, 221, 224, 257f., 49, 102, 168n, 272 470, 510, 595, 623, 634ff., 652f., 660, 665, 687, 690f.,

Chigi, Agostino, Sienese banker in Rome (b. 1465, d. 1520), 260, 261n, 269n, 270n, 276, 282, 288, 299f., 311, 412,

Chigi, Sienese family of bankers, 102 703, 881, 940, 1017, 1024; castellan of, see Pietro Capuano Chigi, Sigismondo, brother of Agostino (b. 1479, d. 1525),272 Civitella del Tronto, 292, 680ff.

Chinchilla, castle of (Spain), 14 Civitella di Romagna, 264

Chioggia, 116f., 237, 587, 1002n, 1025; podesta of, 116 Civran, Girolamo, Venetian secretary, 331, 332n, 333, 461n,

Chios (Scio), 77, 81n, 83, 344, 345n, 541, 588, 710f., 756, 462n, 479n

75'7n, 776, 879, 893ff., 896ff., 899, 901ff., 919, 944,971n, Clarice de’ Medici, wife of Filippo Strozzi (d. 1528), 599n 1007, 1057n, 1102; bishops of, see Franco Sauli (removed Claude, daughter of Louis XII and Anne, daughter of Francis

1552-1553), Giovanbattista Giustiniani (from ca. 1558), Il of Brittany; wife of Francis 1 1514-1524: 287 Vincenzo Giustiniani (from 1562), Timoteo Giustiniani Claude, son of Claude of Lorraine; duke of Aumale from 1547

1564-1568? (b. 1526, d. 1573), 664n

Chios Canal, 895n Claude d’ Urfeé, French ambassador to Rome in 1549: 507, Chiusi, 600; bishop of, see Giovanni Ricci 1545-1554? 510, 512, 514f., 517f., 519n, 528, 549 Chloumoutsi (Clermont, Castel Tornese), 700 Claude de Bourbon, son of Philippe de Bourbon and Louise Chojenski, John, secretary to Sigismund I in 1528: 321 d’ Albret-Borgia, 14

Chrina, site of a garden on Chios, 895 Claude de Fosses, secretary of Henry II; conclavist of Georges Christian II, son of John (Hans) and Christina of Saxony, king d’ Armagnac in 1550: 518 of Denmark and Norway 1513-1523, of Sweden 1520— —_ Claude de Givry, bishop of Langres (admin.) 1528-1561, bishop

1523 (d. 1559), 180, 323, 378n of Poitiers 1534-1551?, bishop of Perigueux (admin.) Christopher, katholikos of Sis in 1561: 768n 508n, 722n

Christoph von Roggendorff, fugitive ca. 1551: 551 1540-1541?, bishop of Amiens (admin.) 1540-—1546?: 370,

Christopher, son of Ulrich VI and Sabine, daughter of Albrecht Claude de la Guiche, bishop of Agde 1541-1547, of Mirepoix

IV of Bavaria; duke of Wurttemberg from 1550 (b. 1515, 1547-1553: 559f.

d. 1568), 543, 561n Claude de la Sengle, Hospitaller grand master 1553-1557: 608

1120 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Claude du Bourg de Guerines, French agent in Istanbul in Colonna, Ascanio, informant of Giulio de’ Grandi in 1552: 582

1569: 838n, 839, 938, 948f., 951, 970 Colonna, Camillo, imperialist arrested in 1555: 634, 638, 640f., Claude of Lorraine, son of René II of Lorraine and Philippa, 646 daughter of Adolphus of Egmont; count (1506-1528) and Colonna, Fabrizio, Roman leader (d. 1520), 116, 117n, 118,

duke (1528-1550) of Guise, 142n, 641 128, 131n

Claudio della Valle, notary of the Inquisition in 1559: 719 Colonna, Giovanni, cardinal 1212-1245: 650 Clement IV (Guy de Foulques, Guido Fulcodi), cardinal 1261— | Colonna, Giovanni, cardinal 1480-1508: 8f.

1265, pope 1265-1268: 190 Colonna, Marc’ Antonio, brother of Pompeo; archbishop of

Clement V (Bertrand de Got), archbishop of Bordeaux 1299- Taranto 1560-1568, cardinal 1565-1597, archbishop of

1305, pope 1305-1314: 92 Salerno 1568-1574?: 964n, 988n, 993

Clement VI (Pierre Roger), cardinal 1338-1342, pope 1342- Colonna, Marc’ Antonio, duke of Paliano, papal commander

1352: 520 at Lepanto (b. 1535, d. 1584), 635f., 640f., 646, 649ff.,

Clement VII (Giulio de’ Medici), archbishop of Florence 1513- 652, 654f., 659, 662, 666f., 669, 672n, 673, 684f., 687F., 1523, cardinal 1513-1523, pope 1523-1534: 129, 160f., 692, 714, 721, 728f., 738f., 742ff., 745, 959, 964f., 967Fff., 168n, 169n, 173ff., 183n, 184, 186, 192n, 201n, 206n, 971ff., 977ff., 980ff., 983ff., 986n, 987f., 993, 995fF., 998F.,

210n, 214f., 219n, 220ff., 223ff., 226f., 230ff., 233ff., 1012ff., 1O16ff., 1020, 1024ff., 1046ff., 1050f., 1054f., 236ff., 239ff., 242ff., 245ff., 248, 250ff., 253n, 254ff., 1057f., 1061, 1064ff., 1067, 1069f., 1077ff., 1081ff., 1084, 257ff., 260, 262n, 263, 264n, 265ff., 268f., 273f., 276ff., 1086, 1099; wife of, see Felice 281ff., 286ff., 289ff., 292n, 294, 296ff., 299f., 302, 307, Colonna, Marc’ Antonio, papal commander at the battle of 310f., 313, 319f., 321n, 323f., 326ff., 329f., 331n, 332f., Ravenna in 1512: 15n, 116 335ff., 339f., 342n, 344n, 345n, 346ff., 350ff., 353ff., Colonna, Mario Algieri, bishop of Rieti 1529-1555: 407n 356, 357n, 358n, 360, 362, 366ff., 369f., 371n, 372, 374n, Colonna palace (in Rome), see Palazzo Colonna

384f., 389, 390n, 391f., 394, 406, 411, 417, 435f., 490, Colonna, Pompeo, bishop of Rieti 1508-1520; 1528-1529,

512, 515, 592, 612, 639, 644, 682, 687, 716 cardinal 1517-1532, bishop of Potenza (admin.) 1521-

Clement VIII (Ippolito Aldobrandini), pope 1592-1605: 633, 1526, of Acerno (admin.) 1524-1525, of Aquila (admin.)

1100 1525-1532, of Sarno (admin.) 1530-1532, archbishop of

1669), 1101 276, 289, 297, 307

Clement IX (Giulio Rospigliosi), pope from 1667 (b. 1600, d. Monreale 1530-1532: 201n, 220, 222, 242, 243n, 255,

Clement XI (Giovanni Francesco Albani), pope from 1700 (b. Colonna, Pompeo, commander at Malta in 1565: 859f., 871,

1649, d. 1721), 1104 874, 901, 978, 993, 996f., 998n, 1013f., 1067

Clerk, John, English diplomat; bishop of Bath and Wells 1523— — Colonna, Prospero, designated infantry commander for Venice

1541: 230, 297 . in 1571: 1026, 1063

Clermont, bishops of, see Etienne Aubert (Innocent VI) 1340- Colonna, Prospero, Roman leader (d. 1523): 15n, 70, 119,

1342, Bernardo Salviati (admin.) 1561-1568? 120n, 121, 196f., 201

Clermont-Ferrand, 85 Colonna, Sciarra, Italian Ghibelline (d. 1329), 255 Clissa (Klis), 236n, 247n, 343n, 378n, 383, 384n, 385, 421f., | Colonna, Sciarra, leader of the imperialist attack on Rome in

451n, 474, 476, 494n, 608, 694f., 861, 932; sanjakbey of, 1527: 269, 646

see Malkos Beg (in 1557) Colonna, Vespasiano, Roman noble (f7. 1527), 281 . Clissani, 421 Colonna, Vittoria, poetess; wife of Fernando Francisco de Avalos Cloth of Gold, Field of (1520), 193 1509-1525 (b. ca. 1492, d. 1547), 118n, 225, 457n

Clovis, king of the Franks 481-511: 359n Colosseum (in Rome), 399

Cluj, 568n Colti, Matteo, Famagustan spared by the Turks in 1571: 1033,

Cocciano, Agostino, Roman protonotary in 1555: 58I1n, 610, 1035, 1037, 1038n, 1041

6lln, 615n Comacchio, 120, 121n, 288

Cochin, 18n Cominges, bishop of, see Carlo Carafa (admin.) 1556-1561? Coco, Antonio, titular archbishop of Patras 1560-—1574?, arch- Comino, 872

bishop of Corfu 1560-1577?: 779n Commendone, Giovanni Francesco, bishop of Zante 1555-

Coco, Jacopo, archbishop of Corfu 1528-1560?: 488, 489n 1560?, cardinal 1565-1584: 633n, 662ff., 667f., 676n,

Cogimur ab ecclesiis, bull of Leo X (1517), 174 682, 751, 753, 772f., 775, 824n, 880, 882, 884, 886n, Cognac, League of (1526), 241ff., 247f., 249n, 251f., 254, 910, 912, 951, 959, 968, 1019, 1020n, 1027n, 1064

256ff., 259ff., 263f., 266ff., 275f., 278, 281f., 284f., 287ff., © Communion sub utraque specie, 502, 542, 565, 734, 735n, 769,

290ff., 293, 295n, 297ff., 300, 302f., 306, 307n, 308, 779, 788, 790ff., 882, 886n

309n, 310, 313, 316n, 322, 330 Como, 201, 239, 272, 333n; bishops of, see Antonio Trivulzio

‘“Cohalla,”” port on the Gulf of Laconia, 1083 1487-1508, Scaramuccia Trivulzio 1508-1517; cardinal Coimbra, 740; see also Holy Cross, Canons regular of the of, see Tolomeo Galli

Col de Larche, 160 Compieégne, 683n, 685n, 696n . Col du Mt. Cenis, 916 Compostella, archbishops of, see Juan Alvarez de Toledo 1550-

Colet, John, English theologian (b. 1467?, d. 1519), 49n 1557, Francisco Blanco 1574-1581 Coli, Giovanni, painter (b. 1643, d. 1681), 1100 Comuneros, Castilian townsmen in revolt (1520-1521), 195, 312

Collo, 234 Conarski, Adam, bishop of Poznan 1562-1574: 880n Cologne, 72n, 346, 502n, 548f., 603n, 644, 769; archbishop Conca, 296

of, see Adolf von Schauenburg 1535-1556 Concordia, 93, bishop of, see Marco Grimani 1533-1537

Colomon I, son of Geza I; king of Hungary (d. 1116), 568n Conde, prince of, see Louis I (b. 1530, d. 1569) Colonna, Ascanio, father of Marc’ Antonio, duke of Paliano —Confessio Augustana, see Augsburg Confession

(d. 1557), 296, 297, 646, 649f., 654, 745; wife of, see Conquistadores, 85

Giovanna d’ Aragona (fl. 1556) Conrad III, Hohenstaufen king of Germany 1138-1152: 175

INDEX 1121 Consejo de la Cruzada, see Cruzada Suleiman I ca. 1533: 368, 369n, 383, 388; ambassador to

Consejo de Stado, 912n, 957n, 958, 1013 Istanbul in 1539: 448

Considerantes ac animo, bull of Leo X (1518), 180n Contarini, Zaccaria, Venetian negotiator of the truce of Arco

Consiglio degli Ottanta (in Florence), 92n, 114n, 120n in 1508: 52n Consiglio Grande (in Florence), 114n Contarini, Zuan, Venetian to exchange prisoners in 1575: 1097n Consiglio Maggiore (in Florence), 103n Conte, Torquato, associate of the Carafeschi (ff. 1560), 746 Constance, 96, 414n, 769, 799n, 806n; bishop of, see Mark Contrada Larga (in Trent), 777n

Sittich von Hohenems 1561—1589?; Council of (1414-— | Conversano, bishop of, see Antonio di Sanseverino (admin.)

1418), 92, 108, 127, 272, 441n, 492, 543f., 708n, 796, 1529-1534?; count of, see Giulio Antonio Acquaviva (fi.

801, 803f., 807, 825; diet of, 41, 43f. 1528)

Constantine, 234 Conza, archbishops of, see Niccolo Gaetano di Sermoneta 1539-

of (in Rome), 399 1553-1561

Constantine, Roman emperor 306-337: 150, 185n, 757; arch 1546, Marcello Crescenzi 1546-1552, Girolamo Muzzarelli

926 1526-1569 Istanbul 1562

Constantine, son of Demetrius Calogiera of Nauplia (fl. 1567), | Copts, 768; see also Gabriel VII, Coptic patriarch of Alexandria

Constantinople, 39, 54, 142, 147, 150, 153, 162, 170, 209n, Corbola, town at the northern mouth of the Po river, 77n 918, 429f., 445, 795, 893, 1103; patriarch of, see Joseph Corcyra, see Corfu, city of II 1555-1565; titular Latin patriarchs of, see Marco Cor- Cordeliers, guardian of, see Jean Thenaud (fl. ca. 1512) naro 1506?-1507, Thomas Bakécz 1507-1521, Egidio | Cordova (Cordoba), 957, 960n, 966; bishops of, see Juan Alvarez

Canisio 1524-1530, Francesco Pesaro 1530-1545; see also de Toledo 1523-1537, Diego de Alaba y Esquivel 1558-

Contarini, Alessandro, Venetian merchant; owner of the Con- _Corella, Micheletto, henchman of Cesare Borgia (ff. 1500), 3

tarina (fl. 1537), 409, 422 Corfiotes, 425

Contarini, Alessandro, Venetian provveditore of the fleet in Corfu, 30, 57, 60, 137n, 155f., 165n, 227n, 233n, 295, 309n, 1537: 422f., 425f., 449n; bailie in Istanbul ca. 1545: 468n 363n, 366, 388, 395n, 402, 420, 424ff., 427f., 431ff., 439,

Constituti juxta verbum prophetae, bull of Leo X (1517), 170 446, 448n, 468, 489n, 536, 554, 582, 584, 607n, 610n, Consueverunt Romani pontifices, bull of Pius V (1567), 908 622ff., 696, 700, 763n, 765, 770n, 848, 849n, 850f., 880, Contarina, Venetian galley (ca. 1530), 302, 409f., 422, 425; 891, 901, 903, 907, 913n, 923, 927, 929, 935, 939, 940n, Venetian galley (ca. 1557), 696; Venetian galley (1571), 944, 947, 958f., 961, 965ff., 970, 972, 973n, 974ff., 982n,

1007n 985n, 987ff., 991, 993, 994n, 1004, 1008, 1010n, 1014,

Contarini, Alvise, Venetian ambassador to France from 1569: 1017, 1018n, 1021n, 1022f., 1025f., 1028, 1045, 1047,

958, 1008, 1049, 1062n 1050, 1054n, 1055, 1059f., 1064, 1066, 1068, 1072ff.,

Contarini, Andrea, Venetian galley commander in 1526: 251 1076ff., 1080ff., 1083f., 1086, 1090, 1103f.; archbishops Contarini, Bartolommeo, Venetian envoy to Cairo in 1517: of, see Cristoforo Marcello 1514-1528, Jacopo Coco 1528—

165n, 180n 1560?, Antonio Coco 1560-1577?; canal of, 903, 1026,

Contarini, Bortolo, Venetian consul in Damascus in 1505: 38 1047; channel of, 584, 607, 1050; city of, 944, 1050

251n de Mendoza 1533-1550

Contarini, Carlo, Venetian ambassador to Ferdinand I in 1526: — Coria, bishops of, see Francisco Quinones 1530-15339, Francisco

Contarini, Gasparo, Venetian ambassador, writer, cardinal Corinth, 114n, 234, 1103; Gulf of, 367n, 1052f., 1057, 1060n, 1535-1542, bishop of Belluno 1536-1542: 81, 206n, 213n, 1061, 1066, 1068n, 1101n 997n, 229, 287, 298ff., 301, 307, 309ff., 322n, 328ff., Corio, Bernardino, Italian historian (b. 1459, d. between 1503

331, 333, 338n, 339f., 394, 415n, 446n, 453, 460, 466, and 1512), 626

497 Coriolano de’ Martorani, bishop of S. Marco 1530-1551: 542n Contarini, Gianpietro, historian (fl. 1572), 974ff., 980ff., 983f., | Cornara, Venetian ship at Famagusta in 1571: 1007n 988, 995n, 1005ff., 1027n, 1031n, 1045, 1052ff., 1055ff., | Cornelius de Fine, Dutch diarist (fl. 1515), 162

1058f., 1067, 1067n Corner (Cornaro), Alvise, cardinal 1551-1584: 610, 613, 620,

Contarini, Girolamo, Venetian captain-general of Cyprus in 650n, 748, 883n, 936, 959f., 968, 976

1563: 924n Corner, Andrea, archbishop of Spalato 1527-1532?, bishop of

Contarini, Girolamo, Venetian provveditore of the fleet in 1505: Brescia 1532-1551, cardinal 1544-1551: 523

37; galley commander in 1530: 339 Corner (Cornaro), Caterina, wife of James II de Lusignan 1468-—

Contarini, Leonardo, Venetian ambassador to Vienna in 1564: 1473, queen of Cyprus 1473-1489 (d. 1510), 757

846n, 931; appointed as Venetian ambassador to France _ Corner, Francesco, Venetian ambassador to the Hapsburgs until

in 1571: 1049n, 1062n; Venetian ambassador to Don John 1521: 298n of Austria in 1571: 1051n, 1069f., 1072, 1073n, 1076f. Corner, Giorgio, bishop of Treviso 1538-1577?: 818f. Contarini, Marc’ Antonio, Venetian ambassador to Rome in Corner, Giorgio, father-in-law of Andrea Bragadin from 1571:

1537 and 1539: 303, 358, 365, 366n, 410f., 426, 427n, 1012n

428ff., 43°7fF. Corner, Giorgio, Venetian provveditore generale in 1509: 57, Contarini, Marco, correspondent of Paolo Giovio in 1530: 342n 59, 62f. Contarini, Marino, nephew of Agostino Barbarigo; killed at = Corner, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador to France, 958n

Lepanto, 1056f. Corner, Marco, cardinal 1500-1524, bishop of Verona (admin.)

Contarini, Nadalino, Venetian galley commander in 1512: 30 1503-1524, of Famagusta 1503-1504, titular patriarch Contarini, Paolo, provveditore of Zante in 1571: 1052n of Constantinople 1506?-1507; 1521-1524?: 4, 59n, 62,

Contarini, Pietro, bishop of Paphos 1557-1562?: 775n 65, 75, 77f., 82n, 173, 222

Contarini, Tommaso, Venetian consul in Alexandria in 1511: Corner, Raffaele, Venetian notary in the Vatican chancery ca.

25ff., 32f., 71; bailie in Istanbul in 1520: 194, 198f.; orator 1549: 331n to Suleiman I ca. 1527: 301ff., 331, 333; ambassador to Corner, Raffaello, Venetian student in Istanbul ca. 1555: 631

1122 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Corneto (Tarquinia), 140, 282, 300, 665; bishop of, see Ales- | Costantino da Parenzo, Servite friar (fi. 1512), 117n, 118n

sandro Farnese (Paul III) 1501-1519 Costanza, lookout north of Famagusta in Cyprus, 1005ff.

Cornwall, 597n Cotignola (‘‘Codignola’’ in Sanudo), 264, 287

Coron, 30, 39, 114n, 155, 335n, 366f., 368n, 369n, 370ff., Cotrone, 518n, 1047, 1050, 1081, bishop of, see Andrea della

373ff., 376f., 380f., 385f., 388, 392, 429, 533, 587, 1084 Valle 1496-1508; 1522-1524

Coronenses, 377 ‘Council of Blood,” held by the duke of Alva (1568), 918 Corradino, eminence on Malta, 854, 861, 863, 866f., 870 Council of State (in Spain), see Consejo de Stado

Correggio, 93 848, 849n

Corrector of the Apostolic Chancery, Office of the, 779 Council of Twelve (Conseio di Dodexe), Venetian body in Istanbul,

Correr, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador to imperial court in Councils, oecumenical, 58n, 92, 95, 108, 109n, 113, 120, 127,

1571, to Rome in 1580: 950n, 1061n, 1062n; Venetian 147, 202, 288, 310, 353, 367, 378ff., 391, 395, 403ff.,

bailie in Istanbul ca. 1575: 1095n 406, 413ff., 416ff., 420f., 427, 430, 436, 440, 441n, 452fF., Corrionero, Antonio, bishop of Almeria 1557-15712: 778 460, 462f., 467, 478, 484, 494, 502, 543ff., 708, 710,

Corsairs, 24, 29, 37, 46, 51, 53, 70, 75, 83f., 86, 89, 99, 151n, 723, 734, 742, 768ff., 783ff., 797, 805f., 817, 820, 823f.; 155, 170, 191, 200n, 217, 233ff., 278f., 282n, 284f., 340n, and see Nicaea (325), Lyon (1274), Pisa (1409), Constance 347, 356, 388, 396, 409, 529, 531, 533, 535, 588n, 608, (1414-1418), Basel (1431-1449), Ferrara-Florence (1438-

622n, 624, 693, 695, 703, 705, 760f., 766n, 831f., 836, 1439), Rome (1442), Pisa (1511-1512), Fifth Lateran 842f., 857, 860f., 872n, 877, 881, 891, 896, 910n, 919, (1512-1517), Trent (1545-1563), First Vatican (1869923f., 930, 932, 939f., 943, 1000n, 1008, 1018, 1023n, 1870), Second Vatican (1962-1965); see also Mantua 1045, 1052f., 1055, 1058, 1061n, 1069, 1075, 1081f.; see | Coucy-le-Chateau, 708n

also Barbary pirates, piracy Counter-Reformation, 85, 142, 394, 789

1525: 227n Coutances, 565n

Corsi, Giovanni, Florentine ambassador to the Hapsburgs in Courtenay, French noble family, 450

Corsi, Pietro, poet (ff. 1527), 273 Cracow (Krakow), 252n, 255n, 256n, 313ff., 317, 319, 321, Corsica, 171, 216, 272, 510, 532, 589n, 601n, 616, 624, 630, 341n, 358n, 567, 812; bishop of, see Peter Tomicki 1523-

635, 692n, 701, 709, 712n, 743, 835, 853n, 888, 890, 1536; canon of, see Stanislaus Borek (Borgk) (fl. 1528);

913, 929 castellan of, see Christopher Szydfowiecki (fl. 1528)

Corsicans, 835n, 852 Crécy, 481n Corso, Sampietro, leader of a Corsican revolt against Genoa Crema, 55, 59, 104, 134, 279, 298n; podesta and captain of, in the 1560’s: 835, 888, 890, 913 see Andrea Foscolo (ca. 1521)

Corsolari, 1052n Cremona, 55f., 59, 86n, 104, 128, 129n, 130n, 182n, 196n, Cortes, Spanish legislative assembly, 279; see also Monzon, 223ff., 239n, 257n, 272, 467, 643n, 886n; bishops of, see

Cortes of Ascanio Sforza (admin.) 1486-1505, Benedetto de’ Accolti

Cortese, Gregorio, cardinal 1542-1548, bishop of Urbino (ad- 1523-1549, Francesco Sfondrato 1549-1550, Federico

min.) 1542-1548: 394, 415 de’ Cesi (admin.) 1551-1560, Niccolo Sfondrati (Gregory Cortile del Belvedere (in the Vatican), 880 XIV) 1560-1590

Cortile del Maresciallo (in the Vatican), 10n Cremonese, 61, 129n Cortile della Libreria Vaticana, 882 Crescenzi, Marcello, bishop of Marsi 1534-1546, archbishop

Cortile della Pigna, 881 of Conza 1546-1552, cardinal 1542-1552: 509, 523, 537f.,

Cortile di S. Damaso, 881 540ff., 543ff., 546f., 548n, 777n

Cortona, bishops of, see Guglielmo Capponi 1505-1515, Silvio | Crespy (Crépy), peace of (1544), 473, 480f., 484ff., 490, 552

Passerini 1521-1529, Matteo de’ Concini 1560-1562?, Cresset, merchant of Montpellier seized by Turks ca. 1564: Girolamo Gaddi 1562-1572 837

Corvino, Massimo, bishop of Isernia 1510-1522: 169, 184n Cretans, 191, 206n, 853n

Cos (Stanchio, Istankoy), island, 213 Crete, 23f., 25, 37, 193n, 200, 206f., 212ff., 215, 344, 445f.,

Cosenza, 295n; archbishops of, see Francesco Borgia 1499- 529, 584, 586f., 700, 766, 843, 848, 850, 880, 891, 894, 1511, Niccolo de’ Gaddi (admin.) 1528-15352, Taddeo 907f., 913n, 919, 923, 925, 927, 929, 930n, 932f., 941, de’ Gaddi 1535-1561, Francesco Gonzaga (admin.) 1562- 944ff., 947, 958f., 965, 967, 970, 972, 975f., 978fF., 981,

1565, Flavio Orsini (admin.) 1569-1573? O84ff., 987f., 994n, 1005ff., 1008f., 1022f., 1045, 1065,

Cosimo I de’ Medici, son of Giovanni ‘‘delle Bande Nere’’ and 1083, 1093f., L1OOF. Maria Salviati; duke of Florence from 1537, grand duke Crevalcore, 552 of Tuscany from 1569 (b. 1519, d. 1574), 427n, 433,441, Crevole, 604 463n, 470n, 506n, 508, 518, 521, 525, 535, 592f.,594n, Crimea, 700 595, 597n, 599ff., 602f., 605, 606n, 619n, 620n, 648, Crispi (Crispo), governing family at Naxos, 899 656, 662n, 664n, 667, 671, 674, 676f., 680, 683ff.,687, Crispi (Crispo), Tiberio, bishop of Sessa Aurunca 1543-1546r, 709, 713n, 724, 726, 729, 730n, 735f., 738f., 743, 746, cardinal 1544-1566, archbishop of Amalfi (admin.) 1547781, 798n, 811, 814n, 818, 872n, 884, 956f., 994, 997, 1561?, bishop of Sutri and Nepi (admin.) 1565-1566: 509,

1017, 1020, 1024, 1063n, 1077n, 1078; wife of, see Eleo- 524, 611, 613, 725n, 737f., 752, 885

nora of Toledo 1539-1562 (d. 1562) Crispo, Francesco III, duke of Naxos (d. 1511), 24, 25n; wife

Cosimo II de’ Medici, grand duke of Tuscany 1609-1621: of, see Caterina Taddea Loredan (d. ca. 1510)

593n Crispo, Giacomo IV, last Christian duke of Naxos 1564-1566:

Cosimo de’ Pazzi, bishop of Arezzo 1497-1508, archbishop of 850, 899n, 1072

Florence 1508-1513: 114n Crispo, Giovanni IV, duke of Naxos to 1564: 755

Costa, George (Jorge), archbishop of Lisbon 1464-1500, car- __ Cristoforo da Canale, Venetian provveditore from 1555: 622n

dinal 1476-1508: 10n, 16 Cristoforo de’ Frangipani (Frangipane, Frankopan), son of Ber-

Costa, la, site of a chapel to S. Maria della Vittoria, 60 nardino, count of Segna ca. 1525 (d. 1527), 244ff., 261

INDEX 1123 Cristoforo de Nassi, interpreter in 1557: 694 Czernowicz, Michael, imperial ambassador in Istanbul in 1564Cristoforo del Monte, bishop of Bethlehem 1517-1525, of Calgi 1565: 844f., 898 1525-1550?; 1556-1564, of Marseille 1550-1556, cardinal

1551-1564: 559, 597n, 613 Croatia, 55, 74, 123, 147, 149n, 158, 159n, 163, 164n, 181, Dalmatia (Illyricum, Illyria), 37, 45, 51, 55, 59n, 60, 70, 72, 192n, 216n, 217n, 244, 245n, 247n, 297n, 313, 320, 337, 88, 123, 147, 149n, 159n, 164n, 165, 177, 192n, 193n, 354, 406n, 415n, 422, 433, 442, 444n, 455n, 608, 702n, 199n, 201, 217, 224, 236n, 245n, 278f., 301, 320, 354, 791, 854n, 861, 921; duke of, see John Corvinus (b. 1473, 378n, 383, 385, 402, 421ff., 424, 428, 438ff., 442, 451,

d, 1504) 468, 471n, 473, 474n, 483n, 532, 533n, 591n, 668, 770,

Croatian language, 383 771n, 790, 843, 848, 850, 903, 907, 913, 921, 923, 929,

Croatians, 921 932, 937n, 940f., 948, 950, 953, 955, 958f., 960n, 961,

Croia (Krujé, Kruja in Albania), 88n 964, 968, 970, 974, 987, 989, 991, 994n, 1000n, 1001fF.,

Crotone, 701 1093ff., 1100,790 1103n Croydon, 237n Dalmatians, Cruciata, crusading tax, 48, 49n, 67, 454 Damala, 234

Cromer, Martin, historian of Poland (b. 1512, d. 1589), 412n 1004n, 1014, 1018f., 1022f., 1045, 1071, 1073f., 1091f.,

Crusade (cruciata, passagium generale, sancta expeditio), 14, 18, | Damascus (Dimashq), 19ff., 25ff., 30n, 31, 33, 38, 71n, 99,

34f., 37, 38n, 39, 42ff., 45f., 47ff., 50ff., 53ff., 56, 65ff., 343, 864

70ff., 73, 74n, 75, 84ff., 87, 94, 99f., 110, 121, 130,132, | Dami, Ottaviano, commander in the expedition of 1570: 982n 138, 139n, 141f., 145ff., 148n, 151, 153f., 155, 157f., | Damiano da Bergamo, Fra (Damiano Zambelli); woodworker

159, 160n, 162, 164, 165n, 166n, 167, 169f., 172ff., 175ff., (d. 1549), 507n 178ff., 181, 183f., 185n, 186f., 188f., 191ff., 194, 195n, Damietta, 21, 33 216ff., 231f., 234, 237f., 256, 288, 328, 335f., 341, 344n, Danadella, Famagustan host of Turkish hostages after siege of

347, 350n, 351, 396, 412, 420, 426n, 430, 437, 441, 445, 1571: 1037n

447, 448n, 452n, 480, 556, 624, 665, 770, 784, 847,962, |Dandino, Girolamo, bishop of Caserta 1544-1546, of Imola

977, 1014, 1069, 1095; First (1096-1099), 85; Fourth 1546-1552?; cardinal 1551-1559: 538n, 549f., 552, 553n,

(1202-1204), 93, 1103 559, 596f., 610, 613, 681, 722, 730, 732

Crusaders, 81n, 157, 163, 359, 1076 Dandolo, Marco, rector of Brescia (in 1509), 59n; brother-inCruzada, crusading indulgence, 85, 141, 162, 243, 327, 431, law of Gasparo Contarini ca. 1521: 298n, 338n

784n, 823f., 846, 847n, 916, 959ff., 962, 969, 997, 1014, Dandolo, Matteo, Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1549, to

1078 the Council of Trent in 1562: 511, 516n, 517ff., 526n,

Csanad, 570ff., 574, bishops of, see George Martinuzzi 1536- 528, 530f., 533, 587, 783f., 811, 824n

1539, Andrea Duditio Sbardellati 1563 Dandolo, Niccolo, lieutenant and defender of Nicosia (d. 1570),

Cuenca, bishop of, see Alessandro Cesarini (admin.) 1538-1542 976, 991, 995f.

Culm, bishop of, see Stanislaus Hosius 1549-1551 Danes, 788n

Cum ad tollenda religionis, bull of Julius III (1550), 537n, 538 — Danés, Pierre, bishop of Lavaur 1557-1577: 794

Cum inchoatam, bull of Julius II (1512), 126n Dante Alighieri, Italian poet (d. 1321), 454 Cum supremus coeli, bull of Clement VII (1529), 335 Dantiscus, John, Polish envoy to the imperial court in 1530:

Cum superiori anno, bull of Clement VII (1529), 350n 335f., 341n Cum tam divino, bull of Julius 11 (1506), 138n Danube river, 53, 177, 248, 324, 326n, 340, 357, 361n, 390,

Cuneo, 160 436, 442, 456n, 472, 478f., 570, 572f., 578, 584, 697n, Curzola (Korcula), 60, 299n, 409, 923, 948, 953 845 Curzolari (Echinades, Ekhinadhes), 1052f., 1060n D’ Aramon, Baron, see Gabriel de Luetz Cusano, Galeazzo, imperial agent in Rome in 1563: 810n Dardanelles (Hellespont, straits of Gallipoli), 172, 177, 212n,

Cyclades, 182 347, 700, 892, 981, 1001, 1065, 1101

Cyprian, church father (b. ca. 200, d. 258), 794 Dario, Giovanni, Venetian envoy to Istanbul (d. 1494), 607n Cypriotes, 32, 46, 758, 926f., 990, 995n, 1017, 1035n, 1042f., Dataria, office in the Roman Curia, 709f., 779, 825f., 900

yprus, ., 25f., 30n, 32, ., 05, 84, ; , n, - . ,; . _ 5

C us 19f 25f., 30n, 32, 45f., 55, 84, 133, 184, 198n, 199¢,, Dauphine, 370, 916 206n, 207, 213n, 308n, 338, 340, 344, 356n, 369n, 409, par’ 52S Bishop of, see Francois de Noailles 1556-1502: 449n, 468, 476, 529, 530n, 531, 536, 610, 662, 700, Decet romanum pontificem, bull of Paul III (1537), 420

755ff., 758, 766, 836, 842f., 848, 850f., 880, 891, 892n, Decio. Filj non | w (b. 1454, d 1535) 106

893f., 907f., 913n, 919, 923, 924n, 925ff., 928ff., 931ff., no ' Ppo, Canon lawyer WO. 208) Ce CG. O34ff., 937ff., 941, 943ff., 946ff., 949n, 951fF,, 954, 958, Péséerdar, Ottoman financial official, 590, 1006

‘ ; , ‘ ‘ *965, Delfino, Giovanni Dolfin), bishop of Torcello 960,, ¥962ff., 970ff., 973n,(Zuan 974ff., 977fF., I80F., 983ff.,1563-1579 7 ION: P 986ff., 990ff., 994n, 996F., 999, 1000n, 1004ff., 1007Ff., of Brescia 1579-1584: 1064

1010, 1011n, 1014, 1017f., 1020n, 1027, 1030, 1032n, Delfino (Dolfin), Zaccaria, bishop of Lesina (Hvar) 1553-1574?,

1034n, 1036f., 1041n, 1042f., 1051, 1063, 1065, 1068F., cardinal 1565-1584: 632, 633n, 664n, 714, 772f., 792, 1086, 1091, 1093f.; kings of, see Amaury de Lusignan 798n, 801, 803, 816, 817n, 824n, 826f., 829, 860n, 1027n 1197-1205, James II de Lusignan 1464-1473; rulers of, Della Rovere, Ligurian family, 12n, 142, 167n, 402, and see see Guy de Lusignan 1192-1194, Amaury de Lusignan Julius IT (Giuliano della Rovere) 1194-1197, Peter I of Lusignan 1359-1369; war of (1570— _—_ Delos, 182

1571), 849, 908, 909n, 928n, 932, 937, 945n, 950, 953-— Demotica, 123

1043, 1057n, 1089n, 1096, 1099n Denmark, 417, 769, 773n, 775, 852; king of, see John 1481-

Czech language, 772n, 795 1513 Czechs (Bohemians and Moravians), 177f., 248n Deva, castellan of, 578

1124 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Dévai, Matthias (Matyas), Hungarian reformer (b. ca. 1500, d. | Domine quo vadis, church (in Rome), 398

1545), 565f. Dominicans, 188, 190n, 631, 632n, 718f., 755, 757, 768n,

Dia (Standia), 1101 776, 927n, 945n; general of, see Tommaso de Vio of Gaeta

Diana, 182 (Cajetan) from 1508; and see Francesco da Ravenna, Ni-

Diane de Poitiers, daughter of Jean de Poitiers, count of S. cholas Schonberg, Girolamo Savonarola, Tommaso Scotti; Vallier; mistress of Henry II of France (b. 1499, d. 1566), see also S. Maria sopra Minerva

649 Don Garzia, son of Antonio de Montalvo, 593n

Diane de Valois or Diane de France, natural daughter of Henry Donada, Venetian ship (ca. 1554), 608f.

II and Filippa Duc; wife of Orazio Farnese (1553) and Donado, Gianbattista, Venetian noble (fl. 1554), 608 Francois de Montmorency (1559-1579) (b. 1538, d. 1619), | Donado (Donato, Dona), Leonardo, Venetian ambassador to

504n, 520, 548 Spain 1570-1573, doge 1606-1612: 946n, 953f., 957,

Didaco da Sarava, supposed author of Peter Stern’s account 961, 962n, 966f., 972, 983, 996ff., 999, 1000n, 1004,

of the siege of Vienna in 1529: 326n 1008, 1011ff., 1018f., 1021, 1022n, 1048, 1062n, 1064,

Diedo, Giacomo, author of an account of the 1570 siege of 1068, 1070, 1077, 1079ff., 1092f., 1094n, 1100

Nicosia (d. 1748), 995n Donado, Niccolo, captain of relief force for Famagusta in 1571:

Diedo, Girolamo, Venetian official at Corfu; contemporary au- 1007n thority on the battle of Lepanto (fl. 1571), 1054n Donado, Zuan, Venetian savio de terraferma in 1570: 989n Diego de Alaba y Esquivel, bishop of Astorga 1543-1548, of | Donata, Venetian galley (ca. 1571), 1004

Avila 1548-1558, of Cordova 1558-1562: 498 Donati, Francesco, silk merchant in Venice in 1532: 365n

Diego de Guzman de Silva, Spanish ambassador to Genoa in Donato (Dona), Francesco, Venetian doge 1545-1553: 266f.,

1570, to Venice in 1571: 957, 1012, 1019, 1071f., 1076n, 476, 521, 525n, 530n, 534n, 550n, 556

1090 Donato, Hieronimo (Girolamo), Venetian envoy to Rome 1505-

Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Spanish statesman and man of 1511: 36, 39, 64ff., 67f., 69n, 70n, 72ff., 75ff., 80f., 82n, letters (b. 1503, d. 1575), 470, 487ff., 490, 493, 495, 505, 86n, 91n, 96n, 148n 508f., 510n, 513n, 517f., 521, 523, 529, 534, 548ff.,551, Donino (Donini), Marc’ Antonio, Venetian notary and envoy

560, 592ff., 744n, 946n in 1557: 694, 695n

Dietrich, Hans, of Plieningen, envoy of Duke Christopher of | Doria, Andrea, Genoese admiral (b. 1468, d. 1560), 212n, 276,

Wurttemberg to the Council of Trent in 1551: 542f. 282, 284, 295f., 300, 303, 305, 307, 309f., 321, 328,

Dietrich, Wolf, lord of Hohenems (d. 1536), 743; wife of, see 329n, 366f., 371, 377, 384n, 386, 392, 395n, 423, 426f.,

Chiara de’ Medici 429, 433n, 445n, 446, 447n, 469n, 471, 472n, 503, 532,

Dietrichstein, baron von, ambassador of Maximilian II to Philip 533n, 534ff., 554, 582f., 587, 623, 758, 760, 860, 894

II ca. 1567, see Adam von Dietrichstein Doria, Antonio, naval officer in the service of the Hapsburgs

Dijon, 837 in the 1550’s: 539, 554; owner of galleys under Juan de Diocletian, Baths of (in Rome), 881 la Cerda ca. 1560: 758

Dionisio de Zanettini, ‘‘i] Grechetto,” critic of Turks (ff. 1562), Doria, Antonio, signatory of a letter from Zante in 1532: 367n

683n, 795 Doria, Filippino, nephew of Andrea (fl. 1528), 295ff., 303ff.

Diruta, Sigismondo Fedrio, preacher at the Council of Trent Doria, Giannandrea, grandnephew of Andrea; admiral and ruler

in 1546 and 1551: 538 of Melfi (b. 1539, d. 1606), 758ff., 761f., 869, 871f., 875,

Dispensations, 710, 796, 801f., 826 894, 903, 915n, 940, 957, 959, 961f., 965fF., 969, 97 1fF.,

Diyar-Bakr (Amida, Diyarbakir), 152, 590; ruler of, see Uzun 975n, 977ff., 980ff., 983ff., 986n, 988, 990, 992Fff., 995ff.,

Hasan 1466-1478 998, 1021, 1023, 1046ff., 1050f., 1054, 1057f., 1064,

Djakovo, bishop of, see Joseph Strossmayer 1849-1905 1069, 1079, 1081, 1083, 1086 Dobo, Stephen, Hungarian soldier (d. 1572), 585 Doria, Giannetino, nephew of Andrea (d. 1547), 532

Docray, (Sir) Thomas, grand prior of the Hospitallers for En- _ Doria, Girolamo, cardinal 1529-1558, archbishop of Tarragona

gland in 1521: 203 (admin.) 1533-?, bishop of Noli (admin.) 1534—1549?: 506, Dodecanese, 215, 984 519 Dodieu de Vély, Claude, French envoy to the Hapsburgs in Doria, Pagano, brother of Giannandrea; marquis of Torrighia

1536: 399, 400n (d. 1574), 973n, 1048, 1069n

Dolera, Clemente, general of the Minorites, cardinal 1557— _ Doria, Scipione, son of Antonio; galley commander under Juan

883n, 884f. Dotis, see Tata

1568, bishop of Foligno 1560-1568: 724, 729f., 733, 882, de la Cerda ca. 1560: 758

Dolfin, Alvise, Venetian to help with expedition to Candia in Dover, 193n

1571: 1002n Dovizi da Bibbiena, Bernardo, cardinal 1513-1521: 101, 104,

Dolfin, Andrea, son-in-law and correspondent of Tommaso 109, 112n, 114f., 120n, 142n, 145, 160, 161n, 183, 186n,

Mocenigo in 1530: 342 187, 188n

1022n, 1046 120n, 133

Dolfina, ship used for soldiers of Galeazzo Farnese in 1571: Dovizi da Bibbiena, Pietro, brother of Bernardo (fi. 1512),

1890), 486n, 827 888f.

Déllinger, Johannes Joseph Ignaz von, historian (b. 1799, d. | D’Oysel de Villeparisis, French ambassador to Rome in 1566:

Dolu, Jean, French agent in Istanbul (d. 1561), 592n, 765n, Dozsa, George (Gyorgy), leader of the Kuruczok in Hungary

767, 829ff., 832, 836, 879 (d. 1514), 157n

Domenico, chaplain of S. Vigilio (in Trent) ca. 1545: 492 Dragonera, 1082 Domenico da Salo, sculptor of the late 16th century, 1099 Dragut (Turghud Ali Pasha), Barbary pirate (d. 1565), 501n, Domenico della Rovere, nephew of Sixtus IV, cardinal 1478- 532ff., 535f., 555, 583, 587ff., 606f., 622, 623n, 758ff., 1501, archbishop of Tarentaise 1479-1482, bishop of 761ff., 764f., 811, 831, 835, 841ff., 852ff., 855ff., 858,

Turin 1482-1501: 5n 860f., 864

INDEX 1125 Dragut Point (Hermitage of S. Maria), at Malta, 854, 857 Eleonora, daughter of Ferdinand I and Anna of Bohemia; wife Draskovic, Georg, bishop of Fiinfkirchen 1560-1564?, of Zagreb of Guglielmo Gonzaga from 1561 (b. 1534, d. 1594), 801 1564-1578, of Gyor 1578-1587, archbishop of Kalocza _ Eleonora, daughter of Gian Francesco II Gonzaga and Isabella 1582-1587, cardinal 1585-1587: 778f., 791f., 804n, 811, d’ Este; wife of Francesco Maria della Rovere to 1538 (d.

812n, 813, 821, 824n 1570), 273n

Drava river, 249, 325n, 433, 442 Eleonora, daughter of Philip the Handsome and Joanna (‘‘the

Dresden, 405n, 435n Mad’’) of Castile; wife of Manuel I of Portugal 1519-1521, Dreux, battle of (1562), 795f. of Francis I of France 1530-1547 (b. 1498, d. 1558), Drohojowski, John, bishop of Caminiecz 1545-1546, of Chelm 239n, 328, 413n

1546-1551, of Wloclawek 1551-1557: 628n Eleonora of Toledo, daughter of Pedro; wife of Cosimo I de’ Drzewicki, Matthias, bishop of Przemsyl 1504-1513, of Medici 1539-1562 (d. 1562), 595n Wioclawek 1513-1531, archbishop of Gniezno 1531- — Eliba, 1018

1535: 317, 318n Elio, Antonio, bishop of Pola 1548-1558?, patriarch of Jeru-

Duditio (Dudic) Sbardellati, Andrea, bishop of Knin 1562- salem 1558-1576?: 633n, 783, 791

1563, of Csanad in 1563, of Funfkirchen 1565-1573?: Elizabeth I, daughter of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn; queen

791 of England from 1558 (b. 1533, d. 1603), 766n, 773, 963,

Dudum universos Christi fideles, bulls of Leo X (1518), 174n, 1097

188n Elizabeth, daughter of Henry II and Catherine de’ Medici; wife

Dugabre, Dominique, French diplomat; bishop of Lodeve 1547- of Philip II from 1559 (b. 1545, d. 1568), 708, 838, 888,

1558: 673, 674n, 684, 686n, 692ff., 695n, 696 938

Dulcigno (Ulcinj), 17, 88, 474, 849n, 1002, 1025ff., 1069 Elizabeth, daughter of Maximilian II and Maria, daughter of Duodo, Andrea, Venetian provwveditore of the fleet in 1552: Charles V; wife of Charles IX from 1570 (b. 1554, d.

588n 1592), 922, 938

Duodo, Francesco, commander in the expedition of 1570 and = Embrun, archbishops of, see Francois de Tournon 1518-1526,

at Lepanto: 982, 984n, 1054, 1057, 1072 Robert de Lenoncourt 1556-1560?

Duprat, Antoine, chancellor of France 1515-1535, archbishop Emden, 1103n of Sens 1525-1535, cardinal 1527-1535, bishop of Albi Emmanuel Philibert, son of Charles III and Beatrice of Portugal; (admin.) 1528-1535, of Meaux (admin.) 1534-1535: 183n, duke of Savoy from 1553 (b. 1528, d. 1580), 708f., 809,

190, 193, 268n, 297, 322, 351 837, 915, 944f., 1063n; wife of, see Marguerite, daughter

Durante de’ Duranti, bishop of Aghero and Ottana 1538-1541, of Francis I (b. 1523, d. 1574) of Cassano 1541-1551, cardinal 1544-1558, bishop of | Emo, Pietro, searches for Turkish armada in 1570: 986, 987n

Brescia (admin.) 1551-1557?: 523, 610n, 611n, 614 Ems, 443n Durazzo (Durrés), 16, 30, 177, 182n, 448n, 903, 967, 987, England, 29, 44, 47ff., 50, 54f., 59n, 69, 74n, 76f., 82n, 87,

996, 1013 96n, 100, 114, 125, 150, 156, 175, 177, 183, 185n, 191, Durham, 96n 195, 198, 206n, 210, 216, 222, 230, 232f., 236n, 237, Dutch, 920, 1098, 1104; see also Netherlanders 240f., 244n, 248, 249n, 254, 255n, 256, 258ff., 261n,

Dysma, cross of, 757 265, 272, 289, 292, 299, 313, 320f., 329n, 348, 349n, 359n, 379, 401, 407n, 417, 423, 438n, 449n, 456n, 462n,

511, 514, 541n, 557, 563, 565, 597, 603, 610n, 618,

East Indies, 348, 926 626n, 628, 632f., 644f., 659, 676, 681, 683n, 700n, 714,

Eboli, 644 755, 769, 828, 833, 847, 909, 918, 1079, 1096n, 1098; Echinades, see Curzolari church of, 415; Hospitallers from, 207, 870; lord chancellor

Eck, Johann Mayer von, Catholic theologian (b. 1486, d. 1543), of, see Thomas Wolsey 1515-1529; rulers of, see Richard

453 11189-1199, Henry VII 1485-1509, Henry VIII 1509England 1547-1553: 597 I 1558-1603 Egidio da Viterbo, Augustinian friar, see Egidio Canisio English, 53, 74, 76, 101, 106n, 120, 122n, 132n, 135, 147, Edward VI, son of Henry VIII and Jane Seymour; king of 1547, Edward VI 1547-1553, Mary 1553-1558; Elizabeth

Egmont, count of, see Lamoral (b. 1522, d. 1568) 150n, 153n, 178, 227, 292, 300, 482, 556, 597n, 700n, Egypt, 1, 2n, 18ff., 21ff., 26n, 27ff., 33, 38n, 54, 64, 71, 84, 705, 788n, 910n, 913, 1079, 1097f., 1104; Channel, 120,

97n, 99, 133, 141, 146, 151, 164f., 166n, 170, 172n, 174, 949n 175n, 176f., 179, 180n, 181, 184n, 185, 198, 200, 205n, —_ English language, 91n, 795 .

207n, 210, 214, 224, 240n, 342f., 344n, 356n, 532, 708, Enriquez, Maria, wife of Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, duke

759n, 768n, 833, 842, 907, 929, 937, 947; soldans of, see of Alva, 689 Ka’itbey 1468-1496, Al-Ashraf Kansuh al-Ghuri 1500- _—_ Enzesfeld, 366

1516, Tumanbey 1516-1517; and see Ptolemy II Phila- Epirus, 147, 584, 862, 1102

delphus 285 B.c.—246 B.C. Episkopi, Bay of, on Cyprus, 1043

Egyptians, 18, 46, 99, 165n Erard de la Marck, bishop of Liége 1506-1530?, of Chartres

Ehrenberg Pass, 547 1507—1525?, archbishop of Valencia (admin.) 1520-1538,

Ehses, Stephan, historian (b. 1855, d. 1926), 827 cardinal 1520-1538: 388

Fichstatt, 810; bishop of, see Martin Schaumberg 1560-1590 Erasmus, Desiderius, Dutch humanist (b. ca. 1466, d. 1536),

‘“‘Einchan Chiaus,’’ Ottoman envoy to Venice in 1525: 234n 49n, 219n, 236n, 491, 626

Eisenach, 298n ice ca. 1525: 237 E] Pardo, 1079 Ercole II d’ Este, son of Alfonso I d’ Este and Lucrezia Borgia;

Ein’feste Burg ist unser Gott, hymn of Martin Luther, 366n Erasmus of Nuremberg, envoy of Archduke Ferdinand to Ven-

Elba, 593n, 623f., 630, 635, 692n duke of Ferrara 1534-1559: 287, 288n, 302, 478n, 502,

Elbe river, 484n, 500n, 502 518, 525n, 526n, 533f., 549, 551ff., 558, 560, 562, 579,

1126 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 581f., 596, 602, 603n, 611f., 614, 628, 636f.,642,643n, Faenza, 3n, 9, 12f., 16n, 33, 38f., 44, 55ff., 58, 62, 67, 108, 648, 657, 676f., 710, 713n, 745n; wife of, see Renee, 109n, 183n, 264, 292; bishop of, see Rodolfo Pio of Carpi

daughter of Louis XII 1528-1559 (d. 1575) 1528-1544?

1554), 600 1563-1564: 794

Ercole della Penna, brother-in-law of Ascanio della Corgna (fl. _‘ Falcetta, Egidio, bishop of Caorle 1542-1563, of Bertinoro

Eregli (Ereghli), 590 Falchetti, Fabriano, author of an account of the siege of Nicosia Eremitani, convent of, in Famagusta, 996n in 1570: 995n Erivan (Yerevan), 590 Falier, Giovanni, author of letters concerning the war of Cyprus: Erizzo, Antonio, Venetian bailie in Istanbul ca. 1554: 606n, 992n 607n, 647n, 661, 694f. Falier, Marco, chief financial officer of Sebastiano Venier ca. Erlau (Eger), 301n, 329n, 338, 342, 436, 585, 845f., 1102; 1571: 1026 bishops of, see Ippolito d’ Este 1497-1520, Ladislas Szalkai Famagusta, 25, 33, 45f., 700, 756, 822, 907ff., 926ff., 934f.,

1523-1524, Paulus de Varda 1526-1527, Thomas Zala- 937, 939, 941ff., 945ff., 948, 952, 965, 967, 976, 979, hazy 1529-1537, Francesco de’ Frangipani 1539-1543, 984ff., 987ff., 990f., 992n, 994n, 995n, 996, 999, 1000n,

Anton Verantius 1560—1570? 1001f., 1004ff., 1007, 1013f., 1017ff., 1027ff., 1030, Ernst, son of Henry and Margaret of Savoy; duke of Luneburg 1031n, 1032ff., 1035ff., LO38ff., 1041ff., 1044n, 1051, (jointly with his brothers to 1527; alone 1527-1536; with 1052n, 1064, 1094, 1095n, 1096; bishops of, see Marco his brother Franz 1536-1538; alone from 1539 [b. 1497, Corner 1503-1504, Girolamo Ragazzoni 1561-1591>?;

d. 1546]), 417 captains of, see Pietro Lion (ca. 1510), Marco Michiel (in

Ernst, son of Maximilian II and Maria, daughter of Charles V; 1568), Marc’ Antonio Bragadin (in 1570); viscounts of, see governor of Hungary from 1578, regent of Austria from Geronimo Greghetto (ca. 1568), Pietro Valderio (ca. 1570-

1590, governor-general of the Low Countries 1594-1595 1571)

(b. 1553, d. 1595), 1020n, 1023, 1024n, 1087 Famagusta Bay, 1006

Erzurum (Theodosiopolis), 503, 590f. Famagustans, 935, 1006f., 1031, 1033ff., 1036f., 1039ff.,

Escorial, 969, 972, 973n, 101 1n, 1017 1042f.

837, 838n 664, 675, 926, 942

Esma, daughter of Selim II; wife of Mehmed Sokolli (ff. 1564), = Famine, 34, 36, 276n, 277, 282, 292, 295n, 328n, 375, 604,

Espinosa, Diego, chief minister of Philip II, cardinal 1568- ‘Fano, 12, 73, 292, 539n; bishops of, see Gregorio Gheri 1518-

1572, bishop of Siguenza 1568-1572: 957, 966, 1000n 1526?, Pietro Bertano 1537-1558?, Ippolito Capilupi

Esquiroz (near Pampeluna), 196 1560-1567?

Esseg (Eszek, Osijek), 249, 362, 364, 433 Fantini, Girolamo, author of avvisi from Rome in 1535: 391n

Fsslingen, 543 Fantuccio (Fantuzzi), Federigo, envoy of Julius III to Siena ca. Ethiopia, 768n, 1063n; emperor of, see Menna (ff. 1561) 1553: 597, 671F.

Etienne de Lusignan, Dominican historian (b. 1537, d. 1590), Fanzino, see Sigismondo della Torre

945n, 995n Farinato, Paolo, painter (d. 1606), 809n

Etsi ad amplianda, bull of Leo X (1517), 174n Farnese, Alessandro, cardinal, see Paul III

Ettenius, Cornelius, secretary of Peter van der Vorst and author Farnese, Alessandro, son of Ottavio and Margaret of Parma;

of memoirs in 1536: 416, 417n, 418n governor-general of the Netherlands from 1578, duke of

Euboea, see Negroponte Parma and Piacenza from 1586 (b. 1545, d. 1592), 918,

Eugene, prince of Savoy (b. 1663, d. 1736), 1101n, 1102, 1104 920, 1023f., 1061, 1085 Eugenius IV (Gabriele Condulmer), nephew of Gregory XII; | Farnese, Alessandro, son of Pier Luigi and Girolama Orsini;

bishop of Siena 1407-1408, cardinal 1408-1431, pope cardinal 1534-1589, archbishop of Avignon (admin.)

1431-1447: 281, 825 1535-1551, of Monreale (admin.) 1536-1573?, bishop of

Euphrates river, 25, 503, 1042 Massa Marittima (admin.) 1538-1547?, bishop of Viseu Eustache du Bellay, bishop of Paris 1551-1564?: 778n, 808f. (admin.) 1547-—1552?: 400, 403, 404n, 418n, 434ff., 437,

Evangelismos, Orthodox church (at Rhodes), 208n 442ff., 446n, 447, 448n, 450n, 452, 457n, 462f., 464n,

Evora, archbishop of, see Henry of Portugal 1540-1564; 1574- 467, 473n, 474n, 478n, 480n, 482n, 484n, 487f., 490,

1578 (admin.) 492n, 493, 498, 499n, 500, 502, 504n, 506f., 509n, 511, Evreux, 565n 513, 515, 516n, 517n, 518, 520ff., 523f., 548f., 552, 560,

Excusado, 916, 962, 969, 1014, 1078 563, 593f., 596n, 610n, 612, 614, 617ff., 620f., 638, 640F.,

354 752f., 882, 883n, 884f., 912, 918, 1078

Existimavimus haud futurum, bull of Clement VII (1531), 350n, 661n, 716, 721n, 723ff., '727ff., 730f., 733ff., 736f., 743,

Exsequatur, 912, 940, 969 Farnese, Costanza, daughter of Alessandro (Paul III); wife of Bosio II Sforza (widowed 1535), 403, 495n, 533, 634 Farnese, Galeazzo, employer of soldiers for the Holy League

Fabri, Felix, Dominican pilgrim and author of the Evagatorium in 1571: 1022n

(d. 1502), 757f. Farnese, Girolama, sister of Alessandro and Giulia; wife of Puc-

260, 414f., 422, 565 394n

Fabri (Faber), Johann, bishop of Vienna 1530-1539? (d. 1541), cio Pucci and Count Giuliano dell’ Anguillara (d. 1504),

Fabriano, 274n Farnese, Giulia, sister of Alessandro (Paul III); mistress of Al-

Fabrizio del Carretto, grand master of the Hospitallers 1513- exander VI (d. 1524), 394n

1521: 152n, 172, 181, 187n, 194 Farnese, Orazio, son of Pier Luigi and Girolama Orsini; duke

Fabrizio di Sanguine, pro-Spanish adherent of the Carafeschi of Castro from 1549 (d. 1553), 504n, 505, 520, 548, 552f.,

in 1559: 742, 746 563, 596n; wife of, see Diane de Valois, daughter of Henry

Facchinetti, Giannantonio, see Innocent IX II of France Fadrique, illegitimate son of Garcia de Toledo; killed at the Farnese, Ottavio, son of Pier Luigi and Girolama Orsini; duke siege of Malta, 1565: 867 of Parma from 1547 (b. 1524, d. 1586), 400, 402, 467,

INDEX 1127 482, 503n, 504n, 506, 507n, 520f., 526ff., 539n, 548ff., 816f., 821n, 827, 829, 832ff., 835, 842ff., 846n, 922, 953; 551ff., 554, 557f., 560f., 563, 594, 628, 637, 640, 651, wife of, see Anna, daughter of Ladislas, king of Bohemia

659, 661, 664n, 676, 711, 912n, 918, 1023, 1063n; wife and Hungary 1521-1547 of, see Margaret, natural daughter of Charles V (b. 1522, Ferdinand II, son of John II of Aragon; king (V) of Castile and

d. 1586) Léon 1474-1504, of Aragon-Catalonia and Sicily (1469)

Farnese, Pier Luigi, son of Alessandro (Paul III); duke of Parma 1479-1504, of Spain and Naples 1504-1516: 2, 6, 9, 13ff.,

from 1545 (b. 1503, d. 1547), 400, 403, 412, 418n, 440, 16n, 18, 34f., 38ff., 41f., 47n, 49, 54f., 59, 63, 65ff., 69F.,

467, 500, 504n, 527, 548, 557, 724n, 739; wife of, see 76f., 79n, 80n, 85ff., 88, 90, 95ff., 100f., 103f., 105n,

Girolama Orsini 1519-1547 (d. 1570) 109, 112n, 116, 120, 122f., 124n, 126, 130ff., 133, 135f., Farnese, Ranuccio, archbishop of Naples (admin.) 1544-1549, 141, 143ff., 152, 159, 162, 190, 193, 283, 378, 398; wives cardinal 1545-1565, archbishop of Ravenna 1549-1564?, of, see Isabella of Castile 1469-1504, Germaine de Foix

bishop of Bologna (admin.) 1564-1565: 507, 516, 520f., 1506-1516 (d. 1536) 523, 548f., 552, 563, 596n, 611ff., 619f., 638, 711, 723f., Ferdinand, son of Bernardino de’ Frangipani (fl. 1525), 245

737£., 743, 883n, 885n Ferdinand, son of Ferdinand I and Anna of Bohemia; archduke Farnese, Vittoria, daughter of Pier Luigi and Girolama Orsini; of Austria (b. 1529, d. 1595), 844, 921, 1063n wife of Guidobaldo II della Rovere (d. 1602), 403n Ferdinando (Fernando) de Alarcon, imperial captain (b. 1466,

Faro di Messina (in Sicily), 890 d. 1540), 220, 282n, 290f.

Faro di S. Eufemia, 667 Ferdinando de’ Medici, son of Cosimo I; cardinal 1563-(reFata, Simone, secretary of Zaccaria Delfino in 1564: 827 signed)1588: 798n, 1017n

Fati, later called Catherine, Turkish girl seized ca. 1557: 836ff., | Ferentino, 660; bishop of, see Sebastiano Pighino 1548-1550

83 9ff. Ferhad Agha, correspondent of Piali Pasha in 1560: 762n

Fausto, galleon used in the expedition of 1570: 982, 984n Ferhad Pasha, brother-in-law of Suleiman I (d. 1524), 233

Faventino, 264n Fermo, 292, 1097n; bishops of, see Francisco Remolino 1504-

Favignana, 871 1518, Giovanni Salviati 1518-1521, Niccolo de’ Gaddi Feasts, 499, 823 1521-1544?

Fedeli, Fedel, author of an account of the 1570-1571 war Fernandez de Cordoba, Gonzalo, duke of Sessa (d. 1578), 1079,

against the Turks: 1057n 1086

Federico de’ Cesi, bishop of Todi 1523-1545?, cardinal 1544— — Fernandez Vigil de Quinones, Claudio, count of Luna; Spanish

1565, bishop of Cremona (admin.) 1551-1560?: 511f., ambassador to the Council of Trent in 1563: 777n, 804ff., 513n, 613, 723, 728f., 732ff., 735, 740, 748, 755, 883n 807ff., 810, 812f., 816f., 819ff., 823

Federico of Gorizia, see Federico Strassoldo Fernando, nephew of Melchor de Robles; killed at the siege Federigo d’ Aragona, son of Ferrante I d’ Aragona and Isabella of Malta 1565: 866 di Chiaramonte; prince of Altamura (to 1496), king of | Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, third duke of Alva (b. 1508, d.

Naples (1496) 1497-1501 (d. 1504), 15n, 16n 1582), Spanish soldier, 120, 413, 651ff., 656ff., 659f.,

Federigo di Sanseverino, son of Roberto; cardinal 1489-1516: 662ff., 665ff., 668ff., 671ff., 674ff., 677fF., 680, 6826f., 95, 98, 99n, 105f., 111, 113f., 118, 135n, 136, 143n, 145, 685ff., 688f., 691, 694, 698, 712, 714, 838, 871, 911,

146n, 149, 150n 913ff., 916ff., 919f., 941, 990, 1020n, 1078; wife of, see

Felice, wife of Marc’ Antonio Colonna (fl. 1556), 646, 745 Maria Enriquez

Felice della Rovere, daughter of Julius 11; wife of Gian Giordano —_‘ Fernando de Herrera, author of a contemporary account of

Orsini (fl. 1512), 119n, 139n the battle of Lepanto (b. 1536, d. 1599), 1053n, 1054n

Felipe de Paredes (Peretz), Catalan agent in Alexandria for Fernando de Mendoza, envoy of Don John to Pius V in 1571:

Spain, France, and Naples (ff. 1510), 23f., 26ff. 1066

Feltre, 487; bishops of, see Lorenzo Campeggio 1512-1520, Fernando Francisco de Avalos, Ital. Ferdinando (or Ferrante)

Tommaso Campeggio 1520-1546? Francesco d’ Avalos (b. 1489, d. 1525), marquis of Pescara,

Feodosiya, see Caffa 457n

Fen, Onorato, man-at-arms at Castel Nuovo in 1528: 297n husband of Vittoria Colonna (from 1509), 118, 225, 228, Feramosca (Fieramosca), Cesare, imperial officer (d. 1528), | Fernando Francisco de Avalos (Ferdinando Francesco d’ Avalos),

258f., 260n, 262f., 296 marquis of Pescara and Vasto (d. 1571), 726, 781, 783n,

Ferdinand I, son of Philip the Handsome and Joanna (‘‘the 788n, 809, 1022; wife of, see Isabella Gonzaga 1554-1571 Mad’) of Castile; archduke of Austria 1521, king of Bohe- (b. 1537, d. 1579) mia and Hungary 1526, king of the Romans 1531,emperor _ Ferrals, M. de, French ambassador in Rome in 1573: 1091 1558-1564: 142n, 189, 190n, 216n, 219, 235, 236n, 237, Ferrante (Ferdinand) I (d’ Aragona), bastard son of Alfonso I

239, 244, 246n, 248ff., 251n, 252ff., 258, 260f., 278n, (V of Aragon); king of Naples 1458-1494 and (II) of Sicily 291, 292n, 300f., 310, 312ff., 315ff., 318ff., 322fFf., 326n, 1479-1494: 14; wives of, see Isabella di Chiaramonte,

327, 328n, 329, 332ff., 335, 336n, 337n, 340f., 343n, Joanna (III) of Aragon 344n, 346, 347n, 348ff., 351, 354f., 357f., 360ff., 363f., Ferrante, son of Federigo d’ Aragona (d. 1559), 15n 366n, 367n, 369ff., 372ff., 375ff., 378fF., 381ff., 384ff., Ferrante d’ Aragona, duke of Montalto in 1528: 295 387ff., 390f., 399, 403ff., 406, 412, 414n, 415, 416n, ‘Ferrante di Sanguine, father of Fabrizio, Neapolitan relative

420ff., 431n, 432, 433n, 434ff., 437, 440, 442ff., 447, of the Carafeschi (fl. 1560), 727, 746 452, 455ff., 458ff., 461, 463ff., 466, 469n, 471ff., 476ff., | Ferrante di Sanseverino, prince of Salerno (b. 1507), 584, 588,

479f., 482ff., 485ff., 489ff., 492f., 503f., 525n, 530, 542, 598f. 547, 549, 555f., 560, 561n, 563, 565ff., 568ff., 571ff., Ferrara, 1, 15, 34, 36n, 50n, 55, 63, 72ff., 75f., 78, 80, 86, 574ff., 577f6., 580ff., 584, 585n, 589, 591, 596, 603n, 90f., 93f., 104, 108, 116n, 119f., 122, 125n, 128, 129n, 608f., 622, 627ff., 630, 632f., 646, 651n, 658, 662, 664n, 130ff., 134, 138, 140, 160, 167n, 190, 203, 220, 237n, 665, 689f., 696ff., 699f., 705, 707f., 714ff., 717f., 726, 255, 259n, 262f., 272, 282, 284, 287f., 297, 299, 323n,

755, 760, 766, 769, 771f., 773n, 774f., 777ff., 790ff., 327, 329, 340, 341n, 346, 367n, 368, 411, 412n, 478, 796ff., 799ff., 802ff., 805n, 806, 808n, 810, 812n, 813f., 507, 528, 534f., 550n, 552, 557n, 563n, 564, 581, 584,

1128 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 589n, 596f., 601f., 603n, 637n, 642f., 656f., 662, 666, 758; Flaminio ‘‘dall’ Anguillara,” in employ of Giovanni 671ff., 674, 676, 680f., 684, 722n, 723, 745, 853n, 1071; Carafa of Paliano, 702f. cardinal of, see Ippolito d’ Este; bishop of, see Giovanni _ Flanders, 43n, 49, 89, 193, 212, 227, 238, 275, 311, 327, 392,

Salviati (admin.) 1520-1550; rulers of, see Alfonso I d’ 461, 470, 473, 503, 557n, 558, 596, 602, 623n, 624, 647, Este 1505-1534, Ercole IJ d’ Este 1534-1559, Alfonso II 665, 680, 683, 686n, 689, 691, 705, 888, 910f., 913ff.,

d’ Este 1559-1597 916f., 918n, 919f., 941, 961, 1008, 1012, 1079f., 1086, Ferrara-Florence, Council of (1438-1439), 492, 756, 796, 807, 1088, 1097

819, 821, 825 Flanders-Artois, 709n

Ferrarese, 71, 76, 77n, 91n, 264n Fleix, treaty of (1580), 840n

Ferrari, Marc’ Antonio, secretary of George Martinuzzi ca. Flemings, 23, 707n, 914

1551: 571, 576 Flodden Field, battle of (1513), 87, 150n

Ferraro, Battista, Genoese in Istanbul in 1566: 895n, 896n, ‘Florence, city, 3, 5n, 36n, 81, 90, 93, 98f., 102f., 112, 114n,

898f. 144, 159n, 161, 167n, 256f., 261ff., 265n, 266f., 272,

Ferreri, Bonifazio, bishop of Vercelli 1509-1511, of Ivrea 274, 276n, 277, 283n, 293, 305, 308, 330, 339ff., 362,

1511-1518, cardinal 1517-1543: 221 412, 441, 528n, 529, 581, 595, 599, 602, 605, 677, 762,

Ferreri, Guido Luca, bishop of Vercelli 1562-1572, cardinal 956; archbishops of, see Cosimo de’ Pazzi 1508-1513, Giulio

1565-1585: 851f., 884 de’ Medici 1513-1523, Niccolo Ridolfi 1524-1532?

Ferreri, Zaccaria, abbot of Monte Subasio (fl. 1511), 97, 106f., Florence, republic of, 1, 15, 40, 43n, 54, 80, 90, 97f., 100,

112f. 101n, 103ff., 106n, 108f., 114f., 119, 129, 132f., 145,

Ferrerio, Filiberto, papal nuncio in France in 1538: 446n 161, 166n, 167, 190, 219, 221, 231, 237, 241f., 255, 257, Ferro, Antonio, Venetian envoy to Istanbul in 1487: 607n 275n, 277, 280, 282, 297, 310n, 335n, 342n, 346, 368, Ferro, Girolamo, Venetian bailie in Istanbul in 1561: 770, 831 370, 433, 441, 564n, 601, 603n, 606n, 613n, 623n, 633, Ferruccio, Francesco, Florentine commissioner (b. 1489, d. 642f., 645, 648, 659n, 667, 670n, 683, 733, 735, 742,

1530), 342 758, 818, 820, 860n, 869n, 871, 872n, 915, 957n, 997, Fez, 864 1017n, 1084; rulers of, see Lorenzo de’ Medici 1478-1492, Ficarolo, 76 Piero de’ Medici 1492—1494, Cosimo I de’ Medici 1537Fidenae (ancient town north of Rome), 275 1574

Fidenza, see Borgo San Donnino Florentines, 3n, 17, 34, 48, 59, 61, 71, 88, 89n, 91f., 96, 97ff., Fiesole, bishops of, see Braccio Martelli 1530-1552, Pietro Ca- 100, 101n, 102ff., 107ff., 112, 114f., 131, 132n, 133, 136,

maiani 1552-1566 179, 190, 196, 227n, 241n, 248, 258, 265, 267, 274, 292,

Fifth Lateran Council (1512-1517), 92, 95, 99, 107, 110, 111n, 297, 310, 322, 323n, 327, 329f., 332, 333n, 336, 34I1f.,

114f., 121, 123, 124n, 125ff., 133ff., 136ff., 139, 143, 529, 592, 600f., 603, 633, 664, 760, 1017 144n, 145, 146n, 147, 148n, 149ff., 153f., 169f., 173, Floriana, on Malta, 854

527, 796, 807 Florida, 888f., 911

Fil’ akova (Hung. Fulek), 584 Florimonte, Galeazzo, bishop at the Council of Trent in 1545:

Filonardi, Ennio, bishop of Veroli 1503-1538, cardinal 1536- 492n

1549, bishop of Montefeltro (admin.) 1538-1549?: 369n, —_ Florisze (Florensz), Hadrian, cardinal, see Hadrian VI

506, 508n, 514f. Foggia, 993 Finch, John, Sir, English ambassador in Istanbul ca. 1672 (b. Foglietta, Uberto, Italian historian (b. ca. 1518, d. 1581), 617, 1626, d. 1682), 1099 1027n Fineka, 992n, 1030; Bay of, 972 Folambray, 483n Fiordibello, Antonio, secretary under Paul IV, 633n Folch de Cardona, Ramon, Spanish general (d. 1522), 109,

Fiorentino, the, 601 113n, 115ff., 118, 120n, 125, 129n, 132f., 134n, 143ff., Fiorenzuola d’ Arda, 256, 261, 287 149f., 160

Firmanus, Cornelius, papal master of ceremonies, bishop of hi _ _ Osimo 1574-1588: 877n, 883ff., 886n, 956n, 1016 Pon O Chen tle 1S00C1 568 1987

1509: ?

Firmanus, Joannes Franciscus, uncle of Cornelius Firmanus and —pondaco dei Tedeschi (in Venice), 849n, 942

Lodovico Bondoni de Branchi: 877n . ; Fondaco dei Turchi, see Casa del Duca di Ferrara

Firmanus, see Lodovico Bondoni de’ Branchi, Cornelius, papal .,damenta del Me gio (in Venice), 82, 83n

; masters of ceremonies - eye , Fondamenta Nuove (in Venice), 946n

Firmian, Bartolommeo, ‘““German”’ envoy to Maximilian I in Fondi, 307

First Vatican Council (1869-1870), 486, 494, 785, 795n, 824, Fontainebleau, saree oo 1714). 753

Joseph Strossmayer Fontana, arc itect ( 4,of¢.Rhodes ), q -827f.; ~ “Ppand yer see Fontanus, Jacobus, historian of Carlo, the second siege (i. Fiskardho (Guiscardo), bay at Cephalonia, 1051 ) nm, sane , n ; Heoiti . Foresti, Francesco, captain at Famagusta (d. 1571), 1004n Firuz (Feriz) Beg, sanjakbey of Bosnia in 1509: 61, 88 1599 903 210 o1ln, 212, 213

Fitzroy, Henry, illegitimate son of Henry VIII and Elizabeth x ; Pp 8 Blount; duke of Richmond and Surrey 1525-1536 (b.1519, Foret-Montiers, 481n .

d. 1536), 241 Forh, 9, 12f., 16, 49n, 136n, 140, 264, 288, 292, 800; bishops

Fiume (Rijeka), 52, 358n, 385, 532, 608, 903f.; vicecaptain of, of, see Pietro Griffo (Griffus) 1512-1516, Gian Francesco

see Johann Rizan Canobio 1580-1587?

Fiumicino, 668f. Forman, Andrew, bishop of Moray 1501-—1513?, archbishop Flach, Georg, titular bishop of Salona 1544-1555?: 548n of Bourges 1513-1514, of S. Andrew’s 1514-1522: 95n Flacius, Matthias, Lutheran reformer (b. 1520, d. 1575), 715 — Fornovo, battle of (1495), 69n Flaminio di Stabio, brother-in-law of Pietro Strozzi (fl. 1556), | Fort Caroline (in Florida), 888

673 Fort S. Angelo (at Malta), 854, 856ff., 860f., 863f., 868, 870f.,

Flaminio Orsini dell’ Anguillara, galley commander in 1560: 875

INDEX 1129 Fort S. Elmo (at Malta), 842n, 854ff., 857ff., 860ff., 863ff., | Francesco Armellino de’ Medici, cardinal 1517-1528, bishop

867f., 869n, 870, 873, 875, 886, 887n, 889 of Gerace (admin.) 1517-1519, archbishop of Taranto

Fort S. Michael (at Malta), 854, 861, 863f., 866f., 868n, 869, 1525-1528: 234

876, 902n Francesco da Corte, jurist (ff. 1512), 112

Fort S. Nicholas (at Rhodes), 206, 208n Francesco da Molin, galley commander in 1571: 1005 Forte, outworks at the fortress at Jerba, 764f. Francesco da Monte, Venetian envoy to the soldan in 1506:

Fortezza, La, Genoese galley, 762 21f.

Fortezza Medicea (in Siena), 592 Francesco da Montepulciano, husband of the aromataria LuFoscari, Agostino, Venetian; son of Marco (fl. 1527), 267 crezia (fl. 1505), 36

Foscari, Francesco, Venetian ambassador to Rome 1511-1513: | Francesco da Ravenna, Dominican conspirator against Bayazid

82n, 109n, 118f., 121, 124, 128n, 129n, 130, 134, 136n, II in 1504: 34

137f., 139n, 148 Francesco de’ Frangipani, archbishop of Kalocza 1530~—1543,

Foscari, Marco, Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1523 and bishop of Erlau 1539-1543: 253n, 314n, 319n, 436f., 466

1525, to Florence in 1527: 213n, 220ff., 223ff., 226,227n, Francesco de’ Medici, son of Cosimo I and Eleonora of Toledo;

228n, 229n, 230, 231n, 232, 233n, 239f., 267, 274, 275n, grand duke of Tuscany from 1574 (b. 1541, d. 1587),

276n, 438n 1023, 1063n; wife of, see Joanna, daughter of Ferdinand

Foscarini, Giacomo, Venetian captain-general of the sea in 1572 I 1565-1578

(d. 1602), 1065n, 1072n, 1073f., 1076n, 1078, 1081ff., | Francesco della Rovere, bishop of Vicenza 1509~1514, of Vol-

1084, 1086 terra 1514-1530, archbishop of Benevento 1530-1544

Foscolo, Andrea, Venetian bailie in Istanbul in 1507 and 1510: (d. 1545), 139n 23n, 51f., 57, 66, 69n, 70f., 72n, 74f., 78, 79n, 88, 90, Francesco di Castelalto, captain retained by Ferdinand of Haps-

122, 196n burg in Trent at the time of the council, 491

Foscolo, Leonardo, Venetian commander (fl. 1648), 422n Francesco di S. Clemente, Hospitaller ‘‘general of the galleys”’

Foscolo, Pietro, brother of Andrea (ff. 1512), 122 in 1570: 937

Fossa (now Fiumara) S. Giovanni, south of Messina, 1050, 1086n Francesco Giulio de Nursia, physician in Rome in 1549: 519 Fossombrone, 109n, 676n; bishop of, see Niccolo Ardinghelli Francesco Maria della Rovere, son of Giovanni and Giovanna

1541-1547? da Montefeltro; duke of Urbino 1508-1516, 1521-1538,

Fourquevaux, sieur de, see Raymond de Rouer (b. 1509, d. lord of Pesaro 1513-1516: 5n, 16, 51, 96n, 118n, 120n,

1574) 129, 138, 139n, 165n, 166, 167n, 190, 201, 225, 228,

Fracassato, Marc’ Antonio, putative Bolognese aboard the Bar- 242n, 248, 254n, 257, 260n, 261, 262n, 264, 267f., 275f.,

bara in 1552: 587 280ff., 285, 293n, 332, 363n, 402, 403n, 425n, 426n,

Fracastoro, Girolamo, Veronese physician and poet (b. 1483, 429; wife of, see Eleonora Gonzaga (d. 1570)

d. 1553), 308n, 309n, 498, 499n, 548n Francesco Maria della Rovere, son of Guidobaldo II; duke (II) Francavilla al Mare, Villefranche-sur-Mer, 904f. of Urbino from 1574 (b. 1548, d. 1631), 1023f., 1061 France, lf., 7, 9, 15, 16n, 26f., 29, 34f., 39ff., 42ff., 46f.,47n, | Francesco Todeschini de’ Piccolomini, cardinal, see Pius III

51f., 57, 60, 63, 67£., 70, 72, 75ff., 80, 86f., 88n, 89ff., Franche-Comté, 473, 481, 911, 916 93{f., 96n, 98, 99n, 100f., 103, 105ff., 108f.,112f.,114n, Francis I, son of Charles, count of Angouléme and Louise of 115n, 119ff., 124ff., 128, 129n, 130, 132, 134, 135n, Savoy; king of France 1515-1547: 135n, 142n, 152n, 157n, 136ff., 140f., 145, 148n, 150, 156, 159n, 161, 165n, 167n, 159ff., 162ff., 165ff., 170ff., 173ff., 178ff., 181, 183n, 174ff., 177ff., 180n, 181n, 183f., 185n, 187, 191, 193f., 184ff., 187f., 190ff., 193ff., 196, 199f., 201n, 202ff., 208n,

196, 198, 200n, 201, 204, 209, 215n, 219, 223n, 225, 214, 216ff., 219ff., 222fF., 225ff., 229ff., 232n, 235ff., 226n, 227, 231, 235, 237, 244ff., 247, 250, 252, 254n, 238ff., 241f., 245ff., 248, 250f., 254f., 257, 259f., 264ff., 255n, 256, 257n, 258, 260, 265ff., 268, 272, 275, 278n, 274f., 276n, 277, 283ff., 287, 288n, 290ff., 297, 299n, 280, 283ff., 287ff., 291f., 294n, 295n, 296f., 299f., 304f., 300, 302f., 307, 311ff., 314, 317ff., 321ff., 327f., 332, 308, 312ff., 316, 318, 320ff., 327, 329n, 334, 344, 351, 336, 340, 344, 346ff., 349ff., 357n, 359ff., 362f., 364n, 35’77n, 358, 361ff., 366ff., 370, 373, 378, 380, 387, 391ff., 370, 375, 377ff., 380n, 381, 385f., 389, 391ff., 395, 396n, 396n, 397n, 398, 399n, 401f., 404, 407n, 410, 412, 413n, 398ff., 401f., 406, 407n, 409, 413ff., 420f., 423f., 425n, 414f., 420f., 423f., 427f., 430n, 431, 442n, 446n, 449n, 427, 429f., 431n, 434, 437, 440ff., 445, 448n, 449n, 450Ff., 453, 456ff., 459n, 461, 462n, 463ff., 468f., 473, 480f., 453, 455f., 457n, 458n, 459n, 460ff., 463ff., 466f., 468n, 485f., 489n, 490, 497f., 503, 504n, 517n, 520f., 522n, 470ff., 473, 479ff., 482ff., 486, 493, 504, 556, 569n, 632, 524n, 529, 536, 539, 546ff., 549, 550n, 551n, 556ff., 559, 698n, 705, 709n, 836ff.; wives of, see Claude, daughter of 56Lff., 565, 594f., 599n, 600n, 602, 614, 618, 627n, 628, Louis XII 1514-1524; Eleonora, daughter of Philip the 632f., 635fF., 639f., 642ff., 645, 647ff., 650f., 655, 660F., Handsome 1530-1547 663, 664n, 667f., 671ff., 674, 676, 678, 679n, 680, 683ff., Francis II, son of Henry II and Catherine de’ Medici; king of

686f., 689ff., 692n, 693, 696n, 697, 704ff., 707f., 709n, France 1559-1560: 723, 725, 729, 766f., 769, 773, 829, 712f., 725, 727, 729, 734, 741n, 743, 750n, 753ff., 758, 831; wife of, see Mary Stuart 1558-1560 (b. 1542, d. 1587) 759n, 766f., 769, 773ff., 778, 785, 786n, 788ff., 794,797, Francis, son of Francis I and Claude, daughter of Louis XII; 800f., 803, 805f., 808, 812, 814f., 819Ff., 825, 829ff., 832, dauphin of France (b. 1517, d. 1536), 323, 413n 834, 836ff., 839ff., 846f., 853n, 883n, 887f., 890, 899, Franciscans (Minorites), 148n, 188, 706, 733, 740, 917, 1024, 91 OfFf., 91 7fF., 921f., 938Ff., 941, 948n, 949, 951, 955, 958, 1053n; general of, see Clemente Dolera (d. 1568); and see

970, 994n, 1008, 1019n, 1022n, 1043n, 1049, 1LOGIF., Francisco Quinones, Miguel Servia, Sixtus IV 1071, 1079, 1081n, 1087ff., 1100; Hospitallers from, 207, Francisco de Aguilar, Spanish soldier deserting to the Turks

854; kings of see Louis VII 1137-1180, Philip TV 1285- at the siege of Malta in 1565: 866f. 1314, Louis XI 1461-1483, Louis XII 1498-1515, Francis — Francisco (or Francés) de Alaba, Spanish commandant in Siena

I 1515-1547, Henry II 1547-1559, Francis I] 1559-1560, in 1552: 593n Charles IX 1560-1574, Henry III 1574-1589, Henry IV __ Francisco de Eraso, secretary of Philip II (d. 1570), 876, 878,

1589-1610; queen of, see Catherine de’ Medici 1547-1559 902n, 905f., 915

1130 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Francisco de Guiral, commander of a battery at the siege of Frascati, 3, 675

Malta in 1565: 864 Fraticelli, 454

Francisco de los Cobos, imperial secretary in 1532, commander ___ Fratta Polesine, 263n

of the Order of S. James of Spata in 1533: 361n, 362, Frederick I (‘‘Barbarossa’’), Hohenstaufen king of Germany

367n, 413, 432 1152-1155, emperor 1155-1190: 47, 63

Francisco de Mendoza, bishop of Coria 1533-1550, cardinal Frederick II, grandson of Frederick I; Hohenstaufen king (I)

1544-1566, bishop of Burgos 1550-1566: 523n, 524, of Sicily 1197—1250, emperor of Germany 1212 (crowned 606n, 639, 656, 722n 1220)-1250: 63 Francisco de Murillo, correspondent of Antonio Perezin 1571: — Frederick III, Hapsburg duke of Styria 1435-1486 (1493),

1053 king (IV) of Germany 1440-1452, emperor (IIT) 1452-

Francisco de Navarra, bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo 1542-1545, 1493, archduke (V) of Austria 1457-1486 (1493), 189

of Badajoz 1545-1556, archbishop of Valencia 1556-1563: Frederick III (‘‘the Wise’’), grandson of Frederick II; Wettin

498 duke (and elector) of Saxony 1486-1525: 191

Francisco de Rojas, Spanish ambassador in Rome in 1504: 17 _ Free Cities (of the German empire), 343n, 420, 633 Francisco de Salazar, correspondent of Mercurino Gattinara _ Fregellae, 569

in 1527: 269n, 271, 273, 277 Fregoso, Cesare, Genoese supporter of the French (d. 1541),

Francisco de Sanoguera, commander at S. Elmo in the siege 457f., 459n, 462n

of Malta (d. 1565), 863f., 867 Fregoso, Federigo, archbishop of Salerno 1507-1533?, bishop

Francisco de Toledo, imperial envoy to the Council of Trent (admin.) of Gubbio 1508-1541, cardinal 1539-1541: 415

in 1551: 538, 540ff., 543, 544f., 546n, 602 Fréjus, bishops of, see Niccolo de’ Fieschi 1495-1511; Franciotto Francisco de Vargas, Spanish ambassador, 540n, 541, 544f., Orsini 1524-1525 632n, 657, 681, 686, 723, 724n, 726ff., 729ff., 732ff., | French, lff., 5, 6n, 7, 9, 11, 15, 16n, 23f., 26ff., 32, 35, 40, 735f., 738f., 742ff., 745, 751, 777n, 783n, 784n, 786f., 43f., 46, 53, 55f., 59ff., 63, 64n, 66ff., 69, 71ff., 74, 76ff.,

794n, 795n, 796n, 799n, 806, 821n, 884 79n, 80f., 86f., 88n, 89, 91n, 92ff., 95fF., 101, 103f., 106n,

Franco-Turkish treaty (or entente) of 1536, 400f., 414, 841 107, 109n, 110, 113, 114n, LID5ff., LI8ff., 121f., 124f., Francois I, son of Claude of Lorraine; duke of Guise from 1550 128ff., 131ff., 134f., 137, 139ff., 142ff., 145, 147£., 150,

(b. 1519, d. 1563), 642ff., 657, 664n, 666, 673, 675ff., 152, 159f., 162, 164, 165n, 166, 175, 177f., 179, 193f., 678ff., 681ff., 684ff., 687, 689ff., 693, 694n, 712, 723, 196, 204n, 216n, 218, 220, 223ff., 226ff., 229, 235, 238n, 724n, 767, 785n, 795f., 806; wife of, see Anna d’ Este (b. 244ff., 255, 257, 263, 282n, 284, 285n, 287, 292, 294ff.,

1531, d. 1607) 297, 299f., 302ff., 306, 309f., 312, 316, 321, 335n, 336,

Francois de Dinteville, French diplomat, bishop of Riez 1527- 344, 347, 361, 368f., 386, 391, 401, 402n, 404, 406, 1530, of Auxerre 1530-1556: 348f., 360, 361n, 363n 414n, 427, 431n, 432, 452, 455, 457, 465f., 469, 471ff., Francois de la Tour, viscount of Turenne, 297, 298n, 299 480, 481n, 483n, 484, 489f., 497n, 504, 507, 511f., 515, Francois de Lorraine, Hospitaller grand prior of France (b. 519, 522, 527, 535f., 539n, 545, 548, 550ff., 556ff7., 561ff.,

1534, d. 1563), 836, 839 582f., 584n, 592, 593n, 594, 597f., 600n, 601ff., 604Ff.,

Francois de Montmorency, younger brother of Anne (fl. 1522), 609ff., 612, 617fF., 620, 623n, 625, 632, 634ff., 637, 640,

209, 214 644ff., 651, 653, 656f., 659n, 664n, 665ff., 668ff., 671Ff.,

Francois de Noailles, French diplomat in Venice and Istanbul, 674ff., 677f., 680f., 683ff., 687, 689ff., 692f., 697ff., 701Ff., bishop of Dax 1556-1562? (b. 1519, d. 1585), 696n, 698n, 704f., 707ff., 720, 722ff., 727f., 730ff., 733ff., 737, 741, 700f., 702n, 704n, 707n, 766n, 767, 830ff., 839f., 1008, 743, 749f., 751n, 759, 761, 766f., 777, 778n, 783ff., 786,

1049, 1068n, 1071, 1075f., 1081n, 1088ff., 1091 788, 791, 793, 796f., 801, 803, 805f., 808, 814f., 821, Francois de Saint Pol, French soldier (b. 1491, d. 1545), 328 824, 828, 831ff., 835ff., 838ff., 841, 852, 882, 883n, 888, Francois de Tournon, archbishop of Embrun 1518-1526, of 890, 894, 899n, 905, 911ff., 916, 924n, 926, 929f., 937ff., Bourges 1526-1537?, cardinal 1530-1562, archbishop of 952, 963, 969, 999n, 1008n, 1029n, 1049, 1075, 1076n, Auch (admin.) 1538-1551, of Lyon (admin.) 1551-1562: 1079ff., 1081n, 1088, 1089n, 1090, 1097f., 1101 515, 546, 558ff., 561, 563f., 610, 618, 637, 641ff., 644, French language, 17, 89, 91n, 178n, 362, 699, 795 652ff., 676n, 680n, 690n, 713n, 723, 725n, 728n, 729, Frequens, decree of the Council of Constance (1417), 544

732, 734f., 737f., 750 Freschies (Frizer), Cristoforo, papal nuncio to England in 1510-

Francois Guillaume de Clermont, archbishop of Narbonne 1511: 96n

1502-1507, cardinal 1503-1541, archbishop of Auch Frescobaldi, Girolamo, importer of alum from Asia Minor in

1507-1538, bishop (admin.) of Agde 1531-1541: 221 1505-1506: 49

Francois Louis de Bourbon, cardinal, see Louis de Bourbon Friedrich II, count palatine of the Rhine from 1544 (b. 1482,

Franck, Marcello, see Silber d. 1556), 603n

Frangipani, comital family at Veglia (to 1480) and Segna, 37, Friedrich, son of Joachim II of Brandenburg; archbishop of

200n, 244n, 245, 246n Magdeburg and bishop of Halberstadt in 1552 (d. 1552),

Frankfurt am Main, 191n, 192n, 658, 699n, 707n, 716, 766, 543

772, 795, 816, 829, 922; (Frankfurt), “‘Agreement of’ Friedrich, son of Johann II and Beatrix of Baden; count palatine

(Frankfurter Anstand [1539]), 452 (III) of the Rhine from 1559 (b. 1515, d. 1576), 933

Franz, son of Henry and Margaret of Saxony; duke of Lineburg __ Friedrich, Johann, theologian and historian (b. 1836, d. 1917),

405, 417 Frisia, 910

(jointly with brother Ernst) 1536-1538 (b. 1508, d. 1549), 827n

Franz von Sprinzenstein, envoy of Ferdinand of Austria to __ Frisio (Fries?), Niccolo, negotiator for the League of Cambrai

Istanbul in 1536: 422n in 1507-1508: 51

Franz von Turm, imperial ambassador to Rome in 1559: 726 Friuli, 34, 37, 60, 63, 65f., 71, 81n, 83, 88ff., 93n, 94, 150n,

Franzozin, servant of Juan Antonio de Taxis (fl. 1556), 652 193n, 259, 261, 279n, 347, 366n, 435, 439f., 442, 495,

Frari (in Venice), 12, 279, 933 589, 637, 661, 771, 941, 948, 970, 1010, 1093

INDEX 1131 Frosinone, 258, 259n, 659f., 754 Gallo, Dr., procurator and doctor in Famagusta in 1571: 1033 Frumento, Giovanni, Venetian secretary in 1571: 1001n Gambella, 1005

Fuenterrabia (Fontarabia), 132n Gara della Rovere, Sisto, nephew of Julius II, cardinal 1507-

Fugger, Jacob, banker of Augsburg (b. 1459, d. 1525), 192n 1517, bishop of Vicenza (admin.) 1507-1509, of Camerino

Fugger, Philipp Eduard, member of the banking family (b. 1508-1509, of Padua 1509-1517: 56, 139n

1546, d. 1618), 753n Garcia de Loaisa, Juan, bishop of Osma 1524-1532?, cardinal

Fugger, Ulrich, banker of Augsburg (b. 1526, d. 1584), 746n, 1530-1546, bishop of Siguenza 1532-1539, archbishop

849n, 855, 919, 954, 1020n of Seville 1539-1546: 362

Fuggers, bankers from Augsburg, 102, 112n, 189, 849f., 852, Garcia de Toledo, son of Pedro; soldier and writer (b. 1514,

856n, 865, 877, 879, 894, 932, 940, 942, 954, 960, 965, d. 1578), 594n, 595, 598, 659, 838n, 842n, 844n, 853n,

1014, 1020, 1059 854, 855n, 856n, 857, 858n, 859f., 862, 863n, 866ff.,

Fulvio della Corgna, brother of Ascanio, bishop of Perugia 869ff., 872ff., 875ff., 878F., 889, 899, IO1f., 904fF., 911,

1550-1553?, cardinal 1551-1583: 613, 620, 659, 732f., 913, 957, 969, 973, 1045n, 1046, 1048

860, 883n, 988n, 1000, 1001n Garcilasso de la Vega, special envoy to Rome from Charles V

Fumone, 660 and Philip [II] in 1555: 641, 646, 652f., 656, 658, 689

Fundi, 15 Garde, Baron de la, see Antoine des Escalins

Fiinfkirchen (Pécs), 369, 791n, 846; bishops of, see George Gargano, 607 Szakmari 1505-1523, Stephen Broderic (in 1533 and _ Garigliano, battle of (1503), 6n 1535), Anton Verantius 1554-1560, Georg Draskovic Garigliano river, 9, 15, 48n, 659 1560-1564?, Andrea Duditio Sbardellati 1565-1573?; Garlonia d’ Alife, Violante, wife of Giovanni Carafa, duke of

provost of, see Stephen Broderic (d. 1539) Paliano (d. 1559), 677, 678n, 683, 711, 747ff., 751, 754n Garlonio, Ferrante, count d’ Alife, brother of Violante (d. 1561),

678n, 746ff., 750n, 752, 753n

Gabés, Gulf of, 235, 760 Garonne river, 838

Gabriel VII, Coptic patriarch of Alexandria 1526-1569: 768 Gascons, 76, 116f., 286, 601, 660, 676, 680, 684 Gabriel de Lorges, count of Montgomery (b. ca. 1530,d. 1574), Gascony, 122

725 Gaspar de Guzman, Count-Duke Olivares, prime minister of

Gabriel de Luetz, baron d’ Aramon, French diplomat (fl. 1526- Philip IV of Spain (d. 1645), 1099 1553), 470, 481ff., 485, 555f., 560, 582n, 691, 692n, Gaspard de Coligny, brother of Odet de Chatillon; admiral of

952n France (b. 1519, d. 1572), 1088

Gabriele Tadini di Martinengo, Italian engineer at the siege | Gasparino de Melis, papal police chief in 1561: 752

of Rhodes in 1522: 206f., 211, 213n, 284n Gasparo dal Fosso, bishop of Scala 1548-1551, of Calvi 1551-

Gacka river, 608 1560, of Reggio di Calabria 1560-1592: 777

Gaddi, Girolamo, bishop of Cortona 1562-1572: 811 Gaspary von Fels, leader of the duke of Alva’s mercenaries in Gaeta, |5, 86n, 111n, 258n, 286, 293ff., 296, 297n, 309, 528, 1557: 677 582f., 585, 593, 595, 634, 643, 701, 1024, 1078; bishop Gaston de Foix, duke of Nemours, French lieutenant-general

of, see Tommaso de Vio of Gaeta (Cajetan) 1519-1534 in Milan (b. 1489, d. 1512), 28, 111n, 113ff., 116ff., 287 Gaetano di Sermoneta, Niccolo, cardinal 1536-1589, bishop Gaston de la Cerda, son of Juan; present at the siege of Jerba

of Bisignano (admin.) 1537-1549?; 1558-1560?, arch- in 1560: 762 bishop of Conza 1539-1546, of Capua 1546-1549?; 1564- Gattilusio, Stefano, bishop of Melos 1560-1564?: 755 1572? (admin.), bishop of Quimper 1550-1560: 610, 612f., | Gattinara, Giovanni Bartolommeo, cousin of Mercurino (d.

638, 673, 687, 711, 732f., 736 1544), 269n, 276n redan in 1510: 88 chancellor of Charles V in 1518, cardinal 1529-1530:

Gaiarino (Guarino?), Matteo, correspondent of Leonardo Lo- _ Gattinara, Mercurino, Piedmontese lawyer and humanist, grand

Gaiseric, Vandal chieftan (b. ca. 390, d. 477), 306 206n, 238n, 239n, 243n, 259n, 269n, 271, 273, 277, 332

Galata, 372, 381n, 921 Gatto, Angelo, author of an account of the siege of Famagusta

Galatea, 264 (fl. 1573), 928n, 996n, 1004n, 1006f., 1017n, 1027ff.,

Galateo, Il, treatise of Giovanni della Casa (ca. 1551~1554), 1031n, 1032n, 1035n, 1036f., 1038n, 1041

432, 475n, 633 Gaude et letare Iherusalem, bull of Leo X (1518), 187

Galeotti, 891, 944, 968, 1010 Gavinana, 342 Galeotto della Rovere, nephew of Julius II; cardinal 1503- Gaza, 706 1507: 16, 56 Gazanfer Beg, sanjakbey of Chios ca. 1566: 898 Galleria Doria-Pamphili, in Rome, 1100 Gdansk (Danzig), 318 Gallese, 712n, 713, 727, 743, 745, 747, 749 Gemona, 244n

Galli, Tolomeo, bishop of Martorano 1560-1562, archbishop Genazzano, 650, 687 of Manfredonia 1562-—1573?, cardinal 1565-1607: 1019n, Geneva, 136, 766n, 911, 916f.

1087n, 1089f., 1094n, 1097 Genevans, 917

Gallican Church, 136, 545, 550, 814, 818 Genoa, city, 86f., 91, 93, 102, 110, 129n, 130, 164n, 171,

Gallicanism, 81, 111, 796, 803, 814 230n, 246n, 248, 272, 284f., 305, 310n, 328f., 340, 344, Gallicans, 95f., 98, 114, 120f., 125, 129, 133f., 154, 170, 510ff., 345n, 356, 358, 363, 395n, 397n, 412, 427, 445, 447n,

513f., 516f., 518n, 519ff., 522f., 807, 826 466, 507, 532, 535n, 539, 554, 582, 623f., 701, 702n,

Gallipoli (in Italy), 55, 213n, 352, 446n, 895n, 975n; bishop 722n, 738n, 883n, 911, 932, 943, 956f., 998n, 1020ff.,

of, see Andrea della Valle (admin.) 1518-1524 1023, 1026, 1080; archbishop of, see Girolamo Sauli 1550Gallipoli (in Thrace), 39, 81n, 376, 395n, 901; straits of, see 1559

Dardanelles Genoa, republic of, 16n, 40n, 43, 46, 80, 144n, 177, 181, 217, Gallipoli Peninsula, 981 919, 221, 236n, 241, 255f., 284, 332, 359, 361, 381,

1132 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 392f., 534, 631, 710, 757n, 776, 835n, 841, 871, 872n, Germans, 1, 23, 43n, 46f., 53, 68, 73, 78, 116, 147, 175, 177f.,

888, 890, 893f., 896f., 899, 903, 913, 915, 957, 977, 982, 181, 190, 219, 228, 252, 259, 261f., 271, 282n, 317n, 1048n, 1055, 1097; doges of, see Giovanni Campofregoso 373, 397, 404f., 416, 419n, 420, 443, 452f., 455, 462,

1512-1513, Paolo Moneglia Giustiniani 1569-1571 466, 480, 487f., 491, 519, 545, 547, 549, 565ff., 568ff., Genoese, 40, 71, 83, 86, 102, 129, 159, 177, 211n, 296, 328, 582ff., 595, 602, 611, 623f., 628, 654, 657, 663, 666, 362n, 368, 587, 624, 701, 702n, 709, 758, 760, 835, 850, 673f., 676, 683f., 706f., 714, 722n, 734, 741, 750, 759,

852, 890, 893f., 899, 906, 957, 1043n 761, 772, 778, 784f., 790n, 805, 810, 828, 869, 890, 905,

Gentil de Vendome, Pierre, author of a contemporary account 910f., 913, 921, 997, 1000, 1009, 1015, 1020n, 1023n, of the 1565 siege of Malta, 853n, 857n, 861n, 873n, 874n 1024n, 1026, 1047f., 1081, 1085; kings of (‘‘kings of the Gentile, Giovanbattista, Genoese commissioner in Chios (after Romans’’), see Frederick I (from 1152), Ludwig IV (from

1552-1553), 893 1314), Frederick III (IV of Germany; from 1440), Max-

Geoffroy d’ Estissac, bishop of Maillezais 1518-1543?: 398 imilian I (from 1486), Ferdinand I (from 1531), Maximilian

Georg I von Liechtenstein, bishop of Trent 1390-1419: 491 II (from 1562), Rudolf I (from 1575) Georg, marshal of Pappenheim, bishop of Regensburg 1548— Germany, 1, 34f., 41f., 43n, 46f., 51f., 66, 69, 99n, 124, 177,

1563: 810 178n, 183, 187, 189, 190n, 191, 192n, 193, 195n, 197,

Georg von Frundsberg, commander of the Landsknechte (b. 209n, 216, 223, 272, 290, 292n, 298, 306, 310, 318f.,

1473, d. 1528), 256, 259, 261f., 270, 281 322n, 324n, 327n, 329, 332, 334n, 335f., 339, 341, 343n,

Georg von Lokschany, envoy of the future emperor Ferdinand 347, 350n, 353f., 357n, 358n, 359f., 374n, 378, 391,

to Sigismund I in 1528: 317 397n, 399, 401, 403ff., 406, 416ff., 421, 426, 437, 440,

Georg Schenk von Limburg, prince-bishop of Bamberg 1505- 443f., 452ff., 459ff., 462, 464, 466f., 470f., 473n, 476,

1522: 44 478, 480ff., 484f., 488, 492, 494ff., 498, 502ff., 514,

George, son of Albrecht and Sidonie, daughter of George of 540ff., 543, 546f., 554, 556, 557n, 560ff., 563, 565, 579n, Podébrady, Albertine duke of Saxony from 1500 (b. 1471, 581, 603, 628f., 632f., 646, 663n, 674f., 677, 680, 697f.,

d. 1539), 320n, 405n, 435, 453 705, 710, 714f., 717f., 720, 721n, 749, 751, 755, 769f.,

George, son of Frederick V and Sophia, daughter of Casimir 772ff., 779, 786, 790ff., 797, 801, 806n, 819, 827f., 833, IV of Poland; margrave of Brandenburg (b. 1484, d. 1543), 840, 880, 910ff., 913f., 917f., 994n, 1008, 1071, 1076;

416 Free Cities of, 343n, 420, 633; Hospitallers from, 207,

1565: 866 empire

George of Monemvasia, Greek spy at the siege of Malta in 208n, 854, 863, 866, 870; see also German (‘““Holy Roman’’)

George of (Kunstat and) Podébrady, regent of Bohemia 1451- | Geronimo de Vich, Spanish ambassador to Rome in 1511 and

1458, king 1458-1471: 147 1512: 86, 115n, 119, 126

Georges d’ Amboise, archbishop of Narbonne 1491-1494, of | Gerwick von Weingarten, correspondent of Andreas Masius in

Rouen 1494-1510, cardinal 1498-1510: 3f., 6ff., 9, 10n, 1549: 510n 15, 33n, 35, 39, 40n, 42f., 54, 56, 57n, 61, 68f., 73, 80, Geza I, king of Hungary 1074-1077: 568n

81n, 87f., 91, 93, 97, 99 Ghent, 195n, 346, 347n, 353n, 452, 661n, 918 1545-1550: 517, 527n Gherardi, Luigi, Florentine consul in Istanbul in 1533: 384n,

Georges d’ Amboise, archbishop of Rouen 1511-1550, cardinal Gherardi, Filippo, painter (b. 1643, d. 1704), 1100

Georges d’ Armagnac, bishop of Rodez 1530-1561?, of Vabres 385, 390 (admin.) 1536—1548?, cardinal 1544-1585, archbishop of | Gheri, Gregorio (Goro), bishop of Fano 1518—1526?, vicelegate

Tours (admin.) 1548-—1551?, of Toulouse (admin.) 1562- in Bologna (d. 1528), 257 1582?; 1584-1585, of Avignon (admin.) 1577-1584: 510n, Ghetto (in Rome), 626

518, 612f., 621n, 637, 690n, 755 Ghetto (in Venice, in the area of Cannaregio), 631, 849 Georges de Selve, colleague of Jean de Dinteville in 1533:349n | Ghiaradadda, 55, 58n, 61, 239n

Georgia, 503, 590, 1097f. Ghibellines, 129, 650

1517-1519 359n

Gerace, bishop of, see Francesco Armellino de’ Medici (admin.) | Ghillini, Camillo, Milanese envoy to the Hapsburgs in 1531: Gerard de Rye, sieur de Balancgon, imperial envoy to France — Ghiselin de Busbecq, Ogier, imperialist diplomat and writer (b.

in 1532: 359 1522, d. 1592), 372n, 493, 589n, 590n, 591, 622, 630,

Gerlier, Durand, publisher in Paris (ff. 1518), 162n 645, 650f., 662, 696f., 699n, 706ff., 742, 764ff., 767f., Germaine de Foix, cousin of Louis XII; wife of Ferdinand II 771f., 791, 830n, 832ff., 844, 851, 871, 921

of Aragon 1506-1516 (d. 1536), 40n, 42n Ghislieri, Ercole, relative and appointee of Pius V (fl. 1572), German (‘‘Holy Roman’’) empire, 1, 34f., 43f., 47, 55, 63, 73, 1077n 96n, 150, 156, 178, 187, 197, 249f., 252, 280, 284, 319, Ghiislieri, Michele, see Pius V 337, 346, 349, 360, 398, 407n, 416f., 434f., 460, 482, Giacomo da Canale, Venetian bailie in Istanbul in 1537: 424n,

484, 489, 496, 544, 565, 569, 597, 644, 646, 661, 665, 425, 428f. 698, 705, 715ff., 718, 741, 755, 771f., 779, 800f., 807, | Giacomo of Zante, son of Constantine Lazaro (fi. 1568), 926 810, 812, 818, 820, 828, 844, 865, 886f., 917,919,921, Gian Francesco di Gambara, cardinal 1561-1587, bishop of 941, 955, 1064, 1071, 1088, 1097; emperors of, see Henry Viterbo (admin.) 1566-—1576?: 727, 988n IV 1056-1106, Frederick I 1155-1190, Frederick II Gian Paolo da Ceri, son of Lorenzo Orsini da Ceri (/2. 1530),

1212-1250, Ludwig IV 1328-1347, Frederick III 1452- 342

1493, Maximilian I 1493-1519, Charles V 1519-1558, Gian Paolo della Chiesa, cardinal 1568-1575: 1002, 1070, 1074,

Ferdinand I 1558-1564, Maximilian II 1564-1576, Rudolf 1090 IIT 1576-1612, Charles VI 1711-1740; Estates of the, 322n, | Gianfigliazzi, Bongianni, Florentine ambassador to Rome in

348, 361, 364, 467, 910 1556-1560: 648, 651n, 662, 674n, 682ff., 685, 711Ff.,

German language, 57, 91n, 363, 743, 772n, 795 713n, 735f.

887, 890, 1071f., 1101 978

German mercenaries, 306, 320, 433, 601, 665, 675, 677, 683, | Gianfrancesco di Sangro, marquis of Torremaggiore (7. 1570),

INDEX 1133 Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola, nephew of Pico (fl. 1511), | Girgenti, bishops of, see Pietro Tagliavia d’ Aragona 1537-

100 1544, Rodolfo Pio of Carpi (admin.) 1544-1564

Giangiacomo de’ Medici, soldier and marquis of Marignano(b. | Girolamo Basso della Rovere, cardinal 1477-1507: 140 1497, d. 1555), 562, 594n, 600, 603f., 605, 606n, 738f., | Girolamo de’ Federici, bishop of Sagona 1552-1562, of Mar-

743, 789 torano 1562-—1569?: 616, 712n, 743f., 746ff., 750f., 754

‘“‘Giangir,”’ son of Suleiman I, see Jahangir Girolamo de’ Grassi (f7. 1513), 139n

Giannandrea de Cruce, bishop of Tivoli 1554-1595: 803 Girolamo de’ Simoncelli, cardinal 1553—1605: 610, 613, 619,

Giannangelo de’ Medici, cardinal, see Pius IV 1077n

Giannotti, Donato, Florentine historian (b. 1492, d. 1573), 81 Girolamo di Capodiferro, bishop of Nice 1542-1544, of SaintGiberti, Giovan Matteo, papal datary and diplomat, bishop of Jean de Maurienne 1544-1559, cardinal 1544-1559: 462n,

Verona 1524-1543: 223, 225f., 248n, 266, 267n, 270n, 463, 509n, 521n, 581n, 596f., 612f.,619, 722, 725n, 730,

281, 288f., 356, 415, 430n 732 Giengen an der Brenz, 557 155n Gienger, Georg, councilor of Ferdinand I (d. 1577), 769n Girolata, Bay of, 532

Gibraltar, Strait of, 843 Girolamo di Porzia, Count; bishop of Torcello 1514—1526: 84,

Gil de Andrade, seeks the Turkish armada in 1571: 1021, | Giuara, Francesco, Hospitaller fighting Turks ca. 1570: 959n

1049f., 1053, 1081ff., 1084 Giudecca (in Venice), 20, 29, 234n, 410n

Gilardo, Marco, subject of the Querini (1538), 439 Giulia d’ Aragona, proposed bride of Federico Gonzaga ca. Giovanbattista del Monte, nephew of Julius III (d. 1552), 552, 1530: 341n

562f. Giuliano da Sangallo (Giulio Giamberti), architect (b. 1445, d.

Giovanna d’ Aragona, wife of Ascanio Colonna (i. 1556), 646, ca. 1516), 140

745 Giuliano de’ Medici, son of Lorenzo and Chiara; duke of Ne-

Giovanni Alberto della Pigna, negotiator at the Venetian Senate mours (d. 1516), 133, 144f., 159n, 161, 172n, 277; wife

in 1509: 63 of, see Philiberta of Savoy 1515-1516 (b. 1498, d. 1524)

Giovanni Ambrogio da Vigevano, author of an account of Giuliano dell’ Anguillara (Count), husband of Girolama Farnese,

Charles V’s Tunisian campaign in 1535: 397n 394n

in 1555: 637n Giulianova, 682

Giovanni Andrea da Gubbio, sent by Carlo Carafa to Ferrara Giuliano della Rovere, cardinal, see Julius I] Giovanni Battista, son of Giuliano dell’ Anguillara (fl. 1504), Giulio, servant of Francesco Gonzaga ca. 1510: 79

394n Giulio da Porto, commander (ff. 1543), 470

Giovanni Battista de Gargha, Hospitaller of Siena at the Fifth Giulio de’ Grandi, bishop of S. Maria d’ Anglona and Tursi

Lateran Council in 1513: 15I1f. 1548-1560?: 533ff., 549, 550n, 552f., 557n, 562, 579,

Giovanni Battista de Grassis, Mantuan gentleman of the bed- 581ff., 584, 585n, 589n, 671, 713n

chamber, 419n Giulio de’ Medici, see Clement VII

Giovanni da Lezze (Leze), Venetian ambassador to France in — Giulio della Rovere, cardinal 1547-1578, bishop of Urbino 1561, provveditore generale of Dalmatia in 1571: 767n, (admin.) 1548-1551?, of Vicenza 1560-—1565?, archbishop

960n of Ravenna (admin.) 1566-1578: 507, 521, 523, 610, 612f.,

Giovanni de’ Frangipani, brother of Count Bernardino, French 620, 740n, 748

envoy to Istanbul ca. 1525: 245f. Giustinian, Antonio, Famagustan mulcted by Turks in 1571:

Giovanni de’ Medici, cardinal, see Leo X 1042

Giovanni de’ Medici ‘‘delle Bande Nere,” son of Giovanni de’ _Giustinian, Antonio, Venetian envoy to Rome (from 1502), to Medlici (il Popolano) and Caterina Riario Sforza; papal cap- the Hapsburgs (ca. 1509), to Istanbul (ca. 1512), 4ff., 7ff.,

tain (b. 1498, d. 1526), 225, 268, 275, 277, 281, 293f. 10f., 13, 15ff., 18, 33f., 36, 39, 62f., 66n, 113n, 128n, Giovanni de’ Medici, son of Cosimo I; cardinal 1560-1562, 156 archbishop of Pisa (admin.) 1560-1562: 739, 740n Giustinian, Giannantonio, inhabitant of Famagusta in 1571:

Giovanni della Casa, poet and humanist; archbishop of Bene- 1041n oo,

vento 1544-1556 (b. 1503, d. 1556), 432, 474f., 487, Giustinian, Leonardo, Venetian bailie in Istanbul in 1512: 128 488n, 489n, 490, 502, 506, 537, 633, 636, 640, 644, 648, Giustinian, Marc’ Antonio, doge of Venice 1684-1688: 1102n

651, 656, 735 Giustinian, Marino, Venetian ambassador to France in 1535: in 1532: 362n Giustinian, Niccolo, Venetian envoy to Istanbul in 1509, bailie

Giovanni di Rocco, correspondent of Bartolommeo di Niccolo 392

Giovanni Domenico de Cupis, cardinal 1517-1553, archbishop in Istanbul in 1513 and 1516: 70f., 74f., 78, 79n, 84, 88n, of Trani (admin.) 1517-1551?, bishop of Macerata (admin.) 90, 127, 152n, 163n; bailie ca. 1533: 368, 369n, 383, 388

1528-1535?, of Adria (admin.) 1528-1553, of Nardo Giustinian, Onfré, herald of Lepanto in Venice, 1571: 986, 1532-1536?: 398n, 505f., 508ff., 512ff., 515ff., 518ff., 1059ff., 1065f., 1099

523ff., 558, 580 Giustinian, Pancrazio, Venetian galley commander ca.

Giovanni Maria del Monte, see Julius III 1504: 19

Giovanni Michele de’ Saraceni, archbishop of Acerenza and _ Giustinian, Paolo, Camaldulensian monk (b. 1476, d. 1538),

Matera 1531-1556, cardinal 1551-1568: 501n, 505, 516, 146f., 185

613, 619, 627, 638f., 723, 733f., 748, 770n, 883n Giustinian, Pietro, appointed commander of Hospitaller galleys Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, count of Mirandola 1463-1494: ca. 1570: 961, 988, 1024, 1057f., 1059n

100 Giustinian, Sebastiano, Venetian rector of Brescia in 1509: 59n, 1594), 615 France in 1527 and 1528: 153n, 170, 185n, 186n, 193n,

Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Italian composer (b. 1525, d. 292n; Venetian ambassador to England 1515-1519, to

Giovio, Paolo, Roman historian (b. 1483, d. 1552), 13, 162, 277£., 297, 302, 323n

196n, 198, 296, 342n, 457n Giustiniana, galley bringing news of Lepanto to Venice, 1099n

1134 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT

710 d’ Este 1490-1519 (d. 1539)

Giustiniani, Antonio, Dominican inquisitor on Chios (ff. 1558), 80n, 120n, 132, 136, 445n, 725; wife of, see Isabella Giustiniani, Baldassare, Genoese commissioner in Chios (after Gonzaga, Francesco III, son of Federico I] and Margaret of

1552-1553), 893 Montferrat; duke of Mantua from 1540 (b. 1533, d. 1550),

Giustiniani, Genoese ‘‘family’’ at Chios, 893n, 897f. 801; wife of, see Catherine, daughter of Ferdinand I (b. Giustiniani, Giovanbattista, Genoese podesta of Chios, appointed 1533, d. 1572)

in 1558: 893 Gonzaga, Francesco, cardinal 1561-1566, archbishop of Coof Chios (ff. 1586), 895n, 896, 899 777n, 786, 882

Giustiniani, Girolamo, son of Vincenzo and author of a history senza (admin.) 1562-1565, bishop of Mantua 1565-1566: Giustiniani, Lazaro, one of twelve governors at Chios in 1566: Gonzaga, Francesco, Mantuan ambassador to Rome in 1527

896 and 1528: 273n, 280, 282, 294, 310f., 320n, 321, 353

Giustiniani, Paolo Moneglia, doge of Genoa 1569-1571: 956, | Gonzaga, Guglielmo, son of Federico II; duke of Mantua from

1023 1550 (b. 1538, d. 1587), 708, 729n, 752n, 777, 801, 1063n;

Giustiniani, Timoteo, cousin of Vincenzo; bishop of Ario 1550- wife of, see Eleonora, daughter of Ferdinand I (b. 1534, 1564, of Chios 1564—1568?, of Strongoli 1568-1571: 893, d. 1594)

897 Gonzaga, Isabella, daughter of Federico I]; wife of Fernando

Giustiniani, Vincenzo, cardinal 1570-1582: 971n Francisco de Avalos [Ferdinando Francesco d’ Avalos] from Giustiniani, Vincenzo, Genoese podesta of Chios from 1562: 1554 (b. 1537, d. 1579), 726

893, 895f., 898f. Gonzaga, Ottavio, supporter of Giannandrea Doria in 1571:

Gniezno (Gnesen), 318n; archbishops of, see John Laski 1508- 1069n

1531, Matthias Drzewicki 1531-1535, Andreas Krzycki Gonzaga, Pirro, bishop of Modena 1527-1529, cardinal 1527-

(Cricius) 1535-1537; provost of, see John Laski, nephew 1529: 281

of John (ca. 1528) Gonzaga, Sigismondo, brother of Marchese Francesco IJ; carGoa, 348 dinal 1506-1525: 42n, 51, 141

1100: 448n in 1556: 659

Godfrey of Bouillon, advocate of the Holy Sepulcher 1099- Gonzaga, Vespasiano, leader of the Italians of the duke of Alva

Golden Fleece, Order of the, 632, 915, 918n, 919 Gonzaga, (Gian) Vincenzo, son of Ferrante; prior of Barletta,

Golden Horn, 381n, 891, 921 cardinal 1578-1591: 869, 874 Golden rose, 16n, 36n, 419, 603, 649, 689 Gonzaga da Bozzolo, Federico, French servitor (d. 1527), 275 Gorlitz, 435 Gonzaga di Borgoforte, Luigi, cousin of the marchese Federico; Gomenizza, see Igoumenitsa probable author of the Cronaca del soggiorno di Carlo V in Gomez, Ruy, duke of Pastrana and prince of Melito (ff. 1556), Italia, 328n

661, 672, 914 Gonzaga di Guastalla, Cesare, son of Ferrante and Isabella of

Gonsalvo de Sangro, bishop of Lecce 1525-1530: 300 Capua; ruler of Amalfi (d. 1575), 743, 789; wife of, see Gonsalvo Fernando de Cordova (Gonzalo Fernandez de Cor- Camilla Borromeo (married 1560) doba), Spanish commander in southern Italy (d. 1515), 3, | Good Hope, Cape of, 1, 19

13ff., 16n, 41, 120, 283 Gorizia, 52, 63, 249, 261, 433n; and see Federico Strassoldo

Gonzaga, Alessandro, lord of Novellara (fl. 1527), 281, 282n of Gorizia Gonzaga, Chiara, daughter of Federico I; wife of Gilbert de | Gorka, Lucas, castellan of Poznan ca. 1528: 314, 315n, 316n,

Bourbon 1481-1496 (d. 1503), 281 318

Gonzaga, Curzio, soldier and poet (b. 1536, d. 1599), 732n Gouffier, Guillaume, sire de Bonnivet, admiral of France (b. Gonzaga, Eleonora, daughter of (Gian) Francesco II Gonzaga 1488?, d. 1525), 204, 217n, 312 and Isabella d’ Este; wife of Francesco Maria della Rovere Gozo, 351, 352n, 553n, 555, 761, 765, 857, 870ff., 875

(widowed 1538; died 1570), 51, 275n Gozzadini, Niccolo, regained Siphnos in 1571: 899n Gonzaga, Ercole, son of Gian Francesco II and Isabella d’ Este; Gozzadini, rulers of Siphnos until 1617: 899 bishop of Mantua 1521-1563, cardinal 1527-1563: 268n, Grabusa, fortress near Candia, 1101n 281f., 293n, 419, 420n, 462, 506, 508, 511, 515f., 518, Gradeniga, Venetian ship at Famagusta in 1571: 1007n

520ff., 523ff., 526, 603n, 610n, 611ff., 617, 619, 689, Gradenigo, Alvise, Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1521, 721n, 723ff., 726ff., 729ff., 732ff., 735, 738f., 740n, 743, 1522, and 1523: 197n, 200n, 202n, 213n, 338n 773ff., 776ff., 779n, 780ff., 783, 784n, 785ff., 788f.,791n, Gradisca, 405

793f., 796f., 798n, 799, 801, 803 Gradska Luka, the, harbor of Ragusa, 904 Gonzaga, Federico (Federigo), son of (Gian) Francesco II and Gragnano, 307 Isabella d’ Este; duke (II) of Mantua 1530-1540: 80n, 136, Gran (Esztergom), 301, 373f., 384n, 472n, 479, 630, 697, 766;

218, 232n, 258, 260n, 261n, 273n, 280ff., 288n, 292, archbishops of, see Ippolito d’ Este 1487-1497, Thomas 293n, 294, 309n, 310f., 319, 320n, 321, 328, 332, 341, Bakocz 1497-1521, George Szakmari 1523-1524, Ladislas 344, 353, 368, 418f., 420n, 445n, 491, 798n; wife of, see Szalkai 1524-1526, Paulus de Varda 1527-1549, Anton Margherita Paleologina, daughter of William IX of Mont- Verantius 1570-1573; captain of, see Thomas de Lazcano

ferrat 1531-1540 (b. 1510, d. 1566) Gran Capitan, see Gonsalvo Fernando de Cordova Gonzaga, Federico, son of Federico II; cardinal 1563-1565, Gran Signore, see Ottomans

bishop of Mantua (admin.) 1563-1565: 798n “Gran Tartaro” (1532), 365n

Gonzaga, Ferrante, brother of Federico, son of (Gian) Francesco Gran Turco, see Ottomans; ‘‘daughter of the Grand Turk,”’

II and Isabella d’ Este; viceroy of Sicily from 1535, count 273 of Guastalla from 1539 (b. 1507, d. 1557), 258, 262, 281f., Granada, 18, 40, 84ff., 242f., 248n, 249n, 250n, 258n, 306,

368, 445f., 500, 504n, 506, 520, 525n, 526, 548ff., 552, 347, 744n, 946, 950, 951n, 957, 998, 1014; archbishop 556f., 562, 593, 594n, 612, 724n, 726f., 743, 789, 869n of, see Pedro Guerrero de Logrono 1546-1576 Gonzaga, (Gian) Francesco II, son of Federico I; marquis of | Granarolo, 264 Mantua 1484-1519: 3, 42n, 51, 57n, 59, 63, 68f., 74,79, | Grand Canal (in Venice), 82, 201, 288n, 334, 805

INDEX 1135 Grand Council (in Venice), 77 Grimani, Giovanni, bishop of Ceneda 1540-1545, patriarch of Grand Harbor (in Malta), 854ff., 863f., 875 Aquileia 1545-1550?; 1585 (d. 1593), 811f., 1059

Grantrie de Grandchamps, French ambassador to Istanbul in| Grimani, Marco, bishop of Tenos and Mykonos 1559-1594?:

1567 and 1571: 838n, 898, 921f., 937ff., 944f., 948f., 755, 756n

952,971, 1007f., 1049 Grimani, Marco, Venetian procuratore in 1527: 281; patriarch Granvelle, cardinal of, see Antoine Perrenot; lord of, see Nicholas of Aquileia 1529-1535?, captain-general of the papal galleys

Perrenot (b. 1486, d. 1550) ca. 1538 (d. 1544), 446, 447n

Grassi, Paride, papal master of ceremonies (d. 1528), 93,115n, | Grimani, Marino, bishop of Ceneda 1508-1517, patriarch of

137n, 138f., 143n, 144n, 145n, 149f., 153, 161, 166n, Aquileia 1517-1529; 1535-1545, cardinal 1527-1546,

170, 196f. bishop of Concordia 1533-1537, of Citta di Castello (adGrau, 14 min.) 1534-1539: 170, 268n, 353, 429 Gravedona, 738n Grimani, Vincenzo, Venetian special envoy to Istanbul in 1537:

Gravelines, 193, 691, 708, 918 425n

Graziani, Antonmaria, author of a contemporary account of | Grimma, 416n

the expedition of 1570: 663n, 992n, 1027n Grisons, district in Switzerland, 424, 557

Great Schism (1378-1417), 272 Gritti, Andrea, Venetian envoy to Istanbul (1503), doge of

Grebel, Conrad, Protestant leader (/7. 1524), 565 Venice 1523-1538: 2, 12, 17, 57, 59, 62, 67f., 79n, 93n,

Greece, 17, 54n, 89, 122, 126, 128, 142, 147, 150, 152, 154f., 113, 135n, 144, 201n, 213n, 219, 222n, 226, 229, 235, 177, 179, 185, 190, 214, 218, 240, 272, 278, 378, 441, 237, 239, 242, 251, 252n, 253, 255n, 256, 258, 265ff., 449, 451, 494, 531n, 548n, 755f., 833f., 947f., 952, 974, 268, 270n, 278n, 279, 287, 293, 297, 301f., 310n, 313, 1053, 1075n, 1080, 1085, 1102; beylerbey of, see Mehmed 322n, 329n, 330f., 336, 338, 340, 342, 358, 361n, 366n, Pasha (in 1560) 367n, 395n, 423, 442n, 448n, 607n

Greek Gymnasium (in Rome), 157n Gritti, Antonio, son of Lodovico (fl. 1534), 390

Greek language, 17, 91n, 128, 211, 393, 541, 568n, 626n Gritti, Costanzo, vice-lieutenant of Nicosia in 1569: 927 Greek Orthodox (Byzantine) Church, 37,541,714, 756f.,790, | Gritti, Giorgio, natural son of Andrea (ff. 1532), 361n, 381

1039, 1103 Gritti, Lodovico (Alvise), natural son of the Doge Andrea;

Greeks (Byzantines), 32, 54, 99, 116n, 136n, 142, 147, 177, Venetian politician in Istanbul (b. 1480, d. 1534), 253,

208f., 211, 215, 304, 366n, 375, 384n, 494, 531, 541, 301, 310n, 316n, 318n, 322n, 323n, 325, 326n, 327n, 756ff., 807, 830, 878, 893, 902, 926f., 937, 949n, 977, 329n, 333n, 334, 336ff., 339f., 342, 345n, 346, 347n, 990f., 994n, 1000n, 1004n, 1007, 1027f., 1030, 1032, 357, 361n, 365, 370ff., 373f., 376ff., 379ff., 382n, 383, 1035, 1037, 1038n, 1040ff., 1043, 1046, 1066, 1078, 384n, 385ff., 389ff., 407, 408n, 436, 442, 607n

1080, 1088, 1100, 1103 Gritti, Lorenzo, natural son of the Doge Andrea (d. 1539), Greenwich, 260 448n

Greghetto, Antonio, Greek killed during the siege of Famagusta Gropper, Johannes, Catholic theologian; cardinal 1555-1559:

in 1571: 1035n, 1037 453, 502n, 542, 644

Greghetto, Geronimo, viscount of Famagusta ca. 1568: 934, Grosseto, 599, 601

1037n Grosso, Geronimo, papal commissioner in Ancona in 1537:

Gregoriancz, Paul, bishop of Zagreb 1550-1554?, of Gyor 430n

(Raab) 1554-1565: 547, 577ff. Grosswardein (Nagyvarad, Oradea), 436, 444, 455n, 465, 466n,

Gregorio, victim of a 1566 tornado in Famagusta, 926 571; bishops of, see George Szakmari 1502-1505, George Gregorovius, Ferdinand, historian (b. 1821, d. 1891), 4n, 139 Martinuzzi (from 1539); “treaty of’ (1538), 434, 455n,

Gregory I (the Great), saint; pope 590-604: 794 530, 567, 572

Gregory VII (Hildebrand), pope 1073-1085: 139n Grottaferrata, 119, 289, 665, 668, 675 Gregory X (Tedaldo Visconti), pope 1271-1276: 70, 92, 142, | Grottammare, 682

201n, 509f., 512f., 517, 520, 730 Guadalajara, 744

Gregory XIII (Ugo Boncompagni), bishop of Vieste 1558- Guadix, bishops of, see Martin Perez de Ayala 1548-1560, 1560?, cardinal 1565-1572, pope 1572-1585: 650, 687, Melchor Alvarez de Vozmediano 1560-1574? 778, 787, 824n, 882, 884, 886, 887n, 1019n, 1078ff., | Gualterio, Pietro Paolo (‘‘de Brevibus’’), conclavist of Bernar-

1081n, 1087ff., 1090, 1094n, 1096f., 1100 dino Maffei in 1549: 519n, 520, 521n, 522, 523n, 524n

Gregory XIV (Niccolo Sfondrati), bishop of Cremona 1560-— —_Gualterio (Gualtieri), Sebastiano, bishop of Viterbo 1551-1566:

1590, cardinal 1583-1590, pope 1590-1591: 775n, 778 509n, 511n, 513n, 521n, 523, 601, 647, 795, 808 Griffo (Griffus), Pietro, papal nuncio in England in 1506, 1508— = Gualterotti, Bartolommeo, Florentine envoy in Venice in 1528:

1512, bishop of Forli 1512-1516: 49, 96n, 136 308f.

Grimaldi, Domenico, papal referendary in 1571 (d. 1592), 1024 Guastalla, 446n; count of, see Ferrante Gonzaga 1539-1557

Grimaldi, Genoese money-lenders in Rome, 102, 957n Gubbio, 611; bishops of, see Federigo Fregoso (admin.) 1508Grimaldi, Giorgio, owner of a ship sent to relieve Malta in 1541, Pietro Bembo 1541-1544, Marcello Cervini (Mar-

1565: 871, 872n cellus IT) 1544-1555

Grimaldi, Onorato; duke (I) of Monaco 1532-1581: 759 Guelderland, 1081

Grimana, Venetian ship, 301 Guelders, 237n

Grimani, Alvise, Venetian bailie-designate for Istanbul in 1568: Guelfs (Parte Guelfa), 129

892; provveditore generale in Dalmatia in 1572: 1073, Guerrero de Logrono, Pedro, archbishop of Granada 1546-

1092n 1576: 540n, 778, 781, 788, 793, 795, 801, 804n, 811,

Grimani, Antonio, Venetian captain-general of the sea (1499), 819f., 824

doge of Venice 1521-1523: 65, 67, 77, 204, 205n, 206n, Guicciardini, Francesco, Florentine historian (b. 1483, d. 1540),

209n, 212n, 218n, 249n, 812 1, 79n, 94n, 101, 116f., 122, 139, 145n, 166, 176f., 196n,

Grimani, Domenico, son of Antonio; patriarch of Aquileia 1497—- 198, 248, 262n, 263f., 267, 269, 367n, 368 1517, cardinal 1493-1523: 4, 59n, 62, 65, 67f., 70, 73f., | Guicciardini, Jacopo, brother of Francesco and author of an

123, 134, 138, 200 account of the battle of Ravenna in 1512: 116f.

1136 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Guicciardini, Luigi, brother of Francesco; gonfaloniere in Flor- Haguenau (Hagenau), 452n; Acts of (1505), 42

ence in 1527 (b. 1478, d. 1551), 267n, 269n, 270n Hainaut, 392n, 683

Guicciardini, Piero, brother of Francesco and author of an Hiajji Murad, Turkish envoy to France in 1565: 838, 841

account of the battle of Ravenna in 1512: 116 Halberstadt, bishop of, see Friedrich of Brandenburg (in 1552) Guichardus, Thomas, orator before Clement VII in 1523: 205n, Halicarnassus (Bodrum), 182, 213

206n, 210n, 214f., 223 Ham, 708

Guidi da Bagno, Gian Francesco, loses land to Antonio Carafa Hammer-Purgstall, Joseph von, historian (b. 1774, d. 1856),

in 1556: 649, 688, 733, 736 325, 374, 503, 569, 1075

Guidiccioni, Bartolommeo, canon lawyer and diplomat; bishop _Hannart, Jean, imperial ambassador in 1524: 235n, 236n, 312n,

of Teramo 1539-1542, cardinal 1539-1549, bishop of 396n, 397n, 399n

Lucca 1546-1549?: 415 Hannibal, Carthaginian commander (b. 247 B.c., d. ca. 183

Guido, Antonio, author of a contemporary account of the tran- B.C.), 306, 659 sition between Paul IV and Pius V in 1559: 721n, 725, Hannover, 1103n

731ff., 734n, 738n Hans von Ungnad, author of an account of the siege of Pest 1482-1508: 12, 39 Hapsburgs, dynasty in Austria 1282-1918: 1, 2, 41f., 44, 55,

Guidobaldo da Montefeltro, son of Federigo; duke of Urbino (1542), 478n

Guidobaldo della Rovere, son of Francesco Maria and Eleonora 60n, 68, 85, 131n, 141, 167, 179, 186n, 190, 192, 197, Gonzaga; duke (II) of Urbino from 1538 (b. 1513 or 1514, 216n, 217n, 231, 237, 241, 244, 249, 259, 261f., 287, d. 1574), 402, 403n, 426n, 507, 521, 539n, 597, 601, 300f., 310, 312ff., 315, 318, 320f., 322n, 324n, 325, 332,

614f., 628, 636, 639, 643, 645, 729n, 731, 739, 969, 334, 335n, 336f., 340, 344, 347ff., 349f., 353f., 357f., 1023, 1063n; wives of, see Giulia Varano (d. 1547), Vittoria 359n, 360n, 361f., 363n, 364f., 366n, 367, 370n, 371f.,

Farnese (d. 1602) 375f., 383f., 386ff., 389, 393f., 400, 405f., 415, 420f.,

Guidotto, Vincenzo, Venetian secretary resident in Hungary 430, 432, 434, 436f., 444n, 452, 455, 459ff., 465, 469,

in 1509 and 1525: 61, 236f. 473, 478ff., 481, 482n, 483ff., 487, 490, 497, 502f., 527,

Guienne, 120n, 122 530ff., 536, 546, 556f., 561n, 566ff., 569ff., 572f., 579F., Guilford (Lord), owner of a manuscript of Antonio Longo’s 589, 591, 593n, 605, 608, 612n, 618, 623n, 624f., 631, memoirs, 407n 632n, 633, 636f., 641, 643ff., 646ff., 650, 652ff., 655ff.,

Guillaume de Bonnivet, admiral of France, see Guillaume Gouf- 658, 659n, 662, 665, 667, 673f., 676f., 682, 689ff., 693,

fier 697, 699, 701, 702n, 704f., 711, 714, 716f., 720, 723,

Guillaume de Montoiche, author of an account of Charles V’s 726, 733, 738f., 743, 749f., 753, 758, 760, 763, 775, 778,

Tunisian campaign (ff. 1535), 397n 791, 805, 839, 841, 844f., 894, 913f., 922, 932, 934, 938,

Guillaume du Bellay, French soldier and diplomat (b. 1491, d. 941, 953n, 961, 983, 1000n, 1013, 1087f., 1097f., 1103;

1543), 462n and see German (‘“‘Holy Roman’’) empire

Guiscardo, bay of, see Fiskardho Harvel, Edmund, English agent in Venice in 1542: 461n Guise, cardinal of, see Louis de Guise; counts and dukes of, see Hassan, son of Khaireddin Barbarossa; pasha or commander

Claude of Lorraine, count 1506-1528; duke 1528-1550, at Algiers 1544-1551, 1557-1561; 1562-1567 (d. 1572),

Francois 1 1550-1563, Henri I 1563-1588 831f., 864, 1053, 1086; present at the siege of Nicosia in Guises, 643, 649, 686, 725, 773, 836, 888, 1088 1570: 996; son of (d. 1572), 1086 Guizzalotti, Stefano, poet and author of an account of the sack = Hayapostolitis, Theodore, anti-Turkish native of Coron ({.

of Prato in 1512: 133n 1533), 367n

‘“Gulf,”’ see Adriatic Sea Haydar, Christian renegade and corsair (fl. 1569), 923n

Gundersdorf, baron of, see Erasmus Teufel (d. 1552) Hebrew language, 925

Guns (Koszeg), 365f., 368, 379, 491, 585 Hecklin, Hans Heinrich, jurist and envoy of Christopher of

Guoro, Giacomo, commander at the battle of Lepanto in 1571: Wurttemberg in 1551: 542f.

1054, 1057 Held, Matthias, imperial vice-chancellor (d. 1563), 416f., 421,

Gurk, bishops of, see Raymond Peraudi 1491-1501, Matthias 452

Lang 1501-1512? Helding, Michael, bishop of Sidon 1538-1550, of Merseburg

Guy de Blanchefort, nephew of Pierre d’ Aubusson; Hospitaller 1550-1561: 496n prior of Auvergne (to 1512), grand master 1512-1513: Hellespont, see Dardanelles

33n, 181n Henri, son of Francois I and Anna d’ Este; duke of Guise from

Guy de Lusignan, son of Hugh VIII; king of Jerusalem 1186- 1563 (b. 1550, d. 1588), 1088

1190, ruler of Cyprus 1192-1194: 756 Henri d’ Albret, son of Jean (III) d’ Albret and Catherine de Guyenne, French roy d’ armes in 1528: 312 Foix; titular king (II) of Navarre (b. 1503, d. 1555), 195, Guzman, Martin, head chamberlain of Emperor Ferdinand in 229n, 309; wife of, see Marguerite d’ Angouléme 1527-

1557, imperial ambassador to Rome in 1558: 690, 715, 1555

717 Henri de la Valette, nephew of Jean; killed at the siege of Malta

Guzzoni, Boccolino, Italian condottiere (in 1486), 11 1565: 866

Gyor (Raab), bishops of, see Paul Gregoriancz 1554-1565, Georg Henry II, son of Francis I and Claude, daughter of Louis XII;

Draskovic 1578-1587 king of France 1547-1559: 312, 322f., 370, 374n, 391,

400, 472, 473n, 483, 485, 503, 504n, 505, 508, 510, 512,

Hadrian VI (Hadrian Florisze or Florensz of Utrecht), bishop 517f., 519n, 520f., 525, 527f., 533, 538, 539n, 546, 548ff., of Tortosa 1516-1522, cardinal 1517-1522, pope 1522- 551ff., 554ff., 557ff., 560ff., 563f., 566, 567n, 576n, 580n,

1523: 189n, 200ff., 203f., 205n, 213n, 214, 215n, 216, 581, 583n, 584n, 588n, 590n, 592, 594, 595n, 596f.,

218ff., 221ff., 235f., 244n, 247n, 337n, 346, 416f., 418n, 599ff., 602f., 611, 614n, 615n, 616n, 617n, 618, 621n,

474n, 512, 532, 618 623, 625n, 632n, 633n, 634ff., 637f., 640ff., 643f., 646ff.,

Hafsids, dynasty in the Eastern Barbary 1229-1574: 234 649ff., 652ff., 655f., 659ff., 664, 666, 668, 671, 673ff.,

Hagia Sophia, church (in Constantinople), 150 676ff., 679ff., 682fF., 685f., 689ff., 692ff., 696ff., 699,

INDEX 1137 700n, 701f., 704ff., 707ff., 712ff., 71'7n, 725, 749f., 758, | Hohenlohe, Gustav, cardinal from 1866 (b. 1823, d. 1896),

767, 773, 831, 836f.; wife of, see Catherine de’ Medici 827n

1533-1559 (d. 1589) Hohenstaufen, imperial dynasty in Germany and Italy 1138-

Henry III, son of Henry II and Catherine de’ Medici; duke of 1268: 133, 190, 454 Anjou, designated king of Poland 1573-1574, king of Holbein, Hans, the Younger, German painter (b. 1497/1498, France from 1574 (b. 1551, d. 1589), 771, 812, 834, 840f., d. 1543), 349n

938, 1063n, 1075, 1087f., 1089n Holland, see Netherlands

Henry IV, son of Antoine de Bourbon, duke of Vendome and Holy Cross, Canons regular of the, 740 Joanna, daughter of Henry II and queen of Navarre; king | Holy Land, see Palestine of Navarre from 1572, king of France from 1589 (b. 1553, Holy League, 81, 96n, 100, 101n, 102n, 103, 107ff., 110,

d. 1610), 633, 840n 112n, 114f., 117n, 118f., 124f., 128ff., 131ff.; war of the

454 Holy League (at Mechlin, 1513), 145

Henry IV, emperor of Germany 1056 (crowned 1084)-1106: (1511-1513), 81n

Henry VII, son-in-law of Edward IV; Tudor king of England Holy League (1526), see Cognac, League of 1485-1509: 38, 44, 46ff., 49f., 54, 74n, 76, 96n, 130, Holy League (1537-1538), 434, 437ff., 440, 442f., 445f., 448,

455n 765, 961f., 992, 1016

Henry VIII, son of Henry VII; Tudor king of England 1509- Holy League (1571), 993, 998ff., 1001n, 1004, 1008f., 1011ff.,

1547: 49n, 65, 74, 78, 94n, 95, 96n, 99ff., 108f., 116, 1014ff., 101 7ff., 1020f., 1024, 1029, 1046, 1047n, 1048ff., 119ff., 122, 124ff., 129f., 132, 135n, 137, 141, 145, 150, 1052n, 1055, 1061n, 1062ff., 1065ff., 1068ff., 1071, 152, 153n, 160n, 170, 173, 180, 185f., 187n, 193, 195, 1073ff., 1076ff., 1079, 1081, 1084ff., 1087, 1O89fF., 1092, 199n, 206n, 216, 217n, 219, 222, 225ff., 228, 229n, 230ff., 1094, 1097, 1100

937, 239ff., 242n, 248, 249n, 251, 254ff., 257, 260, 265f., | Holy League (1684), 449, 1101

975, 299n, 313, 319, 322n, 323, 328, 335, 348, 351, | Holy Office, tribunal of the, 626, 718 357n, 364n, 381, 392, 415, 416n, 457n, 461n, 462, 467n, Holy orders, 499, 539n, 542, 544, 779f., 786, 789, 793ff.,

472n, 473, 482, 514, 632; illegitimate son of, see Henry 796, 805, 807, 809

Fitzroy Holy Roman Empire, see German Empire

Henry, son of Manuel of Portugal; archbishop of Braga 1533- Holy (or Apostolic) See, If., 10f., 15, 17, 34ff., 42ff., 47ff., 1540, of Evora 1540-1564; 1574-1578 (admin. ?), cardinal 50, 55ff., 58, 63, 64n, 67f., 72, 76, 78, 80n, 81n, 88, 96n,

1545-1580, archbishop of Lisbon 1564—1570?: 508n, 98, 112, 120, 125, 134, 143, 144n, 145, 147f., 148n,

722n, 723, 1063n 150n, 152, 159, 162n, 167, 172, 180, 183n, 184n, 186, Henry the Younger, duke of Brunswick (Braunschweig), im- 187n, 192n, 196n, 197, 200n, 202f., 217n, 220, 222f., perial commander (b. 1489, d. 1568), 298, 304f., 307 226f., 229n, 230ff., 236n, 237, 242, 245, 247, 256f., 259, Heptameron, book of stories produced by Marguerite d’ An- 260n, 274, 276, 283n, 287, 289, 297f., 302, 310ff., 313,

gouleme (published 1558), 929n 327, 331n, 346, 355f., 360, 384f., 394, 399, 400n, 402ff., Heraclides, see Jacob Basilicus 405f., 410n, 41 Off., 422, 425, 428, 432, 433n, 434, 436f., Herbert, Lord, see Charles Somerset 460, 470, 473, 478, 495, 502, 504f., 507ff., 511n, 512,

Hercules, 64; pillars of, 190 514, 523, 527, 531, 533, 537, 545f., 550ff., 557ff., 560ff.,

Heresy, 64n, 85, 104, 110, 113, 136, 147, 182, 190n, 200, 563, 564n, 588, 597, 609, 615n, 616, 627, 629, 633, 932, 288, 310, 395, 413, 416n, 417, 419, 430, 443n, 635ff., 638, 640f., 644n, 645n, 646ff., 649f., 654, 656ff., 453f., 460, 463, 484, 494, 503, 513, 515n, 531, 539f., 659, 661ff., 664ff., 667, 669ff., 672, 674ff., 677f., 681ff., 542, 545f., 603, 624, 626, 629, 642, 646, 651, 657f., 665, 685f., 688ff., 691, 693, 696n, 709n, 710, 712f., 715ff., 679n, 681n, 682f., 690, 710, 714ff., 717f., 721, 722n, 718, 719n, 720f., 725n, 729ff., 737ff., 744, 747, 749f., 723, 730, 741, 748f., 754, 757, 769, 773, 781, 783, 786, 755, 763, 768f., 771f., 775f., 778, 780f., 785, 787ff., 794, 790, 793ff., 798ff., 806n, 807, 809ff., 812f., 816, 823f., 799n, 800, 801n, 802, 804ff., 807f., 810, 818f., 822, 825f., 831, 835n, 846, 882, 883n, 888, 909f., 912ff., 916, 918, 831, 841, 846f., 859, 865, 881, 884, 888, 900f., 906F.,

916 1100 95n 962, 1069, 1099, 1103n

994n, 1071, 1088 911ff., 915, 917, 920, 932, 955, 958, 961, 964, 973, 976,

Hernando de Castro, viceroy of Naples in 1600: 595n 989, 993, 994n, 1000n, 1001n, 1009, 1011f., 1014f., 1017, Hernando de Lanoy, commander of Spanish troops ca. 1567: a 1055, 1059, 1067, 1074, 1077, 1079, 1087, 1096, Hernando de Silva, Spanish ambassador to France in 1511: | Holy Sepulcher, 18, 24, 32, 50, 110, 146n, 151, 189, 319, Herzegovina (Hercegovina), 385, 608; sanjakbey of, see Khai- Holy Sepulcher, church (in Jerusalem), 191, 372, 705

reddin Holy Sepulcher, Knights of the, 5n

Hesdin, 596 Hommonay, Franciscus, lord in Hungary in 1528: 323

Hesse, 421; landgrave of, see Philip I 1509-1567 Honter, Johannes, of Kronstadt, humanist and reformer (d.

Hexamilion, in the Morea, 990 1549), 566n

Hierapolis, bishop of, see Andreas de Oviedo 1555-1580? Hoorn, count of, see Philippe de Montmorency (d. 1568) Hieronymo de Torres y Aguilera, contemporary authority on Hornad river, 315n

the battle of Lepanto (fl. 1579), 1054n Hosius, Stanislaus, bishop of Culm 1549-1551, of Warmia

49| 797n, 800, 805, 808, 818, 823, 825, 880, 1087

Hinderbach, Johann (IV), prince-bishop of Trent 1466-1486: 1551-1570?, cardinal 1561-1579: 741, 773, 775ff., 780,

Hippodrome (in Istanbul), 72, 371 Hospitallers (Knights Hospitaller of S. John of Jerusalem, Hobordansky (Habordancz), John, envoy of Ferdinand to Is- Knights of Rhodes, Knights of Malta), military Order, 17,

tanbul in 1528: 254, 378, 381 20, 24ff., 28f., 33f., 37, 39, 47, 51, 54, 70, 100, 121f.,

Hoffmann, Johann, counselor of Ferdinand in 1537: 422 138, 144, 147, 151f., 170, 181ff., 200, 202f., 205n, 206ff., Hohenems (Hohenemb, Altemps), 885; lord of, see Wolf Dietrich 209ff., 212, 213n, 214ff., 223f., 238, 340n, 351f., 367,

(d. 1536) 395n, 396, 429, 532, 535n, 555, 560, 583, 588n, 589,

1138 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 608f., 625, 637, 706, 740, 756, 758ff., 763, 765, 810f., ‘‘Iachia’”’ Pasha, see Yahya Pasha 818, 829, 835f., 842f., 846, 849f., 853n, 854ff., 857ff., Janina, sanjakbey of, see Lutfi Beg (in 1533) 860ff., 863, 865ff., 868, 869n, 870f., 872n, 873n, 875ff., Ibarra (Ybarra), Francisco, accountant for the Holy League in

878f., 886ff., 889, 899ff., 902f., 906, 920, 930, 932, 936f., 1571: 1020, 1050n

940, 955ff., 959n, 961, 965, 972, 988, 1014, 1024, 1047f., Ibrahim, Turkish cha’ush in 1542: 465 1057, 1059n, 1064, 1083, 1100f.; chancelor of, see Andreas Ibrahim Beg, chief dragoman of Suleiman I in the 1550’s and

Amaral (ff. 1521); grand masters of, see Pierre d’ Aubusson 1560’s: 591n, 699, 707n, 766, 772, 829, 921f. 1476-1503, Aimery d’ Amboise (d. 1512), Guy de Blan- _ Ibrahim of Granada, Morisco spokesman in Istanbul ca. 1570:

chefort 1512—1513, Fabrizio del Carretto 1513-1521, 950, 951n

Philippe de Villiers de |’ Isle-Adam 1521-1534, Juan de Ibrahim Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (b. 1494, d. 1536), 233, Omedes (d. 1553), Jean de la Valette 1557-1568, Pietro 245, 246n, 248f., 253f., 278, 301, 318, 323n, 325n, 329n, del Monte (from 1568); grand priors of, see Jacques de 332, 334, 336ff., 339ff., 342f., 349f., 356, 358, 362, 363n,

Bourbon (France; from 1515), Francois de Lorraine 364f., 368, 369n, 371ff., 374ff., 377ff., 380ff., 383, 384n, (France; d. 1563); Thomas Docray (England; fl. 1521); 385ff., 388f., 391n, 397n, 401, 407, 408n, 483, 771 other Knights, see Antoine de Grollée, Gil de Andrade, Igoumenitsa, 1047, 1050ff., 1066, 1081f., 1084, 1086 Giovanni Battista de Gargha, Jean de la Foret, Sabba da Illyria, Illyricum, see Dalmatia Castiglione; vicechancellor of, see Martin de Rojas Portal- _ [lok (Ujlak), 254

rubio (in 1563) Images, 812, 820ff.

Howard, Thomas, earl of Surrey and second duke of Norfolk — Imola, 3n, 12f., 16n, 55, 93n, 140, 263f., 292; bishops of, see (b. 1443, d. 1524), 205n; advisor to Henry VIII in 1512: Niccolo Ridolfi (admin.) 1533-—1546?, Girolamo Dandino

132n 1546-1552?, Vitellozzo Vitelli (admin.) 1560-1561?,

461n rio, Ottaviano Riario

Howard, William, English diplomat (b. 1510?, d. 1573), 457n, Giovanni Aldobrandini 1569-—1573?; and see Galeazzo Ria-

Hubmaier, Balthasar, Protestant leader (b. 1480, d.1528),565 Imperialists, 114n, 221, 225ff., 229ff., 233, 238, 248, 254, Huesca, bishop of (along with Jacca), see Lorenzo Campeggio 256ff., 259n, 260f., 264n, 265ff., 268ff., 27 1n, 273f., 276f.,

(admin.) 1530-1532 279, 281f., 284, 286ff., 289ff., 292fF., 295f., 300, 303f.,

Huguenots, 628, 755, 785n, 786, 789n, 795f., 806, 814f., 888, 307ff., 310f., 315n, 316n, 322n, 328, 329n, 333, 342,

890, 910n, 911f., 939, 949, 994n, 1077, 1079, 1088 360, 369n, 399n, 402n, 430n, 443n, 456, 457n, 473n,

Huma, mother of Fati and ‘“‘Marguerite,”’ two Turkish girls 496f., 500f., 504n, 505, 507, 509ff., 512, 514f., 518n,

seized ca. 1557 and taken west, 836f., 839ff., 938n 519ff., 522f., 526n, 527, 534f., 536n, 539n, 544, 549, Humani generis redemptor, bull of Leo X (1517), 174 551n, 552, 557, 559f., 562, 580, 595n, 596, 598, 600,

Humanism, 1, 142, 450n, 491, 497, 795, 1099 605, 611f., 617ff., 620, 621n, 632, 634ff., 638ff., 642,

Humiliati, Order of, 740 644f., 648f., 651f., 656f., 659, 662ff., 666, 668ff., 672, Hungarians, 9n, 23, 37n, 38n, 53f., 61, 84, 123n, 147f., 152, 676f., 683ff., 687, 688n, 691, 700, 716f., 723f., 728, 733,

157f., 159n, 163, 170, 177f., 185n, 200n, 202, 219, 224, 735, 751n, 755, 774, 778, 781, 783, 788, 796, 802f., 235f., 244n, 247ff., 252, 314, 317n, 318f., 350n, 373, 804n, 807, 809, 1104 377, 383, 443f., 448n, 466, 478, 479n, 530, 566, 568ff., In apostolici culminis, bull of Leo X (1513), 151n 571f., 574, 584, 678, 771, 828, 835n, 895n, 898, 1097n In coena Domini, bull, 912, 940, 941n, 1090

Hungary, 4n, 9, 36n, 37, 48, 55, 70, 72, 78n, 84, 85n, 91n, Index Librorum, 626, 776, 779, 823

93n, 96n, 105n, 114, 117n, 127n, 134n, 139n, 141, 149ff., India, 18ff., 23, 26, 28, 83f., 165n, 185, 348, 771, 934, 1064

152, 157f., 159n, 160n, 163ff., 169n, 177f., 181, 184, Indian Ocean, 32, 1098 185n, 190n, 192n, 195n, 198, 199n, 200n, 201ff., 204f., Indies, 19, 554, 623n, 661, 865, 919 208, 213n, 216, 217n, 218f., 223f., 230n, 235ff., 240, Indulgences, 36, 38, 65, 100n, 106, 124, 140n, 151, 164, 174, 243, 244n, 245, 246n, 247f., 249n, 250ff., 253, 258, 261, 177, 189, 350, 355, 369n, 499, 542, 572, 757, 777, 812, 278, 291, 292n, 300ff., 310, 312ff., 315ff., 318ff., 321ff., 820, 823f., 862, 954, 964, 967, 1063, 1076; and see cruzada 394f., 326n, 327f., 329n, 330n, 332, 334f., 338f., 341f., “Inferno,” cell in the Tor di Nona, 752 344, 345n, 347n, 348ff., 354f., 359ff., 363ff., 369, 372ff., ‘Inflation, 36, 406, 565, 607, 767, 771, 830, 892 375ff., 378ff., 381f6., 387ff., 390f., 393, 404f.,412,413n, Inigo de Aragonia (de Avalos), cardinal 1561-1600, archbishop

415n, 422n, 431, 434ff., 437, 442ff., 445n, 448n, 452f,, of Turin (admin.) 1563-1564?, bishop of Mileto (admin.) 455, 457, 458n, 459ff., 463ff., 466f., 470, 472f., 479F., 1566-1573?: 1014f. 482f., 485, 487ff., 490, 495f., 502n, 530, 546, 549f.,562, Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, count of Tendilla (ff. 1560), 744, 565ff., 568ff., 571fF., 575, 577f., 580ff., 584f., 589, 590n, . 745n, 751 591n, 596, 609, 628ff., 633n, 645f., 679n, 693, 697ff., ‘Initio nostri huius pontificatus, bull of Paul II (1542), 463n 700, 704f., 707f., 755, 760, 771, 778, 781, 790ff., 801, Innocent III (Lotario de’ Conti of Segni), cardinal 1190-1198,

810, 829, 835, 839, 841f., 844n, 845f., 852n, 854n, 865, pope 1198-1216: 140

880, 889f., 895n, 899ff., 902, 907, 911f., 919, 921, 929, Innocent VI (Etienne Aubert), bishop of Clermont 1340-1342,

931, 1064, 1068, 1088, 1097f., 1102ff.; governor of, see cardinal 1342-1352, pope 1352-1362: 92 Ernst, son of Maximilian II (from 1578); kings of, see Saint Innocent VIII (Giovanni Battista Cibo), bishop of Molfetta

Stephen 1000-1038, Geza I 1074-1077, Colomon I (d. 1472-1484, cardinal 1473-1484, pope 1484-1492: 4n, 1116), Matthias Corvinus 1458-1490, Ladislas 1490-1516, 10n, 48, 50, 142, 154, 260, 270, 711 Louis II Jagiello 1516-1526, Ferdinand of Austria (from Innocent IX (Giannantonio Facchinetti), bishop of Nicastro 1526), John Zapolya 1526-1540, John Sigismund (b. 1540, 1560-1575?, patriarch of Jerusalem 1576-1585?, cardinal

d. 1571); lower Hungary, 578 1583-1591, pope in 1591: 778, 794, 899n, 923n, 924f., Huns, 53, 274 929n, 933n, 935n, 937n, 939, 941ff., 946n, 947, 948n, Hus, John, Czech reformer (b. 1373, d. 1415), 418n, 454f., 949n, 950n, 951, 954n, 955, 963n, 964, 965n, 966n, 968n,

790n 971n, 972n, 982n, 988n, 998n, 999n, 1004, 1005n,

Hussites, 543f. 1O07ff., 1010n, 1011f., 1018n, 1019, LO5S9Off., 1062f., Huter, Jakob, Anabaptist, d. at Innsbruck in 1536: 565 1069, 1087n, 1089f., 1094n, 1099

INDEX 1139 Innocent X (Giovanni Battista Pamphili), pope from 1644 (b. 163n, 164, 165n, 174f., 177, 178n, 179, 181, 183f., 185n,

1572, d. 1655), 1101 191, 193n, 194, 198, 200n, 205, 212n, 217f., 224n, 227n,

Innocent XI (Benedetto Odescalchi), pope 1676-1689: 449, 229, 233, 234n, 235n, 240, 245, 246n, 251ff., 254, 258,

1101 274, 278f., 300ff., 303, 313ff., 316ff., 323f., 326f., 331Ff.,

Innocenzo del Monte, adopted son of Balduino and protege 333n, 335n, 336, 338ff., 342ff., 345n, 346ff., 349, 356, of Giovanni Maria (Julius III); cardinal 1550-1577: 528, 358, 360, 361n, 366, 368, 369n, 370ff., 373f., 376, 378, 545n, 546, 547n, 548n, 553n, 560, 562ff., 580n, 581n, 382ff., 385ff., 388ff., 391, 393, 395n, 396, 397n, 400n, 592f., 594n, 595, 597n, 610, 613, 630, 711, 734, 745, 401, 406ff., 409ff., 412, 421ff., 424f., 427, 432, 439n,

754n 441n, 442, 444, 445n, 446, 448n, 449n, 450f., 455ff,,

Innsbruck, 153n, 244, 349, 357n, 363f., 495, 542, 545ff., 553n, 458, 459n, 461f., 464n, 465n, 467n, 468ff., 472f., 475, 557n, 558, 560n, 562ff., 581, 582n, 796f., 800ff., 803f., 479ff., 482ff., 485ff., 488ff., 493, 495, 501n, 502f., 504n,

805n, 829 526n, 530f., 533f., 536f., 542, 550, 551n, 552ff., 555,

Inquisition, 531, 625f., 642, 710f., 714f., 718f., 742, 754n, 556n, 558ff., 561f., 567n, 572, 574, 577ff., 580, 582fFf., 831, 881f., 884, 900, 910, 913; see also Inquisitors, Spanish 585n, 586, 588ff., 591n, 592n, 597n, 606, 608, 622ff.,

Inquisition 629ff., 647, 650, 653, 661f., 679n, 681, 684n, 692n, 693ff.,

Inquisitors, 718, 883ff., 893, 900, 912 696ff., 699n, 700f., 704, 705n, 706f., 708n, 742, 759n,

Invocation, 822 760n, 761, 762n, 763n, 765ff., 770ff., 784, 805, 815,

Ionian Sea, 445, 529, 561, 770, 807, 843, 848, 851, 855, 862, 829ff., 832fF., 835, 836n, 837ff., 840ff., 843n, 844f., 848ff.,

901f., 906, 1023n, 1052, 1095, 1102f. 851f., 855, 856n, 861, 862n, 865, 874, 878ff., 891f., 894F.,

Ippolito d’ Este, son of Alfonso; archbishop of Milan (admin.) 896n, 897ff., 901, 903, 906ff., 909, 912, 919, 921ff., 924ff.,

1519-1550?, cardinal 1538-1572; archbishop of Lyon Q28ff., 931ff., 934 ff., 938f., 944n, 945f7., 948ff., 951ff., (admin.) 1539-1551?, bishop of Tréguier (admin.) 1542- 959, 963f., 970f., 976, 981, 988, 993, 994n, 1001, 1004, 1548, of Autun 1548-1550, archbishop of Auch (admin.) 1007f., 1011, 1013, 1015, 1017f., 1022n, 1027n, 1044n, 1551-1563?: 288, 507, 511f., 522, 551, 560, 563n, 564, 1045, 1049, 1053, 1054n, 1065, 1068f., 1075, 1078, 1080, 595, 598ff., 601f., 610ff., 613f., 617ff., 620, 636, 637n, 1081n, 1088ff., 1091ff., 1094ff., 1097n, 1098, 1101, 1103 710, 723ff., 726ff., 729f., 732, 734ff., 737f., 740, 752, Istria, 19n, 21, 89, 164n, 288n, 356n, 389, 783, 925, 948F.,

853n, 882ff., 885f., 1047 1010, 1070n me archbishop of Gran 1487-1497, cardinal 1493-1520, Isvalies Fe ar tsnoP OF Ressto di Calabria 1497-1506, bishop of Erlau 1497-1520: 50n, 76, 120 ~? Ippolito de’ Medici, archbishop of Avignon 1529-1535, cardinal Italian language, 21,57, 91n, 139, 294, 316, 399f., 571, 626n, Ippolito d’ Este, son of Ercole I d’ Este and Eleonora d’ Aragona; ; , . , _ 1529-1535, archbishop of Montreale (admin.) 1532-1535: 631, 699, 743, 748, 780, 795, 1091n, 1099

222n, 277, 418n Italians, 3, 12n, 40, 53, 70, 76, 104n, 116, 177, 182, 208n, Ireland, 628n 215f., 219, 261, 264, 282f., 286, 291n, 304, 359, 364, Iris, see Yesil Irmak 378n, 397, 413, 420, 455, 466, 482, 491, 500, 513f., 519, Isaac, Rabbi, proposed recipient of a stipend from the French 533, 569, 584, 595, 600f., 611, 618, 624, 639, 644, 652, in 1581: 840n 657, 659, 664f., 680, 685, 691, 722n, 723, 727, 733, 741, Isabella, daughter of Manuel of Portugal and Maria of Aragon; 759, 761, 778, 783, 785, 787f., 794f., 797, 802, 804f.,

wife of Charles V 1526-1539 (d. 1539), 338n, 396n 807f., 821, 822n, 836, 841, 859, 871, 875f., 879, 887,

Isabella, daughter of Sigismund I of Poland and Bona Sforza; 889, 903, 905, 911, 916, 920, 990, 1004, 1015, 1020n, wife of John Zapolya 1539-1540 (d. 1559), 455, 456n, 1024, 1026, 1032ff., 1035f., 1038n, 1039ff., 1047f., 1081 461, 478f., 487, 530, 566ff., 569ff., 572,575, 577f.,771, Italy, 1f., 4, 6, 12ff., 15, 17, 27, 34, 36ff., 40ff., 43f., 46f.,

922, 1015n 50f., 54, 56ff., 59n, 61, 63, 67, 70, 73, 77ff., 80, 81n,

Isabella d’ Este, daughter of Ercole I d’ Este and Eleonora 83n, 86f., 89, 91, 93ff., 96n, 97n, I8Fff., 101, 104, 109, d’ Aragona; wife of (Gian) Francesco I] Gonzaga 1490- 115f., 118ff., 122, 125ff., 129ff., 132, 134, 136f., 139ff., 1519 (d. 1539), 79n, 80n, 132, 182, 262, 273n, 280ff., 142ff., 145, 147f., 149n, 150, 152, 153n, 154, 156n, 159f.,

311, 330, 341, 368, 445n, 725 163, 164n, 165ff., 169f., 173n, 175, 177, 178n, 179, 184, Sforza 1489-1494 (d. 1524), 656n 216, 218ff., 221ff., 224, 226ff., 229ff., 233, 235, 237ff.,

Isabella of Aragon, daughter of Alfonso II; wife of Gian Galeazzo 185n, 187, 188n, 189, 192, 195ff., 198, 201ff., 210, 213n,

Isabella of Castile, daughter of John II of Castile and Leon; 241f., 243n, 244, 246ff., 250, 252, 254, 256ff., 259n, wife of Ferdinand II of Aragon 1469-1504, queen of Cas- 260f., 263, 265, 268n, 270n, 272, 274f., 276n, 277ff., tile and Leon 1474-1504: 13, 35n, 38, 41, 42n, 190 280, 283, 287n, 288, 291, 293ff., 297ff., 300, 302, 304, Isachino, Geremia, superior of S. Silvestro in 1559: 712 305n, 308n, 310ff., 313n, 315f., 318, 320ff., 323, 327f.,

Ischia, 294, 304, 309n 329n, 330ff., 334ff., 341, 344, 347ff., 354f., 355ff., 359ff.,

Isernia, bishop of, see Massimo Corvino 1510-1522 366ff., 373f., 378, 387n, 391, 393ff., 402f., 405ff., 411,

Islam, 85, 113, 126, 141, 149, 156, 179, 187, 212, 386f., 398, 416n, 417, 420f., 430f., 432n, 433n, 437, 439ff., 442f,, 415, 434, 569, 590, 608, 698n, 929, 936, 1042f., 1089n, 452f., 457, 460f., 463f., 466ff., 470, 473, 482, 486, 492,

1098, 1104; and see Moslems 497f., 500, 503, 518n, 534, 537n, 548ff., 551, 553ff., 557,

Isma‘il I, grandson of Uzun Hasan; Safavid shah or ‘“‘sophi’’ 559f., 562, 577n, 581ff., 585f., 589, 594, 596, 599, 60IFf.,

of Persia 1502-1524: 25, 38, 104n, 127f., 201, 1097 605, 609, 611In, 612, 622, 623n, 624, 628, 631, 635ff.,

Isola della Scala, 69n, 71, 79 638, 642, 644ff., 647, 649, 652ff., 656f., 661ff., 665ff., Isola di Lampedusa, 554 669, 671, 673ff., 676ff., 679f., 682ff., 685f., 689ff., 693,

Isola Farnese, 275 694n, 696n, 697n, 701, 705, 708, 709n, 712, 720, 721n,

Isola Sacra (between the mouths of the Tiber), 668ff., 671 726, 729, 734, 742, 749n, 750, 755, 758, 763f., 770, 773,

Isola Tiberina (in Rome), 687 775, 777n, 782, 784n, 786, 806f., 811, 816, 819, 828f.,

Istanbul, 2, 11f., 17, 23n, 26, 34, 37ff., 45, 51, 53f., 57, 59, 833, 841ff., 846, 854, 858f., 862, 873, 878, 880, 884, 69n, 70, 72, 74f., 78, 79n, 81n, 83n, 84, 87f., 89, 90n, 888, 890f., 899f., 912, 914, 917ff., 920f., 941, 957, 965, 99, 104n, 122f., 126f., 128n, 133, 141, 151f., 156, 162, 976, 978, 986, 992n, 994n, 997f., 1002, 1008, 1012f.,

1140 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 1017, 1021, 1025, 1045, 1048f., 1076n, 1081, 1088f., 1523-1544, archbishop of Narbonne (admin.) 1524-1550,

1093; Hospitallers from, 207, 854 bishop of Albi (admin.) 1535-1550, of Agen (admin.)

Ithaca, 1051f. 1538-1550, of Nantes (admin.) 1542-1553: 221, 515, 517, Ivan IV ‘“‘the Terrible,”’ son of Vasily V and Helena Glinska; 519, 524 grand duke of Moscow from 1533, czar of Russia from Jean de Hornes, letter-writer in the Netherlands in 1567: 918n

1547 (d. 1584), 768n, 1087 Jean de la Forét (la Forest), Hospitaller and secretary of Francis

Ivasco the Armenian, envoy of Sigismund I to Suleiman I ca. I (d. 1537), 392f., 400f., 406, 414, 424, 430, 431n, 441n

1528: 318 Jean de la Valette, grand master of the Hospitallers from 1557 Iviza (Ibiza) 891 (b. 1494, d. 1568), 758, 760n, 761, 810, 818, 849n, 852, Ivrea, 297, 666; bishop of, see Bonifazio Ferreri 1511-1518 854n, 855n, 861, 863n, 866ff., 874ff., 878, 889, 900ff.,

Izmit, Gulf of, 874n 903, 905,Jean936f., 939 de la Vigne, French ambassador in Istanbul (d. 1559), 679, 681f., 691ff., 694ff., 697fF., 700ff., 704ff., 707f., 750n,

Jacopa del Monte, sister of Giovanni Maria (Julius III), 594 751n, 766f., 830n, 837

14n 1532, of Limoges 1532-1541: 302f.

Jacopo IV d’ Appiano, despot of Piombino 1474-1510: 12, | Jean de Langeac, French diplomat, bishop of Avranches 1526Jacopo VI d’ Appiano, “lord of Piombino”’ until 1546: 664n = Jean de Monluc, brother of Blaise; French diplomat, bishop of

Jacopo (Gherardi) da Volterra, Roman diarist (fl. 1480), 154 Valence and Die 1554-1566 (b. 1508, d. 1579), 456n, Jacopo de’ Bannissi, servitor of Margaret of Austria-Savoy (/2. 470, 480ff., 487ff., 490, 601

1517), 168n Jean de Pennants, correspondent of Jean de Hornes in 1567:

Jacques d’ Anebault, bishop of Lisieux 1539-1557, cardinal 918n

1544-1557: 508n Jean de Save, notary of the Camera Apostolica in 1562: 753

Jacques de Bourbon, bastard son of Louis, bishop of Liége; | Jean de Vandenesse, comptroller of the imperial household ca.

author of an eyewitness account of the second siege of 1536: 326n, 397, 398n, 464n Rhodes, grand prior of France from 1515 (d. 1527), 203, | Jean de Vega, companion of Bertrand d’ Ornesan in 1537: 204n, 206, 209f., 212, 214 431n Jacques (II) de Chabannes, seigneur de la Palice, grand marshal Jean du Bellay, French diplomat, bishop of Bayonne 1524 or

of France 1515 (d. 1525), 68f., 98n, 118, 129f., 224 1526-1532: of Paris 1532-—1551?, cardinal 1535-1560, Jacques de Germigny, French ambassador to Istanbul from bishop of Limoges (admin.) 1541-1544, of Le Mans 1542-

1579: 840f. 1556, archbishop of Bordeaux (admin.) 1544-155 1?: 321,

Jacques de Savoie, duke of Nemours (b. 1531, d. 1585), 664n 406n, 515, 524, 610, 612f., 624n, 637, 643, 653, 681,

Jaén, bishop of, see Pedro Pacheco 1545-1554 690n, 716f., 726, 728n, 730ff., 753f.

Jagiellonians, dynasty in Lithuania, Poland, Hungary and Bo- __Jedin, Hubert, historian of the Council of Trent (b. 1900, d.

hemia (14th-—16th centuries), 313, 315, 938 1980), 298n, 445n, 486n, 500, 540, 778

Jahangir (Giangir), son of Suleiman I, 530, 630 Jem (modern Turkish: Cem) Sultan, son of Mehmed II; Ottoman Jaime, nephew of Francisco de Sanoguera (d. 1565), 864 pretender (d. 1495), 141, 213n

Jajce (Jaitza), 253 Jerba, 235, 532n, 534f., 536n, 555, 745n, 746n, 759ff., 762ff., James II de Lusignan, bastard son of John II; king of Cyprus 765ff., 768, 770, 795, 832f., 834n, 836f., 841f., 846, 853,

1464-1473: 338 855, 856n, 857, 871f., 888, 891, 894, 905, 933, 943;

James IV, son of James III; king of Scotland 1488-1513: 50, sheikh of, 235, 759 54, 74, 76n, 87, 95n, 99, 107f., 141, 150n; wife of, see Jerbians, 759ff., 762f.

Margaret Tudor, daughter of Henry VI Jerome of Zara, Austrian envoy to Istanbul in 1533: 245n,

James V, son of James IV and Margaret, daughter of Henry 363n, 367n, 370ff., 373ff., 376ff., 379ff., 382ff., 385, VII of England; king of Scotland 1513-1542: 180; wife 387ff., 392 _Of, see Marie of Guise 1538-1542 (d. 1560) Jerusalem, 21, 24, 28, 32, 34, 39, 50, 54, 85, 126f., 141, 146n,

Janiculum (in Rome), 270 147, 153n, 187, 191, 210n, 302, 319, 379, 458, 705ff.,

Janis da Tolmezzo, Francesco, traveler in Rome (1519), 140n 954n, 962, 1037; kingdom of, 373, 1034n; kings of, see Janissaries, 84, 122f., 126, 128, 146, 208, 209n, 212, 213n, Amaury de Lusignan 1197-1205, Guy de Lusignan 1186214, 224n, 235n, 278, 326, 342, 356, 365, 367, 374, 386, 1190; patriarchs of, see Antonio Elio 1558-1576?, Gian407n, 442, 444, 477, 562, 589ff., 622n, 679, 696, 699F., nantonio Facchinetti (Innocent IX) 1576-1585? 761, 764f., 830, 833f., 838n, 842, 845, 857, 864, 894, Jesuits (Society of Jesus), Order, 741, 768n, 793, 1087; general

895n, 896, 898, 942, 976, 995, 1028f., 1032, 1037ff., of, see Diego Laynez (from 1558)

1041ff., 1055, 1057ff., 1067, 1086, 1095 “Jew, the,” pirate, see Ciphut Sinan

Jarnac, battle of (1569), 949 Jews, 30, 39n, 123, 188, 189n, 215, 306, 347, 378, 445n,

Jativa, 14771 482n, 626, 631,934, 687,936n, 703f., 714, 761, 834, Java, 348, 849,493, 878,587, 899n,608, 924f., 929Ff., 944n, 950, 954n, Jean III d’ Albret, king of Navarre 1484-1516: 14, 97, 122n, 965, 1001n, 1011, 1012n, 1092n; and see Abraham Aben-

132, 195n, 229n sach, Salamon Askenasi, Ghetto, Rabbi Isaac, Marani, Jo-

Jean d’ Auton, French chronicler (d. 1528), 131n seph Nasi, Zionism

Jean d’ Avanson, French ambassador to Rome in 1555: 614n, ‘Jimenez de Cisneros, Francisco, archbishop of Toledo 1495-

615n, 616n, 617n, 618n, 621n, 637, 640, 642, 647n, 648, 1517, cardinal 1507-1517: 85f.

653, 661, 666n Joachim, son of Joachim I and Elizabeth of Denmark; margrave Jean de Dinteville, brother of Francois; French ambassador to (11) of Brandenburg; elector from 1535 (b. 1505, d. 1571), England from 1533: 349n 435, 453, 461, 476ff., 484, 543, 603n, 658, 716, 772f. Jean de Guise, cardinal of Lorraine, bishop of Metz 1505-— Joachim de Rye, papal chamberlain in 1552: 563 1547, cardinal 1518-1550, bishop of Verdun (admin.) Joanna, daughter of Ferdinand I and Anna, daughter of Ladislas

INDEX 1141 of Bohemia and Hungary; wife of Francesco de’ Medici Juan de Soto, secretary of Don John of Austria (ff. 1571), 1055

1565-1578: 568 Juan de Vega, imperial envoy to Rome in 1546: 481n, 484n;

Joanna, daughter of Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella of viceroy of Sicily in 1551: 535, 536n, 554

Castile; wife of Philip, archduke of Austria and king (I) of | Juan de Zuniga, brother of Luis de Zuniga y Requesens, Spanish

Castile 1496-1506 (d. 1555), 35n, 41, 43n, 49, 126 ambassador to Rome in 1568 and 1570: 919, 951, 954n, Joannes de Ragusio, proposed assassin of Maximilian I in 1513: 958n, 960f., 963, 966, 967n, 969, 982, 984, 985n, 986n,

150n 993, 998f., 1013ff., 1016f., 1021n, 1062n, 1063, 1070f.,

273n, 285n Judaea, 1099

Joannes Franciscus de Potentia, bishop of Skara from 1523: 1074, 1076n, 1077, 1079 Johann Ernst, son of Johann the Steadfast and Margaret of Judaism, 703

Anhalt; duke (Ernestine line) of Saxony (b. 1521, d. 1563), | Julius II (Giuliano della Rovere, nephew of Sixtus IV), cardinal

476 1471-1503, archbishop of Avignon 1474-1503, pope

Johann Friedrich, son of John the Steadfast (Johann der Be- 1503-1513: 3, 5, 8ff., 11, 13f., 15n, 16ff., 23, 33ff., 36ff., standige) and Sophie of Meckienburg; Elector of Saxony 39ff., 42ff., 45n, 46, 48f., 49n, 50ff., 54n, 56ff., 62ff., 1532-1554: 354, 405, 416ff., 453, 476, 482, 484, 502 65ff., 68ff., 71ff., 74ff., 77ff., 80, 85ff., 89n, 92FF., O5ff., Johann Jacob von Kuen-Belasy, archbishop of Salzburg 1561- O8ff., LOIFF., 104, 105n, 106n, 107f., 109n, 110, 111n,

1580? (d. 1586), 810 112, 113n, 114f., 118ff., 121ff., 124n, 125, 127, 129ff.,

Johann Matthias von der Schulenburg, Saxon soldier in Venetian 132ff., 135ff., 138ff., 141, 143ff., 148n, 149, 152f., 166,

service, collector of works of art (b. 1661, d. 1747), 1103 169f., 200, 203, 220, 299, 475, 509f., 587, 644, 668 Johann von Isenburg, elector and archbishop of Trier 1547— — Julius III (Giovanni Maria Ciocchi del Monte), archbishop of

1556: 539, 546 Manfredonia (Siponto) 1513-1544, cardinal 1536-1550,

Johann von Weeze, archbishop of Lund from 1522: 405n, 434, pope 1550-1555: 138, 139n, 289n, 309n, 486f., 489n,

436, 567 490, 492f., 495ff., 498ff., 501f., 506, 510f., 513ff., 517,

John, son of Christian I and Dorothea, daughter of Johann of 520n, 522ff., 525ff., 528ff., 531, 533, 535, 537ff., 540ff.,

Brandenburg; king of Denmark 1481-1513: 39 543ff., 546ff., 549ff., 552ff., 555ff., 558ff., 561ff., 564, John, son of Manuel of Portugal and Maria, daughter of Fer- 568, 572, 576n, 577n, 579ff., 582, 587f., 592f., 594n, dinand V of Aragon; king (III) of Portugal 1521-1557: 595ff., 598, 600ff., 603ff., 606, 608n, 61 Off., 614ff., 617f.,

328 621n, 622, 628, 632, 634, 650f., 659, 721f., 754, 769,

John Corvinus, bastard son of Matthias; duke of Croatia (b. 774, 777n, 779, 809, 822ff., 860, 882, 885n

1473, d. 1504), 37 Jurisdiction, 540, 710, 793, 912

John Sigismund, son of John Zapolya and Isabella, daughter —_Jurisic, Nicholas, envoy of Ferdinand of Hapsburg to Istanbul

of Sigismund I; king of Hungary (b. 1540, d. 1571), 455, in 1530: 349, 365, 366n, 370, 379, 381, 491 456n, 461, 478, 530, 566ff., 569, 571, 575, 577f., 580, Justification by faith, doctrine of, 443n, 453, 460n, 495ff., 498,

650n, 692, 771, 834f., 844n, 845, 846n, 852, 862, 865, 513f., 529, 544, 615n, 618, 683n, 792

922, 1013, 1015 Justinian, Joseph, Chian messenger from Istanbul to the western

John de Tanczin (Tanczinski, Teczynski), castellan of Lublin powers in 1570: 970f.

and envoy of Sigismund I to Suleiman I ca. 1528: 315ff., | Justinopolis (Capodistra, Koper), 389

318f. John of Austria, natural son of Charles V and Barbara Blomberg; viceroy of the Netherlands from 1576 (b. 1545, d. 1578),

658, 853n, 871, 919f., 933, 962, 969, 998f., 1012ff., Kadan (Czech Kadan, German Kaaden), 460n; compact of 1O15ff., LO19FF., 1O22fF., 1025f., 1045ff., 1048ff., 1051ff., (1534), 460 1054ff., 1057ff., 1OGOff., 1063ff., 1O66ff., 1O69ff., 1072ff., Kadi, Turkish judge, 898

1076ff., 1079ff., 1083ff., 1086, 1090, 1095 Ka’itbey, Mamluk soldan of Egypt and Syria 1468-1496: 32 John of Leyden, Protestant revolutionary (b. ca. 1509, d. 1536), | Kalocza, archbishops of, see Paul Tomory 1523-1526, Francesco

565 de’ Frangipani 1530-1543, Georg Draskovic 1582-1587

John of Paris (John Quidort), French polemicist (d. 1306), 454 | Kalopanayiotis, village in Cyprus, 756, 757n Johnson, Samuel, English man of letters (b. 1709, d. 1784), 81 | Kamenec-Podolskiy, town southeast of L’vov, 320n; bishop of,

Jonas, Justus, supporter of Luther (b. 1493, d. 1555), 565 see Laurentius Miedzileski 1521-1531 Joseph II, patriarch of Constantinople 1555-1565: 768n Kamicac, castle in Croatia, 455n Joseph d’ Aaron de Segura, alum contractor in Istanbul ca. | Kansuh al-Ghur1, see al Ashraf Kansuh al-Ghuri

1567: 924f., 929, 936n, 954n Kara Mustafa Pasha, grand vizir under Mehmed IV (d. 1683),

Joseph von Lamberg, imperial diplomat (b. 1489, d. 1554), 1099, 1101

349, 350n, 358, 362ff., 381 Karaburun, Turkish village, 894

Juan Antonio de Taxis, imperial postmaster in Rome in 1555 Karamusel, village in northwestern Turkey, 874n

and 1556: 611n, 612n, 613n, 652f., 655f., 658, 689 Karlowitz, treaty of (1699), 1102f. Juan de Ayala, Spanish envoy to Rome in 1561: 774f. Kars (Chorsa), 590 Juan de Cardona, leader of a relief force for Malta in 1565: Kas (Andifli), 985 862, 863n, 871f., 875f., 978ff., 982, 985, 1021, 1024n, Kasam Beg, Turkish envoy to Venice in 1523: 217

1068, 1084 Kaschau, see Kosice

Juan de Castilla, commander at the siege of Jerba in 1560: '765 | Kasim Beg or Kasim Pasha, pasha of Buda ca. 1550: 566f., 584;

Juan de la Cerda, duke of Medina Celi; viceroy of Sicily ca. vizir (d. after 1552), 278, 382, 386, 407ff., 410, 449n,

1559: 758ff., 761f., 764, 854n 573

115n 1490, d. 1561), 565, 791

Juan de Mariana, Spanish historian and philosopher (d. 16232), | Kaspar von Schwenkfeld, German Protestant theologian (b.

555 Kastellorizon (Meyisti), 984

Juan de Omedes, grand master of the Hospitallers (d. 1553), | Kassiopi (Casoppo), 988, 1050

1142 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Katzianer, Johann (Hans), army commander in 1533 and 1537: 830, 842, 849, 852, 854, 859, 861n, 887n, 889Fff., 902F.,

371, 415n, 433 905, 951, 955, 957, 1016, 1095, 1099

Kaya Chelebi, Ottoman commander in 1570: 984 La Magliana, 669

Kemal Pacha Zadeh (Kemal Pasha Zade), Ottoman scholar (b. | La Mirandola, 310

1468/1469, d. 1534), 249n La Molaca, village on Andros, 83 Kent, 597n La Mota, castle northwest of Madrid, 14 Kerala, 18 La Palice, seigneur de, see Jacques de Chabannes (d. 1525) Kerynia, 979 La Rochelle, treaty of (1573), 1088 Khaireddin, sanjakbey of Herzegovina in 1545: 475n La Rochepot, lord of, see Francois de Montmorency

Khaireddin Barbarossa, younger brother of Aruj, corsair and _—_La Spezia, 582, 911, 1024 grand admiral of the Ottoman fleet (b. ca. 1466, d. 1546), | Laconia, Gulf of, 835, 1081, 1083 234f., 328, 344, 345n, 347, 375ff., 379ff., 384n, 385f., |. Ladislas, son of Casimir IV of Poland and Elizabeth of Austria;

388f., 392f., 395ff., 398, 406f., 408n, 414f., 424, 427, king of Bohemia 1471-1516, of Hungary 1490-1516: 9n, 428n, 429, 431, 439, 445f., 447n, 465, 467ff., 470ff., 37, 54, 61, 152, 157f., 159n, 163, 244n

1086 Lago Albano, 656

473f., 494n, 532, 585, 699n, 765, 832, 860, 1008, 1053, Laetare Hierusalem, bull of Paul III (1544), 486, 493

Khalil, Ottoman finance minister ca. 1567: 921 Lago di Como, 738n

1043 Laguna di Marano, 464

Kharaj, Turkish poll tax, 53, 156, 332, 439, 894, 896ff., 1041, Lago di Garda, 52n

Khasseki Khurram, see Roxelana Lainez, Diego, see Laynez Kisamos, bishop of, see Girolamo Ragazzoni (from 1572) Lajazzo, Gulf of, see Gulf of Alexandretta Kizil-bashis (‘‘red-heads’’), followers of Isma‘il I, 127 Lallemand, Jean (Juan Aleman), secretary to Charles V in 1528: Knight, William, English diplomat, bishop of Bath and Wells 312n, 362

from 1541 (b. 1476, d. 1547), 132n Lambeth, 185n

Knights Hospitaller, or of Rhodes, see Hospitallers Lamone river, 264

1563 1087 914,Lampedusa, 917ff., 920 Knyszyn, 871 Kocevje, town in Carniola, 337 Lanciano, archbishop of, see Leonardo Marini 1560-1566?

Knin, bishop of, see Andrea Duditio (Dudic) Sbardellati 1562— Lamoral, count of Egmont from 1541 (b. 1522, d. 1568), 691,

Koller, Wolfgang, envoy of Maurice of Saxony to the Council Lando, Pietro, Venetian diplomat and commander, doge from

of Trent in 1552: 543f. 1538 (b. 1462, d. 1545), 148n, 150n, 279, 295, 297n, Kokel river (Tirnava Mare), 390 303f., 306, 309n, 427n, 462, 464f. Komorn (Komarno), 766, 835, 844 Landriano, battle of (1529), 328 Konya, 503, 591, 768 Landsknechte, 177, 226, 256f., 261ff., 264f., 270f., 273, 277, Koran (al-Qur’an), 141, 833, 845 281, 282n, 283, 285ff., 289ff., 292, 293n, 294f., 297, Korkud, eldest son of Bayazid II (fl. 1511), 84, 123n, 127 304f., 330, 342n, 364, 426, 429, 435, 439f., 889

Kosice (German Kaschau, Hungarian Kassa), city in southeastern Landucci, Luca, Florentine apothecary and diarist (fi. 1512),

Slovakia, 314, 315n, 565, 568 117

Kotor, Bay of, see Bocche di Cattaro Lanfranco, Andrea, secretary of Giovanni Carafa in 1559: 711

Krka river, 791 Lang, Matthias, bishop of Gurk 1501-1512?, archbishop of , Salzburg 1512-1540, cardinal 1512-1540: 54, 74, 94, Coe Brasov, Hung. Brasso), 566n 105f., 112n, 132ff., 135f., 159n, 435

Kruzic, Petar (Pietro Crosic), Count, captain under Ferdinand Langer, Gregory, bishop of Wiener Neustadt 1591-1548: 45°

fHShapsours b d. 1537 378 Langres,debishop of, see de Givry (admin.) from 1528-1561 on (d. )385 con,49] , Langue Provence, seeClaude Provence, Hospitallers

Krzycki (Cricius), Andreas, bishop of Przemysl 1523-1527, Languedoc, 225, 359, 915 bishop of Plock 1527-1535, archbishop of Gniezno 1535- Lannoy, Philippe, prince of Sulmona (ff. 1560), 745

1537: 315n, 317n, 318, 320 Lantzperg, Martinus, printer in Leipzig in 1509: 57n

Kubad, Ottoman cha’ush in Venice in 1568 and 1570: 936, Laon, 473n, 483n; bishop of, see Louis de Bourbon 1510-1552

952ff., 955, 971, 991, 1018 Largo Torre Argentina, in Rome, 272 Kurdistan, 152, 589f. Larnaca, 757 Kurtoglu (Curtogli) Turkish pirate, 83, 89, 235 Larnaca Bay (on Cyprus), 46, 927, 972, 976, 979

Kuruczok (Cruciati, crusaders), in Hungary, 157n Lascaris, John (Janus), Greek humanist and French ambassador

Kusani Bali, owner of galleys in 1566: 898 to Venice until 1509 (b. ca. 1445, d. 1535), 7, 53f., 56f., Kyrenia (Cerines), harbor on Cyprus, 937, 1004n 113, 157n, 166, 230n, 393 Laski, Jerome Jaroslav, Polish diplomat (b. 1495, d. 1542), 252f., 301, 312, 313n, 314, 316n, 318, 320f., 323, 324n,

L’ Aquila, 292f., 307, 309 ee neon be bon 357n, 360, 383, 386, 390Ff., L’ seebrother Andre de Foix Laski. toh, archbishop °,n; , imEsparre, _ . a aski, John, of Jerome and nephew of John, L Isle-Adam, Philippe de Villiers de, see Philippe de Villiers of Gniezno; provost of the church at Gniezno (b. ca. 1499, La Bicocca, battle of (1522), 201, 284 d. 1560), 323, 324n

La Bormula (Cospicua), area in Malta, 854, 863f., 866f.,870f., — Laski, John, uncle of Jerome; archbishop of Gniezno 1508-

873 1531: 149, 151n, 154, 312, 319, 321, 323, 340

La Cava, bishop of see Tommaso di Sanfelice 1520-1550? Lasso, Diego, ambassador of Ferdinand of Hapsburg to Rome

La Chaux, seigneur de, see Charles de Poupet in 1551: 548n, 561n, 563n, 577ff., 580, 581n, 582, 596

La Ferté-Milon, 691n Lateran, church and palace (S. John, or S. Giovanni in Laterano,

La Goletta (La Goulette), harbor of Tunis, 235, 397f., 533, in Rome), 6, 95, 110, 121, 126n, 136, 144, 145n, 151n,

INDEX 1143 154f., 413, 529, 640, 877; Lateran Councils, 708n, 714; | Leonhard von Fels, counselor of Ferdinand of Hapsburg in

and see Fifth Lateran Council 1537: 422

Latin language, 20, 34, 58n, 91n, 123, 139, 142, 157, 165, | Lepanto (Naupactus), 39, 65, 114n, 156, 447n, 587, 812, 1068;

178n, 198n, 214, 316, 331, 363, 365n, 405n, 493, 541, battle of (1571), 427, 610, 746n, 766, 840, 849, 872, 890, 573n, 574, 626n, 717, 734n, 735, 748f., 772n, 795f., 909n, 923n, 928n, 945n, 947n, 970, 986, 1020n, 1025f.,

1016n, 1062, 1099 1045n, 1046f., 1052ff., 1055ff., 1058ff., 1061ff., 1064, 1030, 1038, 1088 1091f., 1095f., 1099f.; Gulf of, see Corinth, Gulf of Latium, 216 Lérida, 716n; bishop of, see Antonio Agostino (Agustin) 1561-

Latins, 21, 147, 208, 211, 215, 401, 710, 756ff., 899, 926f., 1066ff., 1070f., 1073ff., 1076ff., 1080, 1082ff., 1085,

Laudes, 824 1576 531 Leérins, Iles de, 471

Laurana, Zuan, skipper of the Venetian ship Alberta in 1550: —_Lerin, count of, see Louis de Beaumont (fl. 1507)

Laurato. Anzolo, subordinate of Marc’ Antonio Barbaro in Lesbos (Mytilene), 933

1571: 1012n Lescun, lord of, see Thomas de Foix (d. 1525)

Laurentii, Jacques, galley commander under Juan de la Cerda __—Lesina (Hvar), 770, 923, 953, 967, 974, 987, 1025, 1074;

in 1560: 759 bishop of, see Zaccaria Delfino 1553-1574?

1528) 133n

Lauro, Lorenzo, steward or carver of Balduino del Monte ca. __ Lesparre, see Andre de Foix

1553: 564n Lettere, 776, bishop of, see Sebastiano Leccavella 1562-1565?

Lautrec, viscount of, see Odet de Foix (b. ca. 1483/1484, d. | Leveau, Jean, secretary to Andrea da Borgo (fi. 1512), 113n,

Lavaur, bishop of, see Pierre Danes 1557-1577 Leveneur, Jean, bishop of Lisieux 1505-1539, cardinal 1533Laynez, Diego, Jesuit theologian (b. 1512, d. 1565), 539, 542, 1543: 370

787, 791, 792n, 793, 808, 812 Libellus ad Leonem Decimum (1513), 146

Lazare de Baif, French diplomat and humanist (b. 1496, d. Liber Jurtum, compendium of documents on the trial of the

1547), 361, 363n Carafeschi, 712n

Lazaro, Constantine, priest and father of Giacomo of Zante, —_Licet ab initio, bull of Paul II (1542), 626

926 Licet in constitutione, bull of Clement VI (1351), 520

Le Catelet, 708 Lido di Roma, 940, 1100 ; Le Bron, Nicholas, anti-Turkish poet (fl. 1541), 461 Lido (at Venice), 20, 331, 954f., 968n

Le Mans, bishops of, see Louis de Bourbon (admin.) 1519- Liége, 558; bishops of, see Louis de Bourbon 1455-1482, Erard

1556-1587 Lienz, 803

1535, Jean du Bellay 1542-1556, Charles d’ Angennes de la Marck 1506-1530?

League of Cambrai (1508), see Cambrai, League of Ligny, 462n Leccavella, Sebastiano, archbishop of Naxos 1542-1562, bishop _—_ Ligorio, Pirro, architect and painter (b. 1510, d. 1583), 720

of Lettere 1562-1565? (d. 1566), 776, 782 Liguria, 93, 416, 430, 652

Lecce, 295, 584n; bishops of, see Gonsalvo de Sangro 1525- _—_ Limassol, 46, 756, 945n, 962, 972, 976, 979, 984, 1004n,

1530, Braccio Martelli 1552—1559 1031n, 1034f.; bishop of, 1030; Gate of, 1027f., 1031f.,

Lefévre d’ Etaples, French humanist (b. 1455, d. 1536), 55n 1040, 1042

Lefka, 756 Limoges, bishops of, see René de Prie 1514-1516, Jean de Legnago, 93 Langeac 1532-1541, Jean du Bellay (admin.) 1541-1544,

Leipzig, 772 1558-1582

Legnano, 69n Antoine de Meudon 1544—1547?, Sebastien de |’ Aubespine

Lemnos, 1101 Lincoln, bishop of, see Thomas Wolsey (in 1514)

Leo I (the Great), Saint, pope 440-461: 794 Lindau, 543

Leo III, pope 795-816: 716 Lindus (castle on Rhodes), 213

Leo IV, pope 847-855: 270n Linosa, 871

Leo X (Giovanni de’ Medici, son of Lorenzo and Chiara) cardinal Linz, 250n, 329, 349n, 350n, 362n, 363, 366n, 421n, 435n,

1489-1513, pope 1513-1521: 3, 48n, 50n, 75, 101, 103f., 442f., 476 108, 109n, 112n, 113n, 114f., 118, 129, 132f., 136n, Lion, Pietro, captain of Famagusta ca. 1510: 25 137n, 142n, 143ff., 146ff., 149ff., 152ff., 155, 157ff.,160n, Lipari, 582, 831 161ff., 164ff., 167ff., 170, 172ff., 175, 179n, 180f., 183, | Lipova (Lippa), 461, 570ff., 573ff., 576, 578, 581n, 584f. 184n, 185ff., 188ff., 191ff., 194, 195n, 196, 197n, 200f., | Lippomani dal Banco, Girolamo, correspondent of Marino

203, 214, 220, 223, 248, 277, 394, 417, 458n, 506, 520, Sanudo in 1517: 173n

612, 620, 751 Lippomano, Alvise, bishop of Bergamo 1538-1544?; 1558Leo XIII (Gioacchino Vincenzo Pecci), pope 1878-1903: 486n 1559, of Modon 1539-1550?, of Verona 1548-1557?: 353,

Leobersdorf, 366 529, 537f., 545, 547, 628, 632, 633n

Leon, 35n, 41, 200, 414, 632; bishop of, see Andrés de Cuesta Lippomano, Giovanni, owner of a palace purchased by the

1557-1564 . Venetian Signoria in 1537: 403n

Leonardi, Gian Giacomo, agent of Francesco Maria della Rovere mae 1 Girolamo, Venetian ambassador to Savoy in 1570:

im 1532: 363n Lippomano, Tommaso, brother of Alvise (fl. 1530), 353

Leonardo de Cardena (a Cardine), relative of the Carafeschi Liri river, 659 (d. 1561), 678n, 711, 746f., 749, 750n, 752, 753n Lisbon, 1, 22f., 29, 83, 165n, 532; archbishops of, see George Leonardo Grosso della Rovere, nephew of Julius I; bishop of Costa 1464-1500, Henry of Portugal 1564-1570? Agen 1487-1519?, cardinal 1505-1520: 139n Lisieux, 565n; bishops of, see Jean Leveneur 1505-1539, Jacques

Leondari, 367n d’ Anebault 1539-1557?

Leonhard, count of Nogarola, member of an Austrian embassy —_ Lithuania, 316f., 319, 321, 324

to Istanbul in 1532: 350n, 358, 362ff., 381 Lithuanians, 714

1144 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Liuterius, Jacobus, notary of Paul IV in 1557: 715 Piero de’ Medici; Florentine co-ruler 1469-1478, ruler

Livorno (Leghorn), 300, 370, 515, 595 1478-1492: 15, 53, 102, 166n, 327

Ljubljana (Laibach), 337, 358, 371, 383, 405; captain of, see | Lorenzo de’ Medici, son of Piero and Alfonsina Orsini; duke

Johann Katzianer of Urbino 1516-1519: 156, 160ff., 166, 167n, 178n, 190

Lodeéve, bishops of, see Guillaume Briconnet, son of Cardinal | Lorenzo Orsini da Ceri of Anguillara (Renzo da Ceri), Italian

Guillaume 1489-1515, Dominique Dugabre 1547-1558 soldier (ff. 1527, d. 1536), 257, 260, 268ff., 300, 304, Lodi, 135, 224f., 229n, 239; bishops of, see Ottaviano Sforza 306f., 321, 331, 334n, 342

of (1454), 1, 645 988n

1497-1519, Giannangelo Capizucchi 1557-1569; peace _—_ Loreto, 109n, 140, 292, 320, 1047; shrine of Madonna of,

Lodovici, Pietro, Venetian host of Yunus Beg in 1530: 333 Lorraine, 237n, 657, 773, 910n, 916; cardinals of, see Charles Lodovico Bondoni de’ Branchi, ‘‘Firmanus,”’ papal master of de Guise, Jean de Lorraine; duke of, see Charles (b. 1543,

ceremonies, 509n, 510n, 511, 519, 521n, 595, 603n, 614, d. 1608)

621n, 704n, 717n, 718f., 721n, 722ff., 727, 730, 732ff., | Losonczy, Stephen, defender of Timisoara in 1551: 572 737, 740n, 753n, 762f., 774, 776f., 797, 800, 806, 81ln, —_Lottini, Gian Francesco, secretary of Guido Ascanio Sforza in

825, 877n, 1016 1555: 634

Lodovico da Canossa, papal ambassador and bishop of Bayeux _ Louis (“‘the Pious’’), son of Charlemagne; emperor of the Franks

1516-1531: 230n, 266, 268n, 289n 814-840: 538

in 1509: 57n 795, 918n

Lodovico da Fabriano, correspondent of Francesco Gonzaga _ Louis I de Bourbon, prince of Condé (b. 1530, d. 1569), 725,

Lodovico da Lodrone, Italian soldier (d. 1537), 342n Louis II Jagiello, son of Ladislas and Anne, daughter of Gaston Lodovico de Taxis, master of the imperial couriers in 1532: II of Foix; king of Hungary 1516-1526: 54, 158, 164n,

365n 180f., 185n, 187n, 192n, 195n, 203ff., 216n, 271f., 219n,

Lodz, city west-southwest of Warsaw, 312 223, 224n, 235f., 237n, 243n, 244n, 245f., 248n, 249f.,

Loffredo, Enrico, bishop of Capaccio 1531-1547: 498 252, 312, 316n, 319n, 324n, 332, 335n, 364, 369n, 376,

Lograto, 225 378, 444, 477; wife of, see Mary, daughter of Philip the

Lombardy, 36n, 44, 60, 93, 98, 101, 107f., 110, 114, 125, Handsome 1522-1526 (d. 1558) 128, 132f., 144, 148f., 167, 196n, 220, 225, 227, 243, Louis VII, son of Louis VI; Capetian king of France 1137259, 274, 282f., 285f., 288n, 304f., 310, 321, 328, 430, 1180: 175 675ff., 871, 878, 888, 913f., 916f., 920, 990, 1047n, 1088; Louis XI, son of Charles VII; king of France 1461-1483: 136,

iron crown of, 337; prior of, see Carlo Sforza 193, 238, 696, 830

Lomellini, Genoese family, 871, 872n, 957n, 1048n Louis XII, son of Charles (of Orléans); duke of Orléans 1465-— Lomellino del Campo, Giovanni, son of Pietro (fl. 1522), 210n 1498, king of France 1498-1515: 2, 14f., 24, 27, 29, 34f.,

Lomellino del Campo, Pietro, Rhodian author of a contem- 38ff., 41ff., 44, 46, 47n, 48ff., 51n, 52ff., 55f., 57n, 58ff.,

porary account of the affaire Amaral (1522), 210n 61, 63, 66ff., 69, 71ff., 74f., 77f., 79n, 80, 86ff., 91f.,

London, 82, 91n, 96n, 104n, 153n, 167, 170, 185, 186n, 237, O4ff., O7fF., 1OOff., 103f., LO7FF., 11I1fF., 114ff., 119ff., 248, 254n, 259n, 261n, 288, 318f., 321, 349n, 457, 681n, 122, 123n, 124f., 130ff., 134ff., 137n, 138, 140f., 143ff.,

683n; treaty of (1518), 186f., 195 149, 150n, 159, 180n, 263n, 287, 302, 642

Longezza, 684 Louis, younger brother of William of Orange; count of Nassau Longo, Antonio, author of memoirs of the 1537 Turco-Venetian (b. 1538, d. 1574), 914, 919

war, 407n, 446n Louis d’ Arco, Bavarian diplomatic functionary in Rome at the

Longo, Francesco, contemporary authority on the war of Cy- time of the First Vatican Council, 827n

prus, 407n, 954n, 993, 1085n Louis de Beaumont, count of Lerin (ff. 1507), 14

Lope de Figueroa, arquebusier commander at Lepanto (b. 1520, | Louis de Bourbon, bishop of Laon 1510-1552, cardinal 1517-

d. 1595), 1057 1557, bishop of Le Mans (admin.) 1519-1535, of Lugon 310n, 446n bishop of Tréguier (admin.) 1538-1542: 221, 517f., 520,

Lope de Soria, imperial ambassador to Genoa in 1526: 246n, 1524-1527, archbishop of Sens (admin.) 1535-1557,

Lopez, Andrea, assassin of George Martinuzzi in 1551: 576 610

Loredan, Antonio, brother of Caterina Taddea Loredan; gov- _ Louis de Bourbon, brother of duke Jean II; bishop of Liege

ernor of Naxos ca. 1511-1515: 25 1455-1482: 203n

Loredan, Caterina Taddea, wife of Francesco ITI Crispo, duke Louis de Guise, bishop of Troyes 1545~—1550?, of Albi 1550~

of Naxos (d. ca. 1510), 24 1558?, cardinal 1553-1578, bishop of Metz 1558-1578:

Loredan, Giovanni, Venetian commander killed at Lepanto in 614, 641, 642n, 657, 723ff., 729, 732ff., 735ff., 739n

1571: 1057 Louis de la Trémouille, viscount of Thouars, prince of Talmonte

Loredan, Leonardo, doge of Venice 1501-1521: 10ff., 20, 24, (b. 1460, d. 1525), 68 29, 39, 57, 64, 68, 77, 88, 90, 101n, 103n, 123, 135, Louis de Lansac, French envoy in Rome in 1555, ambassador

156n, 157, 159, 165n to the Council of Trent in 1562: 634n, 635, 636n, 660F.,

Loredan, Lorenzo, son of Leonardo the doge (fl. 1509), 66 668n, 671, 785, 786n, 788, 794, 808

24 (b. 1500, d. 1528): 307

Loredan, Lucrezia, aunt of Caterina Taddea Loredan (/7. 1510), Louis de Lorraine, count of Vaudémont; French commander

Loredan, Marco, bishop of Nona 1554-1577: 964 Louise d’ Albret-Borgia, daughter of Cesare Borgia and mother Loredan, Pietro, doge of Venice 1567-1570 (b. 1481, d. 1570), of Claude de Bourbon, 14

933, 954f., 958, 963n Louise of Savoy, daughter of Philip I of Savoy and Marguerite

Loredan, Zaccaria, Venetian provveditore in 1520: 193n of Bourbon; wife of Charles, count of Angouléme 1487—

in 1527: 263n 290n, 322n, 378

Loredan, Zuan Francesco, correspondent of Cristoforo Zaffardo 1496 (d. 1531), 230n, 236n, 237f., 239n, 244, 246n, 273,

Loredana, Venetian galley present at Lepanto, 1057f. Louvre, 809n

Lorenzo (il Magnifico, “‘the Magnificent’’) de’ Medici, son of | Low Countries, 481, 914f., 918, 920

INDEX 1145 Loyola, Ignatius, founder of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits) (b. 405, 417, 418n, 453f., 462, 482, 484, 540, 542, 565,

1491, d. 1556), 195 632n, 660, 790n, 791, 793, 823, 1088 Liibeck, 357n Lutheranism, 1, 197, 202, 219n, 222, 236n, 238, 288, 339, Lublin, castellan of, see John de Tanczin (ca. 1528) 353f., 358, 403, 413, 417, 420, 422, 437, 444n, 453,

Luca de’ Rinaldi, agent of Maximilian I in Rome in 1503: 35 459f., 473, 482, 484, 487, 496, 498, 565f., 632, 633n, Luca, Giovanni, bishop of Reggio d’ Emilia 1503-—1510?: 76 682, 705, 714, 716f., 720, 734, 909 Lucca, 15, 81, 96n, 103f., 105n, 110, 219, 332, 412, 442n, Lutherans, 154, 193f., 195n, 202, 223, 230n, 244n, 257, 262, 461, 464, 601, 1025n; bishop of, see Bartolommeo Gui- 273, 318, 336, 346f., 352ff., 356, 359ff., 364n, 366, 375,

diccioni 1546-1549 378f., 381, 385f., 388, 395, 399f., 406, 413f., 416f., 420ff.,

Lucchese, the, 601 431n, 435ff., 440, 450n, 452f., 459f., 463, 467, 473n, Lucchesi, 368 476f., 480n, 482, 484, 487ff., 490, 494f., 497f., 502, 504, Lucera, bishop of, see Fabio Mignanelli 1540-1553? 514, 527, 529, 531, 538ff., 541, 544ff., 556, 561, 565f., Lucera (Nocera), 293 609, 624, 628f., 632f., 646, 655, 658, 663, 679n, 690, Lucerne, diet of, 55n 697, 705, 708n, 714, 716f., 749f., 769, 772ff., 779, 781, Luciano degli Ottoni, abbot of Pomposa; correspondent of Er- 786, 790, 809, 828, 882, 890, 914, 1088

cole II d’ Este in 1547: 502 Luxembourg (Luxemburg), 195, 916, 918n

Lucido, Angelo, friar, author of a report from the Fifth Lateran __L’ vov (Lwow, Lemberg), 320n

Council in 1512: 126 Lycia, 150

Lucignano d’ Arbia, 598, 602 Lydia, 150

Lucio of Como, builder (fl. 1515), 777n Lyon, 80n, 91, 96, 125, 129, 133f., 136, 195n, 221, 230n,

Lucon, bishop of, see Louis de Bourbon 1524-1527 237n, 268n, 283, 457, 472, 507n, 673, 795, 951, 958; Lucrezia, wife of Francesco da Montepulciano; aromataria (fl. archbishops of, see Ippolito d’ Este (admin.) 1539-1551?,

1505), 36 Francois de Tournon (admin.) 1551-1562; Council of

Ludovici, Daniele, secretary of the Venetian Signoria in 1533: (1274), 70, 512n 388

Ludwig IV, Wittelsbach duke of Bavaria, king of Germany

1314-1328, emperor 1328-1347: 454 Maastricht, 655

Ludwig, son of Albrecht IV and Cunigunde, daughter of Fred- — Macarius, self-described archbishop of Thessalonica in 1551:

erick III; duke (X) of Bavaria (b. 1495, d. 1545), 435 541

Luigi da Porto, author of an account of the battle of Ravenna = Maccabeo, Girolamo, bishop of Castro (Acquapendente) 1543-

in 1512: 116f. 1568? (d. 1574), 794

Luis de Avila, Spanish noble; envoy to Julius III in 1550: 528; |= Macedonia, 591

Spanish ambassador to Rome in 1563: 806 Macedonian heresy (fourth century), 113 Luis de Cardona, companion of Don John of Austria in 1571: = Macerata, 95n, 539n, 877n, 883; bishop of, see Giovanni Do-

1055 menico de Cupis (admin.) 1528-1535?

Luis de Cordova, duke of Sessa, imperial ambassador in Rome — Machiavelli, Niccolo, Florentine statesman and writer (b. 1469,

in 1523: 221f., 226 d. 1527), 40n, 53, 60f., 69, 76, 90f., 96n, 98, 106f., 626

Luis de Mendoza, brother of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza and __ Macon, bishop of, see Charles de Hémart de Denonville 1531-

father of Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, 744n 1538

Luis de Toledo, son of Pedro, and his replacement in the gov- Madagascar, 346

ernment of Naples in 1552: 594n, 595 Madonna dell’ Orto, church (in Venice), 93, 299n

Luis de Torres, representative of the Societas charitatis Urbis in | Madonna delle Grazie, church (on Chios), 896

1560: 748; chief clerk of the Camera Apostolica from ca. Madrid, 14, 190, 227n, 229, 232, 237, 240, 484, 558, 838n,

1533: 951, 956f., 958n, 959, 961, 966, 973, 1016 846, 884n, 886n, 887n, 888, 901, 912, 913n, 914, 915n,

Luis de Zuniga y Requesens, Spanish diplomat and soldier (d. 916, 918, 920, 922, 941n, 972n, 973n, 977, 983, 996ff., 1576), 754n, 821, 853n, 883n, 884f., 887, 900f., 904n, 1008, 1011n, 1012ff., 1017ff., 1020f., 1043n, 1045, 1047,

906, 910ff., 913, 914n, 917n, 918ff., 939, 973n, 1021, 1048n, 1077, 1079ff., 1092f., 1094n; treaty of (1526),

1054, 1057, 1063, 1070f., 1074, 1079 238f., 242, 244, 246n, 248n, 328n, 367, 399

Luis del Marmol Carvajal, soldier and historian (fl. 1575),946n | Madruzzo, Cristoforo, bishop of Trent 1539-1567, cardinal

Luna, count of, see Claudio Fernandez Vigil de Quifiones (1. 1542-1578, bishop of Brixen (admin.) 1542-1578: 487,

1563) 490, 492f., 495f., 498, 506, 508, 511, 515, 518, 520n,

Lund, archbishop of, see Johann von Weeze (from 1522) 521, 523ff., 526n, 527, 537f., 547, 548n, 583, 603n, 610n, Luneburg, 1101; dukes of, see Ernst (b. 1497, d. 1546), reigning 611ff., 617ff., 620, 661n, 676, 724, 726, 728, 731f., 734,

with his brothers until 1527; alone 1527-1536; with his 737, 740n, 743, 772, 777n, 885

brother Franz (b. 1508, d. 1549) 1536-1538; alone from Madruzzo, Lodovico, cardinal 1561-1600, bishop of Trent

1539 1567-1600: 772, 774, 777f., 787, 791, 800, 807ff., 811, Lungotevere, 752 818ff., 824f. Luristan, 1097 Madruzzo, Lodovico, son of Niccolo; soldier and politician (b.

Lusatia, 320n, 435 1532, d. 1600), 583 Lusignan, royal dynasty in Cyprus 1192-1474: 46 Madruzzo, Niccolo, brother of Cristoforo and father of Lo-

Lussy (Lusi), Melchior, condottiere retained by the Venetian dovico (b. 1532, d. 1600), 583n Senate in 1565 and again in 1571: 880, 1019 Maffei (Maffeo), Bernardino, bishop of Massa Marittima 1547-

Lutfi Beg, Ottoman captain and sanjakbey in 1533: 388 1549?, cardinal 1549-1553, archbishop of Chieti 1549Lutfi Pasha, father-in-law of Suleiman I; Ottoman grand vizir 1553: 511n, 513n, 515, 519n, 520, 521n, 522ff.; secretary

in 1540: 458, 459n to Paul III in 1545: 490n

Luther, Martin, German reformer (b. 1483, d. 1546), 183n, Magdalena de’ Medici, daughter of Lorenzo and Chiara; wife 190n, 194n, 199, 202, 229n, 298n, 326n, 350, 366n, 379, of Franceschetto Cibo 1487-1519 (b. 1473, d. 1528), 506

1146 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Magdeburg, 772; archbishops of, see Friedrich of Brandenburg 765, 834, 845, 852ff., 855ff., 858ff., 861ff., 864ff., 867ff.,

(in 1552), Sigismund of Brandenburg (from 1553) 870ff., 873ff., 876ff., 879f., 891, 894, 899f., 916, 936f., Maggio, Vincenzo, French agent in Istanbul in 1541: 458n, 973, 979, 984, 988n, 1046

459n Maltese, 759f., 855f., 860, 861n, 868, 870, 877f., 1100

Maggior Consiglio (in Venice), 13, 46, 82f., 139n, 267, 279n, Malvezzi, Giovanni Maria, agent of Ferdinand of Hapsburg in

302f., 531, 632n, 851, 928, 958, 989, 1073 Istanbul in 1549 and 1551: 503, 569, 572, 589

Maghreb, 1095 Mamago, suburb of Piacenza, 261 Maghrebini, 24 Mamluks, 21, 23f., 27, 32f., 71, 84, 146f., 158, 163ff., 170, Magnatello, Pietro Paolo, commander in the expedition of 1570: 224; “Burj,” slave dynasty in Egypt and Syria 1382-1389, 982n 1390-1517: 18n, 19, 22, 26, 31, 38, 97n, 165f., 181, 185, ‘Magno Palazzo” (in Trent), 490f. 191, 338, 937

Maguelone, bishop of, see Montpellier, bishop of Mandra, the, on Malta, 863f., 866 Magyars, 157n, 158, 235, 250, 530, 565 Mandraki (later Port of Galleys), harbor at Rhodes, 208n Mahdia (al-Mahdiyah, ‘‘Affrica’’), 533, 539, 554, 556, 560, Manelli, Antonio, financial officer at the Council of Trent,

566; siege of (1550), 533ff., 536n 495n, 776

Mahmud, cha’ush in Transylvania in 1550: 530 Manelli, Luigi, recipient of a letter from a certain Giovanni, Mahmud Beg, Ottoman dragoman and diplomat, 921, 948ff., in 1503: 3

951, 970f., 1049 Manetti, Latino Giovenale, supervisor of works in Rome in Mahon, town on Minorca, 397, 701n 1535: 399

446n 1502), 12n 896 Manfredi, Italian family, 12

Mahona, Giovanni, secretary of Ferrante Gonzaga in 1533: Manfredi, Astorre, loses Faenza to Cesare Borgia in 1501 (d. Mahona, joint-stock company collecting revenues of Chios, 893, | Manfredi, Francesco, recalled to Faenza in 1503: 9

Mahonesi, members of the mahona on Chios, 893ff., 896ff. Manfredonia (Siponto), 138, 294n, 295n; archbishops of, see Maillezais, bishops of, see Pietro de’ Accolti 1511-1518?, Geof- Antonio del Monte 1506-—1511?, Giovanni Maria del Monte

froy d’ Estissac 1518~1543? (Julius IIT) 1513-1544, Giovanni Ricci 1544-1545?, Gian-

Maina, 970n, 1046 nandrea Mercurio 1545-1550, Sebastiano Pighino 1550-

Mainates, 990 1553, Tolomeo Galli 1562-1573? Mainz, 179n, 471n, 603n, 628; archbishops of, see Albrecht of | ‘‘Mangiaguerra,”’ wine from Naples, 627

Brandenburg 1514-1545, Sebastian von Heusenstamm Manrique, Juan, imperial representative in Florence in 1555:

1545-1555, Daniel Brendel von Homburg 1555-1582 602, 616n

Maiori, 296 Manrique de Lara, Francisco, bishop of Orense 1542-1556, Maistranze, 943 of Salamanca 1556-1560, of Siguenza in 1560: 545n

peggio 1532-1561? 182

Majorca (Mallorca), 891, 946n; bishop of, see GianbattistaCam- Mantegna, Andrea, Italian painter (b. 1431, d. 1506), 40n,

Malabar Coast (in India), 18, 348 Mantua, 1, 15, 34, 36n, 40n, 51, 55, 57, 71, 96, 122, 132,

Malacca, 348 133n, 166, 167n, 182, 229n, 272, 280ff., 284, 287, 293f.,

Malaga, bishop of, see Francisco Blanco 1565-1574 341, 345, 367n, 368, 404f., 41 2ff., 416f., 419, 420n, 421,

Malamocco (at Venice), 1025 478, 486, 506, 537, 603n, 611, 617, 656, 708, 721n,

Malatesta, Carlo, brother of Pandolfo (ff. 1503), 13 722n, 726, 732n, 781, 1099n; cardinal of, see Ercole GonMalatesta, Giacomo, governor-general of Cattaro in 1571: zaga; Council of (to meet in 1537), 413ff., 416ff., 419,

1002n 463; bishops of, see Ercole Gonzaga 1521-1563, Federico

Malatesta, Giovanni Battista, Mantuan ‘‘orator”’ in Venice ca. Gonzaga (admin.) 1563-1565, Francesco Gonzaga 1565-

1527-1528: 280 1566; castellan of, see Francesco Tosabezzi (ca. 1564); rulers 1482-1500 (d. 1534), 9, 12f. II Gonzaga 1519-1540, Francesco III Gonzaga 1540-

Malatesta, Pandolfo, son of Roberto Malatesta; lord of Rimini of, see (Gian) Francesco II Gonzaga 1484-1519, Federico

1528: 277 Mantuans, 71

Malatesta, Sigismondo, son of Pandolfo; lord of Rimini 1527- 1550, Guglielmo Gonzaga 1550-1587

Malay peninsula, 348 Manuel (Emanuel) I, nephew of Alfonso V; king of Portugal

Malea, promontory in the Morea, 1082 1495-1521: 39n, 44, 45n, 46, 48f., 162f., 180, 328, 338; Malines, archbishop of, see Antoine Perrenot 1561-1583?; and wife of, see Eleonora (sister of Charles V) 1519-1521

see Mechlin — Manuel, Juan, imperial ambassador to Rome in 1522: 193n,

Malipiera, Venetian galley present at Lepanto, 1057f. 194n, 195n, 244

Malipiero, Alvise, Venetian envoy to Rome in 1509: 64 Manutius, Aldus, humanist and printer (b. 1450, d. 1515), 166n Malipiero, Caterino, Venetian commander killed at Lepanto Maone, Turkish galleasses, 836, 844n, 845, 849, 854f., 856n,

in 1571; 1057 | a, i 934, 939, 942, 981, 982n, 984, 1005, 1028, 1075, 1092,

Malipiero, Domenico, Venetian provveditore in Nauplia in 1094n, 1095

Malipiero, Trailo, Venetian senator in 1509: 61 Map, alter, English satirist of Welsh origin (d. 1208/1209), Malkos (Malcos) Beg, sanjakbey of Clissa in 1557; later sanjakbey 0

of Bosnia, 694f. Maps, 344n, 348n, 458

Malmsey wine, 564n, 627, 830 Marani, 703

Malta, 33n, 235, 238, 340n, 351f., 363n, 539n, 553n, 554f., | Marano, 405, 464, 465n, 953n 581, 583, 588n, 589, 608, 622, 758ff., 761f., 810f., 829, Marathassa valley, 756 836, 838f., 842f., 846, 849, 850n, 852, 886ff., 889ff., 899, Marc-Antoine de Monluc, son of Blaise (d. 1556), 668n 901ff., 905, 915, 920, 925, 930, 932, 940, 943, 945, 947, Marc’ Antonio da Mula, Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1561,

951, 956, 957n, 968, 1016, 1017n, 1026, 1048, 1083, cardinal 1561-1572, bishop of Rieti 1562-1572: 752n, 1100; Knights of, see Hospitallers; siege of (1565), 755, 753n, 763, 770n, 807, 882, 884, 912

INDEX 1147 Marc’ Antonio di Franceschi, Venetian envoy to Rome in 1557: = Marino (on Lago Albano), 243n, 649, 656, 675

686f. Marino da Molin, Venetian consul in Egypt (ca. 1507), 22f.

Marcello, Cristoforo, archbishop of Corfu 1514-1528: 111n, Marino da Pozzo, secretary of Francesco Pisani in 1523: 221n

136f., 164n, 488n, 489n Marino di Cavalli, Venetian ambassador to the Hapsburgs (in

Marcello, Girolamo, Venetian bailie in Istanbul (ca. 1492), 607n 1550) and France (in 1561), bailie in Istanbul (b. 1500, d.

Marcello, Niccolo, doge of Venice 1473-1474: 68n 1573), 521, 704, 706f., 767n, 909n, 923ff., 926n, 929, Marcellus II (Marcello Cervini), bishop of Nicastro 1539-1540, 930n, 990, 1017; provveditore generale of Candia in 1571:

cardinal 1539-1555, bishop of Reggio d’ Emilia 1540- 1052n

1544, of Gubbio 1544-1555, pope in 1555: 309n, 450n, Mario, count of S. Fiora, brother of Guido Ascanio Sforza (b.

452, 467, 486ff., 490n, 492f., 495ff., 498, 499n, 500, 502, 1530, d. 1591), 592 506n, 508f., 511f., 514f., 516n, 517, 518n, 520n, 521n, Marittima, the, 675 522, 538, 579, 606n, 610fF., 613ff., 616f., 621n, 627n, Mark Sittich von Hohenems, nephew of Pius IV; bishop of

628, 632, 721n, 722, 777n Cassano 1560-1561, cardinal 1561-1595, bishop of Marches, the, 677, 990 Constance 1561-1589?: 743, 773n, 776, 780, 799, 865, Marchesano, Antimo, papal datary (fl. 1571), 1015f., 1074 885f., 1090

Marchfeld, 483 Marmara, Sea of (Propontis), 470, 892, 898, 981 Marciano, 602f. ; Marmaris (Physkos, Fisco), 206, 210 Marciano, Pantaleone, correspondent of Battista Ferraro in Marolles, 471

1566: 896n, 898 _ Marriage, 499, 502, 542, 710, 734, 735n, 769, 779, 780, 786,

Marco Giorgio della Cruz, informant on Piali Pasha’s armada 790n, 792n, 793, 796, 810ff., 813, 816ff., 882, 886n; see

in 1566: 895n . a also Tametsi non est dubitandum

Marco Vigerio della Rovere, bishop of Sinigaglia [Senigallia] Marsa, 855, 861, 863f., 867f., 870, 873

1476-1 9 13, cardinal 1505-1 916: 139 n ; one Marsamuscetto (Marsamxett), harbor at Malta, 843n, 854, 856f., Marco Vigerio [della Rovere], bishop of Sinigaglia [Senigallia] 861. 863. 866f.. 870. 873ff.. 876n

1513-1550 (d. 1560), 498 - , ° , ”

Maremma, the, 601, 623 Marsascirocco (Marsaxlokk), harbor at Malta, 852, 853n, 855ff.

Margaret of Austria dau hter of Maximilian I; wife of Philibert Marseille, 23, 171, 177, 204, 216, 224, 335n, 344, 345n, 370,

s fof‘Savoy 8 ‘ 391f., 471, 510, 560, 601, 623, 634, 687, 838, 915, 957; 1501-1504, Hapsburg regent of the Neth- bish £ see] Cibo (admin.) 1517-1530. Cris. erlands 1507-1530: 49, 54, 80n, 86, 94n, 112n, 116n, Meee ee be (admin.) » Cris

133n, 135n, 145, 168n, 208n, 239n, 322n, 323, 529, 914 to bist, © f oe M ilo C - 1534-1546 Margaret of Parma, natural daughter of Charles V and Johanna Marst, Isop ol, see arcemo rescenzi oars _ van der Gheenst; wife of Alessandro de’ Medici, then of Marsico Nuovo, bishop of, see Martino de’ Martini de’ Medici

Ottavio Farnese; regent of the Netherlands 1559-1567 1541-1574? - a _ _

917f., 920n, 1024 thinker (b. between , d. ,

(b. 1522, d. 1586), 503n, 520, 528, 818, 910, 912n, 914f., Marsigio of awe ee OTE/ 1980 cd. 1340), 434 political Margaret Tudor, daughter of Henry VII of England and Eliz- | Marsuppini, Giovanni, secretary of Ferdinand of Hapsburg in

abeth of York; wife of James IV of Scotland 1503-1513 1545: 487

(d. 1541), 76n Martelli, Braccio, bishop of Fiesole 1530-1552, of Lecce 1552-

Margarition, Turkish fortress opposite Corfu, 974f., 1050, 1070 1559: 498, 500n

Margherita de’ Medici (Medeghini), sister of Giannangelo (Pius = Martelli, Florentine money-lenders in Rome, 102

IV); wife of Gilberto Borromeo from ca. 1530: 739, 743 Martelossi, 45, 608 Marguerite, daughter of Francis I and Claude, daughter of | Martin V (Oddone Colonna), cardinal 1405-1417, pope 1417Louis XII; wife of Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy from 1559 1431: 272, 353

(b, 1523, d. 1574), 708, 836 Martin de Portugal, Portuguese ambassador to Rome in 1527:

Marguerite, Turkish girl seized ca. 1557: 836ff., 839ff. 271

Marguerite d’ Angouleme, daughter of Charles, count of An- Martin de Rojas Portalrubio, vicechancellor of the Hospitallers

gouléme and Louise of Savoy; sister of Francis I; wife of in 1563: 810ff., 829, 856n

Henri d’ Albret 1527-1555: 229n Martin von Schaumberg, bishop of Eichstatt 1560-1590: 810

Marguritius de S. Severino, husband of Sulpizia, niece of Angelo‘ Martinelli da Cesena, Biagio, papal master of ceremonies in

Massarelli, 774n the 1520s: 197n, 330

Mari, 957n Martinenghi, noble family of Brescia, 495 Maria, daughter of Charles V and Isabella of Portugal; wife of | Martinengo, Alvise, volunteer on behalf of the Venetians in

Maximilian of Austria (Maximilian IJ) from 1548 (b. 1528, 1570 (d. 1571), 956n, 1006, 1017, 1031, 1036, 1040

d. 1603), 473, 542 Martinengo, Antonio, commander in the expedition of 1570: Maria de Mendoza, mistress of Don John of Austria in 1571: M oben Ercole. C : d by the Turks at F

1020 artinengo, Ercole, Count, spared by the Turks at Famagusta

Marie of Guise, daughter of Claude of Lorraine; wife of James M in 1571: Gs ah 1038n, 1041 . ,

V of Scotland 1538-1542 (b. 1515, d. 1560), 642 artinengo, irolamo, nuncio to Ferdinand of Hapsburg in Mari 601f., 605; battle of (1515), 6n, 142n, 160, 166 1552: 580; Venetian general (d. 1570), 941n, 947f., 952, 181. 186n. 190, 398: 5 of Gianei de’ 954, 956n, 958, 1007n » 400, , » Marquis OF, seé Giangiacomo de Martinengo, Girolamo, would-be hostage after the 1571 siege

arignano, ; ; , 6n, ; ; ;

Medici (b. 1497, d. 1555) of Famagusta, 1037n

Marin, Fernando, abbot of Najera and imperial commissioner- Martinengo, Nestor, author of an eye-witness account of the

general (d. 1527), 262, 263n, 274, 276n 1571 siege of Famagusta (b. 1548, d. 1630), 1027ff.,

Marina Militare Italiana, 1100n 1030ff., 1036ff., 1039, 1041ff.

780n, 789 1002n

Marini, Leonardo, bishop of Lanciano 1560-1562, archbishop _— Martinengo, Pietro, soldier engaged by Venice in 1537: 425n of Lanciano 1562-1566?, bishop of Alba 1566—1572?: 779, Martinengo, Sciarra, infantry commander in Albania in 1571:

1148 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Martinez de Oliventia, signaler on Gozo in 1565: 872 d. 1553), 476, 484, 494, 504, 543f., 546f., 557, 561ff., Martino de’ Martini de’ Medici, bishop of Marsico Nuovo 1541- 564, 581, 596, 633, 779

1574?: 782 Maximilian I, son of Frederick III; duke of Burgundy 1477-

Martinuzzi, Anna, mother of George Martinuzzi (UtieSenovic), 1482, Hapsburg king of Germany and archduke of Austria

455n 1486-1493, emperor 1493-1519: 2, 15, 34f., 38, 40n,

Martinuzzi (Utiesenovic), George, first minister of John Zapolya 41ff., 44, 46f., 51ff., 54ff., 57, 60, 62f., 65ff., 68ff., 71ff., 1534-1540, bishop of Csanad 1536-1539, of Grosswardein 74ff., 77f., 80, 86, 88ff., 91f., 94, 95n, 96, 98, 99n, 108,

from 1539, cardinal 1551 (d. 1551), 434, 436f., 443f., 109n, 110, 112, 116, 119n, 125, 129ff., 132, 134, 136, 455, 456n, 459, 465f., 478f., 485n, 489n, 530, 560, 566ff., 144n, 145, 148n, 149f., 151n, 152, 153n, 158, 159n, 162,

569ff., 572ff., 575ff., 578ff., 581, 585n, 605, 609, 839, 165n, -166f., 169f., 171n, 172f., 175, 178ff., 185, 187, 907 189f., 193, 222, 244n, 283, 716, 779 Martio, Alessandro, secretarial official under Paul IV, 633n Maximilian II, son of Ferdinand I and Anna of Bohemia; king Martorano, bishops of, see Tolomeo Galli 1560-1562, Girolamo of the Romans from 1562; emperor from 1564 (b. 1527,

de’ Federici 1562-1569? d. 1576), 542, 603n, 665, 667, 690, 714, 716, 741n, 760,

Martuccia, courtesan (ff. 1559), 711 766, 772, 796, 803ff., 806, 810, 816f., 827, 834f., 843ff., Marucim (Maurocini), Lodovico, Venetian ‘‘dragoman grande” 852, 860n, 862, 865, 880, 886, 887n, 888ff., 898f., 901,

in Istanbul in 1567: 909 912f., 917, 919ff., 922, 931ff., 938, 941, 950, 953, 954n,

Marucini, Matteo, translator of a letter of Suleiman I in 1550: 956, 958n, 962f., 993f.,997, 1000, 1014ff., 1017, 1019Ff.,

530n 1061f., 1064n, 1066f., 1071, 1077, 1087, 1097; wife of,

Marucini (Maurocini), Matteo, brother of Lodovico; Venetian see Maria, daughter of Charles V 1548-1576 (d. 1603)

student of Turkish in Istanbul starting ca. 1567: 909 Mazagan, 789n Mary I, daughter of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon; Mazocchi, Jacopo, printer in Rome ca. 1509: 57, 58n, 64, 95,

queen of England 1553-1558: 597, 603, 628, 643f., 647, 110, llln, 137n, 140n, 149n

681n, 691, 700n; husband of, see Philip I] of Spain 1554— = Mdina (Citta Notabile, ‘Old City’’), in Malta, 857f., 862, 866ff.,

1558 871, 873ff.; military governor of, see Pedro Mesquita (in

Mary, daughter of Philip the Handsome and Joanna (‘‘the Mad’’) 1565)

of Castile; wife of Louis II of Hungary 1522-1526, regent |Meaux, bishops of, see Guillaume Briconnet the younger 1515-

of the Netherlands 1531-1555 (d. 1558), 237, 347n, 364, 1534, Antoine Duprat (admin.) 1534-1535 370, 376, 383, 397n, 442n, 452, 485n, 557f., 561n, 582, Mecca, 836, 840, 1037

6lin, 914 Mechlin (Malines), 145, 165n, 169

Mary Stuart, daughter of James V of Scotland and Marie of | Medea, 234

Guise; wife of Francis I] of France 1558~1560, queen of | Medgyes (Medias), 390f. Scotland 1542~1567 (b. 1542, d. 1587), 642, 725, 767, | Medinasidonia, archive of duke of, 906

809 Mediceans, 133, 237, 256, 735, 1017

Masius, Andreas, Flemish scholar (d. 1573), 510, 596n, 603n, Medici, Florentine banking family (rulers 1434-1494), 102,

6lin, 613n, 650f. 104n, 129, 132f., 142, 145, 161, 166n, 167, 189, 192n,

Massa Marittima, bishops of, see Alfonso Petrucci 1511-1517, 195n, 196, 215, 222n, 242, 248, 267, 277, 327, 332, Alessandro Farnese (admin.) 1538-1547?, Bernardino 335n, 339, 342, 391, 394, 600n, 633, 641, 645, 711, 734; Maffei 1547-1549?, Miguel de Silva (admin.) 1549-1556 and see F lorence, republic, rulers of; see also Alessandro, Massarelli, Angelo, secretary of the Council of Trent, bishop Catherine, Clarice, Giangiacomo, Giovanni “delle Bande of Telese 1557-1566 (b. 1510, d. 1566), 397n, 487ff., Nere,”’ Giovanni (d. 1562), Giuliano, Ippolito, Lorenzo 491f., 497n, 500, 502, 504n, 505, 507ff., 510, 511n, 512f., (d. 1519), and Clement VII (Giulio), Leo X (Giovanni) 515, 5I7F., 520f., 523n, 524, 526ff., 529, 534f., 5376f., Medina Celi, duke of, see Juan de la Cerda (fi. 1559) 543, 547f., 552, 554, 564n, 603n, 605, 611, 614ff., 617, | Medina del Campo, 14, 312

625, 627, 633n, 634, 636, 638, 639n, 640, 642n, 644n, Mediterranean Sea, 2, 24, 29, 81, 85, 110, 141, 170, 181,

648n, 649f., 652, 655, 659f., 663, 668, 672, 675, 681, 191f., 194, 208, 217, 224, 231, 234f., 284, 297n, 310, 686, 688f., 713, 717ff., 721n, 722, 742, 759, 762, 769F., 340n, 347, 392, 396, 401, 451, 456n, 471, 474, 532, 539, 774, 776ff., 780, 782f., 786, 792, 796f., 800, 806, 808F., 550, 555, 588f., 609, 651, 666, 682, 695, 703, 705, 755,

810n, 818n, 822ff., 825, 827 7 58ff., 776, 833f., 842f., 847, 853, 872n, 880, 888, 890F.,

Mataré, 915 900, 905, 907, 911, 913, 919f., 923, 926, 930, 939, 943, Matera, 294n roone 950, 954, 962, 967, 990, 1012, 1021, 1086, 1094, Nae on the Brenner Pass, B02f. , _ Mehmed II (Chelebi to 1453, thereafter Fatih, ‘the Conatteo de’ Concini, envoy of Cosimo de’ Medici to Rome, ” f Murad II: O ltan 1444/1445-

bishop of Cortona 1560-1562?: 736 queror’’), son of Mura ; ttoman cos " noe, oot

Matteo de Via, Genoese merchant (fl. 1522), 211n 1446, sultan 1451-1481: 39, 77, 141, 199t., ,

. . ae Mehmed IV, Ottoman sultan 1648-1687 (b. ca. 1641, d. ca.

Matthias Corvinus, son of John Hunyadi; king of Hungary 1458 1692), 1099, 1102

(crowned 1464)-1490, titular king of Bohemia 1478 4,7.) 00qson . FofSule; 1. 339n, ehmed, Suleiman I, n,342 (crowned 1469)- 1490: 37, 158, 244n, 574 Mehmed Beg, sanjakbey of Negroponte (ff. 1571), 1053n,

Maturin de Lescaut (Romegas), French naval officer (d. 1581), 1054f., 1096

1067, 1082n ; ; oo, Mehmed Pasha, beylerbey of Greece in 1550: 503, 531n; third

Maulde la Claviere, Marie Alphonse Rene de, historian (b. 1848, pasha in 1555: 622

d. 1902), 141 Mehmed Siroco (Sirocco, Scirocco), governor of Alexandria;

Maurand, Jérome, author of an account of Istanbul in 1544: commander at Lepanto in 1571: 1054, 1056, 1057n

473n Mehmed Sokolli (Sokolovic) Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir from

Maurice, son of Henry V the Pious and Catherine of Meck- 1565 (b. ca. 1509, d. 1579), 568, 570ff., 573f., 575n, 576f., lenburg; Albertine duke of Saxony from 1541 (b. 1521, 585, 589, 591, 771, 837ff., 845f., 878, 893ff., 897, 921f.,

INDEX 1149 923n, 931, 935, 936n, 938, 942,-946n, 948ff.,951n,970f., Mezieres, 655n

976n, 995n, 1008, 1011, 1012n, 1018, 1044n, 1075f., Mezzano, 286 1089f., 1092, 1095n, 1096ff.; wife of, see Esma, daughter Mgarr, 855

of Selim II Miani, Paolo Antonio, duke of Candia ca. 1510: 24, 25n, 27n

Meissen, 485n Miccio, Scipione, historian (ff. 1600), 595n

Mejorada, treaty of (31 March 1504), 42 Michael VII Ducas Parapinakes, Byzantine emperor 1071-1078:

Melanchthon, Philip, humanist and reformer (b. 1497, d. 1560), 568n 198n, 354, 417, 453, 502n, 540ff., 544, 565, 715, 791 Michael of Nauplia, fugitive from the Turks ca. 1567: 926n Melchior von Frundsberg, son of Georg (d. 1528), 270 Michault, Nicole, correspondent of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq

Melchior von Lichtenfels, bishop of Basel 1555-1575: 810 in 1560: 742 Melchor de Robles, leader of a relief force for Malta (d. 1565), | Michel de Codignac, French ambassador in Istanbul in 1555:

862fF., 866ff., 875f. 623, 691f., 694

Meldola, 264 Michelangelo Buonarroti, Florentine artist (b. 1475, d. 1564), Melfi, 136n, 293; bishops of, see Raffaele de Ceva 1499-151 3?, 93, 103n, 118n, 140, 167n, 457n, 525n Lorenzo Pucci (admin.) 1513-1528; prince of, see Andrea Michele Antonio, son of Louis If and Marguerite de Foix;

Doria marquis of Saluzzo (d. 1528), 263f., 308f.

Melito, prince of, see Ruy Gomez (ff. 1556) Michele della Torre, bishop of Ceneda 1547-1586, cardinal

Mellieha Bay, at Malta, 872 1583-1586: 547

Melos, 755; bishops of, see Giorgio Castagnola 1545-1560?, Michiel, Giovanni (Zuan), Venetian ambassador to Philip and

Stefano Gattilusio 1560-1564? Queen Mary of England 1554—February 1557: 628n, 681n;

Membre, Michiel, translator for the Venetian Senate in 1552: ambassador to France, November 1557-1560 (succeeded

530n, 587 by Michele Surian), 709n, 725n, 766; ambassador to the

Memmingen, 262 imperial court in the 1560’s, 1570-1571: 835n, 950, 953, Mendicant Orders, 496, 557, 631f., 790n, 962 993, 994n, 1000, 1009, 1062n; envoy to France in 1572:

Menéndez de Aviles, Pedro, Spanish soldier (b. 1519, d. 1574), 1079

888 Michiel, Marcantonio, Venetian diarist (b. ca. 1484, d. 1552),

Menna, emperor of Ethiopia in 1561: 768n 30n, 131n, 132n, 142n, 149n, 152n, 157n, 193n, 200n

Mentuato, Camillo, nuncio in Poland ca. 1557: 628n Michiel, Marco (Marchio), Venetian captain-general in 1565: Menzocci, Francesco, Italian painter (b. ca. 1502, d. 1584), 850ff., 861, 862n, 878n; captain of Famagusta in 1568:

183n 924n, 931, 934

d. 1955), 525n 863, 866

Mercati, Angelo, prefect of the Venetian Archives (b. 1870, Micho, Pablo, Maltese seeking shelter from the 1565 siege,

Mercenaries, 46, 60f., 81, 117, 125, 241, 316n, 318, 406, Middle East, 140, 771, 1098 600f., 652, 682, 684, 759, 842, 853n, 868, 878n, 933, Miedzileski, Laurentius, bishop of Kamenec-Podolskiy 1521-

937, 960, 995, 1027, 1043, 1101; and see German mer- 1531: 320n

cenaries; Swiss mercenaries Mignanelli, Fabio, bishop of Lucera 1540-1553?, cardinal

Mercurio, Giannandrea, archbishop of Manfredonia 1545- 1551-1557: 433n, 443n, 444, 448n, 484n, 489, 539n, 1550, of Messina 1550-1561, cardinal 1551-1561: 613, 559, 594, 613, 639, 681

733 Mignanelli, Pietro Paolo,956n volunteer for the Venetians in 1570: Mérindol, 472n

Merkle, Sebastian, historian (b. 1862, d. 1945), 827 Miguel de Cervantes, Spanish writer (b. 1547, d. 1616), 1099

Merlini, Giovanni Battista, brother of Martino and recipient Miguel de Mendivil, artillery officer and correspondent of Philip

of his letters 1508-1512: 102n II in 1567: 917, 918n

Merlini, Martino, author of letters from Venice to Syria, 1508— — Miguel de Silva, bishop of Viseu 1526-1547?, cardinal 1539-

1512: 102n 1556, bishop of Massa Marittima (admin.?) 1549-1556:

Merlini, Venetian family of traders, 102n 457n, 458n, 464, 508, 517£., 523f., 613

Mers-el-Kebir, 85 Mihrmah, daughter of Suleiman I (ff. 1564), 837, 838n

Merseburg, bishop of, see Michael Helding 1550-1561 Milan, city, 36n, 57, 59, 61, 63, 67ff., 77, 92, 95, 98, 100F.,

Mesopotamia, 100 106, 108, 111ff., 114n, 115n, 116, 117n, 120ff., 125,

Mesquita, Pedro, military governor of Mdina in 1565: 872 128ff., 135, 148n, 157n, 161n, 173, 201, 218, 221, 225f., Messina, 205n, 426, 446n, 534, 539n, 533f., 560, 582, 598, 229n, 230n, 231, 237, 239, 241, 248, 252, 254, 261, 623, 703, 758, 759n, 762, 832, 843, 844n, 852, 853n, 265n, 272, 285ff., 288n, 304n, 328, 363, 403, 410, 412, 854, 855n, 856n, 857n, 862n, 869, 873, 877, 879, 891, 415, 536n, 552, 569n, 680n, 684, 701, 722n, 735n, 738n, 902f., 905, 943, 966, 973n, 977, 1017n, 1020n, 1021ff., 739ff., 918n; archbishops of, see Ippolito d’ Este (admin.) 1024ff., 1042, 1045ff., 1048ff., 1051n, 1059, 1067, 1069F., 1519-1550?, Filippo Archinto 1556-1558, Giannangelo 1072, 1074, 1077ff., 1080f., 1086, 1090, 1096; archbishops de’ Medici (Pius IV) 1558-1559, Carlo Borromeo (admin.)

of, see Innocenzo Cibo (admin.) 1538-1550, Giannandrea 1560-1584 Mercurio 1550-1561; prior of, see Pietro Giustinian (fl. Milan, duchy, 1, 11, 15, 29, 34, 40, 42, 54ff., 67, 72f., 80,

1570); strait of, 532 108, 110, 119n, 125, 129n, 130ff., 133ff., 145, 149, 159ff.,

Mestraria, site of a wharf on Chios, 895 174n, 181f., 193f., 196, 198, 217, 219ff., 223f., 227F.,

Mestre, 65 230, 236n, 238ff., 241f., 246n, 255ff., 259, 266, 284,

Metropolitan Museum (in New York City), 507n, 631n, 686n 309f., 312, 323n, 327, 331, 333, 359, 361, 367n, 368,

Metskei, Stefan, defender of Eger in 1552: 585 392, 399f., 401n, 414, 432, 442, 450f., 457, 464, 467, Metz, 561, 596, 642, 647, 657, 708, 840, 888, 890, 922; bishops 473, 481, 500, 504n, 526, 548, 554n, 556, 606n, 612n, of, see Jean de Lorraine 1505-1547, Charles de Guise 633, 640, 642, 643n, 644ff., 657, 661n, 664f., 667, 674,

(admin.) 1547-—1551?, Louis de Guise 1558-1578 676, 688, 709, 845, 900, 909, 911, 1023n, 1063n, 1074,

Mexico, 565, 983 1079; claimant to, see Louis XII; dukes of, see Gian Galeazzo

1150 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Sforza 1476-1494, Lodovico Maria Sforza 1494-1500, Moldavians, 179, 316n, 365, 466, 700 Massimiliano Sforza 1512-1515, Francesco Maria II Sforza Molfetta, 136n, 293n; bishops of, see Giovanni Battista Cibo

1521-1525, 1529-1535 (Innocent VIII) 1472-1484, Antonio Celidonio 1508-1517

Milanese (area), 118n, 225, 548, 600n, 652, 665, 676 Moluccas, 771 Milanesi, 125, 128f., 131, 135, 161n, 424, 689, 738 ‘*Monachina, la,” cell in the Tor di Nona, 752

Mileto, bishops of, see Francesco Alidosi 1504-1505, Andrea Monaco, 759; duke of, see Onorato I 1532-1581 della Valle 1508-1523, Inigo de Aragonia (admin.) 1566-— Monastic vows, 499

1573? Monasticism, 78, 140, 170, 188f., 194, 271, 302, 435, 460, Miliana, 234 474n, 484n, 628, 710, 742, 780, 795, 812, 814, 822f., Minale, Matteo, suspect treasurer of Pius IV, 932 847, 910, 1020, 1103

Mincio river, 280 Moncontour, battle of (1569), 949, 1077

Mindelheim, castle in Bavaria, 262 Mondonedo, bishop of, see Pedro Pacheco 1532~1537

Minerva, 1101 Mondovi, bishop of, see Michele Ghislieri (Pius V) 1560-1566 Minio, Francesco, brother of Marco (fl. 1527), 278 Mondragone, duke of, see Antonio Carafa (fl. 1571)

Minio, Marco, Venetian ambassador in Rome 1516-1520; to © Monemvasia (Epidaurus Limera, Malvasia, Malvazia) 368n,

Istanbul in the 1520’s; to the Hapsburgs in 1532: 166n, 407n, 439, 448, 449n, 451, 843, 923, 926, 939, 990, 176n, 197n, 199, 200n, 205n, 249n, 251, 278f. 1082, 1101, 1103; titular archbishop of, see Manilius Rallo

Minorca (Menorca), 397, 701, 891 1517-1520 Minorites, see also Franciscans; general of, see Clemente Dolera Monet nos veritas, bull of Hadrian VI (1523), 218 (d. 1568) Moniglia, Girolamo, Genoese at the siege of Rhodes (1522),

Mirabello, park near Pavia, 229 211

Mirabilia (guidebook to Rome, 1510), see Albertini, Francesco | Monino, Giovanni, would-be assassin of George Martinuzzi in

Mirandola, 93, 552f., 556f., 558n, 559, 561ff., 664n; count 1551: 576

of, see Giovanni Pico della Mirandola 1463-1494 Monitorium contra Venetos, relating to a bull of Julius II (1509),

Mirepoix, bishops of, see Claude de la Guiche 1547-1553, 57, 58n, 64, 78

Giovanni Suario Reumano 1555-1561? Monolithus (castle on Rhodes), 213 Misericordia, church of the, in Famagusta, 1042 Monopoli, 293n, 295, 297n, 309n, 329

Misericordia, scuola (in Venice), 333 Monreale, archbishops of, see Pompeo Colonna 1530-1532,

Miseure, 371 Ippolito de’ Medici (admin.) 1532-1535, Alessandro

Missa Papae Marcelli, Palestrina’s mass for Marcellus II (written Farnese 1536-1573?

between 1554 and 1563), 615 Mont Genevre, pass, 130n

Missal, the, 823 Montalcino, 598, 601f., 604, 605n, 606n, 663, 685; bishops Missionaries, 140 of, see Agostino Patrizzi 1484-ca. 1495, Alessandro Pic-

Mistra, 1103 colomini 1528-1554?; and see Pienza, bishops of Mocenigo, Alvise, Venetian diplomat, doge 1570-1577: 609n, | Montalto, duke of, see Ferrante d’ Aragona (in 1528)

627, 647n, 696n, 702f., 709n, 717f., 727, 736, 741,743, Monte Antico, 601 963, 969n, 970n, 972n, 974, 976, 986, 1007, 1009, 1010n, Monte Argentario, 623f. 1016n, 1019, 1059, 1065, 1071, 1073, 1074n, 1090f., | Monte Cassino, Benedictine abbey, 928n

1097 Monte Cavallo (the Quirinal), in Rome, 712

Mocenigo, Alvise, Venetian envoy to Cairo in 1517: 38n, 64, | Monte Giordano (in Rome), 34, 614

165n, 180n; in Venice in 1530: 338n Monte Mario (in Rome), 529

Mocenigo, Filippo, archbishop of Nicosia 1560-1570?: 755f., | Monte S. Savino, 564n, 598

758 Monte Subasio, Carthusian monastery near Assissi, 97; abbot

Mocenigo, Giovanni, son of Tommaso (fl. 1530), 342 of, see Zaccaria Ferreri (ca. 1511)

Mocenigo, Leonardo, Venetian envoy to Rome in 1509: 64 Montebello, 713, 733, 736; marquis of, see Antonio Carafa (d.

Mocenigo, Tommaso, Venetian ambassador in Istanbul in the 1588)

1530s: 251n, 302, 333n, 339, 342f., 408ff., 424 Montedoglio, 266

Modena, 93, 114n, 145n, 160, 261, 276, 277n, 285, 287f., Montefano, 613n 292, 299, 302, 327, 333, 346, 412n, 443, 478n, 518,552; Montefeltro, bishop of, see Ennio Filonardi (admin.) 1538-1549? bishops of, see Pirro Gonzaga 1527-1529, Giovanni Morone _Montefiascone, 140, 268, 276

1529-1550?, Giulio Canano 1591-1592 Montefiascone and Corneto, bishops of, see Alessandro Farnese

Modesti, Jacopo, author of an account of the sack of Prato in (Paul III; admin.) 1501-1519, Guido Ascanio Sforza 1528-

1512: 133n 1548?, Achille de’ Grassi 1551-1555, Carlo de’ Grassi

Modon, 30, 37, 38n, 39, 211, 335n, 347, 352, 363n, 425, 533, 1555-1571

587, 696, 837, 852, 854f., 903, 975, 1068, 1083ff., 1086, Montefiore, 39

1103; bishop of, see Alvise Lippomano 1539-1550? Montepaldi, 3 Modoneo, Giovanni Domenico, map-maker (fi. 1531), 344n Montepeloso, 294n Modrus (Krbava), 148n, 244, 245n, 406n; bishops of, seeSimon Montepulciano, 445n, 552n, 554, 615n, 649; cardinal of, see

de Begno 1509-1536, Pietro Paolo Vergerio 1536 Giovanni Ricci

Mohacs, battle of (1687), 1102 Montepulciano-Pienza, 595n

Mohacs (Mohac), site of the 1526 battle, 159n, 244n, 247, Monterotondo, 268

433n, 434, 444, 459 534

249ff., 255, 260, 268n, 274, 278, 301, 312f., 316n, 325, Montesa, Fernando, secretary of Diego de Mendoza in 1550:

Mohammed, founder of Islam (b. 567/569, d. 632), 113, 121 Montesarchio, 754

Mola, 293n, 295 Montferrat, 43, 1l1n, 237n, 341n, 708; regents of, see Con-

Moldavia, 37, 316n, 391n, 436, 443n, 444, 530, 566, 707n, stantine Arianiti 1495-1499

921, 1103; rulers of, see Stephen ‘“‘the Great’”’ 1457-1504, | Montgomery, count of, see Gabriel de Lorges (b. ca. 1530, d.

Peter Rares (in 1538), Alexander IV (d. 1568) 1574)

INDEX 1151 Montona, 81n Munster in Westphalia, treaty of (1648), 920

Montone river, 115 Mintzer, Thomas, preacher and Anabaptist (b. ca. 1489, d. Montorio, 624; counts of, see Gian Antonio Carafa (d. 1516), 1525), 565 Gian Alfonso Carafa, Giovanni Carafa (d. 1561) Muhammed ibn Ahmed ibn lyas, witness of the Ottoman conMontpellier or Maguelone, 464n, 837; bishop of (before 1536: quest of Egypt in 1516: 165n

bishops of Maguelone), see Guillaume Pellicier 1526-1568 | Muley (Maula) Hassan, ruler of Tunis from 1535: 397n, 535 Montpensier, count of, see Charles de Bourbon-Montpensier Munich, 57n, 361n

Montserrat, Benedictine monastery, 1020 Murad III, son of Selim II; Ottoman sultan from 1574 (b. 1546,

Monza, 221, 337n d. 1595), 840f., 899n, 1097f.

Monzon, 312n, 385, 427n, 457n, 464; Cortes of, 85 Murad, Turkish galliot commander in 1542: 465, 468

Moors, see Moslems Murad Beg, son of Jem; Ottoman prince (d. 1523), 213n

Moravia, 292n, 317, 320n, 360, 412n, 435, 790; voivode of, | Murano, 630n

see Peter (in 1528) Murano glass, 102n

Moravians, 778 Mures (Maros) river, 461, 567, 570, 576

Moray, bishop of, see Andrew Forman 1501-1513? Muret, Marc-Antoine, French humanist (b. 1526, d. 1585), More, (Sir) Thomas, English humanist, author of Utopia (1516), 1099 lord chancellor 1529-1532 (b. 1478, d. 1535), 260 Muro, bishop of, see Flavio Orsini 1560-1562? Morea (Peloponnesus), 27, 30, 54, 71, 72n, 156, 352, 356n, | Muscovites (Moscovites), 54n, 700, 830, 842, 852, 919, 937ff.,

366n, 367, 371f., 392, 420, 427, 439, 449, 488, 700, 756, 963, 1087, 1098

759n, 765, 843, 862, 878, 907, 933, 947, 965, 970,974, |Musculus, Wolfgang, Protestant theologian (b. 1497, d. 1563),

Moret, 661n 398n 673 Louis de Guise in 1563: 775n, 783, 808 990f., 1004, 1046, 1065f., 1068, 1078, 1082, 1084, LION ff. 460n

‘‘Morea,’’ fort at the Gulf of Corinth, 1052 Musi, Agostino (Agostino Veneziano), engraver (fi. 1515-1533), Morette, M. de, messenger of Paul IV to Henry II in 1556: Musotti, Filippo, secretary of Girolamo Seripando in 1560, of

Moriscoes, 18n, 744n, 934, 935n, 942, 946, 950, 951n, 957, = Musso, castellan of, see Giangiacomo de’ Medici 1523-1532

998n, 1014, 1021 Musso, Cornelio, bishop of Bertinoro 1541-1544, of Bitonto

Moro, Marino, Venetian “‘count’’ of Sebenico (fl. 1507), 45 1544-1574: 492f.

Moro, Tommaso, soldier (fl. 1527), 286 Mustafa II, Ottoman sultan from 1695 (b. 1664, d. 1703), 1102

Morocco, 891, 1095, 1096n Mustafa, son of Suleiman I (d. 1553), 339n, 342, 493, 530, Morone, Giovanni, bishop of Modena 1529-1550?, cardinal 562, 589f., 622, 623n, 630

1542-1580, bishop of Novara 1552-1560?: 414n, 415, ‘“‘Mustafa,”’ pretenders 1415-1422, 1426 and 1554: 591, 622,

416n, 417, 418n, 420ff., 430n, 431n, 432ff., 435ff., 440n, 623n, 630, 767

442ff., 467, 478, 497n, 500, 508, 509n, 511f.,519, 523f., | Mustafa Chelebi, secretary to Sultan Suleiman in 1533: 378,

579, 603, 610, 612, 614, 618ff., 621n, 632, 633n, 638f., 380

642, 644, 674, 681n, 682, 683n, 710, 714, 721, 724, 726, | Mustafa Pasha, commander-in-chief of Suleiman I until 1522:

733, 737, 741, 772, 777n, 799ff., 802Ff., 805ff., 8O8Ff., 207, 209, 210n, 278 813, 815, 816n, 817ff., 820ff., 823ff., 826, 829, 882ff., Mustafa Pasha, Lala, Ottoman commander at Cyprus in 1570885, 912, 965, 993, 1000n, 1001n, 1070f., 1074, 1077n, 1571 (b. 1535, d. 1580), 934f., 942, 944f., 972, 976, 984,

1090 992, 995f., 1OO5ff., 1011, 1027ff., 1030, 1032, 1036ff.,

Morone, Girolamo, father of Cardinal Giovanni; Milanese dip- 1039ff., 1042f., 1044n, 1096

lomat (b. 1470, d. 1529), 309, 443n Mustafa Pasha, Ottoman commander at Malta in 1565: 842, Moroni, Gianbattista, painter (d. 1578), 809n 849ff., 852, 855ff., 861f., 866, 868ff., 873f., 878Ff., 934n

62] 1102n

Morosini, Andrea, historian (b. ca. 1558, d. 1618), 1038n Musuro, Marco, Cretan scholar (ff. 1512), 128 Morosini, Domenico, Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1555: ~=Mutoni, Antonio, commander of gunners in Athens in 1687: Morosini, Francesco, Venetian captain-general in 1684, elected = Muzzarelli, Girolamo, papal nuncio, archbishop of Conza 1553-

doge 1688 (d. 1694), 449, 1101f. 1561: 623n, 749n, 750

Moscovy, 184n, 775, 1087 Mykonos, 99, 407n, 472n, 755, 756n; bishops of (see also Tenos),

Moscow, grand duke of, see Ivan (Czar Ivan IV) 1533-1547 see Alessandro Scutarini 1533-1559?, Marco Grimani

Moses (of Michelangelo), 140 1559-1594?

Moslems (Moors, Saracens), 18n, 20n, 21, 29, 38ff., 50, 84ff., Mytilene, 234, 834 10&n, 130, 141, 146, 155n, 156, 162, 164, 191, 207, 234, 273, 306, 332, 347, 369, 378, 460, 465, 474, 583, 608,

623, 661, 687, 695, 760f., 789n, 830, 872n, 898n, 905, N.N., copyist of Pietro Valderio (18th century), 927n, 992n

Mosor, Mount, 343n 476, 568, 477n 572 Mosta, 858 Nadin,

951n, 924n, 984, 1008, 1015f., 1037, 1041f., 1091, 1096 | Nadasdy, Thomas, Hungarian soldier (b. 1498, d. 1562), 565,

Mottola (Motula), 650; bishop of, see Scipione Rebiba 1551- _—_—Naiillac, Tower of (at Rhodes), 206, 215

1560? Najera (in Spain), 274n, 276, 285; abbot of, see Fernando Marin Moulins, 511n (d. 1527)

Mount Zion, church in Jerusalem, 303n, 322n Nakhichevan (Naxuana), 590

Muda, 343n, 607 Naldi, Dionisio, infantry commander at Famagusta in 1570:

Muglitz (Mohelnice), 778 991 Muhlbach (Sebes), 568n Nani, alleged plotter against the life of Paul IV (ca. 1555), 639n

Muhlberg, battle of (1547), 354, 484, 485n, 502ff., 558 Nani, Paolo, captain of Bergamo in 1522: 201n

Muhlhausen, 565 Nani, Zorzi, Venetian host of Taghri Berdi in 1506: 21 Munster, 565 Nantes, bishop of, see Jean de Lorraine (admin.) 1542-1553

1152 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Naples, city, 5, 13f., 36n, 66f., 86, 109, 114n, 118f., 125, 168, 687ff., 690, 691n, 696, 702f., 708n, 709f., 714f., 724, 179, 212n, 215n, 222n, 225, 255, 260, 272, 277, 284, 741f., 785, 799, 805, 808f., 818, 823, 825, 931 293ff., 296, 297n, 298n, 299, 302ff., 305ff., 308ff., 311, Navarino, 856n, 903, 1083ff., 1086

316n, 356, 392, 403, 410, 425, 431, 446n, 498, 499n, Navarre, 14, 88, 97, 122, 124n, 132, 134n, 163, 186n, 193, 532ff., 535, 556, 582f., 584n, 598, 617, 623f., 627, 634, 195f., 200, 223, 237n, 457; kings of, see Jean HI d’ Albret 638, 651, 654, 659, 675, 677, 684, 689, 701, 703, 722n, 1484-1516, Henri II d’ Albret (titular; d. 1555), Henry 746f., 754, 758, 776, 834, 844n, 848, 908, 914, 940, 943, IV of France (from 1572) 975n, 990, 992n, 1000, 1012, 1017n, 1021, 1024, 1025n, Navarrese, 97 1027n, 1045ff., 1049f., 1061n, 1070n, 1072, 1078, 1080, Navarro, Pedro, Spanish naval commander (b. ca. 1460, d. 1093; archbishops of, see Ranuccio Farnese (admin.) 1544—- 1528), 85f., 118n, 283, 284n, 286f., 293, 295f., 306, 308f. 1549, Gian Pietro Carafa (Paul IV) 1549-1555, Alfonso Naxos, 25, 60, 156, 182, 191, 279, 401, 423, 446, 755, 776,

Carafa 1557-1565, Paolo Burali 1576-1578; Bay of, 701; 850, 899, 975, 1101; archbishop of, see Sebastiano Leccardinals of, see Giovanni Pietro Carafa (Paul IV), Alfonso cavella 1542-1562; dukes of see Francesco III Crispo (ca.

Carafa 1510), Giovanni IV Crispo (to 1564), Giacomo IV Crispo

Naples, Kingdom of (‘‘Sicily;’’ the Regno), 1, 3, 9, 11, 14f., 1564-1566, Joseph Nasi (from 1566); governor of, see 34, 40f., 53, 55, 69, 78, 86n, 87, 90, 96n, 101, 108, 109n, Antonio Loredan (ca. 1511-1515) 114f., 116n, 133, 140, 143, 159, 162, 166, 190, 193, Naxxar, 858 206n, 208, 217, 223, 226, 227n, 238, 239n, 241f., 250, Nazianzus, bishop of, see Girolamo Ragazzoni (titular; ca. 1563)

257, 259, 263, 265f., 269, 282f., 289f., 292f.,294n, 297, Neapolitans, 16n, 24, 293f., 296, 582, 633, 760, 850, 875,

309f., 327f., 332, 337, 351n, 355, 393, 397, 415, 429, 906, 959n

431n, 445, 450, 473n, 500, 509n, 518, 534f., 539n, 584n, Nebbio, 853n 593, 595, 598, 606n, 620, 625, 632f., 637, 640ff., 643n, Negro, Giorgio, Venetian envoy to Istanbul ca. 1504: 17 644ff., 648f., 652f., 655, 657ff., 662ff., 665, 667, 669ff., | Negro, Giovanni, Venetian secretary of the Senate in 1540:

672f., 676ff., 680ff., 683, 686n, 688, 691f., 698, 709, 45In

729n, 754, 766, 807, 821, 831, 841, 845, 848n, 854, Negroponte (Chalcis), city, 37, 447n, 795, 987 859n, 862, 871, 872n, 875, 879, 887, 890, 894, 899ff., | Negroponte (Euboea), island of, 147, 396, 832, 834, 849, 855, 903n, 907, 909, 911ff., 916f., 920, 936, 947, 955n, 957, 965, 971, 995, 1007, 1065f., 1068, 1078, 1102; sankajbey 959, 962, 966, 969, 973n, 982, 985, 1015f., 1020, 1022n, of (1571), see Mehmed Beg 1024, 1026, 1048n, 1055, 1070, 1076n, 1081, 1083, 1088, Neisse, 435n 1095, 1104; king of, see Alfonso II 1494-1495; viceroys | Nemours, dukes of, see Giuliano de’ Medici (d. 1516), Jacques

of, see Ramon de Cardona (in 1512), Charles de Lannoy de Savoie (b. 1531, d. 1585) 1522-1527, Ugo de Moncada (in 1527), Philibert de | Neopatras (Hypate), 192n Chalon (from 1527), Pedro de Toledo (in 1549), Fernando —Nepi, 3, 4n, 5, 282; bishops of, see Michele Ghislieri (Pius V)

Alvarez de Toledo (in 1557), Pedro Afano de Rivera (1559, 1556-1560, Tiberio Crispi (admin.) 1565-1566; see also

1569), Antoine Perrenot (in 1571), Hernando de Castro Sutri, bishops of

(ca. 1600) Netherlanders, 706, 909, 913f., 917f., 926, 957; see also Dutch

Napoleon I, emperor of the French (b. 1769, d. 1821), 346 Netherlands, 1, 42, 49, 86, 94n, 190, 196, 244n, 298, 310, Narbonne, 838; archbishops of, see Georges d’ Amboise 1491-— 346, 383, 473, 481, 514, 557, 628, 632, 633n, 641, 644,

1494, Francois Guillaume de Clermont 1502-1507, Guil- 656, 704, 720, 740, 772f., 818, 865, 888, 890, 909Fff., laume Briconnet the elder 1507-1514, Jean de Lorraine 912, 914ff., 917ff., 920, 922, 963, 983, 1008n, 1014,

(admin.) 1524-1550, Francesco Pisani (admin.) 1551-1563 1020n, 1024, 1078f., 1088, 1098; Estates General of, 910; Nardo, bishop of, see Giovanni Domenico de Cupis 1532-1536? governors-general of, see Fernando Alvarez de Toledo,

Narni, 268, 283, 286, 289; bishop of, see Pietro Donato Cesi duke of Alva 1567-1575, Luis de Requesens (d. 1576),

(admin.) 1546-1566? (Don) John of Austria 1576-1578, Alessandro Farnese (d. and 1510: 59, 88, 90 Margaret of Austria 1507-1530, Mary of Hungary 1531-

Nasi, Alessandro, Florentine ambassador to France in 1509 1592); prince of, see Charles V 1516~—1555; regents of, see

Nasi, Joseph, Jewish favorite of Selim II; duke of Naxos from 1555, Margaret of Parma 1559-1567, Fernando Alvarez 1566 (b. ca. 1524, d. 1579), 830n, 838, 849f., 899, 921f., de Toledo (regent and governor-general)

937, 939, 944 Nettuno, 582, 649, 652, 656, 663

Nassau, count of, see Louis (b. 1538, d. 1574) Neunkirchen, 366

Nationalism, 413, 484, 807, 828 Neustadt, see Wiener Neustadt

Nations, at the Council of Trent, 801ff., 804 Nevers, bishop of, see Charles de Bourbon 1540-1545?

Naumburg, 476, 548n, 772 Newspapers, 72n

Naumburg-Zeitz, bishop of, see Julius Pflug 1542-1564? Nicaea (Iznik, “‘Isgnich’’), 630; Council of (325), 494 Nauplia, 17, 37, 71, 84, 368n, 407n, 427, 439, 448, 449n, _ Nicastro, bishops of, see Marcello Cervini (Marcellus II) 1539-

451, 855, 923, 926, 939, 990, 1103 1540?, Jacopo Savelli (admin.) 1540—1554?, Giannantonio

Naurizio, Elio, painter (fl. 1633), 777n Facchinetti (Innocent IX) 1560-1575?

Nausea, Friedrich, bishop of Vienna 1539-1552: 422, 539 ‘‘Nicchione,”’ formerly in the Cortile del Belvedere, 881 Navagero, Andrea, Venetian poet and diplomat (b. 1483, d. —_ Niccolini, Ottone, see Ottone di Lapo de’ Nicolini 1529), 82, 231, 237n, 239n, 242n, 249n, 250f., 252n, Niccolo, possible redactor of Antonio Longo’s memoirs, 407n

268, 288, 291, 292n, 309n Niccolo da Ponte, Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1547 and

Navagero (Navagier), Bernardo, Venetian diplomat, cardinal 1549, to the Council of Trent in 1551 and 1562: 504n, 1561-1565, bishop of Verona (admin.) 1562-1565: 443n, 511n, 537n, 550, 553f., 560n, 783f., 811, 824n 535n, 536n, 550, 555f., 561, 586, 609n, 621f., 625ff., Niccolo dalla Torre, papal commander in 1537: 421 633, 634n, 638f., 641, 643, 644n, 645f.,647n, 649,650n, Niccold de’ Fieschi, bishop of Fréjus 1495-1511, 1524, cardinal

651ff., 654f., 656n, 657f., 659n, 660ff., 663ff., 666ff., 1503-1524: 138, 173

669ff., 672ff., 675, 676n, 677n, 678n, 679ff., 682fF.,685, Niccolo de’ Gaddi, bishop of Fermo 1521-1544, cardinal 1527-

INDEX 1153 1552, archbishop of Cosenza (admin.) 1528-1535, bishop peace of (1532), 359, 417, 452, 459; Reichstage of, 219, of Sarlat (admin.) 1533-1545: 268n, 291, 506, 511f., 513n, 236n

516, 518n, 524 Nuti, Ambrogio, Sienese envoy in 1555: 604f.

Niccolo (Franciotti) della Rovere, nephew of Giuliano della Rovere (Julius II), 139n

Nice, 351n, 370n, 440f., 442n, 445, 463, 471, 472n, 701, 910n; bishop of, see Girolamo Capodiferro 1542-1544; Obrovac, 960

congress of (1538), 440f. Occhiali, see Uluj-Ali

Nichetto, courier in 1554: 600 Odescalchi, Paolo, papal nuncio in 1560 and 1571: 747, 1045n, Nicholas V (Tommaso Parentucelli da Sarzana), bishop of Bolo- 1071, 1078 gna 1444-1447, cardinal 1446-1447, pope 1447-1455: Odet de Chatillon, de Coligny, brother of Gaspard de Chatillon

3n, 40, 140, 170, 399n de Coligny, cardinal 1533-1563, archbishop of Toulouse

Nicomedia, 934 (admin.) 1534-1550, bishop of Beauvais (admin.) 1535—Nicopolis (Nikopol), on the Danube, 591 1563 (d. 1571), 370, 515, 722n, 831, 1088

Nicopolis (in Palestine), bishop of, see Francois Richardot 1554- | Odet de Foix, viscount of Lautrec, marshal of France from

1561? 1511 (b. ca. 1483/1484, d. 1528), 105, 107f., 132n, 166,

Nicosia, 46, 183, 755ff., 758, 926f., 931f., 934f., 937, 941, 195f., 201, 212n, 277, 282ff., 285ff., 288, 290ff., 293ff., 945ff., 948n, 958, 959n, 972, 976, 978f., 981, 985ff., 296ff., 300, 302ff., 305ff., 308ff., 316n, 321, 498, 499n 990ff., 993, 994n, 995ff., 999, 1000n, 1004, 1008,1017n, Odet de Selve, French diplomat (b. ca. 1504, d. 1563), 555n,

1027£., 1030, 1031n, 1033f., 1036, 1043, 1094, 1095n; 556, 567n, 576n, 580n, 583n, 584n, 588n, 590n, 666n, archbishops of, see Aldobrandino Orsini 1502-1524, Livio 668n, 671, 677f., 690n, 712 Podocataro 1524—1552?, Cesare Podocataro 1552-1559?, | Oecolampadius, John, Protestant leader (b. 1482, d. 1531),

Filippo Mocenigo 1560-1570? 791

Nile river, 28, 30 Ogras, 198

Nifo Agostino da Sessa, Neapolitan physician (fl. 1528), 305 | Oglio river, 675 Nini, Marco Antonio, steward of Alfonso Petrucci (fl. 1517), | Ogulin, town in Croatia, 337

167n, 168f. Old Seraglio (Topkapi Saray1), in Istanbul, 72, 84n, 123, 278,

Nino, Rodrigo, imperial envoy in Venice in 1532: 361n _ 830, 832, 898 . Nish (Nis), 324n, 1102 Olivares, Count-Duke of, see Gaspar de Guzman

Nobili, Leonardo, Florentine ambassador to Spain in 1570: Oltvs, Peter John, philosopher and theologian (b. 1248, d. 1298), 997

Nocera, 745 Ombrone river, 601 Nogarola, count of, see Leonhard (i. 1532) Oneglia, 284

Nocento da Cigognera, printer in Milan (ff. 1537), 40’7n Olmitz (Olomouc), 435n Nogueras, Diego Gilberto, bishop Jf Alife 1561-15672: 808f, Qnorato, duke of Monaco (d. 1581), 759

Nola, Italian city northeast of Naples, 294, 307ff. Opalinski, Peter, Polish ambassador to Ferdinand of Hapsburg Noli, bishop of, see Girolamo Doria (admin.) 1534-1549? Opium pen ° bt Nona win). in Dalmatia, bishop of, see Marco Loredan 1554 Oppeln (Opole), 567f., 577F.

Nores, Pietro, historian (ff. 1644), 633n, 634n, 635f., 638, Oran Bay 4, 842, 853n, 891, 925, 946n, 955 mandi ene 642, 645, 659f., 675f., 681, 716, 752f. Orange, princes of, see Philibert de Chalon (b. 1502, d. 1530),

Normans, il 6 William of Orange (from 1545; b. 1533, d. 1584) North Africa, 38, 84ff., 97n, 141, 147, 151, 155n, 178f., 234, renee, house Of oe Soo oon Oe ogee. 962, 983, 1000n, 1008, 1021, Ordelaffi, Antonio Maria, enters Forli in 1503: 9

, rdination,

North Sex $18 , , ° Order of precegence, 806, 808, 810f., 823, 889

Norway, 417, 852 , og. Orense, 545; bishops of, see Francisco Manrique de Lara 1542-

Notable Errors Committed by the Venetian Signoria. . . , anonymous 1556, Francisco Blanco 1556-1565

account of the expedition of 1570: 990F. Orio, Lorenzo, Venetian ambassador to Hungary and England Novara 1 : 3m 972, 385, 721; battle of (1513), 148f.; bish (cl. 1526), 230n, 232f., 257, 240

; ; ; ; ; eo ; .; bishops Z . . _ >.

of, see Antonio del Monte 1516-1525, Giovanni Morone eee ete: see Henry (i. cudon 181 0; dukes 1552-1560?, Gian Antonio Serbelloni 1560-1574?, Gi- O;muz (Hormuz), 348, 632

rolamo Ragazzoni 1576-1577 Orsini, Aldobrandino, archbishop of Nicosia 1502-1524: 183

Novellara, lord of, see Alessandro Gonzaga (fl. 1527) Orsini, Camillo, governor of Parma in 1549: 504n, 506, 526,

Novi, 608 583, 594n, 595, 648n, 663, 666, 689, 713

Now NoutUNOvVI Pax ). 179 Orsini, Fabio, supposed opponent of Pius IIIof(ff. 1503), 5n Ovibazar Fazar), Orsini, Flavio, bishop of Muro 1560-1562?, Spoleto 1562— Novigrad, 254, 970 1580?, cardinal i 565-1581, archbishop of Cosenza (admin.)

Novigradsko more, 970 1569-1573?: 884

Noyon, 167 Orsini, Franciotto, cardinal 1517-1534, bishop of Bojano 1519Nucci, Lodovico, secretary of Gabriele Paleotti in 1563: 822n 1523, of Fréjus 1524-1525, of Rimini (admin.) 1528-

Nuns, 188, 271, 820, 822 1529: 201n, 222, 291

Nuremberg, 235n, 312n, 416, 463, 466, 484, 544, 795; diet Orsini, Gentile Virginio, count of Anguillara, commander of

of (1522), 417; diet of (1524), 417; diet of (1532), 358; papal galleys in 1535: 397n

1154 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Orsini, Gian Giordano, husband of Felice della Rovere (fi. 338f., 342ff., 347ff., 350, 356ff., 360, 362n, 363f., 366n,

1512), 119n, 139n 367£., 369n, 371f., 373n, 374, 377ff., 380ff., 384ff., 387f£.,

Orsini, Giordano, prefect of the Torre dell’ Annona in 1347: 392f., 396, 399ff., 407ff., 410f., 414, 421n, 422ff., 425,

753n 428f., 431n, 433n, 438, 439n, 441, 444f., 448, 449n,

Orsini, Girolama, daughter of Lodovico Orsini; wife of Pier 450f., 455f., 458f., 461f., 464f., 467n, 468, 470ff., 479ff.,

Luigi Farnese 1519-1547 (d. 1570), 418n, 621n 482f., 485, 487ff., 490, 494n, 501n, 503, 530ff., 534ff,, Orsini, Giulio, sent by Carlo Carafa to Henry II in 1556: 671, 550n, 555f., 558, 562f., 566ff., 569ff., 572, 574, 577£.,

675 580, 582n, 584, 586ff., 589ff., 606, 607n, 608, 622, 623n,

Orsini, Luigi (Lodovico), count of Pitigliano and father of Gi- 631, 647, 650, 651n, 661f., 679, 691ff., 694f., 697fF.,

rolama, 621n, 739 700f., 702n, 703ff., 707f., 742, 754, 759n, 762n, 767,

Orsini, Niccolo, count of Pitigliano (b. 1442, d. 1510), 59, 62 771, 784, 791, 816, 829, 831ff., 834ff., 838ff., 841, 844f.,

Orsini, Orazio, seeks the Turkish armada in 1571: 1049 847, 849, 851n, 852, 878ff., 887, 890, 892, 894, 896ff., Orsini, Paolo, adherent of the French ca. 1552: 563 899n, 906, 909, 919, 921ff., 924f., 929ff., 932f., 935, Orsini, Paolo, commander in the expedition of 1570 (d. 1585), 936n, 938, 940ff., 947ff., 950, 952f., 954n, 963, 967, 971,

956n, 958n, 982n 989, 994, 1001n, 1002n, 1007ff., 1011, 1014f., 1017Ff.,

Orsini, Valerio, commander under Odet de Foix in 1528: 307, 1037, 1043, 1049, 1058, 1064, 1068f., 1071ff., 1075,

424f. 1086ff., 1089ff., 1092, 1094ff., 1097ffF., L1O0ff., 1103f.;

Orsova, town on the Danube, 254 and see Osman (d. 1326), Mehmed II 1451-1481, Bayazid

Orte, 275, 283 II 1481-1512, Selim I 1512-1520, Suleiman I 1520-1566, Orte and Civita Castellana, 5; bishops of, see Johann Burchard Selim II 1566-1574, Murad III 1574-1595, Mehmed IV 1503-1506, Paolo de’ Cesi (admin.) 1525-1537, Scipione 1648-1687, Suleiman II 1687-1691, Mustafa II 1695-

Bongallo 1539-1564 1703

Orvieto, 140, 268, 275n, 276, 282n, 290f., 293f., 297ff.; bishop Ottone di Lapo de’ Niccolini, Florentine envoy to Rome (fi.

of, see Niccolo Ridolfi (admin.) 1520-1529? 1463), 180

Osiander, Andreas, German reformer (b. 1498, d. 1552), 417 Oxia, island near the outlet of the Achelous, 1052, 1054, 1058 Osijek (Eszek), 459n

Osimo, 803, 884n; bishop of, see Cornelius Firmanus 1574-

1588 Pace, Richard, English diplomat and dean of S. Paul’s (b. 1482?,

Osma, bishop of, see Juan Garcia de Loaisa 1524-1532? d. 1536), 225, 229n

Osman I, founder of the Ottoman dynasty (d. 1326), 54, 123, | Pacheco, Francisco, cardinal 1561-1579, bishop of Burgos

128, 141, 316, 562; see also Ottomans 1567-1579: 671, 860n, 865f., 876f., 882ff., 885f., 919,

Ospedale Grande (in Siena), 604 961, 966, 967n, 988n, 998f., 1013, 1O15fF., 1074

Osteria del Sole (in Siena), 600 Pacheco, Pedro, bishop of Mondonedo 1532-1537, of Ciudad

Osteria della Scala, 263 Rodrigo 1537-1539, of Pamplona 1538-1545, of Jaen Ostia, 13, 49n, 119, 140, 155n, 208n, 234, 257, 273n, 276, 1545-1554, cardinal 1545-1560, bishop of Siguenza 281f., 288, 299, 311, 347, 353, 412, 470, 509, 582, 617, 1554-1560: 496, 498ff., 510, 515, 517£f., 523ff., 571n, 624n, 643, 665, 667n, 668, 670, 671n, 675f., 702, 881 617, 619, 621n, 661, 666, 681, 684, 686f., 691, 717, 723,

Ostrovica, 254 726ff., 729f., 732ff., 738f.

Otocac, 608 Pacifici regis, bull of Leo X (1521), 196n

Otrantini, 585 Padovano, 13, 68 Otranto, 55, 77, 154f., 295, 395n, 431, 433n, 585f., 701,854, Padua, 55, 57, 59f., 62, 67f., 71, 74f., 77, 78n, 134, 230n, 903f., 939, 969, 975n, 977f., 980, 982, 996, 1013, 1017, 253n, 272, 279, 335n, 415, 420, 488, 801n, 803, 811, 1021n, 1061, 1071f., 1074, 1076n, 1081; archbishops of, 954, 1055n, 1061n; bishops of, see Sisto Gara della Rovere see Alessandro Cesarini (admin.) 1526—-1536?, Pietro An- 1509-1517, Francesco Pisani 1524-1555, Alvise Pisani

tonio de Capua 1536-1579; Strait of, 532, 607, 907; (admin.) 1555-1570 Turkish occupation of (1480-1481), 585, 690, 795 Pag, 923, 948, 960 Otricoli, Italian town south of Narni, 268, 275 Pagani, Zaccaria, of Belluno, author of an account of Domenico Otto de Chodecz, palatine of Sandomierz in 1528: 315 Trevisan’s 1512 voyage to Cairo, 30f., 33

Otto della Guerra (in Siena), 604f. Paget, William, English diplomat (b. 1505, d. 1563), 461n

Otto di Pratica (in Florence), see Signori Otto di Pratica Pagnano (Paiian), Hercules, Spanish agent (fl. 1562), 788n Otto von Truchsess, bishop of Augsburg 1543-1573, cardinal ‘‘Paix des Dames,” see Cambrai, Treaty of (1529) 1544-1573: 482n, 487, 507, 516, 518, 520n, 523, 524n, —_ Palace (Palazzo), the, on Chios, 895ff.

585n, 603, 610n, 614, 619, 620n, 621n, 638f., 644, 734, Palamidi, 1103

735n, 749f., 883n, 988n, 1015 Palamos, 915

Otto Wilhelm von Konigsmark, Swedish soldier serving Venice _ Palatine, hill (in Rome), 399

in 1687 (b. 1639, d. 1688), 1101 Palazzo Braschi (in Rome), 64, 719n

Ottoman empire, 1, 12, 18, 86, 100, 122f., 128n, 142, 146, Palazzo Capitolino (in Rome), 719 152, 156, 173, 176, 179, 186, 193n, 278f., 375, 384n, Palazzo Carafa (in Rome), 746 387, 401f., 406, 410, 448, 455, 567, 590, 650, 700, 705, Palazzo Colico (in Trent), 777n 795, 815, 830, 931, 945, 946n, 947, 1008, 1068, 1076, Palazzo Colonna (in Rome), 280f., 646, 1100

1097ff., 1102 Palazzo Contarini del Zaffo (in Venice), 298n

Ottomans, Turkish caliphal dynasty 1299-1923: 2, 16ff.,26n, Palazzo de’ Cesi (in Rome), 270n 37, 45, 51ff., 57, 66, 69n, 71, 74f., 77, 83n, 84, 88ff., Palazzo del Cardinale di San Clemente (in Rome), 5n 98n, 99, 104n, 127f., 141, 146, 156, 163, 164n, 175n, Palazzo del Monte (in Monte S. Savino), 564n

180n, 183, 184n, 185n, 191, 200n, 214, 217f., 233f., Palazzo del Monte (in Trent), 777n 236n, 245, 246n, 249n, 251ff., 254, 278f., 285, 300ff., Palazzo del Podesta (in Bologna), 330n 303, 313, 315f., 319, 321n, 322n, 325n, 332ff., 336, 337n, Palazzo dell’ Inquisizione (in Rome), 718

INDEX 1155 Palazzo della Signoria (in Florence), 267 Pamplona (Pampeluna), 14n, 195f., 201, 274n; bishops of, see Palazzo Dona (on the Fondamenta Nuove in Venice), 946n Alessandro Cesarini 1520-1538, Pedro Pacheco 1538-

Palazzo Dona Giovanelli (in Venice), 403n 1545

Palazzo Farnese (in Rome), 398 Panaro river, 114n

Palazzo Geremia (in Trent), 777n Pandolfini, Francesco, Florentine envoy to France in 1509 and

543, 547, 777n 16If.

Palazzo Giroldi-Prato (a Prato), in Trent, 492, 494, 537, 539, 1511: 59, 94n, 98n, 100, 101n, 111ff., 114ff., 117, 160n,

Palazzo Grimani (in Venice), 812 Pandolfini, Pierfilippo, Florentine envoy to the Hapsburgs in

Palazzo Nani (in Venice), 21n 1552: 593n, 595n Palazzo Orsini (in Rome), 719n Pantelleria, 871

Palazzo Pedrotti (in Trent), 777n Panvinio, Onofrio, historian of the papacy (b. 1530, d. 1568),

337 722f., 73446., 7376.

Palazzo Pubblico (Palazzo d’ Accursio), in Bologna, 161, 330, 505, 513, 528, 611ff., 617, 619f., 621n, 624, 661n, 721n,

Palazzo Regio (in Nicosia), 927 Paolo de’ Cesi, cardinal 1517-1537, bishop of Sitten (admin.) Palazzo Ricci (in Montepulciano), 445n 1522-1529?, of Cervia (admin.) 1525-1528, of Orte and Palazzo Roccabruna (in Trent), 777n Civita Castellana (admin.) 1525-1537: 243, 247n, 250n,

Palazzo Salvadori (in Trent), 777n 256n, 270, 291, 330 Palazzo S. Marco (now Palazzo Venezia), in Rome, 270, 412n, Paolo de’ Godi, son of Arrigo Antonio (fl. 1527), 275 638, 640f., 663 Papacy, 4, 85, 354, 360n, 402, 406, 413, 422n, 430, 434, 438, Palazzo Spannocchi (in Siena), 600 455, 484, 544, 565, 616, 618, 635, 644, 646, 710, 720f.,

Palazzo Tabarelli (in Trent), 777n 723, 733, 801f., 847, 1003, 1076n

Palazzo Thun (Municipio), in Trent, 776, 777n, 781f., 794, Papal elections, 509, 512, 519f., 611f., 614, 616f., 723, 724n,

811, 819Ff., 823 727, 730ff., 798ff., 803f., 815, 821

Palazzo Vecchio (in Florence), 623n, 956 Papal infallibility, 827n, 828

Palencia, 206n Papal states, 37, 85n, 96, 142, 145, 159, 208, 220, 223, 234, Paleologina, Margherita, daughter of William [X of Montferrat 242, 255, 276f., 291, 355, 389, 406, 411, 516, 525n, 549, and Anne, daughter of René d’ Alencon; wife of Federico 551, 560, 562f., 581f., 592, 595, 601, 640ff., 643, 652,

Gonzaga 1531-1540 (b. 1510, d. 1566), 341n 659f., 665ff., 672n, 676, 681f., 684, 690, 693, 701, 710F.,

Paleologo, Bonifacio, son of William IX of Montferrat and 713, 720, 865, 866n, 900, 932n, 100IF. Anne, daughter of René d’ Alencon; marquis (V) of Mont- _ Papal supremacy, 453f., 460, 496, 499, 542, 545, 778, 784f.,

ferrat 1518-1530 (b. 1512), 332 794, 807ff., 828 Paleologo, Theodoro, agent of Marco Minio in the 1520’s: 251, | Paphlagonia, 150

279, 333 Paphos (Baffo), 46, 756, 934, 972, 979, 992n, 1004n, 1017;

Paleotti, Gabriele, cardinal 1565-1597, bishop of Bologna bishop of, see Pietro Contarini 1557-—1562?; captain of, see

1566-1582, archbishop of Bologna 1582-1591?: 782f., Lorenzo Tiepolo (d. 1571)

787, 792n, 794f., 797, 809, 8lln, 813, 815, 817, 818n, ‘‘Paradiso,’’ cell in the Tor di Nona, 752

820f., 822n, 823f., 866n Parenzo, 1010; bishop of, see Lorenzo Campeggio 1533-1537 Palermo, 85, 223n, 235, 535n, 583, 869, 905n, 1045, 1047, Parga, on the coast of Epirus, 407n, 427, 1102f. 1077n, 1081; archbishops of, see Francisco Remolino (ad- _Parione, section of Rome, 272n

min.) 1512-1518, Tommaso de Vio of Gaeta 1518-1519?, ‘Paris, 142n, 159, 162n, 178, 183n, 187n, 190, 203n, 204n,

Pietro Tagliavia d’ Aragona 1544-1558 277, 283, 302, 313, 320n, 321f., 353n, 397n, 430n, 450,

Palestine (“the Holy Land’’), 28, 32, 38, 48f., 54, 85, 87, 151, 486, 560, 596, 656n, 661n, 666, 684, 686, 697f., 725n, 163, 179, 190, 303, 401, 405f., 755, 757, 907, 929, 1069, 783n, 785n, 795, 809n, 840, 888, 1088; bishops of, see

1076n Jean du Bellay 1532-1551?, Eustache du Bellay 1551-

Palestrina, 492, 675, 684, 687 1564? Parlement of, 55n, 472n, 794; University of, 120; ‘‘Paliana, la,’ cell in the Tor di Nona, 752 and see Arnaud (Raynaud) du Ferrier

Paliano, Colonna fortress, 636n, 640, 649ff., 652, 655f., 663, Parisano, Giulio, bishop of Rimini 1550-1574?: 782

667, 669ff., 672, 675, 677, 685, 687f., 692, 712, 729, Parisians, 686

736, 738f., 742ff., 745, 754, 968f.; dukes of, see Marc’ _ Parliament, English, 597n Anritonio Colonna (b. 1535, d. 1584), Giovanni Carafa (from Parma, 12n, 114, 129, 132ff., 137, 145, 159ff., 194, 196, 201,

1556; d. 1561) 223, 225, 257f., 261, 272, 276, 277n, 287f., 290, 291n,

Paliocastro (on Chios), 895 292, 299n, 329, 366n, 411n, 412n, 440, 459n, 464, 467,

Pallantieri, Alessandro, papal fiscal procurator, governor of 500, 504, 506, 520f., 526, 528, 548ff., 551f., 556ff., 559ff.,

Rome 1563-1566, governor of the March of Ancona 562f., 594, 597f., 662, 664, 676, 681, 728, 1024n, 1085; 1567-1569 (d. 1571), 655, 721, 743f., 746ff., 750f., 754 bishops of, see Guido Ascanio Sforza (admin.) 1535-1560?,

Pallavicini, Antoniotto, cardinal 1489-1507: 3 Alessandro Sforza 1560-1573?; dukes of, see Pier Luigi Pallavicini, Sforza, soldier in the service of the empire and of Farnese 1545-1547, Ottavio Farnese 1547-1586, AlesVenice, lord of Busseto from 1579 (b. 1520, d. 1585), sandro Farnese 1586-1592; war of, 539, 552ff., 555ff., 570ff., 573, 576, 580ff., 584, 585n, 609f., 907, 932, 953, 558ff., 561ff., 564, 581, 588, 592, 605, 617, 634, 754 955n, 956n, 958n, 959, 967, 974ff., 978ff., 981ff., 984ff., Parmigiano, the, 552, 676

987, 990f., 1000, 1002n, 1004 Paros, 1101; archbishop of, see under Naxos; lord of, see Niccolo

Pallavicino, Pietro Sforza, historian of the Council of Trent Sommaripa (in 1503)

541n, 793n, 827 Pole in 1555: 645

and cardinal from 1659 (b. 1607, d. 1667), 458n, 486n, — Parpaglia, Vincenzo, abbot of S. Saluto and secretary of Cardinal Palmieri, Andrea Matteo, archbishop of Acerenza and Matera _‘ Parthenon (in Athens), 1101

1518-1528, cardinal 1527-1537: 403 Paruta, Girolamo, relative of Paolo; governor of Tenos in 1570: Palombara Sabina, 663 971n

1156 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Paruta, Paolo, Venetian historian (b. 1540, d. 1598), 402, 942n, Monte (admin.) 1511-1521, Girolamo Rossi 1530-1541;

956n, 958, 971n, 988, 990, 995n 1550-1560?

Pasqualigo, Francesco, Venetian provveditore of the fleet in Paxos (Paxoi), 1021n

1537: 20, 423 Pazzi, Florentine banking family, 102

Pasqualigo, Giovanni, galley commander at Candia in 1511: Pazzi conspiracy (1478), 8

25 Peasants’ War (1524-1525), 353, 565

Pasqualigo, Marco, Venetian (d. by 1506), 20 Pedro Afano (Per Afan) de Rivera (Ribera), duke of Alcala, Pasquinades, 63, 138n, 139n, 197n, 719n viceroy of Naples from 1559 (b. 1508, d. 1571), 729, 940E£.,

Pasquino (Pasquillo), statue in Rome, 63f., 719n 955n, 957 Passarowitz, treaty of (1718), 1103f. Pedro de Avila, Spanish ambassador to Rome in 1565: 877

Passau, peace of (1552), 633 Pedro de Soto, Spanish theologian (d. 1563), 787

Passerini, Silvio, cardinal 1517-1529, bishop of Cortona 1521— Pedro de Toledo, marquis of Villafranca, Spanish statesman

1529, of Assisi (admin.) 1526-1529: 264n, 277 (b. 1484, d. 1553), 509n, 518, 527, 534f., 539n, 584n,

Pastor aeternus, bull of Leo X (1516), 162n 593, 594n, 595f., 625

Pastor, Ludwig von, historian of the papacy (b. 1854, d. 1928), | Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, bishop of Salamanca 1560-1574:

74n, 112n, 121, 139, 167, 337n, 398n, 405, 418, 441n, 778n, 818

445n, 486n, 1094 Pelargus, Ambrosius, German theologian (d. 1557), 542

Pastrana, duke of, see Ruy Gomez (fl. 1556) Pellicier, Guillaume, French diplomat, bishop of Montpellier

Patmos, 446 or Maguelone 1526-1568: 407n, 432, 450n, 451, 452n, Patras, 366, 367n; archbishops of, see Stefano Taleazzi (titular) 456f., 458n, 459n, 461n, 464n, 470 1485-1514, Antonio Coco 1560—1574?; Gulf of, 1052f. Penance, 819

Patrizzi (Patrizi), Agostino, bishop of Pienza (and Montalcino) _Pendaso, Federico, Mantuan theologian at the Council of Trent

1484—ca. 1495: 137n in 1562: 784n

Paul II (Pietro Barbo, nephew of Eugenius IV), cardinal 1440- _ Penitenzieria, division of the Curia Romana, 5n, 290n, 466,

1464, pope 1464-1471: 4n, 36, 615 614, 710, 779

Paul III (Alessandro Farnese), cardinal 1493-1534, bishop of | Pefion de Velez de la Gomera, 85, 234, 376n, 842, 853n, 891,

Corneto and Montefiascone (admin.) 1501-1519, pope 925, 955 1534-1549: 10n, 143n, 159n, 173, 183, 206n, 221, 223, Pepin, king of the Franks 751-768: 538 288, 298n, 299, 335, 339n, 340, 394ff., 398ff., 401ff., Pepoli, Ugo, Count, commander of Lautrec’s Florentine troops

404ff., 407n, 410f., 412n, 413ff., 416n, 417, 418n, 420f., (d. 1528), 308f. 423, 426n, 427, 429ff., 432f., 435n, 436ff., 440f., 442n, “Pepper wars,” 348n 443n, 445, 446n, 447n, 449n, 451n, 455n, 457, 459n, Pera (Galata), 128n, 156, 165n, 372, 401, 450, 458, 623n, 460ff., 463f., 466f., 469, 471n, 473ff., 476, 478, 482, 834, 879, 936n, 944n, 945n, 949n, 1004n, 1068n, 1069n, 483n, 484, 486f., 488n, 489n, 490n, 492ff., 495f., 498ff., 1087n, 1091, 1092n; and see Galata 501, 503ff., 506ff., 509n, 510n, 517n, 521, 524, 527ff., | Peraudi (Perault), Raymond, bishop of Gurk 1491-1501, car-

532f., 550, 557, 608n, 617f., 620, 626, 632, 634, 650, dinal 1493-1505: 39, 48

885, 992 972n, 985n, 1053

723, 739, 754, 769f., 774, 791n, 796, 809, 815, 822ff., Perez, Antonio, secretary to Philip IT (b. 1534, d. 1611), 957n,

Paul IV (Giovanni Pietro Carafa), archbishop of Brindisi 1518-— Perez, Gonzalo, writer and secretary of Philip II in 1565: 838n,

1524?, cardinal 1536-1555, archbishop of Chieti 1537- 877n, 887 1549, of Naples 1549-1555, pope 1555-1559: 394, 415, Perez, Juan, secretary of the Spanish embassy in Rome in 1527:

443n, 497n, 506, 509f., 513ff., 516ff., 519f., 522, 528n, 263, 273, 277, 290n, 305, 310

580, 608n, 609n, 610, 611n, 612£., 617ff., 62Q0ff., 624ff., | Pérez de Ayala, Martin, bishop of Gaudix 1548-1560, of Se-

627ff., 632ff., 635f., 638ff., 641ff., 644ff., 647n, 648n, govia 1560-1564, archbishop of Valencia 1564-1566: 801,

649ff., 652ff., 655ff., 658ff., 661ff., 664f., 667ff., 670, 817

672n, 673ff., 676, 678ff., 681ff., 684, 685n, 686, 688ff., Peri Pasha, minister of Suleiman I in 1520: 194 691f., 696, 703f., 706, 708n, 709ff., 71 2ff., 71 5ff., 718ff., | Perigueux, bishop of, see Claude de Givry (admin.) 1540-1541?

721£., 724, 725n, 728ff., 732ff., 735n, 737, 739, 741ff., Perpignan, 838 744f., 746n, 747ff., 750f., 754£., 758, 760, 767, 771f., | Perrenot, Antoine, bishop of Arras 1538-1561?, archbishop

846, 865, 871, 872n, 881ff., 885, 893, 965n of Malines 1561-—1583?, cardinal 1561-1586, archbishop

Paul V (Camillo Borghese), pope 1605-1621: 36, 749n, 751, of Besancon 1584-1586: 367n, 480n, 484n, 540n, 541,

946n, 1100 544, 545n, 550n, 556n, 557, 561n, 571n, 582, 611n, 640,

Paul de Foix, French ambassador to Venice in 1570, archbishop 645, 887n, 912, 916n, 920n, 951, 961f., 966, 967n, 998F.,

of Toulouse 1582-1584: 952, 1049 1015, 1022, 1024, 1025n, 1026, 1047n, 1070, 1079

Paul de Labarthe, sieur de Termes, French ambassador to Rome _— Perrenot, Nicholas, lord of Granvelle, imperial minister (b.

in 1551, to Siena in 1552: 553n, 594f., 59'7ff., 623, 666, 1486, d. 1550), 367n, 368n, 399n, 413, 432, 453, 480n,

691 481n, 484n, 488n, 525n, 541, 545n, 582

Paul von Liechtenstein, imperial minister in 1507: 44n, 47, | Perrenot de Chantonnay, Thomas, brother of Antoine; am-

55n, 112n bassador of Philip II (b. 1521, d. 1571), 887n

Paulus de Varda (Kisvarda), bishop of Veszprém 1521-1526, Persia, 25, 51, 123n, 127, 146, 164n, 165, 240n, 342, 367, of Eger 1526-1527, archbishop of Gran 1527-1549: 355n, 385, 387ff., 392, 396, 398n, 450, 481, 482n, 483, 485,

384n, 444n 501f., 529, 530n, 534n, 550n, 562, 585n, 589f., 592, 624,

Pavia, 129, 130n, 131, 201, 225ff., 229, 239, 241, 272, 285ff., 630, 646, 692n, 693, 705, 708, 830, 833f., 852, 922, 934, 288, 305, 457, 526; battle of (1525), 225n, 229ff., 232f., 942, 1063n, 1094, 1096f.; sophis of, see Isma‘l I 1502-

235f., 244, 246, 248n, 252n, 286, 310n, 312, 337, 346, 1524, Tahmasp I 1524-1576, Abbas the Great 1587378, 386, 569n, 716; bishops of, see Ascanio Maria Sforza 1629 1479-1505, Francesco Alidosi 1505-1511, Antonio del ‘Persian Gulf, 100, 771

INDEX 1157 Persians, 38, 104n, 146f., 152f., 158, 163, 170, 174n, 179, Phebus, French secretary in Istanbul in 1551: 567n

181, 384n, 389, 392f., 502, 590f., 841, 938, 1098 Pheraclus (Feraclo), Rhodian castle, 213 Pertau (Pertev) Pasha, Ottoman general da mar in 1571: 1018, Phileremus, 213n

1022, 1045f., 1053f., 1057f., 1068n, 1069n Philibert de Chalon, prince of Orange, soldier and viceroy of

Peru, 565, 983 Naples in 1527 (b. 1502, d. 1530), 261, 281, 293f., 304ff., Perucci, Roberto, Latin resident of Rhodes (7. 1522), 211f. 308f., 312n, 342n

Perugia, 5n, 12n, 39, 40n, 140, 201, 272, 276f., 592, 594n, —_— Philiberta of Savoy, daughter of Philip I and Claudia, daughter

602, 646, 713; bishops of, see Agostino Spinola 1509- of John II of Brosse, count of Penthiévre; wife of Giuliano

1529, Fulvio della Corgna 1550-1553? de’ Medici 1515-1516 (b. 1498, d. 1524), 145n

Peruzzi, Baldassare, architect and painter (b. 1481, d. 1536), Philip I (“‘the Handsome’’), son of Maximilian I, titular duke

140 (IV) of Burgundy 1482-1506, Hapsburg archduke (I) of

Pesaro, 3n, 9, 12, 109n, 139, 166, 282, 292, 363n, 680n; Austria 1493-1506, king (1) of Castile in 1506: 35n, 40n, bishop of, see Lodovico Simonetta 1537-1561?; lord of, 41, 42n, 43n, 44, 49; wife of, see Joanna, daughter of see Giovanni Sforza 1483-1500; 1503-1510, Francesco Ferdinand II of Aragon 1496-1506 (d. 1555)

Maria della Rovere 1513-1516 Philip II, son of Charles V and Isabella of Portugal; king of

Pesaro, Antonio, governor of Andros in 1510: 24, 25n Spain (II) from 1556, of Portugal from 1580 (b. 1527, d. Pesaro, Benedetto, Venetian captain-general of the sea in 1502 1598), 450, 499n, 503, 525n, 538, 554, 558, 597n, 603,

(b. ca. 1433, d. 1503), LIE. 606n, 612n, 618, 625n, 628, 632ff., 635, 639, 641, 644ff,,

Pesaro, Francesco, archbishop of Zara 1505-1530, titular Latin 647ff., 650n, 651n, 652ff., 655ff., 658f., 661ff., 664fF,,

patriarch of Constantinople 1530-1545: 270n 667, 668n, 669ff., 672ff., 675ff., 678, 680ff., 683ff., 686,

Pesaro, Francesco, Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1527: 688ff., 691ff., 694, 697, 699, 700n, 702n, 704f., 707FF.,

266f. 711, 713£., 717, 723ff., 726, 727n, 728ff., 731ff., 734n,

Pesaro, Girolamo, Venetian captain-general of the sea in 1537— 736, 738f., 742ff., 745, 750f., 754f., 758f., 761ff., 767,

1538: 423ff., 426f., 429n 769, 773ff., 777, 779, 781, 783n, 784, 786ff., 789, 794n,

Pesaro, Pietro, Venetian procurator and diplomat (d. 1528), 795n, 796n, 799n, 801f., 804ff., 807fFf., 810, 81 7ff., 820F.,

266f., 286f., 287n, 291ff., 294f., 303ff., 306f. 831, 835n, 838n, 840n, 842n, 843, 846ff., 849n, 852,

Pescara, 680, 905; marquises of, see Fernando Francisco de 853n, 855n, 856n, 857, 859f., 862f., 865f., 868f., 870n, Avalos (d. 1525), Fernando Francisco de Avalos (d. 1571) 87 1ff., 874ff., 8'77ff., 882, 883n, 884ff., 887ff., 890Ff., 894,

Peschiera di Garda, 62 899ff., 902ff., 905f., 909ff., 912ff., 915ff., I18fF., 922,

Pescia, 104 928, 931, 933f., 938ff., 941ff., 945f., 949ff., 953, 954n, Pest, 355n, 478, 584 955ff., 958ff., 961 ff., 965ff., 968F., 972f., 977Ff., 980, 982fF., Pesthy (Pesthiensis), Emeric, correspondent of George Marti- 985n, 987n, 988, 992ff., 995n, 996ff., 999, 1004, LOO8fF., nuzzi in 1551: 567n 1O11ff., 1O14ff., 101 7ff., 1020f., 1025, 1045ff., 1048f.,,

Petala, 1058f., 1061 1053, 1059, 1061f., 1064, 1066, 1068n, 1070f., 1073f., Peter I the Great, czar of Russia from 1682 (b. 1672, d. 1725), 1076n, 1077ff., 1080f., 1084, 1086ff., 1090, 1092f,,

1103 1094n, 1095ff., 1098, 1100; wives of, see Mary I 1554-—

Peter I of Lusignan, son of Hugh IV; king of Cyprus (1358) 1558, Elizabeth, daughter of Henry II 1559-1568, Anna,

1359-1369, of Cilician Armenia 1368-1369: 27 daughter of Maximilian II 1570-1580

Peter of Trau (Trogir), secretary to Jerome of Zara in 1533: Philip III, son of Philip II and Anna, daughter of Maximilian

383, 385 II; king of Spain from 1598 (b. 1578, d. 1621), 595n

Peter, voivode of Moravia in 1528: 316n Philip IV, son of Philip IIT and Margaret of Styria; king of Peter van der Vorst (Vorstius); chaplain of Hadrian VI, bishop Spain from 1621 (b. 1605, d. 1665), 920, 1099

of Acqui 1534—1549?: 416ff., 421 Philip IV (‘‘the Fair’), son of Philip III; Capetian king of France Peter’s Pence, 36n 1285-1314: 360n Peterwardein (Petrovaradin), 248, 254, 261, 570, 1102; battle = Philip V, son of the dauphin Louis and Maria Anna of Bavaria;

of (1716), 1104 king of Spain from 1700, temporarily abdicating in 1724

Petierunt a nobis, bull of Julius II (1509), 56 (b. 1683, d. 1746), 1104

Petremol, Antoine, French agent in Istanbul ca. 1561-1565: Philip, son of George I and Amelia von der Pfalz; duke (I) of

766n, 830n, 832ff., 835ff., 838f., 842, 844, 849f., 852, Pomerania (b. 1515, d. 1560), 417 855, 856n, 868, 878f., 899n, 930f., 938 Philip, son of William II and Anne of Mecklenburg; landgrave Petrovic, Peter, minister of Isabella, widow of John Zapolya of Hesse 1509-1567: 354, 386, 405, 416f., 418n, 452,

(fi. 1550), 530, 566, 578 476, 482, 484, 504, 557

Petrucci, Alfonso, bishop of Sovana 1510-1513, cardinal 1511- — Philippe de Chabot, French admiral (b. 1480, d. 1543), 360f. 1517, bishop of Massa Marittima 1511-1517: 115, 167ff., | Philippe de la Chambre, cardinal 1533-1550: 370, 517

197n, 748, 751 Philippe de Montmorency, count of Hoorn (d. 1568), 918ff.

Petrucci, Borghese, brother of Alfonso; removed from the Philippe de Villiers de |’ Isle-Adam, grand prior of France,

Sienese signoria in 1516: 167, 168n then grand master of the Hospitallers from 1521 (b. 1464,

Petrucci, Pandolfo, “‘tyrant’’ of Siena, father of Alfonso and d. 1534), 203f., 205n, 206ff., 209ff., 211, 214ff., 223f.,

Borghese (b. 1442, d. 1512), 12n, 167 238, 351, 352n, 363n Petrucci, rulers in Siena, 592 Philippopolis (Plovdiv), 179, 489n, 490

179n Piacentino, 286, 676

Peutinger, Conrad, humanist and antiquarian (b. 1465, d. 1547), Phrygia, 150, 768n

Pflug, Julius, Saxon statesman; bishop of Naumberg-Zeitz from Piacenza, 31, 129, 132ff., 137, 145, 159ff., 194, 196, 223,

1542 (b. 1499, d. 1564), 358n, 453, 502n 225, 256ff., 261, 272, 276, 277n, 286f., 299n, 328f., 366n,

Phanar, 1103 411n, 412n, 420, 440, 459n, 462n, 464, 467, 478, 500, ‘*Phanariotes,’’ 1103 504, 506, 520f., 548f., 552, 661, 664, 676, 722n, 728,

Pharillon, castle near Alexandria, 27, 30 912n, 918; bishops of, see Gian Bernardino Scotti 1559-

1158 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT 1568?, Paolo Burali 1568-1576; duke of, see Ottavio 1548-1550, archbishop of Manfredonia 1550-1553, car-

Farnese (duke of Parma and Piacenza; d. 1586) dinal 1551-1553: 492, 529, 537f., 543, 545, 547, 559

in 1570: 991 755, 757, 1037

Piacenza, Scipione, present at meeting of Venetian commanders Pilgrims, 28, 32, 50, 54, 87n, 153, 210n, 215, 401, 517, 705ff.,

Piali Aga, Ottoman ‘“‘capitano del mare”’ in 1555: 623n Pimpinella, Vincenzo, archbishop of Rossano 1525-1534: 335n, Piali Pasha, Turkish admiral (b. ca. 1520, d. 1571), 759n, 760ff., 350n, 371n 763ff., 841f., 849ff., 855ff., 861fF., 868, 870, 873f., 879, —Pinelli, Giovanni Vincenzo, humanist (b. 1535, d. 1601), 1055n,

S9O3ff., 896ff., 899n, 901ff., 904ff., 911, 913, 930, 934, 1061 935n, 939, 942n, 945, 947, 950, 960, 963, 971f., 980, _Pinerolo, 709 984, 986ff., 992, 995n, 1007, 1011, 1057n, 1094n Pio, Alberto, count of Carpi, imperial ambassador to Venice

Piazza Maggiore (in Bologna), 330 and Rome (b. 1475, d. 1550), 88, 113n, 134, 136, 144n,

Piazza Navona (in Rome), 63, 65, 72, 84n, 95n, 272, 353, 745f. 148n, 151n, 153n, 159n, 165n, 168n, 170, 171n, 172f.,

Piazza Ponte S. Angelo (in Rome), 529 222, 226, 264, 266

Piazza S. Marco (in Venice), 20, 78, 135, 607, 954, 1019, 1059, Pio, Ercole, commander in the expedition of 1570: 982n

1065, 1099n Pio, Gian Lodovico, brother of Rodolfo, participant in the Ca-

Piazza S. Pietro (in Rome), 6, 270n, 271, 508, 513, 517 rafa scandal of 1559: 711

Piazza Venezia (in Rome), 272, 663 Pio, Rodolfo, of Carpi, bishop of Faenza 1528—1544?, cardinal Picardy, 430, 473, 624, 691, 701, 705 1536-1564, bishop of Girgenti (admin.) 1544-1564: 430n, Piccolo, Giovanni, Venetian ship’s carpenter (fl. 1567), 927, 442n, 466, 470, 505, 508ff., 511, 513, 517ff., 523f., 558,

928n 612f., 617£f., 621n, 637ff., 642, 681, 721ff., 724ff., 727ff.,

Piccolomini, Aeneas Sylvius, cardinal, see Pius II 730, 732ff., 735f., 738f., 751f.

Piccolomini, Alessandro, bishop of Pienza and Montalcino —Piombino, 3n, 12f., 86, 221, 623, 624n, 630, 664, 692n; lord

1528-1554? (d. 1563), 600 of, see Jacopo IV d’ Appiano 1474-1510, Jacopo VI

Piccolomini, Enea, Sienese captain (fl. 1552), 592, 594, 598ff., d’ Appiano (to 1546)

601 Piotrkow, city in Poland, 316n, 317

Piccolomini, Giovanni, archbishop of Siena 1503-1529, cardinal _Piperario, Andrea, secretary to the Fifth Lateran Council in

1517-1537, bishop of L’ Aquila (admin.) 1523-1525, of 1517: 169n, 170

Umbriatico (admin.) 1524-1531?: 335 Piperno (Priverno), 656, 660 Piccolomini, Sienese family, 142; and see Pius III (Francesco ‘Piracy, 17, 37, 50n, 151n, 191, 207, 217, 234f., 340, 388,

Todeschini Piccolomini) 395f., 408, 465, 532, 585ff., 608, 662, 706, 759, 776,

140 pirates, corsairs Piceno, 776 Piraeus, 1102n Picenum, 216 Piri Pasha, Turkish commander at the siege of Rhodes (1522), Picconi da Sangallo, Antonio, artist patronized by Julius IT, 795, 799, 829, 861f., 891, 923, 1037; see also Barbary

Pico della Mirandola, see Giovanni Pico della Mirandola 211n

Piedmont, 224, 272, 283, 414n, 431ff., 462n, 473, 485, 550, ‘Piri Reis (Piri Ra’is), Turkish captain in 1536: 409

556f., 558n, 624, 642, 673, 676, 680, 693, 701, 709, Pirro dell’ Offredo, Neapolitan special envoy of the duke of

722n, 751n, 911, 1079 Alva in 1556: 658f., 689

Pienza (Corsignano), 267, 595n; bishops of, see Agostino Patrizzi _‘ Pisa, 13, 34, 81, 90, 92, 95ff., 98ff., 103f., 106ff., 110, 121,

1484-ca. 1495, Alessandro Piccolomini 1528—1554?; and 272, 522n, 595, 624, 650, 744n, 973n, 1046; archbishops

see Montalcino, bishops of of, see Nofri Bartolino 1518-1555, Scipione Rebiba 1556Piero de’ Medici, son of Lorenzo il Magnifico and Chiara Orsini; 1560?, Giovanni de’ Medici (admin.) 1560-1562, Giovanni

Florentine ruler 1492-1494 (d. 1503), 15, 166n, 277 Ricci 1567-1574; Councils of: (1409), 98, 708n and (1511‘Piero de Rizo,”’ papal nuncio to England ca. 1510-1511: 96n 1512), 81, 92, 94, 98ff., 103, 104ff., 107f., 110ff., 112n,

Pierpont Morgan Library, 497n 114n, 115, 120, 125ff., 129, 133f., 136, 139n, 143n, 149f.,

Pierre d’ Aubusson, Hospitaller prior of Auvergne (to 1476), 708n grand master of the Hospitallers 1476-1503, cardinal Pisa-Milan, Council of, and Pisa-Milan-Lyon, Council of, see

1489-1503: 17, 33n, 39 Pisa, Council of ca. 1540, d. 1614), 459 1565-1570: 803

Pierre de Bourdeille, seigneur de Brantome, French writer (b. _ Pisani, Alvise, bishop of Padua (admin.) 1555-1570, cardinal

Pieta, orphanage in Rome, 271 Pisani, Alvise, father of Francesco; Venetian provveditore gePietro Antonio de Capua, archbishop of Otranto 1536-1579: nerale in 1528: 196n, 275n, 286, 289n, 290ff., 294f., 303ff.

559 Pisani, Domenico, Venetian envoy to Rome ca. 1507: 43n, 56n,

Pietro de’ Accolti, bishop of Ancona 1505-1514, 1523 (admin.), 57n, 62n

cardinal 1511-1532, bishop of Maillezais 1511-—1518?, of _ Pisani, Francesco, cardinal 1517-1570, bishop of Padua 1524—

Cadiz (admin.) 1511-1521, of Arras (admin.) 1518-1523: 1555, of Cittanova (admin.) 1526-1535, of Treviso (ad-

65, 72f., 98n, 114f., 213n, 222, 337, 340n min.) 1528—1538?, archbishop of Narbonne (admin.) 1551Pietro del Monte, grand master of the Hospitallers from 1568: 1563: 196n, 221n, 255, 286, 289n, 290ff., 311n, 509,

936, 965, 1063n 611ff., 620, 638, 723, 725n, 733ff., 883n, 885

Pietro, Giovanni, Venetian secretary in Germany in 1509: 58n _— Pisani, Paolo, Venetian envoy to Rome in 1509: 36, 64

Pietro Tagliavia d’ Aragona, bishop of Girgenti 1537-1544, Pisani, Pietro, galleass commander at Lepanto in 1571: 991,

559, 6lin Pisans, 104

archbishop of Palermo 1544~1558, cardinal 1553-1558: 1054, 1058

Pieve del Cairo, 118n Pistoia, 342; bishops of, see Lorenzo Pucci 1509-1518?, Antonio

Pieve Santo Stefano, 264f. Pucci 1518-1541?

Pighino, Sebastiano, bishop of Alife 1546-1548, of Ferentino Pistorius (Johann Becker), Lutheran theologian (d. 1583), 453

INDEX 1159 Orsini 1551-1556: 478n, 559, 613, 620

Pitigliano, 640; counts of, see Niccolo Orsini (d. 1510), Luigi Poggio, Giovanni, bishop of Tropea 1541-1556?, cardinal Pius II (Aeneas Sylvius, or Enea Silvio Piccolomini), bishop of | Poggio, Marino, Venetian secretary to Francesco Pisani in 1526:

Siena 1450-1458, cardinal 1456-1458, pope 1458-1464: 255

4, 142, 147, 153, 180, 474f., 595n Poggioreale, eastern suburb of Naples, 294

Pius II (Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini, nephew of Pius Poissy, 297, 302, 671n, 675, 698n; Colloquy of (1561), 774,

II), cardinal and archbishop of Siena 1460-1503, pope in 819

1503: 3ff., 6ff., 9f., 615 Poitiers, 949n; bishop of, see Claude de Givry 1534-1551)?;

Pius IV (Giannangelo de’ Medici), archbishop of Ragusa 1545—- procurator of, see Jean Bouchet (ca. 1512) 1553?, cardinal 1549-1559, archbishop of Milan 1558- __ Pola (Pula, Pulj), bishops of, see Altobello Averoldi 1497-1531,

1559, pope 1559-1565: 443n, 486n, 496, 506n, 515, 523, Antonio Elio 1548-1558? 528n, 540n, 550n, 600n, 613, 624n, 637ff., 652, 657f., Poland, 9n, 36, 48, 149f., 158, 175n, 179, 184, 216, 235f., 663n, 671, 677n, 678n, 679n, 713f., 721n, 722n, 723f., 250n, 252, 256n, 292n, 312ff., 315, 316n, 317, 319, 321, 726, 728ff., 733ff., 736ff., 739ff., 742ff., 745ff., 748, 751, 323f., 325n, 344, 345n, 349n, 412n, 435f., 437n, 463, 752n, 753ff., 758, 760, 762, 764, 767n, 769, 770n, 771ff., 489, 496, 589, 628, 656, 663n, 714f., 741n, 775, 807, 774, 776f€., 779ff., 781n, 784ff., '787ff., 790, 791n, 792, 812, 818ff., 825, 828, 840, 852, 921f., 938, 955, 1020, 794, 796ff., 799ff., 802ff., 806, 808, 811, 814ff., 817f., 1064, 1087f., 1097, 1103; kings of, see Sigismund I 1506821f., 823n, 824ff., 827n, 829, 846f., 851f., 856n, 858ff., 1548, Sigismund II Augustus 1548-1572, Henry of Anjou 862, 865f., 872n, 875ff., 880ff., 883ff., 886f., 900, 907, (Henry III of France) 1573-1574, Stephen Bathory 1575-

912, 932, 965n, 966n 1586

Pius V (Michele Ghislieri), bishop of Sutri and Nepi 1556-— Pole, Reginald, humanist and reformer, cardinal 1536-1558, 1560, cardinal 1557-1566, bishop of Mondovi 1560-1566, archbishop of Canterbury (admin.) 1556 (consecr. 1557)-

pope 1566-1572: 678, 712, 720, 723, 733, 740f., 753f., 1558: 236n, 394, 407n, 415, 486, 488, 492, 497, 507n, 792n, 846n, 883ff., 886ff., 889, 899ff., 904, 906ff., 9O9Ff., 509ff., 512ff., S51 5ff., 518ff., 522, 523n, 524n, 580, 596n,

O12ff., 916ff., 919, 922n, 928, 932f., 939ff., 942, 949, 597, 603n, 610, 615n, 616, 618, 620, 621n, 642f., 645, 951, 955f., 958n, 959ff., 962ff., 965ff., 968Ff., 973, 976, 681, 710 983, 988n, 989, 992fF., 996ff., 999, 1000n, 1002f.,1004n, Poles, 36n, 148, 177ff., 315ff., 318n, 324, 325n, 341n, 412n, LOOOFE., 1O12fF., 1015ff., 1O18F., 1024, 1029, 1045f., 1060, 489, 700, 714, 919, 922, 1087f., 1098, 1101

1061n, 1062ff., 1066f., 1070ff., 1073f., 1076ff., 1079, Polesella, 76f.

1087, 1094n, 1100 Polesine (region between the Po and the Adige), 63, 76, 122 Pius VI (Giovanni Angelo Braschi), cardinal 1771-1775, pope _ Polesine di San Giorgio, 76

1775-1779: 719n Polignano, 293n

494, 827 82n 1530: 337n 1560: 764

Pius VII (Barnaba Chiaramonti), pope 1800-1823: 346 Polin, Captain, see Antoine des Escalins Pius IX (Giovanni Maria Mastai-Ferretti), pope 1846-1878: Pollan, Zuan Francesco, Venetian galley commander (d. 1510),

Pizzamano, Gregorio, provveditore of Cividale del Friuli in Poller, Sebastiano, Sicilian alchemist at the siege of Jerba in

Pizzighettone, 224f. Polydore Vergil (P. V. Castellensis), English historian of Italian Plague, 102n, 198, 202, 217, 257, 276n, 277, 282f., 292, 305, origins (b. ca. 1470, d. 1555), 44n 311, 328n, 353, 384, 387, 448n, 452n, 499n, 519, 565, Pomerania, duke of, see Philip I (b. 1515, d. 1560) 622, 623n, 630n, 761, 830ff., 834, 842, 851, 879, 918f., | Pompey, Roman triumvir (b. 106 B.c., d. 48 B.c.), 306

967, 979f., 991, 1043, 1102; see also typhus Pomponazzi, Pietro, philosopher (b. 1462, d. 1525), 151 Plato (b. 428/427 B.c., d. 348/347 B.c.), 136 Pomposa, abbey in the vicinity of Ferrara, abbot of, see Luciano

Plauen, 502n degli Ottoni (in 1547)

Plautilia de’ Massimi, noblewoman involved in the scandal of | Pon, Master, apostolic envoy ca. 1504: 48

Carlo Carafa ca. 1558: 711f. Ponchino, Zuan, Venetian courier in 1556: 653

Plieningen, 542 Ponte del Megio (in Venice), 83n, 201 Ptock (Ploczko), city northwest of Warsaw, 318; bishops of, see Ponte della Paglia (in Venice), 79

Erasmus Vitellius 1503-1522, Andreas Krzycki (Cricius) Ponte Milvio (in Rome), 5, 40, 269, 506n 1527-1535; castellan of, see John Wiecwienski (in 1530) — Ponte Palatino (in Rome), 687n

Pluralism, 796, 798 Ponte Rotto (in Rome), see Ponte S. Maria Po river, 63, 76f., 122, 225, 237, 254, 257, 286, 298, 328, Ponte S. Angelo (in Rome), 752 431, 457 Ponte S. Maria (ancient Pons Aemilius, later Ponte Rotto), in Podacataro, Alessandro, author of an eye-witness account of Rome, 687, 688n

the siege of Famagusta in 1571: 996n, 1027n, 1028, 1031n, Ponte Sisto (in Rome), 270f.

1035ff., 1038n, 1041f., 1043n Ponte Solaro, north of Rome, 275

Podacataro, Filippo, father of Alessandro and Tuzio; volunteer = Ponte Vecchio (in Pisa), 107

at Famagusta in 1571: 1027n Pontecorvo, Italian town west of Cassino, 659f.

Podacataro, Tuzio, brother of Alessandro (d. 1571), 1027n, = Pontedera, 601

1031n Pontelli, Baccio, Italian architect (d. 1492), 5n, 668

756 Pontremoli, 98, 103

Podocataro, Cesare, archbishop of Nicosia 1552~1559?: 755n, Pontigliano (‘‘Pomigliano d’ Arco’’), 294

Podocataro, Livio, brother of Cesare, archbishop of Nicosia Popes, see Leo I 440-461, Gregory I 590-604, Leo III 795-

1524-15522: 756 816, Leo IV 847-855, Sylvester II 999-1003, Gregory

Poggiani, Giulio, humanist of Novara, preached before the VII 1073-1085, Urban II 1088-1099, Celestine III 1191-

conclave which elected Pius IV, 721 1198, Innocent III 1198-1216, Celestine IV 1241, Clem-

1160 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT ent IV 1265-1268, Gregory X 1271-1276, Boniface VIII _Posillipo, 296, 303 1294-1303, Clement V 1305-1314, Clement VI 1342— Potenza, 749n; bishop of, see Pompeo Colonna (admin.) 1521-

1352, Innocent VI 1352-1362, Urban VI 1378-1389, 1526

Martin V 1417-1431, Eugenius IV 1431-1447, Nicholas _ Poveglia, island near Venice, 30 V 1447-1455, Calixtus III 1455-1458, Pius II 1458-1464, | Poznan (Posen), bishop of, see Adam Conarski 1562-1574; cas-

Paul II 1464-1471, Sixtus IV 1471-1484, Innocent VIII tellan of, see Lucas Gorka (ca. 1528) 1484-1492, Alexander VI 1492-1503, Pius III 1503, Ju- —_— Pozzallo, 872

lius II 1503-1513, Leo X 1513-1521, Hadrian VI 1522— = Pozzuoli, 303, 307n 1523, Clement VII 1523-1534, Paul III 1534-1549, Julius | Prado (in Madrid), 484, 920 III 1550-1555, Marcellus II 1555, Paul IV 1555-1559, Pragmatic Sanction (of Bourges), see Bourges

Pius IV 1559-1565, Pius V 1566-1572, Gregory XIII Prague, 317n, 319, 332, 335, 385, 386n, 387ff., 390, 405, 1572-1585, Sixtus V 1585-1590, Urban VII 1590, Gre- 414n, 418n, 421n, 422, 432n, 433n, 434ff., 472n, 577, gory XIV 1590-1591, Clement VIII 1592-1605, Paul V 579n, 580n, 707n, 766, 771, 950, 1009, 1015n; archbishop 1605-1621, Innocent X 1644-1655, Alexander VII 1655- of, see Anton Brus 1561-1581? 1667, Clement IX 1667-1669, Innocent XI 1676-1689, Pratanus (Pree), Laurentius, imperialist author of an account

Clement XI 1700-1721, Pius VI 1775-1779, Pius IX of the Council of Trent, 500n

1846-1878 Pratica104, di Mare, 668 Popoli, 293 Prato, 132, 133n Populonia, 623, 630 Preaching, 176, 460, 484, 495, 565, 813, 914

Poros, 1102 Precipola, 1028 Port’ Ercole, 599, 600n, 1024 Premoli, family, 60

Pordenone, Italian town west of Udine, 63 Precedence, see Order of precedence

Port of Commerce (at Rhodes), 208n Pressburg (Bratislava), 580n, 814n, 816 Port of Galleys (Dockyard Creek; at Malta), 854, 864 Pretoriani, supporters of civil government on Chios, 893

Port of Galleys (at Rhodes), 208n Prevesa (Préeveza), 358n, 407n, 430, 446f., 452n, 532, 538, ‘Port of the English,” at Malta, 862f., 870 607n, 696, 765, 862, 903, 906f., 1050f., 1058, 1103 Porta Camollia, in Siena, 592, 595, 600 Prévost, Jacques, sieur de Charry, envoy of Monluc to Ma-

Porta Capuana (in Naples), 295 rignano in 1555: 606n Porta del Diamante, at Famagusta, 1037, 1039, 1042 Price revolution, 565

Porta del Popolo or Flaminia (in Rome), 270, 442, 614, 660, = Primitiva illa Ecclesia, bull of Leo X (1516), 162n

677; Augustinian convent at, 660 Primo, Nicolere, correspondent of Giovanni Vincenzo Pinelli

Porta Fontebranda (in Siena), 592, 604 (fl. 1571), 1061n

Porta Nolana (in Naples), 295 Printing, 49, 58n, 110n, 111n, 565, 719n, 826f., 929, 1099 Porta Pertusa (in Rome), 270 Priuli, Alvise, Venetian sapiens terrae firmae in 1508: 52; friend

Porta Reale (in Messina), 1067n of Reginald Pole, 488, 497, 520n

Porta S. Felice (in Bologna), 330 Priuli, Andrea, Venetian bailie in Istanbul (d. 1523), 217f. Porta S. Gennaro (in Naples), 295 Priuli, Girolamo, diarist (b. 1476, d. 1547), 1f., 11n, 12, 18n,

Porta S. Giovanni (in Rome), 290 19f., 23, 28, 37n, 40n, 55n, 74, 83, 102n, 165n Porta S. Lorenzo (in Rome), 646 Priuli, Girolamo, Venetian doge 1559-1567: 763, 767n, 770n, Porta S. Pancrazio (in Rome), 269ff. 772, 845, 847, 923, 929, 931

Porta Santa (at S. Peter’s in Rome), 517, 527, 528n Priuli, Lorenzo, Venetian envoy to the Hapsburgs in 1525:

Porta Santo Spirito (in Rome), 270f. 231; doge of Venice 1556-1559: 652, 672, 675, 680, 717£.;

Porta Torrione (Cavalleggeri), in Rome, 270f. patriarch of Venice in 1562: 777n; Venetian ambassador

Porta Viridaria (in Rome), 6 to Spain 1573, patriarch of Venice 1591-1600, cardinal

Porte, sce Ottomans . 1596-1600: 1092f., 1094n Portici, 303 Priuli, Matteo, bishop of Cittanova 1561-1565, of Vicenza

Portico of Octavia (in Rome), 626 the . 1565-1579: . ca. 1570: . . oo oes Priuli, Vincenzo Maria, seeks Turkish armada Portinari, Antonio, Florentine commissioner in Pisa in 1511: 986. 988 . . . . . Procida, 582, 595, 1024 Porto, town north of Ostia, 470; cardinal bishops of, see Giovanni Procuratori di San Marco (in Venice), 958

105f., 107n, 108n .

Salviati, Rodolfo Pio . in. 1563 . (b. - Prospero d’ Arco, imperial ambassador to Rome

Porto Cesenatico, Romagnole town, 39 1522, d. 1572), 799, 800n, 803, 808n, 814n, 815n, 821n,

Porto Longone (Porto Azzurro), 623, 624n 860n Porto Picorna, 975 Protestantism, 1, 202, 324n, 406, 414, 417, 427, 453, 455, Porto Santo Stefano, 623 460, 466, 545, 704, 715, 773, 775, 786, 795, 807, 828,

Porto Vecchio (in Corsica), 888 888

Portoferraio (‘“‘Portoferagio”’), on Elba, 623f. Protestants, 244, 384n, 403, 405, 413f., 416, 437, 452f., 455,

Portugal, 18, 28, 48, 49n, 130, 177ff., 236n, 237n, 239n, 255n, 459ff., 463, 467, 473n, 477, 482, 484, 499, 502f., 540ff., 272, 348, 351, 415, 463, 517n, 632n, 656, 740, 741n, 543ff., 547, 565f., 632f., 715, 720, 725, 766n, 767, 770n,

768n, 775, 789n, 800, 812, 818f., 840n, 846, 1019n, 772£., 783, 791f., 797, 806n, 808, 810, 826, 827n, 828, 1061n, 1064, 1097f.; cardinal of, see Henry, son of Manuel 888, 910, 916, 918n, 920, 941, 1088, 1097 of Portugal; Hospitallers from, 207; kings of, see Manuel _—Proti, 943

I 1495-1521, John III 1521-1557, Sebastian 1557-1578 — Prototico, Annibale, correspondent of Antoine Perrenot de

Portuguese, 1, 18n, 19f., 23f., 26, 32, 38, 84f., 165n, 178, Granvelle in 1571: 1047n

348, 386, 531f., 632, 771, 789n, 926, 1095, 1096n, 1098 Provence, 177, 216, 351n, 359, 370, 414, 430n, 767n, 849,

Porzia, Girolamo, Venetian count (f. 1511), 110n 915, 958; Hospitallers from, 207, 758, 854, 863, 870, 875

INDEX 1161 Prussia, 144, 150, 341n, 417, 741n, 775, 825 Ragazzoni, Girolamo, titular bishop of Nazianzus in 1563, bishop Psaulme (Psalmaeus), Nicole, bishop of Verdun 1548-1575: of Famagusta 1561-1591?, of Kisamos from 1572, of No-

808n, 809n, 811n vara 1576-1577, of Bergamo 1577-1592: 822, 1004, 1011

Pseudo-Mustafa, see ‘‘Mustafa’’ Ragazzoni, Placido, Venetian citizen in Messina (fl. 1572), 1070, Przemysl, bishops of, see Matthias Drzewicki 1504-1513, An- 1077n

dreas Krzycki (Cricius) 1523-1527 Ragusa (Dubrovnik), 23, 123, 124n, 128, 152, 164, 181, 198,

Pucci, Antonio, nephew of Lorenzo; bishop of Pistoia 1518- 200n, 235, 251, 338, 361f., 367n, 383, 385, 401n, 424, 1541?, of Vannes (admin.) 1529-1541, cardinal 1531- 437, 446, 458f., 489f., 553, 562, 585n, 607, 698n, 766f.,

1544: 173ff., 184, 297 837, 903, 904n, 905, 919, 948, 953n, 955, 973n, 1045f,,

Pucci, Lorenzo, bishop of Pistoia 1509-1518?, of Melfi (admin.) 1068n, 1088ff., 1091, 1094ff., 1097, 1099n; archbishops 1513-1528, cardinal 1513-1531: 98n, 136n, 173, 341n, of, see Giannangelo de’ Medici (Pius V) 1545—1553?, Lo-

394n dovico Beccadelli 1555-1564?

Pucci, Puccio, brother of Lorenzo and husband of Girolama _Ragusei, 71, 123, 160n, 164, 181, 191n, 193n, 247n, 362n,

Farnese (fi. 1494), 394n 493, 851, 903f., 988, 1016, 1071

Puglie, Puglia, see Apulia Raidantyah, battle of (1517), 165

Puglioni (Puglione), Giovanni Antonio, baron of Burgio and __ Rallo, Manilius, titular archbishop of Monemvasia 1517-1520:

papal envoy (d. ca. 1546, 1548), 219, 236, 243n, 247 272n

Punta del Faro (in Sicily), 623 Rambouillet, 483n; cardinal of, see Charles d’ Angennes (d.

“Purgatorio,” cell in the Tor di Nona, 752 1587)

Purgatory, 460, 499, 542, 757, 812, 819ff., 822 Ramon de Vich, cardinal 1517-1525, bishop of Cefalu (admin.) Puteo, Jacopo, archbishop of Bari 1550—1562?, cardinal 1551- 1518-1525, of Barcelona 1519-1525: 200 1563: 613f., 618ff., 639, 717, 723f., 728, 733ff., 748, Rangone, Pallavicino, sent to Famagusta in 1570: 965, 987

770n, 773, 776 Rangoni, (Count) Guido, officer of the League of Cognac ca. Pyrenees mountains, 196 1527 (d. 1539), 267, 268n, 270, 275, 308f. Ranke, Leopold von, German historian (b. 1795, d. 1886), 626n

Qerqenah Islands, 761 Raphael (Raffaello Sanzio), painter and architect (b. 1483, d.

Quails, Port of, see Brazzo di Maina 1520), 140

Quarantia (in Venice), 1061; Councilors and Capi of the, 718n Rares, Peter, rebellious voivode in Moldavia in 1538: 444, 466

Quarnaro, 65 Ratisbon, diet of, see under Regensburg

Quartari, Bernardino, host of members of the Orsini faction Ravello, bishop of, see Lodovico Beccadelli 1549-1555

ca. 1503: 12n Ravenna, 55, 59n, 61f., 93f., 96n, 109, 115f., 118f., 121n,

Querini, Francesco, acquires Astypalaea in 1413: 439 129, 277, 282, 287, 291n, 297ff., 300, 302, 310, 322n, Querini, Francesco, Venetian appearing before the Senate ca. 323n, 327, 330ff., 339f., 346, 411n, 581n, 674, 879n,

1538: 439, 472n 881; archbishops of, see Benedetto de’ Accolti 1524-1549,

Querini, Giannantonio, put to death at Famagusta in 1571: Ranuccio Farnese 1549-1564?, Giulio della Rovere (ad-

1040 min.) 1566-1578; battle of (1512), 28, 32, 80n, 116ff.,

Querini, Girolamo, patriarch of Venice 1524-1554: 333 119ff., 136, 144, 283, 287 Querini, Marc’ Antonio, naval commander (b. 1531, d. 1581), Ravensburg, 543

974n, 1005f. Raverta, Ottaviano, papal nuncio, bishop of Terracina 1545-—

Querini, Marco (‘‘Stenta’’), Venetian “captain of the Gulf” ca. 1562: 767n, 775, 846

1568: 933, 935, 970, 974ff., 977£., 980fF., 984, 986f.,990, Ravni Kotari, 608 1004ff., 1007, 1013, 1017, 1021, 1027, 1029, 1039, 1043, Raymond de Rouer, seigneur de Fourquevaux, French am-

> . 877n

1045, 1047, 1048n, 1051, 1054, 1060, 1082 bassador to Spain in 1566 (b. 1509, d. 1574), 887f., 890,

Querini, Vincenzo (Pietro), Venetian envoy and Camaldulensian 901, 905, 910n, 911, 914f., 922, 926, 946n

ee Pietro) (b. ca. 1479, d. 1514), 41n, 42ff., 46f., | Raynaldus (Odorico Rinaldi), papal annalist (d. 1671), 723, Querini, Vincenzo, Venetian captain (b. 1521, d. 1571), 1057 — Real presence, 540, 749

Querini family, lords of Astypalaea, 439 Reale, la, galley of Don John of Austria at Lepanto: 1054f. Quimper, bishop of, see Niccolo Gaetano di Sermoneta 1550- _Rebiba, Scipione, bishop of Amiclae 1541-1551?, of Mottola

1560 (Motula) 1551-1560?, cardinal 1555-1577, archbishop of

Quinones, Francisco, general of the Franciscans 1523-1528, Pisa 1556-—1560?: 635, 644, 649f., 655f., 660n, 682, 744,

cardinal 1527/1528-1540, bishop of Coria 1530-1533, 753

of Acerno (admin.) 1539: 286, 288, 413 Recanati, 109n, 292 Quinquenio, five-year subsidy, 876f., 887, 899f., 909, 916 Recusants, 633

Quirinal (in Rome), 157n; see also Monte Cavallo Red Sea, 24, 386, 771, 926, 934 Reform, 91f., 95, 106f., 137, 146n, 147, 154f., 165n, 167, 170, 189, 202, 394f., 403f., 406, 415n, 419, 430, 453, Rabelais, Francois, French writer (b. ca. 1494, d. ca. 1553), 467, 484, 514, 517, 528, 540ff., 544ff., 547, 603, 611f.,

398f., 450n 614, 627, 635, 708ff., 712, 718, 720, 741f., 750, 754,

Raffaele de Ceva, bishop of Melfi 1499-1513? (d. 1518), 136n 756, 769n, 778ff., 781f., 784ff., 787ff., 790, 792, 794,

Raffaele de’ Graziani, secretary in the forces of Francesco Maria 797ff., 800ff., 803ff., 807, 809, 812ff., 815ff., 81 8ff., 822,

della Rovere (fl. 1524), 228 824ff., 828

Raffaeli, Galeazzo, Florentine agent of Gregorio Gheriin 1526: Reformation, 566, 628; and see Anabaptism, Anabaptists, Bucer,

257 Bugenhagen, Calvin, Calvinism, Calvinists, Hubmaier,

Ragazzoni, Giacomo, brother of Girolamo; Venetian envoy to Huter, Jonas, Luther, Lutheranism, Lutherans, Melanch-

Istanbul in 1571: 1011, 1012n thon, Protestantism, Protestants, Zwingli, Zwinglians, etc.

1162 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Regensburg (Ratisbon), 190, 252, 357f., 359n, 364n, 365,435, Rialto (in Venice), 23f., 47, 63, 83, 93, 127, 135, 462, 587,

452n, 459n, 460, 477, 482, 496n, 568n, 658, 769, 810; 589, 607, 696, 849n, 904, 919, 939, 942, 1067

bishop of, see Georg, marshal of Pappenheim 1548-1563; __ Riarii, family associated with Imola, 12, 16n diet of (1532), 358; Regensburger Reichstag (1541), 453, Riario, Galeazzo, son of Girolamo Riario and Caterina Sforza

460n, 476 (fi. 1504), 16n

Reggio di Calabria, 582f., 1050; archbishops of, see Pietro Is- _ Riario, Girolamo, nephew of Sixtus IV, lord of Imola and Forli

valies 1497-1506, Roberto Latino Orsini 1512-—1520?, (d. 1488), 16n; wife of, see Caterina Sforza

Gasparo dal Fosso 1560-1592 Riario, Ottaviano, son of Girolamo Riario and Caterina Sforza Reggio nell’ Emilia, 114n, 133f., 136f., 145n, 160, 261, 287, (fl. 1504), 16n 292, 299, 302, 333, 346, 412n, 676; bishops of, seeGiovanni _Riario (Sansoni), Raffaele, cardinal 1477-1521: 5, 8, 16, 49,

1544 173n, 197n, 222

Luca 1503-—-1510?, Marcello Cervini (Marcellus II) 1540- 65f., 68n, 72, 74f., 82n, 121, 138, 143n, 155n, 167ff., Regimini universalis ecclesiae, bull of Paul III (1545), 486, 500 Ribault, Jean, French commander in Florida (d. 1565), 888

Regno, see Naples, kingdom of Ribnica, town in Carniola, 337

Regular clergy, 820, 822, 847 Ricalcati, Ambrogio, papal secretary in 1535: 397n, 400n, 403,

Reichskammergericht (Imperial Chamber), 452, 460, 476, 487 405, 414n, 418n, 420ff., 430n, 431n, 433n, 434, 444n Relics, 211, 213n, 271, 274n, 312n, 333, 349n, 492, 757, Ricasoli, Gianbattista, Florentine ambassador to Rome in 1560:

821f., 910 441, 746f.

Religion, French wars of (ca. 1562-1598), 455, 720, 766, 834, Ricci, Giovanni, of Montepulciano, archbishop of Manfredonia

840f., 922, 949 1544-1545, bishop of Chiusi 1545—1554?, cardinal 1551-

Remolino, Francesco, bishop of Sorrento 1501—1512?, cardinal 1574, archbishop of Pisa 1567-1574: 445n, 447, 552n,

1503-1518, bishop of Fermo 1504-1518, archbishop of 554, 559, 613, 619f., 649, 726, 729, 733f., 865, 882,

Palermo (admin.) 1512-1518: 4n, 173 _ 883n, 884f., 900, 959n .

Renaissance, 140, 660, 777n Rice, Marco, Venetian envoy to Alfonso I d’ Este in 1509: Renare Loe 50 am passacer. ° eames One in the Richard I ‘“‘the Lionhearted,”’ son of Henry II and Eleanor of René de Birague, French statesman; cardinal from 1578 (b. Aquitaine; king of England from 1189 (b. 1157, d. 1199),

1506, d. 1583), 806n Ri hand Francois, bishop of Nicopolis 1554-15612, of A

René de Prie, bishop of Bayeux 1498-1516?, cardinal 1506- renarcot, rangols, bishop of Nicopolis 7 f OF Arras 1519, bishop of Limoges 1514-1516: 95, 105f., 108 1561-1574: 811, 818

1108 113th 136 oT” ° ’ — Ridolfi, Niccolo, cardinal 1517-1550, bishop of Orvieto (ad, ° ° , min.) 1520-1529?, archbishop of Florence 1524—1532?, Renee, daughter of Louis XII of France and Anne, daughter bishop of Vicenza (admin.) 1524—1550?, archbishop of Saof Francis II of Brittany; wife of Ercole II d’ Este 1528- lerno (admin.) 1533-15482, bishop of Imola (admin.) 1533-

1559 (d. 1575), 287, 288n, 302, 642 1546?: 505, 508, 509n, 515, 517ff., 520n, 525n

Renier, Alvise, Venetian diplomat, duke of Candia around 1550: Ridolfi, Rosso, Florentine commissioner in Pisa in 1511: 105f.,

475n, 485, 531, 533, 535n, 536, 591n, 607n, 647n, 662n 107n, 108n

Reno river, 263 a Rieti, bishops of, see Pompeo Colonna 1508-1520; 1528-1529,

906 - . 1562-1572

Renzi, Gianmaria, Genoese conspirator in Istanbul around 1566: Mario Algieri Colonna 1529-1555, Marc’ Antonio da Mula

Renzo da Ceri, see Lorenzo Orsini da Ceri Riez, bishop of, see Francois de Dinteville 1527-1530

920n Rignano, 800

‘“‘Requete, La,” petition of Netherlandish nobles (1566), 910, Rigaud, Eudes, archbishop of Rouen 1248-1275: 565n Residence, as required of bishops in their dioceses, 496f., 710, Rimini, 3n, 9, 12f., 16n, 18n, 33, 38f., 44, 55, 57f., 62, 67, 720, 742, 756, 780ff., 783ff., 786ff., 789f., 793ff., 796, 117n, 129, 277, 292, 539n, 803; bishops of, see Franciotto

798ff., 804, 809, 815, 824, 826 Orsini (admin.) 1528-1529, Giulio Parisano 1550-1574?; Respublica Christiana, 141, 153n, 253n lords of, see Pandolfo Malatesta 1482-1500; 1503, Sigis-

Retimo (Rethymnon), 853n mondo Malatesta 1527-1528

Reumano, Jean (Giovanni) Suario, bishop of Mirepoix 1555- Rinaldi, Luca, agent of Maximilian I in Rome in 1503: 15

1561?, cardinal 1555-1566: 644, 723, 730ff. Rincon, Antonio, Spanish diplomat in the service of France (d.

Reutlingen, 543 1541), 216n, 217n, 235, 251f., 278n, 284n, 312ff., 315,

Rex Christianissimus (Roi Trés Chrestien), 359n, 360, 413n, 316n, 317ff., 321ff., 325n, 334, 350, 360ff., 363, 365n, 480, 538, 559, 596, 705, 841; and see France, kings of 431n, 432, 441n, 442, 448n, 450, 451n, 456ff., 459, 462n,

Rheims, archbishop of, see Charles de Guise 1538-1574 483, 695, 698n Rhine, counts palatine of, see Friedrich II 1544-1556, Friedrich _ Rinella Bay, 870

Ill 1559-1576 Rio di Noale (in Venice), 403n

Rhineland, 244, 772f. Rio di S. Girolamo (in Venice), 849

Rhizokarpaso, 1006 Rio S. Severo (in Venice), 812 Rhodes, city and island, 16, 20n, 29, 32f., 37, 39, 81n, 99, Ripa Grande (in Rome), 281 104, 128n, 143n, 144, 147f., 151, 166n, 181ff., 187n, Ripetta (in Rome), 718 191, 193n, 194, 198, 200, 202ff., 205ff., 208ff., 211ff., Risorgimento, 454 214ff., 217f., 224, 231, 235, 248, 274, 278, 284n, 324n, —_‘ Rivoli, 915

335n, 351, 352n, 376, 395n, 430, 463, 517, 532, 553, Rizan, Johann, vicecaptain of Fiume in 1533: 371 759n, 766n, 834, 854, 929, 971, 980, 983f., 986f., 1007, Rizzio (Riccio), Michele, Neapolitan envoy of France to Rome

1068; Convent of, 47, 182; Knights of, see Hospitallers in 1505: 34f.

Rhone river, 86 522n

Rhodians, 122, 206n, 211, 215 Robert de la Marck, duke of Bouillon and lord of Sedan, 195,

INDEX 1163 Robert de Lenoncourt, bishop of Chalons-sur-Marne 1535- 277, 280ff., 283, 286, 289ff., 293f., 296f., 298n, 299Ff., 1550?, cardinal 1538-1561, archbishop of Embrun 1556- 309ff., 312, 320f., 324n, 329f., 337n, 341, 342n, 345n, 1560?, bishop of Auxerre (admin.) 1556-—1560?: 506, 507n, 346ff., 349ff., 352ff., 356, 357n, 360, 361n, 362f., 369n,

510n, 617, 723 370, 374n, 384, 385n, 387n, 390f., 394f., 396n, 397ff., Robert Guiscard, Norman adventurer in Italy (d. 1085), 294n 402ff., 405f., 407n, 410ff., 413, 415, 420ff., 423, 425ff., Robertet, Florimond, French treasurer (d. 1522), 91, 95, 111, 428n, 429ff., 432f., 434n, 435ff., 440, 442, 445n, 447n,

120, 195n, 204 448n, 449n, 452n, 453f., 458n, 459n, 460, 462f., 469f.,

Roberto de’ Nobili, cardinal 1553-1559: 610, 613 471n, 475, 478, 484n, 487f., 490, 492, 495, 501, 504n,

Roberto di Sanseverino, count of Caiazzo (fl. 1527), 259, 263f., 505ff., 508, 510f., 514, 516ff., 519, 521, 522n, 525, 526n,

267n 527ff., 531, 533ff., 536n, 537ff., 541, 545ff., 548ff., 552ff.,

Roberto di Sanseverino, Italian traveler (in 1458) and con- 556, 557n, 559ff., 562ff., 571, 576n, 577ff., 580, 581n,

dottiere (in 1485), 113 582f., 584n, 585n, 587, 589n, 591n, 592ff., 595ff., 598,

Roberto Latino Orsini (Roberto de’ Orsini), archbishop of Reg- 600ff., 603f., 605n, 606, 610f., 613n, 614, 615n, 616,

gio di Calabria 1512~1520?: 148n, 158 617n, 618n, 619n, 620n, 621ff., 624n, 626ff., 629f., 632,

Roberts, (Sir) Nicholas, informant on the siege of Rhodes in 634n, 635n, 636ff., 640ff., 643f., 646f., 648n, 650ff.,

1523: 205n 654ff., 657, 659ff., 662ff., 665ff., 668ff., 671ff., 674n,

Rocas (Roucha), count of, see Eugenio Sinclitico (fl. 1570) 675ff., 678, 679n, 680ff., 683ff., 686, 687n, 689ff., 693,

Rocca di Soriano, 748n 696, 701, 703n, 704, 708n, 710ff., 713f6., 71 7ff., 721f.,

Roccamura, Francesco, castellan of S. Angelo (1503), 3 725n, 726, 728f., 735f., 738n, 739ff., 742ff., 745ff., 749ff.,

Roccasparvera, 160 752ff., 756, 762f., 768n, 769, 770n, 771ff., 774f., 779Ff., Rodez, bishop of, see Georges d’ Armagnac 1530-1561? 782ff., 785ff., 789, 793ff., 798ff., 801ff., 804ff., 807f., Rodomonte, Luigi, relative of the Gonzaga (fl. 1527), 281 812, 814ff., 817, 821, 823n, 824ff., 827n, 828, 831, 846,

Rodrigo de Ripalda, Spanish captain in 1527: 276 852, 853n, 854n, 858f., 860n, 865, 866n, 868f., 873n,

Rodriguez, Cristobal, Spanish Jesuit, papal nuncio in Egypt ca. 876f., 880, 881ff., 884, 885n, 886, 887n, 889f., 899Ff.,

1561: 768n 904n, 905, 907, 910, 912f., 914n, 916n, 917n, 918f.,

Roeulx, count of, see Adrian de Croy (in 1535) 928n, 929n, 932, 936, 939f., 941n, 942, 951, 954n, 955f., Romagna, 2, 4, 6, 10ff., 13, 15ff., 18, 33ff., 36n, 38f., 41, 42n, 958n, 959ff., 963, 964n, 965f., 967n, 969, 973n, 975n,

55f., 58n, 62ff., 73, 78, 80, 96, 100n, 101, 103, 108, 976f., 982f., 988, 989n, 992ff., 995n, 996ff., 1000n,

113f., L19Off., 122, 125, 145, 262n, 263, 265, 276, 299n, 1001f., 1003n, 1008ff., 1012ff., 1015, 1017, 1019ff., 41ln, 412n, 421f., 559, 581f., 603, 677, 740, 742, 990; 1022n, 1024n, 1045ff., 1048, 1049n, 1050, LO6ITff.,

duke of, see Cesare Borgia 1501-1503 1066ff., 1069f., 1072ff., 1076n, 1077, 1079f., 1086f.,

Roman Academy, 273 1089, 1091, 1093f., 1095n, 1096, 1097n, 1099F.

Roman Catholic Church, 1, 10, 13, 16, 28, 41f., 58n, 66, 73, — Ronciglione, 537 75, 78f., 86, 91f., 95f., 100, 104n, 107f., 110, 113f., 118f., Ronco river, 115f. 120n, 121ff., 125ff., 130, 132, 134, 137, 139f., 143, 145, | Rondacchi, Pietro, commander of Greek and Albanian stradioti

147, 150ff., 154, 165n, 167, 190, 220f., 265, 277, 288f., ca. 1570: 991 299n, 310, 348, 354, 359n, 361, 401, 403f., 406, 413, Rorario, Girolamo, papal nuncio in Hungary ca. 1534: 369n, 41 5ff., 418, 420, 427, 430, 435f., 438, 452ff., 466f., 475, 405 484, 486n, 494, 496, 504n, 505, 507f., 511ff., 514,516, Rosetto, Alessandro, papal envoy to Charles V in 1550: 527 526, 528, 538, 540f., 544ff., 548ff., 552, 556, 558ff., 563, Rossano, 586, 689n, 744; archbishops of, see Vincenzo Pim-

580, 597n, 598, 601, 603, 612, 627f., 629, 635, 640, pinella 1525-1534?, Girolamo Verallo 1544—1549?/1550?, 642ff., 645, 656, 659, 662, 672n, 675, 681n, 708ff., 713ff., Gianbattista Castagna (Urban VII) 1553-1573? 716ff., 720, 723, 731, 739f., 747, 755ff., 769, 773, 779ff., Rossi, Girolamo, bishop of Pavia 1530-1541, 1550-1560: 526 783f., 787£., 790ff., 794, 796ff., 800ff., 803, 805, 807, Rosso, Andrea, Venetian secretary until 1527: 240n, 241, 242n,

809, 8LIff., 815, 817, 819f., 822f., 826ff., 846f., 862, 954n, 255n, 258n, 266, 268

880ff., 893, 900, 917, 942, 964n, 969, 998, 1071, 1088, Rota, supreme court of appeal of the Romagna, 12

1100; states of, see Papal states Rota, tribunal in the Curia Romana, 72, 202, 466, 492, 603,

Romano, Cristoforo, architect, engraver, sculptor (b. ca. 1470, 611. 644. 710. 779. 813. 824n

d. 1512), 140, 182 Rotunda (in Rome) 353 , 1275, AmboiseCharles 1494-1510, Georges d’ Am877, 960, Georges 1063 boised’ 1511-1550, de Bourbon 1550-15827

Romans, 7, 36, 60, 97n, 143, 153, 221, 272n, 277, 311, 353, 565 ° hbish f Eudes Rigaud 1248559, 621, 638, 663, 685, 719, 731, 737, 746, 751, 826, Rouen, 80n, 565n; archbishops of, see Puces Kigaud -

Romans, kings of, 191f., 354, 413, 415, 460, 716f., 766, 779, oe eee eee. ee eo”

796, 803, 806n, 816; and see Germany, kings of Rouland le Roux, French sculptor and architect (b. ca. 1465, Rome, 2ff., 5ff., 8f., 11, 13f., 15n, 16n, 29f,, 33ff., 36, 39f., d. 1527), 80n 42, 43n, 44, 45n, 47f., 49n, 50ff,, 54n, 56f., 58n, 59n, Round ships, 1007n

60, 62, 63ff., 66n, 67f., 68n, 69f., 71n, 72, 73n, 74ff., 78, Roussillon, 457 -_

80f., 83f., 85n, 86n, 88ff., 91, 93, 95ff., 98, 99n, 100, _Roverella, Philos, bishop of Toulon 1515-1518?, of Ascoli Pi-

102f., 104n, 107ff., 110, 111m, 112, 114 ff, 117n, 118ff., ceno 1518-1550?: 505, 516 121ff., 124, 126, 129f., 133f., 135n, 137f., 139n, 140, Rovereto, Romagnole town, 55 142, 144f., 148, 149n, 150ff., 153ff., 157, 158n, 159n, Rovigo, 63, 76, 77n, 1010 161f., 164, 165n, 166, 167n, 168ff., 172, 173n, 176n, Roxelana, “‘sultana’’ of Suleiman I (b. ca. 1505, d. 1558), 483,

178, 180, 181n, 183n, 186n, 187, 189, 191, 192n, 193, 493, 530, 562, 589, 591, 622n, 623n, 693, 699 194n, 195n, 196ff., 199, 200n, 202, 204, 206n, 210n, Rubiera, 287, 327, 333, 346 213n, 214n, 215n, 216, 218ff., 221ff., 224 ff., 229n, 230Ff., Rucellai, Annibale, nephew of Giovanni della Casa; bishop of

236, 239f., 242, 243n, 244, 247, 250n, 254n, 255ff., 258, Carcassonne 1569-1601: 633n, 636f., 679n

259n, 260, 262f., 264n, 265ff., 268ff., 271ff., 274f., 276n, Rudolf II, son of Maximilian II and Maria, daughter of Charles

1164 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT V; German king from 1575, emperor from 1576 (b. 1552, Saint George’s Bay, at Malta, 857, 874

d. 1612), 1020n, 1023, 1097n Saint Germain, 596; peace of (1570), 949 Rufo, Carlos, commander at the siege of Malta (d. 1565), 863, Saint Germain-des-Prés, 837; abbots of, see Guillaume Briconnet

866 the elder 1501-1507, Guillaume Briconnet the younger

Ruga Gaiufa (now Giuffa), in Venice, 237, 812 1507-1534

651ff., 656 211 Rumanians, 570 Saint-Honorat, in the Iles de Lérins, 471

Ruiz de Castro, Fernando, marquis of Sarria; imperial ambas- Saint Germain-en-Laye, 313, 623n sador to Rome ca. 1555: 635f., 638f., 641, 644ff., 648f., | Saint Gilles, M. de, in charge of munitions on Rhodes in 1522:

Rumania, 318n, 455n, 567n, 568n Saint Helena, mother of Constantine (b. 255, d. 330), 757

“Rumelia,”’ fort at the Gulf of Corinth, 1052 Saint James, protector of Spain, 85

Russell, (Sir) John, earl of Bedford from 1549/1550, English Saint James of Spata, Order of, 367n; commendator of, see

diplomat (b. 1486?, d. 1555), 258n, 266 Francisco de los Cobos (in 1533)

Russi, 264 Saint-Jean de Maurienne, bishop of, see Girolamo Capodiferro Russia, 150, 250n, 312n, 319, 775n, 1103f.; czars of, see Ivan 1544-1559

IV 1547-1584, Peter I 1682-1725 Saint John the Baptist, 213n

Russians, 568n, 1101f. Saint John the Evangelist, 79, 126f. Russka, 585 Saint John, Hospitaller church (at Rhodes), 207, 208n, 210,

Rustem Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir (d. 1561), 209n, 475n, 213n

476, 480n, 481n, 482f., 485, 493, 501n, 502n, 503, 504n, Saint John, Order of, see Hospitallers 531, 533f., 536, 555, 562, 585n, 586ff., 589f., 606, 622, Saint John, village on Malta, 855 623n, 630f., 647n, 661f., 692ff., 695ff., 698n, 699ff., 704f., Saint John of Jerusalem, patron of the Hospitallers, 208n

707£., 771, 830, 832. Saint John Lampadistes, monastic church on Cyprus, 756, 757n

Rusticucci, Girolamo, cardinal 1570-1603, bishop of Sinigaglia Saint Julian’s Bay, at Malta, 874 1570-1577?: 964f., 968n, 971n, 972n, 973n, 982n, 998n, Saint Lazarus, Knights of, Order, 740; protector of, see Carlo

999n, 1005n, 1013, 1019n, 1025n, 1060, 1070, 1074 Borromeo (d. 1584)

Ruthenians, 165n, 714 Saint Malo, bishop of, see Guillaume Briconnet the elder 1493-

; Saint Mary, Tower of (at Rhodes), 215 Sabac, see Shabats Saint Michael, church (in Alba Iulia), 577

1514; cardinal of, see Guillaume Briconnet the elder

Sabba da Castiglione, Hospitaller at Rhodes (b. 1485?,d. 1554), = Saint Michel, Order of, 676f., 744, 747

182f. Saint Nicholas, Tower of (at Rhodes), 210 Sabbioneta, 281 Saint Omer, 596 Sabellico, Marcantonio Coccio, Venetian historian (b. 1436, d. Saint-Papoul, bishops of, see Bernardo Salviati 1549-1561?,

1506), 82 Antonio Maria Salviati 1561-1567? Accolti Saint Paul, Gate of (at Rhodes), 215 Sacchetti, Antonio, secretary of Cardinal Carafa in 1556: 670, Saint Paul’s Bay (Qala ta San Pawl), at Malta, 857, 874f., 876n Sabina, cardinal-bishops of, see Francesco Soderini, Pietro de’ — Saint Paul, 121, 274n

711 Saint Peter, 121, 127, 133, 221n, 222, 274n, 455, 716

Sacraments, 126, 454, 497, 499f., 539, 541f.,679n, 710, 749, | Saint Peter, church (at Rome), 6f., 10, 30, 36n, 57, 75, 78,

779, 786, 788ff., 792f., 795, 805, 807, 809f., 816f. 95n, 110, 126n, 140, 145n, 154n, 175n, 202, 220, 255,

Sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, bull of Julius 11 (1511), 95, 111n 256n, 269, 270n, 271, 274, 283, 398f., 413, 444n, 473n,

Sadoleto, Jacopo, humanist and secretary to Leo X, bishop of 506f., 517, 525, 527, 528n, 529, 535, 538, 571f., 603n, Carpentras 1517-1535?, cardinal 1536-1547: 111n, 121n, 604n, 613, 614n, 615f., 620, 621n, 645, 675, 719, 738, 161n, 165, 169n, 172, 175n, 180, 195n, 255n, 394, 415, 741n, 753, 784, 815, 825, 846, 852, 881, 1002, 1014,

462, 464 1063, 1077

Safad (Zefat), 899n Saint Peter, primacy of, see Papacy, Papal supremacy

Safavid, dynasty in Persia 1502-1736: 25, 1094 Saint-Quentin, 323n, 681n, 685n, 686f., 690f., 697, 698n, 708, Sagona, bishop of, see Girolamo de’ Federici 1552-1562 918 Sagredo, Bernardo, Venetian provveditore generale in Cyprus Saint Stephen, king of Hungary 1000-1038: 566, 568n; crown

1562-1564: 756, 945n of, 252, 312, 314n, 332, 373, 530, 568f.

Sagundino, Alvise (Luigi), Venetian envoy to the Porte in 1494 Saint Stephen, Knights of, military Order, 872n, 873n, 1017n

and on later occasions, to Cairo in 1505 (d. 1506), 19f. Sainte Chapelle (in Paris), 302 Saint Andrew’s, archbishops of, see Innocenzo Cibo (admin.) _ Saintes, bishops of, see Francesco Soderini (admin.) 1507-1514,

1513-1514, Andrew Forman 1514-1522 Charles de Bourbon 1545—1550?

Saint Anne, arm of, 757 Saints, veneration of, 460, 499, 542, 812, 820ff. Saint Bartholomew, cathedral church (in Frankfurt), 716 Sala Beg (Sala Reis), Ottoman admiral (fl. 1552), 555, 586ff.,

Saint Bartholomew, massacre of (1572), 840, 1088 607n, 662

Saint Bernard, monastery near Bayonne, 838 Sala di Fasti Farnese (in the family villa at Caprarola), 661n Saint Blancard, baron of, see Bertrand d’ Ornesan Salamanca, 203n, 545n; bishops of, see Francisco Manrique de

Saint Catherine, Gate of (at Rhodes), 215 Lara 1556-1560, Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza 1560-1574 Saint Catherine, monastery near Mount Sinai, 28 Salentine peninsula, 446n, 586

Saint Ferme, abbot of, see Etienne Boucher (/7. 1551) Salerno, 294, 296, 583, 781; archbishops of, see Federigo Fre-

Saint Francis, 188n, 406; shrine of, at Assisi, 988n goso 1507-—1533?, Niccolo Ridolfi (admin.) 1533-1548?,

Saint George, Gate of (at Rhodes), 208n Girolamo Seripando 1554-1563, Marc’ Antonio Colonna

Saint George, Tower of (at Rhodes), 208, 210, 215 1568-1574?; Gulf of, 583; prince of, see Ferrante di San-

Saint George of Skorta, 367n severino (b. 1507)

INDEX 1165 Salians, imperial dynasty 1024-1125: 454 San Germano (Cassino), 659, 754 Salina, 857 San Giacomo, church (in Venice), 93

Salina Bay, at Malta, 874 San Giacomo degli Spagnoli, church (in Rome), 95n, 1014 Salines, harbor on Larnaca Bay in Cyprus, 46, 927, 962,972, | San Giacomo dell’ Orio, parish of Venice, 82, 83n

976, 978, 980, 990ff., 995n, 1004n, 1031n San Giorgio, cardinals of, see Raffaele Riario, Girolamo di Ca-

Salisbury, bishop of, see Lorenzo Campeggio (admin.) 1524-— podiferro

1539 San Giorgio Maggiore, Benedictine abbey (in Venice), 415 542, 787, 793, 812 San Girolamo, near Clissa, 421

Salmerén, Alfonso, Spanish theologian (b. 1515, d. 1585), 539, | San Giovanni Evangelista, scuola (in Venice), 333

Salo, 982n San Gregorio Magno, church (in Rome), 399 Salona (Amphissa), town northwest of Athens, (titular) bishop Sanjak, Turkish province, 898

of, see Georg Flach 1544-1555? San Jer6nimo de Yuste, monastery west of Toledo, 658, 717

Salona (Solin), village in southern Croatia, 343n, 421f. San Lazzaro, suburb of Siena, 605, 606n

Salonika, 591 San Lorenzo, cathedral (in Genoa), 328

Saltpeter, 102n, 158, 279n, 301, 337, 339, 368n, 585, 654, San Lorenzo, church (in Florence), 167n

675, 698n, 907f., 1032 San Lorenzo, Hospitaller church on Malta, 870

Saluti gregis, bull of Julius IT (1512), 136, 137n San Lorenzo in Damaso, church (in Rome), 168n Saluzzo, 237n, 268, 730; bishop of, see Filippo Archinto 1546- — San Luigi de’ Francesi, church (in Rome), 483n

1556; marquis of, see Michele Antonio (d. 1528) San Marco, 542; bishops of, see Coriolano de’ Martorani 1530-

Salvador, eminence on Malta, 854, 862f., 866f. 1551, Guglielmo Sirleto (admin.) 1566-1568? Salvago, Raffaele, Hospitaller at the siege of Malta, 1565: 858n San Marco, church (in Rome), 865, 1014

Salvator noster, bull of Leo X (1516), 164 San Marco, church (in Venice), 62n, 83, 92f., 219, 333, 427, Salvego, Matteo (‘‘Mateca’’), Venetian dragoman in Venice in 954, 1019, 1059f.

1571: 1011, 1012n, 1018 San Marco, scuola (in Venice), 333

Salviati, Antonio Maria, envoy of Pius V in 1571, bishop of | San Martino, lord of, see Sigismondo d’ Este (in 1555)

Saint-Papoul 1561—1567?, cardinal 1583-1602: 1071 San Martino, hill near Naples, 295f., 297n Salviati, Bernardo, bishop of Saint-Papoul 1549-1561?, cardinal San Michele (Isola S. Michele, Senglea), spur on Malta, 854, 1561-1568, bishop of Clermont (admin.) 1561—1568?: 520, 856ff., 861, 863f., 866ff., 869, 872f., 878

883n San Michele de’ Camaldoli, church (in Pisa), 106ff.; convent

Salviati, Chevalier de, relative of Catherine de’ Medici, her of, 107

envoy to Istanbul ca. 1562: 833, 834n San Moise, church (in Venice), 954 Salviati, Florentine family of bankers, 265 San Niccolo, bay at Cerigo, 1082f.

288f. San Niccolo (Venice), 1025

Salviati, Giacomo, father of Giovanni; imperial hostage in 1527: San Niccolo, castle at Sebenico, 970, 1023n Salviati, Giovanni, cardinal 1517-1553, bishop of Fermo 1518-— — San Niccolo da Bari, onetime chapel (in the Vatican), 10, 143,

1521, of Ferrara (admin.) 1520-1550, of Volterra (admin.) 197, 200, 221, 399n, 510n 1530-1532, of Teano (admin.) 1531-1535, archbishop of | San Nicola di Bari, church (in Bari), 656n

Santa Severina 1531-1535, bishop of Bitetto (admin.) San Nicolo, suburb of Piacenza, 261 1532-1539: 225, 288, 462, 506f., 509, 511f., 515, 517ff., San Paolo, gate (in Rome), 202

520ff., 525 San Paolo fuori le Mura, church (in Rome), 202, 398, 663

Salviati, Jacopo, Florentine banker (ff. 1517), 174n;asecretary San Paolo, priorate (in Sanseverino), 564n of Clement VII (d. 1533), 352, 355, 357ff., 361n, 367n, San Petronio, church (at Bologna), 40, 93, 103n, 117n, 330,

371n, 374n, 384, 387 337, 500, 716

Salzburg, archbishop of, 794, 810; archbishops of, see Matthias San Piero in Bagno, 264, 265n Lang 1512-1540, Johann Jacob von Kuen-Belasy 1561— —‘ San Pietro, cathedral (in Bologna), 500

1580? (d. 1586) San Pietro, church (in Trent), 491, 777

San Bartolommeo, church (in Rome), 688n; monastery of, 688n San Pietro, papal galley in the expedition of 1572: 1086

San Biagio della Pagnotta, church (in Rome), 140 San Pietro di Castello, church (in Venice), 333

San Celso, church (in Rome), 36 San Pietro in Montorio, church (in Rome), 740n Sanchez, Alonso, imperial ambassador in Venice in 1525 and San Pietro in Vincoli, church (in Rome), 126, 140; cardinals 1527: 237, 265, 274, 310 of, see Giuliano della Rovere (Julius II; d. 1513), Sisto Gara Sancho de Leyva, commander of Neapolitan galleys around della Rovere (d. 1517) 1560: 758, 760ff., 765f., 836, 871, 872n, 875, 905f. San Polo, 675

San Clemente, cardinals of, see Francesco Argentino, Gianbat- San Prospero, hill outside Siena, 592

tista Cicada San Rocco, church (in Rome), 718

Sancta Sanctorum, chapel (in Rome), 641 San Rocco, scuola (in Venice), 333

Sander, Michael, secretary of Cardinal Schiner in 1521: 195n — San Saluto, abbot of, see Vincenzo Parpaglia (in 1555)

San Domenico, church (on Chios), 896 San Sebastiano, church (in Venice), 756 San Domenico, church (in Siena), 592 San Sebastiano, gate (in Rome), 398 San Domenico, church (in Venice), 944 San Sepolcro, oratory (in Siena), 600 San Domenico, convent (in Bologna), 507n Sanseverino, 264n Sandomierz, palatine of, see Otto de Chodecz (in 1528) San Severo, 293

Sandomir, castellan of, see Nicholas Szydtowiecki (fl. 1527) San Silvestro, Theatine convent (in Rome), superior of, see

San Felice, castle (at Verona), 950n Geremia Isachino (fl. 1559)

San Felice sul Panaro, 114n, 261 San Sisto, cardinals of, see ‘Tommaso de Vio of Gaeta (Cajetan;

San Francesco della Vigna, church (in Venice), 944 d. 1534), Ugo Boncompagni (Gregory XIII; d. 1585) Sanga, Giovanbattista, papal secretary in 1532: 364n Sansovino, Andrea, Italian sculptor (b. 1460, d. 1529), 140

1166 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Sansovino, Francesco, Italian historian (b. 1521, d. 1583),203n Santa Sofia (in Italy), 264 Sansovino, Jacopo, architect and sculptor (b. 1486, d. 1570), | Santa Sophia, cathedral (in Nicosia), 948

21n, 161, 756 Santa Susanna, cardinal-priest of, see Girolamo Seripando (d.

Sant’ Agata dei Goti, bishop of, see Giovanni Beroaldo 1557- 1563)

1565 Santa Trinita, church (in Trent), 491f., 794

Sant’ Agostino, church (in Rome), 49n Santander, 244n

Sant’ Andrea, chapel (in Saint Peter’s), 1077 Santarcangelo, 292 Sant’ Andrea, church (in Paliano), 650 Santiago (Santiago de Compostela), 639n; Order of, 632, 899, Sant’ Angelo, 135n; cardinals of, see Federigo di Sanseverino 1014

(d. 1516), Matthias Lang (d. 1540) Santi Apostoli, church (in Rome), 140, 168, 272, 280f., 646 Sant’ Angelo, bridge (in Rome), 398f. Santi Giovanni e Paolo, church (in Venice), 40n, 62n, 68n,

Sant’ Angelo, section of Rome, 272n 1044n, 1100

Sant’ Angelo a Scala, 754 Santi Pietro e Paolo, church (in Famagusta), 927 Sant’ Antonio, in Famagusta, 1041n Santi Quaranta, eminence on Chios, 895 Sant’ Arcangelo, 39, 140, 581n San Toma, parish in Venice, 279

Santa Caterina, eminence on Malta, 854f., 856n San Tommaso, site of mills on Chios, 895

Santa Chiara, church (in Naples), 1024 Santoni, Ruberto, commander in the expedition of 1570: 982n

Santa Croce, hospital (in Siena), 600 Santorin, 25, 401

Santa Croce, Prospero, papal nuncio in France in 1562: 785 Santoro, Leonardo, Italian historian (d. 1569), 255n, 258n, Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, church (in Rome), 663; cardinal- 263n, 283n, 284n, 294n, 295f., 306ff.

priest of, see Marcellus II (Marcello Cervini) Santo Spirito, church and hospital in Rome, 270f., 1014 Santa Crux (Stavrovouni), monastery on Cyprus, 757 Santo Stefano, castle at Budua, 1025 Santa Cruz, marquis of, see Alvaro de Bazan (d. 1588) Santo Stefano, hill (on Rhodes), 205 Santa Fiora, 634ff., 872n; cardinal of, see Guido Ascanio Sforza Santo Stefano in Piscinola, parish in Rome, 272n (d. 1564); counts of, see Bosio II Sforza (d. 1535), Mario | Santo Stefano in Vaticano, church of, 741n

Sforza (d. 1591) San Trovaso, church (in Venice), 21

Santa Fosca, section of Venice, 403n Sanudo, Angelo, author of a dispatch from Civitavecchia in

Santa Maddalena, church in Faenza, 183n 1527: 261n

Santa Margherita, eminence on Malta, 854, 863, 866; Her- | Sanudo, Leonardo, father of Marino (d. 1476), 83

mitage of, at Malta, 863 Sanudo, Marino (‘‘the Younger’’), Venetian historian (b. 1466, Santa Maria, cathedral in Buda, 459 d. 1533), 1ff., 5, 12, 19ff., 22n, 26, 27n, 30, 34, 37, 44,

Santa Maria, Latin cathedral of Rhodes, 208n 48, 53, 57, 59, 61, 62n, 66, 74n, 76, 80, 81n, 82, 83n, Santa Maria (Tigné Point), on Malta, 854f., 856n, 858 84f., 92f., 102n, 104n, 111n, 115ff., 123, 125f., 128, 132, Santa Maria Celeste, church and convent (in Venice), 944 134, 139, 140n, 141, 143n, 149, 151n, 153, 157, 160n,

Santa Maria Formosa, church (in Venice), 429n, 812 168n, 173n, 176n, 185, 195n, 201, 205f., 219ff., 224, Santa Maria Maggiore, church (in Rome), 140, 1077 233, 237, 245, 249n, 260ff., 280, 283, 288, 298, 30If., Santa Maria Maggiore, church (in Trent), 491f., 777n, 782, 305, 331, 333f., 337n, 341, 345n, 360, 365, 372n, 375

788 Sanudo, Pietro, Venetian captain in 1570: 954

Santa Maria d’ Anglona and Tursi, bishop of, see Giulio de’ San Vigilio, cathedral (in Trent), 491f., 494, 537f., 547, 777n,

Grandi 1548-1560? 786f., 789n, 795, 808, 809n, 818, 822f.

Santa Maria degli Angeli, church (in Rome), 881 san v, 2 church un Venice) 21, 93

219, 660 an Zaccaria, church (in Venice), 954 . -

Santa Maria del Popolo, church (in Rome), 100, 134, 140, 183, San tale, Churc (in . avenna), 96n

Santa Maria del Rosario, feast of, 1100 Sanz”. Sigismondo, secretary of Alberto Pio of Carpi in 1525:

Santa Maria de la Mejorada, abbey, 42n Sa ona 1084f£

mK , peace of (1618), 1098n

Santa Maria dell’ Anima, German church (in Rome), 220, 270n Satab 7 Santa Maria della Carita, scuola (in Venice), 333 Saracens, see Moslems Santa Maria della Vittoria, chapel at La Costa, 60 Saracinopoli, Nicolo, Greek killed during the siege of Famagusta

Santa Maria delle Grazie, monastery near Arco, 52n in 1571: 1035n

Santa Maria di Giesu, church (in Messina), 1067n Saragossa, 187, 216n, 324, 1020 Santa Maria in Aracoeli (Araceli), church (in Rome), 143n, — Sarajevo, see Vrh Bosna 846n, 1063, 1067, 1099; cardinal of, see Clemente Dolera Sardinia, 171, 216, 392, 397n, 701, 871, 891, 914, 916, 920,

Santa Maria in Cosmedin, church (in Rome); cardinal-deacon 973n, 1047n, 1057, 1104

of, see Reginald Pole Sardinians, 973n

Santa Maria in Portico, palace (in Rome), 5n Sarlat, bishop of, see Niccolo de’ Gaddi (admin.) 1533-1545? Santa Maria sopra Minerva, church and Dominican convent Sarno, bishops of, see Pompeo Colonna (admin.) 1530-1532,

(in Rome), 180, 353, 443n, 458n, 529, 688, 718ff., 770n Francesco Sfondrato 1543-1544 Santa Maria del Fiore, cathedral (in Florence), 161 Sarpi, Paolo, historian of the Council of Trent (b. 1552, d.

Santa Marina, onetime church (in Venice), 68n 1623), 486n, 541n, 827, 1100

Santa Marina, site of vineyards at Famagusta, 1041 Sarria, marquis of, see Fernando Ruiz de Castro (ca. 1555) Santa Maura (Leucadia, Leukas), island of, 11f., 584, 607n, Sarzana, 859

1051, 1068, 1075, 1083, 1102ff. Sassia, 270n Santa Severa, 701 Sauli, Bandinello, bishop of Gerace and Oppido 1509-1517,

Santa Monica, 49n Satalia (Setelye, Adalia), 971

Santa Severina, archbishops of, see Giovanni Salviati 1531-1535, bishop of Albenga (admin.) 1513-1517, cardinal 1511-

Giulio Sertorio 1535-1554? 1518: 167f.

INDEX 1167 Sauli, Franco, Genoese podesta of Chios (removed 1552-1553), | Schmalkalden, 405, 406n, 416ff., 421; League of (1531), 354,

893 361, 400, 405, 415f., 452, 473n, 482n, 484, 494ff.;

Sauli, Genoese family, 957n ““Schmalkaldic War’’ (1546), 484, 503

1559: 526n 290n

Sauli, Girolamo, archbishop of Bari 1540-1550, of Genoa 1550- = Schnepff, Anton, vicar of the church of Speyer ca. 1527: 274n,

Sava river, 442 Scholasticism, 497 Savelli, Jacopo, cardinal 1539-1587, bishop of Nicastro (admin.) | Schonberg (Schomberg), Nicholas, Dominican; archbishop of 1540-1554?, archbishop of Benevento (admin.) 1560- Capua 1520-1536, cardinal 1535-1537: 184n, 223, 224n,

1574?: 523, 611ff., 618, 620, 638, 733f., 752 226, 242n, 249n, 258n, 311

Savelli, Roman family, 5, 663 Schweinfurt, diet of (1532), 358

Savi (in Venice), 21, 474, 954, 1009 Sciberras, Mount, on Malta, 854, 856f., 863, 870 Savi agli Ordini (in Venice), 82, 1061 Scipione d’ Arco, imperial official; envoy to Rome in 1560:

Savi alla Terraferma, Venetian, 334, 1061 741, 742n, 802, 865

Savi del Consiglio (in Venice), 267, 1061 Scoppiettieri (fusiliers), 14

Savignano, 39 Scotists, 497

Savona, 10n, 41, 42n, 102, 139n, 140, 284, 623, 701, 915; Scotland, 48, 76, 87, 99, 142n, 150, 236n, 237n, 847; rulers

bishop of, see Agostino Spinola (admin.) 1528-1537 of, see James IV 1488-1513, James V 1513-1542, Mary Savonarola, Girolamo, Dominican prior at Florence (b. 1452, 1542-1567; regent of, see John Stuart 1514/1515-1524

d. 1498), 4n Scots, 87, 150, 788n

Savorgnan, Ascanio, author of a description of Cyprus in 1574: Scotti, Gian Bernardino, archbishop of Trani 1555-1559», car-

941n dinal 1555-1568, bishop of Piacenza 1559-1568?: 644,

Savorgnan, Girolamo, bishop of Sebenico 1557-—1573?: 790 885

Savorgnan, Girolamo, Italian soldier (b. 1466, d. 1529), 76n = Scotti, Tommaso, Dominican inquisitor in Rome in 1559: 718 Savorgnan, Giulio, Count; Venetian governor-general of the | Scotto, Honorio, head of infantrymen sent to aid Famagusta

militia in Dalmatia in 1570 (b. 1516, d. 1595), 932, 937, in 1571: 1007n

941, 954, 987n, 1005n Scrittura presentata alli Eccellentissimi, La, petition for surrender Savoy, 48, 55, 159n, 160n, 236n, 237n, 338, 368, 399, 414n, during the 1571 siege of Famagusta, 1035 440, 473, 485, 647, 708f., 767n, 786, 801, 807f., 812, Scuola della Carita (in Venice), 93 818, 820, 836f., 871, 872n, 903, 910n, 915ff., 955,957, Scuole, in Venice, 1019 994n, 1026, 1047, 1055; dukes of, see Charles 111 1504- = Scutari (Chrysopolis, Uskudar), suburb of Istanbul, 205, 233,

1553, Emmanuel Philibert 1553-1580; and see Philiberta 278, 387, 591, 707n

of Savoy (d. 1524), Louise of Savoy (d. 1531), Eugene, Scutarini, Alessandro, bishop of Tenos and Mykonos 1533-

prince of Savoy (d. 1736) 1559?: 755

Savoy-Piedmont, 709 Sebastian, son of Prince John of Portugal and Joanna, daughter Saxeta, Antonio, papal servitor in 1509: 65 of Charles V; king of Portugal from 1557 (b. 1554, d.

Saxons, 530, 570, 788n 1578), 775, 1016, 1019, 1063n, 1064, 1095f.

Saxony, 421, 435, 544f.; dukes of, see Frederick III (Wettin) | Sebastian von Heusenstamm, elector of Mainz 1545-1555, 1486-1525, George (Albertine) 1500-1539, Maurice (Al- archbishop of Mainz 1545-1555: 539, 546, 628 bertine) 1541-1553, Augustus (Albertine) 1553-1586, Sebastiano, brother-in-law of Pietro Dovizi da Bibbiena (/1.

Johann Ernst (Ernestine; d. 1563); electors of, see Duke 1512), 133 Frederick III, Johann Friedrich 1532-1554 Sebastien de I’ Aubespine, French ambassador to Spain in 1560, Scala, 149n; bishops of, see Balthazar del Rio 1515-1540, Gas- bishop of Limoges 1558-1582: 767

paro dal Fosse 1548-1551 Sebenico (Sibenik), 45, 193n, 301f., 407n, 423, 459, 469, 694f.,

Scala Santa (in Rome), 641 790, 922n, 923, 927, 929, 948, 953, 970, 1014, 1023n, Scanderbeg (George Castriota), Albanian national hero 1443- 1026n; bishops of, see Giovanni Staffileo 1512-1528, Gio-

1468: 795 vanni Lucio Staffileo 1528-1557, Girolamo Savorgnan

Scandinavia, 628, 755, 828; and see Denmark, Norway, Sweden 1557-1573?; “count” of, see Marino Moro (fl. 1507)

576 Secca, jetty at Famagusta, 1038n

Scaramuccia, would-be assassin of George Martinuzzi in 1551: | Sebes (Mihlbach), 318n, 576

Scardona (Skradin), 206n, 254, 1014 Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), 494 Scarpanto (Karpathos), 975, 980, 984f., 987n, 988, 993 Seda, Pietro Paolo, attendant of Marc’ Antonio Bragadin at

Scarperia, 594n Famagusta in 1571: 1039

261n Sees, 565n

Scarpinello, Agostino, Milanese ambassador to England in 1527: Sedan, lord of, see Robert de la Marck

Schepper, Cornelius, Austrian envoy to Istanbul in 1533: 245n, Segna (Senj, Zengg), 37, 200n, 244n, 355, 358n, 361n, 378n,

363n, 367n, 371n, 373ff., 376ff., 379ff., 382fF., 385ff., 477n, 482, 532, 608, 843, 933, 1100; counts of, see Ber-

388fF., 392 nardino de’ Frangipani (until ca. 1525), Cristoforo de’

Scheyern, alliance of (1532), 361n Frangipani (d. 1527)

Schiner, Matthias, bishop of Sitten 1499-1522, cardinal 1511- Segnatura, 625, 627, 710 1522: 87, 88n, 101n, 113n, 117n, 118f., 125, 128f.,130n, Segovia, 42n, 890, 905, 906n, 910; bishop of, see Martin Pérez

132n, 133, 160, 165n, 181n, 195n, 200 de Ayala 1560-1564; Park of, 910n, 911

Schiner, Peter, nephew of Matthias; Hospitaller at Rhodes (ff. | Seld, Georg, imperial vicechancellor in 1563: 803f.

1517), 181n Selim I (Yavuz, ‘‘the Grim’’), son of Bayazid II; Ottoman sultan

Schism, 3, 92, 100, 104, 105n, 107f., 11 0ff., 121, 123, 125f., 1512-1520: 38n, 84, 122ff., 127, 133, 141, 148n, 150ff., 134, 136, 139, 145n, 149f., 154, 170, 415, 500, 504, 156, 158, 163ff., 166, 169f., 174f., 180n, 181, 183ff., 187, 51 Off., 541f., 544, 559, 651, 657f., 665, 679n, 749, 757, 190n, 191, 193, 194n, 198, 203, 214, 234, 409, 449n,

786f., 798, 808, 846 929

1168 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Selim II (‘the Sot’’) son of Suleiman I and Roxelana; Ottoman Sforza, Alessandro, brother of Guido Ascanio, bishop of Parma

sultan 1566-1574: 339n, 342, 367, 401, 530, 562, 59IFf., 1560-—1573?, cardinal 1565-1581: 634, 636, 884 698n, 699, 708n, 768, 830n, 833n, 834, 837f., 840, 846, Sforza, Ascanio Maria, son of Francesco and Bianca; bishop of 856n, 879, 899, 907, 912f., 921ff., 924, 926, 930ff., 933f., Pavia 1479-1505, cardinal 1484-1505, bishop of Cremona

939f., 945, 948f., 951, 953, 954n, 960, 970, 990, 1001, (admin.) 1486-1505: 4, 8f., 56n, 140 1007, 1011, 1015, 1037, 1053n, 1061, 1067, 1068n, 1069, Sforza, Bona, daughter of Gian Galeazzo and Isabella d’ Aragona

1075, 1087f., 1089n, 1091, 1092n, 1095ff. of Naples; wife of Sigismund I of Poland 1518-1548 (d. Selimiye, mosque (in Nicosia), see Santa Sophia 1557), 312, 316n, 317n, 319, 656, 689n, 744 Semendria (Smederevo), 84, 199, 334n, 442, 472, 479n Sforza, Bosio, son of Federico; count (II) of Santa Fiora (d.

Seminaries, 826 1535), 403; wife of, see Costanza Farnese

Semlin (Zemun, Hung. Zimony), 204, 254, 845 Sforza, Carlo, son of Bosio and Costanza Farnese; prior of

Senate, Milanese, 111 Lombardy (b. 1524, d. 1571?), 533, 535, 548, 634

Senese, 598ff., 603, 709 Sforza, Caterina, bastard daughter of Galeazzo Maria Sforza; Sens, archbishops of, see Antoine Duprat 1525-1535, Louis de wife of Girolamo Riario (1473) 1477-1488 (d. 1509), 16n Bourbon (admin.) 1535-1557, Jean Bertrand (admin.) Sforza, Francesco Maria, son of Lodovico Maria and Beatrice

1557-1560 d’ Este; duke of Milan (II) 1521-1525, 1529-1535: 196, Septizonium, 399 304n, 322, 323n, 329f., 332f., 338n, 738n Sensa, Venetian ceremony, 61 219, 224ff., 228, 230f., 239, 241f., 261n, 266, 285, 298n,

Seraglio, see Old Seraglio (Topkap Saray) Sforza, Gian Galeazzo, son of Galeazzo Maria and Bona of Seraphina, Spanish ship (ca. 1565), 871, 872n Savoy; duke of Milan 1476-1494: 312, 656n; wife of, see

Serbelloni, family, 739n, 885 Isabella of Aragon (d. 1524) Serbelloni, Gabrio, captain in the Swiss guard at the Vatican Sforza, Giovanni, cousin of Lodovico Maria Sforza; lord of in 1560: 746 Pesaro 1483-1500, 1503-1510: 9, 1I1f.; wife of, see LuSerbelloni, Gian Antonio, bishop of Foligno 1557-1560, car- crezia Borgia 1493-1497 dinal 1560-1591, bishop of Novara 1560-1574?: 739 Sforza, Guido Ascanio, son of Bosio and Costanza Farnese;

Serbia, 150, 199, 444, 570, 1104; “‘despot’’ of, see Jacob Basilicus bishop of Montefiascone and Corneto 1528—-1548?, cardinal

Serbs, 209, 570, 574 1534-1564, bishop of Parma (admin.) 1535-1560?: 403, Sereni, Battista, Venetian messenger in 1503: 2 404n, 495, 507f., 514ff., 518, 520ff., 523, 533, 549, 552,

Sereno, Bartolomeo, author of an account of the war of Cyprus 585n, 592, 603n, 611ff., 614, 617ff., 620, 634f., 638, (fl. 1574), 928n, 958, 960, 983f., 988, 1024, 1027n, 1074n, 640f., 646, 648, 666, 668f., 687, 721ff., 724ff., 727ff.,

1075n, 1078, 1083n, 1084, 1091 730f., 733f., 736f., 739n, 742f., 751, 885n

Seripando, Girolamo, archbishop of Salerno 1554-1563, car- Sforza, Lodovico Maria (‘il Moro’’), son of Francesco and Bianca

dinal 1561-1563: 498, 581n, 583n, 610, 615n, 621n, 626, Maria Visconti; duke of Bari 1479-1494, of Milan 1494-

796f., 803, 807f. 668

701, 717n, 773ff., 776ff., 779n, 780ff., 783, 785ff., 788, 1500 (d. 1508), 68n, 129n, 130f., 135, 196, 645, 665, Sermoneta, lord of, see Onorato Caetani (from 1574) Sforza, Mario, son of Bosio and Costanza Farnese; count of Sernini, Nino, Mantuan agent in Rome in 1542: 462 Santa Fiora in 1571 (b. 1530, d. 1591), 634, 1061 Serrano, Luciano, historian (b. 1879, d. 1944), 966n, 977, Sforza, Massimiliano, nephew of Maximilian I and son of Lo-

1024, 1084n, 1094 dovico Maria and Beatrice d’ Este; duke of Milan 1512-

Serravalle all’ Adige, 47n 1515 (d. 1530), 125n, 130ff., 134f., 145, 148n, 161, 230n Serristori, Averardo, Florentine ambassador to Rome in 1554: = Sforza, Ottaviano, bishop of Lodi 1497-1519, of Arezzo 1519-

427n, 599n, 600n, 601, 618n, 619n, 641, 662n, 814n, 1525: 130

860n Sforza, Paolo, commissioner-general of relief force for Malta

Sertorio, Giulio, archbishop of Santa Severina 1535-1554?: in 1565: 871, 872n

518n, 525n Sforzeschi, 131, 161n, 230, 248, 634, 750

Servanzio da S. Severino, Astolfo, diarist of the Council of — Sfratati, 710

Trent ca. 1561-1563: 776 Shabats (Sabac), 199, 204, 224, 254 Servi (Elafonisi), 1082 Shiites (Shi‘ites), 38, 104n, 127, 164n, 589f. Servia, Miguel, author of a contemporary account of the battle | Shusha (Karabagh), 590

of Lepanto (d. 1574), 1053n, 1081ff., 1084, 1086f. Si summus rerum opifex, bull of Julius II (1513), 138 Servites, Order of, 93; and see Costantino da Parenzo Sicco, Niccolo, imperial envoy to Istanbul ca. 1545, conclavist Sessa (Sesa), 273, 307; dukes of, see Luis de Cordova (i. 1523), of Otto von Truchsess in 1549: 480n, 490, 493, 520n

Gonzalo Fernandez de Cordoba (d. 1578) Sicilians, 644, 760, 764, 850, 875, 890, 906, 918

Sessa Aurunca, bishop of, see Tiberio Crispi 1543-1546? Sicily, 14, 34, 53, 71f., 99, 115, 119, 155n, 156n, 172, 177,

Sessola, 295n 179, 184, 190, 192ff., 208n, 212, 213n, 214ff., 235, 274, Severoli, Ercole, procurator of the Council of Trent in 1545: 295, 304, 329n, 344, 345n, 347, 352, 355f., 361, 392f.,

492, 496n, 499n 395, 397, 429, 431, 445f., 450, 470, 500, 533, 535, 539,

Seville (Sevilla), 203n, 239n, 243n, 554, 865, 915, 957, 958n, 544, 554, 556, 560f., 582, 585, 589, 609, 623, 632, 635, 961, 962n, 983; archbishop of, see Juan Garcia de Loaisa 637, 642, 644f., 647, 653, 664f., 674, 678, 686n, 691,

1539-1546 698, 701, 722n, 758, 760, 762, 765f., 776, 811, 823, 831,

Sfax, 762 834, 841, 843, 844n, 854, 857ff., 861f., 866, 870ff., 873, Sfondrati, Niccolo, see Gregory XIV 876, 878, 887, 889ff., 894, 899, 90I1f., 905, 907, DIITf.,

Sfondrato, Francesco, bishop of Sarno 1543-1544, archbishop 914, 916, 920f., 922n, 936f., 940, 947, 957ff., 960, 962, of Amalfi 1544-1547, cardinal 1544-1550, bishop of Ca- 965f., 967n, 969, 972n, 973, 979, 982, 985, 998n, 1001,

paccio 1547-1549, of Cremona 1549-1550: 509, 510n, 1008, 1012, 1016, 1020, 1022f., 1025, 1045, 1047n,

513, 519, 522 1048n, 1055, 1062, 1063n, 1066, 1070, 1076, 1081, 1088,

INDEX 1169 1094f., 1104; see also Naples, kingdom of (‘‘Sicily’’); “Two — Siliceo, Juan, bishop of Cartagena 1541-1546, archbishop of

Sicilies,”” 177, 193, 238, 678n; viceroys of, see Ferrante Toledo 1546-1557, cardinal 1555-1557: 644 Gonzaga (from 1535), Juan de Vega (in 1551), Juande la _Silvestro de’ Gigli, bishop of Worcester 1498-1521: 44, 162n Cerda (ca. 1559), Garcia de Toledo (in 1565), Ferdinando _—_Simitecolo, Niccolo, owner of a Venetian ship seized at Naples

Francesco d’ Avalos 1568-1571 in 1522: 212n

Sidon, bishop of, see Michael Helding (titular) 1538-1550 Simon de Begno (Begnius), bishop of Modrus 1509-1536: 147f.,

Siena, 7, 12n, 15, 102, 110, 112, 151, 167f., 219, 242, 255f., 406n

264, 265n, 267, 272, 332, 412, 464, 537, 564n, 592ff., Simon de Zereni-Erdevd, bishop of Zagreb 1519-1543: 430n 595, 598ff., 603ff., 623, 637, 642, 647ff.,651, 655f.,661f., Simonetta, Lodovico, bishop of Pesaro 1537-1561?, cardinal 664n, 670ff., 676ff., 683, 684n, 685f., 709, 711, 735, 738, 1561-1568: 773, 776ff., 780f., 783ff., 786n, 787ff., 794,

750, 811, 818, 956, 1017; archbishops of, see Francesco 796, 797n, 800, 805, 808f., 818f., 821, 823, 825f. Todeschini Piccolomini (Pius III) 1459-1503, Giovanni Simony, 3, 113, 138, 434n, 509f., 611, 626, 710, 796, 808 Piccolomini 1503-1529, Francesco Bandini de’ Piccolomini Sinai, Mount (Jabal Musa), 28 1529-1588?; bishop of, see Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (Pius Sinan, Ottoman architect (b. 1489, d. 1578 or 1588), 530

II) 1450-1458; council of, 505; duke of, see Cosimo Ide’ Sinan Pasha, brother of Rustem; Ottoman admiral (d. 1578), Medici (d. 1574); tyrant of, see Pandolfo Petrucci (d. 1512); 554f., 585, 588, 765

1028 1574 (d. 1596), 1095

war of, 592ff., 595ff., 598ff., 6O1fF., 604ff., 625, 749, 754, Sinan Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir and commander at Tunis in

Sienese, 368, 470n, 549, 592ff., 595f., 599ff., 602, 604, 606n, —Sinclitico, Eugenio, count of Rocas, cavalry commander ca.

633, 664, 709, 738n 1570: 991, 992n

Sieradz, 312, 323; palatine of, see Jerome Laski (ca. 1528) Sinclitico, Giovanni, killed by the Turks after the siege of Fa-

Sigismondo d’ Este, lord of S. Martino in 1555: 618n, 621n magusta (1571), 1042 Sigismondo de’ Conti (da Foligno), papal secretary (b. ca. 1440, | Singmoser, Marcus, secretary to Ferdinand I in 1563: 803f. d. ca. 1512), author of the Historiae sui temporis (1475- —_ Singrenius, Ioannes, publisher in Vienna (jl. 1532), 414n

1510), 3f., 10n, 33, 39, 56, 58n, 65, 72, 95, 105n, 110 Sinigaglia (Senigallia), 4, 5n, 6, 12n, 118, 166; bishops of, see Sigismondo della Torre (Fanzino), Mantuan envoy to Charles Marco Vigerio della Rovere 1476-1513, Marco Vigerio

V in 1531: 263, 280, 344f. della Rovere 1513-1550?, Girolamo Rusticucci 1570-

Sigismondo di Cavalli, Venetian ambassador to Spain around 1577? 1567 (b. 1530, d. 1579), 909n, 928, 933, 945f., 950f., Sipahis, Turkish cavalry, 53, 128, 278, 342, 367, 700, 759n, 953, 957n, 958, 961, 962n, 965n, 966f., 972; Venetian 761, 767, 834, 842, 855, 856n, 894, 895n, 898, 965, 976,

ambassador to France ca. 1571: 1049n 1055, 1059, 1095

Sigismund I, son of Casimir IV and Elizabeth, daughter of Siphnos (Sifanto), 899; ruler of, see Niccolo Gozzadini (ca. 1571) Albrecht II of Austria; king of Poland 1506-1548: 54n, Siponto, see Manfredonia 67n, 144, 158, 159n, 180, 192, 198, 208n, 216n, 217n, Sirigo, Bartolommeo, bishop of Castellaneta 1544-1577?: 794,

219n, 235f., 237n, 250n, 252, 255n, 256n, 273n, 285, 810n, 821f., 824

300, 312ff., 315ff., 318ff., 321, 323f., 335f., 341, 357n, Sirleto, Guglielmo, cardinal 1565-1585, bishop of S. Marco

371, 377, 412, 416n, 444n, 489, 656n, 714 (admin.) 1566—1568?, of Squillace 1568-1573?: 884

Sigismund II Augustus, son of Sigismund I and Bona Sforza; Sirmium (Mitrovica), bishop of, see Stephen Broderic 1526?-—

king of Poland from 1548 (b. 1520, d. 1572), 503, 628, 1539

656n, 714f., 744, 775, 809, 922, 938, 963, 1014ff., 1019, Sirvan, 1097

1061n, 1063n, 1087, 1089n Sis (Kozan), katholikos of, see Christopher (ca. 1561)

Sigismund, son of Joachim II of Brandenburg and Hedwig, Sistine Chapel (Sistina, in the Vatican), 10, 140n, 143, 196f., daughter of Sigismund I of Poland; archbishop of Magde- 200, 220f., 260, 266, 282n, 506ff., 509, 511, 519, 527,

burg from 1553 (Protestant from about 1561), b. 1538, 529, 617ff., 620, 628, 645, 649, 717, 719, 722, 724, 732,

d. 1566: 773n 734f., 737f., 753, 956

Sigismund von Herberstein, envoy of Ferdinand I (b. 1486, d. —_Sitia, 980n, 981ff., 984, 987n, 988; Gulf of, 984

1566), 317 Sitten, bishops of, see Matthias Schiner 1499-1522, Paolo de’

Sigismund von Thun, Count, layman in attendance at the Cesi (admin.) 1522-1529?

Council of Trent in 1562: 778f., 791, 824n Sivas, 503, 591

Signori Capitani, defenders of Famagusta in 1571: 1036 Sixtus IV (Francesco della Rovere), Franciscan, cardinal 1467Signori governatori, governors (12) of Chios, 895f., 898 1471, pope 1471-1484: 4n, 34, 36, 39, 58, 72, 140, 153ff.,

Signori Otto di Pratica (in Florence), 265n, 274, 275n, 278n 519n

Signori Procuratori (in Venice), 82 Sixtus V (Felice Peretti), Franciscan, cardinal 1570-1585, pope Signoria (in Florence), 81, 91f.,97n, 99, 105, 108f., 111, 114f., 1585-1590: 1077

119f., 121n, 144 Skara (Scarensis), bishop of, see Joannes Franciscus de Potentia

Signoria (in Genoa), 131, 893, 1023 (from 1523)

Siguenza, 545n; bishops of, see Bernardino de Carvajal 1495- _— Skiathos, island in the Aegean, 17

1519?, Juan Garcia de Loaisa 1532-1539, Pedro Pacheco Skrofa, promontory near Lepanto, 1052ff., 1055 1554-1560, Francisco Manrique de Lara (in 1560), Diego — Skyros, largest of the northern Sporades, 17, 446

Espinosa 1568-1572 Slankamen, village in northern Serbia, 254, 570

Siklos, in southern Hungary, 845 Slavonia, 253, 310n, 442, 444n, 921 Silber, Euchario, Roman printer (fl. 1480), 111n Slavonic language, 91n, 385

Silber (or Franck), Marcello, printer and bookseller in Rome Slavs, 99, 608; and see Czechs, Poles, Serbs, Uskoks

(fl. 1511-1512), 111n Sleidan, Johann, historian and reformer (b. 1506 or 1508, d. Silesia, 292n, 320n, 435, 459, 567, 790 1556), 528, 543

Silesians, 178 Sliema, on Malta, 854

1170 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Slovakia, 314, 315n, 584, 814n 750, 752 ff., 755, 758, 764, 766f., 769f., 775, 779, 784,

Smederevo, see Semendria 789, 794, 797, 801, 803, 805, 806n, 808, 812, 817, 819, Smyrna (Izmir), 347n, 395n, 1102n 828, 833f., 838, 840, 842f., 846f., 859, 865n, 869n, 871,

Societas charitatis Urbis, Roman legal-aid society, 748; see also 872n, 873, 877n, 882, 883n, 884ff., 887f., 889n, 890F.,

Luis de Torres 894, 899f., 902, 906f., 910n, 911ff., 914ff., 917, 919F.,

Socrates of Athens (d. 399 B.c.), 564 929, 932ff., 935n, 938f., 941f., 944ff., 949ff., 953n, 955ff., Soderini, Francesco, bishop of Volterra 1478-1509, cardinal 958, 960n, 961ff., 966n, 969, 972, 973n, 979, 982f., 989,

1503-1524, bishop of Saintes (admin.) 1507-1514, of Vi- 995n, 996ff., 999, 1000n, 1008f., 1011, 1014, 1016, cenza 1514-1524, of Anagni (admin.) 1517-1523: 3f., 1018n, 1019n, 1020n, 1021, 1022n, 1023, 1024n, 1048,

147, 167f., 218, 222 1051, 1055, 1059, 1062n, 1064, 1067f., 1070, 1079, 1081,

Soderini, Giovanni Battista, Florentine observer in the camp 1086ff., 1089n, 1093, 1096ff., 1100; Hospitallers from,

of Lautrec in 1528: 308n 207; kings of, see Ferdinand II 1504-1516, Charles I (Em-

Soderini, Giuliano, Florentine envoy to France in 1528: 297 peror Charles V) 1516-1556, Philip II 1556-1598, Philip Soderini, Piero, appointed gonfalonier of Florence for life in III 1598-1621, Philip IV 1621-1665, Philip V 1700-

1502 (b. 1452, d. 1522), 91, 103, 114n, 131f. 1746

Sofia, 383, 478f., 766 Spalatin, George, humanist, chancellor to Frederick the Wise

Soissons, 708n of Saxony (b. 1484, d. 1545), 229n Solarolo, 264 Spalatin, Nicholas, doctor present at the meeting at SchmalSoliman di Rossi, present on Cyprus in 1568: 934 kalden in 1537: 417 Somerset, Charles, Lord Herbert, English ambassador to France _— Spalatini, 695

in 1506 (b. 1460?, d. 1526), 48 Spalato (Split), 123f., 343n, 378n, 383, 421, 423, 451n, 476,

Sommaripa, Francesco, uncle of Niccolo; lord of Andros in 608, 691, 694f., 923, 932, 948, 953, 1026n; archbishops

1506: 38n of, see Bernardino Zane 1503-1524, Andrea Corner 1527-

Sommaripa, lords of Andros and Zia, 899 1532?

Sommaripa, Niccolo, Venetian lord of Paros and Andros (d. | Spandugnino, Teodoro, historian of the Turks, papal com-

1506), 17, 38n missioner in 1525: 411

Soncino, town near Crema, 298n Spaniards, Spanish, 1, 3, 5, 6n, 11, 15, 17, 23f., 40, 46, 53, Sopoto, 1025, 1050, 1069f., 1091 76ff., 85, 91, 100f., 107, 109, 112, 114, 116f., 119, 122n, Soranzo, Benedetto, Venetian commander on the Adriatic 132ff., 137, 142f., 147, 177f., 226, 228, 234, 257, 259,

around 1564: 842 261ff., 264, 270f., 273, 281f., 283n, 286, 289n, 290ff.,

Soranzo, Giacomo, Venetian ambassador to France in 1556 293ff., 300, 304f., 363n, 364, 371f., 375, 378, 397, 442, and to Rome in 1565, bailie in Istanbul from 1566: 645n, 457, 466, 500, 519, 533, 539n, 546, 558, 569, 583f., 648, 666, 671, 675, 680, 683, 685n, 686, 694, 697, 698n, 592ff., 595, 600, 612n, 617ff., 625n, 630, 632, 637, 641, 740f., 815, 847, 85I1n, 886n, 891f., 923, 925, 931, 933, 644, 645n, 649, 651ff., 654, 656f., 658n, 659, 662, 665ff., 950n; special envoy to Maximilian II in 1570: 954n, 993, 668, 674, 676f., 679f., 682ff., 685n, 686, 688n, 691, 693, 994n, 1000; appointed provwveditore generale in 1571: 698, 708, 710, 720, 722ff., 725, 727ff., 730ff., 733ff.,

1065, 1078ff., 1082ff. 739, 741, 743, 750, 754f., 759ff., 764n, 765, 774, 777f.,

Soranzo, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador to Spain in 1563: 781, 783ff., 788, 791, 793, 796f., 805, 807, 809, 812, 726n, 810n; Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1570: 992, 816, 821, 822n, 826, 827n, 831ff., 836, 838, 840ff., 843, 994f., 998, 1001n, 1002, 1009, 1013ff., 1016, 1063, 1070, 848n, 850, 854n, 857, 870f., 875ff., 878f., 883n, 884,

1072, 1074, 1076n, 1077 887ff., 890f., 9OIf., 9O5Ff., 9O8F., 911, 913n, 914, 916FF.,

Soranzo, Girolamo, Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1563: 920, 926, 939f., 943, 957, 962f., 970, 978, 998n, 1008n,

740ff., 886n 1009f., 1012f., 1015, 1017, 1020n, 1021, 1024, 1026,

Soranzo, Vettore, Venetian provveditore in 1528: 295 1029, 1047ff., 1051, 1066f., 1070f., 1073f., 1077f£., 1081,

Sorbonne, 777n, 793; see also Paris, University of 1084n, 1085n, 1086, 1089, 1094f., 1098f.

Soriano, 743, 748 Spanish empire, 1098 Sorrento, 297, 305, 701; bishop of, see Francesco Remolino — Spanish Inquisition, 140, 914, 1098; see also Inquisition, In-

1501-1512? quisitors

Sovana, bishop of, see Alfonso Petrucci 1510-1513 Spanish language, 91n, 399, 626n, 795, 853, 1016n Sozomeno, Giovanni, author of a contemporary account of the | Spannocchi, Ambrogio, owner of a palace in Siena, 599

events of 1570: 992n, 995n Spannocchi (or Spanocchi), Sienese banking family, 7, 102

Sozzini, Alessandro, author of an account of the War of Siena = Sparlarga, Domenico, Venetian merchant in Cairo (fi. 1511),

(b. 1518, d. 1608), 593n, 597ff., 600ff., 604f., 606n 26

Spain, 1, 6n, 7, 14f., 16n, 18n, 26f., 29, 34f., 39, 41f., 46,48, Sparta (Lacedaemon), 136n, 193 52, 59n, 60, 62n, 63, 69, 71, 84f., 96n, 98n, 100, 101n, Spedale di S. Maria della Scala (in Siena), 604n; rector of, see

102f., 109, 114, 117, 119, 120n, 125f., 132n, 137, 140n, Scipione Venturi (in 1554) 156, 175, 177ff., 183, 187ff., 191, 193, 198, 200, 209n, Spedt, Friedrich, agent of Albrecht of Brandenburg, friend of

210, 216, 222f., 230n, 239, 246, 249n, 252n, 257, 258n, Carlo Carafa ca. 1556: 749f.

268, 272, 274, 286, 290ff., 298, 300, 311, 315, 322, 328, | Spenser, Edmund, English poet (b. 1552?, d. 1599), 1

329n, 332, 337n, 344, 356, 358n, 360, 366n, 369, 377f., Speyer, 322n, 348, 353, 452, 466, 476ff., 557n, 595, 993,

380, 385, 389, 393, 395f., 397n, 400n, 414, 424, 427, 994n; ‘‘Protestation” of (1529), 353; vicar of, see Anton 431, 445f., 448n, 450, 451n, 453, 456, 457n, 461, 464, Schnepff (ca. 1527) 466, 503, 514, 534, 538, 540, 546, 554, 558, 565, 567, Sphacteria, 1084 600, 623n, 626n, 632f., 642n, 644f., 647, 650, 657, 661Ff., Spina, Aurelio, chamberlain of Cardinal Borromeo in 1560:

664n, 665, 666n, 667f., 670f., 674, 676, 679n, 680n, 684, 746

687, 691, 693, 697f., 701, 705ff., 708, 709n, 714, 717, Spina, Cesare, Calabrian assassin allegedly sent against Paul IV,

719f., 726ff., 729, 731f., 734f., 739, 741, 743ff., 747, ca. 1555: 639n

INDEX 1171 Spinalonga, fortress near Candia, 1101n 1561, cardinal 1557-1571, bishop of Albi (admin.) 1561Spinelli, Francesco, brother-in-law of Marino da Pozzo (fi. 1523), 1568, archbishop of Aix 1568-1571: 678, 724, 725n, 733

221n Strozzi, Pietro, son of Filippo; Italian soldier and partisan (d.

Spinelli, Gasparo, Venetian secretary in England ca. 1526 and 1558), 465n, 495, 552f., 563, 583, 599ff., 602ff., 605n,

1527: 237n, 249n, 254n, 255n, 259n 650, 660f., 668, 673, 675, 677, 678n, 682ff., 685fF., 712,

Spinelli, Marchio, Venetian holder of a bursary to study Turkish 751n

in Istanbul ca. 1573: 909n Stuart, John, son of Alexander, duke of Albany and Anne,

Spini, Francesco, secretarial functionary under Paul IV: 633n daughter of Bertrand II, count of la Tour d’ Auvergne; Spinola, Agostino, bishop of Perugia 1509-1529, cardinal duke of Albany and regent (1514/1515~—1524) of Scotland 1527-1537, bishop of Savona (admin.) 1528-1537: 268n (b. 1481, d. 1536), 224ff., 231

Spinola, money-lenders in Rome, 102 Stuart d’ Aubigny, Robert, count of Beaumont-le-Roger, French Spisska Nova Ves (German Zipser Neudorf, Hung. Iglo), town commander in the Neapolitan campaign of 1501: 118n

in east central Slovakia, 315n Stuhlweissenburg (Alba Regia, Szekesfehervar), 251f., 355n,

Spisské Podhradie, castle and town northwest of Kosice, 315n 472, 479, 697, 1102; governor of, see Arslan Beg (in 1552) Spoleto, 268, 412n; bishop of, see Flavio Orsini 1562-1580? Stura di Demonte, 160 Spot, Ruloff, German ‘‘newspaper” printer, ca. 1509: 72n Sturion, Giorgio, Venetian infantry captain in 1527: 286 Squarcialupi, Dardano, Famagustan nearly killed by the Turks Sturm, Johannes, German educationist (b. 1507, d. 1589), 415n

in 1571: 1040f. Styria, 192, 231, 244, 249, 365f., 433n, 442, 574, 661, 790,

Squarcialupi, Zorzi, present on Cyprus in 1568: 934 792n; duke of, see Emperor Frederick II] 1435-1486 Squillace, bishop of, see Guglielmo Sirleto 1568-1573? Styrians, 921

Squillace, Gulf of, 765 Suardino, Giacomo, Mantuan ambassador to the imperial court

Stabia, castle of, 394n in 1525 and 1527: 229n, 232n, 260n, 280

Stadtturm (in Waidhofen an der Ybbs), 366n Suarez, Lorenzo, Spanish ambassador in Venice in 1504: 35n, Staffileo, Giovanni (Ivan Stafilic), bishop of Sebenico 1512- 41n

1528: 173, 174n, 175, 180n, 184 Subashi, Turkish chief of police, 898

Staffileo, Giovanni Lucio, bishop of Sebenico 1528-1557: 494 Subiaco, 1087

Stampalia, see Astypalaea Sublime Porte, 156, 477n, 940n, 949n, 1075, 1091, 1092n;

Staphylus, Friedrich, German theologian (b. 1512, d. 1564), and see Ottomans

804 Sublimis Deus, bull of Paul III (1535), 417 456f., 444n Suda, fortress near Candia, 110In Stavrovouni, 757 Suda Bay, harbor at Crete, 970, 975, 978ff., 985ff., 988, 1022 Statilius, John, bishop of Alba Iulia 1539-1554: 318f., 321f., | Suceava, capital of Moldavia, 444

Stefano de’ Mari, owner of a flagship in the relief force for Suez, 926

Malta in 1565: 871, 872n Suleiman I (Kanuni, ‘“‘the Lawgiver;” ‘‘the Magnificent’’), son Stellata, 76 of Selim I; Ottoman sultan 1520-1566: 28, 164, 193ff.,

Stendardo, Matteo, leader of the papal lancers in Rome in 198ff., 201ff., 204f., 206n, 207ff., 210n, 211f., 213n,

1556: 660, 670 214ff., 217ff., 223f., 227n, 233, 235f., 240, 245f., 247n, Stepanakert, 590 314f., 316n, 318f., 321, 322n, 324ff., 327, 329, 332, 336, Steno, Michele, doge of Venice 1400-1413: 68n 249, 250n, 251ff., 254, 274, 278f., 284, 292n, 301f., 303n, Stephen (‘the Great’), ruler of Moldavia 1457-1504: 37 339, 341ff., 344n, 346ff., 349n, 350n, 352, 354f., 357n,

Stern (von Labach), Peter, author of an account of the siege 358n, 359n, 360ff., 363ff., 366ff., 370f., 374f., 378, 380ff.,

of Vienna in 1529: 326n 383, 384n, 385ff., 388f., 391n, 392f., 396, 398n, 400ff.,

Steyr, 444n 406f., 409, 414f., 420, 421n, 422ff., 427, 430ff., 433n, Stile, John, correspondent of Henry VIII in 1512: 132n 437, 442, 444, 448, 449n, 450f., 455f., 458ff., 461n, 464f,,

Stradioti, 14, 53, 238n, 304, 932, 937, 991 468, 470ff., 475f., 477n, 478ff., 481ff., 485, 487n, 489n,

Strassburg (Strasbourg), 111n, 543 490f., 493, 494n, 501ff., 517, 529f., 532f., 534n, 536, Strassoldo, Federico, of Gorizia, imperial envoy to Feriz Beg 550n, 556, 562, 566ff., 569, 574, 578, 584, 586, 588ff.,

in 1510: 88f. 591, 607, 622, 623n, 624, 630f., 645f., 650, 653, 661,

Strazzola (a Strasoldo), Panfilo, papal nuncio in Poland in 1536: 665, 678f., 682f., 690, 692f., 694n, 695fF., 698fF., 702,

416n 704n, 705ff., 708, 714, 758, 759n, 762n, 763n, 765, 767f., Strettura, 268 845f., 852, 856n, 861n, 862, 865, 878f., 889ff., 894n, Street of the Knights (in Rhodes), 208n, 216 772, 786, 815f., 829ff., 832ff., 835ff., 838f., 841f., 843n,

Strongoli, bishop of, see Timoteo Giustiniani 1568-1571 895n, 896ff., 899, 907, 912f., 921ff., 929ff., 990, 1037,

Strophades (Stamphane), 903, 1084 1091; wife of, see Roxelana (d. 1558)

d. 1905), 795n , aw ‘ a

Strossmaver. loseph. bish £ Diakovo f Suleiman II, brother of Mehmed IV; Ottoman sultan from yer, Joseph, bishop of Dja rom 1849 (b. 1815, 1687 (b. 1641, d. 1691), 1102

oan y y , grea que of Sule i

Strozzi, Antonio, Florentine ambassador to Rome from 1511: Suleiman Pasha, Ottoman grand vizir in 1687: 1102

109n il 4f. 190 ‘Suleiman Reis,t Turkish corsair (fl. ca. 1567), 923f. , ,112 ° Suleymaniye Camii mosque of Suleiman I, in Istanbul

Strozzi, Filippo, father of Leone and Pietro (b. 1489, d. 1538), (finished 1557), 530, 645 599n; wife of, see Clarice de’ Medici (d. 1528) Sulmona, 293; bishops of (bishops of Valva and Sulmona), see

Strozzi, Florentine banking family, 265, 684 Andrea della Valle (admin.) 1519-1521, Pompeo Zam-

in 1562: 781 1560)

Strozzi, Giovanni, Florentine ambassador at the Council of Trent beccari 1547-1571; prince of, see Philippe Lannoy (1.

583 de S. Severino, 774n, 827

Strozzi, Leone, brother of Pietro, admiral (b. 1515, d. 1554), Sulpizia, niece of Angelo Massarelli and wife of Marguritius Strozzi, Lorenzo, brother of Pietro; bishop of Beziers 1547— — Sumatra, 348, 771, 926

1172 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Sunni (Sunnites), 38, 104n, 127, 164n, 590 Szolnok, 585 Superna illius ordinatione, bull of Leo X (1513), 148n Szydiowiecki, Christopher, Polish chancellor and castellan of

Surian, Agostino, brother of Antonio (ff. 1530), 353 Cracow ca. 1528: 313, 318n, 319, 335n

Surian, Angelo, seeks the Turkish armada ca. 1570: 986, 988 | Szydtowiecki, Nicholas, kinsman of Christopher; castellan of

Surian, Antonio, Venetian ambassador to England and Florence Sandomir and treasurer of Sigismund I (fl. 1527), 319 in the 1520’s: 159n, 186n, 195n, 199n, 206n, 225, 229n, 276n, 308, 331n, 338n, 340f., 345n, 347, 353, 410n

Surian, Anzolo, owner of a galley ca. 1568: 934 Tabriz, 152, 483n, 503, 590, 1097f. Surian, Michele (Michiel), Venetian ambassador to Charles V —_ Taddeo de’ Gaddi, archbishop of Cosenza 1535-1561, cardinal

and to Philip and Mary in the Netherlands and in England 1557-1561: 733, 736 1554ff., 1557ff.: 632n, 668n, 681n, 683n, 690, 691n, 709n; Taghri Berdi, Mamluk dragoman in 1506: 20ff., 23, 26, 29f.,

ambassador to France in 1560-1561: 767n; ambassador 32

to Rome 1568-1571: 951, 955f., 961f., 963n, 969, 989n, Tagliacozzo, 260 992, 994, 995n, 998, 1001n, 1002, 1009, 1013ff., 1016, Tagus river, 744, 915

1019, 1046f. Tahmasp I, shah or “‘sophi” of Persia 1524-1576: 384, 503, 1565: 843, 844n Taleazzi, Stefano, archbishop of Antivari 1473-1485, bishop

Surian, Niccolo, Venetian naval commander in the Adriatic ca. 562, 582, 590ff., 622, 645, 768, 833, 942, 1094, 1097

Suriana, Venetian galley, 954 of Torcello 1485-1514, titular archbishop of Patras 1485Surier, Nicolino, citizen of Famagusta and bearer of letters 1514 (d. 1516?), 154f., 357n

from Isma‘tl I to Venice in 1510: 25 Talmonte, prince of, see Louis de la Trémouille (b. 1460, d. Surrey, earl of, see Thomas Howard (b. 1443, d. 1524) 1525)

Susa, 130n, 160, 224, 283, 915 Tametsi non est dubitandum, Tridentine decree on clandestine

Sussidio, 771, 959f., 969, 1014, 1094n marriages (1563), 818 Sutri, 282; bishops of, see Michele Ghislieri (Pius V) 1556- Tana (Azov), 830 1560, Tiberio Crispi (admin.) 1565-1566; see also Nepi, Tangier, 1095

bishops of Tanta est clavium, bull of Julius II (1511), 110, 111n

‘‘Suzaha Zauso,”” Turkish envoy to Venice in 1543: 472n Taranto, 586, 644, 1026; Gulf of, 895n Suzanne de Bourbon, daughter of Pierre II de Beaujeu and ‘Taranto, archbishops of, see Francesco Armellino de’ Medici Anne de France; wife of Charles de Bourbon-Montpensier 1525-1528, Antonio di Sanseverino 1528-1543, Marc’

(b. 1491, d. 1521), 238 Antonio Colonna 1560-1568

Sveti (Saint) Jakov, church (in Sibenik), 174n Tarnow, 314f., 318f., 321

Swabia, 790 Tarnowski, John, Polish noble and soldier (b. 1488, d. 1561),

Sweden, 417, 769, 773n 319 Swiss, 29, 43n, 47, 53, 77, 87, 88n, 106n, 111, 112n, 114n, Tarquinia, 713; see also Corneto

118f., 122, 125, 128f., 131ff., 135, 137, 147f., 159f.,165n, | Tarragona, archbishops of, see Girolamo Doria (admin.) 1533-

173, 175, 177, 184, 186n, 200, 224, 227n, 231, 237n, ?, Antonio Agostino 1576-1586

263, 286, 305, 361n, 483n, 550, 664n, 676, 680, 682f., Tartaro river, 69n

707n, 751n, 786, 911, 1019 Tasso, Bernardo, Italian poet (b. 1493, d. 1569), 826

Swiss guard (Vatican), 36, 746 Tassoni, Lucrezio, correspondent of Sigismondo d’ Este in 1555: Swiss mercenaries, 75, 145, 181n, 196, 257, 275, 297, 601, 618n

666, 675, 681, 684f., 916, 1019 Tata (Dotis), 472, 479, 699f., 707, 921

Switzerland, 87n, 91n, 125, 136, 173, 184n, 186n, 231, 237, Tatars, 150, 184n, 250n, 256n, 314, 316, 324, 356f., 365,

361n, 457, 539n, 557, 918n; Catholic cantons of, 740, 374, 412, 448n, 466, 830, 1068, 1087

781, 916 Taxation, 1, 78, 178, 223, 240, 276, 412, 454, 474, 481, 505,

Sylvester II, pope 999-1003: 568n 525, 532, 565, 595n, 642, 681, 685, 719, 771, 812f., 820,

Synods, 813 823, 900, 909f., 921, 959, 1043 Syracuse, 235, 352, 539, 554, 758, 761n, 866, 869, 871, 872n, Taylor, John, English diplomat and master of the rolls (d. 1534),

875n, 876, 890, 1045 297

Syria, 1, 19f., 29, 31, 33, 102n, 128, 151, 164f., 169f., 174, | Teano, 109; bishops of, see Francesco Borgia 1495-1508, Gio-

175n, 176, 179, 183ff., 198, 200, 214, 218, 240n, 338, vanni Salviati (admin.) 1531-1535

343, 344n, 356n, 428, 451, 503, 532, 833, 842, 907,926, Tebaldeo, Giacomo, Ferrarese ambassador in Venice in 1531:

927n, 929, 963, 970, 1027, 1032n, 1043, 1049 288n, 346 Syrians, 99 Tegernsee, 827n

Szakmari, George, bishop of Grosswardein 1502-1505, of |Teldi, Francesco, merchant sent by Venice to the soldan in

Funfkirchen 1505-1523, archbishop of Gran 1523-1524: 1504: 19

236 Telese, 713; bishops of, see Giovanni Beroaldo 1548-1557,

Szalkai, Ladislas, bishop of Vacium (Waitzen) 1515—-1523?, of Angelo Massarelli 1557-1566 Erlau 1523-1524, archbishop of Gran 1524-1526: 236, Temesvar (Timisoara), 556n, 570, 572ff., 584f., 590, 844, 1104;

244n Banat of, 584, 1104

Szatmar-Bereg, in northeastern Hungary, 845 Tendilla, count of, see Inigo Lopez de Mendoza (fl. 1560)

Szeged, 254, 323, 434n, 466, 573, 581, 584 Tenedos, 1101

Székesfehérvar, see Stuhlweissenburg Tenes, 234

Szeklers, 570 Tenizynski (Teczynski), Stanislaus, Polish envoy to Istanbul in

Szepes (German Zips, Slovak Spis, Polish Spisz), region in Hun- 1553: 589 gary, 315, 363; count of, see John Zapolya (d. 1540) Tenos, 407n, 755, 756n, 899, 948, 971, 1080, 1102f.; bishops

Szepsi, 566 of (see also Mykonos), see Alessandro Scutarini 1533—1559?,

Sziget (Szigetvar), 679n, 700, 845f., 890, 907 Marco Grimani 1559-1594?; governor of, see Girolamo

Szlachta, Polish gentry, 714 Paruta (in 1570)

INDEX 1173 Teramo, 292; bishops of, see Bartolommeo Guidiccioni 1539- —‘Tintoretto, Domenico, son of Jacopo; painter (b. 1562?, d.

1542, Giovanni Jacopo Barba 1546-1553 1635), 1100

Tercios, Spanish regiments, 916, 1021 Tintoretto, Jacopo, Venetian painter (b. 1518, d. 1594), 1100

Termes, eur de, oe Paul de Labarthe Tisza river, 314, 585

Terni, 268, 283; bishop of, see Giovanni Jacopo Barba 1553- _— Titel, village in northern Serbia, 570

1565 Titian (Tiziano Vecelli), Venetian painter (b. 1477, d. 1576), Terra d’ Otranto, 431n 457n, 484, 631n, 1100

Terra di Lavoro, 309 Tivoli, 646, 663, 675, 717, 803, 1047 Terracina, 412, 593, 652, 656, 660, 881; bishop of, see Ottaviano Tlemcen, 234 Raverta 1545-1562 Todeschi, money-lenders in Rome, 102

‘“Tetrarchs,’”’ sculpture on the church of S. Marco in Venice, Todi, 6n, 290ff.; bishop of, see Federico de’ Cesi 1523-1545?

93 Tokaj (Tokay), town in Hungary, 252, 314, 845, 921

Teufel, Erasmus, baron of Gundersdorf, commander at Fil’ Tokat, 589

akova in 1552 (d. 1552), 584 Toledo, 86, 107, 237f., 369, 658, 726, 744, 751n, 774n, 846;

Teuffenbach, Christoph, imperial ambassador to Istanbul in archbishops of, see Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros 1495-

1567-1568 (d. 1598), 921f. 1517, Juan Siliceo 1546-1557, Bartolome Carranza de Teutonic Knights, 144 Miranda 1557-1576 Theater of Marcellus (in Rome), 626 Toledo, Francisco, Jesuit scholar and diplomat, nominated as Theatines, Order of, 625n, 711f.; see also Geremia Isachino, cardinal in 1578 (b. 1532, d. 1596), 1087

Paul IV, San Silvestro, Bernardino Scotti Tolfa, alum mines at, 49, 475

Thebes, 1101 Tolommei, Claudio, Sienese humanist (b. 1492, d. 1555), 470, Theiner, Augustin, historian, prefect of Vatican Archives (b. 471n

1804, d. 1874), 827 Tomicki, Peter, Polish vicechancellor, bishop of Cracow 1523~ Theiss (Tisza) river, 570, 1103 1536: 313ff., 316n, 317ff., 320f., 324n, 325n, 335n, 341n,

in 1551 ’

Thenaud, Jehan, guardian of the convent of Cordeliers in An- 352n gouléme and companion of André Le Roy ca. 1512: 27f. Tommaso de Vio (Cajetan), Dominican general from 1508,

Thérouanne, 596 cardinal 1517-1534, archbishop of Palermo 1518-1519?, Thessalonica (Saloniki), 542; and see Macarius, “archbishop”’ SOP oo 1519-1534: 111n, 125ff., 183, 191n, 192n, Thomas Aquinas, Saint (b. ca. 1225, d. 1274), 454, 626n, 794. “Tommaso di Sanfelice, bishop of La Cava 1520-1550?: 682f.,

Thomas de Foix, brother of Gaston; lord of Lescun, grand 721, 772, 775n, 776 marshal of France 1515 (d. 1525), 166, 173, 196n, 224 | Tomory, Paul, archbishop of Kalocza 1523-1526: 247n, 249 Thomas de Lazcano, captain of Gran (Esztergom) in 1533: 371 eon Francesco, Mantuan ambassador to Rome in 1561:

Thomas of Canterbury, Saint (b. 1117/1118, d. 1170), 462n Jen

Thomists, 497 Tor di Nona (in Rome), prison, 718, 752, 753n, 754

in :

Thouars, viscount of, see Louis de la Trémouille (b. 1460, d. Toralta, sytesoe sprospective recruiter for the Holy League

Thrace 150, 177, 591 Torcello, bishops of, see Stefano Taleazzi 1485-1514, Girolamo

Thuringia, 543 di Porzia 1514-1526, Giovanni Delfino 1563-1579

Tiber river, 8, 5, 7, 8n, 12n, 40, 155n, 234, 266, 270, 277, TOrestt, church (In Venice), 984 281£., 310,718f., 358, 470,742, 560, 626, 648, 665, 667n,804, 668, 687, ere aoe.ams cn tueGs Vatican Palace), 528, 880, 882, 688n, 752, 753n, 1099 oo. , , , , , Torre di Piazza (in Siena), 600 Fe ee 0 29%n. 299. 98% Torre Massarelli (in Trent), 777n ; ‘ , wae ; , Torre Savella (in Rome), 718 Tiepolo, Almoro, Venetian captain of the fuste in 1570 (d. Torremaggiore, marquis of, see Gianfrancesco di Sangro (jf

1597), 969 370)" » Marq , gro Vt

Tiepolo, Antonio, Venetian ambassador to Spain in 1565 and Torrenieri, 601 1571; bailie in Istanbul in 1573 (b. 1526, d. 1582), 843, Torrente Fersina, 7771 879, 888, 890f., 909n, 1021 ff., 1048n, 1062n, 1064, 1068, +op+ente Nure, 261

__1092n, 1095f.; envoy to Spain in 1572: 1079 Torresella, prison in the doges’ palace in Venice, 79 Tiepolo, Bajamonte, Venetian conspirator in 1310 (d. ca. 1328), Tortona, bishop of, see Uberto di Gambara 1528-1548?

85n Tortosa, bishops of, see Hadrian Florisze (Hadrian VI) 1516-

Tiepolo, Lorenzo, Venetian captain of Paphos, defender of 1522, Wilhelm van Enkevoirt 1523-1534

Famagusta (d. 1571), 1017, 1027ff., 1032f., 1036ff., 1039, — osabezzi, Francesco, castellan of Mantua ca. 1564: 826 ; 1042 . ; Toscanella (Tuscania), 140, 282 Tiepolo, Niccolo, Venetian diplomat (d. 1551), 338n, 347, 358, Tosinghi, Pierfrancesco, Florentine ambassador to Rome in

_ -$60n . 1511: 95n, 97f., 100, 102n, 103f., 106n, 108, 109n, 112

Tiepolo, Paolo, Venetian ambassador to Spain in 1559, to Rome Tossignano, 39 in 1565-1568 (d. 1585), 726, 846, 907, 928, 1011n; special Totila, leader of the Ostrogoths (d. 552), 274, 306

envoy of Venice to Rome in 1571: 1070n, 1072, 1074, Toul, 561, 596, 647, 708, 888, 890

1076n, 1077, 1090, 1094 Toulon, 471ff., 656, 699n, 1088; bishops of, see Philos Roverella

Tiepolo, Stefano, Venetian captain-general in 1543, envoy to 1515-1518?, Agostino Trivulzio (admin.) 1524-1535, Istanbul ca. 1554 (d. 1557), 469, 472n, 480n, 481n, 536 Antonio Trivulzio 1535-1559 Tiepolo, Tommaso, galley commander ca. 1510: 90, 228n Toulouse, 838; archbishops of, see Odet de Chatillon de Coligny

Tighina (Bender, Bendery), Moldavian customs fortress, 444n (admin.) 1534-1550, Antoine de Meudon (admin.) 1550-

Tigris river, 590 1559, Georges d’ Armagnac (admin.) 1562-1582?; 1584Timar, Turkish “‘fief,” 700 1585, Paul de Foix 1582-1584

1174 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Tournai, 914 Trevisana, Venetian galley (ca. 1530), 302

Tours, 91, 136; archbishop of, see Georges d’ Armagnac (admin.) Treviso, 55, 60, 65ff., 76, 134, 425, 547; bishops of, see Fran-

1548-1551? cesco Pisani (admin.) 1528-1538?, Giorgio Corner 1538“Tract of 1518,’ 188 1577?

Trani, 55, 293n, 294f., 309n, 329, 331n; archbishops of, see = Tricarico, 294n

Giovanni Domenico de Cupis (admin.) 1517-1551?, Gian —‘ Tricquerie, Sieur de la, French agent in Istanbul ca. 1572: 840

Bernardino Scotti 1555-1559? Trier, archbishop of, see Johann von Isenburg 1547-1556

Tranquillo, secretary to Antonio Rincon in 1527: 314 Trieste, 52, 63, 249, 389, 405, 421, 582, 904

Translatio imperti, 716, 742 Triesting river, 366

Translations, 496, 530n, 536, 568n, 587, 589n, 631,694,699, Trignano (‘‘Tressenana”’), 261n

762n Tripoli (in Africa), 23, 85, 234, 351, 352n, 373, 396n, 553n,

Transubstantiation, 453, 460, 540 555f., 560, 758ff., 762f., 765, 831, 833, 835, 857, 874,

Transylvania (German Siebenbirgen, Hungarian Erdeély), 54n, 930, 934, 943, 961, 963, 968, 1015f., 1021, 1081, 1086;

216n, 235, 248n, 252ff., 291, 292n, 312, 314, 318, 321, sheikh of, 759n

342, 352n, 390, 391n, 407, 436, 442ff., 455n, 461, 466, Tripoli (in Syria), 21, 25, 343, 1042f. 479, 485n, 487, 530, 546, 555f., 560, 565ff., 568ff.,571ff., Tripolitania, 86, 1095

574ff., 577ff., 580f., 582n, 609, 630n, 633n, 646, 692, Tristamo, 985 698, 705, 707, 755, 771, 830, 832, 834f., 844f., 852,865, Trivigiani, see Treviso 880, 886, 890, 899, 921f., 1015, 1098, 1103; prince of, | Trivulzio, Agostino, bishop of Asti 1509-1519, cardinal 1517see Stephen Bathory (from 1571); voivode of, see John Za- 1548, bishop of Alessano 1521-1526, of Toulon (admin.)

polya (from 1511) 1524-1535, of Brugnato (admin.) 1539-1548, of Bayeux Transylvanians, 466, 569f. (admin.) 1541-1548: 291, 311n, 403, 413, 414n Trapani (in Sicily), 397, 535n, 871, 890, 1095 Trivulzio, Antonio, bishop of Toulon 1535-1559, cardinal

Trapesa, village northwest of Famagusta, 1035 1557-1559: 664, 676n, 678, 682, 689, 706

Trastevere, 269ff., 272, 685 Trivulzio, [Gian] Antonio, bishop of Como 1487-1508, cardinal

Trau (Trogir), 421, 423, 923, 929, 948, 953, 1026n; count 1500-1508: 205n

of, 1100n Trivulzio, Gian Giacomo, ‘il Magno,” Milanese commander Trautesdorf, 388 of French troops (b. 1441, d. 1518), 68, 93f., 100, 122,

Trebbia river, 261 129, 135, 160 Trebisacce, 586 Trivulzio, Scaramuccia, bishop of Como 1508-1517, cardinal Trebizond, 128n, 147, 156, 949n; governor of, see Selim I 1517-1527: 205n, 269n

Tréguier, bishops of, see Louis de Bourbon (admin.) 1538- _—_—‘Trivulzio, Teodoro, Milanese commander (b. 1474, d. 1551),

1542, Ippolito d’ Este (admin.) 1542-1548 225n, 268n, 276n, 284

Trent, 52, 63, 69, 74, 96, 125, 341, 405, 420, 462f., 466, Troia, 290, 293 470, 482, 487f., 490f., 493, 495, 518, 554, 603n, 611, Tron, Antonio, Venetian procurator in 1509: 61f. 773f., 776, 777n, 800, 809; bishops of, see Johann IV Tron, Francesco, galley commander in the expedition of 1570:

Hinderbach 1466-1486, Bernhard von Cles 1514-1539, 988

Cristoforo Madruzzo 1539-1567, Lodovico Madruzzo Tron, Pietro, Venetian galley commander, 766n, 982, 984n,

1567-1600; Council of (1545-1563), 142, 309n, 397n, 1005

432n, 443n, 462ff., 466f., 471n, 478, 480n, 481, 484, Tron, Santo, Venetian galley commander, 982, 984, 988n, 486ff., 489ff., 492ff., 495ff., 498ff., 501ff., 506, 508, 510, 1006 513ff., 518, 520n, 526f., 529, 537ff., 540ff., 543ff.,546ff., Troni, family related to Girolamo Savorgnan, 76n

550, 554n, 557, 559, 561, 563, 566, 612ff., 615n, 618, Tronto river, 292

626, 682, 708n, 720, 723, 725n, 726n, 741f., 744n, 756, ‘Troddos, 756, 991 758, 768ff., 771ff., 774ff., 778ff., 781ff., 784ff., 787ff., Tropea, 1025; bishop of, see Giovanni Poggio 1541-1556? 790ff., 793ff., 796ff., 799fF., 802ff., 805ff., 808fF., 811ff., Troy, 203n 814ff., 81 7fF., 820ff., 823ff., 826ff., 829, 831, 834, 853n, Troyes, bailli of, see Jean de Dinteville (ff. 1533); bishop of,

856n, 881, 883 see Louis de Guise 1545-1550? Treviglio, 59, 61 Tubingen, 248n, 543 Treville, 488, 497 Tumanbey (Tuman Bai), viceroy, then soldan of Egypt (1516Trevisan, Andrea, Venetian envoy to Milan in 1516: 161n 1517), 165f.

Trevisan, Angelo, Venetian captain-general of the sea in 1509: Tunis (Tunisia), city and kingdom of, 23, 38n, 85n, 235, 392f.,

59n, 76f. 395ff., 398, 400, 405f., 412f., 431, 446, 458, 460, 472f.,

Trevisan, Domenico, Venetian bailie in Istanbul ca. 1553-1554: 535, 830, 832f., 859, 905, 961, 963, 968, 973n, 977, 984,

550n, 582, 584n, 586ff., 597n, 606, 607n 1000n, 1008, 1015f., 1021, 1070, 1074, 1081, 1086, 1095,

Trevisan, Domenico, Venetian envoy to Rome in 1509, to Egypt 1099; Bay of, 533, 1095; Gulf of, 891, 905; kings of, see in 1511: 27ff., 30ff., 33, 64f., 72f., 80; captain-general of abu-‘Abd-Allah Muhammad V 1494-1526, abu’l-Abbas

the sea in 1522: 205n, 206n, 207, 209n, 213f. Ahmad III ibn-Muhammad VI 1542-—1569; Lake of, 905; Trevisan, Giovanni, patriarch of Venice 1560-1590: 794 ruler of, see Muley Hassan (from 1535) Trevisan, Lorenzo, secretary to Gasparo Contarini 1521-1525: Tunisia, 234, 533, 560, 760, 1076f., 1095

206n Turcica, 795; see also Ttirkenbiichlein 33 Turenne, viscount of, see Francois de la Tour Trevisan, Melchiorre, Venetian galley commander in 1530: Turin, 224, 399, 404, 457, 518n, 675f., 709, 915; bishops of, Trevisan, Marc’ Antonio, son of Domenico (ff. 1512), 30ff., | Turda (Hung. Torda, Germ. Thorenburg), 568n

342 see Domenico della Rovere 1482-1501, Inigo de Aragonia

Trevisan, Michele, Venetian official in 1528: 303 (admin.) 1563-1564?

Trevisan, Paolo, Venetian guide of Taghri Berdi in 1506: 20 = Ttirkenbiichlein (anti-Turkish tract), 188n, 189n, 192n, 477; see

Trevisan, Pietro, son of Domenico (ff. 1512), 30 also Turcica

INDEX 1175 Turkey, 9n, 12, 17, 53, 84, 87n, 104n, 130, 141, 156, 164n, Udine, 60n, 66, 93n, 326n, 366n, 420, 907 191, 212, 224, 235, 278, 315, 354, 368, 372n, 456,475, Ugento, 553 480, 481n, 630n, 692n, 696n, 710, 767, 834, 840, 874n, Ugljan, island and town off the coast of Zara, 148n

912, 984, 1016, 1041, 1096 Ugo de Moncada, Spanish admiral and general, viceroy of Na-

Turkish language, 27n, 254, 316, 331, 458, 631, 662, 704n, ples in 1527 (b. 1476?, d. 1528), 242f., 248n, 255f., 258n,

772n, 837, 908f., 1040, 1096 259n, 285, 288, 293n, 295f., 297n, 303f.

‘‘Turkish towers,’”’ on south Italian coast, 586, 807, 881 Ulama Beg, Persian commander of Turkish troops (ff. 1551),

Turks, 1, 4, 6n, 8ff., 11f., 14, 16f., 23n, 24f., 30, 33ff., 36ff., 572ff., 575f., 578 39, 41f., 43n, 44, 46ff., 49ff., 52°F, 55ff., 58, 61, 63ff., Ulm, 498

66f., 69n, 70ff., 73ff., 77, 78n, 79n, 81, 84, 86ff., 89f., | Ulrich, son of Duke Henry and Elizabeth of Zweibrucken-Bitsch;

94f., 100, 102n, 110, 114n, 120n, 121ff., 124, 130, 132, duke (VI) of Wiirttemberg 1503-1519; 1534-1550: 386, 133n, 134n, 135n, 138, 141, 142n, 143ff., 146ff., 149ff., 417, 460 152ff., 155ff., 158f., 160n, 162f., 164n, 165n, 166f., 169ff., | Ulrich von Hutten, humanist and poet (b. 1488, d. 1523), 179n,

172ff., 175ff., 178ff., 181, 183f., 185n, 186ff., 189ff., 189, 190n

192ff., 195n, 196n, 197, 198n, 200ff., 204ff., 207fF., 210ff., | Ultramontanes, 783 213f., 216ff., 219, 222f., 226, 227n, 230ff., 233ff., 236ff., Uluj-Ali (Occhiali, Kilij-Ali), Algerian corsair and ‘‘king of Al242n, 243ff., 247ff., 250ff., 253f., 256f., 260f., 268n, 273f., giers;’”’ commander at Lepanto (d. 1587), 937, 961n, 973n,

278, 280, 285, 288, 292n, 299ff., 302, 310, 312, 314ff., 983, 1008, 1018n, 1025n, 1045f., 1055ff., 1058, 1060F.,

317ff., 320ff., 324, 325n, 326n, 327f., 329n, 330ff., 333ff., 1064, 1068f., 1075f., 1080ff., 1083ff., 1091, 1094n, 1095 336ff., 340f., 343n, 344, 345n, 346ff., 349ff., 352fF., 355ff., Umbria, 412n, 603, 677, 742 358ff., 361n, 362ff., 365ff., 368ff., 371ff., 374ff., 377f., | Umbriatico, bishop of, see Giovanni Piccolomini (admin.) 1524-

380ff., 383ff., 386ff., 389, 391f., 395f., 398, 400ff., 404, 1531? 406, 408ff., 411ff., 414ff., 417, 419ff., 422ff., 425ff., Unitarianism, 714 428ff., 431ff., 434ff., 437ff., 440ff., 443ff., 446f., 448n, Unitas Fratrum, 565

449ff., 452f., 455, 459ff., 462ff., 466ff., 469ff., 472ff., United Provinces, 920; Estates General of the, 920 475ff., 478ff., 481, 484, 486ff., 489f., 491n, 492ff., 495, Universalis gregis dominici, bull of Paul III (1545), 486, 493

500n, 501ff., 504n, 527, 529ff., 533, 536ff., 539, 544, Urana, 477n

546, 549ff., 553ff., 556, 559f., 562f., 566ff., 569ff., 572ff., Urban II (Odo of Lagery), pope 1088-1099: 85, 448n 576ff., 579ff., 582ff., 585f., 588ff., 591, 593, 594n, 596, Urban VI (Bartolommeo Prignani), pope 1378-1389: 201n 603, 605ff., 608ff., 622, 623n, 624, 628ff., 631, 633n, Urban VII (Giovanni Battista Castagna), archbishop of Rossano 635, 637, 645f., 647n, 650, 661f., 664n, 665ff., 668, 674, 1553-1573?, cardinal 1583-1590, pope in 1590: 778, 782,

677, 679n, 681n, 682f., 687, 690ff., 693, 694n, 696ff., 787f., 791, 886, 887n, 904n, 910n, 912ff., 916, 917n, 699ff., 702, 704ff., 707f., 714f., 717ff., 720, 742, 748n, 918n, 941n, 957, 960n, 996f., 1013f., 1016n 750, 751n, 754ff., 758ff., 761ff., 764ff., 767ff., 770ff., “Urban VII,” see Bernardino de Carvajal

779, 781, 786, 789n, 790f., 795, 799f., 807, 811ff., 815f., Urbino, 12, 122, 139, 165n, 166f., 248, 268, 270, 273, 275n, S2OfF., 832fF., 835ff., 838fF., 841ff., 844ff., 847fF., 850Ff., 282n, 283n, 290, 291n, 370, 402, 411, 412n, 528, 603, 853ff., 856ff., 859ff., 862fF., 865ff., 868ff., 871ff., 874ff., 637, 640, 642n, 656f., 681, 722n, 869, 873, 1024n; bishops

877, 879ff., 886ff., 889ff., 893ff., 896, 898ff., IOIFf., of, see Gregorio Cortese (admin.) 1542-1548, Giulio della 904ff., 907ff., 911ff., 914, 916f., 919fF., 922, 924fF., 928FF., Rovere (admin.) 1548-1551?; cardinal of, see Giulio della

O31ff., 934ff., 937ff., 941ff., 944ff., 947ff., 950ff., 953, Rovere; dukes of, see Guidobaldo da Montefeltro 1482954n, 955, 956n, 957ff., 960ff., 963ff., 966n, 967, 969ff., 1508, Francesco Maria I della Rovere 1508-1516; 1521Q'7 2ff., 975fF., 979fF., I83fF., I86FF., 99OFF., 993FF., 996Ff., 1538, Lorenzo de’ Medici 1516-1519, Guidobaldo della

999Off., 1002, 1004ff., 1007ff., 1O10ff., 1013ff., 1016, Rovere 1538-1574, Francesco Maria II della Rovere 15741O18ff., 1022, 1025ff., LOQ8fF., 1O31f., 1034ff., 1037ff., 1631 1040ff., 1043, 1044n, 1045ff., 1L48ff., 1051ff., 1054ff., | Ursinus Velius, Caspar, writer (b. 1493, d. 1539), 214n 1057ff., 1060ff., 1063ff., 1066ff., 1069ff., 1072fF., 1075ff., | Uskoks (Uscocchi), 385, 422, 474n, 482, 531f., 608, 843f., 1O78ff., 1081ff., 1084ff., 1087ff., 1O90ff., 1093ff., LO96ff., 851, 933, 1023n, 1100

LO99ff., 1102fF.; see also Ottomans, Seljuks Usury, 820

Tuscans, 869n Utisenic, Gregory, father of George Utiesenovic (Martinuzzi), Tuscany (Tuscia), 91, 167, 190, 257, 263f., 286f., 603, 606n, 455n

641, 643n, 652, 677, 680, 684, 701, 722n, 736, 811,841, Utraquists, 565; see also Communion sub utraque specie, Hussites 869, 871, 956, 994, 1017, 1020f., 1063n; grand dukes —__ Utrecht, 200, 914, 920n; bishop of, see Wilhelm van Enkevoirt

of, see Cosimo I de’ Medici 1569-1574, Francesco de’ (admin.) 1529-1534; Union of (1579), 920 Medici 1574-1587, Cosimo II de’ Medici 1609-1621 Uzun Hasan, Turkoman ruler of Diyar-Bakr 1466-1478: 26n, Tutavilla, Pompeo, messenger of Philip II to Rome in 1559: 38, 342 729

Typhus, 306f., 308n, 309, 494, 498f., 520n, 538, 761, 967f.,

1005, 1010f., 1022 Vabres, bishop of, see Georges d’ Armagnac (admin.) 1536-

Tyrol (Tirol), 192, 249, 433n, 491, 495, 661; marshal of, see 1548?

Paul von Liechtenstein (ca. 1507) Vacium (Vac, Waitzen), 436; bishops of, see Ladislas Szalkai

Tyrrhenian Sea, 151, 155, 170f., 260, 344, 594, 596n, 623, 1515-—1523?, Stephen Broderic (in 1539)

630, 704n, 1100; coast of, 940 Vafer, Theodericus (alias Dietrich Gescheid), scriptor brevium apostolicarum in 1527: 274n Vailate, 59

Uberto di Gambara, bishop of Tortona 1528-1548?, cardinal Val Camonica, 675

1539-1549: 345n, 459n, 462n Val d’ Alessandria, 1052

517, 520, 730 Val d’ Orcia, 597

Ubi periculum, constitution of Gregory X (1274), 509f., 512f., Val di Chiana, 597, 602

1176 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Valderio, Pietro, viscount of Famagusta, author of an eye-witness 581, 602n, 61 5ff., 620ff., 639, 645, 648f., 651f.,655, 663,

account of the siege of Famagusta (fl. 1570-1571), 908, 666, 668, 670, 677, 688, 711ff., 719, 722, 730f., 733, 926f., 934, 954, 991, 992n, 995n, 996, 1006f., 1027ff., 738, 743ff., 746f., 749n, 752f., 784n, 814, 824, 876f.,

1030, 1032ff., 1035ff., 1038ff., 1041ff. 880n, 881f., 884, 890, 964, 993, 1013, 1070, 1074, 1078,

Valdrino, Lodovico (Alvise), Venetian secretary in Istanbul in 1100

1510: 83n, 88f. Vaucelles, abbey near Cambrai, 647; truce of Vaucelles (1556),

Valence, 27, 86 750

Valeggio, 77 647ff., 650, 655f., 663, 672, 675, 679n, 692f., 697, 699, Valence and Die, bishop of, see Jean de Monluc 1554-1566 Vaudeémont, count of, see Louis de Lorraine (d. 1528) Valencia, 42, 85, 347, 632; archbishops of, see Erard de la = Vaudois, 472n Marck (admin.) 1520-1538, Francisco de Navarra 1556— —-Veglia (Krk), 608

1563, Martin Perez de Ayala 1564-1566 Velazquez, Diego Rodriguez de Silva y, Spanish painter (b.

Valentinois, 2, 14, 27; duke of, see Cesare Borgia 1498-1507 1599, d. 1660), 920 Valladolid, 66, 70n, 77, 203n, 213n, 252n, 260, 268, 280, Velin, 483n

868, 869n, 1079n Velletri, 282, 509, 617, 643, 652, 656, 663, 675, 685

Vallaresso, Girolamo, son of Paolo and brother of Pietro (ff. | Veltwyck, Gerard (Gerhard), Dutch diplomat, imperial am-

1536), 408n bassador to Istanbul ca. 1545: 479n, 480ff., 483ff., 487ff.,

407 Venaissin, 412

Vallaresso, Paolo, father of Pietro, Venetian debtor of the Turks, 490, 493, 502, 567, 571

607, 662 304

Vallaresso, Pietro, son of Paolo; Venetian merchant in the Le- | Vendome, cardinal of, see Charles de Bourbon vant in the 1530’s, debtor to the Turks, 407ff., 410, 425, | Vendramin, Domenico, secretary of Alvise Pisani (d. 1528),

Valle d’ Aosta, 911 Venetians, lf., 4, 6f., 9n, 13, 15n, 16ff., 19ff., 22f., 25ff., 28, Valletta, 351n, 854, 901n 30ff., 34f., 37f., 39n, 40ff., 43ff., 46, 48, 51ff., 54f7., 57ff., Valmontone, 660, 684 6Off., 63ff., 66ff., 69ff., 72n, 73ff., 76fF., 79n, 80, 81, 83f., Valois, dynasty in France 1328-1589: 186n, 244, 287, 394, 86, 88ff., 92, 94, 97n, 98ff., 101, 102n, 104, 108f., 110n, 406, 415, 430, 460, 461n, 473, 527, 605, 618, 624, 632n, 115f., 117n, 122, 125, 128, 129n, 131n, 132ff., 135, 137, 643, 645, 648, 650n, 654ff., 704, 743, 753, 758, 840, 141, 143f., 148, 150, 152, 155ff., 159n, 164n, 165n, 175n,

1088 177, 179f., 184, 185n, 194, 195n, 199f., 201n, 202, 205,

Valona (Aviona, Vloré), 37, 51f., 71, 90, 182n, 233, 358n, 9207, 219n, 220f., 225ff., 228ff., 231ff., 234, 236n, 237ff., 402, 411, 422ff., 425, 426n, 429f., 431n, 587, 607, 665, 240, 241n, 242n, 244, 246, 248, 249n, 250f., 254, 256,

698, 903, 906f., 911, 939, 987, 996, 1000n, 1014 258ff., 262n, 265f., 274, 276, 278, 283ff., 286f., 291f.,

Valva (and Sulmona), bishops of, see Andrea della Valle (admin.) 295, 297n, 298ff., 302, 303n, 304, 309f., 316, 322f., 325,

1519-1521, Pompeo Zambeccari 1547-1571 327, 329ff., 332f., 335n, 336ff., 339f., 3426f., 345ff., 348, Van, 503 356, 357n, 358, 360, 366n, 368, 369n, 371, 376, 377n,

Vanga, Federico, bishop of Trent 1207-1218: 491 388, 390, 395n, 401f., 407ff., 410f., 412n, 420, 422ff.,

Vanino de’ Teodoli, Lodovico, supporter of residence at the 425f., 428, 430ff., 433ff., 438ff., 444f., 446n, 448n, 449n,

Council of Trent in 1562: 782 451, 456, 458n, 459, 462, 464f., 467f., 470, 472n, 473, Charles de Marillac 1550-1557 532f., 536ff., 551, 553, 555, 561ff., 582, 586ff., 589, 591,

Vannes, bishops of, see Antonio Pucci (admin.) 1529-1547, 475f., 481n, 482, 483n, 485, 487, 493, 495, 503, 529ff.,

Vannozza de’ Catanei, mother of Cesare and Lucrezia Borgia 607ff., 629, 635, 637f., 643f., 647n, 654, 657, 661, 663f.,

(d. 1518), 272n 665n, 667, 669, 671, 674f., 679n, 682, 684, 695, 700ff., ‘“‘Varadino,” 444n 703, 704n, 707, 709n, 733, 742, 755, 758f., 763, 766,

Varani, family associated with Camerino, 402, 743 770ff., 784, 808, 834n, 835n, 836, 839, 842f., 847f., 854n, Varano, Ercole, rival of Guidobaldo della Rovere for Camerino 861f., 879f., 884, 888, 891ff., 894, 902, 904ff., 907ff.,

in 1536: 402 912f., 918, 922ff., 926, 929f., 933fF., 936, 939ff., 942fF.,

Varano, Gianmaria, son of Giulio Cesare (ff. 1503), 12, 402 945ff., 949, 951f., 955fF., 958fF., 961ff., 964fF., 967ff., Varano, Giulia, daughter of Giovanni Maria Varano and Ca- 970f., 973n, 976f., 979f., 983f., 985n, 989F., 992fF., 995, terina Cibo-Varano; wife of Guidobaldo della Rovere (d. 998ff., 1002, 1004, 1008ff., 101 1ff., 1016f., 1019F., 1022,

1547), 402 1024f., 1027, 1029, 1038, 1040, 1043, 1047n, 1048f., 1502: 12n 1074, 1076, 1077n, 1078ff., 1081, 1084ff., 1088ff.,

Varano, Giulio Cesare, loses Camerino to Cesare Borgia in 105I1f., 1057, 1059, 1061n, 1062f., 1065ff., 1069ff., 1072,

Varazdin, 244n 1093ff., 1096ff., 1100ff., 1103f.; see also Venice, Republic Vargas, Dimitri, Famagustan serving as interpreter in 1571: of

1040f. Veneto, 34, 51, 61, 76, 83, 220, 279n, 292, 358n, 400n, 440, Varna, 1075n 469, 474f., 554, 608f., 629, 654, 674, 676, 771, 948 Varvassi (on Chios), 895 Venice, city, 783; ‘Gulf of” see Adriatic Sea; patriarchs of, see

Vasari, Giorgio, Italian painter and architect (b. 1511, d. 1574), Girolamo Querini 1524-1554, Giovanni Trevisan 1560-

623n, 1100 1590, Lorenzo Priuli 1591-1600

Vasto (Guasto), 905; marquises of, see Alfonso de Avalos (d. ‘Venice, myth of,” 81

1546), Fernando Francisco de Avalos (d. 1571) Venice, Republic of (or “of S. Mark,” the ‘‘Serenissima’”’), 1ff.,

Vatican Archives, 416f., 486n, 827, 880 4, 6ff., Off., 12f., 15ff., 18ff., 21ff., 25ff., 28fF., 31f., 33n,

Vatican Gardens, 270, 881 34ff., 37fF., 40ff., 43ff., 47, 50n, 51ff., 54ff., 57fF., 60ff., Vatican Library, 710, 849n, 880 63ff., 66ff., 69ff., 72ff., 75ff., 78, 79n, 80ff., 83f., 85n, Vatican Palace (in Rome), 4ff., 7f., 10f., 13, 124, 126, 140, 87, 88n, 89ff., 92ff., 95n, 96n, 101n, 102f., 109n, 111n, 143, 149, 200, 221f., 259, 260n, 269, 270n, 273, 399, 113n, 114, 117n, 118, 122ff., 125, 127f., 130n, 132, 134ff., 466, 505, 507f., 511, 513, 525, 527ff., 534f., 537, 572, 139n, 141f., 145f., 148ff., 152, 154ff., 157, 159n, 163n,

INDEX 1177 164n, 165n, 166, 175, 176n, 177, 180, 183, 185, 186n, |Venosa, 293n; bishop of, see Alvaro de la Quadra 1542-1552 187n, 191, 193n, 194ff., 197n, 198, 199n, 200f., 204f., | Ventura, papal police chief (fl. 1552), 593n 206n, 212n, 213n, 217ff., 220f., 224f., 227, 229, 230n, Venturi, Scipione, rector of the Spedale di S. Maria della Scala

231ff., 234, 236n, 237, 239ff., 244n, 247, 249, 251, 253n, in Siena in 1554: 604n 254, 256ff., 259f., 262n, 263n, 264ff., 267f., 270n, 272, Venzone, 261 273n, 274f., 277£f., 280, 283ff., 286ff., 289n, 291f.,294f., Verallo, Girolamo, bishop of Bertinoro 1540-1541, of Caserta

297ff., 300ff., 303f., 308, 310, 313, 319, 321, 323, 326n, 1541-1544, archbishop of Rossano 1544-1549?/1550?, 329n, 330n, 331ff., 334, 337n, 338ff., 343f., 345n, 346ff., cardinal 1549-1555, bishop of Capaccio 1549-1553?: 349, 353, 356, 358, 360f., 363, 365n, 366n, 368, 369n, 482n, 484n, 489, 498, 509n, 515, 521n, 558, 560f., 613 371, 377, 384n, 388, 390f., 395n, 396, 397n, 398f., 401f., | Verantius [Vrancic], Anton, bishop of Fiinfkirchen 1554-1560,

403n, 404f., 407ff., 410f., 415, 420, 421n, 422ff., 425ff., of Erlau 1560-1570?, archbishop of Gran 1570-1573: 428f., 433, 434n, 437ff., 440f., 445n, 447n, 448f., 450n, 92 1f. 451, 452n, 456ff., 459, 461f., 464f., 468ff., 471, 472n, ‘‘Verbonia,”’ see Vrh Bosna (Sarajevo) 47 4ff., 479n, 480, 483n, 485ff., 488ff., 493, 494n, 495, Vercelli, 96, 110, 709, 851; bishops of, see Bonifazio Ferreri

5OLff., 504, 506, 526n, 528n, 529, 530n, 531ff., 534n, 1509-1511, Guido Luca Ferreri (admin.) 1562-1572 536ff., 539n, 550, 554ff., 557f., 560f., 567n, 576n, 578, Verdun, 561, 596, 647, 708, 888, 890; bishops of, see Jean de

580n, 582, 583n, 584, 586ff., 589, 591n, 604n, 606ff., Lorraine (admin.) 1523-1544, Nicole Psaulme 1548-1575 609ff., 621f., 629ff., 633, 637f., 642, 645, 649, 652ff., Vergerio, Pietro Paolo (the Younger), jurist and reformer, 655, 657f., 661ff., 664ff., 667fF., 670ff., 673ff., 676, 677n, bishop of Modrus 1536, of Capodistria 1536-1549 (b. 1498,

678n, 679n, 680ff., 684, 685n, 686ff., 689, 690n, 691n, d. 1565), 219n, 370n, 371n, 374n, 384f., 387ff., 390f., 692ff., 695f., 698n, 700, 701n, 702f., 704n, 705, 707n, 397n, 400n, 403ff., 406, 413, 416ff., 421n, 422, 432, 437 709n, 710, 715, 717, 718n, 720, 722n, 742, 744n, 745, Vergil, Polydore (P. V. Castellensis), see Polydore Vergil 746n, 749f., 755f., 763, 766f., 771f., '783n, 784f., 795, Vernacular, 1, 142, 496, 735, 792; and see individual languages 801n, 808, 812, 815, 818f., 824n, 826, 830ff., 834, 837, Veroli, 660; cardinal of, see Ennio Filonardi 840, 842ff., 845f., 848ff., 851, 861, 878ff., 888, 890ff., Verona, 30, 52, 55, 60ff., 69n, 72, 74, 76f., 90, 93, 96, 134f.,

894, 898n, 899n, 901, 903ff., 906ff., 909n, 913, 918F., 148n, 149f., 160, 257n, 279, 283, 404, 420, 537, 547n, O21ff., 924ff., 927fF., 930, 932fF., 935fF., 938fF., 941ff,, 609, 628n, 657, 674n, 675, 825, 950, 971, 982n, 1049, 944ff., 947ff., 950ff., 953ff., 956n, 957ff., 960ff., 963ff., 1103n; bishops of, see Marco Corner (admin.) 1503-1524, Q66ff., 969ff., 972fF., 975f., 980F., 982n, 983, I86FF., 989FF., Giovan Matteo Giberti 1524-1543, Alvise Lippomano 992f., 994n, 995n, 997ff., 1000n, 1001f., 1004f., 1006n, 1548-1557?, Bernardo Navagero (admin.) 1562-1565? 1007ff., 1010ff., 1013ff., 1016, 1018f., 1020n, 1022f., Veronese (area), 69, 220, 680, 1087, 1092n 1025, 1027, 1034ff., 1043n, 1044n, 1045ff., 1048n, 1049, Veronese, Paolo, painter (b. 1528, d. 1588), 1100 1055, 1057, 1059ff., 1062f., 1065ff., 1069, 1070n, 1071ff., Veronesi, 62 1074f., 1076n, 1077, 1079f., 1086f., 1089n, 1090ff., 1093, | Verucchio, 39 1096f., 1099ff., 1102ff.; doges of, see Michele Steno 1400-— __—-Verrvins, peace of (1598), 633

1413, Niccolo Marcello 1473-1474, Leonardo Loredan _ Vescovani, supporters of ecclesiastical authority on Chios, 893 1501-1521, Antonio Grimani 1521-1523, Andrea Gritti Vespasian of Zara, son of Jerome (fl. 1533), 371 ff., 382n 1523-1538, Pietro Lando (from 1538), Francesco Donato Veszprem, 584f., 921; bishops of, see Peter Beriszlo 1513-

1545-1553, Francesco Venier 1554-1556, Lorenzo Priuhi 1520, Paulus de Varda 1521—1526, Thomas Zalahazy

1556-1559, Girolamo Priuli 1559-1567, Pietro Loredan 1526-1529 1567-1570, Alvise Mocenigo 1570-1577, Sebastiano Vetralla, 275

Venier 1577-1578, Leonardo Donado 1606-1612, Marc’ Vettori, Francesco, Florentine historian (b. 1474, d. 1539), Antonio Giustinian 1684-1688, Francesco Morosini (from 131n, 132n, 143, 162n, 269n

1688) Via Appia, 398

Venier, Domenico, Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1526: Via del Palazzo (in Rome), 6 240n, 242, 254n, 255ff., 258ff., 260n, 266f., 270n, 281, Via della Conciliazione (in Rome), 5n

282n Via Flaminia, 270, 275

Venier, Francesco, Venetian ambassador to Rome ca. 1543: Via Garibaldi (in Rome), 270n 469n; doge 1554-1556: 602n, 608n, 609n, 621,629,638, Via Giulia (in Rome), 140, 353

647, 652 Via Larga (in Florence), 133

Venier, Gabriele, Venetian ambassador to Milan in 1530, to Via Lata (Corso), in Rome, 270, 272

Rome in 1543: 298n, 338n, 469 Via Lata (Via Belenzani), in Trent, 776

Venier, Giovanni (Zuan) Antonio, Venetian ambassador to Via Latina, 290 France in 1531: 346, 359, 361n; ambassador to Rome in ‘Via Panisperna, in Rome, 273

1547: 504n Via San Vitale (in Ravenna), 96n

Venier, Marc’ Antonio, Venetian ambassador to Milan in 1524 Viana, 14 and 1525, to England in 1527: 224, 231, 254n, 255n, —_- Vicentino, Andrea, painter in Venice in the late sixteenth cen-

259n, 265, 288; Venetian ambassador to Rome in 1531: tury, 1100

352, 357, 359n Vicenza, 52, 55f., 60, 62, 68f., 72, 74ff., 93, 116n, 122n, 134f., Venier, Pelegrin, Venetian observer in 1510: 85; letter of, to 148n, 150, 275, 279, 344n, 420f., 427, 440, 460, 463,

Andrea Gritti in 1525: 235 486, 501, 770; battle of (1513); bishops of, see Sisto Gara

Venier, Sebastiano, Venetian captain-general, doge 1577-1578 della Rovere (admin.) 1507-1509, Francesco della Rovere

(b. ca. 1496, d. 1578), 361n, 935, 965, 974f., 987, 989, 1509-1514, Francesco Soderini 1514-1524, Niccolo Ri991, 1001, 1005, 1006n, 1009n, 1010, 1013f., 1015n, dolfi (admin.) 1524—1550?, Giulio della Rovere 15601016f., 1021ff., 1024n, 1025ff., 1045ff., 1048, 1049n, 1565?, Matteo Priuli 1565-1579? 1050ff., 1054f., 1057ff., 1060, 1064ff., 1069f., 1072ff., Vico, 304

1078, 1100n Vicolo Colico (in Trent), 782

1178 THE PAPACY AND THE LEVANT Vicovaro, town northeast of Tivoli in central Italy, 663, 675 Vittoria, Alessandro, Italian sculptor (b. 1524, d. 1608), 21n,

Vicus Pellegrini, street in Rome near Campo dei Fiori, 111n 1099

Vidin, 1102 Vittoria della Tolfa, see Elisabetta Carafa

Vienna, 190, 251n, 302, 315, 319, 323f., 327n, 332, 349, 355, =‘ Vitturi, Giovanni, Venetian provveditore in 1524 and 1526:

357, 361n, 365f., 368, 370n, 371n, 372ff., 375, 376n, 233, 257n, 264

379n, 381n, 382ff., 385, 387n, 390, 391n, 403, 405,413, Vives, Juan Luis, Spanish humanist and philosopher (b. 1492,

414n, 415n, 416n, 420f., 422n, 433n, 435n, 436n, 443f,, d. 1540), 250n, 406 448n, 459n, 463n, 465ff., 471, 478, 483, 487n, 488, 490n, = -Viachs, see Wallachians

546n, 548n, 568n, 569, 571, 572n, 574n, 575f., 580n, ‘Volterra, bishops of, see Francesco Soderini 1478-1509, Fran-

591, 608, 629, 633n, 700, 717f., 766, 772f., 792, 804, cesco della Rovere 1514-1530, Giovanni Salviati (admin.)

812n, 835, 844, 887n, 912, 922, 931, 933, 953n, 1023, 1530-1532 1027n, 1043n, 1064, 1066, 1071, 1087, 1094f., 1098; Volto Santo (at S. Peter’s), 283 bishops of, see Johann Fabri 1530—1539?, Friedrich Nausea _—- Vonitza, 1103

1539-1552; siege of (1529), 301n, 322n, 324n, 325f., Vorarlberg, 743 327n, 328f., 330n, 341n, 346, 348, 350n, 352, 354, 378, | Vrh Bosna (Sarajevo), 88 585; siege of (1683), 326n, 1099, 1101 Vienne, archbishop of, see Charles de Marillac 1550-1557 Vieste, 293, 607; bishop of, see Ugo Boncompagni (Gregory

XIII) 1558-1560? Waidhofen an der Ybbs, town southwest of Vienna, 366n Vietri, 296 Waldensians, heretical sect, 113 Vigevano, 285 Wallachia, 54, 205n, 246n, 390, 442, 530, 566, 921, 1087, Viglius ab Aytta (Wigle van Aytta), Dutch jurist and statesman 1103f.

(b. 1507, d. 1577), 918 Wallachians (Vlachs), 37, 84, 99, 179, 209, 356f., 365, 412n,

1346), 893 Walloons, 1020n

Vignoso, Simone, Genoese admiral, conqueror of Chios (in 700, 1087

‘Villa Madama,”’ begun by Giulio de’ Medici (Clement VII), | Walpo (Valpovo), 433n

in Rome, 529 Walter, Hans, leader of the duke of Alva’s German mercenaries

Villa Maser, built by Daniele and Marc’ Antonio Barbaro ca. ca. 1557: 677

1560: 936n Warasdin (Varazdin), 415n, 444n

Villach, 547, 564, 582 Warmia (Polish Warmja, German Ermland), 825; bishop of,

Villafranca di Forli, 264 see Stanislaus Hosius 1551-1570?

Villamagna, 904f. Warsaw, 341n, 938, 1087, 1088n Villefranche-sur-Mer, Ital. Villafranca, 204, 471, 701 Warta river, 312

Villers-Cotterets, 840 Wartburg, 298n Villiers, M. de, French envoy to Venice in 1521: 199n Wawel Hill, site of the royal palace in Cracow, 314 Vilna (Vilnius), Germ. Wilna, Pol. Wilno, 208n, 317, 319, 321 | Weingarten, abbot of, see Gerwick Blarer (d. 1567) Vincenzo da Treviso, author of a letter written in Rome in Weixelberger, Sigismund, envoy of Ferdinand of Hapsburg to

1527: 283n Istanbul in 1528: 254, 381

Violante, wife of Pandolfo Malatesta (fl. 1503), 13 Welser, banking family of Augsburg, 102

Virton, 195 Wie¢wienski, John, castellan of Plock in 1530: 341n

Virginia della Rovere, daughter of Guidobaldo II and Giulia Wiener Neustadt, 365f., 437n; bishop of, see Gregory Langer

Varano; wife of Federico Borromeo from 1560: 739, 740n, 1531-1548

743 Wilhelm, son of Albrecht IV and Cunigunde, daughter of

Visbroc (Vischbroek), Johann, secretary of Cardinal Morone Frederick III; duke of Bavaria (b. 1493, d. 1550), 435

in 1555: 603n Wilhelm van Enkevoirt, datary of Hadrian VI, bishop of Tortosa

Visegrad, 355n 1523-1534, cardinal 1523-1534, bishop of Utrecht (adViseu, 517n; bishops of, see Miguel de Silva 1526-1547?, Ales- min.) 1529-1534: 220, 239n, 337, 392

sandro Farnese (admin.) 1547-1552? Wilhelm von Roggendorff, lord-high-steward of Ferdinand of

Visitations, 813, 819 Austria (b. 1481, d. 1541), 367n, 422

Vistula river, 321 William of Ockham, Franciscan theologian (d. 1349), 454 Vitelli (Vitello), Alessandro, condottiere hired by Venice in William of Orange (William the Silent), son of William I of

1537: 425n; imperialist officer in 1549: 505 Nassau-Dillenburg and Juliane of Stolberg-Wernigerode; Vitelli, Chiappino, Italian commander (ff. 1565, 1567), 869, prince of Orange from 1545 (b. 1533, d. 1584), 914, 919

871, 872n, 874, 916 Winchester, 644 1069n Windmills, Tower of (at Rhodes), 206, 215

Vitelli, Vincenzo, supporter of Giannandrea Doria in 1571: | Windmills, the (at Malta), 856, 863f., 874

Vitelli, Vitellozzo, adherent of the Orsini (d. 1503), 12n Windsor, treaty of (1522), 219n

Vitelli, Vitellozzo, bishop of Citta di Castello 1554-1560, car- Wittelsbachs, Bavarian ducal family 1180-1918: 354 dinal 1557-1568, bishop of Imola (admin.) 1560-1561?, | Wittenberg, 229n, 354, 405, 415, 452f., 460, 541, 565, 795;

of Carcassonne (admin.) 1567-1568: 687, 711f., 725, 732, capitulation of (1547), 484

734ff., 737f., 753, 865 Wioclawek (Wladislaviensis, Leslau), 318n; bishops of, see Mat-

Vitellius, Erasmus, bishop of Plock 1503-1522: 36n thias Drzewicki 1513-1531, John Drohojowski 1551-1557 Viterbo, 140, 161f., 206n, 215n, 224, 268, 272, 275f., 282f., | Wolder, Simon, advocate of the crusade, 189

984n, 294, 298n, 299f., 307, 309ff., 320, 445n, 598f., Wolsey, Thomas, bishop of Lincoln in 1514, archbishop of 601, 646; bishops of, see Sebastiano Gualterio 1551-1565, York 1514-1530, cardinal 1515-1530, lord chancellor of Gian Francesco di Gambara (admin.) 1566-—1576?; treaty England 1515-1529: 132n, 160n, 165n, 183, 185f., 193n,

of (1515), 161n; and see Egidio Canisio 194n, 200n, 206n, 219n, 231f., 236n, 237n, 240f., 248, Vitoria, 201 255, 265, 288, 321, 328

INDEX 1179 Worcester, bishop of, see Silvestro de’ Gigh 1498-1521 Zapolya, John, son of the palatine Stephen Zapolya and Hedwig Worms, 298n, 480n, 484n, 487ff., 557n; colloquies of (1540, of Teschen; voivode of Transylvania 1511, king of Hungary

1557), 715; diet of (1521), 192n, 195, 199n, 298n 1526-1540: 216n, 217n, 235, 244n, 250ff., 253, 256n, Wirttemberg, 386, 387n, 460, 545, 557; Confession of (1552), 258, 261, 278n, 291, 292n, 300ff., 312ff., 315ff., 318ff.,

543; dukes of, see Ulrich VI 1503-1519; 1534-1550, 321ff., 324f., 326n, 327, 329n, 332, 334ff., 337n, 338ff.,

Christopher 1550-1568 341f., 346, 347n, 348ff., 354, 357, 360f., 363, 364n, 369ff., Wirttembergers, 544, 788n 372f., 375ff., 378, 381, 383, 386f., 390f., 404ff., 412, Wurzburg, 416, 548n, 766 413n, 422n, 434, 436f., 440, 442ff., 445n, 447, 455, 458, Wyclif, John, English reformer (d. 1384), 454 466, 479, 487, 530, 565ff., 568f., 571, 577, 650n, 835n,

Wycliffites, 113 1013, 1015; wife of, see Isabella, daughter of Sigismund

I and Bona Sforza 1539-1540 (d. 1559) Zara (mod. Zadar), 45, 59n, 60, 84, 148n, 193n, 361, 421n,

Yahya Pasha, sanjakbey of Bosnia in 1513: 155 423, 469, 485n, 533n, 923, 929, 932, 936n, 947, 953ff., Yesil Irmak (ancient Iris), river in Asia Minor, 589 961, 967, 969ff., 974, 987f., 991, 1002n, 1005n, 1010, York, archbishops of, see Christopher Bainbridge 1508-1514, 1022n, 1025f., 1073; archbishop of, see Francesco Pesaro

Thomas Wolsey 1514-1530 1505-1530

Yunus, renegade Christian from Verona; chief dragoman of — 247atina, Venetian galley, 425f.

al-Ashraf Kansuh al-Ghuri in 1512: 30 Zawilah gate (Cairo), 166

Yunus, subashi and lieutenant of Kasim Pasha in 1540: 449n Zecca, mint in Venice, 958 Yunus Beg, Turkish envoy in Venice in 1522, 1529-1530, Zeeland, 910, 920n, 1078f.

1532-1533: 331ff., 334f., 338, 372, 378, 380, 382f.,384n, Zeit, 417n oe

386, 407f., 409f., 422, 424f., 461n, 464, 465n Zen, Carlo, son of Pietro; Venetian vice-bailie in Istanbul in

Yves d’ Alegre, French envoy to Rome inZen, 1563: 806n 1523-1524: 218 Caterino, Venetian envoy to Uzun Hasan in 1471-1472: 26n

Zen, Pietro (Piero), son of Caterino, Venetian consul at Da-

Zaffardo, Cristoforo, father of Niccolo, 263n mascus, vicebailie and envoy in Istanbul (d. 1539), 25ff., Zaffardo, Niccolo, visitor to Ferrara in 1527: 263 31ff., 71n, 217f., 258, 278f., 300, 302f., 324n, 332, 333n, Zagreb, 244; bishops of, see Simon de Zereni-Erdevd 1519- 336, 338, 340ff., 343, 344n, 356, 358, 368, 371, 372n, 1543, Paul Gregoriancz 1550-1554?, Georg Draskovic 377, 380, 383, 388, 448n, 607n

1564-1578 Zeno, Caterino, Venetian envoy to Istanbul in 1550: 530n, Zagyva river, 585 534n, 550n

Zalahazy, Thomas, bishop of Veszprem 1526-1529, of Erlau Zenta, battle of (1697), 1102f.

1529-1537: 565 Zia, 899; lords of (along with Andros), see Sommaripa

Zambeccari, Alessandro, commander in the expedition of 1570: = Zionism, 899n

982n Ziyanids (Zayanids), Berber dynasty of kings of Tlemcen 1236-

822 Znojmo (Znaim), 317

Zambeccari, Pompeo, bishop of Valva and Sulmona 1547-1571: 1554: 234 Zanchi, Basilio, of Bergamo, humanist (b. 1501, d. 1558), 710 Zonchio, 371

Zane, Bartolommeo, Venetian (fi. 1528), 303 ‘“‘Zoppetta, La,” cell in the Tor di Nona, 752 Zane, Bernardino, archbishop of Spalato 1503-1524: 123f. Zorzi, Andrea, of San Marcuola, father of Girolamo (d. by

Zane, Girolamo, Venetian bailie in 1543: 439n, 464n, 465n, 1509), 61

467n, 468n; captain-general of the sea in the expedition | Zorzi, Girolamo, Venetian associate of the Turks (ff. 1509),

of 1570: 904, 925, 926n, 935, 948, 953ff., 959, 961f., 61

964, 965n, 967ff., 970ff., 973ff., 976ff., 979ff.,982,983n, Zorzi, Marino, bishop of Brescia 1596-1631: 1100

984ff., 987ff., 990f., 994, 1001, 1005, 1086 Zorzi (Giorgi), Marino, Venetian ambassador in Rome 1515Zanoguera, Juan, agent of Garcia de Toledo in 1566: 902f. 1517: 155n, 164, 167, 172n, 197n Zante, 23, 51, 60, 156, 199, 217, 227n, 278f., 309n, 352, Zrinyi, Nicholas, Count, defender of Sziget against the Turks

358n, 363n, 367n, 388, 402, 431, 449n, 468, 531, 536, (b. ca. 1508, d. 1566), 679n, 845f. 582, 584, 662, 700, 850f., 892n, 902f., 923, 925f., 929, Zsitva creek, 1097n 941, 947, 959, 965, 975, 978, 985, 989, 1008, 1021n, Zsitvatorok, treaty of (1606), 1097f. 1023, 1025n, 1045, 1050, 1052n, 1073, 1082ff., 1085f., Zuccantini, Claudio, Sienese revolutionary in 1554: 599 1091, 1102; bishop of, see Giovanni Francesco Commen- _—Zuccaro, Taddeo, Italian painter (b. 1529, d. 1566), 661n

done 1555-1560? Zwingli, Huldreich (Ulrich), Swiss reformer (b. 1484, d. 1531),

Zanthani, Vincenzo, Venetian bailie in Istanbul in the 1540s: 542, 791

468n Zwinglians, 353, 453, 539f., 565, 633n